THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY

OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

CONTENTS.

Intkoduotiox 9

Chaptek I. Early Life 27

Chapter II. California Adventures 43

Chapter III. The Wager of Battle 87

Chapter IV. Early Settlement of Kansas and the Wakariisa

War 110

Chapter V. The Constitutional Struggle 164

Chapter VI. The Constitutional Struggle (continued ) 190

Chapter VII. Local Affairs 250

Chapter VIII. The First Governor of the State 287

Chapter IX. Subsequent Events 292

Cha pter X. Controversies 313

Chapter XI. Promoter of Education 334

Chapter XII. Character 353

Appendix. Notes, Letters and Papers 383

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ILLUSTRATIONS.

Opposite
pane

Portrait of ex-Governor Robinson, taken in 1894 Frontispiece

Portrait of Sara T. D. Lawrence, taken in 1847 39

View of Lawrence in 1854-55 121

Portrait of Sara T. D. Robinson, taken in 1857 158

Portrait of the Congressional Committee 201

Portrait of Robinson and Captain " Bill" Martin of the Kicka-

poo Rangers, — prisoner and keeper 205

Portrait of Doctor Robinson, taken in Boston in 1857 219

View of " Oakridge," the Robinson home 293

Portrait of Sara T. D. Robinson, taken in 1864 298

Portrait of ex-Governor Robinson, taken in 1872 301

View of the city of Lawrence in 1899 304

Portrait of Sara T. D. Robinson, taken in 1898 310

Bust of ex-Governor Robinson, in the University Chapel 347

View of the University of Kansas in 1901 350

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INTRODUCTION.

(v;

INTRODUCTION.

The writer of this biog-raphy has tried to tell a plain,
unvarnished story of the life, character and services of one
of the foremost men in the struggle to make Kansas a free
State. He has written with the consciousness that if only
the truth were told, without any excessive laudations or
evidence of hero-worship, the subject of this book would
stand out as a prominent character in Kansas life, with
clearly defined and important relations to individuals, po-
litical parties, and to the community at large. The life
and character of Charles Robinson are worthy of record.
His career in Massachusetts, California and Kansas not
only contains lessons for men's individual lives, but in-
volves questions that affect human society, — questions
which are of moment in the building of States and the
protection and preservation of comnmnities.

In presenting this simple biography of a prominent man,
no attempt is made to write a history of Kansas. To do
this would involve tedious chronological details which
could not be incorporated into a work of this nature. Yet
it is impossible to portray the life of a prominent maker of
history, one who was closely connected with the stirring-
events of his time, without giving- much attention to the
historical background. In doing this, much care has been
taken to make this history not only correct, but full enough

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10 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

to be free from the faults of partial knowledge and half-
truths.

IT.

It is not an easy task to write a biography of any one
of the prominent characters who engaged in the great
struggle for freedom in Kansas, — for it was a great strug-
gle, a national strngglo localized, — since each individual
life came in contact with nearly every phase of the build-
ing of a new commonwealth in a wilderness. The diffi-
culty is greatly increased on account of the confusion of
political and social affairs. People of every variety of
political opinion, possessed of different notions of govern-
ment, having different personal motives, objects and am-
bitions, came from every part of the Republic to mingle
their lives and their ideas in social union. Here were
Democrats of every shade of belief, from those having
liberal views on slavery to the most radical proslavery
men ; here were "WTiigs, Free-State men. Independents,
Free-Soilers, and Abolitionists, — all crow^ded together
under the pressure of an intense political life. Before
any permanent government or social order could be estab-
lished, these men of widely divergent views must reach a
common basis of action regarding government. In other
w^ords, they must become socialized before an effective gov-
ernment could be put into operation. This diverse and
shifting life of intense activity left its impress upon those
who passed through it, and therefore to a certain extent also
upon the history of Kansas. Strong individuality is char-
acteristic of all Kansas history that has yet been written;
for with few exceptions, each one who has written or talked
has attempted to tell the story with his own individual col-

INTKODUCTION 11

oring, and seldom, especially, has a writer who went
through the straggle succeeded in hiding his own person-
ality siijfficiently to write impartial history. It stands to
reason that if each of ten men tells the same story in a
different way, each coloring it by his own personality and
viewing the facts from his own standpoint, the other nine
will he dissatisfied with his account and will criticize it
severely. History so narrated will be a medley, and it is
upon such a medley that the student of Kansas History has
to look at present. Yet is is fortunate that so many who
passed through the struggle have told the story as they
viewed it, and unfortunate that many others allowed life
to pass without writing what they knew of early Kansas
history. The difficulty of collecting, sifting, comparing
and classifying the material of Kansas history, so as to
make a judgment just and fair to all, is therefore great.
The large historical movements are tolerably well defined ;
but local events and the details of movements which can
only be determined by the corroborating testimony of
eye-witnesses, need to be carefully recorded before it is
too late. If this is done, perhaps then some historian will
at last appear, unbiased in judgment and keen in discrim-
ination, who will eliminate the personal element from his-
tory, consider faithfully and impartially all of the frag-
ments, take each at its true value, and weave the whole
mass into one presentable continuous narrative.

Kansas history seems at present, however, to be in the
biographical period. Those who now write and talk upon
the subject appear to be chiefly desirous of summing up
the lives and characters of the prominent actors in the
great struggle to make Kansas free, and of those who were

12 LIFK OF CHiLRLES ROBINSON

influential in building the commonwealth. And it is well
to pause and find out truly what manner of men engaged
in this great struggle, and what they stand for in the pro-
cess of state-building, before proceeding to unravel the
tangled web of Kansas history. The strong individuality
displayed in the early struggle, the fierce controversies that
have raged since, render it highly necessary that the
achievements of all who were prominent in that struggle
shall be carefully defined in order tliat the historical hori-
zon may be cleared of clouds of error.

The chief dangers to which those who have written
about the early history of Kansas are liable to fall victim
are the tendencies to personal bias of the writer, ambition,
and hero-worship. Little that has been written of Kansas
is without at least one of these defects. Many, indeed,
have perhaps innocently fallen victims to current errors,
but still more have been blinded by their own sympathies,
which have fallen like a curtain over their intelligence
paid obscured their discriminating power. Others have
been blinded by worshipping at the shrine of their heroes.
Too long gazing at their idols has dimmed their vision
and rendered inaccurate their delineation. Still others, —
and this is the characteristic fault of some who played a
leading part in the early struggle, — possessed of vaulting
ambition to be regarded as the greatest among their peers,
have unconsciously enlarged upon those events with which
their own lives were most closely connected. Yet in all
that is said and written about the early history of Kansas,
there is something of truth, whose unmistakable voice is
heard more clearly as time and the passing of passion and
prejudice render us more familiar with events and men.

INTBODTJCTION 13

As in all other new countries, so in Kansas, — hero-
worship is a prominent feature of the new life of the new
State. This is evident in the early as well as the late
historical writings, and it will he a long time before it is
suffieientlj eradicated to permit the writing of a full his-
tory of the State in which justice is meted out to all her
sons according to service. The strong partisanship was
an essential outcome of the variety of conditions contingent
upon the settlement of Kansas. It could not be otherwise
than that, where men's passions were deeply stirred, where
each one was put to his utmost tension in subduing the
soil, fortifying against the climate, endeavoring to make
the land habitable, and at the same time fighting the battles
of freedom, intensity of desire and purpose should have
characterized every movement. Men were either for or
against men and measures ; to be otherwise was to be
nothing. To be strongly in favor of one party meant a
strong opposition to all men or parties on the other side.
It would be a blessing to succeeding generations if some
one well versed in the affairs of Kansas could obtain accu-
rate knowledge of all that was done, and present it in a
fair, impartial and wisely judicial way, so that each deed
and event should stand out clearly in its proper propor-
tion and relation to every other, and each, man should be
given full credit and no more for his part in the process
of state-making. He who reads all of what has been writ-
ten about Kansas history from the many different stand-
points will find that the men who made Kansas free were
many, and that the writer who attempts to show that one
man saved the State has read the history only in part or
was himself an actor in that history, and is moved by vain

14 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

ambition or selfisli motive. When impartial history cornea
to make known who it was that saved Kansas to freedom,
many names whicli have remained in obscurity will be
illumined witli the noble lii^ht of patriotism, and others,
of the YauntinjTf and boastful, will pass into deepest ob-
scurity.

III.

Yet even now, vital facts of Kansas history stand out
clearly and beyond controversy. One of the most impor-
tant of these facts is the result produced by the passage
of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. The immediate effect of
this bill's becoming a law was to open the Territory to
settlement by emigrants from various States in the Union.
The causes of emigration were two-fold: first, the desire
to possess free lands of good soil and in a country having
an excellent climate; and second, the desire to settle the
country for or against slavery. The long controversy be-
tween the slave-power and the free States had reached a
crisis. By a decision of Congress the question of slavery
was to be henceforth referred to the settlers of new Terri-
tories for its final adjustment. This meant either a settle-
ment at the ballot-box or a passage at arms ; perhaps both,
Kansas became a pivotal point in the controversy between
freedom and slavery, an object lesson to the whole country.
People rushed in from the Korth to make Kansas a free
State, and from the South to make it slave. From the be-
ginning, the struggle was to ascertain which side could
furnish the most voters. Whatever some might hope to
accomplish by prowess, planning and scheming, the Free-
State people had really but one hope of victory, and that

IlfTKODUCTION 15

was to outnumber tlie Proslavery voters. This they finally
succeeded in doing, and won.

But this struggle for mastery at the ballot-box involved
the minor struggle for land; for many spurious claims
were staked out by non-residents, chiefly from Missouri,
who hoped to hold them from bona fide settlers and to use
them as a pretended place of residence for voting purposes.
N^or was this struggle for land a small factor in the causing
of the border troubles. Indeed, the getting possession of
property M'^as to some of far gTeater importance than the
question as to whether the State should be slave or free.
Following this rapid settlement of the Territory came the
fraudulent voting of the proslavery people by hordes of
voters who came from Missouri to outnumber regular
voters, and by force to " stuff " the ballot-boxes. This
caused the election, by unfair means, of a proslavery Leg-
islature which made odious laws offensive to Free-State
men, in violation not only of the spirit of the Kansas-
it^ebraska Bill, but also of the letter of the organic act
which opened up the Territory. Thereupon the Free-State
men openly repudiated this Legislature and the laws
passed by it, and organized opposition to it. Incidents
of this struggle were atrocious murders, invasions, the
sacking of towns, and robbing and plundering. It is fair
to history to say that this was not all done by one side.
For while the Free-State men desired no strife and en-
tered upon the plan of non-attack, they did not adhere to
the principle or practice of non-resistance, but soon showed
themselves ready and willing to defend their property,
lives and rights to any necessary extent. The Free-State
men were a fine class of people, but they were not all saints

16 LIFE OF CILAELES ROBINSON

by any means, for they had among them those who could
encourage and even perform dastardly deeds. In the emi-
gration to a new country it usually happens that many
reckless and vicious cliaracters are mingled among the ma-
jority of worthy and substantial people. Surely, Kansas
was not an exception to the rule, and it is scarcely possible
that all of this class should have hailed from Missouri and
the South and none from the Xorth. Yet for earnestness
of purpose, integi'ity of life, and desire for justice and
fairness in government, there is no comparison between
the proslavery and antislavery elements in Kansas. The
conduct of the former was from the beginning character-
ized by violence and fraud, while the latter in the main
desired liberty and justice to all.

In the contest that followed the fraudulent election, the
Free-State men showed their political sagacity by adopt-
ing tbe so-called Topeka Constitution, completing an or-
ganization, applying for admission to the Union, and thus
keeping their forces together. By this means they defeated
the Proslavery party, preventing the adoption of the Le-
compton proslavery constitutions, and finally causing Kan-
sas to be admitted to the Union under the Wyandotte
Constitution. The change of national administration and
the Civil War, followed by the abolition of slavery, com-
pleted what the Wyandotte Constitution lacked of making
Kansas a free State. For the phrase " white male citizens
of twenty-one years of age," still stands in the present
State Constitution as a last vestige of the old political
struggle over Freedom in Kansas.

INTKODUCTION 17

IV.

As already suggested, no little controversy has arisen
as to who was most prominent in the saving of Kansas to
freedom. Plainly, however, it was the body of able men
who stood shoulder to shoulder, after they had learned the
lesson of freedom, persistently insisting that Kansas must
be admitted into the Union without slavery. While there
were leaders who won renown, much credit is due to many
who do not appear prominently in history, but who can
answer honorably and with pride when the long roll of
heroes is called by the future historian who writes the
whole of Kansas history. As to the Brown-Lane-Robinson
controversy, it is not easy to get at the whole truth and
cause each man to stand forth in his true light. The three
men were entirely different, with different characteristics
and different purposes. Each was called upon to play a
different part in the tragedy of freedom. Hence, granting
that each one was sincere, noble and brave, it would be a
difficult thing to make a comparison of the three on the
same plane. They were too unlike, both in good and bad
traits, to admit of a successful classification and com-
parison of their qualities, and of their influence on the
great national struggle between Freedom and Slavery.
Whether this is equally true as regards the relative influ-
ence of each in the smaller struggle to make Kansas a
free State, the writer has attempted to say fully in the
body of the work. Here a few words must suffice.

For two years Eobinson was the resident agent of the

Emigrant Aid Company, and his chief duty was to care

for the affairs of the company in Kansas, and especially

to look after the emigrants sent from New England and
—2

18 lAVF. OK CHARLES KOBINSON

other parts <tf the East, and to see tliat there was estab-
lished a goveniiueiit in which the rij]jlits of all citizens
should he protected ; hence he opposed the laws illefijally
made by an illegallv constituted Legislature elected by
fraud and violence. Yet he did not wish to rebel against
the legally constituted Federal Government, although he
felt at liberty to criticize its action when he deemed it
wTOug. While he did not hesitate to fight when necessary,
bloodshed and violence were in his view ever to be avoided
if possible. His characteristic was cool, deliberate judg-
ment, and when once he had determined upon a course of
action, he never wavered on account of personal conse-
quences.

Lane came to Kansas as a politician. Almost his first
act after arriving in the Territory of Kansas was an at-
tempt to organize the Democratic party for political pur-
poses. From the beginning to the end of his career in
Kansas, political ambition was his ruling passion. It did,
indeed, cause him to do many brave and noble things,
but it also caused him more than once to swerve from the
path of justice and right; and finally, disappointed am-
bition brought him to an untimely death. He was bold,
passionate and impulsive, and his impulsive nature and
powerful eloquence were of service in keeping up enthusi-
asm among a certain element of Free-State men. He
came all the way from a Proslavcry to a Free-State plat-
form, for he was keen in measuring political forces and
he preferred to work with a majority. He was, neverthe-
less, a man of action, and whether in the convention hall
or open field, he swayed the multitudes by the momentum
of his enthusiasm. Often did his fierce plunges compel

INTRODUCTION 19

the cooler-headed of the Free-State men to nish to the
re-scue and extricate the cause from a perilous position.
While only the hero-worshipper can approve of his course
in many of his devious windings, he was, nevertheless, a
power in the building of the State and must be reckoned
wdth; although it is scarcely safe to agree with some of
the sweeping declarations of his eulogists.

BroAvn should not be measured as a Kansan, for his
contact with Kansas was little more than an episode. He
should be considered from the standpoint of a larger na-
tional life. What he accomplished in awakening a nation
to its true sense of danger and in precipitating a great
struggle can scarcely be measured. Strange and myste-
rious was his life, and strange and mysterious was his in-
fluence on the nation. The circumstances of his death
made him a martyr in the eyes of the people of the North.
The dignity of martyrdom lifted him above the status of
an ordinary violator of the law, but his heroism was ac-
companied by fanatical ideas of making people just by
killing them. Had not some one written a song which
was subsequently adapted to him and which the nation
took up and sang from ocean to ocean, his heroism would
have passed and have been forgotten as did the heroism
of thousands of others in the conflict for freedom, or
would, at best, have been remembered with that of the more
ordinary heroes of the earth, who, in their quiet way,
did what they considered their humble duty. But he has
become prominently and indissolubly connected with one
of the greatest events of national history, and this fact
alone will, of course, perpetuate his fame. Brown desired
to precipitate a rebellion by the shedding of blood. He

20 LIFE OF CHARLES BOBINSON

wished to stir up a war that would never cease without the
liberation of slaves. He undoubtedly hastened the coming
of the Avar, but the war would have come had Brown never
b/een bom. In Kansas he wished to fight, and did so when-
ever opportunity offered,^ While he struck terror to the
hearts of some of the Proslavery rufiians of the border by
his violent massacre and his persistent savage attacks and
resistance, yet he was soon away, and left the Free-State
settlers of Kansas to bear the brunt of the reaction against
bis savage course. Verily, without attempting to detract
from his greatness as a national character, but after follow-
ing in detail his whole connection with Kansas and all the
circumstances connected with it, one is inclined to say
that his services to Freedom in Kansas have at times been
overestimated.

But of these three men it is idle, after all, to ask which
is the greatest, for each in his own way will always have
his admirers who will find in him noble qualities to eulo-
gize. If, nevertheless, the question be asked, " Who gave
the Free-State cause in Kansas the best service, — Brown
the hero, Lane the soldier and politician, or Robinson the
man and governor?" tbe verdict of history cannot fail
to give the palm to Robinson, tlie man and governor, about
whom centered the Free-State forces. But of these, the
most prominent characters in the Kansas struggle for free-
dom, it is difficult, as before indicated, to measure one by
the other; for Robinson was the only one to live a com-
pleted life and to round out his years in the fullness of
time; while one of the remainder met death at his own
hands and the other was hanged for treason. In settling

1 See Chapter I.

INTKODUCTION

personal relations, however, and the claims to relative
greatness among those who figured prominently in early
Kansas history, these are the characters that must be most

dealt with.

It is necessary to represent the life of Robinson, not only
in relation to the public actions which occurred in the
building of a commonwealth, but also in his relations to
the lives and characters of his associates in the important
events of the history of Kansas. Whether he has been
entirely successful in this regard or not, the writer has at
any rate tried to avoid throwing unjust discredit upon the
actions of others, while presenting the deeds and character
of Robinson. Though it is the life of Charles Robinson
that is here followed in detail, yet in no case is any praise
of his action meant to throw improper discredit upon his
contemporaries. If it appears that undue importance is
given to Robinson when mentioned in connection with
other men, it must be remembered that Robinson is the
subject of this biography, and that the services of others
are not ignored if not eulogized. If Robinson, Lane and
Brown were the most prominent historical characters in
the early struggle for freedom in Kansas, there were
numbers of other loyal men whose unswerving faithful-
ness to duty, unflinching courage, and acute sufferings
made freedom possible. Call the roll of the real heroes
of Kansas, and the angel of justice will respond for hun-
dreds who sleep in their graves, and for those living who
are too modest to sing their own praises. How absurd it
is, then, in view of the great numbers in the different
types, classes, parties, who in different ways rendered efh-

22 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

eient service to Kansas, — how absurd to hold up to the
jouth of the laud the claim that one man saved Kansas !
Yet each should be zealous in telling of the valiant deeds
of friends and foes, that the uncompromising truth of his-
tory may be revealed. In this connection there may well
be quoted a saying of Governor Robinson in an address
to the students of the University of Kansas; " Who saved
Kansas ? Not one man, nor any group of men claiming to
be leaders. It was the rank and file of the common citizens
who saved the State to freedom. It was the union of the
people in a common cause that saved the State."

How time is this! For, notwithstanding all of the
struggle and confusion, it was the majority at a ballot-box
that saved the State. Kot that other potent influences
were not prominent in bringing this about, for there were
many. There were times, too, when leaders were neces-
sary, and then these leaders were not wanting. But here,
as elsewhere, there were wise and unwise leaders; there
were those who by their folly led on toward destmction and
defeat, as well as those who led toward safety and victory.
In writing this biography the author has no desire to make
Robinson a greater man than he was. The only thing he
has sought to do has been to draw a truthful picture of
all that this man was and did, and especially to emphasize
his public services. This the writer has endeavored to do
faithfully, with the sole object of recording history truth-
fully.

Men diifer so much in motive, in character, and in life
in general ; the nature of their service varies and the con-
ditions under which they struggle are so dissimilar, that
comparisons are dangerous. It is quite impossible to de-

iJrTKODUCTION

termine whether one deed is greater than another, until
the services rendered by each can be measured. Who,
then, can weigh and measure greatness, or how can motive,
or duty, or character be estimated ? Or who can measure
sei-vices and strike a balance between two important deeds ?
There is no dividual essence of nobility, no ultimate
analysis of real greatness. For he who does his duty has
served his generation well; he is good and brave, even
though the consequences of his service are small. Would
that society might leara to recognize faithful service as
the true element of greatness and as real heroism ! Look-
ing over the history of Kansas and considering the long
list of names enrolled as founders and builders of the
State, one finds, indeed, that some have had more potent
influences than others, not only because of greater indi-
vidual power and genius, but also on account of larger
opportunity. But not all the gloi-y of the founding and
building of the commonwealth may be rightly claimed by
the leaders, whether self-constituted or whether so made
})y the law of gravity of character or the force of circum-
stances. There have been many builders of the common-
wealth; great, all of them, in tlie results of their work,
for it took the cooperative labors of them all to achieve
success in building a State and making it habitable and
desirable for free men. Let us therefore ti-y to banish
unjust comparisons from our minds and from the printed
pa/^e, and endeavor to make the life of each stand alone
upon what he actually did.

While it not easy to estimate the services of the prom-
inent leaders in early Kansas history, it is even more diffi-
cult to determine the positions of those worthy ones who

24 LIFE OF CHARLES ftOBINSON

in their own several stations of life did their whole duty
to the cause of freedom. What of Wood, Reeder, Groodin,
G. W. Brown, Deitzler, Walker, Blood, Cracklin, Ewing,
Parrott, IST. J. Adams, Anthony, Woodward, Thacher,
Morrow, Conwav, Speer, S. C. Smith, Tappan, Holliday,
Learnard, Legate, Jenkins, Moore, Edward Clarke, and
many others who at different times stood firmly for Kan-
sas, and did valiant service for the Free-State cause?
Their deeds of valor and services to their country must
not be overlooked simply because thej are not the subjects
of this story. In due time the historian will record their
lives, every one in the annals of the State, among those
who served their country well. I^or must we forget the
great rank and file of settlers and patriots who acted, suf-
fered and endured for the sake of humanity, though they
cannot receive justice in a single volume confined in the
main to a single course of events respecting what one man
wrought. Yet the joung Kansan, born under the sunny
skies and beneficent influences of the present free com-
munity, looks back with pride iipon these actors in this
tragedy of a commonwealth, whether leaders of a party
of people, actors in legislative halls, or sturdy soldiers in
the rank and file of life; and his heart burns udth en-
thusiasm, and his cheek glows with pride as he ponders
upon this early struggle, and he would count it a privilege
to be numbered among the least of these worthy patriots.

VI.

From the life of Charles Robinson much of the early
history of Kansas radiates in every direction as from a
common center, and hia biography cannot be written with-

INTBODUCTION 25

out touching history at many points. How difficult the
task, to extract from the great mass of information at
hand that which will give a real life-picture of the man ;
how delicate the work of portraying truthfully all that he
did and was in private life and public service! In this
presentation the writer has endeavored faithfully to abide
by the rigid and unyielding truth as it appears to him
after a careful ^veighing of all historical evidence at his
command. Care has been taken not to write into the life
that which did not exist, a common failing of biography
and a difficulty not easily avoided; although, perhaps,
there is less danger here than elsewhere, because there was
no ether of romance enveloping Robinson's earnest life,
and no strange mystery about his going and coming among
his fellows, l^or was there any transcendent genius, l»r-
dering on insanity, that rendered his life and nature diffi-
cult to understand. He was a plain man of the people,
with an earnest character which inevitably revealed itself
to those who came in contact with his daily life. He fol-
lowed closely the line of conscientious duty, without fear
and regardless of consequences. His life is not a fit sub-
ject for the romancer or hero-worshipper. But, as a man
who did his duty fearlessly and with great consequences
to the community and the State, he is worthy of the ad-
miration of Ills fellow-citizens and the affection of those
whom he pei"Sonally befriended. He who writes best about
Robinson will tell without embellishment the plain stoiy
of his life, for the life will then speak for itself, its real
nature and its lessons of wisdom.

THE LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON.

CHAPTER I.

EARLY LIFE.

It is not uncommon for men of great importance to
Lave made no remarkable or unusual record in their boy-
hood days. Such, indeed, was the case with Charles Rob-
inson. Born in the town of Hardwick, Massachusetts,
July 21st, 1818, his early life was that of the ordinary
New England youth of the time. Prosaic and simple as
this life was, however, there were in it certain influences
which helped to shape his future. And, in the meager
data given us concerning his youth, there are revealed
many characteristics which point toward the sturdy char-
acter of the man.

In the first place, Robinson descended from sturdy Xew
England stock. His father, Jonathan Robinson, was a
farmer, a zealous antislavery man of decided religious
views, who traced his ancestry to the John Robinson of
Plymouth Rock fame ; a man strong and uncompromising
with any appearance of evil. The mother of Charles
Robinson was Huldah Woodward, of a Xew England
family not prominent in the records, but not the less
for that reason to be honored. There were born to these
parents ten children, six boys and four girls, to whom they
desired to give as good an education as was possible in
New England at that time.

(27)

28 LtVE OF CHARLES ROBINSOJST

Perhaps the homelife in New England, with its fru-
gality, neatness, discipline, and close sympathy between
the members of the family, was the most important factor
in the education of the times. It had been the saving-
fact of New England life, as it was to be of that larger
life that was to move westward to fill the valleys and
plains, and to envelop the mountains of the continent.
What a line of sturdy pioneers have emerged from the
homes of New England and gone forth to subdue the
West!

Their home was a most hospitable one — to and from
it friends came and went. In the simplicity of their lives
they could give hearty welcomes ; the gathering of warm
friends with the family added much to the charm of the
homelife. The genuineness of this homelife was not con-
cealed by the artificiality so characteristic of modem social
life. There were two or three much-loved cousins who
often added to the home circle their sprightliness and af-
fection. There were other young people, too, who said
they always chose their time for a visit at father Robin-
son's during vacations, when Charles should be at home,
for his constant love of joking and his keen repartee added
much to the pleasure of their visit. There was, indeed,
a vein of humor in his nature which the stem life-struggle
too often suppressed in his after days. He frequently
planned little home concerts which were always a joy, for
the entertainment of guests.

As' might be expected from a consideration of his subse-
quent life, Charles Robinson was a lover of nature, and
very fond of straying off by himself, to sit down by the

EAELY LIFE 29

brook, under the shadow of the treses, to catch its sweet
music as it rippled over the stones, and to dream of future
days when he should own a man's place and bear a man's
part in the f^eat struggle of life.

The religious life of the Robinson home was well regu-
lated. Mr. Tupper, Congregational minister, was always
welcomed to the family circle, and until the close of Gov.
Robinson's life he was always spoken of with great affec-
tion by the Governor. The mother of the family looked
carefully after the Sunday-school lesson, and every Satur-
day night the flock of children gathered around the table
to learn all this lesson could reveal of morals and religion.
They studied the lesson out of the Bible with the little
concordance in it, so well known to the mother, aided
by the light thrown upon it by Barnes, Greenleaf, and
McKnight. She could point out the beauties of the
literary style of the Bible, its figures and expressions, and
as a daily reader, holding the great Bible in her lap, she
was filled with the blessed spirit of Christ. It was often
remarked by her children that they had never seen their
mother angry, though she lived to the advanced age of
eighty-seven years.

Charles was bom with a strong will and a defiant tem-
per. During a time of religious awakening, when he was
about sixteen years of age, he thought deeply and rever-
ently, and at last came to the conclusion that his will must
be controlled, that he must not yield to his temper again.
A turning-point had been reached, and a change came into
hie life. His mother's admonitions, his minister's kind
advice and Mr. Stone's life-giving presence had accom-

30 LIKE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

plished a transfonnatlon. He bound to his heart the
motto which he loved :

" The Upaa tree when riven,

Perfumes the ax which laid it low.
Let man, who hopes to be forgiven,
Forgive and bless his foe."

And he promised daily consecration of the best that was
in him to holy living. The result of this, his first and
only great religious awakening, was to make life and re-
ligion henceforth identical with him.

After the New England custom, young Robinson's at-
tendance on church was rc^gular.^ He took his place in ihe
village choir, playing the clarinet, an instrument of which
he was then very fond and which afforded him much
pleasure in after life. Later in life, however, he severed
hie formal connection with the church. To show the
change that subsequently came over his religious beliefs,
it may not be out of place here to refer to a few events,
insignificant in themselves but of great importance as in-
dicating this change.

A small hamlet, named Storrsville, had sprung up at
the adjoining comers of four towns. For the accoiumoda-
tion of the people a school-house and an unpretentious
church were built at the center of the village. As this vil-
lage was nearer the Robinson home than was Hard wick,
which was situated in the opposite direction, the Robinson
family turned their steps thithenvard on Sundays and on
other days of religious worship or festival. But, as time
went on, the little group of Congregationalists found it

1 A8 one carriage was not sufficient to carry the entire family, young Bobinaon found
it necessary to walk. Thus, with work ou the farm, with journeying to and from school
and church, he had sufficient opportunity for erercise.

BAELY LIFE 31

difficult to pay their minister and maintain services at
Storrsville. Finally the minister was invited to become
the pastor of the church at Dana, one of the four towns
whose little corner had been taken np by Storrsville, and
the church members were to be transferred to Dana with
their pastor. But as Charles Robinson was attending
school at Hardwick, his name was left upon the church
rolls at Storrsville. Subsequently, in tbe year 1852, when
Robinson was practicing medicine at Fitchburg, he re-
ceived a letter from the pastor of the chnrch at Dana ask-
ing him to come over and state his views and belief and
take a letter to the Fitchburg church, " if he should prove
worthy to receive it." Dr. Robinson complied with the
request, and, accompanied by Rev. Elnath.an Davis, pastor
of the Fitchburg cliurch, " a most gifted man, full of the
spirit of peace and good-will," went to Dana to be exam-
ined and to receive his letter. The questions were those
which are sometimes asked of young ministers in the
church of the present day. They were chiefly as follows:
^' Do you believe in God ? Do you believe the Bible is
inspired, every word of it ? Do you believe in future pun-
ishment ? Do you believe in the Atonement ? " and various
other questions concerning predestination, election, and
free will. Dr. Robinson answered these questions in his
own way, which indicated the independence of his i*elig-
ious belief, and, as it appears, severed his formal relation-
ship with the church, for he never afterward formally
united with any church organization, although he favored
all denominations as agencies for good. His answers to
the questions asked were essentially these:

" I believe in God, the maker of all things, who still

32 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

abideth in all things. In liini we live and move and have
our being."

" I believe the Bible inspired, so far as it is tnith.
As a history of the Jews, many legends are woven into
it-s story, and many statements which no thoughtful man
can believe tnie."

" I believe every man will receive his reward for every
deed done in the body, and there is no escape from the
penalty of sin. Every human being must listen and fol-
low the inner voice implanted in him by the great Creator,
and look upon his life as a heavenly mission."

" The Atonement is the At-one-ment of the great Father
with all his children. They learn by following the blessed
life of Christ how to become one with him, as he is one
with the Father. Were they not free to follow this most
inspiring exhortation, it would be most cniel."

Nothing more was ever heard of that little examination
of Dr. Robinson before the pastor at Dana, and for any-
thing he ever knew, his name may yet stand alone on the
old Storrsville church records, in that little decaying ham-
let, which in its loneliness seems almost to be forgotten
of God.

He had one great sorrow in those early days, by which
he was much influenced. He was exceedingly fond of hie
eldest brother, John, who was twenty-five years old, a man
of fine presence and excellent countenance, tall and com-
manding. Charles often wished as he looked at his broth-
er's beauty of form and figure, that he might grow up to
be as well formed as this brother. Early in life John
thought the time had come for him to leave New England
and to try his fortune in other lands. So, one bright

EAELY LIFE 33

autumn day lie bade them all good-by. It was hard for
the mother to say the last words and look her last upon
her stalwart son, as he took his leave to go to Xew Orleans.
One letter came to them from Cincinnati, which an-
nounced that he was well, and expected to leave soon for
New Orleans ; but they never heard from him again, and
though sometimes some little clue would be given whereby
they hoped to learn of him, no word ever came, and to
them all it was a lifelong sorrow, especially to the younger
brother, who had taken such a pride in the eldest bom.

It was exceedingly fortunate that Jonathan Eobinson
was zealous concerning the education of his numerous
family. Young Robinson was sent to the private school
in his native town, which was situated about three miles
from his home. Here, under the tutorage of a certain
Mr. Goldsbury, he made rapid progress in the elementary
branches. Mr. Goldsbury was a Universalist preacher,
and he possessed the happy faculty of teaching mathe-
matics well. His pupils grew strong imder his instruction.
Subsequently, a Mr. William B. Stone, a student from
Amherst, taught the neighborhood school, and succeeded
in arousing in yoimg Robinson much enthusiasm for
study. This was the real beginning of his career, for
under the direction of this able instructor his mind began
to show independence and originality of thought.

The pleasant little district school-house among the trees

near the roadside was only a fcAv rods from Mr. Robinson's

farm-house, hence it was convenient for Mr. Stone to make

his residence in the Robinson home. He was essentially

a good man, thoroughly imbued with the spirit of the

times, and, while using every energy to educate himself
— 3

34 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

for the hi^li purposes of life, he was careful to ^ive aid to
those about him. Hence, his daily pi-esence in the house
was of untold benefit to all the members.

In the Robinson home there was much conversation on
all matters which were then filling the public mind ; mat-
ters so engrossing that life seemed to be absorbed in them.
Among other vital questions were : How should the coun-
try free itself from the strong grasp of slavery; how
should intemperance be suppressed ; how should the grow-
ing youth of the country come to the estate of manhood
and womanhood, noble and self-sacrificing, pure in heart
and pure in all things relating to themselves ? Mr. Stone
was an apostle of good not only in the home, but in the
neighborhood.^ Temperance practices were strongly ad-
vocated. Cold water as it came sparkling from the clear
founts of God was the only beverage tolerated. Even the
elder Robinson gave up drinking his cider, which he had
thought quite necessary to his happiness. Through the in-
fluence of such a character, they unconsciously began to
follow very closely Mr. Emerson's motto, " Plain living
and high thinking." Physical laws were to be kept un-
broken as well as moral and intellectual, and health would
be the reward.

At the age of seventeen young Robinson was sent to the
Hadley Academy.^ While he had sufficient help to enable
him to utilize the advantages of education, he was thrown
sufficiently upon his own resources to make him develop a
sturdy independence and a manly character. For as eight

1 See Appendix A, note (a).

It l3 but a few years sine* the Cambrid^je (Massachusetts) papers paid a glowing
tribute to his talent in teaching, and to his graat moral worth. On his last visit to New
Englaud Go?ernor Bobinsou said to Mr. Stone, "All that I am I owe to you."

^See Appendix A, note (&).

EARLY LIFE 35

Other cliiklren graced the home of Jonathan Robinaon, it
now became necessary for the youth o£ seventeen to begin
in some measure to shift for himself ; a great privilege to
the boys of olden times, and a fashion which has not quite
gone out in modern days. After a year at Hadley, Rob-
inson entered Amherst Academy, where he again exercised
the privilege of self-support. The authorities gave him
the privilege of making the new desks and seats for the
use of the academy. Therefore in the basement of the
building was established a workshop wherein he wrought
at carpentry to pay tuition, and where he at intervals
pondered over the principles of philosophy. Subsequently,
while pursuing his studies, he taught three winter schools,
respectively at l^orth Hadley, West Brookfield, Massa-
chusetts, and at ISTorwieh, Connecticut.

It was but a step from Amherst Academy to Amherst
College, although he had not completed the full course at
the academy. After remaining in Amherst College for a
year and a half his eyes failed, and he found it necessary
to walk to Keene, ISTew Hampshire, forty miles away, to
apply to Dr. Twitchell for medical aid. Always on the
lookout for opportimities, as every youth must be, he con-
cluded to accept an invitation to study medicine under
Dr. Twitchell. Possibly it might have been better had he
remained at the academy and subsequently at the college
until botli courses were completed, before entering upon
his medical studie-s. However, he did what many another
X)erson has done, who, lacking the proper direction of
others, seeks his own course, abandoning conventional cur-
ricula, and succeeding in his own way.

After remaining with Dr. Twitchell six months he at-

36 LIFE OF CHAKLES EOBINSON

tended medical lectures at Pittsfield, Massachnsetts. Dr.
Childs, who afterward became Li on ten ant-Governor of
Ma B&aehn setts, was tlien president of the institute. After
the course of lectures was completod at Pittsfield, he stud-
ied for a time with Dr. Gridley at Amherst, and siihse-
qiientlj attended lectures at Woodstock, Vermont. Dr.
Rush Palmer, much celebrated in his day as an eminent
physician and lecturer, was at the head of the Woodstock
institution. Robinson finally returned to Dr. Gridley and
remained with him until his medical education was com-
pleted. His educational career would be considered er-
ratic for a medical student of the present day, but it served
to give a full medical education according to the require-
ments of the times. His peripatetic education, so far as
possible, furnished what the youth of to-day finds concen-
trated in the modem medical college with hospital at-
tached. It appears at least that this education was suffi-
ciently thorough for a most successful medical practice.

In 1843 Dr. Robinson commenced the practice of medi-
cine at Belchertown, Massachusetts.^ The town was of the
old New England type, covering a large area, being four-
teen miles long and twelve miles wide. Dr. Robinson's
practice was very large, and as the town was situated in a
hilly district in Hampshire county, his numerous visits re-
quired excessive labor. Wlien he was fairly settled at Bel-
chertown, he at once took his place as an active citizen of
the town. He used the profession of medicine as a means
of educating the people. He never failed in his practice
to give valuable hints as to what course of living would
give them health, and advised them that it was better to

^ See Appec<Ji2 A, note (c).

EAKLY LIFE 37

keep well than tx> send for a physician to cure them of
disease. He tried to impress upon them the fact that
health of body, as of soul, was intrusted to their own keep-
ing, — hence they should learn thoroughly the laws that
govern both. There were many families that looked to
him for guidance, rather than for medicines. He never
joined the Medical society, because he could not accept its
cast-iron rules; for he felt that he had the right as a
physician to learn from any practitioner of any school,
what was best for poor ailing humanity, and when he met
his old instructor. Dr. Childs, at Pittsfield, and the latter
rallied him upon his absence from the medical meeting
at Fitchburg, his reply was simply, "Am I not following
out your teachings ? "

Dr. Robinson was interested in the town schools, and
was soon placed upon the School Committee. He identi-
fied himself with the people, and was often at the little
literary circle. To its program he frequently contributed
some fspicy article which would occasion much discussion.
He was a frequent attendant at the Sunday-school
teachers' meetings, and a constant worker for temper-
ance. Then, as later on, he found the question of tem-
perance a difficult one to deal with. In the solution of the
problem he insisted on justice to all. If the selling of
strong drink at the hotels could not be stopped, why should
poor old Captain Burt be prosecuted in his little workshop,
where he sold an occasional glass to a poor neighbor ?

Just at tliis time, John W. I^oyes was preaching the new
salvation from sin; that all days were holy time; that
the injunction, " Be ye perfect, as also your Father in
Heaven is perfect," could it not be obeyed, would not have

38 LIFE OF CHAKLES EOBINSON

been given. There was a hanilfnl of people at Belclier-
town who had beeome much interested in Noyes's preach-
ing. 'Noyes was well educated, being a graduate of New
Haven Divinity School, and he exercised much influence
over his followers. They held their little meetings, and
occasionally the stroke of the hammer was heard in their
dwellings on Sunday. But the minister of the Belcher-
town Congregational Church was not a broad-minded
man; hence, he would not ]et the poor harmless people
rest unmolested in their beliefs and practices. Law-and-
order meetings were called, and much angry spirit was
aroused. Dr. Robinson's sympathies were with the perse-
cuted Perfectionists, as those who knew him might well
suppose, and he was glad when one after another they fol-
lowed Noyes to Oneida, New York, and quiet reigned
again in that lovely hill town.

At this juncture an event occurred which was of vital
importance to Dr. Robinson. He was summoned to attend
the daughter of Myron A. Lawrence.^ Miss Lawrence,
while at school, had met with a severe accident, having
fallen upon some steps with such violence as: to injure her
spine. Her natural vigor had declined, and a sympathetic
blindness had set in. Various physicians had exercised
their skill upon her to bring back her health, with not very
good success. One evening in the late autumn of 1843,
the lamps had been lighted and the family of Mr. Law-
rence were taking their supper, thus leaving the little girl
alone, lying on the large sofa in the sitting-room, to watch
the firelight in the fireframe and dream her dreams. She
was thinking of the days to come, whether they were to

'See Appendis A, note (d).

SARA T. D. LAWRENCE, 1847.

EARLY LIFE 39

be for lier many or few; whether they were to be days
of tiresome inactivity, perhaps even of hopeless invalidism.
All at once there was a gentle ringing of the doorbell, a
quick step in the hall, and then the door into the sitting-
room was opened almost instantly and Dr. Gridley of Am-
herst walked in. He said " Good evening," to the little
girl as he came toward the sofa, but she made no reply.
With the firelight only, and her weakened sight, she coiild
not at first tell who the gentleman was. Then he said,
"Well, don't you know me — Dr. Gridley? And I have
come to introduce you to your new doctor — Dr. Robinson."
There was a brief consultation over the case, and Dr.
Gridley's suggestion to send to Boston for Spanish leeches
was' followed out. The next night after they had been
used, they crawled out of their bottle and under the thin
muslin cover, and went to their death in the bed of coals
raked up on the hearth. At least so it was supposed, for
they were never seen more. When the young doctor made
his next visit he said he thought blisters and cups and
leeches had been given sufficient trial. Would it not be
better to try some new methods, less wearing upon the
nervous system ? Accordingly, Dr. Robinson made a
quick journey to Hartford and came home at evening
well satisfied with his purchase of a galvanic battery.
There was immediate gain from this change of treatment,
and it continued to be rapid and sure. The young Miss
Lawrence regained her health, and years after became the
wife of her successful physician.

Dr. Robinson threw his whole zeal and energy into
his work at Belchertown, which proved to be a great strain
on his not over-rugged constitution. Consequently, in the

4:0 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

spring' of 1845 he went to Springfield, Massachusetts, and
there opened a hospital for practice. In conducting this
hospital he associated with him Dr. J. G. Holland, a well-
read physician, and subsequently widely known on account
of his literary career. He was a native of Belchertown,
and had been a room-inate of Dr. Robinson at Pittsfield,
where the two became well acquainted. Dr. Holland was
a fine singer and a most companionable man, but not a
very successful practitioner. His literary career is well
known, as he was the writer of many books, and the first
editor of Scribner's Monthly.

While at Springfield, Dr. Robinson found it impossible
to confine his work to hospital practice, and so his visits
extended far and wide in Springfield and the surrounding
towns within a radius of twenty miles.

In the summer of 1843, soon after he commenced prac-
ticing at Belchertown, Dr. Robinson was married to Miss
Sarah Adams, of Brookfield, Massachusetts. Two children
were bom to them, both dying in infancy. On the 17th of
January, 1846, while he was practicing at Springfield, his
wife passed from this life. This loss had a lasting effect
upon his character, and appears to have changed the entire
course of his life.

Failing in health on account of excessive practice and
broken in spirit on account of his severe loss, he was in-
duced, in the spring of 1846, to leave Springfield and go
to Fitchburg, where his brother Cyrus was located.^ He
at once entered into the life and activity of the town, doing
with his might what his hand found to do. It was healing
for his spirit, for it was ever his method to find cure for

iSoe Appendix A, note (*).

EARLY LIFE 41

Lis own sorrows in active work for others. His love of
music now led him to become the first bass sing^er in Rev.
Mr. Davis's church. When possible he met with the choir
at rehearsal, and onoe a week with the sin^rs at some
private house. Many young men, just commencing prac-
tice in law or medicine, had located in the town, and
other young men fresh from school were glad to unite with
them in a weekly debating lyceum which interested itself
in all important matters of a public nature. The t^wn
hall contained a full audience when Dr. Robinson was
known to be one of the debaters, for he often had a way
of looking at the subject which was quite novel to his
hearers. It was there he became fully convinced that to
make men temperate, not only in what they should drink
but what they should eat, and in all matters of living,
they must be educated in the laws of their being, and learn
to obey them. They must realize that to break one of these
laws is to break a law of God, and there can be no escape
from its penalty. About this time he became a charter
member of the Sons of Temperance, and gave the order
his hearty support.

In Fitchburg he was one of the School Committee, and
at this time there were some little mischievous boys there
who g-^ave the teachers much trouble. The teachers had
come to the conclusion that punishing was of no more use,
and were at a loss to Imow what to do to make them obey
the laws of the school, when Dr. Robinson said, " Send the
unruly boys to me." I^ot one of them ever came twice.
We do not know what was said, but they were doubtless
v/ords convincing them that they were working for their
own hurt, words of persuasion that only in themselves lay

42 LIFE OF CHAKXES KOBINSON

the power to be dutiful scholars in school, obedient bojs
at home, and respected citizens when they should take their
part on the stage of action. The light upon their faces as
they went out of the house was very different from their
sullen look when they came in, showing that new thoughts
had taken possession of them.

It appears that wherever Dr. Itobinson went, he soon
became overburdened with excessive practice. This was
tnie at Fitchburg to such an extent that he was soon worn
out with the duties of his profession. Night sweats and
a severe cough which now attacked him indicated his
critical condition. While he was casting about what to do
for his health, thoughts of a trip to California were prom-
inent in his mind. Ahout this time a company was being
formed in and around Boston for an overland trip to Cali-
fornia. The first party to set out for San Francisco from
Boston and central Massachusetts had sailed in Januai^,
via Cape Horn. The success of Dr. Robinson as a prac-
ticing physician and his wide reputation in different parts
of Massachusetts caused the Boston Company to accept
him gladly as the company's physician on their route to
California. So, on March 19th, 1849, he started out with
the first company from Boston to the Golden Gate, passing
through St. Louis and overland through Kansas. The
adventures of this trip, many of which border on the ro-
mantic and even mar\^elous, will be recited in another
chapter.^

' See Chapter II.

CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 43

CHAPTER II.

CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES.

An incident in tlie life of Robinson is about to occur
which will change his entire future. In a peculiar way
he is to become interested in the emigration to Cali-
fornia.^ For it was at this time the whole countiy was
aroused by the discovery of gold in that country. Men
evei'ywhere caught the fever, and were hurrying westward
in the vain endeavor to be first in locating mining claims.
Not only the adventuresome West but the staid East was
stirred with unbounded enthusiasm. Thousands from
every part of the United States took up the long journey
overland to the new El Dorado, or by boat passed by way
of the Isthmus, or by steamer " round the Horn," to San
Francisco.^

In the winter of 1849 a party Avas formed in and
around Boston for the purpose of emigrating and settling
in California. " This party was composed of men of all
classes and professions, including tradesmen, clerks, manu-
facturers, mechanics, farmers, and laborers. It was organ-
ized in the form of a militai-y company, with a full list of
officers from captain down. The privates and non-commis-
sioned officers wore gray uniforms, while the commissioned
officers wore navy blue. An assessment was made upon
each member, and all property was purchased and con-
trolled by the officers." In this strange company, having

^ See Chapter III, Eaneas Conflict.

' The first steamer bearing a party from Kew England left Boston in January, 1849.
Two friends of Dr. Robinson, N. D. Ooodale and Enoch Btirnett, were members of the
party.

44: lAVK OK CHARLES EOBINSON

the form only of military organization but without military
discipline, was found Charles Robinson, who had entered
as physician to the company. He was to be relieved of
all responsibility other than the care of the sick. The
nature of the man, however, rendered it certain that other
responsibilities than the care of the sick would be thrust
upon him. For in any association of men, those of supe-
rior judgment and ability are sooner or later called into
general service, and so it proved in this case.

This small party left Boston on March 19th, 1849, and
started overland, traveling by railroad and canal to Pitts-
burg and thence by steamer to Cincinnati, St. Louis, and
finally to Kansas City, or what was then known as West-
port Landing. The whole journey was without striking
events except the ordinary experiences of a long journey
into a new country, which always brings with it a renewed
interest from day to day as sights and scenes change. In
the short pause at Cincinnati, Dr. Robinson bought a
beautiful cream-colored horse, which became a gTcat com-
panion and pet throughout the entire journey to Califor-
nia, and was subsequently killed in the squatter riots at
Sacramento. As they moved farther westward new
classes of people boarded the steamer, and the l>[ew Eng-
land party had an opportimity of forming the acquaint-
ance of people from Missouri and the South. They were
introduced, too, to the freedom and recklessness of the
wild frontier life. They entered a land where law
seemed much farther removed from contact with the peo-
ple than in staid old I*few England. Knowledge gained
on this trip of the class of people that were pouring into
the West was of great service to Dr. Robinson in hia
subsequent career in Kansas.

CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 45

Soon after the steamboat left St. Louis on its journey

up the Missouri river, cholera broke out among the pas-

pengers. At this time much less was known about this

dread disease than at present, and medical science in

general had not jet demonstrated its ability to cope with

it under favorable circumstances. The physician of the

Boston party was soon called, into service. He was witli-

out medical library, and without any practical knowledge

of the disease. His information concerning it consisted

of meager descriptions in the few books that he had read

which touched upon the subject. The conditions on board

of a river steamer were not favorable t-o the sup]Dression of

the disease. Thrown upon his own resources, he adopted

the following plan of treating the disease, which is best

described in his own words:

" It was found that all the fluids of the body were leaving the
surface and pouring into the alimentary canal. The features became
pinched and anxious, the skin pallid and bloodless, and the muscles
of the extremities were affected with painful cramps. What was to
be done? Evidently the first thing to be done was to reverse the
vascular and absorbent machinery and send the fluids back to the
surface and other parts of the system and relieve cramps. What
would accomplish this result, and did the medicine chest contain the
required remedy? On examination, the doctor found tincture of
opium (laudanum), tincture of camphor, and compound tincture of
capsicum (hot drops). The first two would have a tendency to send
the fluids to the brain and surface and relieve spasms, while the last
would excite action of the vascular tissue and absorbent systems.
Accordingly, these tinctures were taken in a mixture of equal parts,
and administered in teaspoonful doses once in fifteen minutes, more
or less, according to symptoms, till the flow of fluids should be re-
versed and the cramps cease. Fortunately, this treatment proved suc-
cessful in every case where applied on first attack of the disease." '

When the boat reached. Kansas City the military com-

^ EaneaK Conflict, p. 29.

46 LIFE OF CHABLES EOBINSON

panj was in a state of dissolution. As is frequently tli©
case in all organizations of similar character, suspicions
soon attached to the officers, who were accused of mis--
management, and a jj^eneral discontent arose. So intense
was the feeling on the part of the members of the asso-
ciation that no settlement of difficulties could be reached
without a division of the party, and tJiis of course neces-
sitated a division of the property. Therefore two parties
were formed, and Dr. Eobinson was appointed one of a
committee of three to assist in the division of the supplies
and the settlement of the difficulty. This process occupied
nearly five weeks of time, and it was the 10th of May be-
fore the parties were ready to start on their journey
westward. But the time was not lost to the observant
nature of Dr. Robinson, for he studied the habits and
characteristics of the people and learned something of
Western farming and stock-raising. Much of his time
was also consumed in the care of the sick, for during
the first night after their arrival in Kansas City nine
citizens were attacked with the cholera, and died. The
services of the physician of the Boston party were again
called into requisition, and during his entire stay he had
an opportunity to exercise his professional skill to the
utmost in caring for victims of the cholera. Upon the
whole, the delay proved profitable and useful to Dr. Robin-
son; and on the other hand, perhaps in no period of his
life did he serve humanity better than during these few
weeks' stay in Kansas City. ISTor were the days in Kan-
sas City without recreation, for in the long delay while
they waited for the grass to grow on the plains, or engaged
in the tedious division of the property of the company,

CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 4rT

the spare hours at the little house where they boarded
were enlivened with music. Dr. Robinson had bought a
clarinet in Cincinnati. A young friend of his played
the flute well, and the two furnished music to the neigh-
bors of the temporary home during the evenings of wait-
ing. The old Western farmer thought Dr. Robinson and
the young man from Roxbury would do better ''" giviii' con-
certs than goin' to the gold diggin's."

Two parties instead of one were now to start on the long
overland journey of over two thousand miles to the Pa-
cific slope. Their organizations were completed by the
lOtli day of May, thirty days after their arrival in Kansas
City, and instead of going in boats coursing on the muddy
Missouri they were to travel in " schooners " over the
rolling prairies of Kansas and the plains of the West,
drawn by cattle and mules, or on horseback, as many did.
It was a life of wild experiences, especially at first, for
inexperienced men were now attempting to manage wild
pteers and wilder mules, hitherto unknown to yoke and
harness. Thus, with inexperienced drivers and untrained
animals, they were to enter upon a journey over a bound-
less country with ill-defined roads. A " schooner " would
frequently be fastened in the mud, and endless delays
occur for want of discipline and order. There was much
experience in the way of searching for the best routes, the
best crossing of streams, and for the best method of re-
sisting attacks from Indians ; indeed, the expedition be-
came a little world of experience on wheels, in which all
phases of human nature v/ere tested. Those who started
from Boston without experience lived years in a short
journey across the plains.

48 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

A vory interesting incident is related by Dr. Robinson
in regard to the discussion which so frequently occurred
among overland parties respecting Sabbath travel. On the
first Saturday of the journey it appears that darkness over-
took the travelers before they had reached water, — a
very important consideration in overland travel. The
next morning, which was Sunday, it was found upon in-
vestigation that the Wakarusa was only two or three miles
away, and they decided to hitch up the teams and drive
to water even though it was Sunday. This was so neces-
sary that every member of the party readily acquiesced,
even to the strictest Puritan among them. But when
they reached the river and the stock had been watered, a
question arose as to whether they should continue travel
on Sunday or not, as they were already prepared to go on.
After a controversy a vote of the party was taken, which
favored Sunday travel. But they had not pursued their
journey very far when an accident to one of the animals
caused a delay, and Sunday travel had to be given up for
that day. The remainder of the day was spent in theolog-
ical discussion, one party maintaining that the accident
was a judgment of God on account of their Sabbath-
breaking, while the other attributed it to improper attach-
ments of the coupling-pins and to bad driving. One party
appealed to tlie Decalogue and the other called for its
reading, and when read it seemed to enjoin the keeping
of the seventh day and not the first. From the Decalogue
the appeal was made to the New Testament, but it was
found on examination that there was no sentence in the
New Testament which enjoined, the keeping of the Sab-
bath. As in most discussions of this kind, no settled con-

CALIFOENIA ADVENTURES 49

elusion was reached. But it is related that the men who
were the strongest advocat€s of Sabbath observance were
afterwards seen at the gaming-tables in Sacramento, bet-
ting with other sinners at " three-card monte." Dr. Rob-
inson closes this narrative with the following sentence,
which I give as expressive of his own peculiar character-
istics: "Persons who depend upon outside pressure for
religion are apt to adopt the customs of their surroundings
when that pressure is removed; while the person who is
governed by his own convictions of what is right and what
is wrong, regardless of public opinion and public custom,
will be but slightly influenced by externals."

The journey overland, though full of changes and daily
happenings, cannot be followed in detail. They had the
typical journey of the plains of those times, consisting
of long, monotonous days, alternating with those of wild
adventure and positive danger. An immense crowd, fully
20,000, had preceded them, and the grass was eaten off
fully haK a mile from the trail on each side, and water
was scarce and difficult to obtain. Doctor Robinson had
three horses, — Charley, Old " Zach " Taylor, and " Doctor
Slop." At one time the party had to camp at night with-
out water. During the night the horse " Doctor Slop "
broke away from camp, and in the search for him on the
following morning he was found quietly feeding by a boun-
tiful stream of water, giving evidence of the acuteness of
animals in the search for water. Xot long after this they
came to the St. Mary's river, in the desert, where they suf-
fered for lack of food. Here Dr. Robinson's strength failed
and a fever attacked him. His companions waited a day

or two for him to partially recover, and then they all pro-
-4

50 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

oeeded to cross the desert, Dr. Robinson having packed
grass upon two horses for their feed through the waste.
They spent one Sunday at tlie new town of Salt Lake City,
where, under the direction of Brigham Young, the " desert
began to blossom as the rose," although the Mormons had
been there but two years.

The most important event concerning Dr. Robinson was
an adventure which he had in the Platte river. It appears
that some time had been spent in searching for the proper
fording-place, the river itself always being deceptive in
appearance. Sometimes when moving smoothly and evenly
it appears like a deep flowing stream, while in reality the
water may not be over three inches deep, flowing over a
bottom of mud and quicksand. Searching for a fording-
place, Dr. Robinson on his cream-colored horse plunged
in to make the crossing. About midway in the river
was a small island. This having been passed, the rider
and horse floundered in deep water, and, becoming sepa-
rated, the horse made for the opposite shore, while the rider
returned to the island. While the rider was yet flounder-
ing in the water, the horse, from the opposite shore, gave
a loud neigh, and plunged again into the stream, swim-
ming toward the island, which he reached about the same
time as the rider. He immediately came and stood over
the prostrate form of Dr. Robinson until the Doctor was
able to mount and ride out tO' the further shore. This
little act of intelligenoe on the part of the horse endeared
it very much to its owner. The horse was so docile that
he was at home wherever the camp was, without liitching
or tethering, and whenever his master approached he would
leave off grazing and place his head over the Doctor's
shoulder to be fondled and caressed.

CALIFORNIA ADVENTUEES 51

Wlien the company readied Sacramento, on the 12tli
of August, 1849, Dr. Robinson liad changed from a slen-
der man of 145 pounds to a robust person of 170, with
every trace of his puhnonary trouble gone.

The company, indeed, was no longer properly a company
when it reached California. The organization so thor-
oughly completed in Boston before the party started west-
ward, became finally w^holly disintegrated, and its mem-
bers reached the State in straggling groups. Most of the
members entered the mines for the purpose of washing
gold ; others finally located in towns or on farm lands.

Dr. Robinson soon abandoned the mines and took up
his residence in Sacramento, where he in company with
others started a boarding-house, and at the same time
practiced to a certain extent his medical profession. He
found many poor people in the city who were in need of
both food and medical attention. From the boarding-
house many received aid to keep them from starving, and
through the kind offices of Dr. Robinson were given,
gratis, medical attention which saved their lives. Here
as elsewhere he always showed a kind-hearted disposition
to help those who were needy. This disposition to help
sufferers and those who were dealt with unjustly led him
to become a leader of the settlers' or squatters' cause in
Sacramento.^

In order fully to understand the position taken by Dr.
Robinson in the squatter riots of Sacramento in 1850, it
will be necessary to inquire specifically into the exact
condition of the land question in California during the
interregnum from the time of the occupation of California

J Bancroft's Works, Vol. XXXV, chapter XVII,— S^uaMerism.

52 LIFE OF CHABLES ROBINSON

l)j United States authorities in 1846 to the admission into
the Union in 1850, and the subsequent settlement of land
claims. It is one of the principles of modern civilization
as regards international rights and usages, that in con-
quered territory or territory obtained by purchase, the
property rights of all citizens living in the territory at the
time of the change shall be respected and guaranteed.
In the treaty between the United States of America and
the Mexican Republic at Guadalupe Hidalgo February 2,
1848, approved by the President Marcb 16, 1848, and
proclaimed July 4, 1848, property rights are guaranteed.
All land titles and property of every kind belonging to
citizens within the territory are guaranteed to the o^vner.
Freedom in the use and protection in the right of said
property are guaranteed under the Constitution of the
United States. These provisions make all bona, fide titles
granted by the Mexican or Spanish: government prior to
the occupation by the United States government, valid and
secure.

It had been the custom of the Spanish government prior
to Mexican independence, and subsequently of the Mexi-
can government, through the Governor of California, and
by well-defined laws and usages, to grant large tracts of
land to individuals for the sake of colonization and oc-
cupation, the largest grant not to exceed eleven square
leagues of land. The aim of the government was to settle
the territory by gi'anting large tracts of land to individuals
to whom the government was under special obligations.
Unfortunately, in the granting of these titles the language
used in defining the territory was usually quite indefinite,
and in those days no definite survey was obtained. Usu-

CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 53

ally the limits of the grant were determined by well-
defined natural boundaries, such as mountains and rivers.
The result of this granting of lands so freely was, that
by the time of the discovery of gold and the incoming of
the settlers from the East^ and in fact from all parts of
the world, a large proportion of the fertile lands located
in small tracts along the river bottoms had been covered
by numerous grants. In addition to these genuine grants,
many fraudulent ones had been made or assumed, which
would seem to cover almost every available spot of fertile
land in the State,

To add to this confusion, the State Legislature was
powerless to make laws for the government of the State,
as the latter had not yet been organized and accepted as
a member of the Union. The courts also were in a dis-
organized condition, being in theory guided and regulated
by the Mexican customs, which prevailed everywhere until
American customs were adopted, but tending all the time
to break away from the Mexican system and to adopt the
American. There was, then, no adequate authority for
testing land titles. Hence, when there came this sudden
influx of settlers who were seeking lands to preempt on
the so-called " squatter rights," which had prevailed to
such a large extent in the United States, the settlers found
the lands all covered by rights resting upon ]\Iexican
grants, or by assumed titles which might or might not be
legal. This was, of course, a great disappointment to the
settlers; and when it was known that large numbers of
fraudulent claims were being filed, and that men were
using all means within their power, both fair and foul, to
obtain possession of large tracts of land for the sake o£

54 LIFE OF CHARLES BOBINSON

holding or speculating, the settlers looked upon themselves
as defrauded of the rights of American citizens to settle
wherever no legal title to land existed ; for they believed
much of this land to be a part of the public domain. They
held that at least until title to lands should be decided by
the Supreme Court of the United States, they had as good
a right to settle on these lands and await the decision as
anyone else. Evidently there was a great misunderstand-
ing among the settlers because of the fact that the Mexi-
can land titles were diiferent from those of the United
States. They had supposed that California, being open
to settlement, was all public domain, similar to the new
Eastern. States and Territories when once these were
opened to settlement. They had failed to realize that
civilization already existed in California; that a govern-
ment had been established prior to the American occu-
pation and American purchase; and that persons living
within the territory were entitled to property rights supe-
rior to those of new-comers or immigrants.

The situation at Sacramento was peculiar. In 1839
Sutter,^ a man from Switzerland, had settled on the Sac-
ramento river at the junction of the river with the Ameri-
can river, where he built a fort and established a colony.
His possessions reached far and wide up and down the
Sacramento, American and Feather rivers. He lived on
his domains like a feudal lord of old times, with his men
as sei-vants, helpers, and a small army drilled for defense.
In 1841 he received a grant from the Mexican government
of eleven square leagues of land. In December, 1847,
Sutter reported the wliite population of his grant as two

1 Eancroffe Works, Vol. XJXV, p. 408. Kaneas ConCict, pp. 38-41.

CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 55

hundred eighty-nine, besides a large number of docile
Indians, half-breeds, and Hawaiians. Sixty houses clus-
tered around the fort, and six mills and one tannery were
within the district. Thousands of bushels of wheat were
raised annually in the fertile fields, and thousands of
cattle, horses, mules, sheep and hogs grazed in the valleys
and on the hills. In 1846 Sutter laid out the town of
Sutterville, three miles below the fort, on the Sacramento
river. Subsequently the town of Sacramento was laid
out between Sutterville and the fort. So far as rights
accruing from possession were concerned, Sutter certainly
was the owner of this last tract of land. So far, too, as the
intent of the grant by the Mexican Governor in 1841 was
concerned, he had a clear title to the land. Unfortu-
nately, by a blunder in the title deed the boundaries fixed
for the territory covered over a thousand square leagues
of land, and the southern boundary was placed some
twenty miles north of the fort, at the junction of the
Feather and the Sacramento rivers; hence, if the deed
were strictly constnied, the fort, Sutterville, Sacramento
and the surrounding territory would be entirely excluded
from the gTant. The third and fourth sections of the
grant read as follows : ^

" Third. The land of which donation is made to him is of extent of
eleven sitios da ganado mayor as exhibited in the sketch annexed to
the proceedings, without including the lands overflowed by the
swelling and the current of the rivers. It is bounded on the north by
los Tres Picas (Three Summits) and the 39° 41' 45" of north lati-
tude; on the east by the border of the Eio de las Plumas (Feather
river) ; on the south by the parallel 38° 49' 32" of north latitude;
and on the west by the river Sacramento.

" Fourth. When this property shall be confirmed unto him, he

' Tfxt and map of grant. In piunphlet, "Frandnlent Location of the Sntter Grant,"
C. W. Holt, Sacramecto. 18«9. Kans-aa Cor.fiict, p. 41.

56 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

shall petition the proper judge to give him possession of the laud,
in order that it may be measured, agreeable to ordinance, the surplus
thereof remaining for the benefit of the nation, for convenient pur-
poses. Tlierefore I order that this title being held as firm and valid,
that the stime be entered in the proper book, and these proceedings be
transmitted to the Excellent Departmental Assembly."

It is evident from this tliat tlie intention was that Sutter
should locate, by proper surveys, land to the amount of
eleven square leaj^ues within the boundaries described, and
that the remainder within these boundaries should revert
to the Government as national property. It is also clear
that it was the intention of the Governor of California to
include within this grant the fort and its surrounding ter-
ritory, while in fact it excluded it entirely by the state-
ments included within the grant.

To make matters worse, Sutter, w'ho had little con-
ception of the boundary of his own land, l^eing in doubt
at times whether his title covered the territory in which
his fort, Sutterville, and Sacramento were located, and
being harassed on every side by land speculators, only
deepened the confusion of the whole matter by his prodi-
gality. The case is thus stated by Josiah Royce : ^

" In 1848, when the gold-seekers began to come. Sutter began to
lose his wits. One of the pioneer statements in Mr. Bancroft's col-
lection says rather severely that the distinguished captain thence-
forth signed any paper that was brought to him. At all events, he
behaved in as unbusiness-like a fashion as well could be expected,
and the result was that when his atfairs came in later years to a
more complete settlement, it was found that he had dee<led away,
not merely more land than he actually owned, but, if I mistake not,
more land than he himself had supposed himself to own. All this
led not only himself into embarrassments, but other people with
him; and to arrange with justice the final survey of his El Dorado

' Eoyce : Squattar Siot of '50 la Sacramento ; Orerland Dlonthly, Vol. VI, (second
series, ) p. 227.

CALIFOKNIA AUVEIfTUEES 57

grant proved in later years one of the most perplexing problems of
the United States District and Supreme Courts."

In 1860, the Supreme Court, in its attempt to settle the
Sutter case, located the land, in two tracts: one of two
leagues, including the fort and city; the other of nine
leagues, on the Feather river, including Marysville. In
1863 the District Court set aside this survey, and lo-
cated the land in a long line of thirteen tracts between
the same limits as before, with the idea of following Sut-
ter's own selection of territory.^ Subsequently the Su-
preme Court set aside this last decision, and restored that
of 1860. Thus the Supreme Court recognized the grant
to Sutter as given in good faith, although the title had
been buraed in a Sacramento fire. They attempted, amid
great difficulties, to settle the matter justly and equitably.
But if commissions and courts found so much difficulty
in settling the land title of Sutter, it is easy to see how
settlers would readily fall into the idea that the grant was
irregular and illegal. Moreover, the grasping for land
by Yankee speculators, the shrewd manner in which these
Yankees were outwitting the old Spanish grantees and
seizing the most fertile spots of California, tended to
create a distrust of all land titles. The manner in which
the speculators were obtaining control of large bodies of
land seemed to the settlers like a process of robbery, by
which they were defrauded of the rights of settlement on
what they considered the public domain.

The squatter riot of Sacramento, however, arose on ac-
count of personal sympathy which certain individuals had
for the squatters because of the cold and cruel manner

1 O. W. Holt : Fraudulent Location of the Sntter Oiant, Sacramento, p. 3

58 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

in whick many of them were ejected, on a pretended or
real legal process, from lands claimed by others. The
town of Sacramento was founded on land claimed by Sut-
ter, and lots were sold directly by himself or by those per-
sons who were granted territory by Sutter. The town,
then, derived its right to be from the Sutter grant; and
if this grant were valid, persons who bought lots in the
town had a legal right to them. In the winter of 1849
settlers flocked to the city, and occupied with tents and
shanties the vacant lands in and around Sacramento.

" In the midst of this rainy season, three men, including the
Doctor, were passing along the levee between the slough near I
street and the river, when they met a pretended sheriff and posse
Avell charged with whisky. Curiosity caused the three men to stop
and watch the proceedings. The posse went directly to a structure
of logs and canvas, where was a sick man who had been fed and
nursed liy the Doctor for several days. This man was ruthlessly
hauled from his shelter, and the logs and canvas leveled with the
ground. One of the three watchers exclaimed, ' That is a damned out-
rage! ' and the others joined in the exclamation. It was then and
there the movement commenced that culminated in the squatter riot
of the next year." '

These men resolved that such actions should be reported
to the people, and that if possible, such outrages should
be prohibited. A meeting was called to be held on the
levee that evening. A cord of wood was procured to fur-
nish light, and small handbills advertising the meeting
were printed and circulated. When the meeting was called
to order the speculators and their friends monopolized the
speaking. After several speculators had explained their
side of the question in set speeches. Dr. Robinson made

1 Kobinson : Kansas Conflict, p. 37.

CALIFORNIA ADVENTUEES 59

his way to the platform and offered the following resolu-
tion : ^

"Whereas, The land in California is presumed to be public land,
therefore,

"Resolved, That Ave will protect any settler in the possession of
land to the extent of one lot in the city and one hundred and sixty
acres in the country, till a valid title shall be shown for it. '

This was a hold assertion to make. It assumed that
the Sutter title was not legal, or that Sutter's claims
were greater than the law could warrant.^ The resolution
was received with great enthusiasm by the assembled
crowds, and had its influence in preventing indiscrim-
inate ejection of tenants. But in December, 1849, an
ordinance was passed by the city council directing the
removal of certain improvements from city lots occupied
by squatters.^ After the passage of this ordinance a
posse of several hundred men under the direction of the
city marshal set out to execute the order, but the squatters
organized into an association, and the president of the
association met them at the first attempt to remove
property, and boldly informed them that their authority
to meddle with private property was not recog-nized hj the
squatters' association, and that if they touched the prop-
erty they must kill the whole squatters' association after-
wards. The little deputy marshal, well loaded with
whisky, cried, '"' Shoot the scoundrel ! " But as no one
appeared desirous of obeying his order, the posse retired
from the field leaving the squatter in possession.

1 Robinson : Kansas Conflict, p. 38, et seq.

*C. W. Hoit : Fraudulent Location of the Sutter Grant, p. 2. Royce : Squatter Riot
of '60 in Sacramento; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI, (eecond series.) pp. 232-4.
a Idem, p. 238.

60 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBIN^SOlSr

The next step on the part of the land-owTiers was to have an
act passed by the provisional State Legislature, — although
the State was not yet admitted into the Union, — to pro-
vide for forcible entry and detainer, the land-owners
hoping thus to secure possession of the land without a
decision of the Supreme Court. ^

Suits in the local courts continued to be held, and in
these suits the courts always decided that Sutter's title
was connect, and rendered judgment against the squatters.
The squatter had a right to appeal to the probate court by
giving bonds for the satisfaction of judgment; but all
bondsmen must be land-owTiers, and as the squatters were
supposed not to be horm fide land-owners, the right of ap-
peal was thus really cut off. The city council also pro-
ceeded to pass a municipal ordinance forbidding anyone
to erect tents or shanties or houses, or to heap lumber or
other incumbrances upon any vacant lot belonging to any
private person or upon any public street.^ The land-
owners also formed a law-and-order association, and cir-
culated handbills asserting their intention of defending
their property. Numerous encounters of a minor nature
occurred, but the agitation was gradually dying out on ac-
count of the absence of Dr. Robinsoii from the city for two
months.^ On his return, in the latter part of July, the
movement had fallen into the background of public atten-
tion and great discouragement prevailed among the squat-
ters. Obsei*ving the situation of the courts, and seeing that
no appeal could be taken from the decision of the local

1 Boyce : Squatter Riot of '50 In Sacramento ; Overland Uonthly, Vol. VI, (aecoad
series,) p. 238.

- Ideaa. ■' Idem.

CALIFOENIA AX>VE]S TUBES 61

courts, Dr. Robinson staked off several blocks of land in
the outskirts of the city, put up a large tent upon tbem,
and moved in. When the next trial occurred, lie offered
himeelf as bail. When the court asked him in regard to
his title, he said it was as good as there was in the city.
The justice held that he could not try titles, and must
accept the bondsman on his assertion of a legal right to
the property offered, whose value was placed at $100,000.
Soon after this came a trial of the appealed case before
Judge Willis, of the county court.^ The case was decided
against the squatters, and an appeal was made to the Dis-
trict Court with the hope of finally reaching the United
States Court, but it was denied. The defendant then
asked an appeal to the Supreme Court, but at this time
there was no law to sustain the appeal, and the motion was
overruled, and the squatters were beaten. There was no
opportunity to settle land titles in the State of California,
except through local courts which had no jurisdiction over
the public domain.

The trial caused a great deal of excitement. Both
parties were excited to the utmost degree. The squatters
had been denied the right of appeal. " They rushed from
the court to excited meetings outside, and spread abroad
the news that Judge Willis had not only decided against
them, but had decided that from him there was no appeal.
Woe to such laws and to such judges ! The law betrays
us. We will appeal to the Higher Law. The processes
of the courts shall not be served. Dr. Robinson was not
unequal to the emergency. At once he sent out notices

1 Compare Boyce : Squatter Riot of '50 in Sacramento ; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI.
(second series,) pp. 239-40. Bancroft's Works, Vol. XXXV, p. 408. Kansas Conflict, pp.

62 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON"

calling a mass meeting o£ squatters and others interested,
to take place tbe same evening, August 10. It was Sat-
urday, and when night came a large crowd of squatters,
land-owners and idlers had gathered." ^

In this crowd "svere found all sorts of people. There
were the land speculators and laud-owners, settlers and
squatters, and idlers and loafers. Quite a large number
were disposed to take it all as a huge joke; hut Dr. Rob-
inson was serious enough for the occasion. He came for-
ward to define his position, asserting that the time for
moderation was passed, and offering resolutions denounc-
ing Judge Willis and the law. These resolutions, in spite
of a few dissenting votes, were carried by a large majority.
Subsequently, numerous speakers crowded to the platform
and harangued the public. The next day Dr. Robinson
drew up a manifesto — an able, bold, and somewhat reck-
less document — stating clearly the situation and denounc-
ing the attitude of the courts and the land-owners. The
following is the manifesto as given by the Doctor's own
pen:^

TO THE PEOPLE OF SACRAMENTO CITY.

It is well known that a few individuals have seized upon nearly
all the arable lands in this country, and the following are some of the
means they have resorted to, in order to retain the property thus
taken :

First. They have used brute force and torn down the buildings
of the settlers, and driven them from their homes by riotous mobs.

Second. They have used threats of violence, even to the taking
of life, if the occupant or settler persisted in defending his property,
and thus extorted from the timid their rightful possessions.

Third. They have passed or procured the passage of certain rules

1 Koyce, p. 240.

2 Kansas Conflict, pp. 45-6.

CALIFORNIA ADVENT UKES 63

in the so-called Legislature of California, for the purpose, as their
attorneys affirm, of protecting themselves and removing the settlers
from the land they may occupy whether right or lorong, — thus set-
tling the question of title in an assumed legislative body, which
question can alone be settled by the supreme government of the
United States.

Fourth. Under said legislative regulations, by them called laws,
they have continually harassed the settlers with suits, and in many
instances compelled them to abandon their homes for want of the
means to pay the costs of the courts. Many others have paid these
costs with the hope of carrying their cause through these so-calletl
courts to the proper tribunal for final decision, viz., the Supreme
Court of the United States.

But these hopes were vain, for Judge Willis, so called, has de-
cided that from his decision there is no appeal.

And now, inasmuch as the so-called Legislature is not recognized
by Congress, and the rules and regulations not approved and are
therefore of no binding force upon the citizens of the United States,
but simply advisory, and inasmuch as the so-called law of " Forcible
Entry and Detainer," if passed for the purpose affirmed by their
counsel, namely, to drive ofi" settlers, with or without title, is un-
constitutional, and would be in any State, the people of this com-
munity called settlers, and others who are friends of justice and
humanity, in consideration of the above, have determined to disre-
gard all decisions of our courts in land cases and all summonses or
executions by the sheriff, constable, or other officer of the present
county or city, touching this matter. They will regard the said
officers as private citizens, as in the eyes of the Constitution they
are, and hold them accountable accordingly. And, moreover, if there
is no other appeal from Judge Willis, the settlers and others, on the
first show of violence to their persons or property, either by the sheriff
or other person, under color of any execution or writ of restitution,
based on any judgment or decree of any court in this county, in an
action to recover possession of land, have deliberately resolved to
appeal to arms, and protect their sacred rights, if need be, with
their lives.

Should such be rendered necessary by the acts of the sheriff or
others, the settlers will be governed by martial law. All property,
and the persons of such as do not engage in the contest, will be
sacredly regarded and protected by them, whether landholders or

64 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

otherwise, but the property and lives of those who take the field
againet them ■will share the fate of war.

Dr. Robinson's position was bold and liis situation some-
what critical, for he had openly defied the local courts
and committed himself to defense at arms. It was under-
stood that the sheriff Avould take possession of the property
under dispute on Monday morning, and it was necessary
for the squatters to act then in defense of their property
against the courts, if they ever expected to. In a letter
written to Sara T. D. Lawrence, afterward the wife of
Dr. Robinson, dated August 12, 1850, the situation is
clearly and graphically described in the Doctor's own way.
The writer feels it better to quote from this letter than to
attempt an elaborate description of the situation : ^

"August 12, 1850. — Although I have written one letter, yet, as I
have been called upon by circumstances to remain in town, and as I
have a little leisure, I will talk with you a little, my dear S.
Since writing you we have seen much and experienced much of a
serious and important character, as well as much of excitement. The
county judge, before Avhom our cases were brought, decided against
us, and on Saturday morning declared that from his decision there
should be no appeal. The squatters immediately collected on the
ground in dispute, and posted, on large bills, the following: 'OUT-
RAGE!!! Shall Judge Willis be dictator? Squatters, and all
other republicans, are invited to meet on the Levee this evening, to
hear the details.' It was responded to by both parties, and the specu-
lators, as aforetime, attempted to talk against time, etc. On the
passage of a series of resolutions presented by your humble servant,
there were about three ayes to one nay, although the Transcript
tiaid they were about equal. Sunday morning I drew up a mani-
festo — carried it with me to church — paid one dollar for preaching —
helped them sing — showed it to a lawyer to see if my position was
correct, legally, and procured the printing of it in handbills and in

' Kansas Conflict, pp. 46-8. Koyce : Squatter Eiot of '50 in Sacramento ; Overland
Monttily, Vol. VI, (second periee,) pp. 241-2.

CALIFOKNIA ADVENTURES 65

the paper, after presenting it to a private meeting of citizens for their
approval, which I addressed at some length. After a long talk for
the purpose of consoling a gentleman just in from the plains, and who
the day before had buried his wife, whom he loved most tenderly,
and a few days previous to that had lost his son, I threw myself upon
niy blankets and ' anxiously thought of the morrow.'

"What will be the result? Shall I be borne out in my position?
On whom can I depend? How many of those who are squatters will
come out if there is a prospect of a fight? Will the sheriff take pos-
session, as he has promised, before 10 o'clock a.m.? How many
speculators will fight? Have I distinctly defined our position in the
bill? Will the world, the universe, and God say it is just? — etc.,
ete., etc. Will you call me rash if I tell you that I took these steps
to this point when I could get but twenty -five men to pledge them-
selves on paper lo sustain me, and many of them, I felt, were timid?
Such was the case.

" This morning I was early on my feet, silently and quietly visit-
ing my friends, collecting arms, etc. Our manifesto appeared in the
paper and bills early, and the whole town is aroused. Nothing is
thought or talked of but war. About two hundred men assembled on
the disputed territory, and most of them sympathized with us. A few,
however, were spies. We chose our commander, and enrolled such as
were willing and ready to lay down their lives, if need be, in the
cause. About fifty names could be obtained. I managed, by speeches,
business, etc., to keep the spectators and fighters mingled in a mass,
all unarmed, so as to let no one know that all were men of valor and
ready to fight. While thus engaged, the mayor appeared and ad-
dressed us from his saddle — not ordering us to disperse, but advising
us to do so. I replied, most respectfully, that we were assembled to
injure no one, and to assail no one who left us alone. We were on
our own property, with no hostile intention while unmolested. After
he left, I with others Avas appointed a committee to wait upon him at
his office, and state distinctly our position, etc., so that there could
be no possibility of mistake. He said he would use his influence as
an individual to keep anyone from destroying our property, and told
us the sheriff had just told him that the executions from the court
had been postponed. We returned, and after reporting, and making
some further arrangements for another meeting if necessary, we ad-
journed. I told the mayor we should not remain together if no at-
tempt was to be made to execute their warrants, but I told him that

66 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

if in the meantime a sheriff or any otlier person molested a squatter
we should hold him responsible according to our proclamation. From
this position we could not l>e driven, although we knew it to be in
violation of the regulations of the State. We were prepared to abid«»
the result.

" It is said that a writ is made out for my arrest, as a rebel, etc.
If so, it will not probably be served at present."

The conflict was soon precipitated by the sheriff, who
appeared soon after the squatters had dispersed, removed
the property and furniture in dispute, and placed a Iceeper
in charge. Several squatters were arrested and sent to the
prison-ship.^ During the day leading squatters sought to
escape arrest, and a meeting was held in Dr. Robinson's
tent at night. After a full discussion of the subject, a
plan of procedure was adopted. All the squatters who
had pledged themselves to defend their interests were to
meet early the next morning under an oak tree in the out-
skirts of the city, and thence march to the disputed prop-
erty and retake it. An ex-soldier of the Mexican War by
the name of Maloney was chosen as military leader.^ To
avoid arrest Dr. Robinson and Maloney spent the night
at the latter's cabin, six miles outside of the town. Early
the next morning they rode to the appointed place, but
much to their surjn-ise found not a solitary squatter. The
courage of those who had asserted boldly that they would
defend their rights, seemed t/) have disappeared. Dr.
Robinson and Maloney started out to rally their forces,
and found after a search that some of the loudest in the
protestation against abuses and the boldest in promises
were in bed, trembling at the hint of war. It took four or

1 Bancroft's Works, Vol. X5XV, pp. 408-9. Kansas Conflict, p. 48, et oeg.
- Compare this and following with Koyoe : Squatter Riot of '50 ; Overland Honthlj,
Vol. VI, (second series,) p. 242.

CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 67

five hours to muster fifteen men, who were drilled a short
time by Captain Malonej before setting forth on their
errand. The soldiers were sworn in to obey the orders of
the commander or be shot as a penalty. The situation was
not encouraging. After a day and a night had been spent
in vigorous work, an army of only fifteen armed and
equipped men could be mustered to take the field. Ma-
loney, who began to swell with military pride, desired to
ride the Doctor's cream-colored horse. Dr. Robinson was
armed with a Colt's six-shooter rifle. This had been lent
to him by a gentleman who sympathized with the move-
ment, and who had recently arrived across the plains. At
noon of a very hot day, August 14, the order was given to
march, and the little squatter army of fourteen men and
one commander marched seven abreast down X street,
though insignificant in number, very warlike in appear-
ance. They had not gone far before a crisis occurred in
their own ranks. The house of a citizen by the name of
A. M. Winn, fonner president of the city comicil, was on
the line of march, and it appears that the commander,
Maloney, had a bitter grudge against him. As the little
army approached the house, the commander turned upon
his horse and said he vvould order that house destroyed.
Up spoke the Doctor from the ranks and denounced such
a proceeding as fatal to the entire squatter movement.
The commander apparently abandoned his purpose, but
when directly opposite the house he turned again and
said, " We will never have a better time," and was about
to give the order to fire the house. From the ranks of
the little army Dr. Robinson sprang forward, rifle in hand,
and shouted to the foolhardy commander, " If you order

bb LIFE OF CHAKLES EOBINSON

that house destroyed, I will blow jour brains out ! " This
was a peculiar situation. Here was a private who had
fifteen minutes before sworn to obey the orders of the com-
mander, on penalty of being shot, jumping from the ranks
and threat-ening to shoot the commander if he did not
obey the orders of a private. Dr. Robinson was not a
little disturbed at the commander's apparent lack of judg-
ment, and especially his lack of comprehension of the
issue involved. It was evident that Maloney must be
checke-d or the warfare would be turned from an attempt
at the protection of the helpless squatters in their rights
to an attempt at the wanton destruction of the property
of peaceful citizens. Even with the utmost check upon
his reckless conduct, Maloney apparently disgraced the
cause by movements lacking in judgTuent.

Finally the house and property in controversy were
reached, and as the keeper placed in charge by the sheriff
was absent, the squatters took formal possession and re-
placed the furniture and property in the house where it
belonged.-^ The Doctor, desiring to get the squad out of
the city in another direction, advised that they visit a lot
on I street, where lumber had been deposited upon a
squatter's claim without the owner's consent. On arriving
at the lot on I street, it was found that the person who had
deposited the lumber there had done it only as a matter of
convenience, and had no designs on the lot; hence there
was nothing more to be done. The little army soon had
numerous followers, who joined the procession largely
through curiosity, some armed with rifles or shotguns, and
others with revolvers.

^ Oompare Royce: Squatter Riot of '60 in Sacramento ; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI,
(second B»riee,) p. 242.

CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 69

Maloney was requested to marcli out of town on I street,
which was sparsely settled, as the little band would l>?
likely to attract less attention by so doing. He marched
up I street to Third, when to the amazement of the Doctor
he turned to J street, the busiest part of the town. As
they marched through the principal business street the
crowd of followers increased, including many of the
worst characters in the city. When the squad arrived at
Fourth street a turn was made to the south. Soon after
the comer was turned at J street and Fourth a shout was
raised, and the mayor, sheriff and their adherents opened
fire on the little sqnatter army of fifteen.^ It appears that
while the squatter army was marching about town the
mayor and sheriff were galloping here and there for rein-
forcements to put down the rebellion. l^To sooner was the
attack made on the little army than Maloney gave the
order to face about and fire. As soon as the fire of the
mayor's crowd was returned, all fled in hot haste and the
space was cleared in front of the squatters. In fact, there
was a rapid dispersing of the crowd on both sides. The
mayor was badly wounded, losing an arm, and the city
auditor, who was foremost in the attack, was killed. One
squatter also was killed in the first encounter. While the
squatters were still in line a man named Harper passed
up J street, and when opposite Dr. Robinson suddenly
stopped and fired his revolver, the ball passing through
the Doctor's body two inches below the heart. Dr. Robin-
son then raised his rifle and returned the fire, the ball
striking the breast-bone of Harper and glancing off with-
out entering the body.

1 Compare Bancroft : Work'), Vol. XXXV, p. 409 ; and Royce : Squatter Riot of '50
ia Sacramento ; Overland MoQthly, Vol. VI, (second .series,) pp. 243 and 244.

70 LIFE OF CHAELES EOBINSON

Wlien Dr. Robinson returned to consciousness lie found
himself in the street on the ,^round. Looking about, he
found that no one was in si^ht, and he crawled slowly into
an eating-house near by. At first the inmates were afraid
t-o give even the water which he craved. Soon after, some
physicians appeared, and he was well cared for. The cor-
oner and the sheriff appeared ; the former asked Dr. Rob-
inson's name and age, and the latter seemed in such a
hurry that Robinson smilingly told him if he could wait
a little he would be out of his way. He was in a very
critical condition at this time, and the pulsation at his
wrist having stopped, the physicians caused the sheriff to
wait until circulation was restored. As the slow proces-
sion moved toward the prison-ship bearing the Doctor on
a cot, sidewalks, verandas and roofs were thronged with
people silently watching the proceedings. Others came
out of the crowd and silently pressed his hand. On reach-
ing the prison-ship Dr. Robinson was placed in the fore-
castle. The only other occupant was a violent, insane
foreigner who muttered in an unknown tongue, beating
the sides of the vessel with his head and in other ways
most of the time. Here the prisoner w^as placed with the
idea that he would not live long, and that probably a
burial the next morning would be the only trouble he
would cause thereafter. Sucli was Dr. Robinson's critical
condition that a person leaving Sacramento on the night
of August 14, the day of the riot, brought tbe news to
San Francisco that he was dead, and the report was con-
veyed to his New England home. The great excitement
of the news was only allayed when, a fortnight after, a

CALIFOENIA ADVENTURES 71

long letter written by Dr. Robinson was received, which
contradicted the news of his deatli.

The prison-ship was an old hulk situated a considerable
distance out upon the Sacramento river. Although the
heat on this August day in Sacramento was excessive, the
nights on the i^rison-ship were very cold and the prisoner
suffered much because he had lost a good deal of his
clothing in the examination of the wound, and was fur-
nished none in prison. He suffered great pain, but when
the jailer arrived next morning at 9 o'clock the Doctor
declared that unless inflammation set in he would recover,
contrary to the expectations of his friends and the hopes
of his enemies. Dr. Robinson attributed his rapid re-
covery to his strictly temperate habits, cold w^ater being
his only beverage.

It appeared that w^iile Dr. Robinson was lying in the
eating-house, wounded, and awaiting removal to the prison-
ship, just before his arrest by the sheriff, the small army
of squatters had disappeared, each one going his own way
to his own home. While Captain Maloney was riding
along the street the sheriff galloped up to him and de-
nounced him in very severe terms. Though Maloney was
unarmed, except with a saber, he turned and pursued his
assailant, who ran into a crowed of well-armed speculators.
They at once opened fire on Captain Maloney, killed the
horse, and planted eighteen bullets in Maloney's body.

Thus ended the first and last real encounter of the
squatters with the speculators of Sacramento. The city
was greatly alarmed. Lieutenant-Governor McDougal
started for San Francisco for help. Wild rumors were
afloat regarding the strength of the squatters and their

72 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

sworn vensfcance upon the citj. But it appears that the
panic had bep,iin to subside, when it was found that the
squatters proposed to live up to their manifesto. But many
of the specuhitors uriyed that with the military leader of
the squatters killed and their civil leader badly wounded,
it was a g'ood time to make an end of all squatterism.
The newspapers were full of glorious boasting" over the re-
sult, and the little sheriff was commended for his bravery.
Swelling ^v^th pride, he rallied a posse the second day and
started seven or eight miles in the country to arrest " Old
Man Allen," as he was called. Allen had taken up a
claim on the American river, and it appeared that some-
body wanted the claim or had attempted to establish a
legal right to it. It is stated by some that he was keeping
a hotel or boarding-house. Allen was caring for a sick
wife, when the sheriff surrounded his house with three
squads. When he came to the door his surrender was de-
manded. He replied by discharging the contents of a shot-
gun into the little sheriff, who was carried back a corpse to
the city. Allen was woiuided, and several others were
wounded and killed in the struggle. His wife died during
the struggle.

The nev.'s of the sherifl''s death caused great excitement
in the city. Militia companies turned out, and detailed
patrolling parties passed through the streets to keep them
clear. But the next morning the steamer returned, bring-
ing Lieutenant-Governor McDougal, and this with other
events allayed public fear, the excitement soon died out,
and the people were ashamed that they had been alarmed.
The squatters continued to meet in the mining districts

CALIFORNIA AD V'E If TURKS 73

and at Marjsville, l>ut at Sacramento tliere seemed to be
a common consent to drop the subject as soon as possible.^
Dr. Robinson holds that the matter was dropx)ed be-
' cause the speculators were beaten, or at least saw they had
to cope with a stem and stubborn foe. Those advocating
the other side considered that the squatters were beaten.
After the sheriff had attempted to arrest Allen, the keeper
of the prison-ship visited Dr. Robinson, who inquired as
to the condition of the squatters and what they were doing.
" Squatters ? " said the keeper ; '* they are annihilated, or
will be as fast as found." Two nights after the transac-
tion the keeper again appeared, in a very different frame
of mind. He was very much excited, and had come to ask
a favor; for it appeared that the next day after killing
the sheriff, Allen had reached a mining camp while the
miners were at dinner. " He was hatless and coatless, and
covered with mud and blood from head to foot. In this
plight he told the story of the squatter riot and of his en-
counter with the sheriff." ^ A report was soon abroad that
the miners had resolved to enter Sacramento, rescue the
prisoners and destroy the town, if another squatter was
disturbed. The keeper had come to ask Dr. Robinson to
send word to the miners that he did not wish to be rescued,
as he thought this would quiet the town and allay the ex-
citement. Dr. Robinson replied that while he had no de-
sire to be rescued, he had no word to send to the miners
or to anyone else. At this juncture the militia, which had
come from San Francisco to quell the disturbance, called
in a body upon Dr. Robinson on the prison-ship. During

> Bancroft : Works, Vol. XXXV, pp. 408-10; and Royce : Sqnatter Riot of '50 in Sac-
ramento ; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI, (aecond series,) p. 245.
- Kansas Conflict, pp. 56-7.

74 LliE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

this visit an officer whispered in the Doctor's ear that he
and his friends had nothing to fear from the militia, as
they had investigated the matter and approved the course
the squatters had taken, Mr. Kojce ^ states that " a tacit
consent to drop the subject was soon noticeable in the com-
munity," and that " there was sullen submission near
home," and '' a decided sense of common guilt." Dr. Rob-
inson holds that the reason for this was the firm stand
taken by the squatters to protect occupants of land until a
title should be shown, the speculators having finally real-
ized the justice of the squatters' position, or at least the
cogency of their argument of force in maintaining it.

Mr. Royce writes somewhat facetiously on this subject.
He tries to show tlie improper attitude of the squatters
in attacking the institutions of California, but he does not
question the ability or sincerity of Dr. Robinson as a
leader of the movement. Referring to a letter which Dr.
Robinson had written to the Placer Times in defense of
the position of the squatters, he says : -

" The writer of the letter in question is very probably no other
than the distinguished squatter leader, Dr. Charles Eobinson him-
self, a man to whom the movement seems to have owed nearly all its
ability. And when we speak of Dr. Eobinson, we have to do with no
insignificant demagogue or unprincipled advocate of wickedness, but
with a high-minded and conscientious man, who chanced just then to
be in the Devil's service, but who served the Devil honestly, thought-
fully, and, so far as he could, dutifully, believing him to be an angel
of light. This future Free-Soil Governor of Kansas, this cautious,
clear-headed, and vigorous antislavery champion of the troublous
days before the war, who has since survived so many bitter quarrels
with old foes and old friends, to enjoy, now at last, his peaceful age at

1 Boyce : Squatter Riot of '50 In Sacramento ; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI, (second
series,) p. 246.

2 Idem.

CALIFORNIA ADVEN TUBES Y5

kJB home in Lawrence, Kansas, is not a man of whom one may speak
with contempt, however serious his error in Sacramento may seem.
He was a proper hero for this tragic comedy, and ' nature, country
and God ' were his guiding ideals."

Mr. Royce then goes on to discuss the origin of the culti-
vated radicalism of the antislavery generation of Massa-
chusetts, who found it convenient when ordinary common-
place legal processes failed, to appeal to a so-called higher
law. He holds that Dr. Eohinson had a tendency to over-
look ihe intricacies of Spanish land grants, to repudiate
local courts, and to appeal to the higher law for the solu-
tion of the cases in equity. He continues : ^

" For the rest, Dr. Kobinson added to his idealism the aforesaid
Yankee shrewdness and to his trust in God considerable ingenuity in
raising funds to keep the squatter association at work. He wrote
well and spoke well. He was thoroughly in earnest, and his motives
seemed to me above any suspicion of personal greed. He made out of
this squatter movement a thing of real power, and was for the time
a very dangerous man."

In his article in the Overland Montlily, where he gives
the history of the squatter riot, and also in his history of
California, Mr. Eoyce did some very fine writing. The
whole historical aspect is colored with fine bits of phi-
losophy, and in many instances with extravagant words
and statements. Upon the whole it is a gi'aphic picture
of the great squatter movement of California, with an
apparent studied attempt to overlook the real details of
the situation at Sacramento and the attitude of the men
in defending squatter rights in Sacramento, But it is a
sparkling philosophy rather than an impartial history.
It is graphic, reflective, and entertaining. The following

1 Boyce : Squatter Riot of '50 in Sacramento ; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI, (second
eeries,) p. 237.

76 LIFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON"

statement by Dr. Robinson is a fair representation of the

squatter side of the argument : ^

" It is plain the only higher law the squatters were after was the
law of the United States and the decision of a legal tribunal. This
law and decision the speculators said should not be had, hence the
conflict. Mr. Royce says the Supreme Court is a long way oflf, and to
wait for its decision would work great hardship to the claimants
under the grant. But where would be the greater hardship? This
grant was sufficiently elastic to cover all northern California, and was
used to enable a few men, with quitclaim or other deeds from Cap-
tain Sutter, to levy tribute upon every person of the many thousand
who might want to settle in the country. If the claimants could not
wait for a legal adjustment, how could the hordes of destitute people
wait that were pouring in from the Eastern States? If the title
should prove valid, the grantees would lose nothing. Even should
the entire tract of eleven letvgues le densely populated by thriving
cities, it would only enhance tlie value of the grant a thousand-fold,
while, should the land in question be not covered by the grant, the
cormorants would have robbed every occupant of hard-earned money,
never to be returned. Thus a valid claimant would lose nothing by
waiting for the courts, even the highest court, while the squatter
would lose all he might pay for a bogus title at the hands of a bogus
claimant or speculator."

So far as concerns tbe position of the squatters in de-
fending settlers in their rights until titles could be settled
bj the courts, there seems to be no real objection to their
course. The denial of the right to appeal to the Supreme
Court ought not to have been permitted. The ultimate
test of all land titles is in the Supreme Court of the United
States. If the governmental machinery was not sufficiently
perfected to allow an immediate decision on the appeal,
that was no concern of the lower courts, and they should
have decided in favor of the right of appeal. That all
cases were finally referred to a commission appointed by

J Robinson : Kansas Conflict, p. 60.

CALIFORNIA ADVENTTJKES 77

Congress, and that all contested cases finally readied the
Supreme Court for settlement, shows that the squatters
were logically correct. In the special case of the Sutter
grant, it was evident from the intent and purposes of the
Mexican government that he had a i-ight to eleven leagues
of land ; and that the description of the boundary of this
land located it twenty miles north of Sacramento as its
southern boundary. The fact remains that for ten years
Mr. Sutter had occupied and settled land in and around
Sacramento on the supposition that his grant covered that
territoi-y, or possibly with no direct idea that it was in the
original claim. He bought the fort of the Russians, but
had no title to the land unless he could make the Sutter
grant by Alvarado cover it. In point of fact, Sutter had
no legal title to the land about Sacramento, and conse-
quently could give no legal title in transfer, possession be-
ing his only real claim. Holding strictly to the title, he
would have been excluded from any right of land in and
around Sacramento, including the disputed territory. As
a question of equity and justice the court might, on ac-
count of his possession, grant him a portion of the Sacra-
mento territory. Apparently this is what happened, for in
the final settlement the larger portion of his grant was
located within the boundaries of the legal title, but a
smaller portion was allowed him in the territory occupied
in and about the Sacramento, The squatters could scarcely
be blamed for believing that the title of Sutter was fraud-
ulent, on account of the dispositions of persons in those
days to grab and hold great landed estates regardless of
right. The Supreme Court decided against two other al-
leged Sutter grants, — one for twenty-two leagues, signed

T8 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

by Governor Miclieltorena, and the other a list of sub-
grants given by the Governor to Sutter's men on the lat-
ter's recommendation. On the whole, it may fairly be said
that although the squatters and settlers had some just
grounds of complaint in this Sacramento affair, yet the
general tendency of the California squatters to ignore the
Mexican land titles led to a vast deal of trouble. Squat-
terism, as it spread over the State, became a synonym of
injustice, strife, and waste of property.

The character of Dr. Robinson comes out clearly through
the whole struggle. He was convinced that he was right,
and that he was defending the oppressed, or those who
were deprived of their rights. Throughout his life he
never appeared to better advantage than when attempting
to defend the helpless or in fighting single-handed open
forms of injustice or oppression. In this movement he
showed himself clear-headed, conscientious, shrewd and
skillful by the manner in which he routed the forces of the
speculators and landholders, who had all the odds in tlieir
favor. When we remember the critical condition he occu-
pied before the law, his subsequent history in California
is little less than marvelous.

When Dr. Robinson was sufficiently recovered, he was
brought before a local magistrate and formally committed
on the charge of murder and other crimes.^ Soon after,
the District Court met at Sacramento; the grand jury
found four true bills against him, — one for murder, one
for conspiracy, and two for assault with intent to kill.
Dr. Robinson, with two other prisoners, was soon taken

iFor the ram^initif? incidents of the Sacramento troubles, aeo TUe Kansas Conflict
pp. 61-65. See also Bancroft : Works, Vol. XXXV, p. 410.

CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES Y9

into court to plead to tlie indictment. All three were again
remanded to prison to await trial.

But other and more important events were crowding on,
which tended to draw public attention away from the op-
erations of the courts. The time was approaching for the
election of members of the State Legislature, and the name
of Dr. Robinson was proposed bj the squatters and miners
as that of a candidate for a seat in this body. At their
request a new campaign document in the form of a mani-
festo was written by Dr. Eobinson. In this he boldly
charged the speculators w^ith murder in the first degree,
and declared that the squatters had done nothing more
than defend their natural and constitutional rights.
The manifesto was printed in the form of a poster and
distributed throughout the country, and, although not a
speech was made in the entire canvass, the poster did its
work, and returned a majority in favor of Dr. Robinson
for the Legislature. The papers denounced the manifesto,
but the people voted in favor of their hero now in a
prison-ship under indictment for murder by the grand
jury, and awaiting ti-ial. Soon after the election the
prisoner was admitted to bail, and, as editor of the "Set-
tlers' and Miners Tribune," entered vigorously upon the
work of defending the cause he had espoused. He was
thus employed until he took his seat in the Legislature,
which met in San Jose, in 1851.

The character of Dr. Robinson is clearly shown in his
attitude at this time on the slavery question, which affords
a good illustration of the fact that at all times he worked
from conviction as to what was right under the circum-
stances. While he was in prison, one of the attorneys,

80 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBiNSON

Mr. Tweed, appointed to defend the squatters, came to liim
and advocated the division of California into two States, —
the southern portion to be a slave State, He desired the
opinion of his client on the subject. Dr. Robinson an-
swered that he was opposed to slavery from conviction,
and could not, on account of its injustice, favor its exten-
sion. When Mr. Tweed learned the attitude of Dr. Eob-
inson on the slavery question he advised the Doctor not to
consent to run for the legislature, because it mig'ht preju-
dice his case now ]>ending before the courts. The insight
of the prisoner easily discerned that his counsel opposed
his candidacy simply because he was opposed to slavery.
The Doctor therefore assured him that if the people chose
to vote for him he would not interfere, and if the courts
chopc to hang him because the people voted for him they
could do so. Again, in the Legislature the slavery ques-
tion caane to the front. General Fremont had been elected
for the short term of the Senate, which was about to ex-
pire. In his place Avere nominated, by the Whigs, T.
Butler King, of Georgia; and by the Democrats, Judge
Heydenfelt, of Alabama, — both favoring the division of
California and the extension of slavery. Fremont was
opposed to the division and to the extension of slavery,
and accordingly Dr. Robinson and some twelve or fifteen
others voted for Fremont, — who, by the way, was the pro-
prietor of a large Mexican land grant, — and thus de-
feated the election for that session. Subsequently, in the
next session, the antislavery sentiment was sufficiently
strong to elect an antislavery man, a Mr. Weller, from
Ohio, which effectually disposed of the matter. In voting
thus on the slavery question. Dr. Robinson of course

CALIFORNIA ADVENTUBES 81

pleased the anti&lavery squatters and displeased those of
proslavery views.

At this session of the Legislature a law was passed
which quieted the legal proceedings in land controversies,
and referred all cases to proper tribunals for decision.
While Dr. Robinson was absent from the Legislature
through sickness, a unanimous vote of both houses in-
etnicted the prosecuting attorney to enter nolle pros, in
tJie case of The State vs. Robinson, but the acting Gov-
ernor, McDougal, who had fled to San Francisco at the
sound of war, vetoed the bill. The squatter cases of Sac-
ramento were by a change of venue taken to Benicia, but
after the close of the session of the Legislature the pris-
oners were discharged on account of no prosecution.
" Nolle pros, was entered, and the hero was free." Dr.
Robinson w^as exonerated by the people of Sacramento
valley, who elected him to the Legislature. Also, he was
exonerated by the Legislature representing the whole State
of California, and by the District Court, which dismissed
his case.

The remainder of Dr. Robinson's stay in California was
rather uneventful. As soon as he was thoroughly recov-
ered from the chills and fever which had attacked him, he
t^ok a steamer for Boston by way of the Isthmus. He
sailed on the 3d day of July, 1851, and on the 5th they
were wrecked on the coast of Mexico, about eighty miles
below San Diego. They had struck the rocks about one-
fourth of a mile from shore, at three o'clock in the morn-
ing. On the coast arose hills between which ran a little
dry ravine, each side of this ravine being overshadowed

by perpendicular rocks eighty feet high. This small ra-
—6

82 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

vine proved tlieir salvation. In the course of the day they
got the small boats off for the shore, conveying all the
passengers safely to land before the ship finally sank.
They knew not tlieir location, however, and remained on
this inhospitable shore for two weeks without a clue to
their whereabouts.

A large amount of gold dust was on board the ship.
This was brought on shore, where it was carefully guarded
by forty men chosen by the company for this purpose.
The men were under the command of Captain Day, with
Dr. Robinson second, and were divided into relays of ten
each, who watched the treasure day and night. One day,
after they had been watching their treasure on land for
two weeks, at the same time eagerly scanning the sea for
a sail or scouring the country for information, a Mexican
suddenly appeared from the interior, and informed them
of their location. Ten persons went to San Diego to get a
boat to come that way to pick them up. It was necessary
for them to walk a considerable distance north to take the
boat, as it could not come near shore at that place. They
were finally obliged to take a schooner instead of a
steamer, and on account of the slow sailing of the former
they were delayed. While on their way to the Isthmus
they had to stop at Acapulco to see the consul about sal-
vage papers to convey to the insurance companies.
Through misinformation as to the time of the sailing
of the steamer. Dr. Robinson was left in an office in Aca-
pulco, and was obliged to take a slow boat for the Isthmus.
Consequently he arrived too late to take the fortnightly
steamer for Kew York. The two weeks of heat and in-
clement weather brought on the chills and fever again.
Finally he sailed for l^ew York, stopping at Havana,

CALIFOEIfIA ADVENTURES 83

where lie arrived on the morning of the execution of Gen-
eral Lopez. He reached New York in time to file his
papers respecting the insurance case which had been given
into his charge. It was the 9th of September, when, after
various delays, he received a joyful welcome in his ISTew
England home at Fitchburg, where he remained until
June 28th, 1854. On that day he started for Kansas,
where so many stirring scenes were about to be enacted.
It is remarkable that Dr. Robinson returned from
California much improved in health. The variety of posi-
tions that he had held while in California, — physician,
editor, restaurant-keeper, leader of a squatter rebellion, a
member of the California Legislature, — seemed to indi-
cate that in the future he would have a wider sphere than
that of practicing medicine in a countiy town. After his
return from California his friends, among whom was
Mr. Benjamin Snow, father of Chancellor Snow, famous
in Kansas as a lecturer, scientist, and head of the Kansas
State University, urged him to edit a paper. At their
earnest request he took charge of the Fitchburg News.
This he conducted with great vigor for a period of two
years. On the other hand, his great success as a practicing
physician had led other friends to urge him not to abandon
his practice. The result was that in attempting to fill both
places of usefulness, he was &oon carrying on an extended
practice and editing a paper at the same time. Perhaps
this was an injudicious thing for a man to do who had
deemed it necessary to go to California for his health.
Be that as it may, as editor of the Fitchburg News he
developed a pungent and virile style, which served him
well in his after life in the Kansas conflict.

84 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON

In the mean time, six years of watchful care over the
health of Miss Lawrence, prior to the departure of Dr.
Robinson to the Pacific coast, had brought about an en-
during friendship between the two, and the wedding-day
was set about thirty days after Dr. Robinson started west,
an event which postponed the marriage for about two and
one-half years. But on his return from California he was
married to the cultivated and gift.ed daughter of Myron
A. Lawrence, on the 30th of October, 18.51. After a trip to
Philadelphia and a visit home, they settled permanently
in Fitchburg.

Sara T. D. Lawrence^ proved a worthy companion t-o
Dr. Robinson, and especially in the Kansas struggle by
her excellent judgment and ready pen did valiant service
for the cause of freedom. Keen in observation, courageous
in all things, she could stand at her husband's side in a
determined struggle for the right. . Mrs. Robinson was
educated at the Belchertown Classical School and at the
New Salem Academy, besides having received private in-
struction from a lady of fine accomplishments. Mrs. Rob-
inson was well versed in Latin and modern languages and
belle^lettres. Her true courage and faithfulness have
placed her name among those of the women who made
Kansas.

Dr. Robinson was aided in the newspaper office by
Josiab Trask, a youth of fifteen years, son of Rev. George
Trask of anti-tobacco fame. Young Trask lost his life
in the Quantrell raid at Lawrence, in 1863. Often when
Dr. Robinson was absorbed in medical affairs Trask would
run to him crying for more copy. " More copy, I must
have more copy ! " became a household phrase with the

' See Appendix A, note (/).

CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 85

Doctor, and frequently rang in his ears when his mind
was centered on some medical case. Not infrequently,
when Dr. Kobinson was out on a long ride, Mrs. Robinson
would appear in such an emergency, with an article al-
ready prepared for Trash's rollicking call under the win-
dow, " More copy, I must have more copy ! " ^

While Dr. Robinson was practicing medicine in Fitch-
burg and editing a newspaper at the same time, the slav-
ery agitation was attracting great notice throughout the
ISTorth, especially in I^ew England. The passage of the
Kansas-l!>J'ebraska Bill threw the Territory of Kansas open
to settlement, and the Xorth and South vied with each
other in sending emigrants into the new Territory for
occupation under the law of " squ atter sovereignty ." The
Emigrant Aid Company of J^ew England was formed,
and meetings were held at different places to agitate the
question of colonizing the new Territory with the friends
of freedom, and especially to collect money and recruits
for settlement there. One day one of the Chapman Hall
meetings in Boston was addressed by Eli Thayer, who at
the close of the meeting asked if any present would be
willing to go to Kansas. Charles Robinson walked up and
signed his name to the paper. After the meeting, Mr.
Thayer, who had noticed his quiet though self-reliant bear-
ing, asked if he were the Charles Robinson who had gone
to California. His reply being in the affirmative, Mr.
Thayer asked if he would be willing to go to Kansas to
live.

"Yes," was the reply.

" Would your wife be willing to go ? "

>See Appendix A., note (g>)-

86 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON

'' I liave 110 doubt of it," replied Robinson.

" Well, then," continued Thayer, " will you come down
to Boston ai^'ain to-morrow and meet the directors of the
Emigrant Aid Company ? "

The early train brought Dr. Robinson to Boston. The
result of the conference was that Dr. Robinson agreed to
leave Boston on the 28th of June to make his future home
in Kansas. lie accordingly made hurried preparations
to close out his practice and arrange his business affairs
for the new life. Subsequently he took charge of the
affairs of the Emigrant Aid Company in connection with
Charles H. Branscomb, of Holyoke, Massachusetts, and
Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Southampton, Massachusetts,
financial agent.

THE WAGER OF BATTLE 87

CHAPTER III.

THE WAGBK OF BATTLE.

The Kansas conflict is one of the most remarkable facts
of American history, from the Revolutionary War to the
present time. The great parties of the nation had failed to
agree concerning political sovereigntY and the great domes-
tic institution — slavery. The nation was rapidly dividing
into two great parties, each occupying separate sections of
national territory and having different industrial interests.
Opinions regarding legislation and justice were widely di-
vergent in the two sections, and men were wedded to sec-
tional interests rather than to national honor. Even from
the adoption of the Federal Constitution in 1789 there had
hung a great cloud over the American Republic as a men-
ace to free institutions. Men who boasted of freedom and
liberty and waxed eloquent over the blessings of free insti-
tutions, held a large number of human beings in servitude.
The difficulty of regulating domestic institutions by gen-
eral laws was soon evident, involving as it did the relation
of Federal to State government. In the early period of
national life men were too busy with the affairs pertaining
to the development of the nation to pay much attention to
the question of slavery. But there came a time when agi-
tation, slight and almost unnoticed at first, finally stirred
widespread enthusiasm for the cause of the enslaved. A
little cloud no larger than a man's hand appeared above
the horizon, and gradually spread over the sky the black

8S LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

and threatening appearances of war. Step bj step the
slave-power was encroaching upon the national life and
threatening to rule or ruin the whole country. The na-
tional legislators met the determination to spread the do-
mestic institution of slavery over tlie entire nation with
compromise after compromise, they seeking to avoid the
definitive decision of a great moral question. They put off
its settlement until it became a great political question,
shaking the nation to its very center. Failing finally to
settle this question, the legislators thrust it upon the people.
They staked out a dueling-ground in the far West, where
the people were to settle a great national question in their
own way. It was, indeed, one of the most remarkable in-
stances on record, of the shifting of a great national ques-
tion upon a local community. " The field of battle was
thus removed from the halls of Congress to the plains of
Kansas." ^ But the nation did not escape so easily ; for
the attempt to transfer the responsibility to the plains of
Kansas caused an agitation that eventually precipitated
the whole nation in a great stiiiggle, and dearly did the
nation pay for its evasion of the question.

The slavery question ought to liave been settled with the
adoption of the Federal Constitution; and one may well
consider with surprise the fact that colonies struggling for
their own freedom against oppression could have perpet-
uated domestic slavery. But when it is considered how
nearly we came to not having any constitution at all, and
that the formation of the Federal Constitution was at best
the compromise of all interests, it is easy to see how essen-
tial it was to compromise on the slavery question in ordor

1 Hobiaion : The Kansas Conaict, p S.

THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 89

that the Union might exist, even without being firmly estab-
lished. But there were those who saw that the question
deferred must be settled at some future time. A republi-
can government could not long exist, professing freedom
and equality, while it kept millions of human beings in
slavery. The progress of civilization could not tolerate
such an inconsistency'.

The Missouri Compromise sought to establish a perma-
nent settlement of the difficulty by division of the terri-
tory, thus recognizing the justice of the claims made by
the slave-power. The bill of 1850 had a tendency to dis-
turb rather than to settle the question. It was a partial
repeal of the Compromise act and against its spirit. With-
out doubt Henry Clay, the author of the act of 1850, was
sincere in his efforts to settle peacefully a great national
difficulty. After the passage of this act, it seemed that for
a few years at least, contention would cease. While the
workings of the fugitive-slave clause of the Compromise
were producing some agitation, the real struggle would
probably have been deferred for twenty years had it not
been for the passage of the Kansas-l^ebraska Act, the
author and chief defender of which was Stephen A, Doug-
las. But this act, which repealed the Missouri Compro-
mise and sounded the death-knell of the Fugitive Slave
Act, left the country open to the extension of slavery
throughout the national territory. Such a receding from
the position taken by both the opponents and the advocates
of slavery since the constitutional period, was an instance
of temporizing uncommon to a self-governed people.

With the adoption of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill the
period of temporizing came to an end ; the era of compro-

90 LIFE OF CHAELES ROBIJSfSOJST

mise was past. \Tlie concentration of a great national
struggle in a single small Territory, brought the strife to
a focus and made bloodshed and war inevitable. The
Kansas-l^ebraska Bill turned the intellectual struggle for
supremacy in Congress into a struggle of physical strength,
and the Territory was thrown open to the possession of
opposing forces. These forces met each other face to face,
and in that struggle for possession, war w^as initiated. The
meaning of the bill M-as clear, for it threw open a broad ex-
panse of national territory to the extension of slavery.
Referring to the Territory of Kansas, it finally says:

" The same is hereby erected into a temporary government by
the name of the Territory of Kansas, and when admitted as a State
or States, the said Territory, or any portion of the same, shall be
received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution
may prescribe at the time of their admission. . . . That the Con-
stitution, and all laws of the United States which are not locally
applicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said
Territory of Kansas as elsewhere within the United States, except the
eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri
into the Union, approved March sixth, 1820, which, being inconsistent
with the principles of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in
the States and Territories, as recognized by the legislature of 1850,
commonly called the Compromise measure, is hereby declared inopera-
tive and void; it being the true intent and meaning of the act not
to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it
therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only
to the Constitution of the United States: Provided, That nothing
herein contained shall be construed to revive or put in force any law
or regulation which may have existed prior to the Gth of March, 1820,
either protecting, establishing, prohibiting, or abolishing slavery."

The introduction of this bill by Douglas precipitated
one of the most noted parliamentary struggles in the his-
tory of the nation. On one side was Douglas, the most

THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 91

powerful debater in Congress, followed by a strong sup-
port of alert men. On the other side were Chase, Sumner,
Giddings, Seward, and Wade, with others zealous in the
support of their leaders. The lines of battle were close-
drawn, and the struggle prolonged and intense.

When the bill was finally passed, the boom of the cannon
and the shouts of Southern sympathizers told of its suc-
cess; while on the other side, gloom and apprehension
hung like clouds over all. The few giants who had stood
for justice and for a stay of the slave-power in its triumph-
ant march acknowledged the defeat and expressed their
feelings in a cry of despair.

Seward said. May 25th, 1854:

" The sun has set for the last time upon the guaranteed and cer-
tain liberties of all unsettled and unorganized portions of the Ameri-
can continent that lie within the jurisdiction of the United States.
To-morrow's sun will rise in dim eclipse over them. How long that
obscuration shall last is known only to the Power that directs and
controls all human events."

Senator B. F. Wade said:

" The humiliation of the North is complete and overwhelming.
. . . I know full well that no words of mine can save the country
from this impending dishonor, this meditated wrong which is big with
danger to the good neighborhood of the different sections of the
country, if not the stability of the Union itself."

Salmon P. Chase, in his speech in the Senate, May 25th,
1854, said:

" This bill doubtless paves the Avay for the approach of new,
alarming, and perhaps fatal dangers to our country. It is the part
of freemen and lovers of freedom to stand upon their guard and pre-
pare for the worst events. It is because this bill puts in peril great
and precious interests, reverses the ancient and settled policy of the
Government, and breaks down a great safeguard of liberty, that I feel

92 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

myself constrained to resist it firmly and persistently, though without
avail."

Prior to tlie passag'e of the act in the House of Repre-
sentatives, May 16, 1854, Hon. Joshua K. Giddings, of
Ohio, said:

" Mr. Chairman — Who does not know that the Southern and
servile presses are already proclaiming that when this bill shall have
been passed, slavery shall next be admitted into Minnesota, Washing-
ton, and Oregon? ... To surrender this vast territory will ex-
clude free men from it; for, as I have said, free laborers, bred up
with feelings of self-respect, cannot, and will not, mingle with slaves.
For these reasons it is most obvious that the character of the States
to be carved out of this territory will be determined by that of the
government now to be established. If the territory be settled by
slaveholders, the States will of course be slaveholding States."'

He might have added, if the territory be settled by
antislavery people, the States of course will be antislavery,
— a sequel to the Douglas bill which had not yet dawned in
prospect upon the people. Earlier than this statement of
Giddings, on February 21, 1854, Sumner had stated in
the United States Senate that —

" It is clear beyond dispute that by the overthrow of this prohi-
bition, slavery will be quickened and slaves themselves be multiplied ;
while new room and verge will be secured for the gloomy operations
of the slave law, under which free labor will group, and a vast terri-
tory be smitten with sterility. Sir, a blade of grass would not grow
where the horse of Attila had trod: nor can any true prosperity
spring up in the footprints of a slave. . . . You are asked to
destroy a safeguard of freedom, consecrated by solemn compact under
which the country is reposing in the security of peace, and thus con-
firm the supremacy of slavery."

Although these chief opponents to the Douglas bill saw
with prophetic eyes that a great national issue was to be
settled possibly at the expense of union and liberty, they

THE WAGER OF BATTLE 93

eaw in the situation signs of no hope. They saw nothing
but an unavoidable conflict, which might end in humilia-
tion and defeat. A few papers like the New York Tribune
proclaimed the situation. January 6, 1854, Mr. Greeley

says :

" The Thirty-first Congress inaugurated the era of submissions to
slavery. Since then eveiything has gone on swimmingly in this line.
Not only was the slavery question compromised, but the character and
reputation and principles of hundreds of our public men were com-
promised by the same operation. . . . Freedom's battle was
fought and lost in 1850, and the cowards and traitors have all run
to the winning side.

In the issue of March 14, 1854, the same paper asserts:

" We as a nation are ruled by the black power. It is composed of
tyrants. See, then, how the North is always beaten. The black power
is a unit. It is a steady, never-failing force. It is a real power.
Thus far it has been the only unvarying power of the country, for it
never surrenders and never wavers. It has always governed, and
now governs more than ever."

In the issue of May 24, of the same year, Mr. Greeley
hints strongly of the necessity of a bloody contest. He

says :

"The revolution is accomplished and slavery is king! How long
shall this monarch reign? This is now the question for the Northern
people to answer. Their representatives have crowned the new poten-
tate, and the people alone can depose him. If we were only a few
steps further advanced in the drama of reaction, he could only be
hurled from his seat through a bloody contest."

Subsequently, after the passage of the famous Douglas

bill, in the issue of June 24, 1854, Mr. Greeley says:

"The territory which one short year ago was unanimously con-
sidered by all. North and South, as sacredly secured by irrepealable
law to freedom forever, has been foully betrayed by traitor hearts
and traitor voices, and surrendered to slavery."

94 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

Mr. Theodore Parker, in one of his most striking ad-
dresses, asserted with a sort of despair that —

" There is not one spot of free soil from Nootka Sound to
Key West. In no part of the country is there freedom. The Supreme
Court is a slave court, the Senate is a slave Senate, the Senators are
overseers, Mr. Dou<?las is a great overseer, and Mr. Everett a little
overseer. The press is generally the friend of slavery."

Such were the cries of defeat, of humiliation, such tlie
gloomy forebodings that came from the leaders of liberty.
People of the ISTorth were oppressed with indigiiation and
gloom. But few rays of light were observable anywhere
on the whole horizon. | There was a sentiment arising
favoring the settlement of Kansas with antislavery people
who should build up a free State?, Mr. Sumner had re-
marked at the time of the passage of the bill: "Thus it
puts freedom and slavery face to face and bids them grap-
ple. "Who can doubt the result ? "

Out of the general despair of Seward's speech came one

saving clause :

" Come on, then, gentlemen of the slave States: since there is no
escaping your challenge, I accept it in behalf of freedom. We will
engage in competition for the virgin soil of Kansas, and trod give
the victory to the side that is stronger in numbers as it is in right."

Mr. Seward, however, had no idea as yet of the sudden-
ness with which war would be inaugurated for the settle-
ment of the great question. He could not free himself
from his sense of oppression at the defeat which the party
of freedom had just suffered. Mr. Sumner, at the time of
the passage of the Douglas Bill, expresses a ray of hope :

" In a Christian land and in an age of civilization, a time-honored
statute of freedom is struck down; opening the way to all the count-
less woes and wrongs of human bondage. Among the crimes of history

THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 95

another is about to be recorded, which no tears can blot out, and
which, in better days, will be read with universal shame. . . .
Standing at the very grave of freedom in Kansas and Nebraska, I
lift myself to the vision of that happy resurrection by which freedom
will be secured hereafter, not only in these Territories but every-
where under the National Government.*'

Evidently Mr. Sumner was thinking- of the long, slow
constitutional struggle which in the course of human events
^vould cause freedom and justice to triumph. He evidently
had no conception of the sharp physical struggle, the civil
war that was so soon to follow.

The leaders of the antislavery forces in Congress had
only to look to the rising storm in the North to receive
encouragement and support. Had they been observant the
country would have been spared their fears for the future ;
though it would, to be sure, have been deprived of much of
their eloquence. It was but natural for them to feel that,
having lost the battle in Congress, they had lost it to the
whole country forever, and that the slave-powder had won
and was to remain dominant. But quick recovery from the
humiliation of defeat brought them more hopeful views of
the situation. Throughout the entire North agitation had
begun vigorously, even before the passage of the Kansas-
Nebraska Bill, and was continued with increased vigor
after its passage. The Whig and Democratic parties be-
gan to disintegrate ; old traditions were giving way to new
views of liberty, and public sentiment was rapidly crystal-
lizing around a new force, a common sentiment of freedom.

It would seem that the "Appeal of the Independent
Democrats in Congress to the People of the United States "
against the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was responded to with
an unexpected zeal by the people. This ably written ad-

96 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

dress is strong in the bitterness of the occasion. It ar-
raigns the bill " as a gross violation of a sacred pledge ;
as a criminal betrayal of precious rights ; as part and par-
cel of one atrocious plot to exclude from a vast unoccupied
region, immigrants from the Old World and free laborers
from our own States, and convert it into a dreary region of
despotism inhabited by masters and servants." Referring
then to the Missouri Compromise as an acknowledged part
of the law of the land, the address expresses its disapproval
of the proposal to annul the law. " Language fails to ex-
press the sentiments of indignation and abhorrence," which
are aroused by the Kansas-Nebraska Act. " Shall a plot,"
reads the address, '' against humanity and decency so mon-
strous and so dangerous to the interests of liberty through-
out the world be permitted to succeed ? We appeal to the
people. . . . Let all protest earnestly and emphatically,
by correspondence, through the press, by memorials, by
resolutions of public meetings and legislative bodies, and
in whatever other mode may seem expedient against this
enormous crime." This important document was only ex-
ceeded in brilliancy and strength by the speech of Douglas,
" The Little Giant," in favor of the bill. While the latter
carried with it the majority vote of Congress, the response
to the former in the voice of the people triumphed in the
end, and forever settled the slavei^ question in the United
States.

The people spoke through the press, ably led by Greeley
of the New YorJc Tribune; Bryant and Bigelow of the
Evening Post; Raymond of the Times; Webb of tbe
Courier and Enquirer; Bowles of the Springfield Republi-
can; Thurlow Weed of the Albany Journal; Schouler of

THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 97

the Cmcinnati Gazeite; and followed by the Whig press
of the country and many Democratic papers in the North.

Following immediately were public meetings of protest,
])eginning at l^ew York and extending to nearly every city
and town throughout the jSTorthern States. The Legisla-
tures of Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, ISTew York
and Wisconsin, then in session, each passed resolutions pro-
testing against the bill. Seward began to be hopeful, and
wrote: '"The storm that is rising is such a one as this
country has never seen." But in the face of the storm the
bill was passed, and signed by the President May 30, 1854.

The battle of the giants in Congress was over, and
Douglas had won, but in winning, as Rhodes says, " it must
-be adjudged that Douglas hastened the struggle; he pre-
cipitated the Civil AVar." It was stated by Mr. Greeley
in tlie Tribune of May 17, that " Pierce and Douglas have
made more abolitionists in three months than Garrison and
Phillips could have made in a half-century." But the
agitation went on ; the bill was denounced by the press,
from the pulpit, by legislatures, and from the platforms of
public meetings. ]Srot only was the Kansas-!N"ebraska Act
condemned, but all of its supporters with it, including
Douglas, Pierce, and the administration. Douglas stated
subsequently that he could travel '' from Boston to Chicago
by the light of his own effigies." From this time on the
influence of Douglas began to decline, although his genius
and intellect were not the less bright.

The North continued to protest in every way against the
Kansas-Nebraska and the Fugitive Slave acts. Not only
by the expressions of public sentiment from the platform,
press and pulpit, but in legislative halls was the opposition

98 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

manifest. In many of these last, resolntions for liberty
were passed. The elections in the l^orth showed very
clearly how the people were thinking-, as nearly all the leg-
islators chosen were antislavery in sentiment. The " un-
dergTOimd railroad " was also a protest against the en-
croachments of slavery and the domination of the Southern
States, which with others demonstrated the fearful earnest-
ness of the people of the !N'orth.

On the other hand, the people of the South rejoiced at
the passage of the bill, and at what they seemed to under-
stand as the complete triumph of their cause. Alexander
Stephens, writing in 1860, said that " ISTever was an act
of Congress so generally and so unanimously hailed with
delight at the South." With few exceptions, those who
were advocates of this measure little dreamed that its pas-
sage would be the herald of the death of slavery. A few,
however, with prophetic eye, were not sanguine as to the
future results of the passage of the Kansas-!N^ebraska Act.

If there had been any doubt as to the meaning of the
Compromise Act of 1850, there could be no misunder-
standing as to the significance of the Kansas-l^ebraska Act.
The question as to whether slavery should exist within a
given Territory was to be left to the people of that Terri-
tory. The national powers having failed to deal with the
real question, it was henceforth to be left for decision to a
local struggle of the people. That was the program, and
the people of both sections were quick to see and take ad-
vantage of the situation. " It was at once urged by the
press and by the platform," says Rhodes, "that an effort
should be made to have Kansas enter the Union as a free
State, and a systematic movement was begun with this end

THE WAGER OF BATTLE 99

in view." Everywhere there was a feelim^ among anti-
slavery people that the cause of freedom was at stake, and
that an effort must be made to save Kansas from the blight
of slavery. Everywhere in the South there was a feeling
that efforts must be put forth to establish and perpetuate
slavery in Kansas. Thus it was that two hostile powers
within the nation directed their eyes toward a single point,
— a bit of uninhabited and rolling prairie, — and sent their
cohorts forward to the national dueling-ground where a
duel to settle national honors was to take place, — a duel
without rules or code of arms, — a duel without pretense of
fairness in choice of place, occasion, weapons, or methods
of warfare. The people of Missouri and the South had
resolved that the Yankees could settle in K'ebraska, but
should not enter Kansas, as it by its position was their
rightful possession. Many people in the Xorth, although
they recognized that the odds were greatly against such an
outcome, nevertheless believed that Kansas would event-
ually be settled by a sufficient number of free people to
make it a free State. This was a faint ray of hope shining
through the gloom of despair, and people saw it and cher-
ished it.

The people of Xew England and the Xorth were thor-
oughly aroused, and started emigration to Kansas even be-
fore the final passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, in-
tending, as was hinted by Mr. Seward, to defeat slavery
by numbers ; but the accomplishment of this end was beset
with difficulties not contemplated by the law-abiding people
of the older States. They knew not the deeds that would
be perpetrated in the name of the rights of citizens for or
against liberty. WTiile there was a general movement

100 LIFE OF CHAELES EOBINSON

toward Kansas, tlie special agency for peoplinc; the Terri-
tory with Free-State men, and one which was the center
of the organized effort of the North, was the New England
Emigrant Aid Company.

While many people were aronsed to the need of peopling
Kansas hy Northern immigration, Mr. Eli Thayer may he
said to have heen the originator of the idea of organization
for the pnrpose of huriTing on emigrants to settle in Kan-
sas and estahlish a free State hy actual possession of the
soil. After a careful consideration of the question, and
the manner in which Northern people were to settle in
Kansas, he expresses himself as follows :

" After much and very careful study, I concluded that if this work
could be done at all, it must be done by an entirely new organiza-
tion, depending for success upon methods never before applied. This
was an organized emigration, guided and guarded by a responsible
business company, whose capital should precede the emigrants, and
prepare the way for them by such investments as should be best
calculated to secure their comfort and protection. This emigration
must also be of a kind before unknown, since it must in this ease
be self-sacrificing and voluntary, whereas all historical migrations
had been either forced or self-seeking. To present this new method
of bringing two hostile civilizations face to face upon the disputed
prairies of Kansas in such a way as to unite in its support the entire
Northern people of whatever parties, was the work next to be done.
On this appeal must depend the future of our country. Then arose
the important question, 'Was it possible to create such an agency
to save Kansas?' I believed the time for such a noble and heroic
development had come; but could hope be inspired, and the pulsations
of life be started beneath the ribs of death? The projected plan
would call upon men to risk life and property in establishing freedom
in Kansas. They would be called to pass over millions of acres of
better land than any in the disputed Territory was supposed to be,
land in communities where peace and plenty were assured, to meet
the revolver and the bowie-knife defending slavery and assailing
freedom. Could such men be found, they would certainly prove them-

THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 101

selves to be the very highest types of Christian manhood, much above
all other emigrants. Could such men be found? "^

In an address before a large assembly in the city hall at
Worcester on the 13th of March, 1854, to protest against
the passage of the Douglas bill, Mr. Thayer heralded his
plan of organization. In concluding his speech he stated :

" It is now time to think of what is to be done in the event of the
passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. Now is the time to organize
an opposition that will utterly defeat the schemes of the selfish men
who misrepresent the nation at Washington. Let every effort be
made, let every appliance be brought to bear, to fill up that vast and
fertile Territory with free men — with men who hate slavery, and who
will drive the hideous thing from the broad and beautiful plains where
they go to raise their free homes. [Loud cheers.]

" I for one am willing to be taxed one-fourth of my time, of my
.earnings, until this be done — until a barrier of free hearts and strong
hands shall be built around the land our fathers consecrated to free-
dom, to be her heritage forever." [Loud cheers.] -

Mr. Thayer at once proceeded to draw up a charter of
the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company. By persistent
work before a committee and the Legislature he succeeded
in having a bill passed granting the charter, which was
signed by the Governor on the 26th of April. Soon after-
ward the incorporators held a meeting to prepare for a
plan of work. '^.JThe object of the company was to aid emi-
grants in their journey to Kansas and settlement therein.
The enterprise also had a commercial side, for it was
thought that through investment in lands, the building of
hotels, and the carrying-on of business, returns might
eventually be obtained for those interested. But the
dominant idea was that of advancing settlement in the
new Territory. The original capital stock was fixed at

' The Kansas Crusade, p. 24.
*Idem, p. 2.5.

102 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON

five millions. The books for stock subscriptions were
opened, and tlie undertaking fairly started. For the op-
erations of 1854 it was decided to collect an assessment
of four per cent, as soon as one million had been subscribed.
The whole object of this company organization was to
save Kansas to freedom by actually doing it. As Eli
Thayer says, " Our work was not to make women and chil-
dren cry in antislavery conventions by sentimental ap-
peals, but to go out and put an end to slavery."

Two great difficulties were in the way. One was the
opposition of the Abolitionists, who held that the coloni-
zation scheme was unpatriotic and false in principle. The
Abolitionists were uncompromising in everything; they
would behead the slave power with the sword, for in no
other way could slavery be suppressed. The report that
organized efforts were being made in the ]S!^orth to forward
emigrants to colonize Kansas, stirred up all western
Missouri to prevent the success of any such movement.
To overcome, then, the influences of the Abolitionists on
the one hand and the hostility of the Missourians on the
other, were the chief difficulties to be encountered. But
a great work of arousing public sentiment was carried on,
and the efforts of Eli Thayer insured the success of the en-
terprise. Speeches and addresses were made throughout
the North to arouse enthusiasm, and subscriptions to stock
were secured to carry on the financial side.

Owing to the fact that the first charter saddled objec-
tionable liabilities upon individuals who might associate
under it, it was abandoned. " The w^hole business was
passed into the hands of Thayer, Lawrence, and J. M. S.
Williams, who were constituted trustees, and managed

THE WAGER OF BATTLE 103

affairs in a half-personal fashion until February, 1855,
when a second charter was obtained, and an association
formed with a slightly rephrased title — ' The 'New Eng-
land Emigrant Aid Company' — and with John Carter
Brown, of Providence, Rhode Island, as president. In
the conduct of the company, the trustees, who bridged
the interval between the first and second charters, con-
tinued to be a chief directive and inspirational force. Mr.
Thayer preached the gospel of organized emigration
with tireless and successful enthusiasm, while Mr. Law-
rence discharged the burdensome but all-important duties
of treasurer." Thus came into being the organization
known as the l^ew England Emigrant Aid Company;
an organization somewhat more restricted in its nature
than the earlier one had been, having all the objectiona-
ble features of the latter removed, and devoting itscilf to
a single purpose, that of colonizing Kansas.

It is at this juncture that Charles Robinson appears
on the scene of the Kansas conflict. He was chosen as
financial agent of the Emigrant Aid Company, with his
field of operations in Kansas. As before stated,^ at one
of the Chapman Hall meetings, Eli Thayer saw for the
first time Charles Robinson, and engaged him to act as the
agent of the Emigrant Aid Company. Speaking of the
wisdom of the choice, Mr. Thayer says :

" A wiser and more sagacious man for this work could not liave
been found within the borders of the nation. By nature and by train-
ing he was perfectly well equipped for the arduous work before him.
A true democrat and a lover of the rights of man, he had risked his
life in California while defending the poor and weak against the
cruel oppression of the rich and powerful. He was willing at any

1 See Chapter I.

104 LIFE OF CIIAKLES KOIUNSON

time, if tlicrp were noed. to die for his principles. In addition to such
brave devotion to his duty, he had the clearest foresight, and the
coolest, calmest judgment in determining; the course of action best
adapted to secure the rights of the Free-State settlers. No one in
Kansas was so mucli as he the man for the place and time. He was a
deeper thinker than Atchison, and triumphed over the border ruflians
and the more annoying and more dangerous self-seekers of his own
party. The man who 'paints the lily and gilds refined gold' is just the
one to tell us how Charles Eobinson might have been better qualified
for his Kansas work. But his character, so clearly defined in free-
dom's greatest struggle, superior to the help or harm of criti(;isni,
reveals these salient points of excellence: majesty of mind and hu-
mility of heart, stern justice and tender sympathy, heroic will and
sensitive conscience, masculine strength and maidenly modesty, leonine
courage and Avomanly gentleness, with power to govern based on self-
restraint, and love of freedom deeper than love of life." ^

Subsequent events are sufficient to justify this liigh
tribute to Governor Robinson's cliaracter and his fitness
for the place given him by the recommendation of Mr.
Thayer. He was large enough and broad enough in con-
ception, and sufficiently careful and judicious to be in-
trusted with the management of affairs of a great Terri-
tory. Nature had given him a peculiar insight into
affairs, and endowed him with a shrewdness and sagacity
which enabled him to compete successfully with opposing
forces. The actual services of Dr. Robinson in the build-
ing of Kansas are more and more apparent to the people
and to the historian as years of reflection disclose the real
situation of the case. Mr. Amos A. Lawrence, of Bos-
ton, who was the strong support of the Emigrant Aid Com-
pany, and who watched with care every movement in
Kansas during the period of struggle, speaking before the

1 The Kansas Crusade, p. 34.

THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 105

Massachusetts Historical Society in May, 1884, paid this

remarkable tribute to Charles Robinson :

" He was cool, judicious, and entirely void of fear, and in every
respect worthy of the confidence reposed in him by the settlers and
the society. He was obliged to submit to great hardships and in-
justice, chiefly through the imbecility of the United States Govern-
ment's agents. He was imprisoned, his house was burned, and his
life was often threatened. Yet he never bore arms or omitted to do
whatever he thought to be his duty. He sternly held the people to
loyalty to the Government against the arguments and example of the
' higher-law ' men, who were always armed, who were not real set-
tlers, and who were combined in bringing about the border war, which
they hoped would extend to the other States. The policy of the New
England Society carried out by Robinson and those who acted with
him in Kansas was finally successful and triumphant."

It was through identification with his work as agent of
the Emigrant Aid Company that Dr. Robinson began his
career in Kansas. In this as in other matters he acted ac-
cording to his earnest convictions. He opposed slavery ;
he believed in the settlement of Kansas and the conquest
of the slave-power by building up homes of freemen on
a free soil. Once committed to this proposition, he
brought his varied experience and his excessive energy
to the support of the work. In this he was greatly aided
by his wife, Mrs. Sara T. D. Robinson, who was admira-
bly qualified for her responsible position as a support for
her husband in his arduous work. She had a keen insight
into affairs, a quick perception and ready judgment, as
well as a fearless and active nature which brought her
services more than once into demand in times of critical
moment. Mr. Thayer, speaking of lier adaptibility and
eminent services, says :

" Entirely devoted to the cause of freedom, Mrs. Robinson brought
to her work a well-disciplined mind, high courage, and an unconquera-

106 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

ble faith. She was an inspiration to all the women in the Territory,
whona she influenced by her ardent words and her graceful though
vigorous pen. Nor did her influence stop at the confines of the field
of conflict between the two hostile civilizations, but extended through-
out the free States. In 1856 she published a most entertaining book,
replete with charming pictures of the daily life of our brave pioneers,
and of thrilling incidents of that most exciting period. This had
wide circulation, and was a very efficient aid in our great work." '

The book referred to written by Mrs. Robinson was en-
titled " Kansas ; Its Interior and Exterior Life." Of all
the books that the author has consulted in connection with
the subjects treated in this little volume, no other one
possesses the peculiar charm of this book of Mrs. Robin-
son's. Written upon the spot, while the scenes and inci-
dents described were fresh in her mind, her graphic pen-
pictures give the reader such a representation of the ac-
tual condition of affairs as is not to be found anywhere
else in print. The book is not written with any desire to
establish a theory or to defend a partisan measure, as un-
fortunately so many books about Kansas are written, but
it aims to tell just what is seen, is happening, or transpir-
ing, before the observation of those active in the Territory.
How fortunate it would be had many of those active in
the Kansas struggle written at the time, as Mrs. Robinson
did, their record of events as seen from their ot\ti stand-
point, rather than waited until later years, as so many of
them did, t^ tell the story from reflective memory. In
attempting to tell things just as they are without any
especial embellishment, Mrs. Robinson has lent a peculiar
charm to her work, which will be a source of perennial
delight t^ the investigator of Kansas history and to the

1 The Kansas Cr«sR<lp, p. 35.

THE WAGEE OF BATTLE 107

peruser of Kansas books. It goes into history as a classic ;
it is both literature and history.

The actual services of the Emigrant Aid Company are
hard to estimate. It would be as easy to overestimate as
to underestimate what it really accomplished. Perhaps
its best services are to be found in the work of the Boston
agency in forwarding emigrants at reduced fares and di-
recting them into the new Territory; in the perpetual
agitation kept up by Eli Thayer and other members of the
company, by which many were induced to go to Kansas on
their own account ; in its provision of an agency at Kansas
City and Lawrence for the aid of all immigrants ; in the
encouragement it gave to the founding of schools and
churches; and, lastly, in building hotels and sawmills.
While the company was instrumental in forwarding many
citizens directly to Kansas, the first immigrants, so aided,
found other Eree-State people already in the Territory
on their arrival. But the Eree-State men in and about
Lawrence, where the headquarters of the Company were
located, met a variety of interests and many difficulties.
Lawrence became the storm-center of the Eree-State cause,
as well as the Aid Company's base of operation. It be-
came the rallying-point of the Eree-State men as well as
the object of attack and especial hatred of the Proslavery
party. The services of the Company cannot be measured
by the actual numbers of voting settlers which it placed in
the Territory, for its general services were quite as impor-
tant as its special, i^oreover, while many other agencies
were at work in helping Kansas, the whole ISTorth felt the
impulse of the agitation aroused by the operations of the
Emigrant Aid Companyi On the other hand, by vigor-

108 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

onslj defending its own it aroused the special hatred of the
Proslavery people of the South and increased the intensity
of tlie strife.

What would have been the result in Kansas if this Com-
pany had never existed, no one can determine ; but as the
Avhole question as to whether Kansas should be admitted
as a free or slave State finally hinged on the number of
voters in the Territory, and as the Free-State people
needed protection and defense in order that they might
come to Kansas and remain, it does not seem likely that
the results actually achieved could have been entirely at-
tained without the services of the Company. But it must
be remembered that Kansas was not admitted, although
the local battle was really w^on, until the cause for freedom
had taken national proportions ; until the movement
against slavery had become a national one. Hence the
services of the Company in focusing the sentiments of the
ISTorth on Kansas were not greater than in uniting the
!N^orth in its preparation for a great national struggle.

While !N^ew England and the Emigrant Aid Company
were powerful in agitation and action, much credit is due
to the hardy and courageous pioneers who came from the
other States, — particularly those of the ISTorthwest and of
Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Iowa. Early in 1854 these peo-
ple came to Kansas to settle, to make homes, to subdue the
soil, and, if necessary, to fight as well as to vote for free in-
stitutions. A careful examination into the historical rec-
ords will reveal the names of many from these States who
bore a manly and active part in the Kansas struggle.
Thus did the Northern States contribute to Kansas their
several quotas of emigrants who were to become defenders
of the soil against the encroachments of the slave-power.

THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 109

It was an interesting spectacle to see the hosts of freedom
hurrying forward from all parts of the ]S3"orth and West
to meet the slavery hordes of the South ; especially inter-
esting as this movement meant the settlement by physical
force of what statesmen oould not settle in the halls of
Congress. The North had accepted the challenge of the
South to meet and settle the difficulty hy votes, and this
really meant nothing else than the settling of the account
hy a passage at arms, if it appeared necessary. The peo-
ple of the jSTorth understood the case, and met the demands
of the emergency. But there were grave fears on the part
of the opponents of slavery that the ISTorth would not be
able to send sufficient numbers to outvote the proslavery
element, and great anxiety prevailed lest the Territory
should be captured by the advocates of slavery before the
Northern emigration was thoroughly set in motion. The
Proslavery party realized the importance of an early con-
quest, and did all in their power to retard immigration
from the North, to harass the Free-State settlers, and to
obtain and keep control of the Territorial Government.

But the lines of battle w^ere soon closely drawn. On the
one side was the Proslavery party of the South, aided by
many Northern Democrats, and having the entire sym-
pathy of the Federal Government ; and on the other was
the Antislavery party of the North. Each sent forward
its representatives to the field of battle, to settle, by mortal
combat if need be, one of the greatest and most grievous
questions that ever troubled a nation. The war of words,
the struggle of laws in Congress, was shifted to the plains
of Kansas, and was there turned into bloody strife. But
this little cloud of war which arose out of the West was
presently to envelop the whole nation.

110 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

CHAPTEK IV.

EARLY SETTLEMENT AND THE LAWRENCE WAR.

In June, 1854, Dr. Charles Robinson, of Fitcbburg,
and Mr. Charles II. Branscomb, of Holyoke, Massachu-
setts, M'ere sent to explore the Territory of Kansas and
select a site for the location of the emigrants sent out un-
der the protection of the Emigrant Aid Company. As
before related. Dr. Robinson had passed from Kansas City
to the present site of Lawrence and over the California
road to the Pacific slope. The road which he traversed
started at Westport, crossed the Wakarusa near what was
once the town of Eranklin, and wound over the low hill
southeast of where now stands the State University. At
this time Robinson and his party climbed the hill on which
the University is now situated, and from the top of Mount
Oread obtained magnificent views of the surrounding coun-
try. When chosen as agent of the Emigrant Aid Com-
pany and directed to explore the country for a suitable place
for settlement, the magnificent country around Mount
Oread must have been prominent in the mind of Dr. Rob-
inson.

On arriving in Kansas Dr. Robinson passed up the
Missouri as far as Leavenworth, taking note of the natural
advantages of the country; while Branscomb passed di-
rectly to the present site of Lawrence, where subsequently
Dr. Robinson met him. While the exploration of these
advance agents was taking place, a company was being
formed in ISTew England to establish a colony in Kansas.

EARLY SETTLEMENT 111

Twenty-nine emigrants formed this first party, who started
off on their long journey with the great enthusiasm char-
acteristic of initial movements. They received ovations
at Worcester and Albany, and were cheered at all the
principal stations on their westward journey. The colony
traversed Lake Erie in the steamer "Plymouth Eock,"
and passing through Chicago, came to St. Louis, where
they were met by Dr. Robinson. The Doctor at once
looked after general needs, and secured transportation on
the steamer " Polar Star," which left St. Louis July 24th,
for Kansas City. Leaving Kansas City on July 28th,
1854, they traveled on foot to Lawrence, having an ox team
to carry their baggage, and arrived at their destination
July 31st. Twenty-five tents were pitched on the north
side of Mount Oread, and the emigrants ate their first meal
near where the old University building now stands. On
the 2d day of August they went to work laying out claims,
driving stakes and preparing for permanent settlement.
After the Xew England custom, they soon held a town
meeting for organization, and discussed the feasibility of
locating at this place. Aft-er due consideration, it was
decided by the majority to remain and form a t^^vn in this
locality, on the supposition that the Massachusetts Aid
Company would make this the basis of their operations in
the Territory. In a day or two they moved off the hill,
v.'hieh they named Mount Oread, after Mr. Thayer's
Castle home and the Young Ladies' Institute on Mt. Oread
in Worcester, Massachusetts, and camped near the Kaw
river. After spending some time in claim-hunting, quite
a number of the emigrants returned East for the purpose
of brinsrins: their families.

112 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

In the mean time Dr. Robinson had returned to St.
Tvonis to condnct to Kansas the second party of emigrants,
which left Boston the last of An^ist. This party was
much larger than the first, containinc^ sixty-seven members
in the beginning, and receiving accessions on the way nntil
the number was one hundred and fourteen, several ladies
and several children being numbered in the company.
They arrived at Lawrence, or Wakarusa as it was then
called, September 9, when they joined the first party, and
soon agreed with them upon plans for the union of the two
companies and for the laying-out of the town. Among
these early emigrants were many who were to take promi-
nent part in the settlement of the future State, — pioneers
in a new country who were to lay the foundation of a new
commonwealth and to build their structure upon it. The
chara(*ter of this ])eople was of old New England quality.
They were anxious to transplant New England institu-
tions into the fertile soil of the New West, but were not
wanting in that practical thrift which ever characterized
the early New England settlers ; for they were interested
in the fertile lands of Kansas as well as in the institu-
tions of New England. " Truly, they sought to establish
civil and religious lil>erty in Kansas and at the same time
to enter and possess the promised land. The process was
to establish homes, to develop the resources of the country,
that free institutions might flourish." The Emigrant Aid
Company was sending out free men to make Kansas a
free State, but in order to do this these men must first be-
come bona fide settlers, tilling the soil, building towns,
improving the country, and organizing government.
Thus, while interested in their own welfare, they sought

EAELY SETTLEMENT 113

the freedom of others ; for, as Col. S. N. Wood, in an ad-
dress delivered at the quarter-centeimial celebration at
Topeka, said : "' The pioneers who became trusted leaders
among the Free-State hosts were men who could not rest
in their old, comfortable homes when the demon of human
slavery was clutching at freedom's rightful heritage.
Many of them were the sons of the old antislavery agita-
tors, and had learned from childhood to hate slavery and
to love freedom, and to claim it as the right of all men,
races, and conditions."

It is interesting to note the effect of the transmission of
puritanical ideas from ISTew England to the plains of Kan-
sas. The local institutions of Old England which, were
developed in ~S&w England have been repeated and per-
petuated in the far West. Yet more remarkable than
these is the philosophy of right and wrong, of duty and of
service, which actuated these people. While after the
manner of ISTew England people they were strict in the ob-
servance of the law and provincial in their notions of right
and wrong, a supreme consciousness of the right regard-
less of conventionalities was ever ready to make tiem
break forth in denunciation of any opposition to what their
conscience told them was right. These sterling qualities
made them fit for pioneers, fit to stand in a great struggle
for the right against fearful opposition. They must be
not alone the architects of their own fortunes, but also
the builders of their own commonwealth and the preservers
of the liberties of the people.

They brought with them the Bible and their ideas of
public schools. They brought with them ideas of New
England culture and refinement. They were not forced

114 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

to leave their homes on account of personal oppression as
were the Puritans and Pilgrims of old, but like those early-
emigrants they sought to better their economic condition
and at tlie same time to build up civil and religious free-
dom in a new land. While in the railroad station at Bos-
ton tlie second party of emigrants sang Whittier's well-
known hymn, which voiced the sentiments of the party:

" We cross the piaii'ies as of old
Our fathers crossed the sea.
To make the West, as they the East,
The homestead of the free.

" We go to rear a wall of men
On Freedoms southern line.
And plant beside the cotton tree
The rugged northern pine.

" We 're flowing from our native hills
As our free rivers flow;
The blessing of our mother land
Is on us as we go.

" We go to plant the common school
On distant prairie swells.
And give the Sabbaths of the wilds
The music of her bells.

" Upbearing, like the ark of God,
The Bible in our van,
We go to test the truth of God
Against the fraud of man."

They further voiced their sentiments in a hymn written
for the occasion, as follows :

" We '11 seek the rolling prairies.
The regions yet urseen^
Nor stay our feet unweary
By Kansas' flowing stream.

EAKLY SETTLEMENT 115

"And then with hands unfettered
Our altars we will raise;
With voices uplifted

We 'II sing our Maker's praise."

Many of the emigrant-s were opposed to slavery from
principle, and they were now to take peaceful possession
of a new land, to stand for principles which had been in-
culcated in their education. It is an easy matter to make
professions and speeches and to agitate, but to enter a
field of operation and actually to demonstrate by service
what the conscience dictates is very far from easy. To
establish a free State by living was the object of the Emi-
grant Aid Company. Mr. Eli Thayer, the founder of this
Company, states this object as follows :

" The present crisis was to decide whether freedom or slavery
should rule our country for centuries to come. That slavery was a
great national curse; that it practically ruined one half of the nation
and greatly impeded the progress of the other half. That it was a
curse to the negro, but a much greater curse to the white man. It
made the slaveholders petty tyrants, who had no correct idea of them-
selves or of anybody else. It made the poor whites of the South more
abject and degraded than the slaves themselves. It was an insur-
mountable obstacle in the way of the nation's progress and prosperity.
That it must be overcome and extirpated. That the way to do this
was to go to the prairies of Kansas and show the superiority of free-
labor civilization; to go with all our free-labor trophies: churches
and schools, printing-presses, steam-engines, and mills; and in a
peaceful contest convince every poor man from the South of the
superiority of free labor. That it was much better to go and do
something for free labor than to stay at home and talk of manacles
and auction- blocks and bloodhounds, while deploring the never-ending
aggressions of slavery. That in this contest the South had not one
element of success. We had much greater numbers, much greater
wealth, greater readiness of organization, and better facilities of
migration. That we should put a cordon of free States from Minne-
.sota to the Gulf of Mexico, and stop the forming of slave States.

116 LIFE OF CHARLES BOBINSON

After that we i^hould colonize the Bcrthern border slave States and
exterminate slavery. That our work was not to make women and
children cry in antislavery conventions by sentimental appeals, but

TO GO AND PX;T AN END TO SLAVERY." ^

Sncli was the philosophy behind the emigration move-
ment from ISTew England. Bnt the carrying out of this
philosophy is what concenis ns now, for it is in this Dr.
Robinson appears prominent.

Other emigrants were pouring in from different parts
of the North and Northwest. But it is the province of this
book to follow more especially the work of the Emigrant
Aid Company and the connection of that Company with
the settlements of eastern Kansas about Lawrence, because
it is wnth this phase of the work that Dr. Robinson had
most to do in the early period. But Lawrence from the
earliest period of its existence was the storm-center of the
struggle. Primarily because of its connection with the
company which sought to establish freedom in Kansas, it
was an object of especial hatred to the hordes of Missou-
rians who sought to fasten the shackles of slavery upon the
new Territory. In and around this center took place
nearly all of those bitter struggles which characterized the
early settlement of the State. Difficulties arose in very
many directions. The first trouble was due to contests
over disputed claims. Soon after the passage of the
Douglas bill, which it will be remembered provided for
squatter sovereignty in Kansas, the citizens of Missouri
who were determined to make Kansas a slave State rushed
across the border and staked out claims on much of the
desirable land, in order to preoccupy it and prevent the

' The EaneaR Crueade, p. 31.

EAELY SETTLEMENT 117

N'orthern immi^Taiits from establishing their claims.
Nearly all of these people returned to their own homes after
their claims were registered in an office in Missouri, The
manner of occupation was merely to drive in a few stakes
or throw a few logs across one another and call the struc-
ture a cabin, or to put up a notice saying that certain ter-
ritory was preempted. This was all that was usually done
towards settlement. With these pretension and the reg-
istration of claims, the Missourians hoped to keep the
"Yankees" off the soil. Prior to the establishment of
the town-site of Lawrence, several of these claims had
been taken on the ground later occupied by the town.
When the emigrants arrived and laid out the town, only
two of these "squatter sovereigns" were on the ground;
but subsequently other " sovereigns " returned, and a strife
arose out of the attempt to settle claims. The claim of
one of the two " squatter sovereigns," just mentioned, was
purchased and paid for, but the other claimant, a John
Baldwin, refused to sell. Mr. Stearns had improved a
quarter-section, but Mr. Branscomb paid him five hundred
dollars out of the Emigrant Aid treasury for his claim,
and he relinquished all rights and title. John Baldwin
established himself within a few rods of the Steams cabin,
and asserted his right to one hundred and sixty acres of
the land. The managers of the town company desired to
leave the question to the courts, but Baldwin was not so
inclined, and employed a young man by the name of C.
W. Babcock as his attorney. Dr. Robinson advocated the
defense by the Free-State settlers of all claims until the
courts should settle the difficulty. Baldwin, however, as-
sociated with himself Stone and Freeman, men of some

118 LIFE OF CHAKLES HOBINSON

means and influence, together with the attorney Babcock,

and placed the entire business in the hands of a specu-

hitor named Starr, who immediately proceeded to lay

out a rival city on the same territory, which he named

Excelsior.

As the public survey had not yet been made and mapped,

the titles to lands were not clearly defined, and things

were in a very confused state. The strife over claims

grew very bitter, contentions arising between Free-State

as well as Proslavery men. But the struggle which arose

out of the question of property rights finally was reduced

to a strife between the antislavery and proslavery elements.

An attempt was made by the Baldwin party to remove the

tent of the Emigrant Aid Company's property, but the

representatives of the latter were vigilant and came to the

rescue. The following day, Baldwin and the Missourians

began to assemble in the neighborhood of the tent, and

about four o'clock the following message was sent to Dr.

Robinson :

" Kansas Territory, October 6th.

Dk. Robinson: Yourself and friends are hereby notified that
you will have one-half hour to move the tent which you have on my
disputed claim, and from this date desist from surveying on said
claim. If the tent is not moved within one-half hour, we shall take
the trouble to move the same.

(Signed) John Baldwin and Friends."

The following pointed reply was instantly returned :

" To John Baldwin and Friends : If you molest our property
you do it at your peril. C. Robinson and Friends."

The Missourians to the number of eighteen, fully
equipped and armed, rallied aroimd their tent. Fully
thirty of the settlers rallied around their own tent, and

EARLY SETTLEMENT 119

prepared for war. After the notice had been sent, a con-
sultation was held between Dr. Robinson and a delegate
from the enemy's post. Dr. Robinson proposed to leave
the case to the settlement by arbitration of disinterested
and unbiased men, or to settlement by the squatter courts
then existing, or to the United States court. But a rep-
resentative of the Baldwin party insisted that at the end
of the half-hour they should proceed to remove the tent,
and if they failed in the attempt, three thousand Missou-
rians, or if necessary thirty thousand, would be raised
in Missouri to sweep the settlers from the earth. The
half-hou" passed, however, and no demonstration was
made; and another quarter of an hour passed and the
Baldwin party were still consulting in sight of the Robin-
son party. A little incident perhaps had much to do with
the settlement of the question. During the suspense, John
Hutchinson, one of the Robinson party, asked Dr. Rob-
inson what he would do if they attempted to remove the
tent : " Would he fire io hit them, or would he fire over
them?" Dr. Robinson promptly replied that he would
be ashamed to fire at a man and not hit him. It appears
that a man who had been with the Free-State men now
went over to the Proslavery men. The latter soon after-
ward dispersed, and this ended the struggle for the claim.
A report of the strife and its results was circulated far
and wide among the Proslavery settlers, who now sent out
a call for a meeting, sigTied by many citizens. The sover-
eign people of Kansas Territory were requested to meet
in Lawrence, January 11th, at eleven o'clock, to adopt
measures to protect themselves against moneyed associa-
tions and influence, and against the tyrannical encroach-

120 LIFK OV CHAKLES KOBINSON

ments daily made by the Lawrence association. As tlie
Lawrence association was composed of Free-State men
backed by the Emii^rant Aid Company, whose purpose was
known, the efforts of the Proslavery men were therefore
to be directed against the association. The meeting was
rather mob-like in its character, and during it an attempt
was made to shoot Dr. Robinson. There was much bitter-
ness manifested in the meeting against the Lawrence asso-
ciation, the Emigrant Aid Company, and Dr. Robinson in
particular. Believing that the resolutions of this meet-
ing were not expressive of the sentiments of the people at
large, another meeting was called, by those who were not
members of the Lawrence association but were in sympathy
with it. This meeting was held in the church, on the 16th,
and was composed of both members and non-members of
the association, who proceeded to denounce the resolu-
tions of the meeting of the 11th. Stirring resolutions
were also adopted commending the great work of the Emi-
grant Aid Company, and cordially inviting the members
of the Lawrence association to remain and cooperate in
the settlement of the country. At the same meeting a
committee of the Lawrence association passed resolutions
discountenancing any acts of violence, trespass, or injus-
tice; upholding the protection of the home and the per-
son ; denying that the Lawrence association had committed
any violation of justice, and refuting the accusations of
their enemies. " Dr. Robinson, toward the close of the
meeting, made a short and sensible speech, refuting some
of the charges made against him, counseling his hearers
of the danger of quarrels among themselves, and impress-
ing upon them the duty and necessity of union ; but they

EARLY SETTLEMENT 121

miglit, with voice and hand and means combined, defend
these hills and valleys, these rivers and broad prairies
from the curse of human bondage and chains of slavery."
Some time after this meeting an attempt was made to
cut down the house of Dr. Robinson, and it was only on the
approach of Free-Stat« men that the cutting was given up
and the vandals slunk away. Disturbances and annoy-
ances and the strife for property were continued for some
time. But while Dr. Robinson was in the East, having
gone thither to conduct a party of emigrants westward
in the spring of 1855, a compromise was made between
the land-jumpers and the settlers of Lawrence. The area
of the town was limited to six hundred and forty acres,
and four or five men were given one hundred shares out of
a total of two hundred and twenty into which the site was
divided, leaving one hundred and ten shares for the origi-
nal Free-State town company, two shares in trust for the
endowment of a school, and eight shares for the Emigrant
Aid Company. This compromise was a great detriment
to the town, and there is no evidence of any reason why it
should have been made, as the town-site jumpers had no
right whatever to the territory. When the town-site was
selected the territory included within the corporate limits
was excepted from individual preemption. As Lawrence
was selected as the town-site the last of July, 1854, and
these lands were not open to settlement, according to the
statement of the Land Commissioner, until September 28th
of that year, no individual claimant could have any
right to the territory either prior to the 28th or afterward,
as the land was covered by the town-site. But this com-
promise did not settle the difficulties in regard to claims,

122 L11.B OF CHAELES KOBINSON

wliicli were eventually adjusted by Government officials.
It was very unfortunate for the town of Lawrence that Dr.
Kobinson was absent at this time, because his clear head
and shrewd manaoement would not have allowed any such
compromise. He would have held out to the last for what
was just and ri^^ht, and without doubt Government officials
would have eventually settled everything in favor of the
hona fide settlers of Lawrence. This would have been
much better for the town in very many ways.

But the settlement of claims and town-sites was a small
part of the trouble of these early immigrants. While the
North was being aroused for the purpose of sending in
Free-State men for the settlement of Kansas, Missouri and
the South were wide awake to the situation, and determined
if possible to make Kansas a slave State, The newspapers
of Missouri all along the border denounced the " abolition-
ists" and "Yankees" in the vilest terms, and public
speakers proclaimed the determination to blot them from
the face of the earth. A meeting of Proslavery men at
Salt Creek Valley resolved : " That we recognize the in-
stitution of slavery as always existing in this Territory,
and recommend slaveholders to introduce their property
as early as possible. That w^e will afford protection to
no abolitionists as settlers of Kansas Territory." At Lib-
erty, Missouri, June 8, 1854, the Democratic platform
contained the following clause:

" We learn from a gentleman lately from the Territory of Kan-
sas that a great many Missourians have already set their pegs
in that country, and are making arrangements to ' darken the at-
mosphere ' with their negroes. This is right. Let every man that
owns a negro go there and settle, and our Northern brethren will
be compelled to hnnt further north for a location."

EAELY SETTLEMENT 123

The division of j^ebraska Territory into Kansas and
Nebraska made many people think that while the latter
might he free, the former was necessarily to he slave. The
Missourians were thoroughly and practically committed
to the latter proposition.

The Platte Argus stated, among other things, the fol-
lowing in an address to Missourians :

"Citizens of the West, of the South, and Illinois: Stake out
your claims; woe be to the Abolitionist or Mormon who shall intrude
upon it, or come within reach of your long and true rifles, or within
point-blank shot of your revolvers. Keep a sharp lookout lest some
dark night you shall see the flames curling from your houses or the
midnight philanthropist hurrying oflf your faithful servant."

Such inflammatory articles, resolutions and speeches as
these aroused the Missourians to the point of desperation,
until they were ready to adopt any means whatsoever to
make Kansas a slave State. They were ready to intimi-
dat-e, oppress, rob, pillage, burn, shoot, even murder, for
the sake of carrying their point. Hence it was that the
people on the borders of Missouri interfered in every way
possible in the settlement and government of Kansas. This
interference appeared most prominently in the first elec-
tions in Kansas.

The Federal administration at Washington was in
sympathy with the proslavery movement in Kansas ; and
while it endeavored to maintain a tone of respectability,
it also endeavored at all times to favor the Proslavery men.
Governor Reeder arrived in Lawrence on the 19th of Oc-
t>ober. This first Territorial Governor of Kansas had ar-
rived at Leavenworth on October 7th. He was received
with a great ovation, the Proslavery element predominat-
ing in the reception. They intended here to capture the

124 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

newly appointed Governor and win liiin over to their way
of thinking'. On his way to Fort Kiley he visited Law-
rence, where he was well received. The whole city of
two hnndred inhabitants assembled to welcome the Grov-
emor, and addresses, toasts, speeches, a dinner and general
good cheer made this a day long to be remembered in the
annals of the town. A bit of verse contributed by Mrs.
S. ]S^. Wood, full of poetic feeling and fine thought, of-
fered to Governor Eeeder a most hearty welcome to the
Territory. Governor Reeder was desirous of treating
everybody fairly within the Territory. This, of course,
was a difficult thing to do. The lines between Proslavery
and Antislavery parties were being drawn more closely
every day. People were pouring in from the ISTorthem
States more rapidly than they could be well cared for,
while Missouri and the South sent in some immigrants
and kept up a constant agitation against the Free-State
cause. Two newspapers were established in Lawrence, —
the Kansas Pioneer, a Free-State paper edited by John
and J. L. Speer, and the Herald of Freedom., edited by
G. W. Brown. The first number of the former was
printed at Medina, Ohio, and the first number of the latter
at Conneautville, Pa. Mr. Speer took the copy for the
first number of his paper to the office of the Kansas City
Enterprise to have it printed, but when it was ascertained
to be a Free-State paper. Judge Story, the publisher of
the Eiiterprise, refused to print it. Mr. Speer met with
the same experience in the office of the Leavenworth Her-
ald, and was finally obliged to print his paper in his old
home, Medina, Ohio, where freedom of the press and free-
dom of speech were not restricted.

EAULY SETTLEMENT 125

As progress was made in the settlement and organization
of Kansas, troubles began to deepen, clouds began to ap-
pear on the horizon, and these hardy pioneers were soon
called upon to test their strength in the adherence to the
purposes for which they had come to Kansas. Appar-
ently the odds were against them, for the few Free-State
men were under the shadow of the populous State of Mis-
souri, whose inhabitants were determined to make Kansas
a slave State and to drive the abolitionists and Free-State
men from the country. The attempt at Territorial or-
ganization that was now made defined the situation and
precipitated the struggle. Governor Keeder made his
first election proclamation November 10th, 1854, which
defined the qualification of voters and gave a list of elec-
tion districts and polling-places. It provided that any
free male person who was twenty-one years of age and an
actual settler was entitled to vote. This election was
called for the choosing of a Delegate to Congress, and was
held on the 29th of ]S3"ovember, 1854. Before the day of
election, armed hordes poured over the IVOssouri line
into the Territory for the purpose of controlling the elec-
tions. These people visited the polls, claimed that they
were residents because they were in the Territory, and had
a right to vote because they were twenty-one years of age,
and cast votes for the Proslaverv candidate, General
Whitfield, who was thus illegally elected to Congress.
Out of a total number of 2,833 votes which were cast for
Mr. Whitfield, 1,724 were fraudulent. There is little
doubt, indeed, that Mr. Whitfield could have been elected
had there been no fraudulent votes cast, for at this time the
majority of the citizens of the Territory were Proslavery.

126 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

Threats were made by tlie Proslavery people that If any-
one challenged a vote he would be killed. The eightli dis-
trict was a remote, sparsely settled territory. In this
district 584 illegal votes were cast and only 20 legal ones.
At Leavenworth several hundred men came over from
Platte, Clay and Ray counties, and camped around the
town to control the polls. After the election was over the
men from Missouri mounted their wagons and horses, cry-
ing out, "All aboard for Westport and Kansas City ! " and
then returned to their homes in Missouri, to await another
opportunity to help control Kansas. The only salvation of
the Territory seemed to be the multiplication of Free-State
men who could outvote the Missourians. In February,
1855, Governor Eeeder caused the census to be taken,
which showed the whole number of inhabitants to be
8,501. As soon as the census was completed Governor
Eeeder issued a proclamation announcing an election for
March 30, 1855, to choose a legislative assembly. The
Missourians were preparing to control this election after
the manner of the preceding one. General Atchison had
made speeches in Missouri ; so had one Stringfellow, who
urged a firm resistance to antislavery men. Secret soci-
eties, called Blue Lodges, Friends' Societies, etc., were
organized in western Missouri for the purpose of blotting
out abolitionism ! They passed fiery resolutions denounc-
ing N'orthern men, offering large rewards for the heads of
some, and asserting that they would drive the abolitionists
from the country. This agitation had been going on for
nearly a year. As early as May, 1854, one of the princi-
pal speakers who harangued the people from the court-
house steps in Westport repeated frequently in the course

EARLY SETTLEMENT

127

of his &pee«li a favorite threat: "Ball to the muzzle,
knife to the hilt. Damn the abolitionists — we '11 put them
all in the Missouri river." Prior to the election of March,
1855, Stringfellow, in addressing a crowd at St. Joseph,
Missouri, said:

" I tell you to mark every scoundrel among you that is the least
tainted with free-soilism or abolitionism, and exterminate him.
Neither give nor take quarter from the damned rascals. I propose
to mark them in this house and on the present occasion, so that you
may crush them out. To those having qualms of conscience as to
violating laws, state or national, the time has come when such impo-
sitions must be disregarded, as your lives and property are in danger,
and I advise you one and all to enter every election district in
Kansas, in defiance of Reeder and his vile myrmidons, and vote at
the point of the bowie-knife and the revolver. Neither give nor take
quarter as our cause demands it. It is enough that the slaveholding
interest wills it, from which there is no appeal. Wliat right has
Governor Reeder to rule Missourians in Kansas? His proclamation
and prescribed oath must be disregarded; it is to your interest to do
so. Mind, that slavery is established where it is not prohibited."

This was the attitude of the Missourians towards the
Free-State cause in Kansas. All laws, state and national,
were to he disregarded when necessary. As stated by Mrs.
Robinson, the people of Missouri had been excited by the
inflammatory rumoi-s put in circulation among them by
their leaders regarding the design and character of Eastern
immigration. Aided by the oaths of the secret societies
to which many of their people belonged, the leaders worked
upon the prejudices and baser nature of these people to
such a degree that they were fully equal to any deed of
violence. Hundreds of ruffians poured out of Missouri
into Kansas to be present on the election day, and when
that day came they voted as often as they wished and in
a manner suiting themselves, intimidating judges and

128 LIFE OF CHAELES BOBINSON

stuffing ballot-boxes until a majority of votes was rolled
up in favor of the Proslavery candidates for Legislature.
The returns of the election were carefully canvassed by
Governor Eeeder, who ordered a new election declared in
the districts Avhere illegal voting had occurred. To illus-
trate their method, it may be said that in the Lawrence
district one thousand men came in wagons and on horse-
back on the evening preceding the election and on the fol-
lowing morning. Finding that they had more voters than
they needed, they dispatched part of their forces to other
districts. They openly asserted that they had come to
the Territory to elect a Legislature to suit themselves,
and afterwards boasted that they had done so. By the
census recently taken the Lawrence district at this time
possessed 369 voters, but 1,034 votes were cast at the
election, 781 for the Proslavery candidates and 253 for the
Pree-Soil candidates. At the new election ordered by
Governor Reeder, to be held May 25th, in those districts
where frauds were evident, the results of the former elec-
tion were reversed in every district but one. After the
first election the Missouri and Kansas Proslavery papers
boasted of the great victories their party had won. The
Leavenw^orth Herald of April 6th headed a column as

follows :

All Hail!

The Pbo-Slaveby Party Victorious.

We Have Met the Enemy and They Are Ours.

Veni, Vidi, Vici.

Free White State Party Used Up.

The triumph of the Proslavery party is complete and overvyhelm-

ing. Come on, Southern men! Bring your slaves and fill up the

Territory. Kansas is saved! Abolitionism is rebuked, her fortress

stormed, her flag dragged in the dust, ete.

EAELY SETTLEMENT 129

From this time on, the great issue in Kansas was slav-
ery. The people of Kansas henceforth needed the most
careful guidance in order not to wreck the prospects of the
Territory. The Free- State men Avere to he fought to the
bitter end by the Proslavery people of Missouri and Kan-
sas. The FreeState men were opposed by the Abolitionists
at home and abroad, because the latter did not believe in
the methods employed by the former. They must fight
unjust laws and oppression in such a manner as not to en-
danger the safety of their cause. They must be careful
not to array themselves against the Federal Government
on the one hand, nor on the other to submit tamely to
local authority when that local authority was fraudulent,
deceptive, a robber and oppressor of their rights.

The people of Kansas were at this time always called
Abolitionists, but they were different from the Abolition-
ists in spirit and in opinion. They were in Kansas to build
up a free State ; they were there to maintain their rights.
These duties were imperative. Wendell Phillips, a leading
Abolitionist of Boston, Massachusetts, had said:

" Why is Kansas a failure as a free State ? I will tell you. You
sent out there some thousand or two thousand men — for what?
To make a living, to cultivate the 160 acres, to build houses; to send
for their wives and their children; to raise wheat; to make money;
to build sawmills; to plant towns. You meant to take jjossession of
the country, as a Yankee race always takes possession of a country, —
by industry, by civilization, by roads, by houses, by mills, by churches.
But it will take a long time; it takes two centuries to do it."

Yet, it took less than ten years to accomplish this great
feat ! It is as a counselor and guide to the Free-State men
in their arduous struggle in building up a great common-
wealth that Dr. Robinson appears to the best advantage.

— 9

130 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON"

After the election of March, 1855, which was well known
to be fraudnlent on account of the Missouri invasion, he
advocated what at first appeared to be a very strange doc-
trine. He held that the Free-State men ought not in any
way recognize the bogiis Legislature just elected. This
idea was not at first received with much favor, but the lead-
ers as well as the rank and file of the Free-State men soon
came to regard the course it suggested as, under the cir-
cumstances, the only one to follow. Dr. Robinson took the
view that the Federal Government of the United States
was established on the principles of justice and right ; that
it had dominion over all parts of the nation ; that every
citizen, far and wide, owed an allegiance to it; and that
no person should ever oppose the Federal authorities, not
only because of the right of the Government to rule, but
because of the duty of law-abiding citizens to obey. More-
over, it was certain that anyone who attempted to oppose
Federal authority would be beaten in the contest. ]^ot so
the Territorial Government. Here were people of differ-
ent shades of political belief and belonging to different
parties, seeking to build a new commonwealth in a given
territory. In the building of this government it was right
and just to repudiate fraud in every form, that justice
might be securely established. He held that, as Missouri-
ans had obviously no right to elect a legislature for Kansas,
any legislature so elected should rightly be termed a bogus
legislature, whose authority should not be acknowledged
by bona fide citizens of the Territory.

The following letter by Dr. Robinson to Eli Thayer, soon
after the fraudulent electicn of the " bogus legislature,"
is a clear exposition of the situation. It is also evidence

EARLY SETTLEMENT 131

that Dr. Robinson fullv comprehended the situation, and
imderst<X)d the nature of the foe the settlers of Kansas had
to fight. In this letter he prophetically alludes to the great
struggle that is to come between freedom and slavery, and
the request for arms is also an indication that he knew that
a conflict was inevitable:

[Fob E. Thayer. This is sent to Mr. Rice, to avoid opening and

delay on the way.]

Lawbence, April 2, 1855.

Deab Sie: Another election in Kansas Territory has passed, and,
like the first, was controlled entirely by Missourians. A few days be-
fore the election, I was traveling in the southern and eastern part of
the Territory, and met hundreds of people from Missouri on their
way to the different voting precincts in the Territory. Encamp-
ments were formed in the vicinity of the polls, varying in size accord-
ing to the number of voters required in the several districts to secure
their end. The grand rendezvous was at Lawrence, where they had
reinforcements stationed for all parts.

At Tecumseh two of the judges of election refused to take the oath
prescribed by the Governor, and the third refused to proceed, when
the mob, after snapping pistols at the antislavery judge and threat-
ening to destroy all the judges if they did not leave, proceeded to
choose judges of their own and go on with the election. The Free-
State men accordingly abandoned the polls, and did not vote.

At Douglas the judges attempted to conform to the law and in-
structions of the Governor, when they were mobbed and driven off.
Consequently, no antislavery voting was done at that place.

At Lawrence about a thousand Missourians took possession of
the polls, and threatened to hang one of the judges — who was
formerly from Missouri, but antislavery — if he refused to take their
votes, and he refused to serve at all. A Proslavery man was put in
his place, leaving but one of the Free-Soil. He was overruled, and
refused to serve, leaving the field to our enemies, and they all voted
who chose. No Free-Soil man could get near the polls till late in
the day, when a few of our men voted.

I arrived at Lawrence about 3 o'clock P. M., and found the town an
encampment of Missourians, who had given out that they intended in
the night to destroy Lawrence, root and branch. We immediately pre-

132 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

pared to give thpm a good time in doing it, and kept one hundred
naen sleeping on their arms all night, with a good watch in all parts
of the city. The Missouri spies were out during the whole time, and
nothing but their finding a large guard patrolling the city saved us
from destruction.

At the polls they assailed Mr. Bond and friend Stearns, who were
obliged to leave, as it was in the early part of the day and but few of
our people were on the ground. Bond was fired at, but not wounded.
They attempted to frighten Mr. Pomeroy and make him leave the
polls, but failed to do so. Some of their leaders told him confiden-
tially that he was in danger; that the people were infuriated, and
they could not control them nor keep them off from him. He told
them they need not trouble themselves about him, but let them come
on if they wanted to, for if they could not keep them off he could —
so Mr. P. told me himself he talked to them. He was not molested.

I was told that frequent inquiries were made for me in the fore-
noon, and it was asserted that I would not be allowed to vote. When
I learned their desire to see me I went over to the polls and voted,
and then passed through their camp arm-in-arm with Mr. Brown,
Avho also had been threatened. Neither of us was disturbed or in-
sulted, although all eyes were turned iipon us.

It is said they had two cannon with them. Col. Doniphan also was
said to be here, and said that next fall they should be on hand again.
It is also said that Atchison talks of running for Delegate to Con-
gress, and bring his voters with him; and a man from Missouri, a
Bentonite, says the plan is if he does so, for " Old Bullion " to take
the field against him, and his friends also will see that fair play
is had.

Our people have now formed themselves into four military com-
panies, and will meet to drill till they have perfected themselves in
the art. Also, companies are being formed in other places, and we
want arms. Give us the weapons and every man from the North
will be a soldier and die in his tracks if necessary, to protect and
defend our rights.

It looks very much like war, and I am ready for it and so are our
people. If they give us occasion to settle the question of Slavery in
this country with the bayonet, let us improve it. What way can bring
the slaves redemption more speedily? Wouldn't it be rich to march
an army through the slaveholding States and roll up a hlaclc cloud
that should spread dismay and terror to the ranks of the oppressors?

EAKLY SETTLEMENT 133

But I muist close, for want of time.

Cannot your secret society send us 200 Sharps rifles as a loan till
this question is settled? Also a couple of field-pieces? If they will
do that, I think they will be well used, and preserved. I have given
our people encouragement to expect something of the kind, and hope
we shall not be disappointed. Please inform me what the prospect
is in this direction.

If the Governor sets this election aside, we of course must have
another, and shall need to be up and dressed.

In great haste,

Very respectfully,

C. Robinson.

To Hon. Eli Thayer, Worcester, Mass.

Following this idea, the people of the Territory began
to form themselves into organizations and to hold conven-
tions, in preparation for a great struggle for constitutional
liberty. From June 8th to August 15th, no less than seven
conventions were held in the city of Lawrence, all but one
favoring the repudiation of the bogus Legislature, But
what tended more than anything else at this juncture to
arouse enthusiasm and to shape the policy of the Free-State
men, was the first Fourth of July celebration held in the
Territory of Kansas, The people of Lawrence and the sur-
rounding territory met in an enthusiastic gathering about
a mile from Lawrence, in a beautiful grove. Two com-
panies of militia armed with Sharps rifles appeared iu
their uniforms. They were presented with a magnificent
silk flag by the ladies of Lawrence, The " Star-Spangled
Banner" was sung, the Declaration of Independence was
read, and an oration delivered by Dr. Robinson. Then
followed a dinner, after which the day was devoted to
toasts, speeches, and music. It is interesting to note some
of the toasts proposed. Important among them were the
following: "Young Kansas — The rights of her citizens.

134 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON

trodden down for a brief period, have but aroused ber to an
appreciation of freedom and inspired her sons with spirit
and victor which will bid defiance to her enemies." " Law-
rence — Its course is onward." "The Pioneers of Kan-
sas." " The Laborers of Kansas." " Universal Educa-
tion." " Kansas — May its fertile soil never be cursed
with slavery." "The Kansas Legislature — A body alien
to our soil, elected by fraud — we are not responsible for
its acts and ask no favors at its hands." We are told that
great enthusiasm prevailed in these first patriotic exercises,
and that toasts were responded to ably by educated men ;
for nearly all the immigrants from the I*Torth and East
in the early period of Kansas were educated men, many of
them college graduates.

But the most striking feature of the day was the oration
of Dr. Robinson. This remarkable document was pro-
duced in full in The Kansas Daily Tribune^ J^^lj 14th,
1855. It is worthy of permanent record, not only because
of its importance in the Kansas conflict, but because it pre-
sents the position and sentiments of Dr. Robinson.^

The oration gave a historical review of the progress of
slavery, and a careful diagnosis of the present conditions.
It was a bold and fearless address, appealing to the reason
and stirring the emotions. Considering the situation, it
appears to be the most remarkable of all of the addresses
by tJie heroes and statesmen of the early part of the Kansas
straggle, ISTear the close of the oration the orator appealed
to the people as follows :

"What are we? Subjects, slaves of MisRonri! We come to the
celebration of this anniversary with oxir chains clanking upon our

' See Appendix for fuU copy.

EAELY SETTLEMENT 135

limbs. We lift to heaven o\ir manacled arras in supplication. Pro-
scribed, denounced, we cannot so much as speak the name of liberty,
except with prison-walls and halters looking us in the face. We must
not only see black slavery, a blight and curse to any people, planted
in our midst, and against our wishes, but we must become slaves our-
selves."

In closing he said:

" Fellow-citizens, in conclusion, it is for us to choose for our-
selves, and for those who shall come after us, what institutions shall
bless or curse our beautiful Kansas. Shall we have freedom for
all her people, and consequent prospprity. or slavery for a part,
with the blight and mildew inseparable from it? Choose ye this day
which ye will serve, slavery or freedom, and then be true to your
choice. If slavery is best for Kansas, then choose it, but if Liberty,
then choose that. Let every man stand in his place and acquit him-
self like a man who knows his rights, and, knowing, dares main-
tain them. Let us repudiate all laws enacted by foreign legislative
bodies, or dictated by Judge Lynch over the way. Tyrants are
tyrants, and tyranny is tyranny, whether under the garb of law or in
opposition to it. So thought and so acted our ancestors, and so let
us think and act. We are not alone in this contest. The entire na-
tion is agitated upon the question of our rights: the spirit of '76
is breathing upon some, the handwriting upon the wall is being dis-
cerned by others, while the remainder the gods are evidently prepar-
ing for destruction. Every pulsation in Kansas vibrates to the remot-
est part of the body politic; and I seem to hear the millions of free
men and the millions of bondmen in our land, the millions of op-
pressed in other lands, the patriots and philanthropists in all coun-
tries, the spirits of the Revolutionary heroes and the voice of God,
all saying to the people of Kansas, ' Do your duty ! ' "

Tlins, in the face of the hordes of Missouri under Atchi-
son, Stringf ellow, and others, who sought by fraud to make
Kansas a slave State, and before the eyes of a hostile and
opposing Federal Administration, Doctor Robinson threw
down the gauntlet. It was the expression of the minority
to rightful revolution in asserting its rights and demanding
justice. It was a call to all free men to stand for the right

136 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

and to give their lives to the cause of freedom and the
principles and practice of right government. As Law-
rence, the storm-center of the struggle that now ensued,
was a Free-State stronghold, it was subjected to the bitter
hatred of the unprincipled persons in the Territory and
on the Missouri border, who sought by any means, fair or
foul, to make Kansas a slave State. The men who settled
the town were peaceable, law-abiding citizens, who desired
to settle the question of slavery at the ballot-box rather
than by force of arms, but who were ready to protect their
interests by the latter method if necessity required.

The threats and demonstrations made by the Proslavery
leaders, residing chiefly in Missouri, and the lawless inter-
ference in Territorial elections, made it appear desirable if
not necessary that the Free-State men should organize for
defense. Several companies were formed, but they Avere
without arms. It was quite natural that they should look
toward 'New England for aid and support. They there-
fore asked their New England friends to send them Sharps
rifles for their protection. These were sent, packed in
boxes labeled " books," or anything except " arms." They
were of immense service in gaining bloodless victories for
the Free-State men, for the Proslavery men had a whole-
some fear of these repeating rifles. The following letter,
written to Mr. Thayer by Dr. Robinson, shows the latter's

attitude in the matter:

Lawrence, July 26, 1855.
Mr. Thayer — Dear Sir: The bearer, .J. B. Abbott, is a resident
of this district, on the Wakarusa, about four miles from Lawrence.
There is a military company formed in his neif^hborhood, and they are
anxious to procure arms. Mr. Abbott is a gentleman in whom you
can place implicit confidence, and is true as steel to the cause of Free-
dom in Kansas. In my judgment the rifles in Lawrence hav^e had a

EARLY SETTLEMENT 137

very good effect, and I think the same kind of instruments in other
places would do more to save Kansas than almost anything else.
Anything you can do for Mr. A. will be gratefully appreciated by the
people of Kansas. We are in the midst of a revolution, as you will
see by the papers. How we shall come out of the furnace, Grod only
knows. That we have got to enter it, some of us, there is no doubt;
but we are ready to be offered.

In haste, very respectfully yours,

For Freedom for a World,

C. Robinson.

Excitement was running high, on account of the struggle
between the Free-State and Proslavery parties. In Mis-
souri the notorious secret societies called Blue Lodges were
established for the extension of the Proslavery cause and
for the purpose of fighting "Abolitionists " wherever thev
could be found. They had their spies and tools throughout
Kansas Territory. In addition to this, after the arrival of
Wilson Shannon, the second Territorial Governor, there
was organized at Leavenworth, on November 14th, 1855, a
" Law and Order Party," which, it was pretended, was
formed as a vigilance committee to suppress lawlessness,
but which was in reality an instrument desigTied by the
Proslavery party to crush free-soiKsm and abolitionism,
and to sustain the laws and government of the " bogus Leg-
islature." For their own protection, the Free-State men
oi'ganized " The Kansas Legion," a seeret society for de-
fense against the outrages of the border ruffians; but this
society did not interfere with the Missouri i>eople within
their own territory. This organization tended to draw
more closely the lines of battle between the Proslavery and
the Free-State people.

Several events occurred which made the strife between
the two parties more bitter. For example, one Pat Laugh-

138 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON

lin joined the Kansas Legion, and subsequently betrayed
their secrets. Wlien brought to account for thi& by a mem-
ber of the Legion named Collins, he shot Collins, on Octo-
ber 25th, 1855, and fled to Atchison, where he was protected
by the Proslavery people. Another very important event,
and one tliat exasperated the Free-State party, was the
murder of Dow, a Free-State man, by a Proslavery man
named Coleman, who shot Dow in cold blood on the occa-
sion of a difficulty over a claim ; although the real cause
of the difficulty was that Dow was a Free-State man, or a
so-called ^'Abolitionist." This event, which occurred on
November 21st, 1855, was the beginning of a series of
difficulties which led to the Wakarusa War, and is of suffi-
cient importance to demand a recital of the more important
facts connected with it.

Dow was a young man of excellent character and inoffen-
sive nature, who boarded with a man named Branson, on
a claim at Hickory Point, a place eight or nine miles
south of Lawrence. Hickory Point was a timbered district,
over the possession of which there was considerable conten-
tion by rival claimants. Charles Dow had taken up a
claim adjoining that of Mr. Coleman, a Proslavery man,
who had as neighbors Buckley and Hargous, both also
ardent Proslavery men. There was considerable trouble
and hard feeling between the Proslavery and Free-State
men, which reached a climax in a contention between Dow
and Coleman. It came about in this way: A new survey
changed the provisional lines between Coleman's and Dow's
claims, extending the boundary of Dow's claim into Cole-
man's territory, whereupon Coleman began to cut timber
on the land which was formerly supposed to be covered by

EABLY SETTLEMENT 139

hie claim, but now belonged to Doav. Dow bade him de-
sist; this be refused to do. Returning to Branson, Dow
asked tbe latter to go over with bim to see Coleman and
stop bis cutting tbe timber. Branson did so, taking bis
gun witb bim and advising Dow to do tbe same, but Dow
declined to do tbis.

As tbey approacbed Coleman be went away ; wbereupon
Branson returned borne and Dow went to tbe blacksmitb
shop, where be was having a wagon-skein repaired. Soon
afterward Buckley came in with his shotgun, loaded, and
began to accuse Dow of using language against him, and
threatened to kill him, even going so far as to cock his gun
and to aim it at him. Dow said, '"' Mr. Buckley, you would
not shoot me, would you ? " and the blacksmith interfered
and told Buckley that he would not allow such language in
his shop. When the repairs were completed, Dow started
for his home at Branson's. On tbe way he passed by
Coleman, who, when Dow bad got beyond him about thirty
yards, shot the young man, instantly killing him; or so
it is supposed, for be had not moved from where he fell,
when be was carried away by bis friend Branson some
hours later, life being extinct.

It will never be known whether words were passed be-
tween Coleman and Dow at that time, but this is immate-
rial, for it is known that an unanned man was killed in
cold blood by one bearing a double-barreled shotgun loaded
witb slugs. Tbe crime caused great excitement, and was
denounced alike by Free-State and Proslavery settlers
of the neighborhood. Coleman, the murderer, fled to
the protection of Jones, tbe postmaster of Westport, Mis-
souri, who was also the sheriff of Douglas county by ap-

140 I^IFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

pointmcnt of the '' bogus Legislature." Buckley and Har-
gous also left the country. The crime was committed on
^November 21st, and on the 26th, Monday, a meeting was
held at the scene of the murder, in which about a hundred
men passed resolutions of condolence with the family of
Dow, and appointed a committee to bring the murderer to
justice. The intense indignation against Coleman caused
an attempt to burn his house, which stood near where the
meeting was held. Four men broke down the door, rushed
in, turned over some straw on the floor and set it on fire.
Others, among whom were S. C. Smith and S. N. Wood,
put out the flames, and Wood mounted a fence to urge
against such action, saying : " Murder, pillage and arson
are peculiarly the avocation of our enemies ; houses are too
scarce to be burned, and this meeting must not be disgraced
in this way." He proposed, as the " sense of the meeting,
that the house be not burned." This was caried unani-
mously, and the people quietly dispersed. However, subse-
quently, Coleman's house, as well as Buckley's, was burned.
Major Abbott lived on a claim about half a mile south
of Blanton's bridge, and on the road to Hickory Point.
S. C. Smith had a claim on Coal creek, about two miles
from Mr. Branson's, while Col. S. F. Tappan and Col.
S. ]Sr. Wood lived in Lawrence. At the time of the killing
of Dow, S. C. Smith was in Lawrence, engaged with S. F.
Tappan in making a copy of the Topeka Constitution.
Wood, Tappan and Smith all attended the meeting at
Hickory Point, Wood and Tappan being tlie only two from
Lawrence out of the hundred present. After the meeting,
Tappan left Wood and Smith at Abbott's, and started to
Lawrence. At Blanton's bridge he saw fifteen or twenty

EABLY SETTLEMENT 141

horsemen around Blanton's place, and soon the door opened,
the men poured out, and, mounting their horses, rode off.
Tappan stayed with tiem long enough to find out their
purpose, and then returned to Abbott's.^

It seems that, at the instance of Buckley, a warrant had
been issued by a justice of the peace named Hugh Cam-
eron 2 for the arrest of Branson, and that the warrant was
in the hands of Shtriff Jones, who with his posse was start-
ing out to meet Branson.

Whether Branson had made any threats to kill Buckley
and Coleman, it is difficult to ascertain, although it would
seem to be the most natural thing that he should desire to
see Buckley and Coleman brought to justice, and it would
not be too much to suppose that, in the height of his in-
dignation, he may have threatened to kill them if a good
opportunity presented, although there is no evidence that
he was planning to do so. On the other hand, Buckley and
Coleman probably knew that they deserved to be shot,
whether anyone attempted to do it or not. Jones appears
to have been glad to have an opportunity to arrest a Free-
State man, as he was certainly a Proslavery sympathizer
who had helped in the elections against the Free-State
cause, and was especially bitter against the town of Law-
rence. At least, he protected Coleman and Buckley and

1 The correct account of the rescue of Branson is very difficult to obtain, because,
while the accounts of the principal actors apree in general, they differ considerably in
details. The accounts of S. C. Smith, S. N. Wood. J. B. Abbott, Jonathan Kennedy, the
reports in the newspapers and the account In Andreas' History all differ In the particu-
lars. Because the accounts of Smith and Wood agrSe more exactly than any others, I
have relied especially upon the.se. It seems, however, that Wood and Abbott, according
to Wood's statement, left the meeting and st«rtpd for Blanton's bridge, and also fell in
with this same group of horsemen which S. F. Tappan had discovered, and reported to
Wood and Abbott at Abbott's house. Major Abbott's account of the affair agrees in all
the essentials with Smith's and Wood's, except as regards leadership of the rescuing
party, which is entirely immaterial so far as this history is concerned.

^No one seems to know quite how Cameron received his commission, although It is
thought by some that U was improvised for the occasion, and granted by the bogus Leg-
ielatnre.

142 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

their sympathizers, and seemed to desire that Dow l>e got
out of tlie way.

The neighborhood was aroused, and messengers sent out
to notify Free-State settlers to meet near Branson's, and
Abbott and Wood started for Hickory Point. While Wood
and Abbott were on their way to Hickory Point, riding
silently along, Wood turned to Abbott and asked, " What
will you do if you find the rascals at Branson's ? " Abbott
replied, "You are the leader; just what you say."*

When they arrived at Branson's door and asked for
Branson, they were told by his wife that twenty horsemen
had taken Branson and gone, with threats that they would
kill him. For two hours they rode over the prairie, search-
ing for the posse with Branson, but were unable to find
them. Finally Abbott started for Hickory Point, and
Wood set out to notify various settlers and to go to Abbott's
house. Smith and Tappan were also riding up and down
the country, notifying the settlers what had happened
and what was in prospect; Philip Hupp and others were
doing similar duty. Wood arrived at Abbott's house just
in time to prevent the departure of a dozen Free-State
men who were there; and soon after, Abbott came. While
they were consulting what to do, along came Jones and his
party with Branson, and the Free-State men rushed out of
Abbott's house, confronting the sheriff and his posse in the
road. After each party had inquired of the other what was

1 There has been considerable dispute as to the leadership in the rescue. There
was no regularly elected leader until the rescuing party started for Lawrence : then S.
N. Wood was chosen captain, Major Abbott beat the drum, and S. C. Smith was lieu-
tenant. Prior to that, the honors of leadership seem to have been divided between S.
N. Wood and Major Abbott. Wood, by reason of his strong nature, was a natural leader
and exceedingly aggressive. Abbott was brave and true and ready for substantial ac-
tion. Wood was prominent in the meeting at Hickory Point, active in sending messen-
gers, aggressive in moving with Abbott at Hickory Point, and was the chief spokesmau
in the parley between Jones and the rescuing party. Abbott was the first to speak
when the demand was made of Jones for the delivery of the prisoner, Branson.

EARLY SETTLEMENT 143

up, xlbbott asked, '" Is Branson there ? " Branson replied,
"■ Yes, I am here, a prisoner." Wood said, '' If von want
to be among friends, come over here," and although Jones
threatened to shoot him if he did so, Branson dismounted
from the mule he was riding, walked over to the Free- State
men and went into Abbott's house. Just at this time, Smith
and Tappan came up and saw the Free-State men lined up
across the road, with Wood in front, engaged in a sharp
altercation with Jones and his party. Bitter langiiage was
used in the altercation, and on both sides guns were drawn
and cocked. After an hour's parley, Jones and his party
rode off, the leader threatening dire vengeance on the Free-
State men.

With a posse of armed men of his own selection, Jones
had gone to the house of a man who had committed no
crime, had savagely taken him from his bed, without show-
ing any warrant, and had forced the prisoner to ride half-
clad about the country, while his own fellows were a part
of the time in a drunken carousal. While Jones was dis-
appointed at the loss of his prisoner in this ignominious
way, he doubtless would have been glad had such a rescue
occurred in Lawrence, so that he might have had an excuse
for the destruction of the town. As it was, he made the
best of it, and subsequently aroused the Proslavery forces
against the town.

After the rescue the Free-State people organized, with
S. ]Sr. Wood as captain, S. C. Smith lieutenant, and Major
Abbott at the drum, and immediately started for Lawrence.
About four o'clock in the morning they arrived at the house
of Dr. Robinson, aroused him, and asked his advice. " The
slight form of the leader stood a little nearer the door, and

144 1.IFE OF CHAELES EOBINSON

when his peculiar dry niamier of speech fell upon the ear
in his brief inquiry, ' Ta Dr. U. in?' his identity was
known. Dr. "Robinson opened the door and invited them
in." With his keen insight and native shrewdness the
Doctor at once took in the whole situation. He saw that
this would probably furnish the long-wished-for pretext for
calling out the forces against Lawrence, and he advised
the rescuers to report in town. A meeting was soon called
for the purpose of discussing the mode of procedure. It
was a very important occasion, for the policy adopted here
would determine the rree-State course in the coming con-
flict. " Early on the morning of the 27th the drum-beat
calling the citizens of Lawrence together was heard in the
little town of Lawrence. The noise of the hammer was
still, but, in the firm tread and thoughtful countenances
of the men, as they walked up the stairway to the hall
where the meeting for consultation was to be held, the
spirit of 'TO was visible, and a determination if they must
fight against oppression as our fathers did, that a new Lex-
ington or Concord on Kansas plains should go down to pos-
terity Avith the unsullied honor of her defenders." ^

When the citizens assembled. Captain S. !N". Wood was
made chairman. He addressed the meeting, telling of the
events of the night before in the rescue of Branson. Mr.
Branson also arose, telling of the killing of Dow, and of
his own arrest. Others spoke, and Mr. G. P. Tx>wry pro-
posed that a committee of safety c/)mposed of ten should be
appointed. Dr. Eobinson advised that " as Lawrence had
no connection with the matter, any formal action or in-
dorsement by her citizens would be impolitic."^ Subse-
quently, about nine o'clock. Dr. Eobinson made a second

1 Kansas ; Its Interior and Exterior LLte, p. 109.
^ K.in8a8 Conflict, p. 188.

EAELT SETTLEMENT 145

visit "to the town, found the citizens' meeting in progress,
and learned that a committee of safety had been appointed,
of which he was a member. " The committee was at once
convened, and decided that Lawrence had nothing to do
with the affair, and should assume no responsibility for it
as a town, although no person censured the rescuers for
their action." ^ For, notwithstanding this formal action,
it was understood that the Free- State men were in full
sympathy with Branson, and indignant at the murder of
Dow, as well as the conduct of Buckley, the instigator
of the arrest, that of Hugh Cameron, who had issued the
warrant, and that of Sheriff Jones and his posse, who had
arrested Branson. Yet, as the arrest of Branson had oc-
curred some ten miles from Lawrence and the rescue about
three, it could be truly affirmed that Lawrence had not
planned, ordered, or executed the rescue, and therefore
was not responsible for it. Branson had committed no
crime, even though it is true that he stated that if he
could " draw a bead on Coleman," the murderer of a mem-
ber of his family, " he [Coleman] would not breathe the
pure air of this planet another minute." It was far dif-
ferent with the rescuers of Branson, however, for they
had resisted an officer of the law^ and forcibly taken a
prisoner from him. This could be used against the Free-
State men as the basis for a charge of treason and rebel-
lion, and a pretext for calling out the militia to suppress
this rebellion. Dr. Eobinson advised Wood, Smith and
Tappan to absent themselves for a time from the tovsm.
Wood was therefore sent to Ohio j^s an agent of the com-
mittee of safety, and Tappan and Smith stayed outside
of the town.

' Kansas Conflict, p. 189.
— 10

140 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

Jouos started for Franklin witli his posse, and immedi-
ately sent a dispatcli to his father-in-law, Col. Boone, at
Westport, Missouri, askinig;- for aid; and at Col. Boone's
suggestion he also sent to Governor Shannon, at Shawnee
Mission, for 3,000 men to put down the rebellion at Law-
rence. Jones was not slow to appreciate the situation;
indeed, there are those who believe that the wdiole affair
was planned as a trap to catch the Free-State men, that
Jones might have an excuse for the destruction of the town
of Lawrence. Whether this is true or not, it was at least
used as a pretext for this purpose, and the Free-State men
of La-wi-ence, observing the situation, sought to avoid, in
the manner indicated, giving any excuse for the destruction
of the town and the putting into peril of the Free-State
cause. Had the Governor been a far-seeing man, had he
been thoroughly versed in the affairs of the Territory, or
even had his steps been ordered Vvdth a view to securing
justice to all citizens of the Territory instead of following
blindly the dictates of the Federal Administration and the
Proslavery party in Kansas, he could not have done such
a foolish thing as to call out the militia. But without even
trying to ascertain the actual condition of affairs, he issued
a proclamation calling out the militia of Kansas, which
really meant the calling of the ruffians of Missouri for the
destruction of Lawrence. The plan worked well, for the
Missourians were ready to do their part. All along the
border the following order was sent out by the Proslavery

party :

TO arms! to arms!

It is expected that every lover of Law and Order will rally at
Leavenworth on Saturday, December 1, 1855, prepared to march at
once to the scene of the rebellion, to put down the outlaws of Douglas

EARLY SETTLEME^TT 147

County who are committing depredations upon persons and property,
burning down houses, and declaring open hostility to the laws, and
have forcibly rescued a prisoner from the sheriff. Cone one, come all.
The laws must be executed. The outlaws, it is said are armed to the
teeth, and number 1,000 men. Every man should bring his rifle and
ammunition, and it would be well to bring two or three days' pro-
visions. Every man to his post and to his duty.

Many Citizens.

The people from tlie border rushed forward, and soon
there were 1,500 men confronting Lawrence. The people
of Lawrence, both men and women, were preparing the
town for defense. Dr. Robinson was made Commander,
and General Lane his able Lieutenant. The Sharps
rifles that had been shipped to Lawrence from New Eng-
land were of immense value on this occasion, for fear of
them kept the enemy from sudden attack. It was a
strange spectacle, almost a comedy had it not been so near
a tragedy, and in any case it was certainly a travesty on
free government, for United States Senator Atchison to
be commanding this singular horde, while Governor Shan-
non was hurrying other commands to the scene of war.

There was not a grain of excuse for it all. The rescuers
of Branson had left the town, and there was not a day in
which Jones might not go through Lawrence unmolested
in doing his duty. He actually did go to the tovm and re-
turn without being disturbed. Governor Shannon became
alarmed first for the safety of the attacking Missourians,
and second for the safety of Lawrence. He sent to Colonel
Sumner at Leavenworth for TJ. S. troops, but Sumner
would not come without orders from Washington.

In the mean time, Lawrence was continually being rein-
forced by Free-State men from the surrounding towns.
Finally the Lawrence citizens appealed to the Governor,

148 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

sending two men to acquaint him with the situation. In-
credulous, he was persuaded to go to Lawrence and see for
himself. Governor Shannon was amazed at the situation.
He saw Avhat his hand had wrought by his foolishly com-
plying with the request of a foolhardy and designing
sheriff, without ascertaining the exact condition of affairs.
Failing to get Colonel Sumner to bring the United States
troops, he brought the leaders of the besiegers into confer-
ence with the leaders of the besieged. Governor Shannon
of Kansas Territory, Colonel Boone of Westport, Mo., Colo-
nel Kearney of Independence, Mo., and General Strickler
of Kant^as, came to Lawrence in the interests of peace,
and consulted for an hour with Robinson and Lane, the
representatives of the Committee of Safety.

After Shannon had heard the whole story he suggested
that a treaty be drawn up and signed by the leaders. This
was accordingly done. It was an excellent way out of the
dilemma, but here was another scene in the drama of
spectacular government: the town of Lawrence, in rebel-
lion, treating with the Kansas militia, the latter com-
manded by officers living in Missourf! The document
is as follows, and was drawn up by James M. Winchell :

TREATY OF PEACE.

Whereas, there is a misunderstanding between the people of
Kansas, or a portion of them, and the Governor thereof, arising out
of the rescue near Hickory Point of a citizen under arrest, and some
other matters ; and

Whereas, a strong apprehension exists that said misunderstanding
may lead to civil strife and bloodshed ; and

Whereas, it is desired, by both Governor Shannon and the people
of Lawrence and vicinity, to avert a calamity so disastrous to the in-
terests of the Territory and the Union, and to place all parties in a
correct position before the world; —

Now, therefore, it is agreed by the said Governor Shannon and

EARLY SETTLEMENT 149

the undersigned people of Lawrence, that the matter in dispute be
settled as follows, to wit:

We, the said citizens of said Territory, protest that the said
rescue was made without our knowledge or consent, but, if any of our
citizens were engaged, we pledge ourselves to aid in the execution of
any legal process against them; that we have no knowledge of the
previous, present, or prospective existence of any organization in the
said Territory for the resistance of the laws, and that we have not
designed, and do not design, to resist the legal service of any crim-
inal process therein, but pledge ourselves to aid in the execution of
the laws, when called on by proper authority, in the town or vicinity
of Lawrence, and that we will use all our influence in preserving
order therein ; and we declare that we are now, as we ever have been,
ready at any time to aid the Governor in securing a posse for the
execution of such process: Provided, That any person thus arrested
in Lawrence or vicinity, while a foreign force shall remain in the
Territory, shall be duly examined before a United States district
judge of said Territory in said town, and admitted to bail : And pro-
vided further, That Governor Shannon agrees to use his influence to
secure to the citizens of Kansas Territory remuneration for any
damages sustained, or unlawful depredations, if any such have been
committed by a sherifT's posse in Douglas county; and further, that
Governor Shannon states that he has not called upon persons resi-
dents of any other State to aid in the execution of the laws, and such
as are here in this Territory are here of their own choice; and that
he has not any authority or legal power to do so, nor will he exer-
cise any such power, and that he will not call on any citizen of an-
other State who may be here. That we wish it understood that we
do not herein express any opinion as to the validity of the enact-
ments of the Territorial Legislature/

Done at Lawrence, Kansas, December 8, 1855.

(Signed) Wilson Shannon.

C. Robinson.

J. H. Lane.

This treaty sliowed the good faith of the people of
Lawrence and their genuine desire to settle the war,
but it left them unpledged to support the " bogus " Ter-
ritorial laws. Soon after the treaty had been signed, Lane

> Kansas : Mrs. BobiasoD, p. 150.

150 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

and Robinson accompanied Governor Shannon to the camp
of the besiegers to persuade them to accept the terms and
withdraw. It was not easy to do so, but they finally pre-
vailed, and the Missourians started for home.

What interests us most at the present moment is the
service of Dr. Robinson in command ; for his wisdom and
cool counsel saved the town from destruction. The ser-
vices of General Lane were invaluable in the defense. His
lM>ld impetuosity was excellent to excite a struggle, but
not safe Avhen one was to be avoided. It is said that had
it not been for the proper presentation of the subject to
the leaders of the attack, they Avould not have consented
to withdraw without a fight. The address of Lane aroused
their antagonism, while the cool, compromising tone of
Robinson caused them to submit to reason. More than
once was Dr. Robinson compelled to quiet the citizens and
soldiers who had assembled for the defense of Lawrence,
in order to keep them from attacking the opposing camp.
The policies of the two were widely different. Robinson
held to the peace and defense policy, Lane to war and at-
tack ; and Robinson won. Both were of immense service
to the cause, and could they have gone through the entire
Kansas struggle working together they would have been
strong allies in the cause of freedom. After the " war "
was over. Dr. Robinson said when called on to address the
citizen soldiers of Lawrence:

" Selected as your commander, it becomes ray cheerful duty to
tender to you, fellow-soldiers, the meed of praise so justly your due.
Never did true men unite in a holier cause, and never did true bravery
appear more conspicuous than in the ranks of our little army.
Death before dislionor was visible in every countenance, and filled
every heart. Bloodless though the contest has been, there are not

EARLY SETTLEMENT 151

wanting instances of heroism worthy of a more chivalric age. To the
experience, skill and perseverance of gallant General Lane all credit
is due for the thorough discipline of our forces and the complete and
extensive preparations for defense. His services cannot be overrated,
and long may he live to wear the laurels so bravely won. Others are
worthy of special praise for distinguished services, and all, both offi-
cers and privates, are entitled to the deepest gratitude of the people."

In the course of the remarks made by Lane he returned
the compliment of Robinson by sayin<>- : " From Major-
General Robinson I received the counsel and advice which
characterize liim as a clear-lieaded, cool and trustworthy
commander, who is entitled to your confidence and es-
teem."

In the bloodless strife called the Wakarusa War, and
in all the other tryinpj scenes the pioneers of Kansas
went through, Dr. Robinson was ever a "clear-headed,
cool, trustworthy commander," and people found him
worthy their "confidence and esteem," His relations
with the Emigrant Aid Company gave him a position to
bestow favors and wield power. He managed the details
of the Company's affairs judiciously, and placed its serv-
ices to the best advantages of the emigrants. It is un-
fortunate that this union of Lane's impetuosity and
Robinson's cool counsel could not have continued through-
out the entire Kansas struggle. This would have made
the victory of the Free-State cause easier. The records
of the leaders in that struggle would then have been more
consistent than they are now, and, what is of greater im-
portance, the rank and file of the people, who by their
numbers and their votes made Kansas free, would have
had less to suffer.

152 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

At tliG defense of Lawrence, John Brown made his first
formal entry into the affairs of the Territory. He had
been in Kansas only a short time, arrivinsj October 6th,
1855, about two months before he came to Lawrence. His
sons had written him of the border troubles in Franklin
county, and he had come with arms and ammunition to
help them, and, as he stated, to get a blow at slavery. He
arrived at noon on December Tth, with four of his sons,
in a wagon, all armed and well equipped for battle, just
as the peace negotiations between Kobinson and Lane and
Shannon were taking place. He was very much disap-
pointed at the prospect of peace, for he had come prepared
to fight, and wanted to have an opportunity to do so. A
company was formed in the fifth regiment of the Kansas
Volunteers, commanded by Col. G. W. Smith, and Brown
was placed in command. There was little to do but con-
tinue to fortify Lawrence and arrange the men for defense,
for soon the peace negotiations were signed, the " war " de-
clared at an end, and the " militia " that beset the beleag-
ured town dispersed. Brown's time of service was short,
as he arrived on December 7th and his company was mus-
tered out of service on the 12th of the same month. But
he had remained long enough to reveal his personality, and
courageous desire to fight, and to show his willingness even
to die, if necessary, for freedom. He desired to come into
conflict with the opposing forces — just what the Free-State
men were seeking to avoid. ISTor was he slow in attempt-
ing to disseminate dissension in the Free-State party re-
garding the terms of the peace, for he held that to make
such a peace was compromising and putting off the strug-
gle that must eventually come. Compromising measures

EARLY SETTLEMENT 153

were unknown in the realm in wliicli dwelt the spirit of
old John Brown. After the bloodless victory at Lawrence
he returned to his home, to await his own time and op-
portunity to strike a blow against the Proslavery people
in his own way.

The saddest event of the Wakarusa War was the
murder of Barber. Barber lived at Bloomington, seven
miles southwest of Lawrence, and when the Free-State men
from Bloomington came to the defense of Lawrence he
came with them. It was on Thursday noon, E'ovember
6th, that he left Lawrence to visit home in company with
his brother Eobert and his brother-in-law, Thomas M.
Pearson, who lived near him. When about three miles
out of Lawrence, having left the main road, he and his
companions were met by two horsemen, James Bums, of
Westport, Missouri, and George W. Clark, Indian Govern-
ment agent in the Pottawatomie territory, who rode from
the ranks of a party of ten or twelve traveling on the
California road. The party was a detachment of Proslav-
ery men passing from the Lecompton camp to the Waka-
rusa camp. Barber and his companions were ordered to
turn back, and on their refusing to do so pistols were drawn
on both sides and shots fired. In the controversy that pre-
ceded the firing. Barber had replied that he was unarmed,
and that he had been to Lawrence and was returning home.
He put spurs to his horse and rode on, but George W.
Clark of the attacking party instantly fired, and his bullet
killed poor Barber, the only unarmed man in the group.
Barber's death was not instantaneous, but soon after he
had been wounded his companions found themselves un-
able to support him, and he slipped from his saddle and

154 LIFE OF CHAKLES EOBINSON

died in tlic road. This deed so aroused the Free-State
men that it came very near upsetting all of tlie peace plans
of their leaders. On the other hand, as Governor Shannon
looked upon the silent form of the murdered Barber he
began to realize more closely the position he was in, and
what it meant to call the " militia " of Kansas to help a
sheriff arrest people who were not anywhere near Law-
rence.

The news of the murder spread throughout the nation,
arousing the I^orth to renewed efforts. Grief, patriotism
or sympathy brought forth the whole community to the fu-
neral. One who was present said : " The love we had al-
ways borne to freedom is tenfold increased, while the
hatred of oppression is intensified and strengthened. A
new consecration of our energies, in this unequal fight for
freedom, is made over the new-made grave." At the fvi-
neral, after the minister had finished the more than ordi-
nary ceremony, short speeches were made by Generals
Lane and Tvobinson. The address of the latter, though
})rief, was full of pathos and stirring in its appeals to man-
hood and patriotism. Perhaps of the great variety of
Robinson's addresses and writings, the oration at the fu-
neral of Barber is the gem.^

The National Era of March- 1st, 1856, published the
well-known poem of John G. Whittier on the burial of
Barber, which was read far and wide, arousing public sen-
timent and causing hundreds to reconsecrate themselves
to freedom's cause. Its dominant note was conquest
through suffering, endurance, and patience :

' See Appendix B.

EARLY SETTLEMENT 155

" Will to suffer as you
Pass the watchword along the line,

Pass the countersign: Endure.
Not to him who rashly dares,
But to him who nobly bears,

Is the victor's garland sure."

But the Wakarusa War, closing- witli a compromise, was
far from being the end of the great strnggle. Indeed,
its treachery and wickedness had scarcely begun. The
severe winter that followed checked the invasions from
Missouri, and prevented the marauding bands from enter-
ing Kansas. All were struggling to protect themselves
from cold, and to satisfy the most common needs. Over
in Missouri, however, the agents of the Blue Lodge were
wide awake, preparing for new invasions in the spring,
and the cold cruel winter was to open upon a summer
more ter^-ible by far with its cruelties of war, plunder and
murder. /^The Free-State men attempted to carry out the
policy whicli_they had adopted at the beginning, and it
seems that they would have succeeded had not a certain
series of events caused the invaders to appeal to the courts
and dri ven j die Free-State men to retaliation in the field.

The policy of the Free-State men involved two things :
first, the re^iudiation of the '' bogus Legislature," and
avoiding a conflict with the United States forces. ^ This
latter was, indeed, a difficult thing to do, for the United
States forces, representing the United States Government,
were backing up the '' bogus Le gislature.." The position
was untenable except in theory, for when put to the real
test the Free-State men, so long as they were in the minor-
ity, must submit to the power of a Territorial government,
backed up as it was by the Federal Government. Second,

156 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

tlie Free-State policy involved a positive course, which was
to frame and adopt a constitution and organize a State gov-
ernment, with a possibility of admission into the Union
under the constitution. This positive feature of their
policy was put vigorously into operation. It, too, had its
own dangers, for it went far enough to establish a separate
legislature and elect a complete set of officers before ad-
mission into the Union.

On the other hand, the P^li^ of the Proslavery party
was^mucETsinipTerr" Tt was, first, to force the people of the
Territory of Kansas into submission to the laws of the
" bogus Legislature " and to the Territorial Government.
In this they were aided by the United States Government,
which favored the Proslavery party in the struggle. Here
was the great disadvantage of the Free-State party; for
whateyex-ihe PjLQslaYeryjgarty _djxi,^ they had behind them
a Je£ijla±iu:e,_j^^ovemor, a judiciary, and indeed a com-
.^j-lete Territorial organization, with a code of laws sanc-
tioned and supported by the Federal Government. On
the other hand, the Free-State men acted without the law
and outside the pale of recognized government. It is of
great advantage in a struggle to have the law on your side,
even though it be "bogus," or to have the government
back of you even though it be elected by fraudulent votes,
— and especially so when the Federal Government, legiti-
mate in every respect, supports the law and enforces its
decisions with its standing army. .'^Again, the purpose of
the Pjcoslavery party was to exterminate all free-soilers
as a method of assuring a Proslavery government. It
seemed to be the only way they could dispose of those quiet,
persistent, courageous people who were coming in such.

EARLY SETTLEMENT 157

numbers into the Territory to build homes, develop the
country and vote for freedom. (iThe Proslavery party also
sought to bring the Free-State party into conflict with the
Federal authorities. Had they succeeded, the cause of
freedom would soon have been lost in Kansas.

One cannot turn to the history of these hardy pioneers,
who met all the vicissitudes of a new country, who subdued
the stubborn resistance of the soil, who endured the biting
of the cold as they gazed through the open chinks in their
log cabins, who lived upon the plainest fare, and, defense-
less, were in constant terror of their lives, without feeling
the most profound admiration for their devotion and forti-
tude. This struggling against nature and fighting against
niffians,viJ[is establishing of a government and building
of a commonwealth, showed these people to be of the hardy
vigor of the old Puritans who wrought their character into
the state that they builded. \ What a meager life it was in
some ways, vet how grand and full of meaning in others ! —
for out of those humble conditions was being brought to
light the power which would eventually crush, out slavery
everywhere and proclaim freedom throughout the land.
It was only a step from the cracking of the rifles upon
the plains of Kansas to the booming of the guns at Sum-
ter; then a few longer and more awful steps and we see
the final climax of it all in Appomattox and the fifteenth
amendment.

A goodly number of the eye-witnesses of the events just
recorded have written descriptions of the conditions that
prevailed in the Territory at that time, and accounts of all
the incidents in the struggle for freedom.

As illustrating the primitive condition of affairs in the

158 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON"

first jear in Kansas, a few brief quotations from Mrs. Ilol>-
inson's diary will not be ont of place:

April 20th, 1855. — How lovely nature has made this Kansas val-
ley; and yet it seems as if, from a full lap of treasured gems, she has
poured out the fairest here.

April 21. — The floor in the dining-room is laid. The windows
are in. The door between the rooms is taken away and the stove is
set, with the pipe out of the window in pure pioneer fashion. The
stove, however, will put one's ingenuity to work in using, it being
second-hand. Having been used six months in a boarding-house, not
most carefully, the furniture is minus; and what there is, is of un-
known use to me. There is one large iron boiler, which would cover
the whole front of the stove, one broken gridiron, one large dripping-
pan, two tin boilers holding six or eight quarts, one of which, near
the top, has a nose; the other, close to the bottom, has a spout. The
furniture which is the minus quantity, is: iron kettles, tea-kettles,
spider, shovel and tongs. However, we get supper, stew apples, —
brought from Massachusetts, — and have biscuits without butter. It
is a real Graham supper with cold water. Provisions are scarce.'

April 24. — We can get no butter, no syrup, no milk, no potatoes.
There is an abundance of nothing save cheese, beef, ham, and sugar.
We made doughnuts, and after a consultation, fried them in a two-
quart tin upon the top of the stove.

April 26. — A most delightful day. It seemed wicked not to gather
new life and cull enjoyment from the bright skies and flowing prairies.
Soon had the horse put into harness and was bounding over them.

April 29. — We attended church. How strange everything ap-
peared! The hall where the meetings are held is in a two-story build-
ing. It is simply boarded with cottonwood, and that to a person in
this country is explanation sufficient of its whole appearance; for the
sun here soon curls the boards, every one shrinlving from every other,
leaving large cracks between. For a desk to support the gilded
morocco-covered Bible, sent to the Plymouth Church, a rough box
turned endwise and standing near one end of the hall was used. The
singers, with seraphine, were seated upon one side of the preacher,
while upon the other side, also fronting the desk, were other seats. —
rough boards, used until the settees are finished. All of this seemed

1 Kansas ; Its Interior and Esterior Life, p. 38.

SARA T. D ROBINSON, 1857.

EARLY SETTLEMENT 159

rough and uncouth, and at first moment we felt that two thousand
miles lay between us and the pleasant sanctuaries of our fathers,
where they tread the aisles on soft carpets, listen to the Word read
from its resting-place of richest velvet, and to the pealing organ's
deep rich tones. But when we looked upon the pleasant faces around
us, so familiar all in look, in manner, in attire, and the services com-
menced with the singing of hymns learned long ago, and we heard in
the persuasive, winning tones of the preacher, the same heavenly
truths which will render one's life here as holy as elsewhere, let us
so will it, we felt that New England was in our midst. We realized
more fully the truth which has been pervading our thoughts for many
days, that "A man's life consisteth not in the abundance of the
things which he possesseth." Happiness does not consist in the fur-
nishings of the upholsterer. It may be as pure and unalloyed in
" gypsy hut as palace hall." Most of us have come to this far-away
land with a mission in our hearts, a mission to the dark-browed
race, and hoping here to stay the surging tide of slavery, to place lliat
barrier which utters in unmistakable language, " Thus far shalt thou
go and no farther." This unlocks our hearts to each other, and at
once we recognize a friend actuated by sympathies and hopes. ^

Suck are pictures of tlie life to which the women of the

East came to support their husbands and brothers in a

struggle to subdue the wilds of nature and secure freedom

to mankind. These women cheerfully adapted themselves

to the rude domestic life, giving courage and persistency

to the men in the larger struggle to make Kansas free.

They met the trying difficulties of those years in the bold

and faithful spirit represented in the following lines from

Mrs. Eobinson:

" We have fallen upon evil times in our country's history, when
it is treason to think, to speak a word against the evil of slavery,
or in favor of free labor.- In Kansas, prisons or instant death by
barbarians are the reward; and in the Senate, wielders of bludgeons
are honored by the State which has sent ruffians to desolate Kansas.

1 Kansaa, p. 41. - Kansas, p. 34T.

160 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON

But in this reign of misrule the President and his advisers have
failed to note the true effect of such oppression. The fires of liberty
have been rekindled in the hearts of our people, and burn in yet
brighter flame under midnight skies illumined by their own burning
dwellings. The sight of lawless, ruthless invaders, acting under the
United States Government, has filled them with that ' deep, dark,
sullen, teeth-clenched silence, bespeaking their hatred of tyranny,
which armed a William Tell and Charlotte Corday.' The best, the
boldest utterance of man's spirit for freedom will not be withheld.
The administration, with the most insane malignity, has prepared the
way for a civil war, and the extermination of freemen in Kansas.
With untiring malice, it has endeavored to effect this by the aid of
a corrupt jiidiciary, packed juries, and reckless officials. In violation
of the Constitution of the United States, no regard was paid to the
sacred rights of freemen in their persons and property. Against the
known sentiment and conviction of half the nation these deeds of
infamy have been plotted, and have been diligently carried on. That
a people are down-trodden is not evidence that they are subdued.
The crushed energies are gathering strength; and, like a strong man
resting from the heats and toils of the day, the people of Kansas will
arise to do battle for liberty: and when their mighty shouts for free-
dom shall ascend over her hills and prairies, slavery will shrink back
abashed. Life, without liberty, is valueless, and there are times
which demand the noble sacrifice of life. The people of Kansas are
in the midst of such times; and amid discomfiture and defeat men
will be found who for the right will stand with sterner purpose and
bolder front. Kansas will never be surrendered to the slave-power.
God has willed it! Lawrence, the city where the plunderer feasted
at the hospitable table, and, Judas-like, went out to betray it, will
come forth from its early burial clothed with yet more exceeding
beauty. Out of its charred and blood-stained ruins, where the fiag of
rapine floated, will spring the high walls and strong parapets of
freedom. The sad tragedies in Kansas will be avenged, when freedom
of speech, of the press, and of the person, are made sure by the down-
fall of those now in power, and when the song of the reaper is heard
again over our prairies, and, instead of the clashing of arms, we see
the gleam of the ploughshare in her peaceful valleys. Men of the
North, shall the brave hearts in Kansas struggle alone?"

Soon after the Wakanisa War, Dr. Robinson wrote to

EAKLT SETTLEMENT 161

John C. Fremont, reminding him of their early acquaint-
ance in California, and pointing out the similarity of
situation here in Kansas to that of California at that time
in regard to the slavery question. Fremont was then con-
sidering the prohahility of his nomination for President.
While it may not be that he was seeking the place, yet
enough had been said about the possibility of his being
nominated to cause anxiety on his part at the turn affairs
had taken, and to make him exceedingly careful in the ex-
pression of his opinions as to the proper solution of the
Kansas troubles. Eobinson's letter would prove of inter-
est to the reader, but it is not obtainable. It is thought
worth while, however, to publish Fremont's reply. It
shows some conception on Fremont's part of the national
importance of the situation in Kansas, yet one cannot but
note the extreme caution of the writer at this juncture of
national politics:

New York, 170 Second Avenue, March 17, 1856.
My Dear Sir: Your letter of February reached me in Washington
some time since. I read it with much satisfaction. It was a great
pleasure to find that you retained so lively a recollection of our inter-
course in California. But my own experience is, that permanent and
valuable friendships are most often formed in contests and struggles.
If a man has good points, then they become salient, and we know
each other suddenly.

I had lx)th been thinking and speaking of you latterly. The Banks
balloting in the House and your movements in Kansas had naturally
carried my mind back to our one hundred and forty ballots in Cali-
fornia, and your letter came seasonably and fitly to complete the
connection. We were defeated then, but that contest was only an in-
cident in a great struggle, and the victory was deferred, not lost.
You have carried to another field the same principle, with courage
and ability to maintain it; and I make you my sincere congratulations
on your success, — indistinct so far, but destined in the end to
triumph absolutely.
— 11

162 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

I had been waitin<]f to see what shape the Kansas question would
take in Conoress, that I might be enabled to give you some views in
relation to the probable result. Nothing yet has been accomplished ;
but I am satisfied that in the end Congress will take elTicient meais-
ures to lay before the American people the exact truth concerning
your affairs. Neither you nor I can have any doubt what verdict the
people will pronounce, upon a truthful exposition. It is to be feared,
from the Proclamation of the President, that he intends to recognize
the usurpation in Kansas as the legitimate government, and that its
sedition law, the test oath, and the means to be taken to expel its
people as aliens, Avill all directly or indirectly be supported by the
army of the United States. Your position will undoubtedly be diffi-
cult, but you know I have great confidence in your firmness and
prudence. When the critical moment arrives, you must act for your-
self — no man can give you counsel. A true man will always find his
best counsel in that inspiration which a good cause never fails to give
him at the instant of trial. All history teaches us that gieat results
are ruled by a wise Providence, and we are but units in the great
plan. Your action will be determined by events as they present
themselves, and at this distance I can only say that I sympathize
cordially with you ; and that as you stood by me firmly and generously
when we were defeated by the NuUifiers in California, I have every
disposition to stand by you in the same waj^ in your battle with
them in Kansas.

You see that what I have been saying is more in reply to the sug-
gestions which your condition makes to me, than any answer to your
letter, which more particularly regards myself. The notice which you
had seen of me, in connection with the Presidency, came from the
partial disposition of friends, who think of me more flatteringly
than I do of myself: and does not, therefore, call for any action
from us.

Repeating that I am really and sincerely gratified in the renewal
of our old friendship, or rather in the expression of it, which I hope
will not hereafter have so long an interval, I am,

Yours very truly,

J. C. Fremont.
Gov. Charles Robinson, Lawrence, Kansas.

The year 1855 closed with the stirring events connected
with the Wakarusa War. In the local contests the Fre^

EARLY SETTLEMENT 163

\ State men had won a victory. They had maintained their
^position against superior numbers without an open con-
flict with the Federal authority. They had demonstrated
their power and established a hope, if not an assurance,
of victory. But the ensuing year was to bring a severer
trial of their strength and fortitude. Their enemies were
to shift their plan of battle and to employ new tactics for
their destruction. The attempt to drive the friends of free-
dom from the soil had failed, and other means must be
sought if Kansas was to be made a slave State.

While the local struggles were going on, the Free-State
men were not idle in other directions, for they were work-
ing their way toward State organization and admission
into the Union. They were holding conventions, resolv-
ing, and organizing. They even went so far as to make a
constitution, elect State officers, and attempt State legis-
lation. As the constitutional development was the central
idea of the struggle from this on, it will be necessary to
follow somewhat in detail the various steps in the organi-
zation of the Free-State forces and the consequent attacks
of the Proslavery advocates.

1C4 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

CHAPTEK V.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE.

Beginning with the first meeting called in Lawrence,
June 8th, 1855, the Free-State men of Kansas entered
upon a constitutional struggle for liberty. This first con-
vention was held for the purpose of considering the pro-
priety of calling a Territorial convention of Free-State
men. At this meeting, M. F. Conway, the only Free-State
man in the Legislature,^ who resigned his position as soon
as the Legislature was called, made some able and spirited
remarks about the recent election, and advised that the
action of the Legislature thus fraudulently chosen be re-
pudiated, and that Congress be memorialized for relief.
The meeting was presided over by John Speer, and ad-
dresses were listened to from Speer, Simpson, Ladd,
Hutchinson, Elliott, and others. It was proposed to call
a Territorial convention at Lawrence on the 25th of June,
1855, for the purpose of giving expression to the views of
the people in relation to the recent election outrage,^ and
of taking such action as was deemed necessary and proper.
Five delegates were to be sent from each Representative
district: Elliott, Deitzler, Speer, Wood and Simpson
were chosen to represent Lawrence. A committee com-
posed of Pratt, Elliott and Abbott were to inform the Free-

' Con-way did not receive a majority of the votes cast, but one fraudulent precinct
was thrown out ; this gave Conway a majority. S. D. Honeton was the only member
conceded to be elected from the Free-State party. He resigned. John Hutchinson
was elected at the new election called by the Governor to correct fraud, but he was not
allowed to take his seat.

2 See Chapter IV.

I THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 165

l^tate men of other districts. The convention assembled
according to the call, and adopted among others the follow-
ing resolutions:

"Resolved, That we are in favor of making Kansas a free Terri-
tory, and, as a consequence, a free State.

"Resolved, That we urge the people of Kansas to throw aside all
minor differences, and make the freedom of Kansas the only issue.

"Resolved, That we claim no right to meddle with the affairs of
the people of Missouri, or any other State, and we do claim the right
to regulate our own domestic affairs, and, with the help of God, we
will do it.

"Resolved, That we look upon the conduct of a portion of the
people of Missouri, in the late Kansas election, as an outrage on the
elective franchise of our rights as freemen; and inasmuch as many
of the members of the Legislature owe their election to a combined
system of force and fraud, we do not feel bound to obey any law of
their enacting."

A mass meeting was called to meet at Lawrence July
11, 1855, to take active measures respecting the forming of
a State constitution. While the determination to repu-
diate the acts of the bogus Legislature was pretty well
fixed, it was difficult to get the Free-State men in line for
the formation of a State constitution with the view of the
speedy admission of Kansas into the Union. The poli-
ticians, most of whom were seeking opportunities for office,
had advised this course, but the body of the people and the
leaders of the Free-State cause were not fully in accord
with the politicians. But if the people repudiated the
acts of the Territorial Legislature, nothing would remain
to be done but to set up another form of government in
opposition. Hence the Free-State sentiment gradually
crystallized in favor of a constitutioii.

It was on August 14th and 15th, 1855, that the first
general convention of Free-State men, composed of all po-

166 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON

litical parties, assembled at Lawrence. Philip Schuyler
presided at the meeting, and Lane, Robinson and others
were active in the deliberations of the convention. The
following resolutions reported by Robinson were adopted :

"Whereas, The people of Kansas have been, since its settlement,
and are now, without law-making power; therefore, be it

"Resolved, That we, the people of Kansas Territory, in mass
meeting assembled, irrespective of party distinctions, influenced by
common necessity, and greatly desirous of promoting the common
good, do hereby call upon and request all bona fide citizens of Kansas
Territory, of whatever political views and predilections, to consult
together in their several election districts, and in mass conventions
or otherwise, elect three delegates for each Representative to which
said election district is entitled in the House of Representatives of the
Legislative Assembly, by proclamation of Governor Reeder of date of
March 19, 1855; said convention to meet in the town of Topeka, on
the 19th day of September, 1855, then and there to consider and de-
termine upon all subjects of public interest, and particularly upon i
that having reference to the speedy formation of a State Constitution,
with the intention of an immediate application to be admitted as a
State into the Union of the United States of America."

This convention showed an active spirit along govern-
mental lines, for if the Free-State men could make a con-
stitution, have it adopted by popular vote, and have Kansas
admitted into the Union under it, the victory was practi-
cally won. Although the meeting at Topeka was to occur
within a little more than thirty days, another convention
was called, to meet at Big Springs on September 5, 1855.
It appears from the sequel that this convention was called
for the purpose of organizing a Free- State party, while the
convention at Lawrence was rather general in its nature.
Before adjournment a Free-State executive committee
was formed, consisting of Charles Robinson, chairman,
Joel K. Goodin, secretary, and twenty-one other members.

/ THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 167

The object of this committee was to have a general over-
sight of all the interests pertaining to the Free-State party.
The permanent organization effected at Big Springs, by
outlining a definite policy and completing an organization
for specific party work, lessened the labor of this committee,
although its members continued active in various capacities.
^Vhile the sentiments of the Free-State people were crys-
tallizing about lines of action, the ''bogus" Legislature
had assembled and begun its work. If anyone prior to its
meeting could have found anything to say in defense of
this Legislature, he could have found nothing to say in its
favor after it had done its work. It met on July 2, 1855,
at Pawnee, but in four days — July 6th — adjourned to
meet at Shawnee Mission, near the border of Missouri, on
August 16th. The first action it took at Pawnee before
adjournment was to declare that the men chosen at the
second election, in place of such of those as were fraudu-
lently elected in the March election, should be excluded
from the Legislature; that is, the members who were
fraudulently elected in March were seated and those who
were elected to fill their places by order of the second elec-
tion proclamation of Governor Keeder were not allowed
to take their places. Governor Reeder vigorously opposed
the movement of the Legislature from Pavraee to Shawnee
Mission, and although he could not openly and clearly
adopt the policy of the Free^-State men and repudiate the
Legislature which was elected at his own calling, yet he
sympathized with the Free-State movement, and was, from
this time on, a strong supporter of it. The Governor
finally refused to recognize the Legislature, and now the
Federal administration at Washington had to side with

168 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

either the Governor or the Legislature. The whole Pro-
slavery element desired to have Governor Reeder recalled.
If the Government should decide in favor of the Legisla-
ture, there could be no other alternative. Accordingly,
Governor Reeder was finally recalled, the Legislature re-
ceiving official communication to this effect on August
16th, 1855.

The " bogus " Legislature proceeded at once to make
laws for the Territory. They made voluminous statutes
based on the Missouri code ; in fact, most of their legisla-
tion was a mere copy of the laws of Missouri. When
it became known what the Legislature had done, and what
kind of laws they had enacted, a great wave of indignation
passed over the Territory, which was m.ost beneficial to
the Free-State cause. The laws enacted were so severe,
inhuman, and extremely partisan, that it was impossible
for anyone with liberal views to feel any tolerance for
them. Writing of these laws, Governor Robinson said :

" Not only was the worse than Draconian code enacted against
Free-State men, but they were virtually disfranchised. Instead of
leaving the choice of county officers to voters, the Legislature itself
appointed them for a term of years, and gave them full control of all
future elections, besides requiring a test oath of a challenged voter.
Many of the enactments were simply infamous, as some selected speci-
mens will show." ^

" Section 4. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away
out of the Territory, any slave belonging to another, with intent to
deprive the owner thereof of the services of such slave, or with the
intent to effect or procure the freedom of such slave, he shall be
adjudged guilty of grand larceny, and on conviction thereof shall
suffer death.

" Section 5. If any person shall aid or assist in enticing, de-
coying or persuading, or carrying away or sending out of this Terri-
tory any slave belonging to another, with intent to procure or effect

1 Kansas Coofllct, p. 156.

/ THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 169

the freedom of such slave, or with intent to deprive the owner thereof
of the services of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of grand
larceny, and on conviction thereof, suffer death.

" Section 6. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away out
of any State or other territory of the United States, any slave belong-
ing to another, with the intent to procure or effect the freedom of such
slave, or deprive the owner thereof of the services of such slave, and
shall bring such slave into this Territory, he shall be adjudged guilty
of grand larceny, in the same manner as if such slave had been enticed,
decoyed or carried out of this Territory; and in such case the larceny
may be charged to have been committed in any county of this Terri-
tory into or through which such slave shall have been brought by such
person; and on conviction thereof the person offending shall suffer
death."

" Section 11. If any person print, write, introduce into, publish or
circulate, or cause to be brought into, printed, written, published or
circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in bringing into, printing,
publishing or circulating within this Territory, any book, magazine,
handbill, or circular containing any statements, arguments, opinions,
sentiments, doctrine, advice or innuendo, calculated to promote a dis-
orderly, dangerous, or rebellious disaffection among the slaves in this
Territory, or to induce such slaves to escape from their masters, or to
resist their authority, he shall be guilty of felony, and be punished by
imprisonment and hard labor for a term not less than five years.

" Section 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writing,
assert or maintain that persons have not the right to hold slaves in
this Territory, or shall introduce into this Territory, print, publish,
write, circulate, or cause to be introduced into this Territory, written,
printed, published, or circulated in this Territory, any book, paper,
magazine, pamphlet or circular, containing any denial of the right of
persons to hold slaves in this Territory, such person shall be deemed
guilty of felony, and be punished by imprisonment at hard labor for
a term of not less than two years." ^

These drastic measures passed by tlie first Territorial
Leg-islature — a Legislature wliose members were elected by
fraud — defined clearly to the people of Kansas and to those
of other States the true position of those who sought to
make Kansas a slave State. Contrary to an express stipu-
lation of the ori^anic act for the creation of the Territory,
which declared that the slavery question was left open to
the decision of the people within the Territory, this fraud-
ulent legislature not only asserted that the question was not

1 Territorial Laws, ia55. Wllder's Annals, p. 73.

170 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSOW

open for discTission, but proposed to send every man to the
penitentiary who did open it.

The Free-State party had resolved to ignore the action
of the first Territorial Legislature, and to repudiate its
laws. Through the influence of Dr. Kobinson and Col.
Kersey Coates, of Kansas City, Conway, the only Free-
State man in the Legislature, resigned. The brilliant let-
ter in which Conway submitted his resignation gave a clear
statement of the case and cause of the Free-State men at
this time. He said:

" Instead of recognizing this as the Legislature of Kansas, and
participating in the proceedings as such, I utterly repudiate it, and re-
pudiate it as derogatory to the respectability of popular government,
and insulting to the virtue and intelligence of the age. . . . Simply
as a citizen and a man, I shall therefore yield no submission to this
alien Legislature. On the contrary, I am ready to set its assTimed
authority at defiance, and shall be prompt to spurn and trample under
my feet its insolent enactments whenever they conflict with my rights
or inclinations." ^

The Fourth of 'July address of Robinson, previously
quoted, had heralded the same sentiment in no uncertain
sound. " Let us repudiate all laws made by foreign leg-
islative bodies," ^ was the significant point of his argument
and watchword of future policy.

In his letter to Amos A. Lawrence, dated ITovember 1,
1855, Dr. Robinson again committed himself to the doc-
trine of repudiation, and acknowledged that he was abiding
by the text of his doctrine in his daily conduct. He said :

" We must be as independent and self-reliant and confident as the
Missourians are, and never in any instance be cowed into silence or

1 Spring, p. 54.

^See Chapter IV, and Appendix B.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 171

subserviency to their dictation. This course on the part of prominent
Free-State men is absolutely necessary to inspire the masses with
confidence and keep them from going over to the enemy. ... I
have been censured for the defiant tone of my Fourth of July speech,
but I was fully convinced that such a course was demanded. The Leg-
islature was about sitting, and Free-State men were about despair-
ing. ... A few of us dared to take a position in defiance of the
Legislature, and meet the consequences. We were convinced that
our success depended upon this measure, and the demonstration of the
Fourth was to set the ball in motion in connection with Conway's
letter to Governor Keeder, resigning his seat and repudiating the
Legislature. For a while we had to contend with opposition from the
faint-hearted, but by persevering in our course, by introducing reso-
lutions into conventions and canvassing the Territory, repudiation
became universal with Free-State men. . . . We conceived it im-
portant to disown the Legislature, if at all, before we knew the char-
acter of its laws, believing that they would be such as to crush us
out, if recognized as valid, and believing that we should stand on
stronger ground if we came out in advance." ^

It is plain from the foregoing statements, tliat Dr.
Robinson, if not the originator of the idea of repudiation,
was the one who made the doctrine living and effective.
In the meeting at Lawrence on June 8th, Conwaj in a
speech advocated repudiation, although this was not its
first mention.- In the Lawrence convention of July 11,
says G. W. Brown, " the expression was unanimous for
repudiation." It was at this time that the idea of forming
a State Government w^as first made prominent.^ In the
controversy as to who was the author of the policy of re-
pudiation. Governor Robinson in his letter to the Herald
states : " With reference to repudiation, I am of the opin-
ion that the disposition was spontaneous in the breast of

' Spring : Kaosae, pp. 61, 62.

"Kansas Tribune, June 13, 1855. G. W. Brown : Herald, June 28, 1884.

3 e. W. Bro'WD : Herald, Jan. 12, 1884.

172 LIFE OF CHAKLKS KOBINSON

every antislaverj man from the first. I think Conwaj
needed no persuasion to repudiation." Notwithstanding
this modest statement, through agitation by speech and pen
this sentiment was kept alive by Robinson. Conway stated
that Governor Eobinson and George W. Deitzler persuaded
him to resign, although afterward he seemed inclined to
believe that he did it on his own responsibility. Prob-
ably, as Governor Robinson says, he required little persua-
sion. In his University Quarter-Centennial address Gov-
ernor Robinson said : " The policy of the Free-State party
was to do no wrong, commit no crime, and make the Ter-
ritorial laws a dead letter by non-use, until the next gen-
eral election of 1857." ^

His letters in the " Man and the Hour " series present
the same thought. He says: ''Not only the usurpation
must be repudiated, but arms, and the best that could be
had, were an absolute necessity for the Free-State settler." ^
Speaking of the Free-State party and their policy, lie said :
" They were on their good behavior, could do no wrong,
commit no crime, and must be a law unto themselves,
while they repudiated the so-called Territorial Legislature
with, its encroachments." ^

Many persons condemned Governor Reeder for issuing
election certificates where it was evident that fraud ex-
isted. They desired him to throw out the returns of tlie
entire Territory and order a new election. But it was
a difficult matter to obtain evidence of fraud. The ma-
chinery of government was not well established, the courts
were not organized, and consequently when men swore

1 Kansas City Times, June 9, 1891.

2 Kansas Herald, February 13, 18»t.
•' Ibid.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 173

that they were citizens of Kansas there was no one to chal-
lenge their statements. Indeed, there were not sufficient
men to do the challenging, and there was no method of test-
ing any case afterward. It is true that Governor Reeder
did cause a new election to take place in several districts,
but even this did no good, for the Legislature seated the
members elected on the first election and refused seats to
those subsequently elected. The truth of the matter is that
this Legislature simply owed its existence to usurpation
and fraud, and the patriots of Kansas did well to repudiate
it. It must be remembered, however, that at this time
the Proslavery element was in the majority, and it was
therefore necessary for the Free-State men to act with
prudence} Had there been a fair election, it is probable
that the 'Proslavery party would have won. By keeping
up a firm and patient but temperate and orderly opposi-
tion, the Free-State men might well hope that a time would
soon come Avhen they could win.

While the convention held at Lawrence August 14th and
15th had given expression to the leading sentiments then
prevailing among the Free-State people, it had been non-
partisan, being composed of several political elements. It
had called for a non-partisan meeting at Topeka to frame
a constitution and to apply for admission into the Union.
But at the convention at Big Springs the Free-State party
was politically organized. It was then that the principles
and policy of the Free- State party were formally declared
in a party platform, and the party machinery set in motion.

At this convention George W. Smith was elected presi-
dent. The resolutions were presented by James H. Lane
and adopted by the convention, and a series of supplemen-

174 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

taiy resolutions were presented by J. S. Emery. " This
was an important convention. It gave to the world the
purposes, designs, and hopes of the Froo-State party." ^
It appears from the statement of James F. Legate that
Joel K. Goodin was the chief factor; in fact, the great
spirit of this meeting. He was the power in the executive
committee that ran the convention. Goodin was subse-
quently prominent in the convention held in 1855 at To-
peka, and also in the convention at Grasshopper Falls, and
finally became Secretary of the Council in the Free-State
Territorial Legislature. Gov. Reeder also figured con-
spicuously in this Big Springs convention. He drew up
the report of the Territorial Legislature, which was re-
ported by J. S. Emery, chairman of this convention.

The following are among the most important resolu-
tions adopted:

"Resolved, That we owe no allegiance or obedience to the tyranaical
enac tments o f_this spurious "T;e»rslatTnTrr""that their laws have no
validity or binding force upon the people of Kansas^ and that every
freeman among us is at full liberty, consistently with all his obliga-
tions as a citizen and a man, to defy and resist them, if he chooses
so to do.

"Resolved, That we will resist them primarily with every peace-
able and legal""means within our power, until we can elect our own
Representatives and sweep them from the statute book; and as the
majority of our Supreme Court have so forgotten their official duty —
have so far cast off the honor of the lawyer and the dignity of the
judge — as to enter clothed with the judicial ermine into partisan
contest, and, by an extra-judicial decision giving opinions in violation
of all propriety, have prejudiced our case before we could be heard,
and have pledged themselves to these outlaws in advance, to decide
in their favor, we shall therefore take measures to carry the question
of the validity of these laws to a higher tribunal, where judges are

' J. F. Legate : Sixth Biennial Beport, State Historical Society, p. 273.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 175

unpledged and dispassionate, where the law will be administered in
its purity, and where we can at least have the hearing before the
decision.

"Resolved, That we will endure and submit to these laws no longer
than the best interests of the Territory require, as tTie less of two
evils, and will resist them to a bloody issue as soon as we ascertain
that peaceable remedies shall fail, and forcible resistance shall fur-
nish any reasonable prospect of success; and that in the mean time
we recommend to our friends throughout the Territory the organiza-
tion of volunteer companies and the procurement and preparation
of arms.

"Resolved, That we cannot, and will not, quietly .submit to sur-
render our greaT; 'American Virthright,' the elective franchise; which
"first~5y~vTorence, and then by chicanery, artifice, weak and wicked
legislation, they have so effectively succeeded in depriving us of,
and that with scorn we repudiate the ' election law,' so called, and
will not meet with them on the day they have appointed for the
election, but will ourselves fix upon a day, for the purpose of elect-
ing a Delegate to Congress." *

The resolutions offered by Lane, as chairman of the
committee on platform, were adopted, as follows :

"Whereas, The Free-State party of the Territory of Kansas is
about to originate an organization for concert of political action in
electing our own officers and moulding our institutions; and

"Whereas, It is expedient and necessary that a platform of prin-
ciples be adopted and proclaimed to make known the character of our
organization, and to test the qualifications of candidates and the
fidelity of our members; and

"Whereas, We find ourselves in an unparalleled and critical con-
dition — deprived by superior force of the rights guaranteed by the
Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States,
and the Kansas Bill; and

"Whereas, The great and overshadowing question, whether Kansas
shall become a Free or Slave State, must inevitably absorb all other
issues, except those inseparably connected with it; and

"Whereas, The crisis demands the concert and harmonious action
of all those who from principle or interest prefer free to slave labor,

1 BobiDSon : Kansas Conflict, pp. ITl, 172.

176 LIFE OF CHAKLES EOBINSON

as well as those who value the preservation of the Union, and the
guarantee of republican institutions by the Constitution: therefore,

"ResolDcd, That, setting aside all the minor issues of partisan
polities, it is incumbent upon us to proffer an organization calculated
to recover our dearest rights, and into which Democrats and Whigs,
native and naturalized citizens, may freely enter without any sacrifice
of their respective political creeds, but without forcing them as a
test upon others. And that when we shall have achieved our politi-
cal freedom, vindicated our right of self-government, and become an
independent State of the Union, when these issues may become vital
as they are now dormant, it will be time enough to divide our or-
ganization by these tests, the importance of which we fully recognize
in their appropriate sphere.

"Resolved, That we will oppose and resist all non-resident voters
at our polls, whether from Missouri or elsewhere, as a gross violation
of our rights and a virtual disfranchisement of our citizens.

"Resolved, That our true interests, socially, morally and pe-
cuniarily, require that Kansas should be a free State; and that free
labor will best promote the happiness, the rapid population, the pros-
perity and wealth of our people; that slave labor is a curse to the
master and to the community, if not to the slave; that our country
is unsuited to it, and that we will devote our energies as a party to
exclude the institution, and to secure for Kansas the constitution cf
a free State.

"Resolved, That the best interests of Kansas require a popula-
tion of free white men, and that in the organization we are in favor of
stringent laws excluding all negroes, bond or free, from the Terri-
tory; that nevertheless such measures shall not be regarded as a test
of party orthodoxy.

"Resolved, That the stale and ridiculous charge of Abolitionism,
so industriously imputed to the Free-State party, and so persistently
adhered to in spite of all the evidence to the contrary, is without a
shadow of truth to support it, and that it is not more appropriate to
ourselves than it is to our opponents, who use it as a term of re-
proach, to bring odium upon us, pretending to believe in its truth,
and hoping to frighten from our ranks the weak and timid, who are
more willing to desert their principles than they are to stand up
under persecution and abuse, with a consciousness of right.

"Resolved, That we will discountenance and denounce any at-
tempt to encroach upon the constitutional rights of the people of

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 177

any State, or to iuferfere with their slaves ; conceding to their citi-
zens the right to regulate their own institutions, and to hold and
recover their slaves, without any molestation or obstruction from
the people of Kansas." ^

The platfonn was faithfully subscribed to by the Free-
State men with one exception, that of Charles Steams, the
Garrisonian, who AA'as a thorough Abolitionist, he refusing
to sign the resolutions.

The Big Springs convention nominated A, H. Reeder
candidate for Uelegate to Congress, and fixed the election
day for said Delegate on the second Tuesday in October.
By a resolution introduced by John Hutchinson the con-
vention indorsed the action of the " people's convention,"
held at Lawrence on the 14th and 15th of August, calling
for a delegate convention to assemble at Topeka on Sep-
tember 19th to frame a constitution.^

The Big Springs convention was a serious attempt to
organize all the elements of political belief, including
Whigs, Democrats, Free-Soilers, etc., on a common Free-
State basis in opposition to the Proslavery element in
Kansas, which had the favor of the Federal Grovernment
and the especial support of the people of Missouri and of
other Southern States. In constructing the platform the
convention was desirous of making it broad enough for all
to stand upon who were opposed to usurpation and fraud
as practiced in the elections and exhibited in the "bogus
laws" of the Territory.

While the convention was making the platform for the
Free-State party it became evident in many ways that
there were not a few discordant elements to be harmo-

1 Wilder : AnnalB of Eaneae, pp. 76, 76.
sibld, p. 77.

— 12

178 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

nized before tlic party was thoroughlj or^^anized. More-
over, altlioiigli tlic convention s^ave form and purpose to the
Free-State movement, it is not at all certain that the latter
would not have flourished quite as well had the convention
never been called. As regards the slavery question, the
attitude of the leaders of the party finally changed from
conservative to radical, and it might have been as well for
them to have saved their lengthy resolutions until they were
thoroughly agreed as to abolitionism and the black man.
Ostensibly called for the purpose of " constructing a na-
tional platform upon which all friends of making Kansas
a free State may act in concert," the convention appears
to have been chiefly characterized by the general attempt
at harmonizing political factions, and by the struggles of
individuals for political power. The position which this
convention took regardint;- the general question of slavery
was an embarrassing one to many members of the con-
vention; for every other Free-State meeting and conven-
tion had favored freedom, and the present one was in a
measure committed to the same idea. Yet the convention
declared openly against the abolitionists and the negro.
This was supposed to be a popular act at this time. It
was thought by thus showing liberality, certain elements
of the Democratic party might be induced to take a place
in the State organization along with the Free-State men.
It is interesting to note that this discrimination against
the negro continued throughout the entire Free-State move-
ment, and appears in the Wyandotte Constitution, finally
adopted as the State Constitution. This is evidence of
the insincerity of a certain political element that trained
with the Free-State party. Viewed from the standpoint

THE CONSTITUTIONAIi STEUGGLE 179

of the ojjposition, every member of the Big Springs con-
vention was an abolitionist.

A majority of the convention voted to exclude the black
man from Kansas, both bond and free, still proclaiming
their vows to make Kansas a f re« State. The repeal of the
Missouri Compromise and the enactment of the Douglas
Bill proclaimed that the Territory should be open to occu-
pation, and the settlement of the slavery question deter-
mined by the citizens of the new Territory. To exclude
the black man from Kansas, both bond and free, was in a
measure a violation of the spirit of the Douglas bill.

The hostility of the convention to freedom for the negro
appears to have been due to the influence of leading Demo-
crats like Lane, Reeder, and Emery, who hoped in this way
to hold on to the old Democratic party, then in power,
with the vain expectation that that party would favor them
in the establishment of a State and the adoption of a State
constitution. But the attempt to placate the dominant
power ended in a miserable failure, and these same vigor-
ous Democrats finally severed their connections with the
Democratic party and adhered strictly to the Free-State
cause.

The same element appeared in the Topeka Convention,
and by adopting an article in favor of '' squatter sover-
eignty," thought to gain favor at Washington. It was a
case in which the wise planning of the politicians failed,
and the persistent actions of the rank and file of the Free-
State men prevailed, because they were more in accord
with the course of events. Thus did the Free-State cause
outlive its own inconsistencies, thrust upon it by politi-
cians who saw through a glass darkly.

180 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSOW

Ex-Govemor Reeder took an active part in the conven-
tion, for since his difficulty with the Federal-Democratic
party he had become a rabid opponent to the Territorial
Government, and openly repudiated the Legislature and
the ** bogus " laws. As stated before, he was nominated
by this convention as the Free-State candidate for Terri-
torial Delegate to the Thirty-fourth Congress. This elec-
tion came about as ordered — on the 9th of October, 1855.
As the Proslavery people failed to vote, Mr. Reeder re-
ceived a large majority of all the votes cast by members
of the Free-State party. But Reeder's opponent, J. W.
Whitfield, was elected by the Proslavery party as Delegate
to the same Congress, the Free-State men refusing to vote
at his election. Hence, there were two persons elected to
the same office,— one by the Free-State men and the other
by the Proslaverj^ faction. Whitfield received a certifi-
cate of election from the Territorial Government, but
Reeder received none. Whereupon Reeder entered into
a contest for his seat in Congress, which, though it failed,
gave no little annoyance to his opponent, Whitfield.

The convention which met at Topeka on September
19th, called to take measures to frame a Free-State consti-
tution, accomplished little more than to organize and ap-
point committees. W. Y. Roberts was chosen president,
and J. A. Wakefield, P. C. Schuyler, L. P. Lincoln, J. K.
Goodin, S. IST. Latta and R. H. Phelan were chosen vice-
presidents. The secretaries were E. D. Ladd, J. H. ]S[es-
bitt, and Mark W. Delahay. A committee of nineteen
" on address to the people " was appointed, with J. H.
Lane as chairman ; also a Territorial executive committee
was appointed, composed of J. H, Lane, chairman, C. K.
Holliday, M. J. Parrott, P. C. Schuyler, G. W. Smith,

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 181

G. W. Brown, and J. K. Goodin, secretary.^ After fix-
ing the date of October 1st for the election of the delegates
to the constitutional convention, the convention adjourned.
It will be noticed that J. K. Goodin, secretary of the latter
committee, was also secretary of a committee previously
appointed to superintend the affairs of the party, called
the Free-State Territorial Committee, of which Charles
Robinson was chairman. The judicious counsel and clear
judgment of Goodin as secretary of this and other impor-
tant committees was of the greatest value to the Free-State
cause.

It is notable that Dr. Robinson was not chosen a dele-
gate either to the Big Springs convention or to the delegate
convention at Topeka. There appears to have been a con-
certed plan to leave him out of the Big Springs convention,
as the election of delegates was held at Blanton's Bridge,
some distance from Lawrence, and Dr. Robinson and his
friends from Lawrence were not elected. It is known that
he attended the Big vSprings convention. ^Vhether his
counsel was influential in the deliberations of these bodies
is not known. On the other hand, James H. Lane was a
strong spirit in each convention; and Reeder, as already
indicated, was prominent in the Big Springs convention.
But both were office-seekers at the time, and this fact would
lead us to infer that there was a considerable display of
political ambition on the part of several members ; which,
indeed, is not surprising. But Dr. Robinson again ap-
pears, after the Topeka Convention, as the chairman of the
Free-State Executive Committee to look after the general

'Lane was a Democrat from Indiana; G. W. Smith, formerly a Whiff ia Penasyl-
Tanla, acted with the Democrats in the Topeka Convention ; Schay ler waa from New
York ; J. K. Goodin and M. 3. Parrott from Ohio ; and G W. Brown, G W. Smith and
C. K. Hoiliday from Pennuylrania

182 LIFE OF CHAKl F:S KOBIJSISON

welfare of the Free-State cause thronghout the Territorj.
In the mean time, J, H. Lane appears as chairman of the
committee on an address to the people, and also as chair-
man of the Territorial Executive Committee, — both ap-
pointments being made by the delegate convention which
mot at Topcka to take measures to form a Free-State
constitution.

A large number of delegates, all representing the dif-
ferent vocations of life, and all favorable, in a general v^ay
at least, to tbe Free-State cause, met at Topeka on October
23d, according to the call, to frame a constitution under
which they hoped Kansas would be admitted into the
Union as a State, Of the persons who composed the con-
stitutional convention, twelve were farmers, thirteen law-
yers, two merchants, three physicians, two clergymen, one
saddler, one mechanic, and one journalist.^ They came
from eleven diiferent States of the Union, and were ad-
herents of the Democratic, Free-Soil, Whig, Republican,
Free-State, and Independent parties. James H. Lane
was elected president, and in his address in taking the
chair he outlined briefly what he thought the policy of the
convention should be. He asserted, among other things,
that the supporters of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in Con-
gress had held that Kansas would never become a slave
State, and that the members from the South were the most
ardent in their support of this proposition.

Dr. Robinson appears prominent in this convention, rep-
resenting Lawrence. While influential in the constructive
work of the constitution, he found himself voting with the
minority in reference to slavery and other questions. He
was a counselor of the radical wing, which was entirely

' Including officers.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGGLE 183

outnumbered by the consei'^^ative element in the conven-
tion. In fact, the convention was largely under the control
of persons who composed the Big Springs convention and
the Topeka convention. For the time being the affairs of
the Territory were largely controlled by a group of Doug-
las Democrats who still adhered to the Democratic party
in power, as a matter of policy. Dr. Robinson and his im-
mediate followers, though of great force in the convention,
were for the time being outnumbered and overshadowed.
A very interesting episode occurred at this time, which
is presented here, not because it reveals the eccentricities
of the president of the convention, but because it reveals
the character of Dr. Robinson by way of contrast. The
writer asks the privilege of indulging in a long quotation
from the " Kansas Conflict," in which a description of
the event is given:

" One night, after all had retired for the night in the attic of the
Chase House, G. P. Lowry, ex-private secretary of Governor Eeeder,
appeared; said he had a challenge from Lane to fight a duel, and
wanted Dr. Robinson to act as his second. Robinson was of course
indignant that the Free-State cause should be tarnished by such
transactions, and said it must not be permitted. He utterly detested
dueling, knew nothing of the code, and would have nothing to do
with it. Thinking, however, that he could shame Lane out of the
business, he went to the Garvey House attic to see Lane. There he
found him trembling with fear, or trembling with ague, so as visibly
to move the cot on which he lay. Ou being reproved for bringing a
disgrace upon the party, he said Lowry had been repeating the
scandal about himself and Mrs. Lindsay, and he had determined to
put a stop to it at once and forever. Notwithstanding Lane had gone
to Robinson's house early in the morning and begged of him to assist
in pr€»enting Lindsay from shooting him, and though Robinson had
indoreed a note to eflfect a settlement, yet now Lane would try to make
believe there was nothing to the matter, and he was bound to stop all
Buch t-alk. After dwelling upon the folly of such a couise, saying

184 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON

that if he should kill Ix>wry it would not stop the scandal nor vindi-
cate him in public estimation, and if Lowry should kill him ho would
fare no better. Lane replied that he could do nothino; about it, as
Parrott was his second and the whole matter was in his hands.
After saying that he had come to him not at the instance of Lowry,
as he was anxious to fight, Robinson left the attic of Lane and re-
turned to his own. It was concluded to accept the challenge in due
form, and Major Robert Klotz was engaged to superintend the duel.
The fight was to come off at eight o'clock in the morning, and the
challenged party had nothing more to do but await developments.
He did not wait long until a messenger appeared and wanted to
change the hour from eight o'clock to eleven o'clock. This evidently
was the beginning of a back-down, as the convention would be in
session at that hour, and most likely Lane would have some friend
posted to stop the duel. Lowry, however, accepted the change of
time, and kept his peace. The convention opened as usual, and the
planets retained their accustomed orbits. About half an hour before
the fatal moment, Lane took the floor upon some unimportant ques-
tion, and went off in one of his windy harangues. He talked up to
the time set for the duel, when he. with great dignity and solemnity,
closed, took his hat, and started to leave for the bloody battle-field.
Instantly Judge Smith arose, in apparent agitation, made the an-
nouncement that he had learned that a hostile meeting was in con-
templation, to which some members of the convention were parties,
and he desired ' to move the adoption of the following resolution,'
which had been previously prepared in due form. The resolution ap-
parently created a great sensation, and proposed to expel any member
of the convention who would be a party to such a meeting, either as
principal or second. Of course it was unanimously adopted, but the
duel was not yet off. Robinson, as he was a member of the conven-
tion, and was disposed to conform to the resolution, deputized J. F.
Legate to ret as second in his stead. Legate was in his element, and
demanded a fight or an ignominious back-down and apology on the
part of Lane. It is needless to say the apology and back-down came
to the full satisfaction of the challenged party. This was the first
and last duel in Kansas, so far as known, although Lane had fought
a similar duel in a similar bloodless manner when a member of Con-
gress, and he had another afterwards with Senator Douglas, who
charged him with forgery and lying when he presented the Topeka
Constitution to the Senate. Lane always had more or less solicitude

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 185

about his reputation for valor. To vindicate his record in the Mexi-
can War he had written a pamphlet, which he brought with him to
Kansas. No one seemed to care about such matters except himself,
but he evidently thought much ado about his honor and courage was
necessary to secure the confidence of the people." ^

But there was sufficient serious work for the convention
to keep all members occupied night and day. Eighteen
Democrats, six Whigs, four Republicans, tw^o Free-Soilers,
one Free-State and one Independent composed the conven-
tion. From this group of people of widely dissenting opin-
ions was to come a constitution in opposition to the Pro-
slavery party, and suitable for the admission of Kansas
into the Union (if it failed not in its purpose). The even-
ing sessions were devoted to the discussion of a resolution
approving of the principles of the Kansas-Kebraska Bill.
The Democrats supported the resolution, in their effort to
be loyal to their party. When the convention came to a
vote it stood seventeen to fifteen in favor of the resolution.
In other ways strong party allegiance was displayed, and
the sense of the majority of the members was decidedly
against abolitionism and freedom for the slaves.

Then followed a discussion of Section 2, Article II,
which treated of the basis of citizenship. This section ran
as follows •? " Every white male citizen and every civilized
male Indian who has adopted the habits of a white man of
the age of twenty-one years, and shall be, at the time of of-
fering his vote, a citizen of the United States," etc., etc.,
"shall be deemed a qualified elector, in all the elections
under this constitution." On the motion to strike out the
word "white" in this section, there were seven votes in

1 RobiDRon : Kaaaas Conflict, pp. 177-179.
*Wllder'3 Annus, pp. 90-107.

186 LIFE OF CHABLES EOBINSON

favor and twenty-five against, Robinson voting in favor of
striking ont the word.

The Constitution was completed November 11th, 1855,
and on December 15th an election was held to adopt or re-
ject this Constitution. There were 1,731 votes for adop-
tion and 46 against. At this same election a vote was taken
on the exchision of negroes and miilattoes from the State,
and 1,278 votes were cast in favor of this exclusion to 253
against it. There was a section in the Constitution, Arti-
cle I, Section 6, which declared that " There shall be no
slavery in the State, nor involuntary servitude other than
for punishment for crime." Thus, while there was a dif-
ference of opinion as to the exclusion of blacks from the
soil, there was no indecision in respect to the exclusion of
slavery. It was also declared that '' ^o indenture of any
negi'o or mulatto, made and executed out of the bounds of
the State, shall be valid within the State." ^ This was a
very important declaration, for it made Kansas appear to
be a refuge for escaped slaves from other States. It vir-
tually declared that slaves brought from other States would
be free within the proposed State of Kansas. Those who
advocated the exclusion of the negro and mulatto, botli
bond and free, from the State, endeavored to have a clause
inserted in the Constitution to that effect, but, failing in
this, it was passed in the form of a resolution, and a vote
was taken distinct from the vote taken on the adoption
of the Constitution, though occurring at the same time.
Hence, while the Constitution itself did not exclude the
negro from the State, it was the prevailing opinion of the
majority of the convention that it should do so, and the

' Article I, Section 21.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STBUGGLE 187

sentiment in favor of exclusion was supported bj the ma-
jority just to the extent which it was thought to be politic.
The foregoing statements indicate the inconsistency in
the constitution-makers, for, in the call for the convention,
issued by the Territorial Executive Committee, they had
boldly asserted that —

"Whereas, The Territorial Government as now constituted for
Kansas has proved a failure, squatter sovereignty under its workings
A miserable delusion, in proof of which it is only necessary to refer
to our past history and our present deplorable condition; our ballot-
boxes have been taken possession of by bands of armed men from
foreign States, and our people forcibly driven therefrom; persons
attempted to be foisted upon us as members of the so-called Legisla-
ture, unacquainted with our wants and hostile to our best interests,
some of them never residents of our Territory; misnamed laws
pasted, and now attempted to be enforced by the aid of citizens of
foreign States, of the most oppressive, tyrannical, and insulting char-
acter; the rights of suffrage taken from us; " etc.

Notwithstanding the call declaring that " squatter sov-
ereignty " under its workings was a miserable delusion, the
majority of the delegates of the convention voted to uphold
the Kansas-Xebraska Bill. While professing to make
Kansas a free State, they had voted to exclude the negro
from the privileges of the Constitution and the freedom of
the State, and finally, had passed a resolution referring
the question of the exclusion of the negro from the State to
a vote of the people. Clearly, the socializing process
would have to continue some time and create a more or-
derly and definite political life, before Kansas was fit to
become a State in the gi'eat Union of States. All this
came with a larger population and a broader education
of the people respecting the real situation. The rejection

188 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

of OoiigTcss of the application for the admission of Kansas
to the Union under the Topeka Constitution was therefore
rather fortunate than otherwise.

Yet tlie fonnation of the Constitution was of untold
value to the Free-State cause. It kept together the Free-
State forces of the Territory ; it kept all prospective office-
holders in line with the liopo of some emoluments under
the new State Government ; it organized the rank and file.
The movement connected with its creation prevented the
adoption of the Lecompton Constitution and the triumph
of the Territorial Government under Proslaverj manage-
ment. Or, as it has been clearly stated by one of the fore-
most Kansans : " If the question be asked what useful pur-
pose the Topeka movement subserved, the obvious answer
is, that it served as a nucleus, a rally ing-point, a bond of
union, to the Free-State party during the most trying and
dangerous period of our Territorial history. Without it
the Free-State forces must have drifted, been demoralized,
and probably beaten. The prospeets of success were suf-
ficiently flattering to supplement the Free-State cause with
the personal ambition of a large number of able men who
Avould be glad of official position under it." ^

Having adopted the Constitution, it was necessary to
gain the recognition of Congress and obtain admission into
the Union before the Constitution was operative. The
Free-State leaders, however, thought it best to proceed to
organize and complete the State Government and elect the
Legislature, so that, on the admission into the Union, the
State Government would be ready to go into full opera-

' Hon. T. Dwight TUacIisr : Qaarter-Ceuteouial Address.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STHUGGLE 189

tion. To do this it would be necessary to call a convention
for the nomination of officers, and to carry on a regular
election in all of the precincts of Kansas. In such an
election the Free-State people could not consistently ex-
pect the support of the Territorial Government or of its
warm advocates.

190 LIFE OF CriA.BLES ROBINSON

CHAPTER VI.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE (cONTINUEd).

The Free-State Convention was held at Lawrence, De-
cember ISth, 1855, to nominate officers under the Topeka
Constitution. J. H. Lane, W. Y. Koberts and G. W.
Smith were avowed candidates for the nomination for Gov-
ernor. These men were of the majority that controlled
the Big Springs Convention and the majority in the Con-
stitutional Convention, at Topeka. While others were
brought into prominence at the Big Springs Convention
and at the Constitutional Convention, Robinson was decid-
edly in the background. But political affairs were about to
bring him to the front again. His position as agent of the
Emigrant Aid Company, his conduct in the Wakarusa
War, and his attitude on slavery, all appealed to those who
were sincerely interested in the Free-State cause. More-
over, his friends, who were in a majority, looked upon him
as one well fitted for the position of Governor of the State
at this juncture, as it required a man of coolness, patriot-
ism, and prudence. It was much in his favor that he did
not seek the nomination, although he accepted it willingly
as a duty thrust upon him. The convention for the nomi-
nation of officers was held at Lawrence, on December 22d,
and Charles Robinson was nominated for Governor.

Many being dissatisfied with the choice, a '" bolters' "
ticket, called a "Free-State Anti-Abolition Ticket," was
formed, with W. Y. Roberts at the head. But at the
election, held January 15th, 1856, the people supported the

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 191

regular nominee, giving Robinson 1,300 votes, while Rob-
erts received only 400.^ While the result was displeasing
to the conservative element of the party, it was highly sat-
isfactGry to the radicals, for Robinson was almost an abo-
litionist in practical expediency, and quite so at heart.
His extreme loyalty to the cause of freedom gave strength
to the Free-State men in Kansas, and secured the confi-
dence of the antislavery people throughout the Northern
States.

Here, then, is the most remarkable situation ever occur-
ring in the organization of any Territory within the
United States. A complete State government M-as formed,
constitution and all, set up in defiance of a legislature
chosen by the people (?) of the same Territory, and re-
pudiating its laws. The Free-State party was so strong
in opposition to the Territorial Legislature and its " bogus
laws," the offspring of Missouri, that it had determined
never in any way to recognize them. To carry out this
resolution they had instituted a State government, that
they might live under laws of their own making. With
this in view they hoped to eventually receive recognition
by the Federal Government, and be admitted into the
Union under the Constitution which they had framed.
Should Congress refuse to recognize them, and thereby
fail to seize the opportunity of allaying strife in Kansas
and averting a national calamity, and should it insist on
the enforcement of obedience to the " bogus laws," it might
be necessary for the Free-State men to appeal to the nation
rather than submit to the humiliation and outrage. The
time might come when it would be necessary to put the

' Marcus .T. Parrott vrtm elected Lieutenant-Governor ; Cyrus K. Holliday, Secre-
tary of State ; and Mark W. Delihiy, Hapresantatlve In Congress.

192 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBIWSON

Free-State government under the Topeka Constitution
into active operation.

Tlie st-and taken by the Free-State men in Kansas sent
a thrill thronghoiit the nation, and contributed not a little
to tlie development of Republicanism in the North. The
old parties were rapidly dissolving, mainly because oppo-
sition to slavery was concentrating the people in the North
into one great party. The attempt of the Federal Gov-
ernment to force slavery upon Kansas against the wishes
of the people and in direct violation of the organic act,
and the raids of the Missourians across the border, in-
creased the excitement at the North and strengthened the
determination of the friends of freedom to make Kansas
a free State. While there was a prospect that a change in
tJne national administration would permit Kansas to be
admitted under the Topeka Constitution, this change was
a long way off, and perhaps it might not occur at all. The
position of Governor under such circumstances was one of
great responsibility. To hold this State government in-
tact for several years, opposing the fraudulent Territorial
Government without coming into fatal opposition to the
Federal Government, was not an easy task. And what
if the Proslavery element had gained a majority in the Ter-
ritory, while, at the same time, holding the ascendency in
the Federal Government? "What might have become of
the followers of the Topeka Constitution ? It is sufficient
to say here, that Governor Robinson foresaw and under-
stood all of the difficulties of his position, and met them
all intelligently and fearlessly.

It was thought by the managers of the Constitutional
Convention, that, if the Democrats were forced to the

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 193

front, the Constitution so constructed as to seem not to be
against slavery, the Democratic administration at Washing-
ton would favor the admission of Kansas under the Topeka
Constitution. It was thought, as Delahaj said in the con-
vention, that it would, with these provisions, ''' go through
like a bullet." Yet, in spite of all the trimming of the
party and all the changes in the Constitution subsequent to
its adoption by the people, and its mutilation, it was finally
withdrawn from consideration in the United States Senate,
by Senator Cass, on account of the opposition it met with.
The supporters of this constitution had entered a great
struggle for freedom. But the die was cast, and the divi-
sion was now carefully marked between those who favored
the admission of Kansas as a free State and those who op-
posed this. Many of the violent Proslavery nevv'spaper
writers advocated a war of extermination. The Free-State
Executive Committee was not idle, and appointed a com-
mittee consisting of Lane, Emery, Hunt, Goodin, Dickey,
Holliday, and Simpson, to make a tour throughout the
United States, especially visiting some of the principal
cities, in order to arouse interest among the people for the
cause of the Free-State men of Kansas. x\n enthusiastic
Free-State meeting was held in Lawrence, January 12th,
1856, three days before the election of Governor Kobinson.
Addresses were made by Robinson, Lane, Conway, Red-
path, Speer, Mallory, and Legate ; and the committee on
resolutions, of which James H. Lane was chairman, re-
ported a single resolution favoring " a Free-State govern-
ment without delay, emanating from the people and re-
ponsible to them." Whatever the results that were to
— 13

194: LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON

come from tlie course pursued by the Free-State partj,
they were now formally committed to this course.

The formation of this Topeka Government was de-
nounced by the President, Franklin Pierce, in a special
message to Congress, Januarj^ 24th, 1856. Upon the
whole, this proclamation of the President was a fair repre-
sentation of the actual state of affairs in Kansas. The
President held, however, that the summoning of the To-
peka Convention, the making and adoption of the Topeka
Constitution, and the election of Member of Congress,
Governor, and other officers, were illegal acts, and declared
that he would attempt to support the Territorial laws of
the Territorial Legislature, because they represented a
part of the Federal Government of the United States. He
said, nevertheless,^ '• that when the inhabitants of Kansas
may desire it, and shall be of sufficient number to consti-
tute a State, a convention of delegates duly elected by the
qualified voters shall assemble to frame a constitution, and
then to prepare through regular and lawful means for its
admission into the Union as a State. I respectfully recom-
mend the enactment of a law to this effect."

Subsequently, on February 11th, Pierce issued a procla-
mation commanding " all persons engaged in unlawful con-
vention against the constitutional authority of the Territory
of Kansas or United States to disperse, and to retire to their
respective abodes." ^ A few days later, on February 15th,
Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War, sent an order to Gov-
ernor Shannon, but addressed to Col. E. V. Sumner, of

1 Meaaagea and Papers of th^ Prastdeat, Vol. V, p. 360.
* Wilder'3 Annals, p. 109.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 195

'Fori Leavenworth and to Brevet-Col. P. St. George Cooke,
Fort Riley, Grov. Shannon being in Washington. This
order authorized the Governor to disperse all persons com-
bining for insurrection against the organized government
of the Territory, by power vested in the United States Mar-
shal, and further authorized him to employ the Federal
troops should the civil power be insufficient for this pur-
pose. Secretary Davis inclosed with this order a copy of
President Pierce's proclamation of February 11th, and a
copy of the order issued by Secretary Davis to Col. Sumner
and Col. Cooke wath the sanction of the Federal Govern-
ment.

Shannon, in his report to the Government, declared that
Robinson and Reeder made speeches in Lawrence on the
occasion of the arrival of S. 1^. Wood from Ohio " in com-
pany," and that these speeches were directed against the
Territorial law. He also reported the organization of re-
sistance to the laws, and the initiation of a member to the
order organized for this purpose. Lane and Robinson are
said to have been leaders in this secret order. The only
basis for this assertion was, that Robinson and Lane were
recognized throughout the country as the leaders of the
Free-State cause. Shannon finally became a strong sup-
porter of the Free-State cause, realizing that the people of
Lawrence, in their defense against the ruffians of Missouri,
were only acting the part of citizens in defending their
homes. The result of the Wakarusa War and the trouble
with Jones was, finally, the sack of Lawrence and the de-
struction of the town, on May 21, 1856.^

The grand jury of Douglas county had recommended

' See previous chapter. Kan. Hint. CoU., Vol. 4, pp. 405-7-8-13.

196 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON

that the newspapers, the Htrald of Freedorn and the Kan-
sas Free State, and the Free-State Hotel, be abated as nni-
sanees, and had indicted for treason Robinson, Reeder,
Wood and others who had participated in the organization
of the Free-State Government. Gov. Reeder and S. N.
Wood escaped. Gov. Robinson had resigned his position
as Governor, temporarily, and it was arranged that he go
East for the purpose of commnnicating with friends for
the help of Kansas. He was arrested in Lexington, Mis-
souri, and returned. G. W. Brown, Geo. W. Deitzler,
Gains Jenkins and G. W. Smith were arrested.

A part of the object in arresting these leaders was to en-
able the Proslavery men to deal more easily with Lawrence
and the opposition of the Free-State men. If the leaders
could be disposed of, it would be an easy matter to subdue
and ovei'whelm the remainder of the Free-State party.
The grand jury issued the following indictment, which
Sheriff Jones carried as authority for the destruction of
Lawrence :

" The grand jury, sittinf^ for the adjourned term of the first
dietrict court, in and for the county of Douglas, in the Territory
of Kansas, beg leave to report to the honorable court that from the
evidence laid before them showing that the newspaper known as the
Herald of Freedom, published in the town of Lawrence, has, from
time to time, issued publications of th(- most inflammatory and sedi-
tious character — denying the legality of the Territorial authority ;
addressing and demanding forcible resistance to the same, and demor-
alizing the popular mind; rendering the life and property unsafe,
and even to the extent of advising assassination as a last resort.
Also, that the paper known as the Kansas Free State has similarly
been engaged, and has recently reported the resolution of a public
meeting in Johnson county, in this Territory, in which resistance to
the Territorial laws even unto blood has been agreed upon. And that
we respectfully recommend their abatement as a nuisance.

THE COPifSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 197

" Also, that we are satisfied that the building known as the ' Free-
State Hotel,' in Lawrence, has been constructed with a view to mili-
tary occupation and defense, regularly parapeted and portholed for
the use of cannon and small arms, and could only have been designed
as a stronghold for the resistance of the law, thereby endangering
the public safety and encouraging rebellion and sedition in this
country; and respectfully recommend that steps be taken whereby
this nuisance be abated."

The result of the sack of Lawrence was to give tempo-
rary gratification and joy to the Proslavery men. The
Lecompton Union gave a description of the destruction
of the town under the following headlines : " Lawrence
taken ! " " Glorious Triumph of the Law-and-Order Party
over Fanaticism in Kansas ! " Horace Greeley said : " It
was the Marshal of the United States who led the ruffian
regiment into Lawrence ; it was by virtue of process issued
by the Federal judge at Lecompton that the Free-State re-
sistance has been paralyzed and the demoniacal work com-
pleted."

Andrew J, Eeeder contested the election for Delegate to
Congress of his opponent, John W. Whitfield, who claimed
the seat, and who indeed was seated by Congress. To set-
tle the difficulty, Congress appointed an investigating com-
mittee, consisting of John Sherman, W. A. Howard, and
M. Oliver. They spent some time in Kansas taking testi-
mony of numerous parties, and endured threats and insults
from the Proslavery party. They finally completed their
report, which was signed by Sherman and Howard, but
not by Oliver, who brought in a minority report, which was
in many respects an open contradiction of the majority re-
port. This report set forth the facts that the elections had
been fraudulent, that the Legislature was therefore un-
lawful, and that the alleged laws of the illegally consti-

198 LIFE OF CHAELES ROBINSON

tnted Legislature had not been used for the purpose of
protecting persons or property or to punish wrong, but for
unlawful purposes. While the report asserted that Mr,
Reeder had reeeived more votes than his opponent, it fur-
ther declared that the election had not been held in pursu-
ance of any law, and that therefore neither Whitfield nor
Reeder could properly be said to have been elected. The
report went on to say : " That in the present condition of
the Territory, a fair election cannot be held without a new
census, a stringent and well-guarded election law, the se-
lection of impartial judges, and the presence of United
States troops at every place of election."

While the investigation of the committee was being car-
ried on, the Proslavery people of Kansas, aided by the Fed-
eral authorities, were planning a new campaign. They
had failed to drive out the Free-Stat« men with threats and
force of arms. They had failed to bring them into colli-
sion with the United States troops that the Federal Gov-
ernment might have an excuse to drive them from the soil.
A new scheme for getting rid of them was now laid. This
was nothing less than to have the leaders of the Free-State
party indicted for treason, arrested, and kept from the field
of activity. With the leaders out of the way, the remain-
der could either be driven from the country or be terrified
into defiance of the constituted authorities. Acting on
this plan, Judge Lecompte gave a charge to the grand jury,
the meaning of which could not be mistaken. In the
course of this charge he said :

" This Territory was organized by an act of Congress, and so far,
its authority is from the United States. It has a Legislature elected
in pursuance of the organic act. This Legislature, being an instru-
ment of Congress by which it governs the Territory, has passed laws.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STEUGGLE 199

These laws, therefore, are of the United States authority and making,
and all who resist these laws resist the power and authority of the
United States, and are therefore guilty of high treason. Now, gen-
tlemen, if you find that any person has resisted these laws, then you
must, under your oaths, find bills against them for high treason.
If you find that no such resistance has been made, but that combi-
nations have been formed for the purpose of resisting them, and in-
dividuals of notoriety have been aiding and abetting them in such
combinations, then you must find bills for constructive treason."

The charge was ingeniously made, and on the face of it
represented good law. For it must be held that the Legis-
lature, once established and recognized as the servant of
the United States Government, was performing a legitimate
act in making laws, and that those who disobeyed these
laws were in the attitude of law-breakers. The Free-State
men might contend that the Legislature was fraudulently
elected, but as it was recognized by Congress, it was plain
that the opposers of it were in peculiar straits. While,
therefore, there was undoubtedly a show of law on the side
of the Proslavery element, and while there was a clear au-
thority for the Territ-orial Government, backed as it was
by the Federal Government, yet every one knew that this
Territorial Government rested upon fraud and usurpation
in the beginning, and every Free- State and liberty-loving
man was determined to resist to his utmost the imposition
of a slave government upon Kansas by unfair means.
Yet these men felt that they must bow to the will of the
United States Government. It required exceedingly nice
action on their part not to come int-o direct opposition to
the Federal authority, while they continued to reject the
acts of the Legislature which represented it. Wliether the
organization of a Free-State government with a constitu-

200 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON

tion and a memorial to Confj^ess to he admitted into the
Union could be constniod as lii^h treason and usurpation
of office, soeme(i very doubtful. But the Chief Justice
of the Territorial Court and the ori>"anized government of
the Territory were against the Free-State cause and its ad-
vocates, and the Free-State men must act accordingly,

James F. Legate, a mcmbor of the grand jury, met Kob-
inson and Reeder, with Sherman and Howard of the Con-
gressional Investigating Committee, at Tecumseh, and
informed them of the plan to indict the leading members
of the Free-State party for treason, with the idea of with-
drawing them from the field of active defense. The night
following the reception of this information, a council of
war was held at tlie Garvey House, in Topeka, attended
by Robinson, Sherman, Reeder, Howard, Roberts, Mrs.
Sherman, and Mrs. Robinson. The whole situation was
fully discussed, and among other conclusions reached it
was decided that the Free-Sta,te men should act in defense
of the Free-State organization, but should not attack the
Territorial Government. It was also decided that an agent
should be sent throughout the Eastern States, to arouse the
governors of those States and to enlist the services of the
Free-State sympathizers. Governor Robinson was chosen
for this important mission, and started for Washington
with Mrs. Robinson, on the 9 th day of May, going by way
of St. Louis. They carried with them important docu-
ments, including the report of the Investigating Commit-
tee. They made a quick trip tx> Kansas City, and there
took a boat for St. Louis. As Dr. Robinson had been up
two or three nights, he was asleep when the boat touched

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 201

tiie levee at Lexington. From Mrs. Robinson's book is

taken the following:

"There were very few passengers; everything was quiet; and we
were making a quick trip. In the afternoon we procured some books,
and went into our stateroom. From reading we soon fell asleep.
At Lexington I was awakened by a noise as of many coming onto the
boat. It having subsided somewhat, I was drowsing again, when the
captain came to our stateroom door, opening upon the guard, with a
red-faced, excitable-looking person of short stature, whom he intro-
duced to my husband as General Shields. Whether this title of
general was acquired by Mr. Shields's visit to the Territory at the
time of the ' Shannon war,' last December, or whether it arose from
the necessity which Western men seem to feel, that of bearing some
title, I have been quite unable to learn. That he was prominent in
inciting that invasion, as well as others in the Territory, is true.
Another person, of larger figure, and more quiet, dignified air, came
soon, and was introduced as Mr. Bernard, of Westport. After stating
' they had come upon an unpleasant errand,' they proceeded to state
its purport — that of detaining my husband in Lexington, as he was
fleeing fi-om an indictment. He assured them such was not the
case: that he had at all times been in Lawrence, or at places where
he could have been arrested, had the authorities desired his arrest;
but they had made no effort to serve any process upon him, and, ao
far as he knew, there was no indictment out against him."

It appeared that a inob of men had gathered who de-
sired to take Governor Robinson and to deal roughly with
him. He was told that the leaders had been talking to the
mob to prevent violence, and that the longer he remained
upon the boat the more dangerous it was to him. Governor
Robinson thereupon asked the privilege of talking to the
mob. This was refused, on the ground of danger to his
person. Promises were made that he would be protected
if he would go with the committee. It a|)pearing that
force woiild l)e used if necessary to take him from the boat
and retain him at Ix^xington, he referred the matter to

202 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

Mrs. Eobinsoii wlietlicr he shoiild attempt to defend him-
self with one revolver, or go without resistance. She re-
plied, " They will kill you if you go, and you may as well
make a stand here." The committee said, " Had it not
been reported that your lady was on board, violence would
have at once been offered ; and no restraint could have
been held over the crowd." Gov. Robinson assured the
committee that he had no thought of escaping from an in-
dictment, and that had he so desired, the Missouri river
and Lexington would have been avoided of all places. He
ventured the assertion that at least he saw no reason why
another State should interfere in matters which concerned
Kansas only. This statement aroused the ire of the leader.
Finally, upon the assurance of the committee on their
honor that the prisoner would be protected, and after the
plea of the clerk of the boat that Gov. Eobinson should
give himself up Avithout resistance, for his own safety, he
and Mrs. Kobinson finally yielded as a matter of policy,
although much against their own feelings, which prompted
them to resist with force any attempt to arrest the Gov-
ernor and take him forcibly from the boat.

Gov. Robinson was placed in charge of Judge Sawyer,
formerly of Fitchburg, Massachusetts, who treated him
" more like a prince than a fugitive from justice." Two
men from the country appeared and tried to get up a mob
to lynch Gov. Robinson, but when Judge Sawyer told them
that he would turn Robinson into the street equally armed
with the two men against them, they dropped the matter.

Two or three days thereafter, Dr. McDonald, who had
been in California at the time of the Sacramento riot, and
had dressed the wounds of Dr. Robinson after the latter

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGOLE 203

had been shot, heard that Robinson was detained as a
prisoner at Lexington, and left the boat to visit him. When
Dr. McDonald met Gov. Robinson he exclaimed, " Well,
it is you, sure enough ! When I heard a man with jour
name was a prisoner, I thought it must be jou, as you are
always in some scrape." While detained in Lexington
Gov. Robinson learned that plans for a new invasion of
Kansas were being formed. The leading citizens of the
place came to talk with him, and assured him that there
would be a fight ; that Lawrence would be destroyed ; and
some went so far as to assert that the trouble would divide
tho North from the South, — that the Union would be
dissolved, and the South would become independent. Some
said that it would be a war of extermination, and that if
the Free-State men could withstand the Proslavery men
they would give it up.

No indictment could be found against Robinson in Lex-
ington, and therefore he was held a prisoner for about a
week, until messengers could go to Lecompton and obtain
an indictment from the grand jury, and to the Governor of
Missouri with a requisition from Governor Shannon.
Finally, Deputy IJ. S. Marshal Preston came, " armed and
equipped with requisition, posse, revolvers, and convey-
ance," and txx>k the prisoner overland to Westport. At
this place Robinson sent for Col. Kersey Coates, and re-
tained him as his attorney. Robinson learned of the situa-
tion in Lawrence from Col. Coates, who told him that the
town had not been attacked by the marshal and his posse
of eight hundred men. Robinson was kept at Westport
until the 22d of May, — '' until after Lawrence should be
attacked," as his captors said. On the night of the 22d

201: HFK 01" CHARLES KOBINSOIST

Col. Preston arrived at Franklin with his prisoner, and at
midnight received word from Governor Shannon to return
to I^avenworth by way of Kansas City, as tlie Grovemor
feared a rescue. He further declared that he would hold
Colonel Preston responsible for the safe-conduct of Robin-
son. Orders were obeyed, and the prisoner was conducted
to Westport, Kansas City and Leavenworth, arriving at
the latter place on the morning of the 24th of May. There
he Avas delivered into the hands of the sheriff of Leaven-
worth county, and Captain Martin of the Kickapoo Rang-
ers and three others were appointed his guard.

Wliile this arrest was being accomplished, Lawrence had
been entered by Sheriff Jones and his posse, the hotel and
printing-p]'esses had been destroyed, stores looted, and
homes desecrated and burned by the cowardly ruffians fol-
lowing the lawless marshal. Another important event oc-
curred on the 24th of May, on the Pottawatomie, where
John Brown killed five Proslavery men. An account of
this event has already been given in this volume,^ as well
as of its effects, a part of which, among other things, was
to inaugurate a general reign of terror in Leavenworth.
A vigilance committee w^as formed, with the purpose of
driving away every Free-State man from the Territory.
This committee threatened to take Governor Robinson and
hang him, and doubtless they would have done so had it
not been for the interference of Captain Martin, who rein-
forced the guard. Perhaps the presence of Judge Lecompte
and the United States marshal in the txjwn that day made
the mob less violent, although the feeling among the Pro-
slavery men was very bitter. Mr. Sherman, of the Con-

> See Chapter IV.

ROBINSON AND CAPTAIN "bILL" MARTIN, OF THE KICKAPOO RANGERS-
PRISONER AND KEEPER. 1856.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STBUGGLE 205

gressional Investigating Committee, called upon Governor
Robinson, as did also Judge Lecompte. Governor Robin-
son asked the latter abont the nature of his indictment.
He replied, " There are two : one for usurping office, and
one for high treason." Finally, Governor Robinson was
conducted to Lecompton and placed in the prison-tent with
six other prisoners.

Thus were the leaders of the Free-State party impris-
oned, Lawrence invaded, plundered and burned, — Governor
Robinson's home going up in flames with others, — and
John Brown's startling deed on the Pottawatomie commit-
ted. The troubles of tlie Territory had just begun, and
the whole summer following was a reign of terror to the
harassed settlers.

Mrs. Robinson performed an important service to the
Free-State cause by continuing her journey East after the
arrest of her husband at Lexington. She visited the East-
ern cities, bearing important letters and documents to
men of influence, and consulted with many prominent peo-
ple who sympathized with the cause of freedom in Kansas.

Petitions were now forwarded by the Free-State party
to the governors of the States of the N"orth, asking them to
call together the State legislatures for the purpose of tak-
ing action in favor of the patriots of Kansas. The im-
perative need of protection for the citizens of the various
States who had migTated to Kansas and who were there
without protection, was urged in these petitions as the
ground for such action on the part of the jSTorthem gov-
ernors. A remonstrance was drawn up for the Northern
governors to sign, when it was to be forwarded to the Presi-
dent, conveying to him the information that the pillage and

206 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

anarchy could no longer continue in Kansas witliouf^, in-
volving tlie nation in civil war.

A kind of indirect appeal was also made to the President
through the faniily of Amos A. Lawrence, and it is thought
that this appeal had great influence in bringing the Presi-
dent to a realizing sense of the impending danger. This
appeal was conveyed to the President in the following
manner : Amos A. LawTence sent a draft of a letter to Mrs.
Kobinson, who copied it, and forwarded it to Mr. Law-
rence's mother, to whom it was written.^ Mrs. Lawrence
in turn sent it to the President's wife, who read it, and
gave it to her husband to read. It is thought that this
letter had much influence with the President, for Grover-
nor Shannon was soon after recalled, and Governor Geary
was appointed in his place.

Governor Geary arrived in Leavenworth on September
9th, 1856, and began a vigorous campaign against lawless-
ness and in favor of justice and fair play. He set vigor-
ously about the reorganization of affairs in the Territory.
He attempted to harmonize the different elements, and to
preserve justice and law in the courts, the Legislature, and
among the people. In this he was seconded by Governor
Robinson. As it appeared that Governor Geary was trying
to aid the Free-State people by establishing justice and
order, and as he saw that the Free-State cause would
flourish under such conditions, Robinson was ready to hand
in his resignation to the Free-State Legislature if by so
doing he could facilitate the work of Governor Geary.^

Soon after the arrival of Governor Geary the treason
prisoners were set free, and Governor Robinson returned

1 See Appendix B.

«Kausas Historical CoUection.i, Vol. 4, p 689.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGGLE 207

to Lawrence. But he had no sooner arrived there than he
was called upon to work with other citizens in the defense
of the town, for there appeared on the Wakarusa an armed
body of Missourians led by Reid, Atchison and others, who
had come to destroy Lawrence. James H. Lane was com-
manding the forces of militia at that time, and remained
in Lawrence long enough to welcome the released treason
prisoners who came from the prison camp at Lecompton.
He appointed Captain Cracklin of the Lawrence " Stubbs "
Lieutenant-Colonel, and, putting him in command, started
on an expedition north with all of the men and arms he
could get, leaving not more than fifty rifles and not more
than two hundred men to be mustered into the defense of
the town. Why he did this under the threatened invasion
will always be a mystery. Such forces as could be mus-
tered were brought together and stationed to the best
advantage. They made a meager showing, but there were
brave men among them, and when a detachment of the
enemy came in sight east of the town, Captain Cracklin
with a small force moved out to meet them. After a brisk
skirmish the enemy withdrew, and the handful of men
remained in position, expecting on the morrow to be over-
whelmed by superior numbers, but willing, if necessary,
to die in defense. Meanwhile, messengers were sent to
Governor Geary at Lecompton, acquainting him with the
situation and asking his aid. Governor Geary had just
issued his proclamation commanding all armed bands in
the Territory to disperse to their homes, and he at once
ordered Colonel Cooke to go to Lawrence with his com-
mand. Colonel Cooke arrived in the town at night, and in
the morning the enemy discovered cannon bristling on

208 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

the l)ill above them and a company of drai^oons camped at
its base, between them and the toAvn they had expected to
destroy. The enemy had lost their opportunity. Governor
Geary eanie in person and addressed the leaders of the in-
vading army, telling them that the destruction of Lawrence
and a persistency in their course of action meant a Demo-
cratic defeat at Washing-ton. Using tliis and other strong
arguments, he persuaded the invaders to retire towards
Missouri. Thus the invasion of tlie 2700 ended with a
bloodless victory for the Free-State cause.

It was thought by some that Geary knew that the in-
vaders from Missouri w^ere to come, and were to return at
his command, so that a showing of protection to the Free-
State men could be made by the Democratic party, which
was much in need of votes at the Presidential election.
There seems to be no historical evidence to this effect.
However, the party was l)eing arraigned for lawlessness
in Kansas. If it c-ould be shown that order was restored
in Kansas by the efforts of the administration, it would
Jiave great influence on the election. On the contrary, tlie
cool courage and persistency of Governor Geary in oppos-
ing the Proslavery element in face of the Federal authority,
which he subsequently did, would seem to indicate that
he would not carry out a sham to save the votes of his own
party.

Besides, the militia-mob assembled about Lawrence,
which he went ont to disperse, was called into service by
the proclamation of Acting-Governor Woodson, prior to the
arrival of Geary in Kansas. Governor Geary was ap-
parently ignorant of this proclamation, and yet was deal-
in'' with its effects. Without doubt Gearv was sent to

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 209

Kansas by the leaders of the Democratic party at Wash-
mtrton in the hope that he would pacify the country, and
at least make a show of justice toward the Free-State peo-
ple, thus makinfi^ votes for the party in the next presi-
dential election. But subsequently, when it was found that
he intended to deal out justice to friend and foe alike, the
Proslavery people turned against him — for justice, at this
particular juncture, was a word not found in their vocab-
ulary. After six months of strenuous effort to establish
justice and promote peace and harmony, therefore, Gov-
ernor Geary, like his predecessors, was obliged to leave the
Territory, his life in danger, his work unfinished.

Much has been said and written about the invasion of
Kansas and the attack on Lawrence by the 2700. Richard
Realf wrote a stirring poem on the battle, which has a
historical fact for its theme, and makes use of a large poet-
ical license in its description. Some have sought to make
John Brown the hero of the occasion. He was in Law-
rence at the time, but had no command and had little to
say about affairs. Had the little band of defenders been
forced to meet the attacking army on that fatal to-morrow
which never arrived, on account of the coming of Geary,
Brown would without doubt have been seen in the thickest
of the fight. But there were no heroes made in this threat-
ened battle which resulted in a bloodless victory, though
there can be no qiiestion that Robinson, Brown, Cracklin
and Leamard were ready to do their duty in leading the
little band of men to the defense of the town, and, prob-
ably, to their death. Beyond what is related above, there
was no fighting and no other military movements, except
that Colonel Leamard, commanding a small force of horse-

— 14

210 LIFE OF CrtARLES KOBINSON

men, went toward Blanton's Bridge, swiina; round to-
ward Franklin, and, on the approach of a large body of
Missouri an s, retreated toward the town. However, the
invasion of the 2700 marks an era in the histoiy of the
border war. It was the last systematic attempt of the Pro-
slavery 2")0wer to make Kansas a slave State by force of
arms. From that time forth they accepted the fact that the
" Yankees " could not be exterminated, driven out, or con-
quered by force. They now turned their attention to pol-
itics and constitution-making', hoping to secure by legisla-
tion, fraud, or diplomacy, what they had failed to secure
by pillage, outrage, and murder. The individual actvS of
violence that occurred on the border and in Kansas after
this were but the ])roducts of the seeds of anarchy, rapine
and murder, previously sown by the attempt to coerce and
extenninate a lil>erty-loving people.

The coming of Governor Geary, his decisive action in
suppressing outlawry, and his disbanding of armed bodies
of men who were marauding under the guise of militia,
had much to do with the final triumph of the cause of
freedom. Add to these the important action of Governor
Walker, who later insured a fair vote, and by means of
which the Free-State men gained possession of the Terri-
torial Legislature, and you have the two most prominent
turning-points in favor of freedom. Of course these events
could not in themselves have insured freedom without the
increased number of Free-State voters, who came pouring
into the Territory from the ISTorth and from the East so
rapidly that they were soon to outnumber the proslavery
advocates and win a decisive victory at the polls.

Had the coming of Governor Geary been delayed much

THE COJiTSTITUTIOlSrAL STRUGGLE 211

longer the Free-State cause would without doubt have sud-
denly declined, and Lawrence, Topeka, and ever}' Free-
State settlement would have been completely demolished.
While Robinson and others were imprisoned at Lecompton,
Gov. Reeder, General Lane and S. IST. Wood were all in-
dicted, yet subsequently they were allowed to go through
the countrv' unmolested and without bail. IMr. Thayer in
his '' Kansas Crusade " holds that the arrest and imprison-
ment of these men was for the purpose of provoking the
Free-St^te men to fight the United States troops in order
to secure their rescue. As Lane, Montgomery and Brown
were free, it was thought that they might undertake tiis
work against the Government. Lane at once set about
preparing for the rescue of the prisoners, and sent a letter
to Robinson offering to set him free by force. Robinson
refused to permit anything of the kind.^

If Mr. Thayer is correct in his surmise that such a
plan was ever considered by the Proslavery men, the wis-
dom and coolness of Robinson in not allowing force to be
used caused the whole attempt to fail. Wliile imprisoned,
Robinson and others wrote to the Legislature which assem-
bled at Topeka to be courageous and stand by the cause, but
to make no resistance to Federal troops.^ This body did
as they advised until dispersed by Sumner. It was a small
legislature, however, without a quorum, only seventeen
members responding to roll-call. Many stayed away on
account of fear.

Robinson was still considered the leader of the Free-
State movement, and was so recognized by the enemies of

♦Thayer's "Kaasad CrosAde," p. iM.
^Spring: Kansas, p. 132

212 LIFE OF CHAELES ROBINSON

the FreoStat© cause. The leaders of the Proslavery party
insisted that Robinson liad always been the chief man of
the abolitionists and the acknowled<^ed leader in Kansas.
At any rate, he may fairly be said to have been foremost
among many leaders, and one of the heroic men of his
times.

The Kansas struggle was in great danger of disintegrat-
ing tlie Democratic party, and Governor Geary had been
appointed for the purpose of pacifying Kansas in view of
the approaching national election.^ He at once opened the
Territory to the immigrant parties from the North, and
inaugurated a fair and liberal policy which appeared to
be in favor of the Free-State men merely because it was a
policy of justice to all parties,

Robinson was called East, and appeared in New York,
where he made a Republican speech October 22d, 1856.^
Being absent from the Territory, he resigned the governor-
ship under the Topeka Constitution. The Free-State Leg-
islature met on January 6th, 1857, and many proceeded
to find fault with Robinson and the Lieutenant-Governor
for their absence. There was no quorum at this time.
Those members of the Legislature who met appear not
to have known as yet that Robinson had resigned. How-
ever, they resolved to adhere to the State Government, and
they met again on January 7th, a quorum being present.
About a dozen members were arrested, and the next day
the Legislature, having no quorum, took a recess until the
second Tuesday in June. Robinson was in the East on
business of the Emigrant Aid Company, and was making

' Oordley : " History of Lavrence," pp. 128-9.
a Wilder'B Annals, p. 141.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 213

plans for the or<^anization of the town of Quindaro.^ He
and Geary had begun on the plan for a short cut to state-
hood. In a letter directed to Amos A. Lawrence, Decem-
ber 21st, 1856, Robinson says: " What if by means of cer-
tain influences the Topeka Constitution should be admit-
ted, the State Governor should resign, the Territorial Gov-
ernor be unanimously elected and we should have a
peaceable free State? Of course the Senate would need
to compromise the matter with the House by providing for
submitting the Constitution once more to the people. This,
with the election law of Congress and Governor Geary to
execute it, would be no very serious objection." ^

In accordance Avith the above, Robinson had gone East,
leaving his resignation by letter for the meeting of the
Topeka Legislature, January 6th, 1857; but Robinson's
mission Avas without result, and Geary was fast losing
favor with the national administration. The administra-
tion did not like so fair and even a policy, but they were
obliged to tolerate Geary till after the election, when he
was forced to resign, March 4th, 1857.^

Many have censured Governor Robinson for his resig-
nation, but he explains this in a letter to the Boston Atlas,
dated January 28th, 1857 :

"Immediately after the Presidential election ... the people
generally seemed disposed to yield everything but honor to peace, and
there was apparently a desire to cooperate with any and all parties, if
we might thereby secure our disenthrallment from the Shawnee Mis-
sion usurpation. A hope was cherished that our admission into the
Union under the Topeka Constitution might be effected, with a proviso
submitting it once more to a vote of the people. ... To this end I

» Wilder'H AnnalH, pp. H8-9. t Spring : Kansas, p. 203 ' Wilder's A.uuhU, p. 15fi.

214 I.IFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON

directed my efforts, and it was tbat all objection to the State organi-
zation, from any source, might be removed, as well as to be able
to work more efficiently and disinterestedly in securing friends from
all parties, that I proposed to create a vacancy in the office I held.
Consultation was had with the leading men, as opportimity presented,
and I understood the arrangement to be approved, — at least I knew
of no serious objections.

" Having no representative of the State movement at Washington,
and not knowing that anyone would volunteer, I decided to go there
several weeks before the Legislature was to assemble. I consulted
with Lieut.-Gov. Eoberts and told him of my purpose to leave Kansas,
provided he would attend to State matters in my absence. This he
cheerfully consented to do. . . . Had I known that Gov. Robertn
would not have been present at the Legislature, I most certainly
should not have resigned till after its adjournment, and would not
have left Kansas. Instead of abandoning the State organization, I
thought I was doing all in my power to adA'ance its prospects of
sviecess. . . .

" I see it stated that my business East was to sell shares in Quin-
darc, etc. Nothing can be farther from the truth. I have not offered
a share for sale, and do not want to sell a share until some of the
money now received shall liave been invested."

In a speech before the Free-State Convention, March
10th, 1857, at Topeka, he gives the following explanation
of his resignation :

■' Gov. Geary made many great promises; he talked well; he talked
long and fast, and he still talks much. I asked him if he thought
there was any way in which the Topeka Constitution could get into
the Union? He seemed to think it might by a resubmission to the
people, or at furthest in addition to this, a new election of the State
officers. . . . It is well known that all manner of charges had
been heaped upon me by our enemies, such as those of being an aboli-
tionist, a disunionist, and many others, which caused me to be looked
upon with a great deal of hatred by the Democratic party. In fact,
I may say that I was probably more unpopular with that party than
any other man in the country. On this account I thought there would
be less of a barrier in the way of this if I were not at the head of

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STEUGGLE 215

the State goveirmeiit. This was tlie great reason for offering to
resign the office I then held."

Continuing, and referring to his trip to Washington, he
sfajs : '' . . . I will admit, if you choose, that I have
accomplished nothing. But T earnestly tried to accomplish
something, and I have failed, — not because of any unwil-
lingness on my part. I believed that my course was the
best one that could be taken."

Kobinson makes a further explanation in an address

before the Plistorical Society, January, 1881 :

" Gov. Geary was satisfied the Free-State men were largely in the
majority, and was desirous that the majority should rule. That an
end might be put to this conflict, he sent to the Governor under the
Topeka Constitution (Eobinson). and desired an interview at his
office. The interview was held in the attic of the log cabin now
standing with the stone addition on the bank of the river, near the
At*hison, Topeka & Santa Fe station at Lecompton. At that inter-
view Gov. Geary was ready to favor an admission under the Topeka
Constitution, and was willing to use his influence with the President
and his party in Congress. It was thought, if there could be a va-
cancy in the position of Governor, that he or some other Democrat
inight be elected to fill it, and the Administration would more readily
indorse it. Accordingly, the Topeka Governor resigned, and went to
Washington for the purpose of procuring admission into the Union.
He soon found that the Democratic party at Washington had no sym-
pathy for any such movement, or for Gov. Geary."

The second session of the Territorial Legislature met at
Lecompton, January 12th, 1857. Geary's message prom-
ised " equal and exact justice to all men of whatever po-
litical or religions persuasion." He said that the people
then ruled in everything. " I have every confidence in
the sound judgment and sober thought of the toiling mill-
ions." It is quite remarkable that in tJiis message he
also advocated the building of a railroad to the Gulf of

216 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

Mexico, which showed his wisdom in recognizing the future
need of this country.

It will be remembered that this Legislature was Pro-
slavery, as the Free-State men had taken no part in the
election of the members, and therefore many bills which
Geary vetoed passed over his head by a two-thirds vote,
according to a previous arrangement. Governor Geary's
idea of securing equal justice for all parties had compara-
tively little sympathy from those in power in the Legisla-
ture. Their motto was that there should be no compromise
with any person or organization that tried to make Kansas
a free State. Not only was sympathy wanting on the
part of the Proslavery element for the Chief Executive
of the Territory, but this same element made threats upon
his life. Governor Gear\' being convinced that a plot had
been formed for his assassination, appealed to General
Persifer F. Smith, at Fort Leavenworth, for troops to
protect him. General Smith insisted in reply, that " in-
sults or probable breaches of peace do not authorize the
employment of troops." This letter, General Smith seems
to have taken great satisfaction in reporting soon after to
Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War. The point to be ol>-
served is, that the National Government was soon out of
sympathy with Geary, and opposed to him.

At this juncture the first step in the framing of the
Lecompton Constitution was taken. The Territorial Legis-
lature provided for the election of members of a convention
to meet and frame a State constitution for the purpose of
securing the admission of Kansas into the Union. It made
special provision for taking a census of the voters before
April 10, and further provided that the judge to whom the

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 217

returns were made could correct and add to the list from
that time to May 1, when it was to be sent to the Governor.
It was the duty of the Governor to apportion among the
precincts sixty delegates to the convention prior to the
election, which was to be held on June 15th. After the
delegates were elected they were to assemble on the first
Monday in September, at Lecompton, for the purpose of
making a constitution. This seemed like very fair work,
but the whole registry of voters was placed entirely in
the hands of the Proslavery officers. Owing to the fact
that the Legislature made no provision to submit the Con-
stitution wlien framed to a vote of the people for rejection
or ratification, the bill was vetoed by the Governor, but
was passed over the Governor's veto. Governor Geary,
having done what he could in favor of justice to all par-
ties, and finding his services unajipreciated by the Pro-
slavery party, and indeed by many of the Free-State peo-
ple, being insulted by the former and his life threatened
and in danger, sent his resignation to President Buchanan,
to take effect March 20th, 1857. The Free-State men
were still active. They held a convention at Topeka on
March 10, 1857, and passed a set of resolutions repudiat-
ing the bogus Legislature, and declining to vote at the
coming election for members of the constitutional conven-
tion.^ The grounds for this repudiation are based, first,
on the fact that the order for the election came from the
bogus Legislature, which was illegally elected and which
they had repudiated. In the second place, they held that
the '' organic act does not authorize the Territorial Legis-
lature, even when legitimately convened, to pass an en-

' Wilder's Annals, pp. 157-8. Cordley : I.:iwr©nc9, p. 147.

218 LIFE OF CHAELES EOBINSON

ablins; act to change the government of the same," and that
the Assembly, being present in «oiirt, leaves the control
of the election and its pretended officers and intends frand.
Furthermore, the provisions intended to disfranchise citi-
zens were made without referring them to the people for
their sanction or their disapproval. The Free-State men
further held that the Constitution framed at Topeka was
still the choice of the majority of the people.

In the mean time, Robinson returned from the East
and AA'ithdrew his resignation as Governor of Kansas
under the Topeka Constitution. Geary was replaced by
Walker as Territorial Governor, and Daniel Woodson,
Avho had been Secretary of the Territory, was removed and
Fred. P. Stanton appointed in his place. There was con-
siderable discussion as to whether Free-State men should
act in accordance with the resolutions of the Topeka Con-
vention and stay away from the polls. Stanton, acting
Governor, issued an address to the people, asking that this
constitutional convention submit the slavery question " to
a fair vote of all the actual honu fide residents of the
Territory, with every possible security against fraud and
violence," and he also snggested amnesty to all persons
who had been engaged in the struggle; and he subse-
quently went to Lawrence and stated that "If any man
here is prepared to say that he will resist these laws,
with that man I declare war! — war to the knife and the
knife to the hilt." If Stanton had any desire to paeify
the people of Kansas, he destroyed all his influence with
that single statement, for his speech created great excite-
ment and aroused anew the defiance of the Free-State men.
They wrote to Secretai-y Stanton tJiat they would take

DR. ROBINSON, 1857.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKTJGGLE 219

part in the election of tlie delegates to the Lecompton con-
vention if one Proslavery man and one Free-State man
should attend to the registry in each district, and if, of
the four judges of the elections, two should lie Proslavery
and two Free-State men. Secretary Stanton replied that
he must follow the law.

On June 15th, when the election of delegates to the Le-
compton Constitutional Convention occurred, only 2,071
votes were polled out of a total of 9,251. This was evidence
that the Convention was unpopular, and that the Free-
State men were rapidly growing in number. It was clear
that if a vote could be obtained, the whole question would
be settled in favor of the Free-State people.

In the mean time Governor Robinson had again t^ken
up active work. He headed a list of signers to a call for a
meeting of the Free-State Legislature, to be held June 9th,
1857. Over sixty persons, among the most prominent of
the Free-State men, signed this call.^

In pursuance to the call, the Free-State Legislature met
at Topeka. There being no quorum, one was made by
declaring the seats of the absent thirteen members vacant.
This reduced the entire number to twenty-five. The mes-
sage of the Governor at this juncture is worthy of note.
He outlines the policy of the Free-State people in the
past and future. He says:

" I have not . . . abandoned o\ir organization. On tbe con-
trary, I believe it is our only hope. When we framed the Constitu-
tion, something of the kind was necessary to keep together our party,
and as a basis of securing our rights; . . . and as the same
reasons which induced us to take our position in the beginning re-

1 Tte indUtrnents for treason affaiDst Robineon, Deitxler ai)*! othnx-s were diBpoBed
ol on May 11th, lfi57, the prweeuting officer entering a tuille prosequi. WSiaer, p. K>5.

220 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

main, and the same circumstances still exist, why should we not
maintain oJir position?

'' Now the Proslavery party is about pjettinf,' up a constitution
also. ... If ours is allowed to die, al! will then be lost. . . .
If we neglect to elect a State Legislature next August, our Constitu-
tion will eventually die, for all the offices under it will become vacant,
and there would be no means of again filling them. . . . The
first one organized, if kept up, will be the one admitted; nothing on
earth can prevent it. . . . All that is necessary for us to do is
to keej) aloof from the doings of the bogus Legislature and keep up
our own."

Secretary Stanton arrived in Lawrence one month in
advance of Governor Walker, and it was on April 24tli
that he made the address in which he used the vii^orOus
language heretofore referred to. On the evening of this
address, Stanton and his companion, Mr. McLean, and
Horace White of the Chicago Tribime, were entertained
at tea by Governor Robinson, where free discussions of the
condition of Kansas occurred. Governor Robinson and
Mr. McLean carried on the conversation. Mr. McLean
argued for the determination of the question by evidence
at the polls that the Free-State party was in the majority
in Kansas. Governor Robinson pressed him to distin-
guish the members of the Free-State party, and also to de-
fine what he meant by National Democracy of Kansas;
Avhile Mr. McLean urged that the Free-State men should
come forward to the polls and vote, but this they refused
to do. Governor Robinson maintained that the Free-State
men of Kansas never recognized the Territorial Legisla-
ture, as some people called it. That the Free-State men
did not vote, because to do so would be a repetition of the
old farce, ever^^thing being in the hands of the opposing

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 221

party. The following quotation from the conclusion of
the discussion is from the Chicago Tribune:

" Robinson — The action of the Topeka Convention was predi-
cated on certain facts which have been well known to the ' National
Democracy ' from the beginning. Firstly, the Free-State men of Kan-
sas have never recognized the ' Territorial Legislature,' as some
people call it. Whoever else may recognize it or fail to recognize it,
the Free-State men deny its legal existence. They claim that it is
not even a government de facto. They do not appeal to its laws or
have dealings with its officers. No one pretends to execute these
laws, and they exist merely for the benefit of the public printer.
Consequently, the Free-State men see nothing in the proposed election
but the old farce with new decorations and scenery. No law requires
them to vote. They will not interfere with your voting. They have
no objection to your doing all the voting. In this way you will
secure unanimity, and I see no reason why the plan should give the
' National Democracy ' a moment's uneasiness. Secondly, the law
providing for this election takes all power out of the hands of the
people, after the delegates are elected. It thriists the Constitution
into Congress as the work of the people, without giving the people an
opportunity to pronounce upon that work. These delegates may
frame a constitution infringing the liberty of speech and the press.
They may decree test oaths as a qualification for voting. They may
make murder a bailable offense. They may infringe the right of the
people to assemble together in a peaceable manner to consult for
their common good. They may establish negro slavery, or any other
kind of slavery, as a permanent institution of Kansas. They may
take away the right of amending this Constitution from the latest
posterity. We have had specimens of all these things in Kansas
legislation, and we have no business to infer that the creatures of any
legislative body will be better than the Legislature itself. The Free-
State men regard it as indispensable that the work of the Constitu-
tional Convention be submitted for the approval or disapproval of
thohe whose welfare it aflfects. Thirdly, the Free-State men consider
that the whole machinery of this election is thrown into the hands
of their bitter enemies, and that no safeguards are interposed for
their protection, either in the vote itself or the subsequent counting
of votes. I need not enumerate for this company the provisions of
that law in this regard. The experience of the Free-State men on

222 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

former occasions has not been such as to impress thcin favorably
with the elective franchise as operated by the bogus Legislature.
Men who have lived two years in Kansas understand that the Fre<»-
State party have no rights on election day which Missourians are
bound to respect, and none which the United States Government
takes the trouble to ' recognize.' The provision of your law con-
cerning the registration of votes does not prevent the registration of
all the unemployed residents of westei'n Missouri, nor does it require
that the actual residents of Kansas shall be registered. Your reg-
istry being perfected, the result of the election is ascertained before
the voting commences. After the voting is finished, we have no guar-
antee that the returns will correspond either with the ballots depos-
ited or the printed list of qualified voters. I am free to confess that
I doubt the integrity of three-fourths of the officers who will conduct
this election. We are solicited, in the face of a two-years experience,
which requires no comment from me, to confide everything we hold
dear as American citizens to the keeping of our worst enemies, and
go away trusting to their honor, presuming that they have sufficient
virtue to register none but actual citizens of Kansas, to register all
the citizens of Kansas, to receive the votes of all the citizens who
choose to vote, to make the returns according to the votes, even in
case such returns ruin the business which has afforded them occupa-
tion for two years. The Free-State men of Kansas are not such
idiots. The evidence is overwhelming that this election was not in-
tended to ascertain the relative strength of parties in Kansas, but to
entrap our party, defraud them of all their rights, and make a slave
State of Kansas. So much for the Topeka Convention. How have
subsequent events shown the piopriety of their action? Here are two
thousand Missourians registered as voters in Douglas county — men
whom no citizen of Kansas ever heard of except as he met them on
some foraging excursion. We look over this list for the names of the
oldest citizens of Lawrence, and they are not to be found. In Quin-
daro, where I live, public opinion is divided on the question whether
the census-taker has been there or not. Two or three men pretend to
have seen him. I haven't, and I doubt whether he has been there at
all. If he has ever visited that place, it was not for the purpose of
completing the registry of Wyandotte county. The list was pub
lished some weeks ago, and our tov/n left entirely out of the reckon-
ing. Some of the neglected ones in the town of Wyandotte have sent

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 22(J

their names to the proper officer, with evidence of their citizenship,
and he has either refused or neglected to place them on the list.

" At Osawatomie, I am informed, three-fourths of the list is made
up of citizens of the adjoining county in Missouri. At a place thirty
or forty miles southwest of here the citizens do not know, except by
hearsay, that there is to be any election. They have never known,
from the beginning, whether they were enjoying the blessing of a
sheriff and county judge or not. They don't know whether they have
a census-taker among them or not, and I should judge they didn't
care. These are specimens of our Territorial job-work. To my mind
they demonstrate that the action of the Topeka Convention was en-
tirely proper, and if that convention were to be held over again, my
part in it would be simply a repetition of my part in the other.

" Stanton — But you have an ample remedy for all this alleged
fraud, in the law creating these officers. Bring me one man who has
taken the proper steps to have his name registered and been refused,
and then see what becomes of the officer. Establish that the list of
Douglas county contains the name of one resident of Missouri, and
see how rapidly that list is expurgated of the falsehood. The trouble
is, you Free-State men are not willing to take any steps looking to
the correction of the evils you complain of. The Executive of this
Territory is here for the purpose of administering impartial justice,
and when you have been denied redress in that quarter, I will ac-
knowledge for one that there is something radically wrong in the
government of Kansas.

"Robinson — Having determined to take no part in the election,
we are naturally not solicitous about the purity of the voting-lists, or
of the voters themselves; but you now offer us a practical impossibil-
ity. In the first place, the citizens of Quindaro, Lawrence and Osa-
watomie are men of business. Their time is valuable to them and
indispensable to their families. They cannot leave their business and
go hunting a sheriff or census-taker, particularly if he spends most of
his time in another State. The gentleman with the census roll was
appointed to visit them, not they the officer. I have no time to waste
in that way, and 1 presume my neighbors will say the same thing.

" The other proposition, that we show the lists to be fraudulent in
respect of the names of Missourians, is an utter impossibility. It is
an attempt to establish a negative. Mr. Jones Jenkins may be a resi-
dent of Westport, Missouri. I may know it, and a dozen others may
know the same thing. We may establish that Mr. Jones Jenkins

224 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

{loec live in Wfsip«>7t, IVIisPoini. We tlioii visit twenty of the oldest
residents of Douglas county, and inquire whether Mr. Jenkins has
ever resided there. They have never heard of any such man in that
vicinity. Here we have established that one person bearing this name
lives in Missouri, and have shown that twenty citizens of Douglas
county never heard of him in Kansas. Is this legal demonstration ?
We have not shown that some man bearing this name positively does
not live somewhere in the county. We have not shown that he may
not have lived here, and gone East for his family. We have not
and never can show that he was not here on the day prescribed by
the law, and that he did not answer every requirement of that law.
When we multiply this case by two thousand, we appreciate some-
what the nature of the job we have undertaken.

"Stanton — I think, Doctor, you magnify all the difficulties
which stand in the way of a fair election. Concerning the submis-
sion of the Constitution to a subsequent vote of the people, I would
say that it is proposed to make a provision of this sort, and, so far as
my influence extends, it shall be exerted to bring about a full expres-
sion of the popular will on the subject of the domestic institutions of
the Territory, after the work of the convention is complete.

" Robinson — We do not doubt your good intentions. Governor,
5n this, as in other matters; but we very gravely doubt the extent of
your power. Several governors of Kansas have been greatly surprised
to find how short a distance their influence extends. I believe that
the right of calling out the militia has been placed in the hands of
county sheriffs. You will doubtless regard this a very great in-
fringement on the privileges of the Executive.

"Stanton — Oh, you must be mistaken. No Legislature, no
♦iherifT, will undertake to call out the militia while I hold the office
of Governor. Ridiculous!

" McLean — But they will when the occasion comes. It was
found necessary on the part of the Legislature to reserve this right.

" Stanton — Reserve! No such right ever belonged to any Legis-
lature under the sun. Nonsense!

" McLean — Nonsense or not, we have the right of calling out
militia, and intend to exercise it whenever we find it necessary;
that's all!

" Stanton — Oh, you are altogether mistaken, etc.

" I need not follow this pleasant little expression of views any
further. Our party adjourned to the Cincinnati House and listened

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 225

to Mr. Stanton's speech. I have already made this letter longer than
I had intended. The conversation above reported is eminently sug-
gestive, and I think speaks for itself. If it should meet the eyes of
any of the participants, they will recognize its correctness in all essen-
tial particulars ; and if I set down aught in malice. I trust the Tribune
will be open for the amplest correction to the injured party. Messrs,
Stanton and McLean having expressed their views publicly and with-
out reserve in the streets of Lawrence, both before and after this
dialogue, it will not be deemed any breach of confidence that some
portion of those views should take on the illumination of the types." ^

It was the morning after this address of Stanton's that
the citizens of Lawrence requested fair treatment, and
were refused by Stanton because he w^ould have to follow
the law. Subsequently Governor Walker issued a lengthy
address to the people. It was the old story of pledging
his support to the Territorial laws. He also insisted that
the Lecompton Constitution should be framed and sub-
mitt-ed to the people for adoption or rejection. But the
struggle could never be settled in this way, because the
Free-State men would not recognize the Territorial Legis-
lature and the Territorial laws, and therefore could not
vote at the elections proposed by this government.

The " bogus Legislature " which met in 1855 had passed
an act incorporating the town of Lawrence, giving it the
same charter rights as were granted to the town of Leaven-
worth.2 As the people of Lawrence were ignoring the laws
of tlie " bogus Legislature," they would not incorporate
the town under this charter. Again, the second Legisla-
ture, which was Proslavery and deemed illegal, granted the
town a second charter.^ The Free-State town, of Law-
rence failed to organize under this charter also, for the

1 Kaneae Conflict, p. 346.

' Laws of Kansas Territory, 1866, p. 822.

'■' Lftwp of KariBp.p TerrHory, 1857, p. 343.

-15

226 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

same reason as stated before. Tlic citizens of Lawrence
were ready to obey the national laws, but they recognized
no Territorial laws as binding when brought into existence
as the result of systematic fraud. But, as the town grew
rapidly, it was in great need of municipal organization.
The citizens, therefore, in accordance wdtli the rights of
freemen, met and created a charter, and subsequently ef-
fected an organization on July loth, 1857.^ The com-
mittee who presented the charter also addressed a letter to
the people, explaining the cause for their action. They set
forth the necessity of law, order, sanitation, police organi-
zation, protection from fire, etc., and asserted that " all the
varied necessities of a rapidly growing city demand a
municipal government." They stated that " The only
point of embarrassment in this movement arises from the
unhappy condition of political affairs in our Territory.
Under ordinary conditions the more regular method would
be to obtain a charter from the Territorial authorities.
As the Territorial Government, however, in no sense repre-
sents the peo])le of Kansas, was not elected by them, and
can have no right to legislate for them, we cannot accept
of a charter from it. There is, therefore, left us only the
alternative of a charter springing directly from the people,
or continuance in our present unorganized condition." ^

Here was a town which had ignored two charters granted
to it by the Territorial Legislature, because it maintained
that the law-making power which had granted these char-
ters was not legally constituted. " If in the final settle-
ment of affairs it should he detennined that the Territorial

' Private Laws of Kansas Territory, 1858, p. 137. liiickmar : ArsaaU of ■* Hi.-itorlc
To-.i'o, Ainer. Hist. Aasa. Roporta, I9i'i, p. iVG.
"Andreas, p. 32f;.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGGLE 227

laws were legitimate and authoritative, the citizens of
Lawrence would have been found outside of the law. As
it was, they were in a state of rebellion against the assumed
authorities. Such is the close relation of successful revo-
lution to treason, of anarchy to a free democracy." ^ On
July 15th, 1857, Governor Walker issued a long procla-
mation, in which he greatly magnified the offense of the
town of Lawrence, declaring the act of organization, if car-
ried out, treasonable, assuring them that they were on the
brink of an awful precipice, and solemnly announcing that
" It becomes my duty to warn you before you take the fatal
leap into the gulf beyond." As the citizens of Lawrence
had not heeded his previous admonitions, he resolved to call
out the military, and therefore sent Col, Cooke with four
hundred dragoons to enforce the law. Walker himself also
appeared to superintend the work of suppressing the " re-
bellion." He placed the town under military rule, and
subjected the surrounding country to military inspection.
The offending town did not place itself in opposition to
this military rule, but the people went about attending to
their various duties, looking after the conditions of the
town and performing the functions of a municipal govern-
ment. After a few weeks the farce ended by the with-
drawal of the troops.

But the people of Lawrence still retained their inde-
pendent spirit, and took opportunity to show their opposi-
tion to the Territorial Government. As an example of
this, on June 1st, 1857, there was a meeting at Lawrence
for the purpose of considering the payment of taxes levied
by the '' bogus Legislature." A resolution was adopted

' Blackniur : Annals of a Hiitoric Town, p. 488.

228 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

" that ... no good citizen will in any manner furnish
aid or comfort to an assessor or collector of taxes, or render
to him a list of valne of his property." Governor Robinson
was appointed on a committee of five to present this reso-
Intion to any collector that might appear.

Prior to this, Governor Walker, in his address of May
Vth, 1857, had made the following statements concerning
the election of delegates to the Lecompton Convention, at
which time, it will be remembered, the Free-State men
refused to vot^e, because they were not granted a fair rep-
resentation among the officers of election. Governor
Walker stated that all the people of Kansas were entitled
to take part in this election, and added that " I s^ee in this
act, calling the convention, no improper or unconstitu-
tional restriction upon the right of suffrage ;" and " If by
fraud or violence a majority shall not be permitted to
vote, there is a remedy ... in tbe refiisal of Congress
to admit the State into the Union under sucb a constitu-
tion." He also said that the Constitution once framed
would have to be submitted to the people for a vote, and,
in the words of President Buchanan, who had given in-
structions to Governor Walker, that the people "must be
protected in the exercise of their right to vote for or
against that instrument." Walker was thus urging the
people to vote, but his address w*as answered by the Topeka
Convention on June 9th, 1857, which resolved to hold
firmly to the Topeka Constitution, to repudiate the " bogus
Legislature," and to refrain from voting for delegates to
the Lecompton Convention. He was further answered by
Governor Robinson's message to the Topeka Legislature
June 9th, 1857, which was given up wholly to a state-

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 229

ment of the Free-State position and the use of Governor
Walker's own arguments to justify that position.^

Another Free-State convention was held at Topeka,
July 15-lG, 1857, which again repudiated the Territo-
rial Legislature and its laws. James H. Lane was presi-
dent of this convention, which resolved to hold firmly to
the Topeka Constitution, and to call another convention, to
meet in August at Grasshopper Falls. In the mean time,
a vote for officers under the Topeka Constitution showed
that the Free-State men had 7,200 votes in the Territory,
and it was well known that this was enough to give them
a large majority over all the combined Proslavery votes
that could be mustered against them. The Free-State
people were now in a different position from that in which
they had been before. Could an honest vote now be had on
a constitution, everything would go in their favor. The
trial of Governor Robinson for usurpation of office, which
began August 18th, closed on the 20th. The jury reported
that " since there was no State of Kansas there could be
no Governor of the State and no usurpation of the office."
This acquittal of the Governor of course allowed him more
freedom of action.

On August 24th a convention of Free-State men was
held at General Spicer's, half-way between Lecompton and
Lawrence. It was called under the auspices of G. W.
Brown, and was equally attended by Proslavery men from
I.»eoompton and radical Free-State men from Lawrence.
It was called the "Conservative Free-State Convention,"
and the whole meeting was turned into ridicule by these
two parties, who alternately elected each other to positions

^See App«ndlz B.

230 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

in the convention and then declined. Geo. W. Deitzler,
John Speer and others were among the radical men from
Lawrence. It showed the folly of attempting to mingle
Proslavery and Free-State men in conventions. Plainly,
one party or the other must dominate in Kansas. This
ended the attempt to make a " conservative Free-State "
party.

The convention at Grasshopper Falls, which met on
August 26th, after a lengthy discussion determined to take
part in the election of the new Territorial Legislature.
There was, however, a serious division in the ranks of
the Free-State men in regard to voting. It was held by
many that, having repudiated the "bogus Legislature,"
and having held to the Topeka Constitution, it would be
inconsistent to recognize the Territorial Legislature now
by voting for its members. But the times had entirely
changed. The Free-State men had demonstrated that they
had a majority. Governor Walker had declared that they
should have a fair election, and his intentions were evi-
dently honest. Robinson, Lane and others saw the oppor-
tunity, and strongly urged that they should go to the polls
and vote, knowing well that if a fair vote were had they
could outvote the Proslavery men. " Some," said Robin-
son, " had faith in the Governor's pledges, and some would
not degrade tliemselves by recognizing the fraud, while
still others were opposed to seeing the abandonment of the
Topeka Constitution. This instrument, which had been
resorted to as a means to an end to obtain the l^islative
power of the Territory, they regarded as the end to be
attained." Robinson favored voting, although to do so

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STEUGGLE 231

would appear to be a practical denial of the former Free-
State position on the " bogus Legislature." However, in
politics as in war, there is always a time to cease holding
to a point in order to gain a victory. On this occasion
Robinson said : " Men who are too conscientious and too
honorable to change their tactics with a change of circum-
stances, are too conscientious for politics." ^

In his speech on the resolutions which declared in favor
of voting, Robinson said:

" We started out on the Topeka Constitution, and I shall work
under it; but here is a battery all the time at Lecompton playing
upon us. Let us take the battery and use it for our own benefit,
without defining the use we shall put it to, and thus avoid side
issues in every county in the Territory. If we get the battery and
spike it so it cannot be used against us, we shall have accomplished
a purpose. I do not feel that there Avill be any backing down in
doing so. I am more hopeful than some, and not quite so hopeful
as others; but I have no doubt we shall be triumphant. From the
census returns I am satisfied there is not a district in the Territory
in which Ave have not a large majority of voters. If we are de-
feated by fraud, we shall be in a position to show up the fraud.
It has been said that I Avas ahvays opposed to this movement. Such
is not the case. I have always been in favor of voting, with the
least shoAV of success in our fa\'or."

The election Avas held, and Walker threw out the fraud-
ulent returns and issued certificates of election to the Free-
State men for nine out of thirteen members of the Council
and twenty-four out of thirty-five members of the House
of Representatives. Robinson says of this act of Walker's
in throwing out fraudulent returns: " This act, with Stan-
ton's proclamation calling the Legislature together, will
stand out in bold relief as the crowning acts of their ad-

' Spring: K?.r)(>af>, p. 217.

232 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON

ministrations; and these acts the future historian to the
latest time will never fail to record."

The Legislature having passed into the hands of the
Free-State party, there was but one opportunity left for
the Proslavery jieople to establish their system, namely,
to induce Congress to recognize their constitution. The
Constitutional Convention met at Lecompton on September
7th, organized, and adjourned to October 19th. It then
drew up a constitution, framed with the purpose of favor-
ing slavery in the State. It asserted that " The right of
property is before and higher than any constitutional sanc-
tion, and the right of the slave-owner to such slaves and
their increase the same as the right of any property what-
ever." ^ This Constitution was sent to Congress without
submitting it to a vote of the people of the Territory.

The Free-State men began to look with alarm upon the
movement, fearing that Congress would adopt this Consti-
tution and force slavery upon the State. Accordingly,
they resorted to the usual Kansas method of holding a con-
vention, which met at Lawrence December 2d, to provide
the most effective means of preventing the adoption of this
Constitution by Congress. All of the important leaders of
the Free-State movement were present and addressed the
convention. Charles Robinson presided. The secretaries
wre William A. Phillips, A. Wattles, and E. G. Macy.
The committee on resolutions was J. H. Lane, C. Vaughan,
William V. Barr, J. Rymal, Charles F. Kob, H. Evans,
S. Westover, Charles A. Foster, T. Dwight Thacher, G. W.
Gilmore, C. K. Holliday, J. K. Goodin, P. B. Plumb, L. F.
Carver, and G. A. Cutler.

1 Article vn, aection 1.

THE CONSTITUTIONAIi STKUGGLE 233

The resolutions repudiated the Lecompton Constitution.
On the motion of Judge Schuyler, they took a solemn oath
with uplifted hands, and " appealed to the God of justice
and equity, and entered into a league and covenanted with
each other that we never, under any circumstances, per-
mit the said Constitution, so framed and not submitted, to
be the organic law of the State of Kansas ; and do pledge
our lives, our fortunes, and honor, to ceaseless hostility to
the same." They denounced the proposed elections Decem-
ber 1st and January 4th, and asked the extra session of
the Legislature to submit the Topeka and Lecompton Con-
stitutions to a vote of the people, with the understanding
that the constitution which received a majority of the legal
votes of the State should become the law of the land.

The next session of the Territorial Legislature, meeting
December 7th, passed a bill providing for a vote on the Le-
compton Constitution, to occur January 4th, the same day
for the election of officers under that constitution. The
Proslavery people a(lf>pted the same tactics as had been
adopted by the Free-State men, and refused to vote on the
subject, while over ten thousand votes were recorded
against the Constitution. But, while no opposition vote
was recorded, it had little effect on Congress. At Wash-
ington the President was urging the adoption of the Le-
compton Constitution, and the Senate passed a bill to that
effect; but the House failed to concur. Finally, a com-
promise measure called the English bill passed both houses,
which submitted the Constitution to the will of the people
of the State of Kansas. In accordance with the provisions
of this bill, a vote was taken for or against the Constitu-
tion on August 2d, 1858. The result was declared to be

234 LIFE OF CilAKLKS KOBIJNSOX

1,788 votes for the Gonstitiition and 11,300 against it,
leaving it defeated by a majority of 9,512.

During all this time Dr. Kobinson thoroughly understood
the political situation in Kansas, and was particularly well
versed in the relation of the Federal to Territorial politics.
He understood how necessary a conservative policy was
to the success of the Free-State cause in Kansas, and what
harm would be wrought by a radical opposition of this
party to the Federal Government, which was in sympathy
Avith the Proslavery element in the Territory. His letter
to Hon. Henry Wilson, later Vice-President of the United
States, is a careful exposition of the political situation, and
furnishes so vividly a record of the times of 1858, when
matters were shaping themselves for the final victory of
1861, that it is given in part:

Lawrence, May 12th, 1858.

My Deau Sir: Your favor of the 4th instant is received. You
need have no fear of the adoption of Lecompton by the people of Kan-
sas. The vote against it will probably be much larger than on the 4th
of January last. All the Free-State men will vote against it, and
one-half the Democrats. From letters I am receiving from the East,
as well as from newspapers, I see that our Republican friends are
unnecessarily alarmed. They evidently do not understand the pro-
gram of the Democratic party. Either I am very much mistaken,
or that party is as desirous of seeing Lecompton voted down as the
Eepublieans, although, of course, they will not say so authoritatively.
Why is this? you will ask.

In the first place, they know that if Lecompton should go into
the Union, the radical Republicans would go into the Senate. This
could not be prevented unless the Free-State party made a fatal
blunder. Also, the State Government and members of Congress
would be Republican, and the Constitution would be changed in the
" twinkling of an eye." Of this state of facts the administration
became aware, and this, in my judgment, is the real reason why the
Senate bill did not pass the House. Who believes now that English

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 235

and Company could not have been induced to vote for the Senate bill
had the proper arguments been used with them? Who believes that
the South would have allowed us a vote on Lecompton had they be-
lieved slavery would have gained anything by a refusal ? Eemember,
the English bill passed by Southern votes, chiefly. Did they suppose
that we would do anything else than vote the ordinance down? No!
They might possibly hope to induce a few to change their votes, had
they desired to do so, but no man could be so infatuated as to sup-
pose that a majority of ten thousand could be changed right-about-
face in the short space of six months; for the English ordinance is
really no more and no less than Lecompton, except that it has less
land than when we defeated it in January.

What then is the plan? As I have obtained it from no man or
men, but simply from observation, I betray no confidence in revealing
it. We are to remain a Territory till the new Congress meets, in
December, 1859, if no longer. In the mean time the administration
of the government in Kansas will be eminently just and fair. All
disturbances will be quelled at once, and Free-State men will be as
promptly protected in their persons, property and rights as the
Proslavery men. The Democratic party will take the lead in aiding
in developing the resources of Kansas, and will claim to be the special
friend of an infant State. All the old Democrats will be induced to
return to the fold, and as many new converts made as possible.
In this way it is hoped that Kansas will come into the Union with a
Democratic State Government, Senators, etc.

What are their chances of success, and upon what do they build
their hopes? It is believed that a majority of the people of Kansas
would have been Democrats to-day had it not been for the war
of the administration upon Free-State men, and a very large
number of the Free-State party who have been Democrats would
now act with that party were it what it was when they came to
Kansas, or when the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was passed. Many of
these men would remain in the Free-State party or join the Repub-
lican party were they fellowshipped fully by the organs and letter-
writers of that party; but they are given the cold shoulder or are
positively assailed in the leading Eepublican journals of the country
without cause, and they will naturally become alienated as soon as
they can find their old party conducting its affairs honorably in
Kansas. Another class of our people, who were Whigs or Republicans
in '56, make antislavery everywhere, except in Territories, a secondary

236 I.IFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

consideration, and are disposed to look after the material interesta of
the State of their adoption. They also are suspected and given the
cold slionlder by the more zealous antislavery members of the party,
and assailed through Republican journals. Still another class, who
are strong antislaverj' men, and who feci that it is important to de-
velop the resources of Kansas, build her roads and plant her literary
and otiier institutions as well as make her a free State, and who
favor a conciliatory course towards members of the party, are sus-
pected by the censors of the party, and all sorts of falsehoods, sus-
picions and insinuations are sent to the four winds by means of
these journals.

The Democratic party here are evidently hoping tlmt tlie above
elements will be driven from the Republican party, and either join
the Democratic direct, or a middle party with which the Democrats
will unite and carry the elections. The Democrats see that the Free-
State party has an element that will destroy it as soon as per-
manent peace is established. It is an element that would destroy
any party in any State if allowed full scope. It is well known that
a large number of our leading Republican journals of the country
support correspondents in Kansas who as a general thing have but
little if any interest in the material welfare of Kansas, but who
are zealous reformers, and many of them excellent men. From
correspondents the tend^ey is for them to become mere partisans,
and if partisans aspirants, and if aspirants apt to imagine every-
botly wrong who does not think with and support them. These imag-
inations are aj)t to get into their correspondence as truths, and when
they come back to Kansas in some leading journal, all who may differ
from these aspiring correspondents consider themselves wronged,
their position wrongly stated or not stated at all, their reasons per/
verted or omitted entirely, and the result is apt to be heartburnii
and jealousies and a coldness towards a party whose organs are iised
to misrepresent, prevent, and perhaps belie the history of the ^tate.
On this element I have reason to believe the Democrats plac^ great
reliance. If these correspondents acted the part of impartial and
disinterested historians, or confined their one-sided strictures to the
opponents of the Free-State party, they might be of serviee and not
destructive to the party; but when the Republican party of the
country support a class of partisans, office-seekers, etc., who traduce
or praise by the column whatever or whoever they may deem for
their interest, it will naturally alienate from that party all office-

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 237

eeekere, — and nearly all are aspiring in new countries, — who have to
support themselves by the labor of their hands, and contend against
the Republican journals of the country. . . .

While the Lecompton Constitution was pending in Con-
gress, the radical elements of the Free-State party desired
to have a new constitution. There was little hope that the
Topeka Constitution would he acknowledged by Congress,
and hence become the supreme law of Kansas when the
Territory became a State. The Territorial Legislature,
which it will be remembered had a majority in favor of the
Free-State cause, voted to hold a constitutional convention
for the purpose of creating a new constitution, radically
opposed to the Lecompton Constitution. A bill for this
purpose was introduced January 12th, 1858, by John
Speer. For two years the people had perseveringly adhered
to the Topeka Constitution. Govenior Denver was opposed
to any more constitutional conventions, as he stated there
were constitutions enough already, and he took care that
the bill should die, although he avoided a formal veto of it.
He asserted that the bill arrived at his office within three
days of the final adjournment of the Legislature. Accord-
ing to the law, all such bills would die if not signed, or
vetoed and returned to the Legislature with the objections
of the Governor. If the Governor vetoed it, there was a
possibility of its being passed over his head by a two-thirds
vote in its favor ; but this the Governor took care should
not be done. Being opposed to the Constitutional Conven-
tion, he took this way of preventing it by " killing " the bill
which provided for it.

The Legislature, however, maintained that the bill was
in the Governor's hands in ample time to become a law if

238 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

lie failed to veto it. The Legislature therefore passed a
resolution introduced by John Speer, declarinp^ that the
bill had passed, and that it was in the hands of the Grover-
nor three days prior to the final adjournment of the Legis-
lature. Therefore a constitutional convention was called.
On March 9th an election of delegates to this convention
was held, and the convention met on March 2, at Minneola.
This convention had many able men among its members,
though its composition was different from the body of men
who had been struggling for the Topeka Constitution.
The convention early fell into disrepute, because there was
in connection with it a land scheme which was generally
supposed to be a swindle. Minneola was an open prairie
in Franklin county, consisting only of the name without
the town. Of the fifty-two members of this convention,
thirty-five were interested in the land scheme. So great
was the prejudice against this body that they were obliged
to leave their hastily erected convention hall, which was to
be the capitol of the State, and go to Leavenworth to com-
plete their work. The motion prevailed at one time to ad-
journ from Minneola to Topeka, but this idea was aban-
doned, and the convention adjourned to meet at T^aven-
worth ; hence this convention is always kno^vn as the Leav-
enworth Convention. The constitution that it drew up was
a well-written document, perhaps stronger than any that
had yet been made. In some respects it was an improve-
ment on the Topeka Constitution. Its real purpose ap-
peared to be to place the radicalism of the Free-State party
against the radicalism of the Lecompton Constitution.
The action of this convention had much to do in pre-
cipitating the struggle against the Lecompton Constitution

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGGLE 239

before the Congress of the United States. The most strik-
ing pecnliarity in this new Constitution was the liberal
clause in regard to suffrage. Section 1, article 2, says:

" In all elections not otherwise provided for by this Constitu-
tion, every male citizen of the United States of the age of twenty-one
years or upward, and who shall have resided in the State six months
next preceding such election, and ten days in the precinct in which
he may offer to vote, and every male person of foreign birth of the
age of twenty-one years or upward, who shall have resided in the
United States one year, in this State six months, and in the precinct
in which he may offer to vote ten days next preceding such ©lection,
and who shall have declared his intention to become a citizen of the
United States conformably to the laws of the United States ten days
preceding such election, shall be deemed a qualified elector."

The word " white," which preceded " male " in the To-
]>eka Constitution, was omitted in the Leavenworth Consti-
tution, and this fact in itself aroused great opposition to
the instrument, all the Proslavery forces being antagonistic
to this innovation.

April 28-29, 18.58, a Free-State Convention was held
at Topeka to nominate officers under the Leavenworth
Constitution. The result was that Henry J. Adams was
nominated for Governor, Cyrus K. Tlolliday for Lieuten-
ant-Governor, and E. P. Bancroft of Emporia for Secretary
of State. After completing the work of nominating can-
didates, the convention adopted a platform which accepted
the Leavenworth Constitution, and pledged themselves to
favor its adoption and ratification by the people. They
also adopted measures in reference to the Lecompton Con-
stitution, which was the great bugbear of the Free-State
people at this time. On May 18th the Leavenworth Con-
stitution was submitted to the people for ratification.
Only about 4,000 votes were cast, and about one-fourth of

240 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

thorn were in tlie nej^ative. Perliaps the sti^^a placed on
this constitution by its origin had much to do Avith its de-
feat, for in many respects it was an excellent instrument.
11ni8 failed the thii-d constitution proposed for the organi-
zation of Kansas.

A more elaborate discussion of the events connected with
the history of the Tveavenworth Constitution, though it
would be extremely interesting in many i*espeets, would be
out of place in this volume, because Governor Robinson,
the subject primarily under discussion, was not in any way
connected with the Leavenworth Constitution. It is suf-
ficient to say that the making of this constitution is one part
of the Fre^State movement with which he appears not to
have been connected ; and the fact that it was an ignomini-
ous failure is of some significance, although it is not in-
tended to insist that failure attended every movement in
the State with which Governor Robinson was not cen-
nected. While the Governor Avas ready, however, to work
with any united party to forward the interests of the Free-
State cause, it appears that the LeavenAvorth Constitution
did not appeal strongly to him as a means of settling the
questions at issue. Moreover, he was serving as nominal
Governor under the Topeka Constitution, and did not care
to sever his connection with this constitution Avithout a
good cause. It did not appear that the people Avere ready
to adopt a constitution directly opposed to tlie Lecompton
Constitution, and thus prolong the struggle. The people,
too, seemed to have groAvn tired of constitution-making;
and to this cause, among others, must be attributed the
failure of the Leavenworth Constitution. Had this same
constitution come up later, at the time of the adoption of

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGI,E 241

the Wjandotte Constitution, there is no reason to suppose
that it would not have heen adopted. But it arrived at an
inopportune moment. Moreover, the Governor had vetoed
the bill providing for the convention that framed it, and
henee the instrument was, in the eyes of many, illegal.
Finally, there Avas developed a land scheme in connection
with the location of the capital of the State. The plan of
the organizers of the new goveminent under the Leaven-
worth Constitution was to make Minneola the capital.
As might have been expected, in the case of an instrument
having so unfortunate an origin, the Leavenworth Consti-
tution ended in ignominious failure.

But though there was nothing in this constitution to com-
mend it to Robinson as a leader, or to the people as voters,
and it failed, yet, the leaders who favored it were deter-
mined to put it in force in opposition to the Territorial
Government. These ultra radicals expected, in case the
Lecompton Constitution should be adopted bj Congress, to
put the Leavenworth Government into operation in opposi-
tion to the Federal Government. Or, as one of the most
officious said, " If the people's government is put into
operation and the Federal power attempts to interfere,
there will be a desperate struggle."

The advocates of the Leavenworth Constitution elected
their officers and completed their organization. Beyond
their they accomplished very little to forward this unpopu-
lar movement. The matter of the organization of the State
of Kansas under the Leavenworth Constitution was pre-
sented to Congress on January 6, 1859, but no action was
taken concerning it.

The election of members of the fourth Territorial Leg-
— 16

242 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

islature occurred October 4tli, 1858, and the Leg-islature
convened at Lecompton on Januaiy 3d, 1859. On tlie fol-
lowing^ day it adjourned to Lawrence, where it met on Jan-
uary 7th. The Legislature was now composed of a major-
ity of Free-State men, and they proceeded to repeal a large
portion of the so-called "Loo:us laws" of 1855. All the
land laws of 1857 and the laws of 1858 were also carefully
revised. The people were still determined to become a
State of the Union under the Free-State banner. This
Legislature, uninfluenced by the failure of tlie three consti-
tutions that had already been constructed, boldly proposed
a new constitutional convention. The question of holding
such a convention was submitted to the people, witli the
result that 5,306 votes were cast for and 1,425 against, the
constitutional convention. The delegates to this conven-
tion were chosen June 7th, 1859.

The Constitutional Convention met at Wyandotte, on
July 5th. It was composed, to a large extent, of new men.
But few members of the Topeka, Lecompton and Leaven-
w^orth conventions were present. The convention started
with new material and with a new purpose, and, so far as
any political influences were concerned, without much ref-
erence to what other constitutional conventions had done.
It had before it the experience of the other constitutional
conventions, but it had to meet new conditions. There ap-
peared, however, to be a persistency of ideas respecting the
treatment of the African race, for, strange to say, this con-
vention held to the old phrase in the Topeka Constitution,
that every " ivhitc " male person should have the right of
suffrage, instead of adopting the radical view of the Leav-
enworth Constitution, that every male citizen of the United

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 243

States should have that right. This shows that after all,
the people of Kansas had not fully realized what would
be the final outcome of the war against slavery, namely,
the full and free admission of emancipated slaves to citizen-
ship. The opposition to the introduction of the negro,
bond or free, into the Territory of Kansas, fills the reader
of Kansas history with surprise. N^or was it a passing
whim or notion, or, indeed, a failure to completely organize,
for the Constitutional amendment submitted in 1867 to
strike out the word '" white " was defeated at the polls by
a large majority. It could only be accounted for from two
points of view: one, that there was a great diversity of
views among the Free-State men respecting the negro;
and the other, that a free State could better be established
by his entire exclusion.

As before stated, the election of delegates to the conven-
tion showed that there were new conditions to be considered,
for out of the whole membership of the convention only
seven had been members of previous constitutional conven-
tions of Kansas that made the several defunct constitutions.
But the men who assembled to make the constitution had
for precedents the constitutions of other States, and had
also the results of the constitution-making in Kansas.
While the latter had more or less influence, the constitution
was largely taken from the constitutions of Ohio, Indiana,
and Iowa, the first being most used; while the Bill of
Rights of the Leavenworth Constitution was used. It was
thus that tlie many old leaders of the various political fac-
tions in Kansas were in the background during the forma-
tion of the constitution under which the State was to come
into the Union.

244 JLIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

The convention finally completed its labors and presented
to the citizens of Kansas the Wyandotte Constitution,
which was adopted on October 4th, 1859, by a vote of
10,421 for its adoption, there being only 5,530 against it.
So far as Kansas is concerned, this completed the Consti-
tutional Struggle, although, owing to adverse circumstances
at Washington, a long time was destined to elapse before
the Federal Government should recognize this action and
create a State out of the new Territory. Finally, after
many difficulties, the Constitution was recognized, and
President Buchanan signed the bill for the admission of
Kansas into the Union on January 29th, 1861.

Before leaving this subject it is well to refer to a phase
of the Constitutional Struggle which relates more especially
to political organization. The purpose of the Free-State
organization and the Topeka Constitution have been clearly
pointed out. Those who have followed the writer thus far
will have observed how the service and efficiency of the
Free-State party gradually declined, and how the party
finally became disintegrated as new political forces arose.
The rapid tendency shows that disintegration set in at the
time of the Grasshopper Falls Convention, August 26th,
1857, and was immediately dependent upon the fact of a
majority of Free-State men in the Territory.

Again, on December 23d and 24th, the Free-State Con-
vention of December 2d held an adjourned meeting at Law-
rence, in which the policy of voting for officers under the
Lecompton Constitution was freely discussed. Governor
Robinson and others supported the policy of voting. A
mass convention, called to assemble at the same time and
at the same place, held alternate sessions with the delegate

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 24:5

convention. In this convention a resolution to instruct
the delegate convention to nominate State officers under the
Lecompton Constitution was laid upon the table. Subse-
quently a group of Free-State men assembled, on the even-
ing of the 24th, after the adjournment of the mass conven-
tion, and nominated a State ticket to be supported on the
4th of January, the time of election of officers imder the
Lecompton Constitution.

The next step in the downward tendency of the Free-
State organization is observed in the meeting of the Free-
State Legislature at Lawrence, on January Tth, 1858,
where the Territorial Legislature was in session. At this
time the Free-State Legislature asked the Territorial Leg-
islature to substitute the State for the Territorial organi-
zation. As both legislatures were composed of Free-State
men, it was inevitable that their forces should be united in
some way. As a final result of this meeting the Topeka
Legislature surrendered its claim to power to the Territo-
rial Legislature. This was practically the death-blow of
the Free-State organization. An attempt wa« made to
revive the Free-State party in a convention held at Big
Springs May 12th, 1859. George W. Smith called the
convention to order, and Robert Riddle, of Jefferson
county, presided. The convention, did little more than re-
port resolutions and give evidence that the Free-State party
had done its work ; and this convention was its last effort.

A very significant event occurred, however, which tended
to reorganize the political forces on a national basis, — the
organization of the Republican party, which occurred at
Osawatomie, on May 18th, 1859. This convention was
composed of representative men from every portion of the

246 LIFE OF CHABXES ROBINSON

Territory which had been settled. It was a difficult mat-
ter to brin<y the diverse elements there represented, having
so manj varied opinions of organizations, into a harmoni-
ous union on a national basis.

Of all those persons who were influential in the organiza-
tion of this party, none were more prominent than Col.
O. E. Learnard. There were two radical factions facing
each other in this convention, and Col. Learnard, being
practically independent of either, was chosen president of
this body after it w^as called to order by Hon. T. D wight
Thacher. In the contest for the presidency Learnard was
opposed by Phillips, the former receiving a handsome ma-
jority. The resolutions prepared by the committee, of
which Thomas Ewing, jr., was chairman, gave forth no
uncertain sound on the question of slavery. It asserted
" That Freedom is national, and Slavery sectional, and that
we are inflexibly opposed to the extension of Slavery t-o
soil now free." Also, " That the Wyandotte Constitutional
Convention be requested to incorporate in the Bill of Rights
in the Constitution a provision that neither slavery nor in-
voluntary servitude shall ever exist in Kansas, except in
punishment of crime."

The resolutions set forth clearly the political condition
of the Territory, and urged organization on a national
basis. It was plain to be seen that henceforth in Kansas
the political lines were to be more closely drawn. iSTot a
little discussion arose on the various propositions, for, as
Col. Learnard clearly states it, the Free-State party or-
ganization had done its work, and something more definite
must now be established. Or, as he briefly states : " The
Free-State party organization, under whose banner the con-

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGGLE 247

test had been wafj;ed and won, had hut a single plank and
a single purpose — freedom for Kansas. Composed as it
was, of men w^hose former party predilections and affili-
ations were largely dissimilar, often antagonistic, they
strove together loyally and faithfully nntil the victory Avas
assured. When the purpose of that organization had been
achieved and the time approached when, under a State
organization, an aligniment of parties on a national basis
would necessarily ensue, a convention was called for the
purpose of organizing the Republican party of Kansas, on
May 18th, 18.59, at Osawatomie; indeed. Republicanism
inhered in Kansas, for it had been both its occasion and
its inspiration." ^

Perhaps the success of the resolutions, and in fact, of
the whole organization, was in a measure due to the re-
markable address made by Thomas Ewing. The president,
Col. Learnard, had asked Mr. Ewing to address the con-
vention, ''but he replied that he could not make a speech
after the address of Mark Parrott, who had spoken in the
morning, and who was, perhaps, the most eloquent and ver-
satile man we had in Kansas up to that time." But while
the deliberations of the convention were proceeding in the
afternoon session, Mr. Ewing entered the hall, and the
president requested him to come to the platform. To
quote Col. Learnard :

" He was an imposing figure, and had a commanding presence, —
tall, and straight as an Indian. Coining forward, he faced the as-
sembly, and as it seemed to me, stood for a full minute without
uttering a syllable. When he commenced speaking it was slowly,
deliberately, and with a tremulous voice. Every nerve in him seemed
to be flrung to its highest tension. He argued for the resolutions

' Kar.tiafl Hietorical CoUectSonfi, Vol. C, p. 313.

248 LIFE 01<" CltARI.E!:l KOBlNSOJ>r

in a most eflfective speecli, — the most cfl'ectivc. it seems to me now,
I have ever heard in Kansas. After he eoncludod there was a further
slight effort on the part of the opposition to modify the resolutions,
but the call for a vote was general, which resulted in the adoption
of the resolutions almost if not quite unanimously. The threatened
difficulties and dissensions were overcome, and the Eepuhlican [)arty
in Kansas was an accomplished fact." ^

Thus the political disinte^ratiou of the Free-State party
ended in the formal organization of the Republican party,
which was to be the standard-bearer of freedom in Kansas.
The Topeka Constitution, which represented the Free-State
people, met with defeat in Congress ; the Lecompton Con-
stitution, which met with much favor in Congress and by
the Federal administration, was finally defeated by an
honest vote in Kansas; the Leavenworth Constitution,
never having very much of life, perished soon after its
birth ; the Wyandotte Constitution had not yet been framed
when the Republican party of Kansas was organized.
Soon after this event the Constitution was created, ap-
proved by the people, and subsequently recognized by the
United States Government, when Kansas was admitted as
a State.

Hence it was the Re])ublican State Convention which
met at Topeka on October 12th, upon which devolved the
nominations of officers under the Wyandotte Constitution.^
William A. Phillips presided at this meeting, and P. B.
Plumb and .T. A. Martin acted as secretaries. Charles

1 Kansas Historical Collections, Vol. 6, p. 315.

Horace Greeley made an effective and enthusiastic speech at Osawatoniie on the day
of the organization of the Kepublican party. But he was not invited to address the con-
vention, and (lid not address it, although it is commonly reported that he did. Owiiyj
to the pronounw^d views of Mr. Greeley, It was feared that he might add to the inhar-
mony that alresidy prevailed, and prevent the successful organization of the party, be-
cause it was alleged that he waa not fully conversant with local affairs.

-Subsequently, at a meeting of the Republican Committee, Charles Eobin.ion was
appointed Nation;)! Committeeman.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 249

RobinsGn, who was nominated for Governor, received a
handsome majority over liis opponent, H. P. Johnson. An
election of State officers, under the Wyandotte Constitu-
tion, was held December 6th, 1859, at which Charles
Robinson received 7,908 votes, and his opponent, Samuel
Medary, the nominee of the Democratic party, received
5,395. J. W. Robinson was elected Secretary of State, and
George S. Hillyer, Auditor. Thus was established the
State Government of Kansas, under the Wyandotte Con-
stitution ; although some time did elapse before it was put
into operation. ;

250 LlJ^E OF CHABIES ROBINSON

CHAPTEE VIT.

LOCAL AFFAIRS.

There were many local events wliich had much to do
with the progress of the Free-State cause and the develop-
ment of the Territory. It will be necessary to refer to a
few of these in order to understand the true relation of
Governor Robinson to the affairs concerning its progress.
But of the great number of local events of vital importance
to the settlers of Kansas, very little may be said. They
deserve a better treatment, but want of space forbids the
writer entering into the details of affairs.

The material progress of the Territory was greatly re-
tarded by the reigTi of terror Avhich existed in the summer
of 1856, prior to the coming of Governor Geary. The his-
tory of this period has never been carefully written, nor,
indeed, adequately represented from any standpoint. Per-
haps it was because the principal leaders in the sti*uggle
were absent from the Territory a greater part of the time,
or, in some instances, like those of Robinson and others,
were confined in the prison at Lecompton. But those who
remained in their homes were afraid of their lives, and
those who found occasion to travel in the Territory w^ere in
constant fear of robbery and assassination. Armed bands
of unscrupulous men roamed over the Territory, robbing
and murdering Free-State men and burning their homes.
To counteract this, armed bands of rFeo-State men were
forced to defend themselves against marauding bands.
However necessary this latter mode of defense may have

LOCAL AFFAIRS 251

appeared, it failed to restore quiet or to give protection to
unoffending settlers. It represents the most disagreeable
and dangerous era in the whole history of the early strug-
gles in Kansas, and the most unpleasant phase to contem-
plate, — and, indeed, the most difficult to relate.

This line of conduct, representing savage predatory war-
fare, was inaugurated by the act of John Brown in his
brutal attack upon the citizens of the Pottawatomie. The
act of taking five men in the dead of night, from their
homes, and cruelly butchering them, caused the whole
community to shudder. The suddenness and unexpected-
ness of the attack, its vigorous and uncompromising char-
acter, demonstrated to the Free-State men the possibilities
of retaliatory measures. Here was a new line of warfare,
adopted by one man who stood alone, being neither Pro-
slavery nor Free-State, but just a bold Abolitionist who had
sworn in his youth to wage uncompromising warfare against
slavery. The ethics of the deed is not a subject for dis-
cussion at this place. The fact of the deed and its influence
should be mentioned here.^

The Proslavery people were astonished beyond measure,
for they realized they had now an element to contend with
that they had not hitherto met. But while this bloody deed
sent consternation to the hearts of the Proslavery people
of the neighborhood, many of them fleeing across the border
for their lives, its really important effect was to arouse re-
newed exertions on the part of the Proslavery people to
carry on the conquest, and to give them an excuse for sav-
age retaliation. On the other hand, the Free-State men

' Bee Chapter X.

252 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

had a bold example of resistance, and tbov prepared to re-
pel the Missouri invaders bj force of arms. Band after
band of Free-State men organized to meet bands of ruf-
fians from Missouri, so that Kansas Territory found it-
self, in the summer of 185C, overwhelmed by a border war-
fare. The whole season was one of terror; people dared
not leave their homes unarmed. ISTot knowing- when their
persons would bo attacked, their property taken, or their
rude homes go up in flames, they lived in a state of perpet-
ual fear. The early settlers suffered many and diverse
trials and vicissitudes, but there was nothing that quite
compared to the indignities of the summer of 1856 imme-
diately following the Pottawatomie massacre. The lonely
cabin and the unprotected settlement felt the full force of
the merciless anarchy that followed. Special mention is
here made of this fact, for there are those Avho still seem
to think that Brown's savage blows protected the people
and freed the State from ruffianism.

The policy inaugairated by Brown and pursued vigor-
ously by his followers was entirely opposed to the plans of
Bobins'on and other Free-State leaders. To quote from
Andreas' History of Kansas : " The aggressive warfare
thus begun was not in accordance with the plans or pur-
poses of the leaders of the Free-State movement ; on the
contrary, it was in direct opposition to their counsel, and
had been persistently decried and successfully withstood
up to this time. For the disorder that ensued, the Free-
State organization was not in any way responsible. The
aggressive movement at that time was an uncontrollable
outburst of rage long pent up, under the stress of suffer-
ing, intimidation, insult, humiliation, and unrepressed

LOCAL AFFAIRS 253

rage, such as by liot-tenipered men of courage could no
longer be unresistingly endured." The writer then pro-
ceeds to lay the blame at the door of those high in authority
who planned and executed the outrages of fraudulent gov-
ernment until they reached this climax of bloody strife.
It is idle to conjecture whether peace might not have been
better maintained by calmly waiting for the plans of the
Free-State party to mature, for war came, and the Free-
State people met as best they could their enemies, resisting
them by force. '"John Brown's bloody code of retaliation"
ruled in the land. The whole trouble, from the Free-State
standpoint, of this mode of warfare was that when lead-
ers like Brown and Lane made a sudden attack and ob-
tained victory, they were up and away immediately, leav-
ing the people defenseless against the reaction caused by
their vigorous warfare. Hence, whoever considers care-
fully the effects of this war carried on by Brown and
others, will see clearly that, while they terrorized some of
their enemies, they but excited others, who only waited
their time to reap full vengeance on the Free-State people.
Free-State and Proslavery people organized themselves
into armed bands and companies, and carried on a warfare
which was direful in its effect although not very dignified
in its movements. There are numerous records of con-
flicts, some of them great in one way and small in another.
There were battles at Franklin, Fort Titus, Black Jack,
Fort Saunders, Osawatomie, Marais des Cygnes, and
many other places. There were intrigues, plots and coun-
ter-plots, and the individual struggles arising from per-
sonal quarrels. In all of this, though not wanting in cour-
age. Governor Robinson occupied a calm and serene exte-

254 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

rior. In very many ways lie attempted to establish order
and to prevent strife and bloodshed.

One of the most remarkable instances on record, of at-
tempts to retaliate by means of force, was in regard to the
contemplated destrnetion of the meml)ers of the Constitu-
tional Convention who were chosen for the purpose of fram-
ing the Lecompton Constitution. After the Territorial
Legislature had been secured by the Free-State men, having
a majority of votes in that body, the Proslavery ])eople,
having no other alternative, endeavored to push their con-
stitution in the halls of Congress, secure its adoption, and
create a new government under it. General Lane had
been instructed to organize the military forces in Kansas
for the protection of the ballot-box. He laid a plan to as-
semble all of the Free-State forces, '' to march on Le<!omp-
ton and kill every member of the Constitutional Conven-
tion." It was given out also that he intended to destroy
the Territorial Government and set up the Topeka Gov-
ernment. At an evening meeting, held in Lawrence on
the l7th of October, 1857, Lane's proposition for the de-
struction of the Legislature and a military movement
against all the Proslavery strongholds, was thoroughly
discussed. After much discussion by Lane and others,
Joel K. Goodin mounted the rostrum, and, by a skillful
speech, turned the whole affair into ridicule. He went on
to demand war, great sacrifices and the spilling of blood,
and finally closed by saying:

" ' But I may differ with some of you as to the proper place to
begin this blood-spilling business. ['Hear! hear!'] No person has
occasioned more strife, or been the more fruitful cause of ouc dis-
turbances, than — James H. Lane! He demands blood! We all
want it: but it is his bloo<l that is demandetl at this time; *nd if

LOCAL AFFAIRS 255

he presses on his assasslnatioa projex't, I propoae he shall be the first
person to contribute in that direction.' [The wildest cheering pos-
sible, greatly prolonged, followed.]

'• General Lane seemed perfectly confounded. The whole throng
were taken by surprise, and the business portion of it were delighted
beyond expression that some person had the ability and sufficient force
of character to meet a bold, bad man, and throttle his murderous
plans at their inception." '

Governor Robinson was out of the town at the time of
this meeting', and it was fortunate that Goodin had the
oourag'e and ability to defeat Lane's projects by a single
speech. Having; been thwarted in his attempt. Lane man-
ag'ed to liave a military board created at a meetings of the
Territorial Legislature, held on January 4th, 1858. He
also managed to have himself appointed at the head of the
military board, x^o sooner had he accomplished this than
he began to concoct schemes for the carrying on of a cam-
paign against all Proslavery settlements. There was a
secret order called the " Danites," through which Lane was
operating to carry out his various schemes. After Gov-
ernor Robinson's return to Lawrence he was initiated into
this society. After the initiation ceremonies were over.
General Lane arose, in his dignified and mysterious way,
to address the society. He began to give the details of a
military plan in which he had ordered the various gen-
erals to strike severally the important Proslavery towns of
Kansas. Closing his address, he said: "It now remains
for Lawrence to say what shall be done with Lecompton."
After a few minutes silence. Governor Robinson was called
for by various ])ersons in the room to reply to Lane. Rob-
inson asked by v^^hose authority this was to be done. Lane

'"Reminiscences of Oovern.)r Wali-fr," )ij Di. O. \V. Brown. Karnaw Oonaiet,
p. 370.

25b LIFE OF ClIAKLES EOBIMSON

replied, " By the authority of the military board." Rob-
inson replied that " Neither the military board nor any
other board had any sncli authority." lie also gave notice
that anyone who attempted to carry ont any such orders
would have him to fight. As soon as Lane's plans were
made known, the people opposed him in his nefarious busi-
ness, and the matter was dropped.^ The troubles inaugu-
rated by predatory warfare continued throughout the Free-
State period long after the Free-State party had won a
victory. They laid the foundation for much of the guer-
rilla warfare which existed along the border of Missouri
and Kansas during the Civil War. Especially severe and
annoying were the troubles that occurred in the southeast
portion of the Territory, wdiere the reign of terror was pro-
longed.

There were troublesome times in Linn and Bourbon
counties long after the Free-State men had gained a ma-
jority in the Territorial Legislature, and when it was evi-
dent that Kansas would eventually be admitted as a free
State. The enmity and strife engendered by the border
warfare would not down ; it increased in its terrors until
people forgot for the time being that there was a civil gov-
ernment which might redress their wrongs if appealed to
in a legal way. The early experience with the "bogus
Legislature " had taught them to distrust and ignore gov-
ernment and to accept mob rule instead. The events hap-
pening in the southeastern part of Kansas during the bor-
der warfare are sufficient in number and magnitude to
fill a volume. In brief, these events include the attempt

1 Governor Boblneon said that he did not hnow whether the order into which he
was initiated was the so-called " Danites " or not, as he never attended another meet-
ing after his initiation.

LOCAL AFFAIKS 257

on the part of the Proslavery people from Missouri and
other Southern States to terrorize the Free-State people
and to drive them from the soil ; the John Brown massacre
on tlie Pottawatomie ; the attempt to retaliate by the op-
position as observed in the Marais des Cygnes massacre;
and the bold warfare of James Montgomery and his follow-
ers, who sought to retaliate for the wrongs done, and who
were so embittered that tliey were ready to follow the idea
of revenge to any extent. This border warfare began
vigorously in this section shortly after the Pottawatomie
massacre, and continued long after peace prevailed in other
parts of the Territory. Each separate deed in this war-
fare has found those who defend it on various grounds, but
the historian deplores the whole category of sad occurrences
that devastated the country and caused so much distress
and even ruin to thousands of settlers.

So confused were the operations and so general the ruf-
fianism that on the whole, Free-State and Proslavery must
share the censure. Be that as it may, what concerns
us at present is the attempt of Governor Denver to break
up lawlessness and ruffianism in this section.^ With this
purpose in view and in the interest of peace and order, he
resolved to make a tour of the counties most afflicted
with these troubles. In June, 1858, the Governor, accom-
panied by Charles Robinson and others, traveled through
Johnson, Bourbon and Linn counties, talking with the
people and suggesting means of substituting civil gov-

1 Governor Denver was the fifth Governor sent out by the Democratic administra-
tion for the purpoHe of fnvorin^, so fur as possible, the Proslavery cause In the Terri-
tory, and he was the first of the five who had not been obliged to resign his place and
beat a hasty retreat from the gubernatorial office. But ho had accepted his position
with the intention of resigning soon thereafter on account of business relations. He
therefore resigned October 10th, 1868, and was succeeded by Samuel Medary, of Ohio.
Prior to Governor Denver's administration Woodson and Stanton had served as actin}<
Governors, and Denver had served a while in the same capacity.

— 17

258 LIFE OF CHA.KLES ROBINSON

ernmeut for border war. Ou the 12th and 13th of June
quite a large number of the citizens of Bourbon county
met at Fort Scott. There they were addressed by Governor
Denver, Governor Robinson and Judge Wainwright, and
were induced to pass resolutions abolishing feudal strife
and border warfare and obligating themselves to main-
tain law, order and justice through civil procedure. While
this attempt of Governor Denver did not entirely put an
end to the disturbances, it was of great service in estab-
lishing order. Governor Denver speaks of the able services
rendered by Charles Robinson in seconding his efforts in
the establishment of order in the Territory.

The material prosperity of Kansas, though retarded by
the political strife, was not forgotten. The population con-
tinued to increase, the virgin soil was cultivated, and in a
small way public improvements were begun. The greatest
obstacle that the settlers had to contend with was the lack
of transportation and easy communication in different parts
of the Territory and to the East. Railroads were greatly
needed, especially as the river communication was entirely
inadequate to the demands of the Territory.

'Nor did Dr. Robinson wholly confine his attention to
matters political. He was also interested in the develop-
ment of the West, and realized the need of railroads in Kan-
sas. He spent considerable time in Washington, including
one whole winter, in urging legislation favorable to the ex-
tension of railroads into the Territory. His plan was to
have Congress make grants of land to railroad companies
as an encouragement for building, for at that time it was
not thought to be a paying investment to build a railroad
into Kansas. Possibly his experience with traffic on t'lc

LOCAL AFFAIRS 259

Missouri river and difficulties with land travel in Kansas
made him realize the immediate necessity of railroads in
order to secure the safe-conduct of Free-State men from the
jN'orth. But he also advocated this policy from a business
point of view, believing- that it would build up a common^
wealth and furnish a means of investment for the people.
It is not known to what extent his influence affected sub-
sequent legislation on this subject. That it was consider-
able, is admitted by most men who were conversant with the
affairs of the Territory at the time. There were many de-
lays, however, and there were many difficulties to be sur-
mounted before the first railroad came to Lawrence. The
following letter, written to Mr, Hutchinson while Robinson
was in Washingt-on, shows to what extent he had entered
into the project of obtaining a railroad for Kansas :

Washington, Dec. 31, 1858.

Wm. Hutchinson, Esq. — Dear Sir: Your favor of 20tli inst.
is received. I am glad to find that you have common-sense. Those
men in Lawrence who are making tliemselves so busy in casting
imputations upon my integrity in regard to the interests of Law-
rence have simply my contempt. I know I have never given a living
soul any occasion to question my devotion to her interests, and
hence I know that these men judge me by what they themselves would
do if they could, viz., betray the interests of the town where they
lived for their own personal aggrandizement. However, nine-tenths
of this hullabaloo is merely for political effect. They really do not
doubt my integrity in this matter, but they know the people are sen-
sitive upon it, and they think it a fine opportunity to elevate them-
selves a peg or two by standing on my prostrate body. Let them
8weat. Every dog must have his day, and it would be unjust to
deprive them of theirs.

If any person is really serious about a railroad on the south side
of the Kansas river, below Lawrence, let him go to work and build
it. I will not interfere in any way. It will have to be built with
stock subscriptions alone, and be need not wait for land grants, as

260 LIFE OF CIIAKLES EOBINSON

{here is no land to be granted for such a road. If so, T should like
to know -where it is. Certainly the Delawares will part with none
of their lands for a road that does not go up the nortli side of the
river. Lawrence and Douglas county may pass resolutions from
now till the judgment day for such a road and it will not interfere
Avith oiir project, as we are only endeavoring to build such roads as
can be built with lands grantp<l for the purpose. There is no man
here, either in Congress or out, from Kansas or elsewhere, that has
a single thought of a grant of lands for a road on the south side of
the river, below Lawrence, and no resolutions, communications to the
Republican, or editorial insinuations will put such a thought into
their heads. When the Kansas Valley Railroad Co. was chartered,
the lands in Johnson county were not disposed of, but now they are,
and the project is abandoned by its former friends. But the very
fact of its having been abandoned by men of sense, perhaps, is the
very reason why some wise people about Lawrence should take it up.
You say you are opposed to granting lands to aid any company
vx)iv in existence. The people of Kansas want these grants to build
railroads with, and nothing else, and they want them made in that
way which will secure the best roads in the shortest time. Some
chartered company must build these roads. Now is it for the interest
of the people of Kansas to have all these lands granted, given di-
rectly to aid John Doe & Co. to build these roads, so that money
can be raised at once, a first-class road built, with first-class rolling-
stock and depot buildings; or is it for their interest to give them only
one-half of the land, giving the other half to fifteen or twenty mem-
bers of the Legislature, as the price of their honor, thus crippling
the said John Doe & Co. so that they can either not build the road at
all, or not until the lapse of years, and then only a sickly road,
scarcely able to run? The John Doe & Co. chartered he fore these
grants, and who have all the lands granted with which to build the
roads, is the same firm, or just as good a firm, as the one that may be
chartered after the grants, with only half of the lands, the other half
having stuck to the fingers of the members of the Legislature. The
members of a Kansas Legislature are as good as the members of any
Western Legislature, but the above estimate of their course is based
upon the history of the Northwestern States. Do you want the
Kansas roads left in the condition of theirs — neither built nor likely
to be? Give the lands to the Legislature that ahould go to the com-
pany that is to build the roads, and you will have your wish, if you

LOCAL AFFAIRS 261

do. Of course the Legislature has the same supervision over these
lands in the one case as the other, the only difference being that
Congress names the company in one case without pay, while in the
other the Legislature names it after stealing half the land Congress
and the people of the Territory designed to be used in building the
roads. But you ask who is the John Doe & Co. who are to be aided
to build the road up the Kansas valley? It is the firm under the
name and style of the Missouri River & Rocky Mountains Railroad Co.,
and the stock is controlled entirely by Free-State men, and I am quite
positive a majority of the stock is held by residents of Lawrence
township, or persons largely interested in the city, and by men who
have more interest in the growth of Lawrence than ten carloads of

such men as and , who are making such a fuss about

selling out Lawrence. Xo border ruffian has a dollar's worth of stock
in the road, so far as I know. The directors of the company are
honorable gentlemen, myself excepted if you please, and have the
confidence of both the Republican and Democratic parties, — and this
is necessary to success, for no grant of land can be got through Con-
gress without both Republican and Democratic votes, neither can
the Delaware lands, or any portion of them, be obtained (without
which no road can be built between Lawrence and the Missouri
river) without the approval of the administration. Strike out this
company and you get no grants this session, beyond question. It is
the only company so organized as to have tlie confidence of the mem-
bers of Congress or the railroad public, and the only one that can
work effectively for grants or any other purpose, and the company on
which the whole question of grants, in my opinion, will hinge. I can-
not give you all my reasons for saying this in one letter, even if it
would be judicious to give them at all, but such is my belief.

I am very glad you are disposed to interest yourself in this matter,
and shall be as glad to use my influence in such a way that your
pecuniary interest shall keep pace with your labors and zeal.

Very respectfully,

C. Robinson.

Will keep you posted on New York land bill. It is blocked, at
present, in committee. Write often. Of course this is not for pub-
lication. — C. R.

Many people have from time to time indulged in criti-
cisms on the conduct of Governor Robinson in connection

262 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

with the town of Quindaro. While it mii^ht have been pru-
dent for him to keep out of the land speculation, it has been
the common habit of Americans, from the time of the large
land companies in the days of Washington and Jefferson,
to indulge in land speculation. This has been done, too,
by statesmen of high rank and honorable character. The
purposes of Robinson in building the town of Quindaro
are easily discerned, and his conduct in connection with
its failure appears to have been upright and honorable.
He was interested in the material welfare of the country,
and, with many others, encouraged the building of towns.
No one denies that he was interested in making money on
his own account. There was not one of the settlers of
Kansas but what had this object. They were like the Pil-
grim Fathers in this respect, who had exalted notions of
" Freedom to worship God," and very practical notions on
increasing their material Avelfare. So far as history goes,
a New England man never hesitated to " turn a penny "
wherever opportunity offered. Robinson was of the New
England stock and the New England type, and he, with his
cotemporaries who were ready to fight for freedom in Kan-
sas, — nay, perchance to die if necessary, — ^were not averse
to the accumulation of wealth when it could be legiti-
mately done. In this they showed great thrift and practi-
cal wisdom.

Nearly every one who came to Kansas had more or less
experience in buying and selling Kansas lands. Town-
sites were established everywhere, and different groups of
people bo^an to advertise and push the interests of their
own town or the one in which they owned lots. Kansas
is dotted over with the sites of extinct towns. Some of

LOCAL AFFAIES 263

them started with a vigorous growth, though soon to perish
by the competition of others more advantageously situated ;
but the lives of many which survived extended but little be-
yond the paper state. The town of Quindaro was located
on the banks of the Missouri river, above the present site of
Kansas City, Kansas. Several people were interested in
its prosperity, and none more than Dr. Robinson. Part
of this interest, to be sure, was speculative, and was due to
the fact that he owned some lots in the town. But he had
a larger interest in it than that, for it was started with the
purpose of making it the rival of Kansas City, as an entre-
pot for goods. Kansas City (or Westport), in Missouri,
was hostile to Kansas Free-State men, and it was desired
to establish a town which was favorable to the freedom of
Kansas. But the scheme was destined to failure, chiefly
because of the better location of Kansas City, Quindaro
being situated upon a bluff, and not easily accessible from
the river. Kansas City also had the prestige of having
long been a station in the overland traffic, which began vig-
orously in 1849.

Quindaro started out vigorously, however, and Eastern
people readily invested their money in it. The promoters
of the town had great hopes of its success, and really ex-
pected it to become a great city. Hence they were not slow
in painting the prospects of the town in glowing colors to
Eastern people. But after the town entered on its collapse
those interested in it began to lose, and there was something
of a scramble to get out. It is in this connection that one
Abelard Guthrie appears against Bobinson, criticizing him
severely in a diary which he kept, part of which was pub-
lished by Mr. W. E. Connelley, in a book entitled, " Will-

264: LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

iam Walker and the Provisional Government of Ne-
braska." The diary shows the secret thoughts of a disap-
pointed, irascible and vindictive man. The irrational, im-
aginative man often thinks evil of others, to learn later
that he was in part or totally mistaken. If he will place all
of these evil thoughts on record as they occur to him, his
diary will present a peculiar and erratic appearance. If
such diary falls into the hands of a publisher, it will show
the inconsistencies and vagaries of the writer, if nothing
else. Such appears to be the case with the diary kept by
Abelard Guthrie and its vindictive attack upon Dr. Rob-
inson. This interpretation of the diary, it is fair to say,
is not due to tlie partiality of a biographer, but has a sub-
stantial support in the actual history of tlie town.

The following statement of Major O. B. Gunn, of Kan-
sas City, one who assisted in the survey of the town and was
closely connected with its history, carries much weight in
the Quindaro matter. It is published entire, by Major
Gunn's consent, because the history it contains cannot be
more clearly and briefly stated :

" The town of Quindaro was located upon the west bank of the
Missouri river, on a Wyandotte allotment of land, about three miles
above the mouth of the Kansas river. Charles Robinson was the
president of the Quindaro Town Company, Abelard Guthrie its treas-
urer, and S. N. Simpson its superintendent or manager.

" The town was laid out in the fall of 1856, during the speculative
times near the close of the ' Kansas conflict." Of an even dozen towns
that were laid out on the Kansas side of the Missouri river, between
the mouth of the Kansas river and the Nebraska State line, only
three — Wyandotte (now Kansas City, Kansas), Leavenworth, and
Atchison — now have an existence except in memory.

" Quindaro was advertised as the only town on the Missouri river
where Free-State men had control, and in the spring of 1857 a large
portion of Northern emigration to Kansas landed at Quindaro.

LOG AIL AFFAIRS 265

'•' The town company started out with much energy, built a fine
three-story hotel, graded the main street, caused the erection of sev-
eral fine business houses, and very soon a very thrifty town was in
progress. But the failure of the Ohio Life and Trust Company, in
August, 1857, which was the cause of a widespread panic, put an end
to speculation in Kansas toAvns, and many of them dwindled away,
the inhabitants gradually moved to other and more prosperous places,
and the buildings were moved upon neighboring farms. It was es-
pecially unfortunate for Quindaro that it was located so near Wyan-
dotte and Kansas City. Wyandotte, which had a more advantageous
location and a more eligible to^^•n-site, started off in the spring of
1857 with a great boom, and Kansas City was using every endeavor
to attract Free-State men and Free-State trade, and these movements
were greatly to the disadvantage of Quindaro, and eventually were
prime factors in causing its entire collapse.

" This Avas a great misfortune to those who had settled in Quin-
daro and built homes, expecting it to become an important city, but
scores of newly-fledged towns in Kansas suffered in the same way.
The failure of the town was a sore disappointment to Abelard Guth-
rie, who was largely instrumental in locating the town in a wi'ong
place, and who, it was said, named the town after the Indian name
of his wife, ' Quindaro,' and in part upon her allotment of Wyandotte
Indian land. Be that as it may, he was the treasurer of the town
company, and undoubtedly believed for a time that there were
' millions in it.'

" When the collapse finally came he became furious towards
Robinson, and finally in 1859 began suit in the District Court, de-
manding settlement. The case was referred to three referees. Rob-
inson and Simpson to select one, Guthrie one, and these two to select
the third referee. Robinson and Simpson selected Judge Nelson Cobb,
of Lawrence; Guthrie selected Judge Lott Kaufman, of Kansas City,
Mo. ; and these two agreed upon the writer as third referee.

" In due time the referees met in Quindaro, and very patiently
went over all causes of complaint, examined all receipts for money
received and expended, and after twenty-two days' sittings we re-
turned a unanimovs verdict for the defendants, Guthrie's own referee
joining with the others.

" It appeared that Guthrie, although treasurer of the company,
and whose duty it was to look after expenditures, and approve every
account before it was paid, had neglected or refused to perform his

266 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

duties, and many vouchers were paid without his signature; and his
associates were justified in acting without his cooperation in paying
just bills when they became due.

" Guthrie was highly incensed at the verdict, and was very bitter
and vindictive toward Robinson and the referees. Robinson paid his
half of the referees' fees at $5 per day, but Guthrie never paid a cent.
He did not speak to me or notice me on the streets for more than a
year after the arbitration, and not until he became a candidate for
U. S. Senator from Kansas, when, the writer having been elected
State Senator, Guthrie was compelled in aid of his own election to
seek the aid of the writer. Judge Cobb and Judge Kaufman, referees;
Charles Robinson and Abelard Guthrie, contestants; Charles Chad-
wick, of Lawrence, attorney for Robinson; and A. B. Bartlett, of
Wyandotte, attorney for Guthrie, are all dead. Of all those who were
aet«rs in the matter of arbitration, only S. N. Simpson and the
writer are living.

" Although the arbitration occurred forty-one years ago, the main
points are very distinct in my memory.

" The verdict can doubtless be found in the records of Wyandotte.

" O. B. GUNN,

" One of the Referees.
"Kansas City, Mo., Juae 24, ]9«0."

THE FIKST GOVERNOE OF THE STATE 26'7

CHAPTEK VIII.

THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE.

Kansas was admitted into the Union with liberal privi-
leges, on January 29th, 1861. Governor Robinson was
sworn into office on Febrnary 9th, and he called a session of
the Legislature, to meet on March 26th, 1861. As nearly
as conld be determined, the Legislature was composed of
eighty-nine Republicans and fourteen Democrats, although
it was difficult to draw party lines at this time. After the
assembling of the Legislature, Governor Robinson sent to
it his jfirst message, on March 30th. It was an able mes-
sage, outlining the duties of the Legislature in the organi-
zation of the State Government, and vigorous in its loyalty
to the Federal Government. He said :

" While it is the duly of each loyal State to see that equal and
exact justice is done to the citizens of every other State, it is equally
its duty to sustain the Chief Executive of the nation in defending the
Government from foes, whether from within or without, and Kansas,
though the last and the least of the States in the Union, will ever
be ready to answer the call of her country."

These were prophetic words, for Kansas furnished more
volunteer soldiers for the Union army, in proportion to the
population, than any other State. Her quota Avas more
than filled, sometimes doubled, at every call. And Gov-
ernor Robinson, though he differed with the policy of the
Federal Government in some things, gave it his support so
long as he remained in office.

One of Xhf firs^t official acts of Governor Robinson was

268 LIFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON

the appointment of Thomas Ewing, jr., M. F. Coiiway,
Henry J. Adams, and J. C. Stone, as representatives of
Kansas to the peace conference assembled at Washington.
Wliile Ewing and Stone voted for "peace and compromise,"
there was not a strong peace sentiment in Kansas. As evi-
dence of this may be cited the fact that the Republican
Congressional convention that convened on May 2 2d,
passed strong resolutions, introduced by D. R. Anthony,
of Leavenworth, upholding the administration in the in-
evitable conflict just begim, and expressing the sentiments
of the convention regarding the peace party, as follows:

"Resolved, Tliat we spurn as specious sophistries all suggestiong
of the peaceful dismemberment of the Union, and pledge our fortunes
and our honor to its maintenance, intact and inviolate."

There were many different questions to meet in the or-
ganization of the new State, all of which were made more
difficult by the impending civil war. The laws were to
be compiled, the conditions imposed by the Federal Govern-
ment on account of admission must be met, courts must be
established, the State apportioned for senators and repre-
sentatives, law^s enacted for the management of the school
fund and the university fund, and many other duties per-
taining to the formation of the State Government per-
formed. Moreover, there was the mustering of troops to
see to, the commissioning of officers, and the management
of the Indians, many of whom were troublesome. Many
difficulties resulted from the coming of all these things, and
more upon a new State formed by people from all parts of
the Union, of different political views, who had not been in
the same land together more than seven years at the utmost,
and many not half that time. Moreover, the State was poor

THE riKST GOVEKNOE OF THE STATE 269

and the machinery for raising revenue imperfect. Add to
this, that politicians looking for preferment were plentiful,
some of them excessively ambitious and even unscrupu-
lous, and the affairs of the new State do not present the
happiest possible prospect, nor do they promise serenity
and prosperity to the State administration. But no one
could stand a stormy time better than Governor Kobinson.

It was significant that at the outset, S. C. Pomeroy and
James H. Lane were elected United States Senators by the
Legislature. This was in direct line of the political trend
of the times, for it appeared from the first that Lane, who
was in harmony with the political machine, was ambitious
to be Senator, and that he was the most prominent man
for the place.

There was, at the time, a belief among some that the
term of the State officers expired on January 1st, 1862,
about two years from the date of his election ; but an act
of the Legislature fixed the expiration of the term on Jan-
uary 9th, 1863, or practically two years from the time
Governor Robinson was sworn iu. Certain persons who
believed, or affected to believe, that this was illegal, and
desired a change of administration, presented a petition
to the State Eepublican Committee reciting that, "The
undersigned citizens, suffering in common with others from
the impotency or malice of the present State Executive,
and earnestly desiring a State Government that will in a
patriotic and energetic manner defend our people from in-
vasion," etc., etc., and asking them "to nominate a full
State ticket of efficient Union men, . . . who will con-
duct the State Government with reference to the good of

270 l-IFE OF CHABLES KOBINSON

the whole community and not upon mere personal
grounds."

When judged from a historical standpoint and com-
pared with the contemporary administration of other
States, it does not appear that there was any lack of vigor
in the administration of the Kansas " War Grovemor,"
or any evidence of "impotency or malice" on his part. It
appears from the history of his war record that he moved,
fast enough for a young State without money or prestige,
almost without State machinery. But he did not move
rapidly enough for ambitious place-hunters who wished
opportunities to win laurels in politics or war.

Strange to say, the Republican State Committee heeded
the petition, and nominated a new ticket with George A.
Crawford heading the list as Governor. They professed to
make the nominations on the following platform :

"Resolved, That the vigorous prosecution of the present war, the
earnest and hearty support of the administration in its efforts to
crush out the Eebellion. the maintenance of the Constitution, the
enforcement of laws, and the preservation of the Union, are the issues
upon which these nominations are made."

"SVhile many of the actors in this little drama were
doubtless sincere, there is strong evidence of demagogy
and injustice, of much lack of information respecting what
ought to be done, and of a wish to do injustice to Governor
Robinson. An election of State officers was held at the
same time as the Congressional election, but the State
Board refused to canvass the votes for this State ticket.
George A. Crawford tried, through his representatives, to
force the Board to canvass the votes, but failed, the court;^
deciding that the vote Vv'as illegal.

THE FIRST GOVEBNOK OF THE STATE 271

But this was a small difficulty in comparison with the
trouble Governor Robinson met with in the mustering and
officering" of troops to put down the Civil War. He an-
swered President Lincoln's first call promptly, and fol-
lowed up vigorously the war policy. Many did not like
his war methods, but they do not appear to have been
different from those pursued by other States, more favored
by wealth and position than Kansas.

Undoubtedly it was the first duty of the Governor of a
new State to look after the welfare of the commonwealth
and its people. A strong, comprehensive and able message
from the Governor, followed by thoroughgoing legislation,
marked the first gubernat/orial period under the Wyandotte
Constitution. The chief results are as follows :

The first Legislature compiled the laws providing for
and regulating the State Government, among which were
resolutions and laws accepting of the terms imposed by
Congress for the admission of the State into the Union,
and dividing of the State into districts for senators and
representatives ; measures creating codes of civil and crim-
inal procedure, and a State board of equalization ; others
establishing a homestead-exemption law, fixing a salary
schedule for all officers, making provision for the manage-
ment of the State and university school funds, and other
important acts. The Agricultural Society was established,
and provisions for founding a university were made. In
a word, during the administration of Governor Robinson
the whole administrative, legislative and judicial machin-
ery of the State Govermnent was put in operation.

After the call for troops on April 15th, 18G1, the first
company of men was organized by Capt. Samuel Walker,

272 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON

of Kauwakaj Douglas county, who tendered his services
and a company of one hundred men on April l7th, two
days after the call. A militia regiment had been organized
in Linn county by Charles H. Jennison and J. E. Broad-
head, in the previous month. From this time on the com-
panies and regiments were organized rapidly, and James
Blood and James C. Stone were made Major-Generals of
the State militia.

The most trying situation of the whole military regime
in Kansas arose from the fact that Senator Lane was ap-
pointed Brigadier-General by President Lincoln. Lane
had desired to be Senator of the United States to control
the political affairs of the State in relation to the Union,
and to be Brigadier-General that he might in part control
the military affairs of the State. As he could not hold both
offices under the Constitution, Governor Robinson, pre-
suming that Lane would resign the Senatorship in accord-
ance with his assertions, presented, through Senator Foote,
of Vermont, the name of Frederick P. Stanton, as Senator
for Kansas instead of Lane. Whereupon Lane said, ''This
looks like an attempt to bury a man before he is dead.'^
The credentials of Lane were referred to the judiciary
committee, and he was seated as United States Senator.
Subsequently, Lane was obliged to relinquish his office of
Brigadier-General in order to hold the position of United
States Senator, but finally was commissioned to recruit
troops in Kansas.

Governor Robinson proceeded to recruit the First and
Second regiments for service in the army of the United
States under Major-General Stone, whom he had com-
missioned to command the northern division of the Kansas

THE FIRST GOVEENOK OF THE STATE 273

militia, and Major-General Blood of tlie sontliern division.
When sworn in they were ordered to Missouri, and on
August 10th, 18G1, they participated in the bloody battle
of Wilson's Creek, where their bravery made fame for the
commandino; officers, Col. G. W. Deitzler and Col. R. B.
Mitchell of those regiments, and honor for their State.
In that fatal struggle General Lyon, against fearful odds,
when he lay bleeding from two w'ounds, swung his hat
in the air and called on the troops nearest him for a bay-
onet charge on the enemy. The Kansas troops rallied
around him, and in a moment Colonel Mitchell fell se-
verely wounded. The Kansans cried out, " We are ready.
Who will lead us?" "I will lead you," cried Lyon;
"come on, brave men." At that instant the third bullet
struck him in the breast, and he fell from his horse mor-
tally wounded. Colonel Mitchell of the Second regiment
and Colonel Deitzler of the First regiment were promoted
to brigadier-generals by the President of the United States.
Mitchell was confirmed by the Senate, but through the op-
position of Lane the confirmation of Deitzler's appointment
was prevented for some time.

By the direction of General Fremont, then commanding
the Department of Missouri, in w'hich Kansas was in-
cluded, the Governor recruited the Eighth regiment for
home service, to be stationed on the border. Captain Wes-
sells, of the United States Army, who was then stationed
at Fort Eiley, was made colonel of the regiment. General
McClellan directed Major Baird of the United States Army
to visit Kansas and inspect the troops in service there in
the State. Baird was so well pleased with the appearance

274

I.IFK OV CUAKLES BOBrN.sON

of this re^irnont, and so favorably impressed with (Colonel
Wessells, that, thr()ui»h his reeommendation, General Mc-
Clellan transferred Wessells to the Army of the Potomac,
where he was advanced to the position of General. The
vacancy thus made was filled by the advancement of lAeu-
tenant-Colonel Martin, afterward Governor John A. Mar-
tin of Kansas. Thus the colonels of the First, Second and
Eighth regiments of Kansas troops appointed and com-
missioned by the Governor had, within a few months after
their enlistment, received well-merited promotions.

Prior to the election of Lane as Senator, he had ar-
ranged with Conway, the Eepresentativ^e to Congress, that
no appointments shonld be made by the administration in
Kansas nntil after the Senators were elected. After the
election Senator Lane hastened to Washington, where he
tried to carry ont his plans in regard to the appointment of
officers of the troops called into service. He returned
from Washington to Kansas in Augiist, 1861, having au-
thority, as he claimed, bo recruit and command a brigade.
It is quite strange that the authorities, the President and
the Secretary of War, should authorize a Senator to re-
cruit two regiments while holding the office of Senator, but
that this was done is a matter of history. Tlie Constitu-
tion expressly says that no person holding any office under
the United States shall be a member of either house during
his continuance in office.^ As to such part of the militia
of the several States as may be employed in the service of
the United States, it " reserves to the States respectively
the appointment of the officers." How could a Senator
during his continuance in office command a brigade of

' ConstUnllon, Art. 1, Sec. 6, Claufls 2.

THE riKST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 275

troops in tlie United States service and act as recruiting
officer while holding office under the United States ? How
could such a Senator recruit troops from the militia of the
State to be employed in the service of the United States,
and appoint the officers of such troops, doing the same by
the authority of the President, without violating the con-
stitutional provisions that reserve to the State the power
of appointing such officers? As a matter of fact, it is
known that he did so command a brigade, recruited from
the militia ; that he named the officers while he continued
in office as Senator ; and that he must have done so either
with the knowledge and authority or through the inad-
vertence of the President.

This is one of the mysteries connected with Kansas
affairs that are yet to be explained. How the great and
good President of the United States, so sensitive to the
question of justice to all people, should have failed to
allow the Governor of the State of Kansas to exercise his
rights, and, in so failing, should have allowed a Senator
of the United States to violate the law and assume uncon-
stitutional and illegal privileges, has never been explained.
Yet, when we realize the pressure brought to bear upon
the President in those trying hours, and the diffixulty he
had in managing the members of his cabinet like Seward
and Stanton; and finally, when we think of the magnetic
power of Senator Lane, in whom the President seems to
have had the utmost confidence, we can e^isily see how such
a state of affairs could have been brought about.

Governor Robinson placed no obstacles in the way of
Lane's recruiting these two regiments. After Lane had
selected the officers, his son-in-law, Col. Adams, went to

276 LIFE OF OHAKI.ES KOBINSON

the Governor and asked Lini to commission the officers se-
lected, and the Governor did so.

Lane's speeches to secure recruits were of a nature to
show tlie kind of a campaign he proposed to make as
commander of the brigade. On one occasion he said, to
encourage the enlistment of an infantry regiment : " When
the cavalry came out of Missouri each man brought out
two more horses than he took in with him, but when the
infantry came out each man brought out three more horses
than he brought in, — the one which he rode and two which
he led." On another occasion he told of a number of mules
taken in one day, adding, " It was not much of a day for
mules, either." As a recruiting officer no doubt Lane was
a success. The enthusiasm which he put into an audience
or a band of men was remarkable. No one has ever yet
been able to account for Lane's popularity as an orator.
It is a well-known fact that he could stir an audience of
people almost to a frenzy. An old resident of Kansas said :
" He talked like none of the others ; none of the rest had
that husky, rasping, blood-curdling whisper or that menac-
ing forefinger, or could shriek ' Great God ! ' on the same
day with him." ^ Judge Kingman called him " The great
natural orator." " By great natural orator," said he, '' I
mean a man who could stand up before five hundred men,
two hundred and fifty of whom were ready to hang him to
the next tree, and at the end of a half-hour have them all
cheering for him." A letter of John J, Ingalls to the
Topoka Common wealth has this description of Lane:

" It would be liard to give a rational and satisfactory analysis of
the causes of General Lane's popularity as an orator. Destitute of

1 Noble Pre litis, ia Kansas City Star, January 27th, 1894.

THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 277

all graces of an orator, he possesses but few even of its essentials;
he writhes himself into more contortions than Gabriel Ravel in a
pantomime; his voice is a series of transitions from the broken scream
of a maniac to the hoarse rasping gutturals of a Dutch butcher in
the last gasp of inebriation; the construction of his sentences is loose
and disjointed; his diction is a pudding of slang, profanity and sole-
cism; and yet the electric shock of his extraordinary eloquence thrills
like the blast of a trumpet; the magnetism of his manner, the fire
of his glance, the studied earnestness of his utterance, find sudden
response in the will of the audience, and he sways them like a field of
reeds shaken in the wind. Devoid of those qualities of character
which excite esteem and cement the enduring structure of popular
regard, he overcomes the obstacles in the path of achievement by
persistent effort and indomitable will." '■

Lane finally assumed command, and started his cam-
paign in August, 1861, and completed it sometime in the
autumn following. It was a continuation of the old
Kansas struggle along the border, but this time in the
name of the United States Government. Captain Prince,
of Fort Leavenworth, in a letter to General Lane savs:
" I hope you will adopt early and active measures to crush
out this marauding which is being enacted in Jennison's
name, and also by a band of men representing themselves
as belonging to your command." On December 10, 1861,
General Llalleck wrote to General McClellan : " The con-
duct of our troops, and especially those under Lane and
Jennison, turned against us many thousands who were
formerly Union men." December 16, 1861, Halleck wrote
again to McClellan : " The conduct of the forces under
Lane and Jennison has done more for the enemy in this
State than could have been accomplished by 20,000 of his
own army. I receive, almost daily, complaints of outrages
committed by these men in the name of the United States,

1 Wildei's AnnalH, p. 313.

278 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBIKSON

and tlie evidence is so eonclnsive as to leave no doubt of
their correctness. It is rumored tliat Lane has been made
a brigadier-general. I cannot conceive of a more injudi-
cious appointment. It Avill take 20,000 men to counteract
the appointment in this State, and moreover, it is an offer
of a premium for rascality and robbery in this State."

It was certainly unfortunate that after the four years of
struggle between Kansas and Missouri, in which Lane's
name appears so prominent on the roll of Kansas heroes,
he should have been appointed to lead Kansas forces into
Missouri. In Missouri there were many loyal citizens,
Union men, who nevertheless had learned to hate Kansas.
To them every man from Kansas was an abolitionist, and
according to their view every abolitionist ought to be
hanged. Hence the potency of General Llalleck's remarks.

On February 11, 1862, General McClellan submitted to
Secretary Stanton extracts from the report of Major-
General Baird, Assistant Inspector-General of the United
States Army, on the inspection of the Kansas troops.
Among other things. General Baird says:

"If the practice of seizing and confiscating private property of
rebels which is so extensively carried on by troops in Lane's brigade
should be continued, how is it to be arranged so as to prevent the
troops being demoralized and the Government defrauded? The prac-
tice has become so fixed and general that I confess that orders arrest-
ing it would not be obeyed, and that the only way of putting a stop
to it would be to remove the Kansas troops to some other section.
The fact that citizens' property has been seized and confiscated by
troops is substantiated by both private and official evidence. To what
extent may the right of confiscation be legally carried that the dig-
nity and justice of government be not at the menace of individuals
governed by cupidity and revenge?"

General Hunter, when he took command of the Depart-

THE FIRST GOVEKNOE OF THE STATE 279

ment of Kansas, found in the report of his adjutant-
general that Lane's brigade was in a demoralized condi-
tion. Lane's regimental and company officers knew noth-
ing of their duties, and had never made or returned their
report-s. " Regiments in a worse condition than those could
not possibly be found. They are camped in little better
than pigpens; officers and men sleep and mess together;
furloughs in great numbers are granted and taken ; drill
abandoned almost wholly ; the men are ragged, half armed,
diseased, and mutinous, — taking votes as to whether dis-
tasteful orders should be obeyed. . . . Public property
had been taken Avithout requisition. . . . Horses in
great quantities at extravagant prices were bought under
irregular orders and paid for by the United States, . . .
then turaed over to the men and officers, who drew extra
pay for them as private property."

Lane with his brigade reached Westjwrt, Missouri, Sep-
tember, 1861, when he reported that " Yesterday I cleared
out Butler and Parkville with my cavalry." ^ On Septem-
ber 22d he sacked and burned Osceola, Missouri. He re-
turned on the 27th, and in two days reached Kansas City.
The brigade turned the Missouri border through which the
march lay into a wilderness, and reached its destination
heavily laden with plunder. "Everything disloyal," said
Lane, "... must be cleaned out." jS^ever were orders
more literally or cheerfully obeyed. Even the chaplain
succumbed to the rampant spirit of thievery, and plun-
dered Confederate altars in the interest of his unfinished
church at home. "Among the spoils which foil to Lane

'Spring : Kiin>a#, p. S7<i.

280 LIFE Oi-' CilAKLES KOBINSON

personally was a fine carriage, wliicli lie brouglit to Law-
rence for the nse of his household." ^

September Ist, Governor Robinson wrote to General Fre-
mont, commandini? the Western Department, that there
was no danger from invasion from Missouri, provided that
the Government stores at Fort Scott were sent to Fort
Leavenworth and that Lane's brigade be removed from
the border. He even relates in this letter how a band
of secessionists coming over from Missouri stole property
of citizens, and how the officers in command of the Con-
federates compelled the return of the property and offered
to give up the leaders of the gang for punishment. Robin-
son expressed fear that Lane's brigade would get up a war
by committing depredations in Missouri and returning to
Kansas.^ On October 9th, Lane wrote to Lincoln as fol-
lows: "Governor Charles Robinson has constantly, in sea-
son and out of season, vilified myself and abused the men
under my command as marauders and thieves." On the
letter which Halleck had written to President Lincoln
remonstrating against the appointment of Lane as Briga-
dier-General because it would be " offering a premium for
rascality and robbery," were indorsed these words : "An
excellent letter, though I am sorry that General Halleck
is so unfavorably impressed with General Lane."

Mr. Mark W. Delahay appeared also to be trying to
gain favor by misrepresenting Governor Robinson. It will
be remembered that at the Topeka Constitutional Conven-
tion he strongly advocated the "black law" clause, with
which he said the Topeka Constitution would go through

1 Sprinj; : Kansas, p. 2TS.
2 Ibid., p. 277.

THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 281

Congress " like a shot." It is nothing against him that he
had political ambitions for political power, but this attempt
to " stand in " with the President of the United States by
defaming others shows that his ambition for himself was
of greater interest to him than the success of the Union.
To show the spirit of the times in political circles, Dela-
haj's letter to President Lincoln is given in full:

Leavexworth City, Kansas, Nov. 30, 1861.

Dear Lixcoln: Gov. Robinson a few weeks ago published a letter
in which he charges you with being the instigator of theft and rob-
bery, which he assumes to have been committed by our Kansas sol-
diers. Your friends properly resented the insult by nominating and
electing Geo. A. Crawford (a Union candidate) to succeed Robinson
as Governor on the 2d Tuesday of January next. By the plain lan-
guage of our State Constitution his time expires on that day, but
through his influence the Legislature failed to provide for the elec-
tion of his successor this fall. The people, however, availed them-
selves of their constitutional right to elect; Robinson is now trying
to induce the State Board of Canvassers not to count Mr. Crawford's
vote. He will also attempt to influence the Legislature, in violation
of the expressed will of the people, to recognize him instead of Mr.
Crawford as Governor.

The appointing patronage which has been given him by the War
Department in the organization of regiments has been of great use
to him against your friends here. He is now raising two regiments
for New Mexico by order of General Fremont, when the proper pro-
tection of Kansas would more than occupy his whole time. The ap-
pointments and outfits for these regiments involve an immense amount
of patronage, which will all be used to perpetuate Robinson in office
against the overwhelming vote of the people.

This abuse of your confidence by your enemy to overthrow your
friends here will exhaust all your patience, I hope, and will meet
with proper rebuke.

I hope that you will countermand the order for the New-Mexican
regiments, on the ground that all our men are needed nearer home,
and that they already have soldiers there. And from this time on I
trust the Honorable Secretary of War will withhold from Robinson

282 l.IFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

(who is a traitor to your administration) all manner of control over
the organization or commissioning of officers in advance. Regiments
can be organized better under Major-General Hunter, and Robinson
will Iiave to commission those elected by the subordinates or desig-
nated by General Hunter, who will commit no act of extravagance,
and who enjoys our confidence and respect. Our new Governor-elect
is an honorable man, and will give the war and your administration
a hearty support.

Pardon me for troubling you, yet these reflections are of great
moment to us here.

Truly your friend,

Delahay.

When General Hunter took command of the Department
of Kansas in January he received insti'uctions from Wash-
ington that a southern expedition of eight or ten thousand
Kansas troops and four thousand Indians had been de-
cided on, and that it was understood at Washington that
General Halleck favored the expedition, but that Lane was
to have chief command. Hunter opposed Lane's southern
expeditions, which, it appears, had been sanctioned by the
President. When General Hunter insisted that he should
command this expedition in person, the whole matter was
dropped, and Lane, who had contemplated resigning his
seat in the Senate, finally concluded not to do so. The col-
lapse of what General Halleck called " the great jayhawk-
ing expedition," by order of General Hunter, changed
the aspect of affairs entirely. On July 22d, 1862, Lane
was made commissioner for recruiting in tlie Department
of Kansas, but no attempt was made after this to make
him a commander in the army. When Lane was recruiting
regiments he issued commissions right and left, but they
were found to be worthless without being signed by the
Governor, according to the views of the paymaster. While

THE FIBST GOVEKNOJR OF THE STATE 283

Robinson commissioned the officers of the first regiments
formed, sometimes at Lane's request, he finally declined to
sanction Lane's erratic appointments. The Secretary of
War telegraphed to Governor Robinson, " If you do not
issue commissions, the War Department will." To which
the Governor promptly replied, " You have the power to
override the constitution and the laws, but you have not
the power to force the Governor of Kansas to dishonor his
own State." This was the position of Governor Robinson,
and he held it firmly.

It may be added here, that after Governor Carney, Rob-
inson's successor, was elected, he found the same difficulty
that confronted Governor Robinson. Carney went to see
the President, and the President gave him a letter to Stan-
ton, saying, "Will we at last be compelled to treat the
Governor of Kansas as we do other Governors about raising
and commissioning troops ? " This seemed to be a frank
acknowledgment of the fact that an attempt had been made
to overi'ide Governor Robinson in the raising of troops. It
seemed to indicate that the Secretary of War had treated
the Governor of Kansas in <:>ne way and the governors of
other loyal States in another. Stanton reluctantly acceded
to the President's request, and Lane's influence ceased
with the administration so far as the military affairs of
the State of Kansas were concerned.

The Kansas regiments continued to be organized, and
their records show brilliant and brave work in the cause of
the Union. The Republican party of Kansas stood staunch
and firm for the Union, and through resolution and action
gave the Federal administration their hearty support. The
Republican Congressional Convention assembled at To-

284 LIFE Oh' CUAKLEW KOBINSON

peka, Ma3^ 2 2d, 1861, and the following resolutions were
offered by D. R. Antliony, expressino- their support of the
State administration :

"Resolved, by the Repuhlican party of the State of Kansas in con-
vention assembled, That the existing eondition of national affairs de-
mands the emphatic and unmistakable expression of the people of the
State, and that Kansas allies herself with the uprising Union hosts
of the North to uphold the policy of the administration.

"Resolved, That the grave responsibilities of this hour could not
have been safely postponed, and that they have not arrived too soon,
and that in the present war between government and anarchy the
mildest compromise is treason against humanity."

There occurred during this administration an unfortu-
nate event regarding the sale of State bonds. It appears
that in the act providing for the issue of bonds, provision
Avas made for the sale of the bonds at a minimum price
of 70 per cent., while in fact they were pnt in the hands
of an agent with the understanding that he could have
a commission of all over and above 60 per cent, on the
amount of State bonds. J. W. Robinson, Secretary of
State, and George S. Ilillyer, Auditor, manipulated this
sale, and they held that they did so according to the law,
and that though the bonds actually sold for 85 per cent.,
only 60 per cent, was turned into the public treasury. A
committee of the Legislature which convened January
14th, 1862, consisting of x\nderson, Carney, Sidney
Clarke, B. W. Hartley, and H. L. Jones, was appointed to
consider the whole matter, and submitted a report on this
sale on February 13th, accompanied with the following
resolution, and recommending its adoption:

"Resolved, That Charles Robinson, Governor, J. W. Robinson,
Secretary of State, and George S. Hillyer, Auditor of the St-ate of

THE FIEST GOVEBNOR OF THE STATE 285

l^ansas, be and they are hereby impeached of high misdemeanors in
office."

The following day this resolution was adopted in the
House by a vote of sixtj-five yeas and no nays.^ P. B.
Plumb was chairman of the committee appointed to draw
up articles of impeachment. This committee reported
eight articles of impeachment against J. W. Robinson, and
on February 26th, 1862, the same committee re}X)rted
eight articles of impeachment against George S. Hillyer
and five articles against Charles Robinson. The articles
against J. W. Robinson were adopted without a division,
those against Hillyer without division, and those against
Governor Robinson by a vote of fifty-three to seven. In
the impeachment of J. W. Robinson, seventeen voted guilty
on the first article of impeachment, and four not guilty;
on the second article, ten voted guilty and eleven not
guilty ; on the third article, eight voted giiilty and thirteen
not guilty; on the fourth, five voted guilty and sixteen
not guilty; on the fifth, seven voted guilty and fourteen
not guilty ; on the sixth, twenty-one voted not guilty ; on
the seventh, twenty-one voted not gTiilty ; and on the
* ighth, twenty-one voted not guilty. Therefore, J. W. Rob-
inson was impeached on the first article and acquitted on
the other seven. The Senate then removed Secretary Rob-
inson from office, by a vote of eighteen to three. George S.
Hillyer was then tried and convicted on the first article
and acquitted on the other seven. The Senate then voted
by eighteen to two to remove Auditor Hillyer from office.
The Auditor was convicted on the following article of im-
peachment :

"Article I. That the said George S. Hillyer, as Auditor of State of

'Wlldfir's Annals, p. 343.

28() LIFK OK CHARLES KOr.flVSOINr

the Stato of Kansas, was, together with the Secretary of State and the
Governor of said State, by the laws of said State authorized and em
powered to negotiate and sell the bonds of the State, the issuance of
which was providetl for in the act authorizing the negotiation of one
liundrcd and fifty thousand dollars of the bonds of the State of Kansas
to defray tlie current expenses of the State, approved May 1st, 1861.

" That the bonds of the State of Kansas to defray tlie current ex-
penses of the State as aforesaid, vveie prepared, executed, and issued
according to law.

"That the said George S. Hillyer, being so empowered to sell and
negotiate the said bonds, did authorize and empower one Robert S.
Stevens to negotiate and sell said bonds to the amount of eighty-seven
thousand two hundred dollars, at any price over (JO per centum upon
the amount of said bonds, he, said Stevens, paying to the State
no more than 60 per centum of said amount; that under said agree-
ment, and with the full knowledge and consent of said Hillyer, said
Stevens proceeded to sell and deliver a large amount of said bonds,
to wit, the amount of fifty-six thousand dollars of said bonds, at the
rate of 85 per centum on said amount of fifty-six thousand dollars, —
all of which was well known to said Hillyer. Said Stevens paid over
and accounted to said State for only 60 per centum upon said bonds so
sold, which said agreement, so made and entered into by said Hillyer,
was in direct violation of the laws of said State, in this, that under
said laws said bonds could not be sold for less than 70 per centum on
the amount of said bonds; and was in violation of the official duty of
said Hillyer, in this, that the State Avas by said agreement defrauded
out of its just rights, in that said State was entitled to receive
the full amount for which said bonds were sold, while in truth and ia
fact, with the full knowledge and consent of the said Hillyer said
bonds were sold for 85 per centum upon the dollar, and the said State
did not receive therefrom more than 60 per centum upon the bonds so
sold; whereby said Hillyer betrayed the trust reposed in him by the
State of Kansas, subjected said State to great pecuniary loss, and is
thereby guilty of high misdemeanor in his said office of Auditor of
State aforesaid.'" ^

The trial of Governor Robinson followed, and on the first
article two Senators voted f^iltv and nineteen not guilty ;
cm the others there were received a unanimous vote of not

1 Wllder's Annals, p. ?Ai.

THE FIRST GOVEKNOK OF THE STATK 287

guiltj, with the exception of article five, on which one
vote pronounced ftTiiltj. Governor Kobinson was declared
acquitte<:l of all the articles exhibited by the House of Rep-
resentatives against him. Yet, while Governor Robinson
was acquitted of all these charges, the fact that they had
been made left a stain upon his administration in the
minds of some people. Those who take the trouble to in-
quire carefully into the history of the whole matter will
find that no blame could be attached to him. And indeed
there are those who, in spite of the conviction of liillyer
and J. W. Robinson, hold that these men acted honestly
and fairly in attemptinc: to market the bonds, believing
that they could not be sold at a price above 60 per centum
on the par value. I^evertheless, the credit of the State of
Kansas was better than they supposed, and the bonds might
have sold for more than 60 per centum. Some criticism
attaches to those officers, the Secretary of State, and the
Auditor, for not managing the business better, because
those were officers of the administration of which Robinson
was the head, and there may have been a lack of alertness
on his part in regard to the bonds, although he defends him-
self because he was out of the Territory at the time the
transaction took place. He says of the trial of the Gov-
ernor, by the Senate :

" It was shown by the testimony of all the witnesses of the ne<>o-
tiationa on the part of the State, that not only the Grovernor was
not advised of the transaction, but that he was one thousand miles
distant from it; that he had refused to sell the bonds, when asked, for
a less price than that named in the law. Tlie testimony on the other
hand has shown that the Senator-General (Lane), who was con-
sulting about the sale, signed a letter to the President asking that it
might be made, and his private secretary was paid five hundred
dollars and a promise of five hundred dollars additional for assisting

288 LIFE OF CHARLES HOBINSON

in this sale. These facts are published in the proceedings of the
trial, and speak for themselves." ^

One is impressed with the many difficulties of the posi-
tion in which Governor Robinson was placed during the
short period of his active administration as the first Gov-
ernor of the State of Kansas. Surely, he had enough op-
position to try his soul, and this opposition was the oppo-
sition of demagogues who did not fight in the open.
Possibly he was not careful enough to protect himself from
their attacks. The only blame that can fairly be said to
attach itself to Governor Robinson, in connection with the
illegal sale of bonds, is the fact that it occurred in his ad-
ministration, and while not himself guilty of wrong-doing,
he should have been sufficiently watchful and exerted suffi-
cient influence not to have permitted anything of the kind
to occur. Personally, the Governor is not responsible for
the official conduct of the Treasurer and the Auditor of
his administration, but the three were empowered by
the Legislature to sell the bonds, and while he personally
refused to sell them at less than 70 per cent., the price fixed
by law, still it seems clear that his associates in office did
violate the law. It appears to the writer that Governor
Robinson's ability and shrewdness, had they been applied
to the point in question, would have so arranged matters
that the Auditor and Treasurer would not have found
themselves able to sell the bonds without Governor Robin-
son's knowledge; and this criticism, if it be one at all, can
at worst be said to involve nothing more than censure for
inadvertence and oversight caused by the numerous de-
mands upon his time and attention. Such a criticism is a

1 AddrenB written for delivery at Leavenworth Kennion, Oct. 11, 12, 13, 1883.
Proceed; ng8 in Iiiipeachicent Ca?e°.

THE FIKST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 289

good deal like saying that if he liad thought it was going
to happen, or that there was a possibility of its happening,
he could have prevented it. Yet, his political and personal
enemies fastened npon this aifair as offering good ground
upon which to attack his administration, and politically
he was obliged to bear the results of the attack. James H.
Lane appears on the scene, just at the opportune time, for
it was largely by his suggestions that the impeachment oc-
curred.

After a careful reading of all the details of history, one
is forced to the conclusion that it is difficult to see how the
management of the war could have been improved, unless
some way had been devised for making war on that class
of traducers who trotted between Kansas and Washington,
misrepresenting affairs. Certainly little blame could be
attached to the Governor of Kansas for the irregularities
of the border warfare, so long as the Federal Government
in every way possible encouraged those who were believers
in disorganized predatory warfare. There was a serious
defect in the management of the Civil War, attributable
largely to the desire of the officials at Washington to dictate
the policy of the Avar in its details. General Grant saw
this fatal mistake, and before he accepted command of the
entire forces obtained concessions in this direction which
enabled him to push the war to a successful close. Tlie
same defect was observed in the late Spanish- American
War, although not to such a grievous extent. The military
board of cojJrol might have been of use as a suggestive com-
mittee on the conduct of the war, but it w^as powerless to
win battles. The President is indeed Commander-in-Chief
<;f the forces, but if he is wise, neither he nor his secretary
—19

290 J AVE Ol" CHARLES ROBINSON

will oversto)) the boiuids of reason in attempting to exercise
unduly his prero^a^atives in an attempt to absorb all th(^
power and become dictator.

But why did the Federal autliorities treat Kansas dif-
ferently from other States ? Did it think the Governor
incompetent or disloyal ? Or, did it think him weak, and
easily overridden by arbitrary authority ? In either case it
was sadly mistaken, and if mistaken, probably misin-
formed by some of the warrior politicians of Kansas.

]!^otwithstandina^ the ditHculties arising out of the Civil
War, therefore, and the ])eeuliar conditions surroundinff
the State administration at this time, Governor Robinson's
official career is marked by strong and upright service to
the State ; and though beset by more difficulties than any
other governor in the history of the State has had to face,
and surrounded by as greedy a horde of politicians as ever
annoyed a governor, yet the first chief executive of Kansas
gave the State an administration that was clean and pro-
gressive, and one in which the work done makes as fair a
showing as that of the best administrations in the history
of the State. Truly had the " War Governor " of Kansas
fulfilled the promise of his first message as the first Gov-
ernor of the State:

" It is equally its duty to sustaiu the Chief Executive of the
Nation in defending the Government from foes, vrhether from within
or without, and Kansas, though last and least of the States of the
Union, will ever be ready to answer the call of her country."

Governor Robinson cheerfully surrendered his office to
Governor Carney, who succeeded him on January 12th,
ISfio. As to tlie war policy, Governor Carney followed
substantially in the footsteps of Goveimor Robinson, but
with less difficulty, — largely for two reasons: First, be-

THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 291

cause he had less opposition at home and at Washino^fon ;
and second, because he had far less to do, Governor Robin-
son having mustered and equip}>ed for the service thirteen
raiments and several batteries, while there were but four
re^ments mustered in Carney's administration, with the
addition of two colored refi^iment?. Moreover, a? the war
progressed, methods became systematized both at Washing-
ton and in Kansas, and many difficulties disappeared with
the disappearance of irres^ilarities.

iSTo other Governor of Kansas had so many difficulties to
encounter as Governor Eobinson. The events of the last
few years had left their heritage of jealousy, hatred, and
other forms of bitterness. In the constitutional struggle
there had been persons and parties on hoth sides of the
slavery question who had been at bitter feud with one an-
other. There had been many disappointed, wronged, and
outraged individuals of tlie Free-State party fighting a
similar class of the Proslavery party. There had been
contentions of politicians with personal ambitions ; bicker-
ings and strife over land claims. And now, above all, there
was the impending Civil War, in which Kansas must do
her part. Much depended upon the prudence and wisdom
of the first Governor, in order to give the new State a fair
start in the sisterhood of States. The long delay of Con-
gress in admitting Kansas to the Union was therefore not
an unmixed evil, as it gave the Governor an opportunity
to prepare for the arduous tasks before him. He met all
with a calm, courageous spirit, started the machinery of
State government, and gave the new State an impulse t/O-
ward right government.

292

LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSOlsr

CHAPTER IX.

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS.

Compared with his previous experiences in California,
Massachusetts, and Kansas, the life of Governor Robinson
after the close of his term as Governor of Kansas Avas a
quiet one. Yet it was a life of activity as the world goes,
for he was two terms in the State Senate, a candidate for
Congress, a candidate for Governor of Kansas, and was
Superintendent of Haskell Institute, Regent of the State
University, and President of the State Historical Society,
— all of which combined, filled the intervals of a busy agri-
cultural life. In addition to this, he was more or less fre-
quently engaged in writing for newspapers and periodicals.

After the burning of Robinson's house, (in May, 1856,)
which was situated on the hill south of ]^orth College, in
Lawrence, he did not rebuild, but moved to his country
home of " Oakridge," where he spent the remainder of his
days, except as he was called to and fro in his busy life.
At Oakridge he built the mansion which is at present stand-
ing on the place in Grant township. "Oakridge" is a
beautiful rural estate, situated about four miles north of
Lawrence. The house is situated on a hill covered with
natural oaks, around which have been planted maple and
other deciduous trees. The hill is a bluff, once a bank of
the Kaw when it reached the northern limit of the Kaw
valley. "From the site of the mansion one can see across
the Kaw valley to the bluffs on the other side of the river,
and, prominent in the distance, about five miles " as the

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 293

crow flies," a little to the west of south, is Mt. Oread, cov-
ered with the University buildings. On the south side of
the river the town of Lawrence is snuggled under the hill
along the bank and southward. The view is magnificent :
broad acres of fertile land, avenues of trees, the wandering
course of the Kaw marked by lines of trees and shubbery,
and an occasional glimpse of the river's shining surface,
with the hills on the opposite side mantled in a blue haze.
MagTiificent sunsets, indescribable by power of tongue or
pen, are seen from this site when the '' king of day " goes
to rest in a blaze of glory, leaving on his trail indescribable
blues, lavenders, golds, and pinks, gorgeous paintings from
the studio of nature, done in water, not oils. In the autumn
the trees of " Oakridge " turn to beautiful browns and reds.
Kansas is not noted for the brilliancy of its autumn foliage,
but " Oakridge " never fails to end the autumn season
by assuming gaudy colors and reflecting a blaze of color
from the wooded hills. If " Oakridge " seems a trifle se-
cluded to some, it is never lonely in its magnificent sur-
roundings. Around the country home and belonging to the
Robinson estate are sixteen hundred acres of land, much of
it very fertile, on vt^hich wheat, com and other crops grow
luxuriantly. Governor Robinson was an excellent farmer,
both theoretical and practical. He not only tilled his broad
acres well, but was interested in improved methods of ag-
riculture. He was well known in agricultural and horti-
cultural circles, and frequently addressed societies on topics
relating to these two great industries.

Here, in his home of " Oakridge," ex-Governor Robinson
passed a quiet life, devoting his attention chiefly to the man-
agement of his farm and the details of private business.

294 LIFE OF CHAHLES ROBINSON

Into his liome came newspapers and the recent books, which
kept him acquainted witli the doings of the outer worhl.
All the controversies of the day had for him a keen inter-
est, and frequently, like an old war-horse, he sniffed the
battle from afar. Nor did he hesitate to engage in contro-
versies, especially when: they had to do with Kansas history
and the principles involved in the political and social af-
fairs of everyday life. In taking sides in politics from this
time on, his old instinct to help the " under dog " was al-
ways prominent. This peculiarity was probably due not
only to inborn characteristics, but also to his life in the
California and Kansas struggles.

Being a fanner, Grovemor Robinson had a large sym-
pathy for people of his own class. He understood well the
difficulties that beset the farmer of the West in turning
over the prairie sod, the subsequent trials in fighting against
the drought, grasshoppers, and other calamities that came
upon a new State ; and the more recent difficulties caused
by the rapid falling in prices, or at least the decline in the
comparative price of farm products on the one hand and
the rise of manufactured articles and other commodities
which the farmer was obliged to purchase on the other. He
also gave help to the farmers in their vigorous attempt to
free themselves from the latter conditions, which finally
led to political turmoil in the State.

While there has been more or less immigration to Kansas
from the time of settlement until the present time, there
have been several great movements. The first was the great
influx of two streams of people, one flowing from the
North, headed from far-off New England; the other com-
ing from the Southern' States, headed from the confines of

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 295

Georgia. These people experienced great difficulties in
arranging their political and social differences, as we have
learned in previous chapters. Many of these troubles arose
from the fact of imperfect socialization. When there are
suddenly brought together large groups of people of very
different and decided opinions in regard to government,
politics, social and intellectual life, a period of conflict in
the process of socialization is inevitable. But, through
the privations of settlement, the cruelties of strife, and
sufferings engendered by war, people learn to know each
other well and through sympathy to harmonize their dif-
ferences. After the close of the Civil War the questions
that had troubled Kansas were practically settled, and the
State entered into a more or less homogeneous development.
There was, it is true, quite a vigorous influx of old soldiers
and others, but these merely enlarged the population with-
out changing public sentiment or disturbing the political
status of the country.

But the rapid railroad-building of subsequent years and
the enormous advertising of which the State was the sub-
ject brought thousands from all over the country, particu-
larly from the JSTorthern and I^orthwestern States, who
rushed in to take up the farm lands of Kansas. Thus there
was brought in a new population, which had to be assimi-
lated and socialized into conformity with existing condi-
tions. Two results followed this great immigration. The
first was that in the western portion of the State there were
hastily taken up lands which promised fair, but which from
the lack of sufficient moisture could not yield a living to
people through the ordinary process of raising com or
wheat. The failure of crop after crop on this semi-arid

296 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

land caused niin to many, forcing; them to abandon their
farms ; while in the minds of those who remained there was
developed a w-retched discontent.

The otlier result of this immigration was the fact that
during' this " boom " period of the 80's, money was readily
obtained, and farmers borrowed largely to develop the re-
sources of the country. Then the town movement, a pecu-
liar disease which aiffected most of the towns of the State
and made each one believe or pretend to believe that it was
to be a great city and a great center, caused investments
to expand enormously, and through the prospect of sudden
riches farms were mortgaged and towai lots bought, only
to be returned to corn-fields and pastures after the boom had
collapsed. Then the farmers found that they had over-
borrowed Eastern capital and had a long period of liquida-
tion before them. jSTo trouble could have arisen from this
borrowing money to develop the resources of Kansas, al-
though tliis excessive speculation was bad and could only
end in disaster for many of those who engaged in it. Ev-
erything would have gone well with Kansas at large, how-
ever, had the soil continued to produce enormously and
prices remained fair, but the sudden depression of prices
that spread over the United States, and indeed the whole
world, affected the Kansas farmer very seriously. And
the dull period which followed the collapse of the real-estate
boom, and the general panic which spread over the United
States, made it difficult for the farmer to raise enough
surplus to pay the interest on his mortgages, to say nothing
about the principal. Hence it was that the farmer found
himself struggling against enormous odds of debt with rap-
idly diminishing means of payment, until he saw the prod-

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 297

uct of his farm slipping; awav to the East, and finally the
farm itself by degrees, in the payment of interest.

The tendency of the average American to mix politics
with his business leads him to suppose that trade depres-
sions and business failures are largely caused by the po-
litical situation of the country, and there are always those
who are interested in gaining votes for themselves by point-
ing out to the people that it is the action of the Government
in certain directions that is responsible for their condition.
So under such conditions as now prevail, therefore, it
has become common in America to attack the party in
power, holding it responsible for those conditions, or to
attack the actions of the Government for bringing the peo-
ple into such conditions. "^Tiile the Government, and po-
litical parties as well, of course have something to do with
the business of the country, it is a peculiar sort of blind-
ness that comes over the people or failure to understand
economic conditions that causes them to so suddenly forget
or ignore all of the principles of business, the laws of sup-
ply and demand and of capital and interest, and attack the
Government, blaming it for the results of their own viola-
tion of economic and business principles. It is true that
the farmers had no money at this time, but this was largely
because they had nothing to sell, or because if they had
something to sell it was at such a low price as barely to pay
the cost of production. Either other and cheaper modes
of production must be foimd or higher prices must prevail,
or else farming would be a complete failure.

The scarcity of gold throughout the world and the fear
that there was not enough to go around, which sent nations
scrambling for it, and the cheapness of silver, which caused

298

LIFE OF CHAELES BOBINSON

them to discard it, caused prices in general to fall through-
out the world. But in addition to all this, the Western
farmer, as we have seen, had to contend with local condi-
tions even more poAverful, which left him practically with-
out an income and with a large debt to pay. What was tlie
remedy ? Did not the Government make money ? Why
then should it not make money for them to use in payment
of debts ^ And so there arose many other demands than
for the increase of the money in circulation. A remedy
advocated by many was the free coinage of silver, which
had been discontinued in 1873. Others held that this
would only be a makeshift, and that the only remedy would
be the issue by the Government of a large amount of paper
money. Governor Eobinson advocated the latter idea.
He favored the party tliat was lighting for free coinage of
silver and other remedial legislation, because it was the
party that favored giving the most money to the common
people ; but he really believed in the paper money as the
ultimate end to be reached.

The Grange movement, which was organized in 1866 and
spread with such rapidity over the United States in the
seventies, started out as a non-partisan movement, whose
purposes were to increase the social, moral and financial
well-being of the farmers, and had a great deal of influence
in the process of socialization ; but finally it was conceived
in the minds of some that this organization might be used
as a great political engine, and the farmers were persuaded
that their grievances could only be redressed at the polls
and in the legislature. Hence it was that, through the in-
fluence of the farmers, legislatures throughout the Western
States were elected with tJie express purpose of enacting

MRS S. T. D. ROBINSON, 1864.

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 299

special legislation in favor of the farming communities.
While the Grange accomplished a great deal in the social
and educational way, and while, by bringing the consumer
and manufacturer more closely together, it also succeeded
in reducing the enormously high prices for products man-
ufactured in the East and sold by agents throughout the
West, yet its political attempts largely ended in failure.
The legislation which it brought about proved rather detri-
mental to the progress of the Western States than advan-
tageous to them.

In the eighties the Farmers' Alliance was started, largely
on the same principles as the Grange had advocated. It
was, indeed, only a reecho of the old organization, which
had declined as prosperity had returned and the political
phases failed. The Farmers' Alliance sought to help the
farmer in every way possible, and at first, through agita-
tion and the arousing of public sentiment, to influence leg-
islation in their favor. Here again, as before, the politi-
cians seized the organization, and through it sought to re-
lieve the distressed condition of the farmer by specific
legislation. While good has been accomplished by the
agitation attendant upon the Alliance movement, nearly all
the legislation enacted through its efforts has been a partial
or total failure; and the Alliance stores, like those of the
Grange, went out of business. In this case, as in the other,
the people were led into error by designing demagogues
and politicians who were only seeking to satisfy their
thirst for power and spoils.

True to the governing principles of his life, ex-Go vemor
Kobinson sympathized with the new movement. He left
the Kopublican party in 1886 as his ideas grew more demo-

300 LIFE OF CHAJSLES KOBINSON

era tic and as lie saw, according to his judgment, that the
Republican party was not doing what it ought to for the
people. Possibly, too, his political life under the Repub-
lican regime had come to such a sudden end that there was
no prospect of working in harmony with that party. At any
rate, from the close of the war Governor Robinson had not
so warm a feeling for the Republican party as might have
been expected on the part of one so well versed regarding
the conditions of its origin, from both a theoretical and
practical standpoint. However, it was in accordance with
the independent spirit of the man, who rebelled at the re-
straint of a political regime.

He was elected on the Republican ticket to the State Sen-
ate in 1874, and again in 1876 to a second term. While the
Republican party at this time was almost the only politi-
cal power in the State, and though Governor Robinson, as
a member of the Senate, took a deep interest in all matters
which interested the State, he had but little to do with
the present organization. In 1886 he was induced to leave
that party and enter upon a political campaign as candidate
for Congress against E. H. Funston, but he failed of elec-
tion. In 1890 he was induced to run for Governor, sup-
ported by the Democrats, and the Populists and Green-
backers. He again failed to be elected; but in 1892 he
helped organize the fusion of the Democrats and Populists,
which ended in the election of the Populist Governor
Lewelling.

While Governor Robinson did not formally leave the
Republican party until 1886, he had followed the liberal
wing of the party after 1872, and had gradually become
more and more estranged from the old party \mtil his final

c^i^ /t:^^ -z, t>^^ -i^

^_ /^/^,.

EX-GOVERNOR CHARLES ROBINSON, 1872.

SUBSEQUENT ETENTS 301

separation from it in 1886. From that time on he Avas a
counselor to the leaders of the Democratic party, to which
he most closely adhered, and also to the leaders of the Popu-
list party.

In his campaign for Congress, and more especially for
Governor, he attacked the tariff policy of the United States.
He held that the tariff was being used as a tool to enhance
the power and increase the wealth of the rich ; that the
burdens of taxation were falling upon the poor by the
spread of monopolistic power ; and while he would not ob-
ject to a moderate revenue being raised by the tariff, he
believed that laborers were not being protected by it and
that the poor people were paying the taxes.

While Governor Eobinson was always active with pen
and voice in the political affairs that concerned the people,
his last public office in the State was that of Senator, in
1876, and his last public campaign was for Governor in
1890; although he held the position of Superintendent
at Haskell Institute, an appointment made by the Federal
Government.

Perhaps the most important act of Governor Eobinson
while in the State Senate was the introduction of a bill re-
lating to the common schools. Of the many bills intro-
duced by him that became laws, some of them in reference
to local matters in Douglas county and others having an
importance throughout the State, this one is of the most
importance. It is not surprising that the man who had so
much to do with the establishing of the first public and pri-
vate schools in the State, who by his courage and cool
judgment before and during the Civil War made it possi-
ble for the people of Kansas to have free schools, and who

302

l.ll'i!; OF CHAKLi:S KOKINSON

used his powerful influence in the advancement of higher
education in the State, should have prepared and secured
the passage of a hiw for the regulation of these schools.
This law purported to include all the Kansas school laws
in existence at that time, together with such changes as were
desirable. It therefore served to briug together all the
law on the subject, as well as to enact new law. It is upon
this act tliat much of our present school law is based, al-
though many changes have been made as occasion has re-
quired. The law covers all of the following subjects:
State and county superintendents, — duties and salaries;
school districts, — when, how and by whom organized; dis-
trict officers, — duties, how and when elected; schools, —
branches taught, length of term, who are pupils ; teachers'
institutes, — how, when and where held; certificates, —
three grades, given by whom; graded schools; libraries;
schools in cities of first and second class, — board of educa-
tion, powers, officers, duties, levying tax, issuance of bonds ;
cities of third class, — defined, how governed ; district
bonds, — how issued, for what purpose, how paid ; school
lands, — when sold, how sold, and price ; school funds.
The law was comprehensive, and sufficiently complete to
fully organize the public-school system of the State.

The Quantrell massacre, which occurred on August 21st,
1863, was the most atrocious affair that has happened in
the whole history of Kansas. The enmity which existed
along the border on the part of a certain class of reck-
less people of Missouri, against Kansas, and especially
against Lawrence, never died out, and with its continuance
was the ever-present desire for revenge. The justice-loving

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS

503

people of Missouri and Kansas, as well as those of the whole
world, were startled at its horrible cruelty. But the raiders
knew, and the people of Lawrence knew, that it was not
an accident of the Civil War. Not that there is a valid
excuse in Christendom for such a raid and massacre ; but
it was caused by desii^ing ruffians who had long nursed
their hatred and cultivated their desire for revenge.

x\t the time of the raid Governor Robinson was living
at the liead of Massachusetts street. On that morning he
left his home to go to the stone bam which stood near
what was afterward the home of the late B. W. Wood-
ward. He had proceeded as far south as Quincy street,
when rapid firing was heard to the east of him. People
came running and said, "The bushwhackers have come ; run
for your life ! " He proceeded to the stone barn, which
sheltered him for a time, but, seeing buildings burning
near him, and supposing that the barn would soon share
the same fate, he moved out to the top of the hill. Here
he saw two men shoot Mr. Martin and then ride away
toward the eastern part of town, where the whole band of
guerrillas were forming on the high ground near where
now stands the Friends' meeting-house. As he returned
to the main street again, a scene of indescribable horror
met his gaze. The town was burned and sacked, and hon-
ored citizens lay dead or dying in every direction. With-
out any opportunity for defense, citizens were murdered
on sight, their homes plundered and burned. There can
be no estimate placed upon the atrocious work of those brief
three hours, except to say that it was worse than the deeds
of savages, and that it could not have been done except
through a spirit of revenge. It was the result of years

304 LIFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON

of raidirii,' :m<] invasion by un-military bands of men who
committed nn-military deeds. Without doubt remote
causes conld be detected prior to 1861, but the immediate
occasion Avas the raiding in Missouri of " Jayhawkers."

On Sunday, August 21st, 1892, the anniversary of the
Quantrell Raid, after the publication of '' The Kansas Con-
flict," Governor Robinson gave an address at the services
held in Central Park in commemoration of the most atro-
cious massacre on record in modern times and among civil-
ized people. In this address Governor Robinson gave his
personal recollections of the event, and then proceeded to
show that the Quantrell raid was but a sequel to other
events ; that it was nothing more than an attempt to retali-
ate for the terrorism practiced by desperadoes on the border
hailing from Kansas. Governor Robinson received severe
criticism for his bold assertions respecting the Quantrell
raid, and, true to the habit of his life, he took up the pen
in vindication of his position, and, ao usual, referred his
readers to what he actually knew existed in the years of
1861 to 1863.

While Governor Robinson contributed frequently to the
papers concerning the historical, political and social affairs
of the State and nation, his greatest work was " The Kan-
sas Conflict." He spent much time and labor in collecting
material, and wrote with much care. When the book was
finally published it received many interesting reviews and
much favorable comment by the press. There was also con-
siderable sharp criticism of the book, because it was written,
so his critics said, from a partisan standpoint, and was con-
troversy ratJier than history. In reality, " The Kansas

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS

305

Conflict " is not a complete history of early Kansas, but a
complete and authoritative account of particular phases
of it It presents the principal issues in the struggle for
freedom in Kansas, and substantiates the position of the
writer by numerous quotations from authorities. The
book is well written, argumentative^ and strong. It will
always prove a monument of history to those studying the
Kansas conflict. There are comparatively few really good
bocks on Kansas history. Among these should be men-
tioned those already referred to : '' Kansas ; its Interior
and Exterior Life," by Mrs. Kobinson ; "' Kansas," by Mr.
Spring ; Connelley's " Territorial Governors " ; Wilder's
''Annals," a compendium of facts and dates ; Dr. Cordley's
" History of Lawrence " ; and the one under discussion,
'' The Kansas Conflict." It ?s not intended to ignore the
many excellent things in a number of other books, but these
represent the best accounts, and all combined give a fair
representation of neaily all of importance that happened
in the early history of the State.

" The Kansas Conflict " produced a profound impression
wherever it went, among friends and foes. Senator John J.
Ingalls thought it a remarkable book, and said so. Favor-
able comments were made by many others, who were non-
partisans in Kansas history. One prominent man declared
that he would not read the book, as he was on the other side,
— in reality a severe criticism upon the man himself, who
thus assumed that there was nothing to be learned from his
opponents; and, at the same time, a slur upon the book,
as if it were a partisan production.

Perhaps it may be well to state that the book is an argu-
ment of a case in which the plaintiff is the Free-State cause

—20

306

HFK 01' CltAKLKS KOBliVbOJS

and the defeiiJant is the Proslavery party; and in the ar-
raignment, little opportunity is given for the defense, as the
overwhelming evidence for the plaintiff is final, Nor is the
author slow to vindicate his course in the Kansas struggle,
nor to defend himself against the attacks of his enemies.
This is carried so far as to throw the book out of historical
proportion, and leave many events of the history of the
times untouched or meagerly represented. But the author
carried out his purpose, which was not to write a complete
history of Kansas, but to set right popular belief concern-
ing the great steps in the conflict between slavery and free-
dom in Kansas. The book is a truthful representation of
this phase of history, although there is much to be said in
addition if the entire history of the times is presented.
The first part of the book readily passes for plain narration,
but the author goes from this to pure argumentation, sub-
stantiated by historical facts. The book stands as Robin-
son's view of the conflict, and the story is told so well that
whatever criticism a reader may have to make, he must ad-
mit the main thesis, that non-resistance to Federal author-
ity and a free ballot with an honest count were the two great
causes of the salvation of Kansas, — causes whose reality
every one who studies Kansas history properly will be
obliged to admit, — causes that will not be overshadowed
by military " bluffing," deeds of crime, nor personal ambi-
tions.

It is a vigorous book, a lasting book, characterized by
pungent writing, in which the author attempts to set forth,
by arg-ument and proof, the real character of this struggle.
In it he gives a graphic picture of the early abolition days,
of his struggle in California, and the details of the strug-

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 307

2,-le in Kansas. In every instance where iie reviews the
services of Brown and Lane in this book, he does not ask
the pnblic to relj entirely on his judgment in the case, but
quotes freely, from the beginning to the end of the work,
newspapers, documents and speeches to prove his view of
the matter in question. Perhaps no other book has brought
so clearly before the people the real issue in the Kansas
struggle and the actual progress of that struggle. And
perhaps of all the writings of the Governor, this work rep-
resents more clearly his views upon the chief matters that
concerned his life than all others of his work combined,
whether writings, speeches, or addresses.

Yet there is something lacking in the book ; for the pub-
lic would like to know more concerning his personal life
and character. J^ot being a biography, it could not give the
personal details of his life in many respects. Neverthe-
less, being a history of which he was an important part, it
could not fail to represent him in the greatest part of his
life-work.

The controversy over the temperance question and the
prohibitory law called forth the argumentative powers of
Governor Robinson. While he was always a strong advo-
cate of temperance, he opposed the prohibitory law be-
cause he thought it an impractical method of dealing with
the question. It also appeared to him to be an infringe-
ment upon the personal liberty of citizens to such an ex-
tent that it would not only defeat its own purpose, but
would lead to other evils and create a disregard for law.
He expressed himself freely in the defense of his position
in a series of articles covering the entire operation of the
law. The articles are strong, and vehement almost to vin-

308

LIFE OF CIIAKLES ROBINSON

dictiveness in the denunciations of the shams of pretended
enforcement and the methods taken for the evasion of the
law. Wliile Governor Robinson was honest in his views,
and thought and wrote from conviction, he is less happy in
the position taken here than in many other controversies
that engaged his attention, (See Chapter XII.)

Robinson had a wide sympathy with the laboring people
who were struggling for higher wages. Had he been a
selfish man, he would have looked after the interests of tlie
farming population alone, but he was interested in all move-
ments which had for their object, justice to humanity. He
had become preeminently a people's man, opposed to all
invasions of the people's rights, real or imaginary. When
the Pullman strike occurred, followed by the railway strike,
during the leadership of the American Railway Union, he
at once took sides with the strikers against the latter in
a vigorous article entitled " Corporate Power." He ad-
vocated restrictions of corporations to prevent robbery.
In this article he states that "Another cause of discontent
is the robbery of the people by the corporation laws. These
laws have filled the land with thieves and robbers who are
more merciless in their exactions than was ever feudal lord
of his vassal." He held that if highway robbery were
stopped and exact justice meted out to all classes, there
would be no cause for strikes. He declared that the alter-
native to this was to deprive the people of education and
reduce them to abject slavery. He said the government
must make the choice between these two methods, but if it
hesitated too long the people would take the matter in their
own hands and attempt to redress their grievances by force.

Governor Robinson was interested in the history of Kan-

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 309

sas, and was ever on the alert for its truthful representation.
It is quite natural that one who had had so much to do with
making history should have had an interest in its records.
He was a member and director of the Kansas Historical So-
ciety from 1878 to the time of his death, and served one
term as its president. He was instrumental in contribut-
ing to its records in various ways. Others were more ac-
tively engaged in its foundation and supjwrt than himself,
but none felt more deeply its importance to the State.

Governor Robinson was elected a member of the Loyal
Legion, a military order, having the headquarters of the
eommandery of the State of Kansas at Leavenworth, The
order was composed of those statesmen and soldiers who had
rendered distinguished services to the cause of the Union in
the Civil War. Many of the most distinguished army of-
ficers and statesmen, including nearly all of the war govern-
ors, were members of the Loyal Legion.

While at Oakridge, Governor Robinson took much inter-
est in the affairs of the rural community in which he lived,
and especially in the young people of the neighborhood.
He took part in the frequent entertainments in the school-
house near his home, and superintended the Sunday-school
each Sunday afternoon. His kindly interest in the young
people of the neighborhood is shown by the fact that he had
been known to come from Topeka, during his term as State
Senator, to attend the gathering at the school-house, return-
ing to Topeka on the night train in order to be on hand the
next day for senatorial duty. He was a member of the
local grange, and was interested in the farmers' meetings.
He was also a member of the Good Templars, an order that
held frequent meetings at the Robinson school-house.

310 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

Lat-er, in the great Fanners' Alliance movement, he at-
tended the meetings of farmers, and when the Alliance went
into politics with the Populist movement his sympathies
were with them.

Dr. Robinson was in nature and spirit an abolitionist,
nor was he afraid at any time to announce his views, and,
so far as history records, he never compromised with the
slavery element at any time. Nevertheless, he was in-
clined to peace if possible, and was always generous towards
his enemies. In December, 1863, he received a letter from
Leavenworth asking him to address a public meeting in
that town, upon " The expediency of extending the elective
franchise to the colored population of the State." The in-
vitation also asked him to present his views by letter in case
he eould not come in person. In reply to this invitation,
he says :

"Having received my education and early convictions of political
rights in the heart of Massachusetts, where suffrage knows no dis-
tinction of color or race, I can see but one side to the proposition
in question.

" The white and colored people have a common origin, are endowed
alike with intellect, with moral and religious natures, and have a
common destiny. If this proposition is correct, it follows from ne-
cessity that both alike are entitled to equal civil, political, moral and
religious rights, according to the principles laid down in the Declara-
tion of Independence by our ancestors and according to the unmis-
takable laws of God himself, who is no respecter of persons. No
valid argument can be produced against the right of suffrage for the
colored man. Prejudice has suggested various objections, such as
ignorance, vice, etc. But if the -Japanese or Hindoos, who know noth-
ing of our language, customs or institutions, can become sufficiently
enlightened in five years to vote, surely the native colored man, after
a pupilage of twenty-one years, ought not to be excluded on account
of ignorance.

MRS. S. T. D. ROBmSON, U

SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 311

" As a peaceable, law-abiding people, aeeording to my observa-
tioD. they compare favorably with the white race.

" Will the people of Kansas extend the right of suffrage to the
colored man? I think they will. A majority of the people of this
State are in favor of equal rights to all, as our history demonstrates.
At the first constitutional convention, held in Topeka, the politicians
believed it would be unpopular to leave out of the constitution the
word ' white.' Accordingly, bvit a few voted against its insertion.
Those few are counted out of the Free-State party, and stigmatized
as abolitionists by the political weathercocks. The convention to
nominate State officers, however, put in nomination, these same
abolitionists. Not satisfied that this was the voice of the people, a
ticket was put in the field called the Anti-Abolition ticket. This
failing by a large vote, the weathercocks veered suddenly to the
north, where they have remained ever since. The word ' white ' was
inserted in subsequent constitutions, more to conciliate favor at
Washington than to conform to the wishes of the people of the State.
As there is no longer any good reason for retaining the word in our
Constitution, and as the antislavery men, who were such from educa-
tion and conviction, are in the majority and will favor striking it
out, and as all the political adventurers and demagogues have be-
come for the sake of position more radically anti-slavery than
Garrison himself, in profession at least, there will be no difficulty in
procuring a two-thirds vote in the Legislature and a majority of the
j>eople in favor of negro suffrage."

However much men may differ witli Governor Robin-
son in polities, religion, and public policy, no one who will
examine his career can help admiring him as a citizen and
a patriot. Industrious in managing his own affairs, he
still had time for public service when called to it, and after
it was over he went back to the plow more cheerfully than
he entered public life. If his defeat for Governor of the
State in 1890, or his earlier defeat for Congress, caused
him great disappointment, no one knew it. He would
rather have been defeated on the Democratic ticket than
have been elected on the Republican, Wcause he believed

312

LIFE OF CHARLES EOBIPTSOIf

that the latter was not faithful to its trust. He thought
in each case that if elected he could serve his country well.
If not elected, it was well. He was not in the ordinary
sense an office-seeker, but, like a true patriot of the old
school, he was ready to respond to his country's need, and
suffer and even die if need be, for his principles, as the his-
tory of his life shows.

CONTBOVEKSIES

313

CHAPTER X.

COSrTEOVEESIES.

The life of Robinson would not be complete without
an exposition of tlie various controversies about Kansas his-
tory that engaged his attention during the latter years of his
life. However, in referring to these the writer makes no
attempt to settle them, but merely wishes to point out the
attitude which Robinson assumed in the chief controver-
sies concerning early Kansas history. To do this satisfac-
torily it will be necessary to refer briefly to the causes of
some of these controversies, whose chief points turn on the
policies and actions of Brown and Lane in Kansas.

In the early period of Kansas history there were Lane
and anti-Lane people down to the time of Lane's death in
1866. There was also a variety of opinions concerning
the deeds and services of John Brown in Kansas. Wliat-
ever value his services were to the cause of freedom in
Kansas, he took a different view of the struggle from a
large majority of the Free-State men. Lane also repre-
sented a radical element of the Free-State party. After
the early struggle had passed and the Free-State cause had
won, various writers took up the history of the conflict from
different points of view and from somewhat partisan stand-
points, which brought about many conflicting opinions and
led to many controversies.

While the differences of opinion always existed, the real
beginning of the controversy was made prominent by the
testimony of Gov. Robinson before the select committej? of

314

LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

the Senate, appointed to inquire into the invasion and seiz-
ure of pnblic property at Harper's Ferry. This committee
carried on its investigations early in the year of 1860.
Robinson was summoned as a witness, sworn and examined
on February 10th of that year. In this examination Rob-
inson was called to testify respecting the purpose of Brown.
He pointed out that Brown had tokl him that he had not
come to Kansas for the purjjose of settling at all: ''He
would never have come there had it not been for the diffi-
culties, and had he not expected those difficulties would
result in a general disturbance in the country ; and that was
what he desired. He desired to see slavery abolished, and
he hoped that the two sections would get into a conflict
which would result in abolishing slavery." As the exam-
ination proceeded Robinson stated further : " I cannot re-
call his language again ; but I understood him that he ex-
pected the difficulties there would result in a collision be-
tween the North and the South ; I understood him to be
in favor of encouraging or fanning the disturbances there
until that would result. I understood that he thought that
vvas an opportunity to get at slavery in the country and
abolish it; and he came there for that purpose, and not
simply to operate in Kansas, and for Kansas alone. That
is where he and I differed, and we could not agree."

This testimony placed Brown outside of the general
policy of the Free-State people in Kansas. In answer to
the question as to whether others sympathized with Brown
or united with him in this policy, Robinson replied in the
affirmative. Pressed for a more definite answer, Robinson
named James Redpath as one who favored and abetted
Brown in his attempt to get up an insurrection.-^ Further

' Report of Senate ConsmSttee, No. 278, Thirty-Pixth Congress, p. 1.

CONTEOVEKSIES

316

on in the testimony Robinson stated that " There was a
movement got np there at one time to massacre all the pro-
slavery men in the Territory." He proceeded to explain
that this attempt failed. Further investigation developed
the fact that Redpath had been a bitter denunciator of
Robinson and of all his followers until he had a falling-out
with General Lane; then Redpath made a confidant of
Robinson, telling him of Lane's plans. In this interview
Redpath told Robinson that, as a statesman, Robinson
could not have done differently, but that " they had differ-
ent objects in view."

This testimony enraged Redpath, excited the Lane men,
and disturbed many of Robinson's followers, who feared
that he had exposed the Free-State cause to criticism.
This testimony called out a bitter attack from Redpath
and criticism from other sources, and Robinson took up
the pen in his own defense and w^as able to show that he
stated the truth as he was sworn to do. But the real con-
troversy about Brown did not occur until after the state-
ment of James Townsley, one of the men who accompanied
Brown in the Pottawatomie massacre, which appeared in
the Lawrence Journal, December 10th, 1879. It was a
firebrand in the camp of Brown's followers and admirers.
Townsley gave a detailed description of the massacre,
which, as Sanborn said, w^as in the main correct. It caused
people to shudder at the horrors of the affair.

A fierce controversy arose in the following years con-
cerning the policy and services of Brown in Kansas. Rev.
David Utter's article on Brown, appearing in the North
American Review, in November, 1883, aroused a storm of
criticism. Utter used vigorous language, calling Brown a

316

LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON"

" murderer and midnight assassin." Whereupon Sanborn,
John Brown, jr., Hinton and others took up the defense
of Brown. Utter was aided in his own defense by many
of his friends, who were glad to see the excessive laudation
of Bro^\Ti checked. Kobinson was drawn into the contro-
versy, in which he uses vigorous language against those
who intentionally or inadvertently perverted history.
Finally, induced by a statement in the Springfield (Mass.)
Republican, by F. B. Sanborn, respecting the Pottawatomie
massacre, in which Sanborn, referring to Brown's services
ill Kansas, asserts " The hour and the man had come,"
Robinson in 1884 commenced a series of articles in the
Kansas Herald, on " The Man and the Hour," in which
he gives an exposition of early Kansas history, and indi-
cates the part Brown took in the struggle.

In beginning this series of letters, Governor Robinson
said:

" My object is not to disparage anyone, but to give my views of
the events at this period, with causes and effects as seen from my
standpoint. I do not propose to influence public sentiment of to-day,
but to put on record facts to be considered by the writers of history
fifty years hence. I am more and more convinced that no history
of Kansas worthy of tlie name can be written before that time, for
not until then will hero-worship die out and the heroes find their
proper level."

Governor Robinson throughout this entire series of let-
ters, though severely critical, was eminently fair in stating
the truth from the standpoint of his experience. He
thought that the facts were not always given, and conse-
quently history was distorted. While he seemed anxious
that a correct understanding of the early struggles of the
people of Kansas should be handed down to posterity, and

CONTKOVEESIES

317

wrote for that purpose, lie was especially indignant at the
attempt of certain writers to show that Brown was the
chief factor in the battle for freedom in Kansas. The
claims that were made, that the blows struck by Brown in
his guerrilla warfare saved Kansas to Freedom did in-
justice to himself and other leaders of the Free-State cause,
and he very properly resented them with a very vigorous
pen.

It was further maintained by some of the champions of
Brown, that victory was won by the savage retaliatory
measures, and that the people were protected by the deeds
of Brown and his followers. Robinson held in the contro-
versy that these vigorous measures rather increased than
diminished the difficulties. However the final judgment
of histery may determine the value of the guerrilla warfare,
the facts of history show conclusively that there was a
reign of terror from the Pottawatomie massacre in May,
1856, to the coming of Geary in the following September.
Robinson was at Leavenworth at the time of the news of
the deed at Pottawatomie, and it caused great excitement
there, and was one of the causes wdiich led to the attempt
to hang him.

It would be but just to say, however, that the deeds
of Brown were not the sole causes of the predatory warfare.
Admitting that he inaugurated the fierce war of retaliation
which taught the Proslavery people that Free-State men
could shoot as well as talk, and fight to the death if need
be, in the defense of their cause ; recognizing that instead
of checking the depredations of lawless bands, he had a
tendency to increase them ; and that a leading historian
is correct in stating that " The news of the horrid affair

318

LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

spread rapidly over the Territory, carrying with it a thrill
of horror such as the people, used as they had become to
deeds of murder, had not felt before," ^ it certainly cannot
be claimed that Brown and his followers were the sole cause
of the state of anarchy that followed. We must keep in
mind the facts that Buford's and Titus's men had arrived
from the South with a view of contesting the Territory in
behalf of slavery, and to practice a savage warfare ; that
the people of Missouri had not yet given up the idea of ex-
terminating "Abolitionists" by physical force; that the
sack of Law^rence, in which the Free-State Hotel and
printing-presses were destroyed and Governor Robinson's
house burned, greatly incensed the Free-State men and
aroused their fighting qualities; that the arrest and im-
prisonment of Robinson and other leaders of the Free-State
cause increased the boldness of the invaders ; and, finally,
that the news of the attack on Sumner by Brooks in the
United States Senate, on account of the defense of Kansas
by the former, added fuel to the flames.

Certain it is, that the methods of the border ruffians
prevailed throughout the summer of 185G. Armed bands
from Missouri and the South burned homes and robbed
and murdered unoffending citizens, and this mode of war-
fare was met by the Free-State men, who, stung to resist-
ance through the long category of burning wrongs, finally
armed for defense. There were hot-headed and reckless
Free-State men. who were more than willing to meet with
armed resistance the cruel attacks of the ruffians of Mis-
souri. While the authorities of the South favored the Pro-
slavery movement in Kansas, there were many noble people

1 Andreas, p. 131.

CONTKOVEESIES 319

in Missouri wlio opposed the cruel guerrilla warfare.
However, in the summer of 1856 the worst elements of
ruffianism, urged on by such unprincipled men as Atchison
and String-fellow, came into Kansas and were met and held
in check with the utmost difficulty. All through the sum-
mer of 1856, settlers were terrorized by the presence of
armed bands of Missourians, and these were met by
reckless bands of Free-State men. Cabins were burned,
depredations committed, and people could travel nowhere
in safety. The troubles gradually grew worse, until the
strife culminated on the 14th of September by the arrival
of twenty-seven hundred Missourians before the city of
Lawrence. Had it not been for the timely arrival of Gov-
ernor Geary, Lawrence would have been destroyed and
possibly the Free-State cause permanently lost.

The real point at issue, however, between Robinson and
the admirers of Brown, was, that while the latter claimed
that the victory was won by retaliatory warfare, Robinson
claimed that it was due to the conservative element of the
Free-State party, who, through long suffering, avoided
open rupture with the Federal authorities. It is well
known that Brown advocated open resistance to the author-
ities, while Robinson opposed it. \Miile Robinson was de-
tained as a prisoner at Lecompton, Brown and also Lane
offered to rescue him. Robinson in each case refused to be
rescued, because it would bring the Free-State cause into
rebellion with the Federal authorities. It is the greatest
fact in the history of Kansas, that the conservative policy
won and that the final triumph Vv^as recorded in the protec-
tion of the Federal authorities and the victory at the ballot-
box. In all of this, "Governor Robinson stood as the repre-

320

LIFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON

t^entative of the cool, clear-lieaded, conservative settlers,
ready to die if necessary for Freedom, willing and able to
save the State at all hazards, bnt seeking the wisest method
of action in order to prevent bloodshed." In speaking of
this point, George W. Martin, Secretary of the Kansas
Historical Society, in his review of " The Kansas Con-
flict," says : " The Proslavery men were all Missourians,
non-residents and invaders, and the policy of their leaders
was to bring the Free-State men in conflict with the General
Government. The Free-State men w^ere further embar-
rassed by the efforts of John Brown to the same end. Brown
having acknowledged that his mission in Kansas was to
precipitate a conflict between the sections, as he subse-
qnently attempted at Harper's Ferry." ^

One other point of controversy which furnished the
ground of resistance of Robinson, was the attitude of writ-
ers concerning the Pottawatomie massacre. The deed was
so atrocious that the defenders of Brown for a number of
years denied his connection with it. Even Wendell Phil-
lips said that Brown w^as twenty miles from Pottawatomie
at the time ; Hintou claimed that Brown was thirty miles
away ; and Redpath also claimed that Brown was twenty-
five miles away. Another refuge of some of Brown's ad-
mirers was in the assertion that the savage deed was com-
mitted by Indians ; but, having been obliged finally to
admit that BrowTi was present, the next step was to assert
that he was in command but did not commit the crime.
However, Connelley, in his recent " Life of John Brown,"
takes the ground that he was present and in command ;
hence that he was guilty of the whole massacre even

1 Kansas City G.izette, 1892.

CONTEOVEBSLES 321

thougli he did not strike a blow. The final position of the
defenders of this deed is, that it was necessary to terrorize
the Proslavery men in order to cause a cessation of hostili-
ties, and to beat back the hordes of Missourians by force
of arms in order to save the Free- State cause. All of these
points, except the recent version of Connelley, Governor
Eobinson attacked with a vigorous pen, assuming that they
were all wrongly taken.

On the other hand, Robinson was accused of inconsist-
ency because it is alleged that he approved of the Potta-
watomie affair when it was committed, and subsequently
severely criticized the deed. In answer, Robinson denies
having ever approved Brown's work at this massacre, but
he did write him a letter dated at Lawrence, September
14th, 1856, commending his work at the battle of Osawato-
mie. This letter is now in the collection of the State His-
torical Society of Kansas.

When John Brown brought a letter from Amos A. Law-
rence, of Boston, to Charles Robinson, in which it was
stated that if Robinson thought Brown was to be trusted
he could give him arms and money, Robinson refused to
help Brown, because the latter showed by his utterances
that he was ready to fight the Federal Government and to
precipitate a revolution. That is, the policy of Brown
being in direct opposition to the policy of Robinson, the
latter was not in sympathy with him. But it appears that
in 1878 Robinson wrote to James Hanway as follows:
"I never had much doubt that Captain Brown was the
author of the blow at Pottawatomie, for the reason that he
was the only man that comprehended the situation and saw
the absolute necessity of some such blow and had the nerve

—21

322 LIFK OF CHARLES UOBINSON

to strike it," Again, in the summer of 1877, in a public
speech at Osawatomic, Robinson gave expression to simi-
lar sentiments; also in 1859-60, in a speech at Lawrence,
he is said to have uttered something similar. But, after
the testimony of Mr. Townsley appeared, Robinson changed
his attitude. From this time on he ceases to praise Brown
for the act and to excuse the savageness of the deed. In
two letters published in the Boston Transcript in 1884, he
explains his attitude, and why he changed his opinion. In
the Transcript of June 12th, he said:

" Until the testimony of Mr. Townsley appeared, many Free-State
men apologized for the massacre on the ground that the men killed
were worthy of death for their crimes. With these apologies I sym-
pathized, supposing what Redpath and others said was true. This
was the testimony on which the case chiefly rested till Townsley's
was given. Had Redpath's statements proved true as to the character
and conduct of the men killed, I should have continued to apologize
for the men who committed the deed, although it never could be
justified. But I have now become satisfied that Redpath's account is
all fiction, except the statement that the men were killed. I believe
these men had committed no crime, and had threatened to commit
none. Townsley's statement that Brown wanted him to go up the
creek five or six miles and point out the cabins of all the Proslavery
men, that they might make a clean sweep as they came down, shows
conclusively that he was ready to kill any Proslavery man, guilty or
not guilty, and hence shows that his purpose was to inaugurate war,
and not to make a free State."

In the same paper on August 15th he expressed himself

as follows :

" For Mr. Sanborn's information, I will say that I entertain no
malice toward his hero, having apologized for him probably a thou-
sand times, and never lifted a finger to oppose any honors to his
memory by the State or nation. While I believed the men butchered
were bad men, belligerents as described by Redpath and others, I
excused the killing as best I could, and contemplated writing out a

CONTKOVEESDES 323

statement to be filed with our Historical Society, setting forth the
outrages committed by these and similar men. But before I found
the time to write this statement I became satisfied from new and
conclusive evidence that these men were innocent of all crime or
threatened crime, and that their taking-off was not intended for the
protection of the Free-State men from their outrages and such as
theirs, but was intended by Brown as an act of offensive war. When
I became satisfied on these points, I abandoned the work and ceased
apologies for Brown."

While the whole Brown controversy engendered bitter
feelings on the part of some of those engaged in it, that
feeling is practically gone. ^Vhile there were many misun-
derstandings and misrepresentations concerning the facts
in the case, it is but just to say that those engaged in the
controversy really intended to give truthful representa-
tions of the case from their own standpoint. Many errors
were corrected and points of discrepancy removed by the
controversy. Every one now sees with a clearer vision the
full import of Brown's presence in Kansas, and under-
stands more thoroughly the reason for Robinson's attitude
toward him. Here, as elsewhere, Eobinson is honest in his
convictions, and acted conscientiously in his changing
views of the situation, evidently brought about by more
light upon the subject, and possibly, too, by the admirers
of Brown who persistently held to what Robinson deemed
false positions.

At any rate, it must be remembered that Brown had no
intention of becoming a citizen of Kansas, but that he came
to Kansas incidentally to help his sons fight their battles,
and, purposely, to use Kansas as a lever to move the walls
of slavery. One only need follow his course to be con-
vinced of his object. He was at Lawrence during the
Wakarusa War, which occurred in the autumn of 1855.

324: LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

He held full command at the Pottawatomie massacre in
May, 1856. He was with the expedition which captured
Fort Saunders and at the attack at Fort Titus, — two of
the Proslavery strongholds. He assisted in the capture of
Captain Pate near Black Jack, and rendered other assist-
ance at Osawatomie. He was also with the expedition
that went to Lecompton, and had a small force near Topeka,
July 4th, 1856, when Col. Sumner dispersed the Pree-
State Legislature. He was at Lawrence at the threatened
attack in Septemher, 1856, but soon after left Kansas, and
did not return until ISTovemher, 1857. In September, 1857,
he was in Tabor, Iowa, with arms and ammunition which
Lane and Whitman were urging him to bring forward with
all possible speed, but this he could not do for lack of funds.
He was in the Territory only a few days in 1857, but re-
turned again in January, 1858. In December of this year
Brown made a raid into Missouri, destroying property and
liberating slaves. It appears that there were two divisions
of the men in this raid. Brown commanding one. The di-
vision which he did not command, shot and killed a slave-
owner.

George A. Crawford saw Brown after this raid, and re-
monstrated with him for such conduct. Crawford told
him that Kansas was at peace with Missouri, and that
Free-State men composed the Legislature and were making
the laws. He pointed out to Brown that even in the dis-
turbed counties of Linn and Bourbon the Free-State men
were in the majority and had elected the officers, and that
without peace no immigration would come from the l^ortli
or the South. Soon after his Missouri raid, on December
20th, 1858, Brown left Kansas, dropped from view for a

CONTKOVEESIES

325

short time, and then made his attack on Harper's Ferry.
While Brown was absent from Kansas in the intervals of
1856-57-58, he was procuring arms and ammunition and
maturing plans for his subsequent raid on Harper's Ferrj.

'No writer would attempt to detract from the mysterious
power of John Brown, nor take from him his legitimate
place in American history. He was bold, courageous, and
even fearless in his attacks upon slavery, and he demon-
strated that he would fight and die for what he believed
to be right. Without doubt he hastened the final struggle
between the ISTorth and the South, and by his Harper's
Ferry attack became a national character. But the real
points at issue are the extent of his services to the Free-
State cause, and his real position in Kansas history. Some
have held that his presence in the Territory was of vital
importance to the Free-State movement, and that he was
the real spirit of the Kansas struggle. Others have held
that he was a detriment to the cause of freedom in Kansas,
because his policy was directly opposite to the policy of
the conservative element which finally won. A third group
of writers are willing to concede a real service to Kansas,
but hold that Brown's movements were of minor importance
to the chief events which made Kansas a free State, and
that his actions had a tendency to make war rather than to
establish peace.

The Free-State men were often in a quandary whether
to take the field in open war or to follow a policy of non-
resistance. In the summer of 1856, with the conservative
leaders in prison or out of the Territory, and Lane and
Brown left at large, both of whom believed in a policy of
war, the battles of this season were inevitable. But, even

326

LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

throughout the summer, the point that saved Kansas was
the avoidance of open contact with the Federal authority.
Had either the Lane or Brown policy been followed, an
open rebellion would have occurred, which, although it
might have plunged the nation into civil war, could not
have established a free State in Kansas unless following
the general results of a national strife.

The attitude of the friends of James H. Lane in showinar
his great service to the State, and the injustice which Eob-
inson had suffered at the hands of Lane while the latter was
United States Senator, made Robinson ever ready to take
up his pen and wield it unmercifully against all attempts
to make Lane the hero of Kansas. It is well known that
Lane frequently advised open war. He held that the in-
vasion from Missouri creating the "bogus Legislature"
and the Constitutional Convention, was, to use his own
words, " an act of war, actual war." Hence he advised
the destruction of the convention by force of arms. Rob-
inson took occasion to show up Lane's military filibustering
and political inconsistencies. In his Kansas Conflict "he
makes of Lane a braggadocio, disturber, and a trimmer."
Yet he recognized Lane's services in the Wakarusa War.
Subsequently, Lane's vaulting ambitions and wild schemes
caused much uneasiness to Robinson and other conservative
Pree- State men.

Joel K. Goodin, as secretary of several conventions and
of the Free-State Executive Committee, had much to do
with the shaping of affairs in Kansas, and he well knew
the movements from the beginning. Under date of I^ovem-
ber 30th, 1881, he writes: "We in the country had to
undergo many severe privations in running after Lane's

CONTEOVERSIES

327

orders, messages and commands as self-imposed military
dictator. . . . Eor years I could not agree with him,
and was constantly in his way in the Executive Committee,
thwarting his ridiculously impracticable, reckless and ex-
travagant, and sometimes atrocious plans and suggestions."
In his speeches and writings, and especially in " The Kan-
sas Conflict," Robinson took occasion to point out what
would have been the evil consequences from following
Lane's erratic course. One can discover the undercurrent
of bitterness mingled with grim humor in all of Robinson's
criticism of Lane. Being without fear himself, and be-
lieving Lane to be cowardly, he appeared to take delight
in showing up Lane's frailties. Mindful, too, of Lane's
political intrigiies toward him, Robinson was unmerciful in
his attacks upon these. He not only showed that Lane
was not the man who saved Kansas, but that Lane detracted
somcAvhat from the real Free-State cause.

After the intense and heated discussions which appeared
early in the eighties, the historical horizon was cleared of
controversy for a time, but a later renaissance of Lane and
Brown since Robinson's death has brought the whole sub-
ject once more to public view. One of the latest criticisms
of Robinson was given by Col. T. W. Higginson, in the
Atlantic Monthly for May, 1897, under title of " Cheerful
Yesterdays." He says :

" I formed a very unfavorable impression of Governor Geary and
a favorable one of Governor Robinson, and lived to modify both opin-
ions. The former, though oscillating in Kansas, did himself great
credit afterwards in the Civil War; while the latter did himself very
little credit in Kansas politics, whose bitter hostilities and narrow
vindictiveness he was the first to foster. Jealousy of the influence
of Brown, Lane and Montgomery led him in later years to be chiefly

328

LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON

responsible for that curious myth concerning the Kansas conflict
which has taken possession of many minds, and completely per-
verted the history of the State written by Professor Spring, — a
theory to the effect that there existed from the beginning, among
the Free-State people, two well-defined parties, — the one wishing to
carry its ends by war, the other by peace; as a matter of fact, there
was no such division."

It is fortunate that Col. Higginson used the word '*■ im-
pression" in the heading of this paragraph, as it would
scarcely do for serious history. As the record of Geary in
Kansas, as well as in California, in the Civil War, and
in Pennsylvania, is marked by direct and straightforward
conduct. Col. Higginson could not have been a very keen
observer in regard to Geary's service when he speaks of
his " oscillating in Kansas." As to his favorable impres-
sions of Governor Robinson, he had an opportunity to
judge of the character of the man, as he met him soon after
Robinson was released from the prison at Lecompton, and
he saw him subsequently in Boston and ISTew York. It
is not surprising that Col. Higginson formed a favorable
opinion of Robinson at that time, for he was loved and
respected by all who knew him, except his enemies, and
even they had a wholesome respect for his manly course.
It is evidently the John Brown controversy that caused
Col. Higginson to change his impression. Robinson must
have been too severe in his attack on Higginson's idol. It is
certainly not historical to assert that Robinson was the first
to foster " bitter hostilities and narrow vindictiveness."

But there are other impressions of Mr. Higginson which
seem to be erroneous. In 1879, soon after the Quarter-
Centennial Celebration of Kansas, he said in a letter to the
Boston Transcript that the crisis in the struggle between

CONTKOVEKSIBS

329

freedom and slavery for the possession of Kansas occurred
in 1856, and tliat freedom owed its success to the leadership
of Lane, Brown, and Montgomery. It is true that the mil-
itary crisis did occur on the 14th of September, 1856,
when twenty-seven hundred Proslavery men approached
Lawrence for the purpose of destroying it ; and the appear-
ance of Geary with Federal troops saved the cause. Lane
left the country on the 11th of September, going North and
East, and not returning to Kansas until the spring of 1857.
Montgomery did not figure in the Kansas conflict until
after this, and his principal work was done long after Col.
Higginson said the crisis was reached. In any event, there
was no occasion for Governor Robinson to be jealous of
him. Montgomery and Brown both continued fighting
until after the conservative policy of the Free-State men
had won the victory, and the Free-State men were obliged
to beg them to desist. Further. CoL Higginson holds Rob-
inson responsible for the "curious myth concerning the
Kansas conflict," that there were two well-defined parties,
" the one wishing to carry its ends by war, and the other by
peace." Every one conversant with Kansas history knows
that there were two distinct policies urged by the radical
and conservative elements, respectively, of the Free-State
party in Kansas ; and this is all that Governor Robinson
ever maintained. There were different groups adhering
more or less determinedly to each policy. Let any person
follow the history of conventions, the actions of the Free-
State men, the desires of some to make war on the Federal
Government and to precipitate a rebellion, and the attempts
of the conservative party to prevent it, and he will be easily
convinced of the facts in the case.

330

LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

The history of Kansas by Professor Spring is not a myth,
nor does it deal in myths. There are some errors in it,
mainly of point-of-view and proportion, hut the writer was
a careful scholar, Avho searched the records far and near
for material, and endeavored to give an accurate account of
affairs without fear or favor. Governor Robinson had
nothing to do with its creation, except as he was a maker
of history. " The Kansas Conflict," written by Governor
Robinson, is not a myth any more than a modem battle-
ship, bristling with guns and opening on the enemy, is a
myth. It is wonderfully backed by the bulwarks of truth
and historical fact. It may be a bit partisan in spij'it, for
it does not pretend to be a complete history of Kansas, but
to deal with special phases of the conflict from Robinson's
point of view. It must be admitted by all, that the book
is sufficiently pungent and critical toward those who mis-
represent or seek to distort history. The course of Lane
in Congress, the revelations of Brown's course in Kansas,
and the persistent course of certain writers who seemed to
have obtained wrong impressions, were sufficient to arouse
the antagonism of the War Governor of Kansas, who hated
shams and grieved at the distortion of the truth.

In 1884, thirty years after the struggle began and suffi-
cient time having elapsed for the truth to become fixed, be-
fore the publication of Spring's " Kansas " and before the
publication of " The Kansas Conflict," Governor F. P.
Stanton, who was well acquainted with Kansas affairs,
stated at the Old Settlers' Meeting at Bismarck Grove, as
follows :

" I was not in the counsels of the Free-State party, and knew their
designs only through their public aTowals. It is well understood, I

CONTROVEESIES ^^^

believe, that they were divided in opinion. One party in the conven-
tion, under the lead of J. H. Lane, was in favor of extreme and vio-
lent measures, and proposed to put the Topeka Government into im-
mediate operation; the other was understood to be headed by Gover-
nor Charles Robinson, and to advise a more moderate line of policy,
being so far willing to confide in our pledges as to try their strength
at the polls in the October election. There was a bitter contest be-
tween the two sections of the Free-State party, and according to our
information there was imminent danger that the Lane party would
prevail.

"But at any rate, the counsels of the moderate men prevailed.
The extremists Avere withheld from the execution of their dangerous
designs, and the masses of the Free-State party were induced to
participate in the October elections, and thus get control of the
Territorial Government instead of embarking in a rebellion against
the United States.

" You placed Mr. Buchanan and his administration and all these
Democrats who supported him in the wrong, and thus placing them in
the wrong before the eyes of the whole world, you were ena"bled to
defeat them and break them up."

After a careful review of the whole controversy, a fair
estimate of the situation would seem to be as follows:
Brown sought the liberation of the slaves, and endeavored
to use the Kansas trouble as a means of forwarding his
plan of bringing about a conflict between the IN'orth and
the South. Incidentally, he performed certain services in
the struggle for freedom in Kansas, which must always be
acknowledged. His policies were not adopted by the Free-
State party. Lane's political ambition was the ruling pas-
sion of life. In his attempt to satisfy it he also performed
services in the struggle for freedom. His plans were fre-
quently thwarted by the Free-State people. Kobinson was
the original leader of the conservative group of Free-State
people who wished to build up a free commonwealth by
settlement and development of industries, voting, and non-

332

LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

resistance to Federal authority. The policy of tlie con-
servative element won, but this fact must not ignore the
political services of Lane nor the independent warfare of
Brown. While they differed in policy and plan from the
conservative element of the party, still, at times, they
strengthened the cause of freedom by enthusiasm or cour-
age, and taught the Free-State people, by warlike methods,
to resist invasion. But, in acknowledging the services of
Brown and Lane, it must be maintained that it was the con-
straint placed upon them by the conservative element
which made their services valuable. The life of John
Brown has been a favorite theme of his admirers, and has
never failed to awaken an interest among the American
people; but there is no American character about which
there is such a diversity of opinion. By some he has been
placed alongside of Jesus Christ, by others he has been por-
trayed as a murderer, a liar, and a thief. Owing to the en-
thusiasm of sentiment, his historical position has never
been permanently established. It is safe to say that it
will be found between the extreme views of his enthusiastic
admirers and his detractors.

However, progress is being made in historical judgment.
In 1860 there was published " The Life of John Brown,"
by Eedpath, which aroused considerable controversy. In
1880 came the " Reminiscences of Old John Brown," by
G. W. Brown, M. D., a scathing criticism on his life and
services. In 1885 Spring's " Kansas" aroused much con-
troversy, and in the same year appeared " The Life and
Letters of John Brown," by F. B. Sanboi-n, in which Brown
appears at his best. Then, in 1892, was published " The
Kansas Conflict," by Charles Robinson, which is a severe

CONTEOVEESIES 333

criticism of Brown and his methods. This was followed
by " John Brown and His Men," by Richard J. Hinton,
in 1894. Subsequently both Rhodes and Burgess gave im-
partial historical representations of Kansas history. But
the most recent specific work on Brown is that of William
E. Connelley, which occurred in 1900, and which, in many
respects, is superior to the hero-worship of former days.
But there are evidences that the final word has not yet been
uttered, although it would seem that the subject had re-
ceived undue attention at the hands of American writers.
What is especially needed is the elimination of the per-
sonal element of history and the abandonment of historical
tradition. Also, a careful discrimination should be made
between the feelings and sentiment of the people, and a
careful measurement of historical facts. While Governor
Robinson gave his version of certain affairs, a version which
he deemed to be correct, and usually was found so, his con-
tributions to history were limited to certain phases of the
struggle, l^or did he ever pretend to write a complete
history of Kansas ; but without his writings and his vigor-
ous controversies it would have been exceedingly difficult to
give a correct idea of the Free-State cause and the attitude
of the leaders of the Free-State party. The controversies
carried on by himself and others have helped to form a true
estimate of his life and character, and throughout it all his
importance to Kansas History has been shown to be
greater as historical truth becomes dominant.

334 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSOIf

CHAPTER XL

PEOMOTEE OF EDUCATION.

De. Robinson was early identified with the educational
affairs of Kansas, and he never lost interest in them
throughout his busy life. Like other patriots seeking to
develop free government and a commonwealth composed
of liberty-loving people, he recognized the necessity of edu-
cation to the perpetuation of free institutions. He knew
well that the foundations of the Republic are rendered se-
cure only through individual life and character developed
by means of liberal education. Moreover, he understood
how essential were educational opportunities to attract sub-
stantial families to a new community. He was not want-
ing in foresight in building up a new community, and
therefore he took every available opportunity to advance
the cause of education. But what was still more to his
credit as a fine specimen of manhood, he felt a keen interest
in the lives and personal success of individuals, and espe-
cially did he feel for those who needed help. Believing
in the necessity of education, he was prepared to start a
school at the earliest opportunity.

It is not surprising, then, that the first school in Law-
rence was in Dr. Robinson's back office in the Emigrant Aid
Building, Avhich stood a little north of where now stands
the Lawrence I^ational Bank. It was begun January 16th,
1855, by Edward P. Fitch, of Hopkinton, Massachusetts,
less than six months after the arrival of the first group of
emigrants from N"ew England. There were about twenty

PBOMOTEK OF EDUCATION

335

pupils ; the teaclier was paid by private subscriptions. In
the spring of 1855 there accompanied Dr. Robinson from
the East Miss Kate Kellogg, who came to teach the summer
and autumn school. She began to teach on June 16th, in
the same building, her salary being paid by Dr. Robinson.
A third term in the Emigrant Aid Building was taught by
Miss Lucy M. Wilder, who was teaching when the town
was entered by border ruffians in 1856. Her school was
scattered that day, but was soon reassembled when quiet
was restored. In the summer of 1856 Miss Henrietta
Ross, from Massachusetts, opened a school over Eaxon's
meat market. In the following year, on March 30 th, the
Quincy High School was opened in the Emigrant Aid
Building, and on the second of April was moved to the
basement of the Unitarian Church. This school was
taught by C. L. Edwards, who conducted the public school
in 1857-'58, assisted by Lucy M. Wilder, Sarah A. Brown,
Lizzie Haskell, and in the primary by Miss Oakley. The
fall term opened September 6th, and continued twelve
weeks, the winter term being opened December 13th, witli
Miss Haskell and Miss H. M. Felt in the High School.

In September, 1863, after the Quantrell raid, which oc-
curred August 21st, Misses Mary and Caroline Chapin
came to Lawrence, and opened a school for girls in the fol-
lowing winter. Dr. Robinson and George W. Deitzler paid
the tuition of several pupils in this school. Mrs. S. T. D.
Robinson writes charmingly of the entrance of the Chapin
sisters into Kansas :

" Mr. Charles Chapin had a very pleasant home in Quindaro, and
his sisters, Mary Vj. and Caroline E., came occasionally from Mil-
waukee, where they had founded the Milwaukee Female College, to
visit him. It had been in successful operation for seven years, when,

336 LIFE OF CHABLES ROBIJ<iSON

tired of the fogs and damp of Milwaukee, they turned their thoughts
toward the brighter skies and clearer airs of Kansas.

" One day in October, 1863, when the hunter's moon was ap-
proaching its full, Mr. Chapin and his sister Mary came up to see
us and talk over the matter of their coming to Lawrence, and to learn
whether the circumstances so soon after the Quantrell raid would
favor the opening of a girls' school in Lawrence. General Deitzler
and Governor Robinson were enthusiastic over the matter, and fa-
vored the enterprise with all their hearts. They were mindful also
that money was needed for the success of the plan, and they each
paid the tuition for several of the girls. Miss Chapin was delighted
with Kansas, and in the brightness of those evenings in which she
reveled she said, * The Kansas moon is brighter than the Milwaukee
sun.' In the early winter the Misses Chapin came and began the
school. Miss Elizabeth E. Watson accompanied them."

These were small beginnings in education, but great in
their final results. Lawrence thus took the lead in educa-
tional matters, and it was a fitting outcome of these early
efforts that the University should finally be located at this
place. While schools were established much earlier in
Kansas in connection with missions, — probably the first
one was at Wyandotte, in 1844, taught by J. M. Armstrong,
— yet in the real movement that made Kansas a State, Law-
rence took the lead in educational matters, and Dr. Robin-
son appears as the first promoter of education in the Terri-
tory.

But Dr. Robinson was not contented with the establish-
ment of private schools nor of ordinary public schools, —
he desired a university. Slowly but surely each successive
step in education led up to the university. The ambitions
for a university were thoroughly supported by Amos A.
Lawrence, who was instrumental in establishing a college
at Lawrence. Dr. Robinson had the entire confidence of
Mr. Lawrence, and also the confidence of the people of the

PROMOTER OF EDUCATION 337

town ; hence, he was a very prominent factor in the es-
tablishment of the school. While Amos A. Lawrence was
the treasurer of the Emigrant Aid Company, and desirous
of the prosperity of the town bearing his name, the educa-
tional project received from the very first the earnest sup-
port and attention of Dr. Robinson.

In 1856 Mr. Amos A. Lawrence requested Dr. Robinson
to spend money for him in laying the foundation for a
school building on the north part of Mt. Oread, which is
now the site of North College. In explaining his plans to
Rev. E. ISTute, in a letter dated Dec. 16th, 1856, Mr. Law-
rence says : " You shall have a college which shall be a
school of learning and at the same time a monument to per-
petuate the memory of those martyrs of liberty who fell
during the recent struggles. Beneath, their dust shall rest.
In it shall burn the light of liberty, which shall never be
extinguished until it illumines the whole continent. It
shall be called the ' Free-State College,' and all the friends
of freedom shall be invited to lend it a helping hand."

It is interesting to note that, in the movement of emi-
grants westward over the Alleghany range into the Missis-
sippi Valley, from the time of the foundation of the State
of Ohio, the idea of a college w^as uppermost in their minds.
Scarcely had the first smoke begun to curl upward from the
chimneys of the rude cabins, or the first furrow of virgin
soil been turned for the prospective crop, before they began
to talk about schools. And while these schools might be of
a meager nature, yet, from the beginning, the dreams and
aspirations of the prominent men were always for a college
or a university. The liberal land grants of the Federal
Government to the States on their admission into the

—22

338

LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

Union, for the foundation of public schools crowned witii
a university, made it possible for tbem to make early be-
ginnings in the higher education. Those who were
thoughtful for the welfare of the new town of Lawrence,
and in fact for the new commonwealth of Kansas which
was being built, earnestly advocated the establishment of
schools. Mr. Lawrence, after whom the town was named,
was a far-sighted, practical man, and he saw that in estab-
lishing schools in the TeiTitory of Kansas he would be lay-
ing the foundation of a power for freedom greater than the
force of arms.

As a foundation of this Free-State college, Mr. Law-
rence gave the sum of $10,000, which was in the form of
two interest-bearing notes. This fund was to accumulate
until it had become sufficiently large for the foundation of
a school. On February llth, 1857, Mr. Lawrence consti-
tuted Charles Robinson and S. C. Pomeroy trustees of this
fund, amounting then to $12,696.14, for the purpose of ad-
vancing education and religion in the Territory. The
following is a copy of the letter of trusteeship :

Boston. February 14th, 1857.
To Messrs. Charles Robinscn and S. C. Pomeroy, Trustees —
Gentlemen: Inclosed with this are two notes of five thousand dol-
lars each, of the Lawrence University, of Wisconsin, which, with the
interest added, amount to eleven thousand six hundred and 'Vim
dollars as of to-day; also a certificate of stock in the New England
Emigrant Aid Company (par $2,000), worth one thousand dollars or
more at the present time; — in all, twelve thousand six hundred and
ninety-six dollars and fourteen cents, which has been transferred
to yourselves to be held by you in trust, and the income to be used for
the advancement of the religious and intellectual education of the
young in Kansas Territory. Until I shall give directions to the con-
trary, I wish one-half of the income to be applied to the establish-
ment of the best system of common schools, by organizing in every

PKOMOTEE OF EDUCATION

339

settlement those who shall be in favor of its adoption, as soon as
the school funds shall be received from the United States Govern-
ment; also, by giving aid to a school in Lawrence which shall serve
as a model to others. The other half of the income to be used for the
establishment of Sunday schools and furnishing them with the books
of the Sunday School Union, of Philadelphia. In the event of my
decease without giving any other directions than the above, I wish
the fund to be used in the manner designated by me in a letter to
Rev. E. Nute, Dec. 1st, 1856.

The state of your laws prevents me from making a formal in-
strument of trust at this time, and I have only to say that by accept-
ing the office of trustees you will confer a favor on me, while you
will be serving the interest of the Territory in which we have all
taken so much interest, and for which you have endured and risked
so much. I rely implicitly on your honor to retain the property ia
your safe-keeping, and to carry out the plan herein specified. In the
event of your resignation of the office of trustee at any time, or your
removal from the Territory, I wish for the privilege of appointing
your successors. Hereafter, I may give my views more in detail. You
can draw on the treasurer of the Lawrence (Wisconsin) University
at any time for a year's interest, in any one year. I have refrained
from drawing, because they have required all their funds for their
new building. Recently one building has been burnt, and on this
account, as well as from a desire to prevent all embarrassment to
the institution, I wish that the payment of the principal sum may
not be urged, so long as the interest is received. If Kansas should
mot become a " Free State " as soon as admitted to the Union, I wisTi
the property returned to me or my heirs.

Your obedient servant,

Amos A. La.wbence.

It is thought by those who know of the confidential re-
lations of Charles Robinson to his particular friend, Mr.
Lawrence, that it was Dr. Robinson's suggestion and in-
fluence which put it in the mind of Amos A. Lawrence to
lay the foundation of a college. Possibly they were both
inspired with the same thought, yet it is well understood
that Amos A, Lawrence was greatly interested in the foun-

340

LIFE OF CHAKXES BOBINSON

dation of the State in the name of freedom. He was an
antislavery man heart and soul, and he used his wide in-
fluence to aid Kansas in her early struggles. In a memo-
rial service held in his honor at Lawrence in 1886, Gov-
eraor Robinson said of him :

" Upon the 22d of last August, in a little town ' in Massachusetts,
ended a life full of benediction and goodness. Kansas has especial
reason to mourn the loss of this great philanthropist. When slavery
was threatening to encroach upon the virgin soil of Kansas, Eli
Thayer sounded the alarm. Amos A. Lawrence was one of the first
to enlist in the cause. As treasurer of the Emigrant Aid Association
he contributed greatly to the financial needs, but still more was the
moral weight which his name and well-known ability added to the
side of freedom. He supplied the money with which to buy guns to
bea'; back the proslavery army which was invading the soil of Kansas.
In the agitation which spread over the North, Mr. Lawrence played
a most important part. He stood in close relationship with President
Pierce, and Amos A. Lawrence did more than any other man to
secure the release of prisoners held for treason and to procure the
order withdrawing the Missouri army from before Lawrence, thus not
only saving this city, but also the other towns of Kansas. Mr. Law-
rence gave ten thousand dollars endowment to a college at Lawrence.
On account of this the State University was located here and Law-
rence was made the pleasant and prosperous city it is. His name will
be known and honored as one of the non-residents who took the most
interest and did the most work for our State."

Gov. Robinson might have added that when the congre-
gation of Plymouth Church was weak and struggling, Mr.
Lawrence gave one thousand dollars toward the erection
of a suitable house of worship.

In every effort toward the foundation of schools, no mat-
ter who originated the movement, Governor Robinson was
a prominent supporter. First an attempt was made by the
Presbyterian Church of America to found a university at

' Brookllne.

PKOMOTER OF EDUCATION 341

Lawrence. The board of directors was formed for the
organization of this college. Charles Robinson was among
the number of trustees. Appropriate committees were
named, and a plan was made for the erection of a building
36x60 and two stories high. This was desired as a wing
of the main building, the total to cost $50,000. A good
deal of interest was manifested in this matter, and a bill
was introduced into the Legislature in 1859, chartering
the Lawrence University, with a board of trustees. Under
this charter the board met January 22d, 1859, and pro-
ceeded to the organization of a university. They elected
officers, established chairs, chose professors, and also es-
tablished a medical department. The trustees of the city
of Lawrence offered a quitclaim deed to the trustees of the
Lawrence University, on condition that a building should
be erected at Lawrence one year from date, and that a school
should be commenced six months from date. The trustees
failing to comply with these conditions, the property would
revert to the city of Lawrence. By a bit of shifting and
advertising, the Quincy High School was made preparatory
to this Lawrence University, and this preparatory school
was opened in the basement of the Unitarian Church ; but,
after continuing three months, it failed for lack of patron-
age.

About this time the Congregational Church of Kansas
determined to establish a college in Kansas Territory. Ac-
cordingly, steps were taken to found the Memorial College,
at Lawrence, to commemorate the triumph of liberty over
slavery in Kansas. Dr. Charles Robinson was a member
of the board of trustees of this institution, and the trustees
of the "Amos A. Lawrence fund," with the consent of the

342 LIFE OF CHABLES EOBINSON

giver, si^ified their willin^ess to make over this fund
to the Memorial College, on condition that the Congrega-
tional Church should have control of the institution. The
undertaking failed on account of the drouth of 1860 and
hard times. In the mean time the Presbyterians had been
pushing forward their work as rapidly as possible, but the
hard times and other discouragements caused them at last
to give it up. However, the people of Lawrence, being un-
willing to see the plan of Lawrence College given up, or-
ganized a new board of trustees, of which Charles Kobin-
eon was a member, and a new institution was chartered
by the Territorial Legislature of 1861, This was under
the auspices of the Episcopal Church. The new institution
was called the Lawrence University of Kansas, The
Presbyterians surrendered their university building to the
Episcopalian University. But the Civil War came on and
interfered with the work, and nothing more was done for
several years. Subsequently, when the State University
was founded, the claims of the Episcopal Church were
given to it.

At the time of the foundation of the various charitable
and educational institutions of Kansas, each prominent
town tried to secure the location of one or more institutions,
Lawrence, on account of the part it had borne in the early
struggle for freedom, the relation of Amos A, Lawrence to
the town, and his gift to form a Eree-State college, had
just claims to the University, By history, educational
traditions, service and sufferings in the cause of freedom,
the town was entitled to this distinction. A strong oppo-
sition to this claim of Lawrence, however, was offered by
tbe town of Manbattan. The citizens of Manhattan as-

PBOMOTEB OF EDUCATION

343

serted that tlie Methodists had already established there a
school called Bluemont College, which could be used as a
foundation for the University. A bill establishing the
University at this place passed both houses of the Legisla-
ture in 1861, but it was promptly vetoed by Governor Kob-
inson. Subsequently the Agricultural College was located
at Manhattan, and Lawi-ence lost her first rival for the cov-
eted prize. But another rival, in Emporia, soon appeared,
and in the Legislature of 1863 a bill was introduced, lo-
cating the University at Emporia. The late Judge J. S.
Emery, of Lawrence, finally moved to substitute the word
" Lawrence " for '' Emporia," and the bill passed to a vote
which resulted in a tie. The presiding officer, Hon. Ed-
ward Eussell, of Doniphan county, decided in favor of
Lawrence. The bill then passed the Senate, and became a
law by the signature of Governor Carney, February 20th,
1863. Thus was won, not without a struggle, the Univer-
sity of Kansas to LavTrence, whose citizens began earnestly
to fulfill the conditions of the law establishing it on a sure
foundation.^

One of the provisions of the bill for the location of the
University was that a site of forty acres should be donated
by the town where it was located; and another provision
was that an endowment be made of $15,000, $5,000 of
which was to be deposited with the Treasurer of State
within six months after the passage of the bill ; otherwise
the provisions of the act should be null and void. At this
point Charles Eobinson came forward with a proposition
to furnish the required forty acres from his land outside
of the city, on condition that the Council would deed to

iLawBof 1803, p. 116.

344

LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON^

liim half a block of land south of the school foundation
on Mt. Oread. The proposition was accepted, and Robin-
son secured to the State the transfer of what is now the
University campus. Twenty-one acres of this land, lying
south of the claim which Dr. Robinson had preempted, be-
longed to Mrs. Robinson, she having purchased it from
J. F. Morgan. For her share of this land Mrs. Robinson
received $600 from the citizens of Lawrence. Subse-
quently, Governor Robinson gave an additional ten acres
of land to the University without qualifications.

It was more difficult to secure the endowment of $15,000,
as this was a large sum in those days of small beginnings.
The "Amos A. Lawrence fund," hitherto mentioned, was
turned over as an endowment to the new University, but,
being in the form of notes, it was difficult to cash these se-
curities without considerable delay. Although this amount
could not be collected, the interest, amounting to $4,400,
was available. Mr. Lawrence offered $10,000 cash for
the two notes, and the remainder of the fund could be raised
from a note of $600 held by Governor Robinson against
the Congregational Church at Lawrence, this sum arising
from interest on the fund. But not any of these funds
except tlie $4,400, as mentioned above, were available in
time to meet the requirements of the legislative act. At
this juncture the citizens of Lawrence came forward and
gave their note for $5,000, the required amount. Then
came the Quantrell raid, on August 21st, in which the citi-
zens of Lawrence lost their property, and this rendered the
security of the note void. Governor Carney, of Leaven-
worth, met the emergency by cashing the citizens' note.
This made it possible to secure the deposit sufficient to

TEOMOTEK OF EDUCATIOIf

345

locate the University at Lawrence, whicli was formally done
by the Governor on ]^ovember 2d, 1863.

As soon as the bill, locating the University at Lawrence,
became a law, the Governor appointed a commission con-
sisting of S. M. Thorpe, Josiah Miller, and I. T. Goodnow,
to select a site and report to him on or before the 1st day
of May, 1863. They performed their work to the satis-
faction of all concerned, and gave in a report within the
allotted time. In 1864 a bill was passed organizing the
University, Charles Robinson being made a member of the
board of trustees.^

The board of regents began the organization of the Uni-
versity on March 21st, 1865, by electing Rev. R. W.
Oliver as chancellor, and on motion of I. T. Goodnow it
was decided to open a preparatory school. Steps were
taken to complete the building begun by the Presbyterians,
known as !N'orth College. There was much difficulty in
collecting sufficient funds for this, but finally enough was
obtained, from several sources.^ The land on which this
building stood, with the exception of two and three-fourths
acres belonging to the city of Lawrence, came into the
hands of the regents as a gift of the city. The remainder
was secured by bond for deed to James H. Lane, who sub-
sequently made a generous gift of the land to the Univer-
sity.

'In the organization of the University, provided by the law of 1864, the members
of the first Board of Kegents were as follows : Charles Eobinson, J. D. Liggett, E. J.
Mitchell, Geo. A. Crawford, J. S. Emery, A. H. Horton, 0. B. Lines, S. O. Thacher,
Geo. A. Moore, .John A. Steele, .John H. Wataon, and Samuel A. Kingman. Bnt before
the Board hold Its first meotinfi, on March 21st, 1865, the membership had been greatly
changed, being composed o£ Robinson, Liggett, Emery, Thacher, Lines, as above, aod
K. M. Bartholomew, 0. K. HolUday, G. W. Paddock, W. A. Starrett, V. P. Mitchell, J. S.
Weaver, with I. T. Goodnow, Superintendent of Public Instruction, and R. A. Barker,
Secretary of State, ex officio members.

2lt consisted of $fiOO on Congregational note ; >4,720 interest collected on Amo3 A.
Lawrence notes ; $1,000 interest on endowment fund, Amos A. Lawrence notes ; St
Louis relief fund, $9,500 ; Boston relief fund, $2,500 ; Carney relief fund, $1,000.

346 LIFE OF CHAHLES BOBINSON

It was not until July 19th, 1866, that the first faculty,
consisting of Prof. D. H. Robinson, E. J. Rice, and F. H.
Snow, were elected. Professor D. H. Robinson spent the
remainder of bis life in the service of the University, pass-
ing away in 1896. Professor Snow bas given tbirty-four
years of service, twenty-four as instructor and ten as chan-
cellor. Prof. E. J. Rice resigned bis position in 1867.
It was througb tbe influence of Governor Robinson that
Professor Snow was chosen for tbe place. Time bas shown
tbat in this be acted wisely, as Cbancellor Snow bas been
of eminent service to the University and to tbe State as an
educator, and especially as a scientist. From tbe opening
of the first session, during wbich twenty-six young ladies
and twenty-nine young men were enrolled, to tbe present
time, Cbancellor Snow bas been a devoted servant of the
University and woven his life into its very being.

From tbis beginning of the University to tbe time of
bis deatb, Governor Robinson, witb tbe exception of a sbort
interval, was a regent of tbe University. He watched over
it from the beginning, tbrougb its early and later struggles
and its steady growth. It bas advanced from tbe bumble
position of a preparatory scbool witb a few students and
tbree instructors to a magnificent institution of 1,200 stu-
dents and over seventy instructors, witb scbools of Arts,
Law, Medicine, Engineering, Pbarmacy, and Fine Arts,
tbe pride and strengtb of tbe State. As regent. Governor
Robinson served on tbe building committee in tbe construc-
tion of tbe first main building. Eraser Hall ; and be occu-
pied many other important places in relation to tbe build-
ing of tbe University.

In 1889, in recognition of bis eminent services to tbe

BUST OF ROBINSON, IN THE UNIVERSITY CHAPEL.

PEOMOTEE OF EDUCATION

347

University and the cause of education, as well as on account
of his acknowledged ability in many directions, the board
of regents conferred upon him the honorary degree of
Doctor of Laws. This was an unusual act for the regents,
as it was the first and last honorary degree of the kind ever
issued. Governor Robinson was not a member of the board
when it was granted. Another worthy tribute to Governor
Robinson in recognition of his educational services was
given by the Legislature of Kansas in 1895, when it passed
an act to appropriate $1,000 for a bust of ex-Governor Rob-
inson, to be placed in the University chapel. In accord-
ance with this act, Governor John W. Leedy appointed
Mrs. Sara T. D. Robinson, Hon. B. W. Woodward, and
Charles Chadwick, Esq., members of the commission to se-
lect an artist to execute the bust. They secured as artist
Mr. Lorado Taft, whose work was accepted. At the un-
veiling of this marble bust, which now stands at the left of
the organ in the chapel, appropriate services were held,
during which Hon. B. W. Woodward, representing the
committee, Hon. Chas. F. Scott, representing the regents,
and Governor John W. Leedy, representing the State,
made appropriate speeches. Perhaps the address of
Charles F. Scott was as true an estimate of Governor
Robinson as ever escaped the lips of man. So clearly does
it picture the principal phases of his life and character,
that it is quoted to considerable length, as follows :

" The story of the life of Charles Eobinson is so familiar here,
■where the greater part of that life was lived, that it need not be
rehearsed. It is a heroic, almost romantic story. It is the story of a
MAK, a man who took early a man's place in the world and held it
staunchly and sturdily to the end. I trust I shall not be misunder-
stood when I say it is the story of a fighter, a man so constituted

348 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON"

that he must take one side or the other of every question upon which
men divided; and who, having chosen his ground, must maintain it
earnestly and aggressively against every challenger. It is the story
of a wise counselor, of one whose brain was always cool and clear,
no matter what fires might be flashing from the blue eyes.

" As nearly as any man I ever knew, Charles Robinson deserved
the tribute which the Laureate paid to the Iron Duke when he said
of him that he ' stood foursquare to all the winds that blew.' He
came as near standing by himself, balanced by his own judgment, re-
quiring no strengthening support from other men either as indi-
viduals or as aggregated into parties or churches or societies of any
kind. At various times in his life he worked with various political
parties, but when the particular object of the work was accomplished,
he put the party aside, apparently with as little concern as he would
lay down a tool that he was done with. The fear of being called incon-
sistent never troubled him. In fact, no fear of any kind, either moral
or physical, ever troubled him. He said what he thought ought to be
said with as small regard to consequences as he did what he thought
ought to be done. And if the words of to-day contradicted those of
yesterday, that did not concern him, for the words of both yesterday
and to-day were honest words. He did not know what policy meant,
so far as the word might be applied to his own fortunes. He knew,
doubtless, as well as everybody else knew, that he sacrificed all the
political honors which a grateful and admiring people would have
been proud to bestow, when he severed his connection with the domi-
nant party. But the thought, if it occurred to him, never bade him a
moment's pause.

" Men of the ancestry and mold and temper of Charles Robinson
do not have to hold public office in order to be a part of the public
life of their community or commonwealth. More than thirty years
before his death, Governor Robinson laid down the only executive
office he ever held, and retired to his farm; but as a private citizen
he was hardly less a factor in the affairs of the State than he had
been as its chief executive. As a contributor to the newspapers and
a frequent speaker at the hustings and on the platform, he con-
tributed his share to the discussion of the questions that during all
those thirty years made Kansas the most interesting spot on earth,
writing and talking, not to gain some personal end, but because the
convictions within him must have utterance."

At the close of his eventful life Governor Robinson left

PKOMOTEE OF EDUCATION 349

the greater part of his fortune as a gift to the University,
which he had nourished in its infancy, supported with
vigor in its 3'outh, and which he saw in his own declining
years begin to assume the full stature of vigorous life.
He had in mind a university for the people, and held that
this was the only kind the State could support. During
the latter years of his regency he grew impatient of the
methods and policy of the University, and finally resigned,
— partly because of ill-health, and partly because he felt
out of harmony with the University methods. Perhaps
he was thinking of the old style of college as a type rather
than the modern university which has grown up in the last
few years. He also seemed to feel that the University was
growing away from the needs of the people, just as the two
old parties had done, according to his views. He opposed
the policy of his old-time friend. Chancellor Snow^, much
to the grief of the latter. It is a small matter, but the
writer would not be true to the task did he not refer to
some of the unpleasant phases of life as well as to those
that are pleasing to relate. Whether his estrangement
was caused by listening to poor advisers, or whether he
had reached the age when " fear cometh " and confidence
or faith in men or institutions fails, it is difficult to de-
termine. But, once having made up his mind that the
University was not fulfilling its mission to the great com-
mon people, he was true to his life in opposing its policy.
After a careful consideration of his attitude, gleaned from
conversation with him and others, it appears to the writer
that his judgment was not clear, as a large majority of the
students of the University were from the farm, and fully
one-half at the time were self-supporting. It was then as

350

LIFE OF CHAELES BOBINSON

now, a great democratic institution, representing people
from nearly every walk of life, but most largely repre-
senting the industrial classes. In addition to his dissatis-
faction, he had a feeling that there was much work to be'
done that his declining health would not permit him to do,
and he resigned, not without regret, his place on the board
of regents.

The criticism of the friends of the University would in
any event fall lightly on one who had done so much for the
University, and under the circumstances it is overwhelmed
by the magnanimity of the man in leaving the greater part
of his estate to the institution which was the cherished
idol of his heart and a living monument of his great-
mindedness. ISTo difference of opinion as to the adapta-
tion of means to an end could stand between him and his
great purpose. Some day, no doubt, there will rise on
Mt. Oread a magnificent structure of stone and iron bear-
ing the name of RoBiisrsoN^, a worthy tribute commemo-
rating his life and his service to the State of Kansas, re-
minding generations to come of the great part he took in
the building of the commonwealth. For, holding in mind
all of his services to Kansas in the establishment of a
colony at Lawrence, in the struggle with the border ruffians,
in the foundation of the Territorial Government, in the
Constitutional struggle, in his position as the first Gov-
ernor of the State, and in his subsequent life as Charles
Robinson, citizen, one must say that the crowning work
of his life, and that which will last the longest in the memo-
ries of the members of a grateful republic, was the services
to the cause of education. Here, on Mt. Oread, is built
a monument to liberty and education, whose foundations

PKOMOTEK OF EDUCATIOST 351

"were laid in the early struggles for freedom in Kansas, and
whose superstructure will be built by future generations
of loyal citizens of the State. This monument, though
erected to the lives of many men, will also contain en-
graved in prominent letters the name of Chakles Rob-
inson.

An important educational work in which ex-Governor
Robinson was engaged in his later years was the super-
intendency of Haskell Institute, one of the prominent
Indian schools of the Federal Government, located at Law-
rence. This institution was founded by the United States
Government, and its location at Lawrence was secured
in part by the citizens of that city, but chiefly through
the influence of Hon. Dudley Haskell, member of Congress
from the Second District, after whom the Institute is
named. When founded, in 1884, the Institute had but
few students, and its property consisted of 280 acres of
land on which were built three stone buildings, 122x62
feet, used as a school-house, boys' dormitory and girls'
dormitory, respectively. When he entered upon his new
duties. Governor Robinson found that the school was in
disrepute among those it was intended to help. The in-
dustrial departments included a small cobbler's shop and
a carpenter's shop, in addition to the farm department.
The Indians of Kansas i^nd the Territory were hostile to
the management, and parents refused to send their chil-
dren. For this reason the attendance was much below
what it should be, and the pupils, knowing that they would
1)6 ridiculed when they returned home, and not having been
taught in such a way that they could care for themselves,
were disheartened and discouraged at the poor success of
their attempts to live the lives of white men.

362 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON

At this time the question of Indian education and its
results was attracting the attention of many of the fore-
most educators of America. Though the institutions at
Hampton and Carlisle had won considerable success in
Indian education, it was yet to be determined whether
after all, the kind of education they were getting would
bring in actual life the real results which were claimed
for it ; and therefore the problem of Indian education
was worthy the attention of any man. When Charles
Robinson accepted the position offered him by Secretary
Lamar, he did so with several express objects in view.
His first aim was to make Haskell Institute an industrial
school in every sense of the term, believing tliat an indus-
trial education was the one best fitted for making useful
citizens of the young Indians. With the change of man-
agement in Haskell Institute, new life w^as put into the
institution. The school now increased its popularity
with the Indians, and doubled its attendance. Througlj
Robinson's influence new buildings were added for school
purposes, — dormitories, shops, and warehouses. All de-
partments of industrial training were instituted, includ-
ing departments for wagon-making, shoemaking, tailoring,
carpentering, printing, dressmaking, and a laundry and
bakery. At this time, also, 210 acres of land were added
to the property, about half of the entire farm now being
fenced. Governor Robinson also turned his attention
toward making the place more pleasant for the young In-
dians. The buildings constructed under his directions
were erected with careful regard to tlie relationship of the
buildings one with the other, and large lawns were laid
out, sodded and filled with shade trees grown on Robinson's

PBOMOTEE OF EDUCATION 353

own farm. But, after Dr. Kobinson had for several years
conducted this institution so satisfactorily to all interested,
he was at length compelled to resign his trust, owing t-o
declining health.

It is interesting to note that his plan of emphasizing
industrial education at Haskell was the one that has been
advocated and practiced with great success by his success-
ors. He also advocated the division of the Indian reser-
vations into small farms, so that each Indian could be
given a piece of land to till, and thus practice an independ-
ent life. It is to be remembered that this idea came out
prominently in the Indian severalty bill, known as the
Dawes Bill, which subsequently passed Congress and be-
came a law. The work of breaking up the tribes, tribal
relations, and the reservations, and of making common
citizens out of the Indians, is the Indian problem now be-
fore the American people. In order to solve this prob-
lem, education of a practical nature is essential, and there-
fore Governor Robinson and other superintendents of Has-
kell have urged instruction in the agricultural and indus-
trial arts. The efforts of the present superintendent of
Haskell to enlarge the work in industrial education is well
known in Kansas, and indeed throughout the United
States.^

Thus we find that Dr. Robinson was identified with
nearly every early educational movement in Lawrence,
from the time of its foundation till the time of his death.

'Haskell Institnte has grown into a flourishing school of over 600 pupils. Its line
of progress has been that suggested by Governor Robinson, namely, industrial educa-
tion. It has been the saving of Indian education.

—23

354 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

In the memorial services held at the University in honor
and memory of Governor Robinson, Dr. Cordley said:

" In every movement toward a college made in Lawrence, Grovernor
Robinson was a prominent actor. There were three efforts before
the State University was suggested. He was active in every one of
them. Whether the movement was by the Presbyterians or the Con-
gregationalists or P]piscopalians, he could always be depended upon to
cooperate. Though he belonged to neither of these bodies, he co-
operated with each of these in turn, willing to join with any body of
men who aimed to build a worthy college. He was a member of
every one of these boards of trustees, and an active sympathizer with
their plans. When the State University was proposed and the other
plans all merged in this^ it was in full accord with his ideas, and he
joined in the effort with great earnestness. He offered to turn over to
the State the funds of which he was the custodian, and also to add still
larger donations of his own. The beautiful site on which these build-
ings stand was his gift to the State. If the State was as wise as
he was liberal, she would lose no time in securing the entire circle
of the hill, and thus come in possession of the most magnificent site
of any university in these United States of America. She would thus
literally round out the noble gift of the first Governor of our State,
and do a deed for which all the future would call her blessed. It
would be an act whose significance would be more marketl with every
year that passed.

'■' Governor Robinson's interest in the University was not con
fined, however, to gifts of money or land. He gave it also time and
thought. He was always ready to give it his personal service when-
ever that service was called for. He was a member of the first
board of regents, and I am not able to say how many terms after-
that he was his own successor. In his capacity as regent he was un-
tiring in his attention. He was not only present at meetings of the
board, but would spend time and money and travel in aid of the
institution. When the first faculty was chosen he proposed the name
and secured the election of a young man in Massachusetts as Pro-
fessor of Natural Science. Then he used his best arts of persuasion
to induce that young man to accept the position offered him. That
young man came and entered upon his work, and did it so well that
he distinguished himself and the institution with which he was con-
nected. So, among the contributions of Governor Robinson to Kansas

PKOMOTEE OF EDUCATION 355

University may be properly included her honored Chancellor, Fraak
H. Snow.

" While the name of Governor Robinson is written upon the early
history of this State in letters that can never be effaced, because
they penetrate to the very substance itself, his thought and life are
also wrought into this University in the way that is most enduring,
because they are a part of the very foundation and structure. Hia
name is linked with the very first thought of a college in Lawrence,
and can be traced down the whole history of its development. He
seemed to be following the plain logic of events, when he made this
institution the final heir of the estate he left behind him. He showed
in his last act where his heart all along had been. He wished his
last gift to go where his chief interest had been. He seemed to real-
ize that this was his best monument, and only followed the instinct
of his life when he crowned it with his last benefaction."

Many instances might be given where his unostenta-
tious giving has aided public enterprises, like the city
library, or individuals struggling for an education. His
public life was but an echo of his private practice in push-
ing forward all interests which make for the advancement
of the individual or society. But here as elsewhere, he
must be the judge as to the helpfulness of the cause : if in
his judgment it was useless, he held it to be his right to
repudiate it.

While supporting every educational cause of the State,
his whole life was an object lesson of freedom, of liberty,
of earnest conviction, of help to those who needed help,
of strength to the strong and of support to the weak. And
such a life, full of work and earnestness of purpose, pre-
sented to each succeeding generation as they study how
the great commonwealth of Kansas was built by the united
action of scores of brave men and willing hands, will show
what a single life may accomplish in tlie great work of
state-buildini;.

356 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBrNSOH

CHAPTER XII.

CHARACTEK.

In concluding this memorial, it is perhaps fitting to add
a few words respecting the character of Governor Robin-
son, setting forth views gathered from his actual service to
humanity, and gleaned from the opinions of those who
knew him best. As one who belongs to another generation
from those who endured the hardships of the early struggle
for freedom in Kansas, I approach the life of one who
was an actor in these stirring scenes, with becoming rev-
erence. It is, at most, but a small tribute that this gen-
eration can pay to a preceding, but that tribute is best
made by reverence and honor to those w^ho fought the early
battles, who endured the early struggles, that we of this
day might enjoy the blessings resulting from such sturdy
warfare, and might thus have weapons with which to fight
successfully the battles of truth in our own day and gen-
eration.

In a general estimate of the life of Governor Robinson
there must first be recorded the evidence of a strong indi-
vidual character, a bold, hardy spirit, able to give and take
blows for what he deemed the right. In consequence of
this strong individuality he was misimderstood by both
his friends and his enemies. This quality made it diJffi-
cult for him to follow with zeal any party or creed. It
was sufficient for him t-o ask his own consciousness what
was right in any matter, and to act accordingly. Parties
might change or hold to old doctrines, — Robinson fol-

CHABACTER 357

lowed the iron course of conviction. If he hurt the party
or made enemies, it was small matter to him. What was
right, what was justice in the case, were his criterions
for action. Possibly he could have made life easier for
himself, possibly there were times when he could have
accomplished more by being more flexible and more politic,
but he would not have been true to his convictions, and
they were law to him.

The estimate which his friends and his enemies united
in passing upon his character ought to be a fair estimate
of its real worth and meaning. Governor Robinson never
had a large personal following. He is not a subject of
hero-worship at all. Men of his stamp never are, because
it is impossible. It is only the person who has a strongly
partisan nature, who has qualities of bold leadership, and
who possesses a desire to march at the head of the colunm,
— it is only such a person that brings about him a crowd
of admirers who would follow him, right or wrong, to the
death. The man with the cool, calculating judgment, who
will change his policy according to conditions because the
right thing to-day may not be the right thing to-morrow,
may have many admirers, but he will have few worship-
pers. Such a course implies a bit of austerity which for
the right's sake or for the truth's sake would strike down
alike friend or foe. Such was the character of Charles
Robinson, and while there are no blind worshippers of his
life or his character, there are thousands of admirers and
strong friends who acknowledge the value of his services
to the community.

Among the leaders of the border ruffians of the Pro-
slavery days were those who always acknowledged Robin-

368

LIFE OF CHAKLES F.OBINSON

wn as the leader of the opposition. The testimony of Eli
Thayer and Amos A. Lawrence, presented elsewhere in
this volume, gives him credit for being the same clear-
headed leader of affairs. Joel K. Goodin said, after
Robinson's death :

" No better representative of constancy to every material interest
of the State and his city has either had than in the person, the
life, the watchings and activities of Charles Robinson. No truer or
braver man has breathed its pure air, been its more earnest cham-
pion or a gieater benefactor to the extent of his abilities. His hand
and heart were ever open to the demands of philanthropy and the
objects of meritorious charity. He lived outside of the narrow
limits of party or sectarian prejudice in both politics and religion.
The universal fatherhood of God and brotherhood of man, was a
faith that took faster hold upon him inspiring to action than any
of the tenets, religious or political, of the day. He shirked no duty,
evaded no responsibility, but intelligently met and battled for every-
thing which he believed to be right. His convictions were to him
laws, commands to active exertion, and his courage never failed
him. Hence he was no time-server, apologist of wrong in high or
low places, but frank to a fault, cost what it may. He was constant
in his friendships, upright in his dealings, hospitable under all
circumstances, and his integrity was sterling. He was a leader
of leaders, safe in coimsel, and foremost in executive ability."

In paying his tribute to the life of Robinson, Rev. Rich-
ard Cordley, time-honored citizen and beloved pastor of
Lawrence, referring to the early struggle in Kansas, said :

" The man whose steady counsel more than anything else ac-
complished this result, was Governor Robinson. When history
comes to measure events by their importance, she will put the name
of Charles Robinson high in the scales of diplomatic generalship.
Whether any other policy would have made Kansas free, no man can
tell. But the policy that did accomplish that result was suggested
by Governor Robinson, and matured and interpreted and applied by
him during the two turbulent years when the question was at issue.

CHABACTEE

369

He will always, therefore, be a marked figure in the history of
Kansas."

In this same line of tliouglit, a writer, correspondent of
an Eastern paper at the time of the early struggle, and re-
ferring to the Free-State convention held in 1855, said :

" The president of the convention was C4overnor Charles Eobin-
son. From the first he had been considered the leader of the Free-
State movement, and was looked to for counsel in every diflScult
emergency. He was always cool and clear-headed in the midst of
danger, and no emergency disheartened him. He was a man of fine
presence and large experience. In the popular sense of the word he
was not eloquent, but he had a way of talking to a crowd in such a
plain, straightforward manner that few men carried conviction more
readily than he. He was usually conservative, preferring to gain his
end by management rather than by force. It was largely due to the
moderate counsel of such a man as he that there was no more vio-
lence and bloodshed during those critical times. He was a good pre-
siding officer, and in the stormiest debate he was never bewildered."

But more remarkable than the testimony of friends
is a recent testimony of a man on the other side of the
conflict. A remarkable tribut-e of his old enemy. General
Jo. O. Shelby, given soon after the death of Governor
Robinson, is especially worthy of notice here. Referring
to an incident of the Wakarusa War, Shelby said :

" I saw Governor Robinson occasionally after that. We fought
him. but he was as lovable a man as there ever was in this section
of the country. He tried to prevent the war, but he always stood
for the Union when it came to a show-down. He opposed radical
men like Lane almost as much as he did the hot-headed fellows on
our side. We knew what he was doing, and he never mistreated a
Southern man who came into his hands. He was a man whom I
shall always remember with admiration."

In recent years some have tried to show that the posi-
tion that Robinson assumed in the early struggles was

360

LIFE OF CIIAKLES KOBINSON

not of great importance in making Kansas a free State;
that there were none who were for radical destructive war
in opposition to Robinson's conservatism. But there are
many witnesses that testify to the real situation, — wit-
nesses who could have no other motive than to tell the
truth, I. T. Goodnow, writing under date of June 1st,
1891, said:

" Without Eli Thayer the emigrants would uot have come, and
without Charles Robinson it would have been in vain that they did
come. Cool, clear-headed and brave, he could see the end from the
beginning, and the sure way to reach it. While others were all excite-
ment, he was perfectly self-possessed and knev/ the right thing to do,
and did it. To his mind two things were perfectly clear : First, there
was to be no resistance of the United States Government; secondly,
the Territorial laws made by a bogus Legislature were to be ignored.
To carry out these principles required clear heads, and many times a
passive resistance worthy of the early martyrs. His great idea was
in every case so to manage that the Proslavery men should be in the
wrong and the Free-State men in the right. The first must be the
aggressor, and the second the passive sufferer, or act only in self-
defense. In this way alone he could secure the united sympathy and
support of the North."'

This fully explains Grovernor Robinson's non-resistance
policy. It was to be patient until the proper time, and
then attack the right party in self-defense. This v/ould
account for his services in sending men with his indorse-
ment to secure Sharps rifles for the use of the Free-State
men. Valuable, indeed, did they prove in time of danger.

In support of this same view of Robinson and his ser-
vices to the Free-State cause is the testimony of Joel K.
Goodin, who was so prominent in the Free-State movement
as secretary of conventions. Writing under date of 1892,
he said:

"The policy outlined and adhered to ah initio of the conservative

CHABACTER 361

element of early Kansas, to steer clear from conflict with the General
Government and at the same time fail to recogniz;e the ' bogus laws '
formulated by foreign invaders and political nondescripts, seemed
so hard to be understood by the masses, and so little heeded by the
hot-headed among us, that we were many times confronted with
imminent danger of losing the prize sought for, as well as hopes
entertained of building up in this center of the Union a, State
devoted to freedom, progressiveness, and a grander civilization
than those we had left behind."

It was during tliese perilous times in which the path
between success and faihire was so narrow and difficult
that a single misstep would have changed the result and
for the time being lost Kansas to freedom. It was not a
time for rashness and bravado to succeed, but rather for
firmness, adroitness, and coolness of counsel. Colonel
S. F. Tappan, who was an active man throughout the
early struggle and saw clearly the dangers faced by the
Free-State men, because he faced them and knew them
himself, wrote about these times for the Denver Tribune,
under date of September 9th, 1883. Among other things
he said, referring to Robinson:

" Having referred to the early history of Kansas, the long pro-
tracted struggle of its people to consecrate its soil to freedom,
efforts at last rewarded by the admission of Kansas into the Federal
Union as a free State, it seems appropriate to make a brief refer-
ence to the man who more than any other, — in fact, more than all
others, — by being patient as well as heroic, patient under the most
adverse and trying circumstances, patient when persecuted, patient
when victorious, patient in council, patient in battle, and, more
than all, patient in prison, so shaped and directed the policy of the
Free-State men as to bring about the most desired object, the free-
dom of Kansas."

It was for this patience that Robinson has been cen-
sured by his critics. They think he should have been

362

LIFE OF CJIAKLES KOBINSON

" more of a fighter/' and by actual revolution struck a
blow for freedom. But not one dare say that his failure
to do this was on account of fear. Then why did he not
become more aggressive against the Proslavery people?
Simply because he saw that to do so would bring the hordes
of invaders upon an almost defenseless community, and be-
cause the Proslavery people had the support of the Federal
Government. Under such circumstances an open fight
would have brought certain ruin to the Free-State cause.
All that could be reasonably done was patiently to act
upon the defensive in arms and the aggressive in mental
action. To repudiate the bogus laws by evading and de-
nouncing them was a far different affair from fighting the
Federal troops and defying the Federal Government.

As to leadership in this great movement, there were
several prominent men who took part in different phases
of the struggle that might, without exaggeration, be called
" leaders." But in considering the whole movement, the
testimony of Amos A. Lawi-ence in a letter addressed to
G. W. Smith, secretary of the Old Settlers' Association,
written on August 16th, 1877, is worthy of consideration.
He said :

" Then there was Charles Robinson, whom you chose your leader
and Governor. He was to you in that day what Moses was to the
Israelites. When the action of the Government was adverse to your
interests, when Reeder and Geary were removed, when Atchison, * the
acting Vice-President,' left his seat in the Senate to lead the border
rufBans, and to drive you out with fire and SAvord, it was Robinson
more than any other man who held the people firm in their allegiance
to the United States. Then he had to light not only the enemy, but
his friends. Any other man, with less sound judgment, and forbear-
ance, and courage, would have led you wrong. He was the repre-
sentative of laAv and order, and so, under Providence, the public
xentiment vi the country was kept in your favor."

CHABACTEE

363

But it may be said that these are the testimonials of his
friends. Even so ; hnt they were men whose testimony is
not to be impeached. They had no favors to seek, no mo-
tives to lead them into false statements. Thej were, more-
over, men of excellent judgment, who knew from actual
experiences the facts in the case. It is true, they did
deprecate the peculiar warfare of Lane and the fierce ag-
gressiveness of Brown, for they thought both of these
leaders wrong in their attitude. But, going still further
back into the annals of the Territory, we find the testi-
mony of two strangers who visited Lawrence when the
battle was on.

Mr. G. Douglas Brewerton, a correspondent of the New
York Herald, visited Kansas twice, and gained some in-
sight into affairs here. Writing in 1856, he has among
other things the following to say about Robinson :

" In Kansas politics. General Eobinson was a member of the
State Constitutional Convention, is chairman of the Free-State
Executive Committee, and in addition to this, holds the military
rank of Major-General and Commander-in-Chief of the Kansas
Volunteers, as the Free-State army of Kansas style themselves. He
may be regarded as the real head — the thinking one, we mean —
and mainspring of the Free-State party; or, to speak more correctly,
of all that party who are worth anything. We believe him to be a
keen, shrewd, far-seeing man, who would permit nothing to stand
in the way of the end which he desired to gain. He is, moreover,
cool and determined, and appears to be endowed with immense firm-
ness; we should call him a conservative man now; but conservative
rather from policy than from principle. He seems to have strong
common-sense and a good ordinary brain, but no brilliancy of
talent. In fact, to sum General Robinson up in a single sentence,
we consider him the most dangerous enemy which the Proslavery
party have to encounter in Kansas."

It would appear from this that the newspaper reporter

364 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

understood the character of Governor Robinson quite well,
save for what he has to say regarding the "ordinary
brain " and the lack of "brilliancy of talent," which do
not seem to agree with the statements in the remainder
of his paragraph.

The last quotation that will be given to show the posi-
tion Robinson occupied in the early struggle, is that of
Mrs. Hannah A. Ropes. She visited the Territory in
1855, and was at Lawrence during the Wakarusa War. It
was soon after the murder of Barber, and the excitement
caused by bringing the body to Lawrence, that Mrs. Ropes
wrote the following:

" The windows are open ; (General Robinson is preparing the
somewhat restless body of soldiery, occupying the ground in front
of the hotel, for the reception of Governor Shannon. He points to
the moA'ing cavalcade in the distance and says : ' It is in the hope
of a speedy settlement, without more bloodshed, that this interview
is proposed.' It is not palatable to these men; for there is but a
wall between them and their sleeping, murdered comrade. But they
honor Greneral Robinson, and he curbs their justly indignant blood
by the power of his own magnanimity."'

After the settlement, arrangements were made for a
" peace gathering " to celebrate the " bloodless victory," of
the Wakarusa War. Mrs. Ropes first describes the as-
sembling of the guests, and then says :

" General Robinson, too, was showing them the attention they de-
served at his hand as invited guests. The General looked pale and
more disturbed than I thought possible for one of such remarkable
self-control and courage. It seemed that some of the hotel crowd
were not ready to give up the war spirit, and accept with grace the
peace-offering of social intercourse offered by our great-hearted
General to those who had arrayed themselves so cruelly against ua."

Then she describes the action of Sheriff Jones and

CHABACTEK

365

Colonel Lane in keeping up the agitation of the crowd

while there was an attempt on the part of Robinson and

others t^ bring about a peaceful settlement of affairs.

She continues :

" Colonel Lane's voice could be heard in different rooms, detail-
ing to eager listeners the most painful circumstances of poor Bar-
ber's death, and, with wonderful ingeniousness, keeping up the
wicked spirit of vengeance among those over whom he exercised
any power. What on earth he Avas driving at by such a course,
it seemed to my stupid self quite impossible to understand; while,
at the same time, I knew very well that he aimed at something he
could not otherwise attain so well. Any reader of human faces can
never study his without a sensation very much like that with which
one stands at the edge of a slimy, sedgy, uncertain morass. . . .
General Eobinson stood like an aggrieved king. He not only stemmed
the tide, but rallied back the surging emotions of the crowd; and
the meeting closed much more like a gathering of peace than at one
time seemed likely. I should like very much to have you see General
Robinson. He is honest in expression, simple and unaffected in
manner, and brave as a lion. I have somewhere seen a fine engraving
of John Knox, standing with uplifted finger and solemn, earnest
rebuke in his countenance, iu the presence of yueen ilary. The
head, profile, and general outline of the figure are very much that
of Governor Robinson."

Those who knew Robinson best speak of a sort of inner
life which was not usually known to the public. A man
who had known him during the entire period of his career
in Kansas, Mr. W. H. T. Wakefield, said :

" To know Charles Robinson was to love him. He was one of
nature's noblemen, his mind and character, like his magnificent
frame, being cast in a giant mold of the finest metal. He was a
strong, clear-headed, true-hearted, and generous man, utterly un-
nelfish, and guided by the noblest impulses of humanity. Few men
have ever lived so much for others, and self so little. His great
abilities and tireless energy have been given largely to the public
and to those in need of assistance, and never to his own selfish
enjoyment or gratification."

366

LIFE OF CirXKLES ROBINSON

Indeed, it mlft'ht be said that liis habit of thought for
those who needed assistance led him always to take sides
with the weak against the strong. A friend who had
known him said that he had formed such a habit of tak-
ing sides with the weak in a struggle that he had grown
to believe they were always in the right. While the world
is never overwhelmed with charity and love for the down-
trodden and the oppressed, it is true that people fre-
quently err in supposing that "the under dog" is neces-
sarily in the right. It is contrary to the laws of human
selection and the survival of the fittest in social life, to
suppose that the weak is necessarily correct and that the
strong is wrong in the fight. Either may be wrong — the
one from abuse of power, the other from inherent weak-
ness. However, there are comparatively few who err in
wrong assumptions respecting the oppressed.

Those who knew Robinson's inner life best know well
of the services of Mrs. Robinson. " Of the noble woman
who so heroically shared his trials, privations, conflicts
and victories, and who survives him for a brief period,
nothing but good can be said. She was the presiding
genius of the household of the grand and devoted husband.
Hospitality was always the rule, and the kindliest sympa-
thy of true hearts was ever extended, within the reach of
their home and influence."

The writer understands from those who knew Governor
Robinson best, that he dealt justly with all men in his pri-
vate business relations, and that in the home he was an
excellent and exemplary husband. As a neighbor he was
helpful and sympathetic, and many are ready to assure us
of his kindness to them in the time of need. The Robin-

CHAKACTER

367

son home was always given to hospitality to all who chose
to accept of it. It was not blessed with children, but many
children felt the kindly sympathy of Governor Robinson
and his wife. The spacious grounds of " Oakridge " have
often rung with the echoes of their joyous laughter.

That Governor Robinson believed in a wise Creator and
a beneficent Father of all, no one who knew him well
could doubt. That he did not join any church is not to
be wondered at; for neither would he join any medical
society, but practiced what he had found to be of advan-
tage. If he found it difficult to adhere to a political party
because of the non-progressive attitude of political tradi-
tions and beliefs, how could one expect him to join a church
with a positive creed and binding rules of action? His
early struggle with the creed of his own church seemed to
settle that question for him as it did for Thomas Carlyle
after his wrestle with Scotch Presbyterianism. So it
seems that while Governor Robinson believed in the help-
fulness of churches, he preferred to have the utmost free-
dom in religious beliefs and practice, and hence refrained
from subscribing himself a member of any church after
his name wa.s left on the rolls of the old T^ew England
church, as described in a former chapter.

Robinson had a kindly heart and nature. He was ever
ready and willing to help the needy, and very many owe
their preservation or advancement to his helping hand.
He had a heartfelt sympathy for all who were oppressed,
and was easily aroused to fight at once against the op-
pressors. He had a religion all his own, which was of a
pure nature, of a practical sort. He l)elieved little in the
saving power of creeds, ceremonies, churches, or ministers.

368

LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

But he believed in a Creator and Father who answered the
call from the depths of his nature, as a soul crying out
for strength in its loneliness. If he did not vigorously
support the outward forms of Christianity, he practiced
its best principles in standing for truth, justice, and right
living. There is hardly a church building in Lawrence
to which he did not contribute money or material. lie be-
lieved there was good in all — especially good for some
people.

As indicated in the first chapter of this book, Robinson
had, in his boyhood, something of humor in his genial
nature. Those who were best acquainted with him in
later life often discovered a rich vein of humor in his
rather austere nature. The ludicrous side of danger ap-
pealed to him, as is commonly the case with those who
have complete mastery over fear. It is related that when
Dr. Robinson with Mrs. Robinson was going East to arouse
the governors and influential people in the North in the
interest of the Free-State cause in Kansas, the captain of
the steamboat on the Missouri river came to him as the
boat approached Lexington and warned him that a band
of border ruiSans would board the boat at the next landing
with the intention of killing him. " You are joking," said
Robinson to the captain ; " why would they kill me ? "
While the captain could not give a satisfactory reason for
the attempt on his life, he made it plain to Robinson that
it was not a joke, and offered to find a hiding-place for
him. But Dr. Robinson declined, saying, " I don't know
as I care. I 'm rather curious to know what there is after
this life." With a keen sense of the ludicrous, he showed
interest in the vagaries and follies of men, and was in-

CHAP.ACTEli

369

clined at times to be too severe in his witticisms in taking
them off. There is evidence of positive enjoyment in his
description of the ludicrous duel at the time of the Topeka
Convention hetw^een Lane and Lowry, — a duel that never
came off. The contrast between Lane's braggadocio and
his abject fear was not a little amusing to a man who knew
not fear. " The grim chieftain," shaking with fear under-
neath a pretense of bravery, was a cause of enjoyment to
others besides Robinson in the convention.^

Lane's straw men at the '' battle " of Fort Saunders was
another instance that called forth expressions of humor
bordering on ridicule from the Governor.^

While in the prison-camp in Lecompton he unintention-
ally made an enemy of a man, by good-natured ridicule.
His wit was frequently too incisive for the comfort of
those toward whom it was directed. In reality it appeared
much more severe than it was intended to be. Indeed, it
is difficult to see how a man who had such a kindly heart
and was so much interested in his fellow-men, always
ready to help them in time of distress, could have inten-
tionally caused pain by his shafts of wit. If he ever did
so, it was sometimes because of a keen and irrepressible
sense of humor due to the absence of fear on his part,
under circumstances that aroused it in most people.

His strong individualism at times seemed to overpower
his native generous consideration of the feelings of others.
For, upon the whole, the serious side of life impressed
him profoundly with its importance and earnestness, and
he frequently wore in his countenance and manner an

1 See chapter V.

"There really was no battle. The enensy bad fled before the " straw " men arriTed.

—24

370

LIFE OF CHAKLE.S ROBINSON

austerity which covered the kindly intentions of his
heart..

His views and actions on the temperance question afford
a very good illustration of his general attitude toward
troublesome questions. From his earliest life Robinson
was a strong temperance man. He believed in temperance,
not as any part of his religious faith, nor because he held
it to be a sin in itself to partake of strong drink, but
because he believed that the inordinate use of such drink
was destructive of body and mind, and led to poverty, vice,
and crime. But as an ideal he held that temperance is a
greater virtue than total abstinence; for the man who of
his own volition is temperate in life, has reached a higher
stage of development than the man who is forced by law
to refrain from harmful practices. It is the same with
society. A community that acts rightly in its own normal
life, and not because of restriction and repression im-
posed by rules, is of a much higher order than the weak
community which must be hedged around with barriers to
keep it in a normal line of action. To him intemperance
was a deep-seated evil, extending to all departments and
practices of life. Hence, any mere rule of action attempt-
ing to control the personal social habits of man was worse
than useless. He opposed the prohibitory law in Kansas
because he believed it to be a sham and a pretense at vir-
tue, and he disliked and opposed all shams. He appears
to have opposed it also because he thought it inconsistent
with personal freedom, or liberty of action. It is easy to
see how this phase of the question appealed to him, for he
loved freedom; he was himself able to stand upright, in-
dependently and alone, on what he termed " the right " ;

CHARACTER

371

hence lie could not. see tlie virtue of a law that attempted
to remove temptation from the weak and caused the in-
dulgers in strong; drink to become sneaks and reprobates in
evading a law which the.y thought unjust and unworthy of
their obedience.

He thus expressed his opposition to the prohibiDorj
amendment of 1881: " M j opposition is for the reason
that I believe its adoption would be the greatest calamity
that could befall our State, and a blow against temper-
ance that we could not recover from in long years." Using
this as a basis of argument, he entered the newspapers,
combatting all comers who favored the prohibitory amend-
ment, for the sole purpose of defending what he thought
was the right. His opponents said: "Whatever may be
the specious arguments advanced to support his opposition,
from a temperance standpoint the fact will remain that
every blow he strikes against the temperance cause is one
in favor of whisky, drunkenness, gambling, and the whole
list of crimes born and bred in the saloons.'' It was in
this way that many of the prohibitory folk frequently at-
tempted to classify persons differing in opinion from them-
selves as persons who favored saloons. There were such
narrowness and bigotry evinced among radical prohibition-
ists. They could not tolerate opinions on temperance differ-
ent from their own, and sought to put every one who op-
posed them in an unfair light. By their unreason and in-
tolerance they have done the temperance cause much harm
in the State. For there are broad-minded Christian men
who believe that other methods of dealing with the temper-
ance question would be better than the prohibition of the
manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors. Some of the

372

LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

most ardent workers for temperance and the enforcement
of the law pause again and again, questioning the possi-
bility of a successful issue of prohibition in Kansas, hop-
ing that some better way for meeting social evils may be
devised, yet still struggling on, though somewhat blindly,
in their righteous attempts to enforce the law.

Governor Robinson, aroused by false representation and
stung as by a nettle with the intolerant jibes of opponents,
set himself squarely against the amendment. In the po-
litical controversy that followed he used his pen with the
vigor usual to him when engaged in debate.

But the amendment was passed, and laws under it for
the carrying out of the will of the people. This was but
the beginning of the trouble, however, for each succeeding
year brought increasing difficulties in its enforcement.
While the writer may not agree in the attitude of Governor
Robinson on the question, he is compelled to confess that the
Governor's warnings regarding the future operation of the
law were in some degree prophetic. What will be the final
outcome, no one at present can determine. While there is
probably an overwhelming majority in favor of retaining
the prohibitory law for fear of getting nothing better
should it be repealed, if for no other reason, yet its most
ardent supporters cannot pretend to be satisfied with its
operation in Kansas. While it would be out of place to
enter into a full discussion of this question, — one of the
greatest that Kansas has ever undertaken to dispose of, —
it may be safely said that the present enforcement of the
law is unsatisfactory to nearly every one; and while the
idea of prohibition has many warm supporters in Kansas,
tbere are others, not interested in the liquor business, who

CHARACTER 373

believe it to be a curse to the State. However, the liquor
question gives trouble of one kind or another, no matter
under what law, and a change from the prohibitory la^v to
some other would not insure any improvement, and it
might prove worse.

What Governor Robinson did in the controversy on this
subject was with the purest motives, and the wish to aid in
securing for the State the best and most effective law for
the suppression of drunkenness and the vice and crime that
spring out of it. Whether we could have a better law for
the times it is diflficult to say, although the present will
receive a thorough trial, and will not be given up by its
advocates until it is proved a failure or until some better
law is substituted for it. Governor Robinson believed
that only such laws should be created as could be executed
and enforced. He knew that no prohibition law had ever
been successfully enforced, wherever tried in the United
States; therefore, for this and other reasons, he was op-
posed to it. He believed in local option. In this way in
some communities it would be possible to have entire pro-
liibition, while in others, less favored, restrictive measures
could be adopted much more serviceable to such communi-
ties than a prohibitory law: measures, for example, pro-
viding a severe penalty for selling to minors or habitual
drunkards, for selling on election days, Sundays, and
national holidays; and, in fact, just such restrictions as
the community is able to enforce. Because a man advo-
cates such a rational course, is there any reason why those
apposing him should assert that he is working with the
liquor-dealers and for the saloons? 'No automatic process
lias yet been discovered for the suppression of the liquor

374 IIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

traffic. Ivocal option has succeeded in some parts of some
States, and this is all that can be said of prohibition so
far as tried.

But Governor Robinson was not perfect, nor did he ever
pretend to be without faults. He had faults which he
knew and deplored, and which his best friends knew and
deplored. He was a strong individualist, of a nature that
might almost be called turbulent had it not been so largely
under the control of a strong will. He was willing to as-
sume responsibility and submit to the consequences. A
favorite motto was, " Suffer and groT\^ strong." Nor did
he fear to stand alone in the pursuit of a course which his
best judgment directed him to follow. In the general
acceptation of the word, he was not a partisan. He never
submitted his private convictions of right and wrong to the
exigencies of party success. Wliile in a large sense he
was an excessively social man, working always for the
good of humanity and seeking for it the highest social
well-being, he found it difficult tx5 bind himself to any
clique or set, or to strike hands with his fellows to stand
by any proposition or party. He preferred to meet is-
sues as they came, and to depend on his own best judgment
to do the right thing. He was especially interested in the
so-called " common people." He early formed the habit
that has already been referred to in this chapter — that
of taking the part of the oppressed ; and so strong did this
habit become that he always assumed if a man was down
his cause was just. His best friends frequently felt that
his individualism was too strong for their comfort. One
of his admiring friends said to him one day, " Why don't
you behave yourself, and let us love you, for we want to ? "

CHAEACTEK

376

Governor Kobin&on responded with a quiet laugh, and
that was all. This was in the latter dajs, when lie had be-
come estranged from the Kepubliean party. Perhaps his
leaving the Kepubliean party after it had given him offices
of trust was the worst grievance the friends of Governor
Robinson had against him. Yet, when we consider his
nature, Ave must see that it was the most natural thing
in the world for him to do. He believed in " money for
the people," and in Government measures for the relief
of the people. He felt that the Government had been legis-
lating too much in favor of the rich and too little in favor
of the poor. While we cannot agree with all of his social,
economic and political theories, we may admit that he was
right in his fundamental principles. He had a wide sym-
pathy with the laboring classes, and a strong fellow-feeling
for the farmers when they suffered so much from over-
borrowing, short crops, and falling prices. He left the
Republican party and became a Democrat. He never ad-
mitted that he was a Populist, but the time came when the
two parties were peculiarly mixed in Kansas, and the
terms were then almost synonymous. His theory was,
that if a party would not do what the individual thought
was right, he should drop it and take up with one which,
in his judgment, came nearer doing this.

It is not intended to say here that Robinson was never
diplomatic or a partisan, for this would be entirely erro-
neous and misleading. Although strongly individualistic
in nature and independent in thought and action, he was
ever ready to serve others by diplomacy and policy. Nor
did he fail to manage his personal affairs with adroitness
and skill. But what is unquestionably true is, that once

370 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

having decided upon a given course of action lie could not
be changed through fear of personal consequences ; and he
would not, with the hope of personal gain, "stand in " with
a clique or party in conflict with his opinions of what
was right or expedient. But to stand for a course of ac-
tion which he deemed right and just, and to use policy,
skill and diplomacy in achieving its success, was what he
loved and did do ; but this is something far different from
striking hands with his fellows in order to save his own
neck or in any way advance his own interests.

As we reflect upon the stirring times in which Governor
Kobinson lived, on his struggle with ill-health and grief
in Massachusetts, on his adventures in California, and
the great struggle in Kansas; as we consider what of
treachery and calumny, misrepresentation and malignity
he had to endure from his enemies, we may consider it
remarkable that his life moved along so evenly in the
later years, and that his character retained its equipoise.
The momentum of his life-struggle for the right carried
him on to the end, fighting for the cause of truth and
freedom.

His old friend. Chancellor Snow, paid him a just and
beautiful tribute without fulsome praise when he said :

"The life which has just ended has been one men may wiael/
study and imitate. True, our friend had his faults and made his
mistakes. True, he lived in times which brought forth qualities
and traits of character worthy the attention and imitation of all.
The State has lost a true citizen. The University has been de-
prived of its oldest, firm&st and best friend. All Kansas mourna
the death of a father."

Governor Eobinson was not only generous in support of
any good cause, but was personally helpful to individuals.

CHARACTER

377

No deserving person ever went to liim in distress without
receiving aid. No worthy public enterprise was passed
by. His giving was quiet, and hence came from the heart.
Indeed, so quiet was it that only those who knew him inti-
mately have an idea of its extent. At one time, when the
library of Lawrence was to receive a present from the son
of Amos A. Lawrence, and knowing that the city had
asked much of the man, Governor Robinson sent Mr. Law-
rence a check for fifty dollars, to be used in purchasing
books to be presented to the library in Mr. Lawrence's
name. Thus did he help to relieve the son of his old
friend from too great a burden and the solicitors of the
city from an embarrassing position.

Believing that every man should have a chance for his
life and prosperity in the industrial struggle, he gave
quiet personal aid to many who afterwards lived and pros-
pered to call him blessed. After his death many letters
came to Mrs. Robinson testifying of personal services
received and affection returned. Said one: "While I
was struggling to educate my family I rode with the Gov-
ernor from Leavenworth, and, as I left the cars at Tonga-
noxie, he handed me a small roll and said, ' That may
help to educate your children.' I thanked him, and when
I unrolled the greenbacks to my surprise I found fifty
dollars." Another relates how on his first arrival in Law-
rence, almost penniless, he received assistance from Dr.
Robinson, and frequently afterwards received help. A
workman on a public building was once heard to say:
" When a man went over to the Governor's place he was
treated as a gentleman and given a nice room and a good

378

LIFE OF CHABLES KOBINSON

bed in the house, and was not put oif in a shed with an
old hard bed to lie on, the way some folks treat their
men."

So it appears that he lived true to his convictions in
private as well as public life. With a sympathetic social
nature, he won the confidence and esteem of all the Free-
State men and the admiration of many of his enemies for
his manly vigor. He loved his country and mankind, and
put his energies continually to the test in actual service
to both. He was a persistent foe of error; a strong ad-
vocate of truth ; a fearless fighter in every cause which he
espoused, and a tireless worker for humanity. He was
not a sounder of trumpets, but a builder of states and in-
stitutions. His work was lasting in its efitects, and his his-
torical record is clear and substantial. As there passes
away hero after hero of those who stood shoulder to shoul-
der in the great struggle for freedom and in the build-
ing of the commonwealth of Kansas, leaving the blessings
and the burdens of civilization to be borne by others,
the men of these later times are enabled to realize more
and more clearly that the advantages of previous struggles
are now all their own. They can look back with thankful-
ness of heart upon the lives of those who wrought and suf-
fered that future generations might have the blessings
of liberty, peace and prosperity. As they ponder with be-
coming reverence upon the long list of Kansas heroes, they
will find none greater than Charles Kobinson, the patriot
and statesman, the citizen and man.

On Friday, August 17th, 1894, at the age of 76 years,
at 3 :15 a. m., just as the dawn of a new day was approach-

CHAKACTEK 379

ing, Governor Robinson passed into the unknown. He met
death as bravely and calmly as if it were an ordinary event
of life. He had often fearlessly faced it before, but now
it came, bringing the welcome end of a well-spent life.

No citizen of Kansas has passed away amid more ardent
expressions of affectionate regret than Charles Robinson.
The whole State knew him and felt its loss. On Sunday,
August 19th, four ex-Governors of the State, and other
prominent men and officials from various points, came to
join with neighbors and friends in paying their last tribute
of respect to him who, so powerful in life, now lay helpless
in death. The funeral sermon was preached by Dr. C. G.
Howland, a venerable and lovable man, since passed to his
rest, who closed his discourse with these graphic words :

'^ Much of Governor Robinson's life was tempestuous,

but the close was as gentle as the fading light of day. With

a tender yet speechless touch of a dear hand, and without

the slightest concern, he went out ' to meet what the future

hath of marvel or surprise,' "

" Fallen at length, the Nestor of our time,
Founder and savior of our infant State,
The lofty life to Freedom dedicate, —
The champion ever mailed to challenge crime,
And make the people's rustic cause sublime.
Peer of the commonwealth he did create,
His strength hath known no weakness, no abate.
From this strange stillness back to youth's rich prime.
And is he fallen? Nay; a wiser thought
Follows the spirit as it slow withdrew,
Leaving the fields on which he grandly fought.
The writhing wrongs his prowess overthrew.
And lo! amidst the zenith stars inwrought.
We speed the newest orbed. Hail, and adieu."

Henry M. Greene.

APPENDIX A.

NOTES.

Note (a). — Subsequently Kev. W. B. Stone became Gov. Robia-
aon's brother-in-law. He was brother to Lucy Stone, the womaa
who spent her life and all her thought for the enfranchisement of
woman. Colleges in New England were not yet open to women, but
Oberlin College in Ohio was founded in 1833, in which instruction
was offered equally to men and women. Here, all who would seek
knowledge should find it. Full of zeal, Lucy Stone and Sarah Pellet,
of North Brookfield, Massachusetts, went to Oberlin; the latter car-
rying her kit of material wherewith she could mend or make shoes
for the other students, and so add to her scanty means, while Lucy
Stone set and cleared off tables for the daily meals. The spirit of
New England girls and boys was full of aspiration, and they de-
sired above all things wise instruction and cleanliness of he^rt and
life.

Note (b). — Academies and seminaries were great blessings to
New-England youth in those days. They made Amherst, Harvard,
Williams and Dartmouth possible to thousands of young men.
Hadley was settled in about 1669, and her academy founded in 1687.
Among other academies there might be mentioned the academy of
South Byfield, for boys, incorporated in 1761. The first woman's
academy was Adams, at Derry. New Hampshire, founded in 1823;
and the academy at Ipswich, Massachusetts, in 1828. There were
academies at Deerfield, Massachusetts; and at New Salem and a
few other places. Children and youths who desired to be edu-
cated in all branches of study were compelled to attend private
schools and academies.

Jonathan Robinson sent three of his girls to Mount Holyoke
Seminary as soon as that institution was opened. In 1790, Boston
girls were allowed to attend the public schools in the summer for
two hours in the afternoon, provided the seats were left vacant by
boys. In 1788 the town of Northampton voted that none of the
public money be expended for the schooling of girls. Indeed, girls
were not recognized by the school laws, for we read that " the v/ord
children " be interpreted to mean boys. It had been a dark age for

(383)

384 1.1VE OF ClIAELES ROBINSON

women, even in good old Massachusetts; but light was breaking.
Among the Berkshire mountains, over one hundred years ago, Feb-
ruary 28, 1797, a little girl, Mary Lyon, was born, who possessed
a craving for knowledge; the same grand assimilating power of in-
tellect which sometimes falls to the lot of brothers in the race, and
the same keen instinct into truth, marked her mental and moral char-
acter. She was self-reliant, and she learned self-control. She had
little regard for trifles; they meant nothing to her. She always saw
the humorous side of life, and whatever was set for her to learn she
devoured with eagerness and made her own. Miss Lyon wished to
found an institution which should be wholly devoted to the higher
education of women, and she concentrated all her energies on this
work. Belchertown was thought of, on account of its singular
beauty of situation, as the location of the school, but the choice fell
upon South Hadley. Two of the teachers of the Classical school,
and the head of its largest boarding-house, were wanted to go with
Miss Lyon. Miss Mary Whitman and Miss Moore and " Pa " Hawks
were transferred to Mount Holyoke Seminary, South Hadley, as
soon as the school opened there. In gathering funds for the new
enterprise, Miss Lyon was untiring. The weather never in the least
interfered with her excursions into the towns about, to lay her plans
before the people personally, and ask for substantial aid. She took
whatever was offered with exceeding thankfulness; no gift was de-
spised. Even a contribution of six cents was received with gratitude,
and the largest gift of $1,000 only served to inspire her to more
heroic efforts. Sometimes a heavy summer shower, with lightnings
flashing and thunders pealing and reverberating among all the
hills, (for Belchertown, according to Pres. Timothy Dwight, of
Yale College, " was famous for its Anti-Masonry and being struck
by lightning,") and one would see Miss Lyon, seated on the bottom
of an open wagon with her outer garments drawn closely about
her, driving as fast as she could, with ten miles yet to pass between
Belchertown and South Hadley, before the darkness of the night
should envelop her. She roused the enthusiasm of the people, and
the women who desired knowledge saw the shackles falling from
them. Miss Lyon was not discouraged by the taunts of men, some-
what educated to be sure, but not advanced enough to realize how
their own uplifting would come — must come — by every advance
made by their sisters. Father Robinson was among those who felt
the stirring soul-awakening of Miss Lyon's enthusiastic work, and

APPENDIX 386

when the school opened in 1837, his three surviving danghters —
cne had died — entered as students, r.nd made such proficiency in
their studies that they subsequently all became teachers and taught
successfully for many years.

Thus, one can see readily how the spirit of studious thought was
aroused in the youth Charles Robinson. We might mention one
incident in connection with a visit he made to his sisters. Miss
Lyon always seated her guest at her table, and she always invited
him to " ask the blessing " upon the meal. In the simplicity of his
heart the young man very reverently asked for the Divine blessing.
It required courage to do so in the presence of a bevy of young
women, — or it would to a less modest man. But his courage in
youth was evinced in other ways. For instance, when he made his
first attempt at swimming. There was no water deep enough near
his home to tempt him to try his powers, but at Hadley there was
the broad and beautiful Connecticut river, one-fourth of a mile
•wide. At the first trial he swam to the Northampton side of the
river, a boat containing two or three of his school-mates going
along to take him in, in case of weakness or untoward accident.
Again, in later years, while a student in Dr. Gridley's office, he went
with him to assist in cutting off an arm of Miss Smith, daughter
of Col. Smith, with whom he had boarded while at school at Hadley,
Dr. Cutter and Dr. Linncll accompanying, while he courageously as-
sisted in the operation. His diffidence did not permit him to speak
to the family with whom he had had a pleasant home, but Col.
Smith thought he knew him, and said, " Is not this our Charles
Robinson?" and it pleased him to be remembered. The clinical
experience students of medicine now get in hospitals, they received
quite as surely by going with their instructors to the bedsides of
the sick, and sometimes without them.

Note (c). — Bekhertown was situated upon a long plateau, ten
miles from the Connecticut river. There was the Mount Holyoke
range of mountains upon the northwest, with the mountain house
plainly to be seen in clear weather; the Wilbraham mountains on
the south, and a high range of hills four miles to the northeast,
from which the view is thought to equal that of Mount Holyoke. It
has been much visited by New-Yorkers and other people, who have
made of the town a summer resort for many years. The ascent of
the long hills from the beautiful valley of the north, where the
—25

386 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

ponds lie, was two miles from the principal hotel, directly south.
Very seldom did Mr. Lawrence, whose eldest daughter subsequently
became the wife of Charles Robinson, drive down into it, every fort-
night on his way to court at Northampton, without saying with
renewed enthusiasm, " This must look like the valley of Jordan."
It was on the great stage route between Boston and Albany, and
the hotel was the half-way house, the finest on the whole route.
The large stone slab, marked "Eighty miles from Boston," stil!
stands at the turn of the fence.

Its large and substantial houses on the broad and well-shadec
common, on most of the streets where the branches of the elms
form an archway over them, as well as in most of the school dis-
tricts (there being fourteen), with their beautiful gardens and
dooryards, make of Belchertown a delightful town. It is in Hamp-
shire county, often spoken of as the model county of the State.
It was so near to Amherst, the president and professors of the
college often came to preach on Sunday, and some of them to in-
terest themselves in the public examinations of the Classical school,
and not so far from Williamstown as to prevent Dr. Mark Hopkins
from sometimes giving the people the benefit of his erudite learning.
The corps of six instructors in the school were graduates from Am-
herst, Williams, and Yale. The one hundred and fifty scholars were
from all portions of the town and adjacent towns. They went out
from the school thoroughly equipped for their work, and are widely
scattered in their chosen fields throughout the whole country, and
some of them are beyond the seas.

The stage left Northampton for Boston at 1 a. m., and when it
reached the Belchertown hills the elders would alight to lighten the
load, and walk up the hills. A little daughter of Judge Lyman
of Northampton, did not awaken vmtil the sunrise^ — and such a
sunrise! Having vague ideas of the pearly gates and the golden
streets of the New Jerusalem, looking off beyond the Belchertown
hills upon the intermingling colors,— jasper, sajiphire, and chal-
cedony; emerald and chrysolite; topaz, jacinth, and amethyst in that
glorious horizon, — she .said, "Are we going to heaven?"

Some interest may attach to the following extracts from a letter
received by Mrs. Robinson in November ( 1893 ) before the Governor's
death. It was written by an early school friend, resident then at
Belchertown :

"Accepting the position of organist in Dr. Benian's church about

APPENDIX 387

184G, I continued as director of the music for nearly forty-five years,
commencing with a volunteer choir of forty singers, and closing with
a quartet of single voices, which were paid $1,200 and $1,000 per
annum. Having given the salient points of an uneventful life, which
I hope you may not think in the repeating I have too much of
egotism, I cannot refrain from a word in retrospect. Your letter
brought to mind so much of the past, and so vividly, that the scenes
of long ago seem more near and dear than anything transpiring
at present.

•■ Hanging up in my office, with pictures of my father and family,
is the lithograph of Oakridge, sent me some time since. And often
has the thought of the gentle maiden who gave me my first French
lessons, and who has since passed through the thrilling scenes that
made ' Bleeding Kansas ' the prelude to the terrible war, come to
me, contrasting the late life of excitement and danger with the al-
most pastoral quiet of those days at Belchertown; and there comes
an awe such as when one looks on a picture of Jeanne d'Arc before
and after her insi)iration. When in a mood of reverie, 1 recall the
fact that our mothers were intimate scnoolmates in Belchertown;
that my mother first caught a glimpse of my fatner there, and
saucily dashed the mop around his heels when she with others was
cleaning the school-room for examination, while he was visiting the
principal, an old friend of his; where I tirst heard and saw your
father, who was ever to me the peer of all men intellectually ; where
Mr. Pearl taught dancing under the pious fraud of " calisthenics ' :
where the churches fought one anotner instead of the devil, and
Bro. Oviatt tried to podr oil on the waters; where the boys and
girls found friendships that endured; where the daily stage to and
from Amherst and Palmer with Father Clapp as superintendent
was the great event of the day; where such views of Mt. Holyoke
and Aalleys stretching in all directions made one feel that Belcher-
town was the very center of the earth, a city set upon a hill, a very
Jerusalem where the tribes go up to worship.

"All this and more comes to my mind, until that time and not the
present seems vividly real. You will pardon the garrulity of an old
man, and believe the old friends seem and are better than new ones.

" With kind regards,

S. B. S.
"Troy, N. Y., Nov. 16, '93."

Note (d). — Myron Lawrence was born in Middlebury, Vermont,
May 8th, 170!). In 1820 he graduated from the college in his native
town, sharing tlie highest honors of his class with Stephen Olin,
who afterwards became Dr. Olin of Wcsleyan University, at Middle-
town, Connecticut. In their school duties they had been wont to
help each other. In all calculations of eclipses Mr. Lawrence had
made the calculations, while Mr. Olin perfected the drawings. Be-

388 LIFE OF CHART.ES KOBINSON

fore he reached his majority, by the advice of Judge Doolittlc of
Middlebury he had gone to Belchertown, Massachusetts, to study law
with his brother, Hon. Mark Doolittle, a graduate of Yale College.
He became also a member of his family, remaining such until his
marriage March 28th, 1824.

There came the happy day to the citizens of Massachusetts, when
the granite hills of its western county, Berkshire, were tunneled
for the passage of the Boston & Albany Railroad, at great labor and
great cost. Mr. Lawrence, as one of the directors, worked untiringly
for the accomplishment of the work. There would no longer remain
the necessity of taking the stage at four o'clock in the bitter cold
of a January morning, to travel by the highways, were they open, and
over the stone walls when the snows were deepest and hardest, if,
by so doing, the distance of eighty miles to Boston could be made
less. Such a winter was that of 1840. Its cold and snows were un-
precedented. There were many upsettings of the coaches that winter
on the Leicester and Spencer hills, and much merriment as the legis-
lators were trying to be on time at the opening of the General
Court [the Legislature].

When twenty-seven years of age, Mr. Lawrence represented his
town in the Legislature. He served several years as Senator and
several as President of the Senate. At his home the distinguished
people of the times visited him. Among the most noted, Daniel
Webster, Miss Harriet Martineaii, Stephen Olin. Robert Rantoul,
George Ashmun and W. B. Calhoun never passed him by.

T^uis Kossuth, the great Hungarian, had been struggling to free
his fatherland from the chains of despotism. In 1850, Mr. Law-
rence presided at the immense meeting in Faneuil Hall, which wel-
comed him to Boston. In that little down-trodden country of Hun-
gary the spirit of liberty was awakened, and the clear tones of
Kossuth's voice and the magic of his unmistakable genius had aroused
an unusual enthusiasm in the heart of New England, and all through
her hills and A-alleys the fires of liberty were lighted anew. It was
worth much to see and hear such a man, so wholly inspired and
devoted to his cause.

In 1850, Mr. Lawrence delivered the semi-centennial address at
the commencement at Middlebury, while Stephen A. Douglas, na-
tive of Brandon, Vermont, gave the address of the evening. It was
said that the impromptu address of Mr. Lawrence to the alumni
was one of the happiest efforts of his life. He became a trustee of

APPENDIX 389

the college in 1851, and worked without ceasing the last winter of
his life in raising funds for its endowment. He often said, " It is
a blessing to a boy to be born in a college town." He and his only
brother found it so. His brother, Judge Edwin Lawrence, of Ann
Arbor, Michigan, was graduated eight years after himself, and
served, for thirteen years, a most honest and severely upright judge,
before the bar of Washtenaw county. Mr. Lawrence honored his
State and his State honored him. The experience he attained in his
profession, the high esteem in which he was held for his course in
life, his usefulness to the State, are all well known. In June before
his death, he was honored with the nomination for Governor on the
temperance ticket, but failing health prevented his acceptance. On
November 7th, 1852, Mr. Lawrence passed quietly away.

XoTE ( e ) . — Fitchburg, a growing town in the northern part of
Worcester county, had become a great railroad center. It may not
seem irrelevant to give a brief description of the town with whose
interests Dr. Eobinson became identified, and which he left for busy
scenes of wider range. In its location upon the Nashua river, it
possessed many natural advantages for the building of a great city.
There was ample room for its many industries, works in iron and
brass, the foundry and steam-boiler works, and steam-engine com-
pany works. Putnam machine-shops, established in 1836, the oldest
and largest machine-shops in the city, cover fourteen acres, and they
have all the facilities for making all the tools they use. The Simonds
Manufacturing Co. dates from 1832. Their machine knives, circular
and handsaws are known over the whole world. They are the largest
manufacturers of machine knives in the world. The circular saw
exhibited by them at the World's Fair, 1893, is the largest saw ever
made, being 130 inches in diameter.

Then there were the woolen mills, the first one started in 1822;
the first paper mill, in 1804. There is Rollstone mountain, east of
the Nashua river. It is of solid granit«, from three to four hun-
dred feet high, and about a mile in circumference. In 1844, granite
was sent to Boston for the construction of the Fitchburg railroad
station. The first building in Fitchburg to be built of Rollstone
granite was the stone mill on Lamb street, built in 1852. No der-
rick was used to lift the blocks into place, for they were all drawn
up on an inclined plane by oxen.

There was the river and the mill in the valley, and when the
railroads centered there, a great impetus was given to every sort of

390 LIFE OP CHARLES KOBINSON

business: and there were the homes, many of them ]ialatial ones,
perched upon the hijrh hills inclosing the main street and the river,
almost like an amphitheater. The to\>n has often been called the
Heidelbers; of America, from the old German Heidelberg with its
castles upon the hilltops.

FitehburjT has become a half-shire town since then, and has greatly
increased in wealth and prosperity. Its first library was a shelf of
hooks of travels and stories, in a blacksmith's shop on the " Back
Road." There are now 30.000 volumes in the public library, and
13.000 card-holders use the books.

Note (f). — Mrs. Eobinson's mother, Clarissa DAvight, was a
woman who joined to personal charm and intellectual strength, great
independence of character and marked individuality. She was the
twelfth and youngest child of Col. Henry Dwight and Ruth Rich,
the only one of the children who had a clear brunette complexion
and large dark eyes. She not only enjoyed the advantages of the
private schools in town, but several terms at Hopkins Academy,
Hadley, and Deerfield Academy; also with some relations — Dwights —
who conducted a school for young ladies at Hartford, Connecticut.
She much resembled, in personal appearance as well as mental char-
acteristics, her cousin Miss Catherine Maria Sedgwick, daughter of
Pamelia Dwight and the Hon. Theodore Sedgwick, of Stockbridge,
Berkshire county, Mass. Miss Sedgwick, in those days when few
women ventured upon using their pen, had become quite famous by
her little books, intended to arouse popular thought upon some of the
evils of the time: "The Rich Poor Man," "The Poor Rich Man," "Live
and Let Live," " Hope Leslie," the " Lin woods," the " Redwoods," and
many other books of interest and value. Miss Margaret Dwight, an-
other cousin, had been the founder of the celebrated Gothic Seminary
for young ladies at Northampton, and a successful teacher in it.
Mrs. Doolittle, with whose whole name the young girl was chris-
tened (Sara Tappan Doolittle), and Mrs. Lawrence seemed to be
looked upon as the godmothers of the town. They were at the head
of every public enterprise, educational or benevolent, and never
halted for one moment's rest. For many years they held the posi-
tions alternately of President and " Directress " of a large and
busy sewing-circle. Their earnings usually went to gladden the
hearts of missionaries in the newer fields, but the work of one sum-
mer was devoted to procuring blinds for the newly repaired church.
A little " outing " for pleasure Avas made to South Hadley Falls for

APPENDIX

391

the purchase of the blinds, an omnibus-load of ladies appearing at the
blind factory one day, with Mrs. Lawrence at their head. The
church was long and had its double row of Avindows, and the ladies
(lid not consider their work complete until the blinds were painted
and hung.

It may be because Mrs. Lawrence was at all times called upon
to aid the public and never refused, that her two daughters were so
early trained to be ready for action at any emergency. It seems odd
in these days, Avhen girls grow up without knowledge of matters
connected with housekeeping, to hear of a little girl of ten years
mounting upon her small chair, and making the " election cake "
for the sewing-circle of forty members to meet with her mother the
next afternoon. Her father was possessed of the happy thought that
what was good for a boy fitting for the college would be equally good
for his two daughters. Hence at this time the child of ten was
keeping pace with her brother, making good progress in Andrew and
Stoddard's Latin Grammar and Exercises, and two years afterward
was reading one hundred lines of Virgil a day.

It may not be considered amiss to give something of the history
and characteristics of the Dwights, Mrs. Lawrence's ancestry. It is
taken mostly from the Genealogy of Dwights, two large volumes
of nearly 1,200 pages. Such a judicial history as is given of the
descendants of Captain Henry Dwight, of Hatfield, in western Massa-
chusetts, cannot, we believe, be paralleled in any other family in
the land. Five of the Dwights, all closely related to each other,
sat at different times as justices upon the bench of the same court,
that of common pleas, of Hampshire county, Massachusetts. These
were Capt. Henry Dwight, of Hatfield; Col. Timothy Dwight, of
Northampton, his nephew; two sons of Capt. Henry Dwight, namely,
Col. Joshua Dwight of Springfield and Gen. Josenh Dwight of Great
Barrington, and Major Timothy Dwight of Northampton, son of
Col. Timothy Dwight, and father of President Dwight of Yale Col-
lege. Captain Henry Dwight was judge for five years, until his
death. Col. Timothy Dwight held the office twice (1737-41 and
(1758-74.) In two difierent instances two Dwights sat as asso-
until his death. Joseph Dwight was judge from 1753-61, when the
county was divide<l, and he was made judge of the new county of
Berkshire, which position he held until his death in 1705. He was
also judge of probate of Berkshire county at the same time. Major
Timothy Dwight was judge in Berkshire county sixteen years

392 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON

(1758-74). In two different instances two Dwights sat as asso-
ciate judges on the same bench: first, from 1750 to 1757, Col. Timo-
thy Dwight and Col. Josiah Dvvight, his cousin ; secondly, from 1758
to 1761, Major Timothy Dwight and Gen. Joseph Dwight, second
cousins to each other. In one instance a son. Major Timothy Dwight,
immediately succeeded his father. Col. Timothy Dwight (1750).
In two other instances, two sons of the same father succeeded him
to the same office. But strangest of all, three Dwights sat for four
years each as judges upon the same bench: Col. Timothy Dwight
(1748-57); Col. Josiah Dwight (1750-08); and Brig.-Gen. Joseph
Dwight (1756-61). Gen. Joseph Dwight was judge at different times
in three different counties: Worcester, Hampshire, and Berkshire.
Two of this family were Chief Justices: Col. Timothy Dwight and
Brig.-Gen. Dwight. The history of the court of common pleas and of
the probate court also, of Hampshire county, the one for more than
seventy-five years and the other for more than eighty, were so con-
nected with the history of the Dwight family as to be worthy of
notice.

Capt. Henry Dvvight was active in the subsequent purchase of
the territory composing now the towns of Great Barrington, Sheffield,
Egremont, Alford, all in what is now Berkshire county. Captain
Dwight and two other gentlemen were " a committee appointed by
the General Court to purchase a certain tract of land lying upon the
Housatonic river.' That land was cheap at Hatfield, and that Cap-
tain Dwight was disposed to purchase largely, appears from the
fact that in June, 1772, he purchased 1,200 acres for one hundred
eighty pounds, or three English shillings per acre.

The name Dwight is now, as in days gone by. a well-recognized
symbol throughout the land, of earnest appreciation of all that is
highest and best in education and religion, and in personal indus-
try and personal worth. If asked to state what one practical qual-
ity beyond any other has characterized the family within the author's
range of observation, he would at once reply, military talent, or that
natural executive energy and administrativeness which may be
readily and effectively applied to the demands of the battle-field,
the exigencies of general business, the explorations of studious re-
search, or the comprehensive duties of statesmanship, or of official
service of one's country; and which, in whatever field of employment
exerted, is in itself one and the same essential manifestation of manly
vigor of thought and feeling. The next most practical trait of those

APPENDIX 393

of the family kuovvu to history, has been that of their own separate
individuality of conscience and of conviction of character and con-
duet. The personal element has been generally a marked factor in
the composition of their ideas, in the expression of them, in their
words and deeds. They have been in a striking degree men and
women of thought, independent in framing their opinions, and
fearless in acting according to them, and in declaiming them freely
and unmistakably to others. The feminine branches of a family
exhibit the higher qualities that distinguish it, quite as clearly as
those which bear the family name. Any one having a long ac-
quaintance with the family history can easily rally to his thought
many an honored name, both among the living and the dead, resonant
with its own intrinsic worth, which has been drawn from the best
Dwight motherhood, gracing its own lineage and graced by it.
They could not call any man their father in their habits of re-
ligious thinking, — not John Calvin, nor their own Jonathan Edward.s
or President Dwight, but like those very leaders of religious thought
themselves, they were like those wise men of progress in their ideas
of religious truth. Theology, a human science at the best, they re-
garded as being in itself as thoroughly capable of improvement from
time to time as any other piece of man's wisdom ; and more desirably
so than any other, because of its lai'ger bearings in every way on
human happiness, here and forever. And the moral and scriptural
ideas which they cherished for the life and light and warmth which
they gave to their own souls, they were ever active in putting into
force in the communities where they lived, rejoicing to meet any
invitation or opportunity for their manifestation. They have not
been lovers of general society. Being studious to a large degree, and
fond of seeking the higher culture, they have become by their special
tastes and habits, greatly isolated in their lives of effort and expe-
rience. They have been no idlers, overcome with ennui, and wasteful
of life's best opportunities for receiving and doing good. With quite
a large number of the leading spirits in the family it would not be
too much to say that their love of work amounted almost to a rul-
ing passion. With abounding energy of will, they have addressed
themselves to the highest points of human hope and thought, and
delighted to communicate the riches of truth and love that they had
found with others in the recitation-room, the pulpit and the press.
They have been conspicuous always for their swiftness and power to
protest against wrong: high-hearted leaders of forlorn hopes; brave

594

LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

helpers of anyone tliey fonml in life's pathway; strong lovers of
everything truest and best in the cominnnity, and strong haters of
anything evil; warm in their likes and warm in their dislikes,
with an intense dislike for shams in all matters of social intercourse,
of business, and of taste. The constitution of the Dwight name is
thoroughly non-jesuitical. The aspirations and impulses of those
who have given character, a name to the family, haA'e grown out of
and clustered around such doctrines, imbedded deeply in their hearts,
as these:

" The sacredness of religious conditions is in individual minds.'-

" No infallible system of interpretation of the Scriptures to be
found anywhere, in any human being, council, creed, or sect."

" Continual progress toward something ever better than before, in
each individual and in society at large."

" The greatest possible freedom of thought, feeling and action to
be allowed to evei"y one, consistent with similar rights to all others,
and the good of all."

" Justice to all men, liberty to all, and peace to men of peace."

Note (9). — When Josiah had completed his apprenticeship as
printer, he wanted to get a position with the New York Evangelist.
His father asked him what recommendation he would offer. He re-
plied, " I Avould recommend myself." He was accepted by the
Evangelist office, and remained there until he came to Lawrence,
when he was assistant editor of the Lawrence Journal in association
with Hovey Lowman. At the time of the Quantrell raid, he was one
of the three young men who were killed at Dr. Griswold's house, that
fatal morning of August 21st, 1863, — Mr. Baker alone surviving, of
a group of four. A memorial of Trask was written by a minister
of Fitchburg.

APPENDIX B.

EXTRACTS FROM THE WRITINGS, ADDRESSES AND PAPERS
OF CHARLES ROBINSON.

SPEECH DELIVERED AT THE CLOSE OF THE
"WAKARUSA WAR,"

BY GENERAL 0HARLB8 ROBINSON.
From the Herald of Freedon), December 15, 1855.

Feixow-Soldiers: In consequence of a "misunderstanding" on
the part of the Executive of this Territory, the people of this vicin-
ity have been menaced by a foreign foe, and our lives and property
threatened with destruction. The citizens, guilty of no crime, rallied
for the defense of their families, their property, and their lives, and
from all parts of the Territory the true patriots came up, resolved
to perish in the defense of their most sacred rights rather than sub-
mit to foreign dictation. Lawrence and her citizens were the first
to be sacrificed, and most nobly have her neighbors come to her
rescue. The moral strength of our position was such that even the
'• gates of hell " could not prevail against us, much less a foreign
mob, and we gained a bloodless victory. Literally may it be said
of our citizens, " They came, they saw, they conquered."

Selected as your commander, it becomes my cheerful duty to tender
to you, fellow-soldiers, the meed of praise so justly your due. Never
did true men unite in a holier cause, and never did true bravery
appear more conspicuous, than in the ranks of our little army.
Death before dishonor was visible in every countenance, and felt by
every heart. Bloodless though the contest has been, there are not
wanting instances of heroism worthy of a more chivalric age. To
the experience, skill and perseverance of the gallant General Lane
all credit is due for the thorough discipline of our forces, and the
complete and extensive preparations for defense. His services can-
not be overrated; and long may he live to wear the laurels so
bravely won. Others are worthy of special praise for distinguished
servicert, and all, both officers and privates, are entitled to the deep-
est gratitude of the people.

In behalf of the citizens of Lawrence, in behalf of the ladies of
Lawrence, in behalf of the children of Lawrence, in behalf of your
fellow-soldiers of Lawrence, and in my own behalf, I thank you of
the neighboring settlements for your prompt and manly response to

(397)

398 LIFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON

our call for aid, and pledge you a like response to your signals of
distress. The citizens wlio have left their homes to come to our
assistance have suffered great privations and many discomforts and
expenses, while the citizens of Lawrence have incurred heavy ex-
penses; but all has been submitted to without a murmur, and in a
spirit worthy of a people enji;a<;ed in a high and holy cause.

The war is ended, our duties are discharged, and it only remains
for me, with the warmest affection for every soldier in this conflict,
to bid you adieu, and dismiss you, to go again to the bosoms of your
families.

APPENDIX 399

EXTRACT FROM THE ORATION DELIVERED AT THE
BURIAL OF BARBER.

The occasion which calls us together is one of deep interest and
peculiar significance to every patriot and republican.

Our Territory has been repeatedly invaded, and our dearest rights
trampled upon, by the citizens of a foreign State. They have taken
possession of our ballot-boxes, and by force of arms have wrested
from us the right to make our own laws and choose our own rulers,
and imposed upon us a system of laws uncongenial to our natures
and wants. Having accomplished all this by invasion and outrage,
it was but natural to suppose that invasion and outrage would be
necessary to enforce their enactments. " Misunderstanding " the
facts and tlie temper of the people as well as their tactics, the Execu-
tive recently gave the signal for another invasion, and the armed
hordes responded. Our citizens have been besieged, robbed, insulted,
and murdered; and our town threatened Avith destruction for two
whole weeks, by the authority of the Executive, and, as he now says,
in consequence of a '• misunderstanding."

A misunderstanding on the part of our Executive is a most un-
fortunate afl'air.

Our Governor having been told that the people of Kansas did not
recognize the laws of Missouri, and were determined these laws
should be a dead letter in the Territory, unwittingly fell into the
error of supposing the people would array themselves against the
Government of the United States, evidently not understanding how
a code of enactments can be effectually resisted and no law violated.
Had he carefully read the early history of his country, he might
have understood the "sons of liberty" better than to suppose any
United States law would be violated by the people, or, if violated,
that the community would be guilty of violating it.

By whose act do the remains of the lamented Thomas Barber now
await interment at our hands? By whose hand is his wife made a
widow? By whose instrumentality are we made to mourn the un-
timely fall of a brave comrade and worthy citizen?

400 LIFE OF C3IAKLES EOBINSON

Report says Thomas Barber was murdered in cold blood by an
officer or officers of the Government, who was a member of the
sheriflf's posse, which was commanded by the Governor, who is backed
by the President of the United States.

Was Thomas Barber murdered?

Then are the men who killed him, and the officials by whose
authority they acted, his murderers. And if the laws are to be en-
forced, then will the Indian Agent, the Governor, and the President
be convicted of, and punished for, murder? There is work enough
for the •' law-and-order " men to do, and let us hear no more about
resistance to the laws till this work is done. If all Missouri must be
aroused and the whole nation convulsed to serve a peace warrant
on an unofl'ending citizen, may we not expect some slight effort will
be made to bring these capital offenders to justice? Or are our laws
made for the low, and not for the high, — for the poor, and not for
the rich?

For the dead we need not mouvn. He fell a martyr to principle ;
and his blood will nourish the tree of liberty. An honorable death
is preferable to a dishonorable and inglorious life. Such was the
death of our brother, and as such he will ever be cherished by his
companions and fellow-citizens. It is glory enough for any man that
a body of men like the Barber Guards should adopt his name to
designate and distinguish their company.

To his beloved and bereaved wife, to his brothers and relatives,
to the members of his company, to all who have pledged property,
honor, and life to the cause of freedom and humanity, I seem to hear
the spirit of our departed brother say: "Be of good cheer; weep not
for me; you are engaged in a good work, and your reward will be
glorious. Death is no misfortune to the true; indeed, it is sweet
to die in defense of liberty."

But the shock produced by the murder of our friend is felt be-
yond the circle of his immediate relations and friends. It has
shaken the entire fabric of our Government to its very base, and
nothing but the unseen hand of the All-Wise Governor of the Uni-
verse could have saved this nation from civil war and political death.

It is due to the bold stand taken by the freemen of Kansas during
the late invasion that the sun of Liberty is still above the horizon;
and cold indeed must be the heart, wherever found, that does not

APPENDIX 401

beat in unison with ours as we pay cur last tribute of respect to the
remains of our brother!
Can the people of this nation approve the

" Costly mockery of piling stone on stone ?
To those who won our liberty, the heroes dead and gone.
While we look coldly on, and see law-shielded ruffians slay
The men who fain would win their own, the heroes of to-day ?"
No!

"Be callous as they will,
From soul to soul, o'er all the world,
Leaps one electric thrill."

-26

402 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

EXTRACTS FROM ORATION DELIVERED AT LAWRENCE,
KANSAS TERRITORY, JULY 4, 1855.

This day, the seventy-ninth anniversary of the Declaration of
American Independence, finds us in a new and strange country and
surrounded by circumstances interesting and peculiar. While the
echoes of the booming cannon are reverberating among our native
hills, and the merry peals of the church-going bells are announcing
to the world the rejoicings of a great and prosperous people, that
their days of weakness, sufl'ering and thraldom are past, we are here
in a remote wilderness, to found a new State, and to plant anew
the institutions of our patriotic ancestors. It is a day to us of
peculiar significance. While we would pay a tribute of respect to
that period which in the annals of this nation will ever be regarded
as most sacred; while with one accord and with one voice we worsliip
in the Temple of Liberty, uncontaminated by party distinctions oi-
sectional animosities, and unite in the endeavor to raise some fit-
ting memento of a Nation's gratitude for the declarations of thai
day, the most glorious in the history of a mighty People, we should
also gather lessons of instruction from the past by which to be guided
in the erection of a new State in the heart of this great Republic.

One lesson the history of our Government should teach us who
have chosen Kansas for our home, and that is especially applicable
to the instructions of this day, viz.: the more closely the principles
of the Declaration of Independence are followed as a basis of Gov-
ernment, and the more universal they are made in their application,
the more prosperous the Goveinment and people.

As the people of Kansas Territory are to-day the subjects of a
foreign State, as laws are now being imposed upon us by the citi-
zens of Missouri, for the sole purpose of forcing upon this Territory
the institution of Slavery, I surely need make no apology for de
voting the few moments allotted to me on this occasion, to an exami-
nation of the effects of this institution upon a State and people,
whether politically, morally, or socially. I ask you not to-day to
listen to arguments of Abolitionists, or for Abolitionism. I wish not

APPENDIX 403

to wage war upon Slavery or slaveholders ia any State of this Union,
or to interfere in any respect with our neighbors" affairs: but it is
for ourselves, our families, our own institutions and our prosper-
ity, — it is for Kansas, I ask your attention. Is it politic, is it for
our moral, intellectual or pecuniary advancement to submit to the
dictation of a foreign power in regard to our laws and institu-
tions? This is the question that deeply interests us all, and for
the consideration of which this day is most appropriate.

Liberty, the goddess to whom this day is dedicated, showers upon
her votaries peace and prosperity, intelligence and enterprise, mor-
ality and religion. The inspirer and guide of Washington and the
patriot fathers, may she become the presiding genius of our own
beautiful Kansas! Slavery — the opposite and antagonist of Lib-
erty, the ruin of nations, the impoverisher of States, the demoralizer
of communities, the curse of the world, the child of hell — may she
go to her own place. On this day and this occasion we may speak
freely, assured that no offense can be given by the strongest expres-
sions in favor of Freedom, or in opposition to Slavery, as no one
who is in favor of the latter can join in the celebration of this day.
No person who does not "hold these truths to be self-evident: that
all men are created equal: that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness,'" can consistently participate in the
festivities of this day. Nay, should we fail to speak in utter de-
testation of Slavery, and hurl defiance at the monster on this anni-
versary of Freedom's natal day, especially when the tyrant has
already placed his foot upon our necks, why, the very stones would
cry out!

Fellow-citizens, let us for a moment inquire who and wliere and
what are we?

Who are we? Are we not free-born? Were not our niolhers as
well as our fathers of Anglo-Saxon blood? Was not the right to
govern ourselves, to choose our own rulers, to make our own laws,
guaranteed to us by the united voice of the United States?

Where are we? Are we not in the most beautiful country that
human eye ever heheld? Is it not for surface, soil and productions,
worthy to be styled the garden of the world? A wilderness, yet al-
ready budding and blossoming like the rose? A new country, yet hav-
ing the appearance in its diversity of meadow and woodland, of hill

404 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON

and dale, of a land long inhabited, and most beautifully and tastefully
laid out into parks and groves? With a mild and salubrious climate,
a dry, pure atmosphere, must it not soon become the resort of the in-
valid from the consumptive East and the ends of the earth?

Our situation, geographically, is in the center of this republic,
at the half-way station between the Atlantic and Pacific, the Gulf
of Mexico and the British Possessions. The " Father of Waters "
extends to us his great right arm and proffers the commerce of the
world and a market for all our productions; and the line of steam
and telegraphic communication that is soon to encircle the globe will
of course pass directly through our Territory, thus bringing to our
very doors the commerce of China and the Indies.

What are we? Subjects, slaves of Missouri! We come to the
celebration of this anniversary with our chains clanking about our
limbs; we lift to heaven our manacled arms in supplication; pro-
scribed, outlawed, denounced, we cannot so much as speak tlie name
of Liberty except with prison-walls and halters looking us in the
face. We must not only see black Slavery, the blight and curse of
any people, planted in our midst, and against our wishes, but we
m.ust become slaves ourselves.

Persons may teach that the Declaration of Independence Avas a
lie; that tyranny and oppression, a thousand-fold more severe than
that which our ancestors rose in rebellion against, are right; that
marriage is a mockery ; that the parent shall not have possession of
his own child, nor the husband his wife; that education is a crime;
that traffic in human beings, the bodies and souls of men, is a
virtue; — all this may be taught vpith impunity in this boasted land
of ours, and those who teach such things must be recognized as
gentlemen and Christians. But to teach that all men are created
equal; that they have an inalienable right to life and liberty; that
oppression is a crime, and that education, religion and good morals
are virtues, — this is not to be tolerated for a moment. Tar and
feathers, the gallows and stake, await all persons who dare express
a belief in such dangerous doctrines, if we can believe our masters.
Masters, did I say? Heaven foibid! Subjects? slaves? Oh, no!
it is all a mistake. What! the whisky-drinking, profane, blas-
y>hemou«, degrading, foul-mouthed and contemptible rabble that in-
vaded our Territory at the late elections, our masters? Never!
Never! I can say to Death, Be thou my master, — and to the grave.

APPENDIX 405

Be tliou my prison-house; but acknowledge such creatures my
masters, never! No, thank God. we are yet free, and hurl defiance
at those who would make us slaves.

"Look on, who will, la apathy, and stifle, they who can.
The sympathies, the hopes, the words, that .make man truly man;
Let those whose hearts are dungeoned up with interest or with ease.
Consent to hear with quiet pulse of loathsome deeds like these 1
We first drew in New England's air, and from her hardy breast
Sacked in the tyrant-hating milk that will not let us rest ;
And if our words seem treason to the dullard and the tame,
'Tis but our native dialect, — our fathers spake the same."

With truth and justice on our side, we have nothing to fear, for —

"Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just.
And he but naked, though locked up in steel.
Whose conscience with Injustice is corrupted."

Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted, if not his who with-
holds from the laborer his due, who makes merchandise of men,
women and children, who sunders family ties, sending the husband
perhaps to the cane-fields of Mississippi, the wife to a New Orleans
brothel, and the children to the rice-swamps of Alabama, never to see
one another again, and to all spend their lives amid whips and chains?
Is it not ■' confirmation strong as Holy Writ." and their conscience
is corrupted, when such men " repel the doctrine " that such proceed-
ings are wrong, either morally or politically? when they " hurl back
with scorn" the charge that conduct like this can be inhuman? Per-
haps it is not inhuman, if they are fair samples of humanity; but
it is certainly un-beastlike. '

And who are the cowards in this contest, if not those who shun
investigation, tremble at free discussion, or even the expression of
an opinion, who cry out, " Down with the press, down with the
church, and down with every man who disapproves of oppression " ?
And what acts are more cowardly, if it is brave and manly for scores
of men, maddened with whisky, to prowl about in the dark and de-
stroy the defenseless, to seize peaceable and unarmed citizens, to tar
and feather them, to throw printing-presses into the river, and
threaten to shoot governors and hang editors, and especially to march
upon a weak and defenseless people by thousands, armed with deadly
weapons of all kinds, the most deadly of which is whisky, and trample
under their feet the dearest rights of freemen, imposing upon a neigh-
boring Territory a foreign government and laws not of their choice,

406 LIFE OF ClIAKLES ROBINSON

at the point of the bayonet? If such acts are brave and heroic, what
are cowardly and villainous?

What reason is given for the cowardly invasion of our rights by
our neighbors? No good reason is or can be given. They and their
apologists say that if Kansas is allowed to be free, the institution
of slavery in their own State will be in danger; that the contrast
between a free and a slave State will be so great that their own
citizens will become abolitionists, or the underground railroad will
relieve them of their slaves. But for the first cause there is no
danger of alarm, if their doctrine is correct that slavery is a bless-
ing, and not a moral or political evil. If it is the humane institu-
tion that they represent, who will want to see it abolished? As to
the second cause, there is no ground to fear, provided the people of
Missouri mind their own affairs and let ours alone, for it is not true
that the settlers of Kansas have enticed away a single negro, or at-
tempted to do so. On this point we speak by authority; for do not
the Westport and other Missouri papers say that the general agency
of this line of travel is under our charge? — and did those papers
ever tell an untruth ? We say, then, officially, that up to the present
time not the first rail has been laid of this road in Kansas; but the
workmen are in readiness, and will commence operations with a will
if our affairs are again interfered with by foreign intruders. If the
people of Missouri make it necessary, by their unlawful course, for
us to establish freedom in that State in order to enjoy the liberty of
governing ourselves in Kansas, then let that be the issue. If Kan-
sas or the whole North must be enslaved or Missouri become free,
then let her be made free. Aye, and if to be free ourselves slavery
must be abolished in the whole country, then let us accept that issue.
If black slavery in a part of the States is incompatible with white
freedom in any State, then let black slavery be banished from all.
As men espousing the principles of the Declaration of the fathers,
we can do nothing less than accept these issues. Not that we are
unfriendly to the South : far from it. If there be any true friend of
the South in this assembly, to him we say that our love to the South
is no less than his. If, then, such friend demand why we are ready
to accept this issue, this is our answer : Not that we love the South
less, but we love our country more. " Had you rather Caesar were
living, and die all slaves, than that Caesar were dead, to live all free-
men?" "Who is here so base that would be a bondman? If any,
speak, for him have I offended."

APPENDIX

407

Fellow-citizens, in conclusion, it is for us to choose for ourselves,
and for those who shall come after us, Avhat institution shall bless or
curse our beautiful Kansas. Shall we have freedom for all her peo-
ple, and consequent prosperity, or slavery for a part, with the blight
and mildew inseparable from it? Chose ye this day which you will
serve. Slavery or Freedom, and then be true to your choice. If
Slavery is best for Kansas, then choose it; but if Liberty, tlien
choose that.

Let every man stand in his place, and acquit himself like a man
who knows his rights, and knowing, dares maintain them. Let us
repudiate all laws enacted by foreign legislative bodies, or dictated
by Judge Lynch over the way. Tyrants are tyrants and tyranny is
tyranny, whether under the garb of law or in opposition to it. So
thought and acted our ancestors, and so let us think and act. We
are not alone in this contest. The entire nation is agitated upon
the question of our rights. The spirit of "76 is breathing upon some
the handwriting upon the wall is being discerned by others, while
the remainder the gods are evidently preparing for destruction.

Every pulsation in Kansas vibrates to the remotest artery of the
body politic, and I seem to hear the millions of freemen and the mill-
ions of bondmen in our land, the millions of the oppressed in other
lands, the patriots and philanthropists of all countries, the spirits of
the Revolutionary heroes, and the voice of God, all saying to the
people of Kansas, ''Do your duty! "

408 LIFE OU Cn/iKLES KOBINSON'

SELECTIONS FROM THE FIRST MESSAGE TO THE FIRST
FREE-STATE LEGISLATURE, MARCH 4, 1856.

The organization of a new government is always attended with
more or less difficulty, and should, under the most favorable circum-
stances, enlist the learning, judgment and prudence of the wisest men
in all its departments. The most skillful workmanship is requisite,
that each part of the complicated machinery may be adapted to its
fellow, and that a harmonious whole, without jar or blemish, may
be the result. In Kansas especially is this a most delicate and diffi-
cult task. Our citizens are from every State in the Union, and from
nearly every country on the globe, and their institutions, religion,
education, habits and tastes are as various as their origin. Also
in our midst are several independent nations, and on our borders,
both west and east, are outside invaders.

The reasons why the Territorial Uovernment should be suspended
and Kansas admitted into the Union as a State, are various.

In the first place, it is not a government of the people. The exec-
utive and judicial officers are imposed upon the people by a distant
power, and the officers thus imposed are foreign to our soil, and are
accountable, not to the people, but to an executive two thousand miles
distant. American citizens have for a long time been accustomed
to govern themselves, and to have a voice in the choice of their offi-
cers ; but, in the Territorial Government, they not only have no voice
in choosing some of their officers, but are deprived of a vote for the
officers who appoint them.

Again: Governments are instituted for the good and protection of
the governed; but the Territorial Government of Kansas has been
and still is an instrument of oppression and tyranny unequaled in
the history of our republic. The only officers that attempted to ad-
minister the law impartially have been removed, and persons substi-
tuted who have aided in our subjugation. Such has been the con
duct of the officers and the people of a neighboring State, either iu
tentionally or otherwise, that Kansas to-day is without a single lav,'

APPENDIX 409

enacted by the people of the Territory. Not a man in the country
will attempt to deny that every election had under the Territorial
Government was carried by armed invaders from an adjoining State,
and for the purpose of enacting laws in opposition to the known
wishes of the people.

The Territorial Grovernment should be withdrawn, because it is
inoperatiA'e. The officers of the law permit all manner of outrages
and crimes to be perpetrated by the invaders and their friends
with impunity, Avhile the citizens proper are naturally law-abiding
and order-loving, disposed rather to siiffer than to do wrong. Sev-
eral of the most aggravated murders on record have been committed,
but as long as the murderers are on the side of the oppressors, no
notice is taken of them. Not one of the whole number has been
brought to justice, and not one will be, by the Territorial officers.
While the marauders are thus in open violation of all law, nine-
tenths of the people scorn to recognize as law the enactments of a for-
eign body of men, and would sooner lose their right arm than bring
action in one of their misnamed courts. Americans can suffer
death, but not dishonor; and sooner than the people will consent
to recognize the edicts of lawless invaders as laws, their blood will
mingle with the waters of the Kansas, and this Union will be rolled
together in civil strife.

Not only is this Territorial Government the instrument of op-
pression and subjugation of the people, but under it there is no hope
of relief. The organic act permits the Legislature to prescribe the
qualification of voters, and the so-called Legislature has provided
that no man shall vote in any election who will not bow the knee to
the dark image of slavery, and appointed officers for the term of four
years to see that this provision is carried out. Thus nine-tenths
of the citizens are disfranchised and debarred from acting under the
Territorial Government if they would.

Even if allowed to vote, the Chief Executive of the country says
that he has no power to protect the ballot-box from invaders, and if
the people organize to protect themselves, his appointees intimate
that they must be disarmed and put down: hence, whether allowed
to vote or not, there is no opportunity for the people of the Territory
to rule under the present Territorial Government. Indeed, the laws
are so made and construed that the citizens of a neighborrtig State
are legal voters in Kansas, and of course no United States force can

410

LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

be brought against them. They are by law fiilitled to invade us
and control our elections.

Whereas, the Territorial Government, as now constituted for
Kansas, has proved a failure, — squatter sovereignty under its work-
ings a miserable delusion, — in proof of which it is only necessary to
refer to our past history, and our present deplorable condition; — our
ballot-boxes have been taken possession of by armed men from foreign
States, and our people forcibly driven therefrom; persons attempted
to be foisted upon us as members of a so-called Legislature, unac-
quainted with our wants, and hostile to our best interests, some of
them never residents of our Territory; misnamed laws passed, and
now attempted to be enforced by the aid of citizens of foreign States,
of the most oppressive, tyrannical, and insulting character; the
right of suffrage taken from us, debarred from the privilege of a
voice in the election of even the most insignificant officers ; the right
of free speech stifled; the muzzling of the press attempted; — and
whereas, longer forbearance with such oppression has ceased to be a
virtue; — and whereas, the people of this country have heretofore ex-
ercised the right of changing their form of government when it be-
came oppressive, and have at all times conceded this right to the
people in this and all other governments; — and whereas, a Territorial
form of government is unknown to the constitution, and is the mere
creature of necessity, awaiting the action of the people; — and whereas,
the debasing character of the slavery which now involves us im-
pels us to action, and leaves us the only legal and peaceful alterna-
tive, — the immediate establishment of a State Government; — and
whereas, the organic act fails in pointing out the course to be
adopted in an emergency like ours: Therefore, you are requested to
meet at your several precincts in said Territory hereinafter men-
tioned, on the second Tuesday of October next, it being the ninth
day of said month, and then and there cast your ballots for members
of a convention to meet at Topeka on the fourth Tuesday of October
next, to form a constitution, adopt a bill of rights for the people of
Kansas, and take all needful measures for organizing a State govern-
ment preparatory to the admission of Kansas into the Union as a
Stat*.

It is understood that the deputy marshal has private instructions

APPENDIX 411

to arrest the members of tbe Legislature and the State officers for
treason, as soon as this address is received by you.

In such an event, of course, no resistance will be offered to the
<^cer. Men who are ready to defend their own and their country's
honor with their lives, can never object to a legal investigation into
their actions, nor to suffer any punishment their conduct may merit.
We should be unworthy the constituency we represent, did we
shrink even from martyrdom on the scaffold, or at the stake, should
duty require it. Should the blood of Collins and Dow, of Barber
and Brown, be insufficient to quench the thirst of the President and
his accomplices, in the hollow mockery of " squatter sovereignty' "
they are practicing upon the people of Kansas, then more victims
must be furnished. Let what will come, not a finger should be raised
against the Federal authority, until there shall be no hope of relief
but in revolution.

The task imposed upon us is a difficult one; but with mutual
cooperation, and a firm reliance on His wisdom who makes " the
wrath of man praise Him," we may hope to inaugurate a government
that shall not be unworthy of the country and the age in which we
live.

4:12 LIFH OL'' CHA.KLF,S ROBINSON

MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR CHARLES ROBINSON,

JUNE 11, 1857.

FelloiC'-Citisens of the Bevate and Bouse of Representatives :

You are again convened together at the expiration of the recess
taken by you in January last. You meet under circumstances
scarcely less difficult, and no less embarrassing, than have char-
acterized the previous meetings of this Legislature. But your duties
under the Constitution are plain, and the necessity for action im-
perative.

As the representatives of the people, you are here to do the work
for which they have selected you. The bitter experience of the past
has brought nothing with it that could relieve you of your responsibil-
ity. Every step in that experience has shown the necessity for you to
do your work, and that you with calmness, wisdom and determina-
tion prepare those bulwarks on which the people may rest their con-
stitutional rights, as American citizens, and keep the State Govern-
ment in readiness for admission into the Union.

As it becomes my duty to recommend such measures as I may
deem expedient for your action, and to communicate to you the condi-
tion of afTairs in the State, I shall endeavor briefly to do so.

Since I sent my message to you, when you first convened, in March,
1856, many important and startling events have marked and dis-
turbed the current of affairs. The horrors of actual warfare have
existed in our midst. Towns and cities have been sacked and burned,
and our citizens have been brutally murdered on the highways and
in their homes. A hostile enemy on our eastern border has poured
in predatory band after band, and army after army, with the design
of harassing our citizens and completing the subjugation they had
begun.

The General Government, which still assumes the power of protec-
tion over us, has basely used that power as the screen under which it
has rendered aid and comfort to our enemies, and strengthened the
hands of those foreign invaders who still pretend to hold the political
power of the people, that they usurped. Nor have your labors or
your persons been exempt. Lawless arrests have been made of your

APPENDIX 413

members, and also executive officers, by men who, although they pos-
sessed some power, and in many instances held positions in connec-
tion with the Federal courts, acted with irregularity and in defiance
of even the rules which they professed to respect.

A large and necessary portion of the labors of your codifying
committee was destroyed, with much other property, at Lawrence,
in May, 1856, when that place was pillaged and partially burned,
by a mob brought there by a United States Marshal. When your
bodies met pursuant to adjournment, in July last, your assembly was
interfered with and broken up by a large force of United States
troops, in battle array, who drove you hence, in gross violation oi
those constitutional rights which it was their duty to have protected.
When you again convened in January last, at your regular session,
your proceedings were again interfered with by a deputy marshal,
and many of your members arrested.

I do not propose entering into a minute detail of all the unliappy
occurrences that have marked the past year — occurreuces which
have stamped a page of infamy on the history of the country. Let
me refer you to the comprehensive address prepared by a committee
of the convention that assembled in this place on the 10th of March
last, for those particulars, an enumeration of which would absorb too
much of your time. Suffice it to say, that owing to these causes the
Government is not yet fully organized, and wait« in urgent necessity
for the completion of your work.

The period for Avhieh you were elected is drawing to a close. Xo
provision for taking the census has been made, and no election law
adopted. Without these your function in the government will ex-
pire, and with it the power of reproducing it. I cannot think that
you v?ill, in any contingency, incur the reproach of leaving helpless
the people who trusted you, or compelling them to recur through
original action to their primary power, for those needed steps which
it is your duty to supply.

In my message sent you in March, 1856, I enumerated the outlines
of the legislation it would be incumbent on you to frame and adopt.
Let me respectfully refer you to that document for those .details.

There is one subject of great moment for our present and future
prosperity. The public land in our midst still belongs to the General
Government. To secure these lands, or all of them that can be ob-
tained, is a matter to which we should devote no ordinary attention.
The policy hitherto adopted towards other new States, gives us just

414 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSOK"

grounds to look to Congress for a grant of all the public lands in
our midst. To your enterprise and endurance its value can be traced,
and to you it rightly belongs. The sale of much of our valuable land.s
for the behalf of Indians, gives an additional claim on the Govern-
ment for the remainder. Surely, the General Government will not
seek to make a speculation on the bones and sinews of the struggling
pioneers who seek to add another State to the confederacy. Let us
respectfully urge upon the assembled wisdom of Congress our claim
for donations of these lands, and let us press these claims before the
Government has passed its title to all the valuable portions, into
the hands of speculators. Xo donation should, by its terms, conflict
with the claim of a squatter on the soil.

The inanimate framework of a Territorial Government still exists
in Kansas. While the popular branch of Congress has accepted our
application for admission into the Union, the Senate has still with-
held its approval. In this isolated condition, our rights as American
citizens, under the Constitution, and our inherent rights as men,
remain to us. Tlie Territorial Governor, recently sent among us by
the Federal Government, in his inaugural truly said:

" It is the people of Kansas, who, in forming their State Consti-
tution, are to declare the terms upon which they propose to enter the
Union. Congress cannot compel the people of a Territory to enter the
Union as a State, or change, without their consent, the Constitution
framed by the people. Congress, it is true, may for constitutional
reasons refuse admission, but the State alone, in forming her Con-
stitution, can prescribe the terms on which she will enter the Union.
This power of the people of a Territory in forming a State consti-
tution is one of vital importance, especially in the States carved out
of the public domain. Nearly all the lands of Kansas are public
lands, and most of them are occupied by Indian tribes. Those lands
are the property of the Federal Government, but their right is exclu-
sively that of a proprietor, carrying with it no political power."

The doctrine here enunciated is only what has been established by
precedent, and reiterated time and again. In it we have a right to
form a State constitution, and of necessity a complete State organiza-
tion, for which its specific terms must provide. As Congress has
neither the right to frame a Constitution for us, nor to " change "
the same, it must be apparent to all, they have no power to destroy
it when created. Governor Walker goes even farther than this, and
farther than we have ever proposed going, for he says " The State
alone, in forming her constitution, can prescribe the terms on which
she will enter the Union," — clearly implying that she may enter the

APPENDIX 415

Union or not. Under these circumstances it is clearly apparent that
the Federal Government has only sent Governor Walker as a Terri-
torial officer to Kansas, because we have hitherto failed, or been
unable to complete the organization we have begun. In the absence
of the full and vital powers of goAernraent adopted by the people,
this is merely an endeavor to carry out the implied protection.

What renders this more unhappy, is the fact that the Federal
authorities have never yet been able to afford us such protection, and
as there is no Territorial law here, recognized by the people as such,
the executive function is a mockery.

Your first consideration is the necessities of the people, but be-
yond that it is your duty to act with promptness, so as to relieve
these Federal appointees of a merely nominal duty, that must be
embarrassing and disrespectful to them, whilst the unsettled state
of affairs conveys an impressive reproach to those republican insti-
tutions on which all our hopes as a people center. In the Inaugural
to which I have referred, there is a recommendation that our people
forsake the government they ha\e adopted, and under the management
of usurping, pretended officials, seek to do over again what has been
done.

We do not think any serious or generally entertained desire exists
amongst our people to do so; and, while opinions from such a
source may be entitled to respect, it is at least unfortunate that a
course of action in relation to the Constitution should be pointed out
in the ofiicial address of a Federal appointee, who, in that very
address, urges the rights of the people, and their rights alone, to
take steps for a State government. It is clearly evident from that
address itself, that Governor Walker has not been sufficiently con-
versant with affairs in Kansas, to warrant the expression of opinion
on so grave a matter. In that document he assures us that we shall
ha\e everything over which his executive function has no control,
and refrains from expressing any opinion on the only points for
which we could entertain hopes of his action. You are doubtless
aware that Acting Territorial Governor Stanton issued a proclama-
tion containing an apportionment of representation for a delegate
convention. That apportionment leaves nearly one-half of Kansas
without any representation, and as no census has been taken there by
anyone, they will of course have no privilege of even voting.

Had there been no State Cionstitution in Kansas; had a fraudu-
lent, pretended Territorial Legislature never originated the steps to

416 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

•which this Inaugural refers; had that action come simply from the
people, as it legitimately should, there would still have been the
strongest reasons why all good men should refrain from partici-
pating in an act so grossly fraudulent and despotic as this pretended
census, and partial appointment under it. In any event such proceed-
ings will inevitably fall to the ground as lacking in that great
essential, the popular will, which alone could give it vitality.

Although that strange appointment which deliberately anticipates
disfranchising one-half of the people was issued a week previous to
the Inaugural of Gov. Walker, there was not the slightest allusion to
that document. And yet the evidence of the fact was of easy access
to him, and he was not ignorant of it. What does he mean when he
says, " The law has performed its entire appropriate function when
it extends to the people the right of suffrage " ?

Has it done so? or, is Gov. Walker ignorant of the fact that it
has not? He adds:

" Throughout our whole Union, however, and w'herever free gov-
ernment prevails, those who abstain from the exercise of the right
of sufi'rage, authorize those who do vote to act for them in that
contingency, and the absentees are as much bound under the law
and the constitution, Avhere there is no fraud or violence, by the act
of the majoiity of those who do vote, as though all had partici-
pated in the election."

It would be needless to tell you that such a position, however good,
is quite inapplicable to this so-called census law and all the proceed-
ings under it. It originates in an usurping fraud, and every step in
the process has been a fraud. It is not a proposed election to ascer-
tain the wishes of the people, but a foregone conclusion, every part
of which is carefully framed to accomplish a certain result. But if
its applicability cannot be found in these proceedings, let me suggest
■where it can be applied. In the proceedings under which the State
Constitution was framed and ratified, all the actual voters had ths
privilege of participating. Men of all parties did do so, and if any
portion declined, it was because they feared to hazard the policy
they were trying to thrust on Kansas to a popular vote.

How are we to reconcile the two positions of this Federal In-
augural — first, that the people alone must freely and fairly make or
change their Constitution; and secondly, that "the Territorial
Legislature is the power ordained for this purpose bj/ the United
/States, and in opposing it you oppose the authority of the Federal
Government " ?

APPENDIX 417

Well knowing that the complaint that the Legislature referred to
did not derive its power from the people of Kansas, he makes up
for its lack of popular legitimacy thus : " That Legislature was
called into being by the Congress of 1854, and is recognized in the
very latest Congressional legislature. It is recognized by the pres-
ent Chief Magistrate of the Union."

There is not much of " popular sovereignty "' and " self-govern-
ment " here. This usurpation is repudiated by the people, but it is
" recognized " by "' Congress " and the " President." Its pretended
enactments are a dead letter. All the official proclamations and
bulletins of Presidents and Territorial Governors cannot make them
law, for nothing is law or can have the authority thereof save the
legitimately expressed will of the people. But if the Federal authori-
ties cannot make their usurpations laws, they seem bent on prevent-
ing the jDeople from having any law unless they will stoop to accept
of this. Never let it be said that the people of Kansas were so
recreant to the principles of self-government as to accept the laws
thrust upon them by a body of invaders. Such a fatal precedent
would sow the seed that would spring up to the ultimate ruin of
our Government. An insignificant minority in Kansas may cooperate
with the invaders outside to perpetuate this usurpation, but, as
Gov. Walker says : " The minority, in resisting the will of the ma-
jority, may involve Kansas again in civil war; they may bring upon
her reproach and obloquy, and destroy her progress and prosperity;
they may keep her for years out of the Union, and, in the whirlwind
of agitation, sweep away the Government itself; but Kansas never
can be brought into the Union, with or without slavery, except by a
previous solemn decision, fully, freely, and fairly made by a ma-
jority of her people in voting for or against the adoption of her
State Constitution."

This has been done in the adoption of our State Constitution —
has been done in accordance with the very principles and require-
ments of this Inaugural itself, and we may well ask in the language
of Gov. Walker, " Why then should this just, peaceful and consti-
tutional mode of settlement meet with such opposition from any
quarter ? "

I cannot dismiss this Inaugural, sent amongst us by the Federal

authorities and Territorial Governor, without noticing one or two

other points. He says there is a clause in our Constitution forever

excluding the African race, bond or free, from Kansas. There is

—27

4:18 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

no such clause in our Constitution, and it is to be regretted that
Gov. Walker, who talks so much about the " will of the people,"
should not have given a Constitution emanating from them, a more
careful investigation. At the time the Constitution was submitted
to the people, a resolution from the people to the first Legislature
was also submitted. This was neither " in " nor connected with the
Constitution, and has just as much force as the first Legislature may
choose to attach to it. It originated in an anxious desire to show
favor to the peculiar institutions of " her sister States " — espe-
cially her immediate neighbor, the State of Missouri. And how has
this compromise spirit been met? By invasion, usurpation, rapine,
fire and sword. Such clauses as that he has sarcastically said were
in our Constitution, he expressly denies in another paragraph.

How much more deeply he must feel the interests of Missouri than
Kansas, is apparent when he recalls the debt of gratitude that the
people of Kansas owe the State which has stripped our people of-
every constitutional right, has involved us in the confusion of civil
discord, and which is trying by the aid of General Government to
place its feet upon our necks to-day. The first cause of a political
struggle in Kansas was whether Kansas should be a free or slave
State. After the invasion of 1855, a still more fearful issue arose,
whether the people of Kansas should have the right to govern them-
selves. It is for this we struggle. The rights of the people, the
glory of republicanism on earth, the integrity of our Government,
are all wrapped up in the issue. Truly, we can say, " never was so
momentous a question submitted to the decision of any people, and
we cannot avoid the alternatives now before us of glory or of
shame."

The rights of a free people we love, the L^nion we regard, the in-
tegrity of the government we will maintain. The devotion of the
people of Kansas to the Union is evidenced by the stern reality of
their sufferings and their endurance. In wisdom and devotion the
people of Kansas will struggle to preserve the Union, should they
ever be permitted to enjoy the bands of sisterhood; they will do so
by endeavoring to make the Union worth preser^ang, without which
it will inevitably crumble in pieces. We may with sacrilegious hand
tear from the tomb of Washington or Jefferson some perishable
relic of the mortality of those who while living, were devoted to
liberty and reverenced the claims of God and humanity, and, under
the cover of the awe-striking symbol, incite the reluctant representa-

APPENDIX 419

tives of the people to acts disfranchising American citizens, robbing
republicanism of all that is good in it. We may shout " The
Union ! '' " The Union ! " over acts of the most reckless despotism,
and hurry our Government into oligarchy and anarchy under the
delusion, but the delusion will not save us from the penalty of our
folly and our crime.

Let us then preserve the Union by maintaining the integritj-
of republicanism.

It is a universal maxim that usurpers never voluntarily relin-
quish their power. Under whatever guise it may come, the action of
those who now pretend to hold Territorial power will be for the
continuation of that power.

For Gov. Walker to urge us into that flimsy trap in which they
hope to ensnare our people is wrong; and to talk to us, in the con-
nection of fairness and justice, is to add insult to wrong.

While the great principle for which we have to contend is to
maintain our right to self-government, the secondary consideration,
of preserving Kansas a free State, is not to be lost sight of. It is
of importance that the principles of Freedom should prevail, not only
because the people have willed it, but because it is good policy,
and above all, because it is right. Where would our prosperity be
if slavery were entailed upon us? Where would the towns and
cities, the railroads and commerce be, with such a plague-spot on
our energies? The owls would hoot through the cities now laid out
in Kansas, the railroads be confined to charters of usurped legislation.

The industrious settler would shrink from the contamination of
slave labor, that would degrade his manhood and his honest toil.
Nor can we trace all the reasons by which the unerring finger of a
just Providence guides the policy of every systematic wrong to a
sure decay, and entails the curse that there should be no prosperity
in the land that is stained by the tears and watered by the unpaid
sweat of any portion of the children of men.

There is indeed an " isothermal line" and a law of the thermome-
ter " which may make slave labor comparatively profitable or un-
profitable," but there is unhappily no " law of the thermometer "
to prevent infatuated slavery propagandists from attempting to estab-
lish the institution where wise policy says it never should be. It will
therefore be an important duty in us to guard carefully against all
the steps in such an insidious design; the more so, that "policy"

420 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBI^^SON

and an " isothermal law " arc united with the claims of republicanism
and justice.

Under these circumstances we can contemplate the duties before
us, and with judicious calmness undertake them. We struggle for
our birthright, and we must not sell it for a " mess of pottage." The
eyes of the country are on us, for our cause is the common cause
of all who love republicanism. In our defeat the principle on which
the Government rests will sustain a shock; in our victory it will
take root and be perpetuated. To you is confided no common share
of the task. To you will be meted out the glory of victory or the mis-
fortune of defeat. Be true, and we Avill triumph. Our task is dif-
ficult: let us meet its responsibilities in full reliance on the wisdom
of Him who is the God of Justice. A future of prosperity and use-
fulness is before the people of Kansas. A great State is rapidly
expanding into prosperous existence. May we hope to establish in
it a government not unworthy of this civilized age and our republi-
can institutions.

Charles Robinson.

TOPEKA, June 9, 1857.

APPENDIX 421

EXTRACTS FROM GOVERNOR ROBINSON'S MESSAGE
TO THE FIRST STATE LEGISLATURE, 1861.

The past year has been one of unprecedented drouth, and conge-
quent scarcity in Kansas. Our farmers, encouraged by the bountiful
return for labor bestowed on the soil in the years past, had an
unusual quantity of land under cultivation. With an ordinary sup-
ply of rain, a large amount of produce would have been raised for
export, and no people would have been more highly favored than our
own. Instead, however, of plenty and consequent prosperity, many
of our citizens have been the recipients of foreign charity. For the
prompt and generous relief afforded by States and individuals, a
suitable acknowledgment should be made by the Legislature; and
it is proper to inquire if our State is not able to provide for its
own poor in the future. No spirited and energetic people will be
recipients of charity, when able to procure their own subsistence.
Such a course would be demoralizing and degrading. If the State
has sufficient credit it would be better to use it for the relief of
her citizens, should it be necessary, than longer live upon the gen-
erosity of others. Seed has already been furnished in abundance
for spring planting, and by the first of June the stock that abounds
upon our prairies will be suitable for food; it is therefore to be
hoped that a general call for charity will soon cease.

Although the past year has been one of adversity to our people,
yet, with the stern integrity and mutual cooperation between the
several departments of the Government, together with a firm reliance
upon that Providence which has thus far sustained and directed us,
and whose promise that seed-time and harvest shall not fail, inspires
us with hope and courage in the darkest hour, we may confidently
look forward to a happy and prosperous future for our new State.

When Kansas applied for admission into the Union, it was sup-
posed that there was a Federal Government that would endure
until the present generation, at least, should pass away. Reeent
developments, however, have given rise to serious doubts as to its
existence. Theoretically, such a government is extended over thirty-
four States, but practically it does not exist in some. In seven
States the laws are openly repudiated, the forts seized, the revenue

422

LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON

stolen, the Federal officers defied, and the flag of the nation insulted
■with impunity; and eight others threaten to do likewise if the Gov-
<>rnnient attempts to assert its authority by force in any rebellious
State. Such is the condition of affairs as bequeathed by the late
administration to the present.

The future none can predict. Should matters progress as for a
few months past, and coercion be decried as at present, not a promi-
nent seaboard State will remain in the Union, and not a law of the
United States will be enforced anywhere. Our Government, once re-
garded as a power in the earth, will become a hissing and a byword
among the nations, a stench in the nostrils of all men. This nation
occupies a very remarkable position before the civilized world. It
has heretofore been prompt and efficient in putting down treason and
rebellion, and the whole force of the army and navy has been called
into requisition at once whenever danger threatened. Shay's re-
bellion, the whisky insurrection, South Carolina nullification and
the John Brown raid, were all summarily disposed of with no cry
against " coercion " ; now, when certain persons in the South have
seized upon the revenues, forts, ships, postoffices, mints, arms, and
army and navy stores, waged war upon the United States troops, set
up an independent government and bid defiance to all law, the po-
sition of the authorities has been simply that of non-resistance.
Two independent and hostile governments cannot long exist at the
same time over the same territory without conflict, and either the
Confederate States of the South or the Federal Government must
succumb, or civil war is inevitable.

A demand is made by certain States that new concessions and
guarantees be given to slavery, or the Union must be destroyed. The
present Constitution, however faithfully adhered to, is declared to be
incompatible with the existence of slavery; its change is demanded,
or the government under it must be withdrawn. If it is true that
the continued existence of slavery requires the destruction of the
Union, it is time to ask if the existence of the Union does not re-
quire the destruction of slavery. If such an issue be forced upon
the nation, it must be met, and met promptly. The people of Kan-
sas, while they are willing to fulfill their constitutional obligations
toward their brethren in the sister States to the letter, even to the
yielding of the " pound of flesh," cannot look upon the destruction
of the fairest and most prosperous government on earth with in-
difference. If the issue is presented to them, the overthrow of the

APPENDIX 423

Union or the destruction of slavery, they will not long hesitate as
to their choice. But it is to be hoped that this issue will be with-
drawn, and the nation advance in its career of prosperity and power,
the just pride of every citizen and the envy of the world.

The position of the Federal Executive is a trying one. The Gov-
ernment, when assumed by him, was rent in twain, the cry against
coercion was heard in every quarter, his hands were tied, and he had
neither men nor money, nor the authority to use either. While it
is the duty of each loyal State to see that equal and exact justice
is done to the citizens of every other State, it is equally its duty to
sustain the Chief Executive of the Nation in defending the Govern-
ment from foes, whether from within or from without, and Kansas,
though last and least of the States in the Union, will ever be ready
to ans-wer the call of her country.

424 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON

TOPEKA AND HER CONSTITUTION.

Extract from an Address Delivered before the Kansas Historical
Society, in the Winter of 1877-78.

Nothing but the menacing attitude of the Topeka Constitution and
Government compelled the Territorial oflScials to restore the ballot-
box to the people. This is made clear by the proclamation of Gov-
ernor Walker and Secretary Stanton, relative to the Oxford fraud,
when they discarded that vote at the election of the Territorial
Legislature in 1857.

The Topeka Constitution was equally important as a rallying-
point for the Free-State men. No mere party platform or organi-
zation could have prevented the recognition of the Territorial Legis-
lature and laws until the people should have a fair election. The
first Territorial Legislature had provided for " returning boards "
for four years, and in that time slavery would be established and a
Proslavery Constitution fastened upon the State. Recognition of
that usurpation would have been fatal, and the Topeka Constitution
was the only instrumentality that rendered a prevention of that
recognition possible. This was the grand mission of that Constitu-
tion, and it was filled to perfection. The first successflil battle
against the Slave-Power of the country was fought under that
banner. It was the beginning of the end of slavery in the United
States. The tide of propagandism was stayed in its blighting
course, and the refluent wave of Freedom swept over the land from
Topeka to Florida, giving liberty and equality before the law to
every human being, thus making our entire country, in fact as well
as in name, "the land of the free" as well as the "home of the
brave."

APPENDIX

425

EXTRACT FROM AN ADDRESS AT THE QUARTER-CENTEN-
NIAL OF KANSAS.

. . . No, no; the flood-tide of slavery received its first per-
manent check in Kansas, and it was the refluent waves from her
borders that carried Abraham Lincoln into the White House, drove
the South into rebellion, and buried slavery so deep that for it there
can be no resurrection. Not only is the State of Kansas thus in-
debted to the Territory, but the late slave States that contended so
earnestly to extend their peculiar institution are doubly" indebted.
These States have not only been redeemed from a blighting curse, but
have been prospered in every way as never before in their history.
So general and widespread is their prosperity, tliat so far as known
not a citizen can be found in the entire South who would reestablish
slavery if he could. But the blessings resulting from the Territorial
struggle do not stop here, for the nation itself has been born again,
and with that birth which brings with it " peace on earth and good-
will to men.'' The old contentions, bitterness, and irrepressible
conflict between the North and South have given place to mutual
respect, love, and good-will. The United States now constitute,
in reality as well as in name, like institutions, like aspirations
and a common destiny. Our Union, thus cemented, has become the
envy of all nations, and a terror to all enemies. The freest, happiest,
and most prosperous people on the globe, we have become a place of
refuge for the oppressed of all nations. Such being th*e result of
the Territorial conflict, well may the contestants embrace each other
on the twenty-fifth birthday of this wonderful State, and henceforth
dwell together in unity, under a Gk)vernment that knows no North,
no South, no East, no West, but that is " one and inseparable, now
and forever."

426 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON

EXTRACT FROM ADDRESS AT BISMARCK QUARTER-
CENTENNIAL MEETING.

. . . So much for Kansas and Kansas citizens ; but great injus-
tice would be done non-residents did we attempt to claim all ths
credit for the grand results of the last quarter of a century. At
the opening of Kansas, slavery seized upon every town and district
except such towns and districts as Avere settled by the agency of the
Emigrant Aid Society. Without these settlements, it is safe to say,
Kansas would have been a slave State, Avith not even an attempt it
resistance. Without the Emigrant Aid Society these towns would
not have been; and without Eli Thayer, Amos A. Lawrence, Edward
Everett Hale, William M. Evarts, and their co-laborers, that society
would have had no existence. And these men would have been power-
less with all their machinery, had not the Liberty party and Free-
Soil campaigns, under the lead of the Burneys, Hales, Julians, and
others been fought; and these campaigns would have been stillborn
had there been no Garrisons, Parker Pillsburys, Theodore Parkers
and Wendell Phillipses to cry in the wilderness and prepare the
way for the agencies that followed.

Another class of actors rendered invaluable service near the
close of the struggle, and must not be forgotten on this gala-day.
The Walkers, Stantons, Denvers, Fornej's and other conservative
Democrats, by their impartial and honorable course prevented much
bloodshed and cut short the struggle, perhaps years, by crushing
out fraud and giving the government to the legal majority as de-
manded by the Organic Act.

Also, to our former proslavery antagonists who have so honorably
acquiesced in the result, we most cordially extend the right hand
of fellowship. We have reason to believe that many are well
pleased with the institutions of the State, and all are forever to
close the " bloody chasm " that once divided us.

In conclusion, let me congratulate Kansas and our guests and all
friends of Kansas, that the close of the first quarter of a century
from its settlement finds peace and good-will among all its inhab-
itants, and unprecedented prosperity throughout its borders.

APPENDIX 427

EXTRACTS FROM AN ADDRESS WRITTEN FOR THE RE-
UNION AT LEAVENWORTH, OCTOBER, 1883.

. . . Every question is said to have at least two sides, and in
every war each side is supposed to have reasons for justification satis-
factory to itself. In our late Avar one side claimed to be defending
the life of the Government, while the other side professed to contend
for the constitutional rights of the States. These were the ostensible
questions involved, but the real casus belli, or bone of contention,
was the freedom or slavery of a race of laborers. One side was
fighting that all men, of whatever occupation or race, should belong
to themselves, while the other would have the laborer the chattel of
the employer.

An " irrepressible conflict "' between free and slave labor had
been inherited from the mother country from the foundation of the
Government. Slavery had remained in control of the Government for
half a century, when the right of property in human beings was
questioned as never before. Notwithstanding this questioning, slav-
ery maintained its ascendency, removing all barriers to its progress,
till a handful of men and women planted themselves on the soil of
Kansas, directly in the path of the defiant monster which had started
on a tour of the Territories and States, with Bunker Hill monument
as its destination, where the roll of slaves was to be called beneath
its shadow. This apparently insignificant obstacle in Kansas so
irritated and enraged the slave-power that it became an easy prey
to the Goddess of Liberty. Discomfitted and thwarted for the first
time in its history, in obedience to the gods it became mad, and
violently assailed the government it could no longer control; It was
this assault that stirred the blood of every free man in Kansas and
the nation, and filled our fair country with the graves of departed
heroes and annual reunions of veteran soldiers.

Our heroes, both living and dead, waged no war for national
aggrandizement; to add new laurels to a kingly crown; to give
additional power to privileged classes, or for personal benefits; —
but they offered up all that men hold dear, that a poor, crushed and
despised ra*e of servile laborers might be raised to a higher plane, —
migbt be changed from chattels to freemen; from abject slaves to

4:28 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON

American citizens. History furnishes no parallel to this war, where
a million men offered up their lives and. fortunes, not for themselves
or their kindred, but for an oppressed class of people, a class so
degraded by long years of slavery as not to be able to appreciate the
value of the sacrifice made in their belialf.

Such were the men whose reunion we witness to-day; and let
their names and deeds be cherished to the latest generations as
benefactors of their race.

One word in conclusion, to the Union veterans who annually
gather at these reunions. The institution which caused the terrible
conflict of arms has perished in the Eed Sea of fraternal strife;
the flowers of twenty summers have shed their perfume over the
graves of your dead comrades ; the smoke of battle has A^anished from
sight; the passions of the hour are cool and spent, while all men.
North, South, East and West, are ready to accept the situation as
most conducive to the highest good of the nation.

Since, then, the combatants in that deadly conflict are citizens of
one government, with a common interest and a common destiny, let
us kindly cherish that consideration and respect for the defeated
combatants that one brave man always entertains for another, and
show that consideration, respect and reconciliation by some appro-
priate word or action on the annual recurrence of these gatherings.

To love a friend and comrade is praiseworthy and human, but to
forgive a defeated foe is noble and divine.

" Sow love, and taste Its fruitage pure ;
Sow peace, and reap itsi harvest bright ;
Sow sunbeams on the rock and moor.
And find a harvest home of light."

APPENDIX 429

EXTRACTS FROM "THE KANSAS CONFLICT."

Several lessons may be learned from tlie conllict in Kansas, and
the conduct of the War of the Rebellion in the West, that may be of
service to the oppressed, to philanthropists and statesmen.

It will be seen that the remedy for oppression in a republican
government is not the overthrow of that government, but resistance
of oppression within it. If a people with votes in their hands, with
power to replace every official, from President to constable; cannot
exercise that power for their relief from oppression, a forcible over-
throw of the Government would leave them at the mercy of designing
men, who would as readily control the new government as the one
destroyed. A republican government is what the people make it,
and if not what it should be, they only are to blame. The safety of
such a government depends upon the education of the voters; and
the remedy for injustice in any direction is exposure of the wrong
and agitation for the right. Defensive opposition to wrong and
oppression with prudence will succeed, while offensive oppression
to the Government itself will fail. Amos A. Lawrence once said:
" The Government may have many faults, but let it be assailed from
any quarter and the whole people will rally for its defense." In
resisting oppression no wrong or outrage must be committed by the
oppressed. They depend for relief upon the sympathy or sense of
justice of the people not directly interested ; and so long as oppression
only is resisted, this sympathy will be with the oppressed, but so
long as the oppressed or wronged turn oppressors and wrong innocent
parties, all sympathy ceases.

The Free-State party of Kansas retained the sympathy of the North
because it did nothing that could be called wrong in itself to any
man, but acted strictly on the defensive. [Chapter XVIII, pp. 461,
462, " The Kansas Conflict."]

It is not easy to conjecture what greater victory the Free-State
men could gain, or what greater defeat the Proslavery men could
suffer, than to have 1,900 men march from forty to one hundred
and fifty miles to serve a warrant issued by a justice of the peace,
and then return, after cursing, swearing, shivering and freezing for

430 LIFE OF CHARLEd KOBINSON

two weeks, as they came, minus the whisky, without serving any
process whatever, legal or otherwise. If a more brilliant victory
has ever been gained it has not been recorded. How many such de-
feats could the Administration afford in enforcing " popular sov-
ereignty " where the people were to be left perfectly free to settle
their institutions in their own way, subject only to the Consti-
tution of the United States?

And what of the Free-State men called " dastards," who obeyed
orders and suffered wrong without doing wrong? It is safe to say an
equal number of men, with a more unflinching courage, both moral
and physical, has not been seen since the days of the Revolution.

A coward can give blow for blow, eye for eye, and tooth for tooth,
but it requires true courage to suffer wrong without retaliation that
a great cause may be advanced. The Free-State men believed that
every outrage inflicted strengthened their cause and correspondingly
weakened that of their opponents; that in their sufferings lay their
strength. In this respect, the Wakarusa War, while causing great
annoyance and suffering, had enlisted the sympathies and support of
the civilized world. [Chapter VIII, p. 209, " The Kansas Conflict."]

Something of the nature of the conflict in Kansas may be learned
from the characteristics of the contestants. Settlers fi-om the North
and East came from communities wheie person and property were
protected by law, and the carrying of weapons for self-defense was
unknown. Many had come to look upon war among nations as a
relic of barbarism. Xot a few of the Kansas emigrants had imbibed
something of the views and spirit of the non-resistant agitators, and
were sup^josed to interpret the teachings of the Nazarene literally:
to return good for evil; when one cheek should be smitten, to turn
the other to the smiter; and if compelled to part with their coats, to
give their cloaks also. As a rule, the Free-State settlers were averse
to a resort to physical force in the settlement of any conflict, much
less a conflict purely moral and political.

These were some of the characteristics of the Northern settlers
while at home, but they were found unsuited to a Southern and
Western climate. It was found that the precepts of Christianity,
including non-resistance, might work admirably where all were
Christians and non-resistants, but it was also discovered that the
devil would flee only when resisted, and that pearls were not suitable
diet for all animals and on ail occasions.

APPENDIX 431

The South and Southwest were in many respects most unlike the
East and North. Where a large class was to be kept in servitude,
nothing but physical force would avail. Hence deadly weapons and
personal prowess were indispensable, and the man who would pass
current as a gentleman must be prepared at all times to protect his
person and his honor by force. Also in the new West, in the absence
of the civil code, every man was a law unto himself and constituted
in his own person judge, jury, and executioner. In such a com-
munity human life, instead of being sacred as in the North and East,
was cheap, and could be sacrificed at any time to respnt personal
insult and to protect peculiar institutions, if not for sordid gain.
At the same time the better class of the citizens of the South had
a high sense of honor, and could not be excelled in any part of the
country for civility, courtesy, hospitality, and business integrity."
[Chapter III, pp. 26, 27, " The Kansas Conflict."]

432

LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON

IMPORTANT LETTERS.

[ The following is a draft of a letter sent by Amos A. Lawrence to be re-wrltten and
signed by Mrs. Robinson and addressed to Mrs. Lawrence, the mother of Amos A. Law-
rence. The letter was sent by Mrs. Lawrence to Mrs. Pierce, wife of the President,
who gave it to the President to read.]

FoBT Leavenworth, Kansas Tekeitoky.

My Deau Madam: I take the liberty of a wife brought into great
distress by the imprisomnent of him whom I most love, to ask for
your aid in obtaining for him that justice which will lead to his re-
lease. You will know something of me if you remember my father,
the late Myron Lawrence, of Belchertown, an acquaintance of your
lamented husband and his brothers, for all of whom he had a high
regard and with whom he often had intercourse during the many
winters that he remained in Boston serving his town in the Legisla-
ture, and afterward the county of Hampshire in the Senate, of which
he was the President. You will easily recall his personal appear-
ance, and in my partiality for him I believed that his heart was large
in proportion to his body. My husband is Dr. Charles Eobinson,
a friend of your son, to whom I was married three years since, and
to join whom I left my widowed mother last autumn and came to
this Territory. He is in every respect worthy of the confidence re-
posed in him; he has sacrificed ease and personal advantage to make
a home here for the thousands who emigrate from the old States,
and to secure this vast region from the evils of slavery. He is a
loyal citizen of the United States, whose laws he has always obeyed
and in whose defense he would at any time sacrifice his life. If he
has any fault, it is that he is bound less by his domestic ties than
by his love for liberty and his country.

You are aware that all this Territory was made forever sacred to
freedom by the law of the United States in 1820. Two years ago
this law was repealed at the instigation, in the first place, of in-
habitants of western Missouri, acting through David E. Atchison,
then Vice-President of the United States, and the question of its
being made a Free or a Slave State was to be left to the bona fide
settlers. It was believed that efforts had been making and would
be continued in Missouri to perpetuate in it the same institutions
as exist there; and to ascertain this, and to explore this country,

APPENDIX 433

Dr. Robinson came out here at the request of your son and others.
He was well adapted for the enterprise, besides having previously
traveled through it, and his feelings revolted at the prospect of its
being given over to slavery. He executed the trust with alacrity,
and the information which he imparted induced settlers from all the
States to turn their eyes in this direction. At the same time he be-
came acquainted with the plans which had been made under the name
uf '• Self-Defensive " associations and "' Blue Lodges," to keep out
the citizens of the Free States, who were regarded as "Abolitionists,"
and have been treated as such. After this he was employed to give
accurate information to the settlers who came out; to erect saw-
mills, school-houses, receiving and forwarding houses and one large
hotel. This is the only agency in which he has been employed, and
these afford the only advantages given to the settlers by those for
Avhom he as acted. He has never favored a resort to arms, except
for defense, and he has gone unarmed himself. In all his transac-
tions he retained the confidence of his friends in the other States,
and he won that of the real settlers, who looked to him as a safe ad-
viser and friend. After it was found by humiliating experience that
the real inhabitants were not allowed to elect their own represent-
atives nor to make their own laws, he was regarded as the most
t-uitable person to lead them in resisting their execution. This trust
he accepted with a deep feeling of his obligations to obey and uphold
the authority of the Federal Government. His resistance has been
to the Territorial Government, established by the inhabitants of
another State, and to the laws enacted by it, rei)ugnant as they are
to the sentiments of constitutional liberty and to the sentiments
of all honorable men. For this he and his associates are called
" rebels " and " traitors," and he is now in prison, and is to be tried
by those whose authority he has defied and who demand his sacri-
fice. All this is done with the sanction of the Executive of the
United States, and so deliberately that I tremble for the result.
Already the legally appointed representative of the United States
Government, Governor Shannon, has said and repeated that "He
is certain to be tried, and if tried he will be convicted, and if con-
victed he will be hung." God grant that this may not be so. Let them
take my poor life rather than his. They little know his worth, — or
rather, as I fear, they know it too well, and they know that by his
death they hope more readily to subjugate this Territory.

He endeavors to quiet my fears, and tells mc that such a result

434 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINFON

is impossible. But ?o he said in regard to the election; he did not
believe that would be carried by an invading force which trampled
down the ballot-boxes and threatened the lives of the legall}' chosen
judges. So he said in regard to the first invasion, though it after-
ward required all his skill to avert a collision. So he told me in re-
gard to the last invasion — that our houses and property would not be
molested if there were no resistance; and yet they have burned the
most valuable buildings in the Territory and robbed and insulted
the inhabitants beyond forbearance; our own house rifled and
burned — a severe loss, and the more so because it contained the me-
mentoes of my father, who was very dear to me. My husband con-
fides too much in the generosity of his enemies, and it is this
which fills me with fear. I cannot but give weight to the assertions
of Gov. Shannon, publicly made, that he will he hung.

Pardon me, my dear Madam, for this long statement. 1 could say
a thousand things in addition, but forbear. The President of the
United States is your relative. lie will soon know, if he does not
already, that the real settlers have been allowed to take no part in
framing the Territorial lav/s, which he upholds with the authority
of the United States. I beg your good offices in behalf of my hus-
band. He has not resisted the authority of the United States Gov-
ernment, and he never will; he has not believed that it would be
exerted to support so odious an oppression. This Territory cannot
be made a slave State except with the assistance of the Executive.
Until recently the real settlers have been Free-State men, three to
one, and they are now driven away.

New York, June 26, '56.

My Deab Madam: I have had considerable conversation with
Messrs, Howard and Sherman, as well as Gov. Keeder, — with the
latter while in Boston, and now here; and as they are all lawyers
and good ones, as well as statesmen, the united opinion of all at this
time is better than that of any others.

The conclusion which I draw is, that Gov. Eobinson cannot be
harmed by any action of the law. Still, you had better send a letter
to my mother, unless you are averse to doing so, to be kept in re-
serve. I think her request in a certain quarter would not be refused
for anything, for reasons which need not be named here.

To-day I have testified before the Committee of Congress, who
summoned me here. Gov. Reedcr did the same.

APPENDIX 435

The proof would condemn a legion of angels, and their united re-
port is excellent. It will put a different aspect on affairs; in fact,
the light has broke already in many dark places.
With kind regards to Gov. R., I remain,

Yours very truly,

[Amos A. Lawkekce.]
Having no seal, I will not sign.

Sex ATE Chamber, May 21st, 185G.

Mrs. Eobinsox: Your letter came duly to hand, and I have been
daily to the postofRee since I received it, but I find no letters for
your husband or yourself. If any come, I will forward them to you
as requested. It may be that letters sent to you have been plun-
dered from the mails.

I deeply regret the arrest of your husband; so do all our friends
here, especially those Avho have the honor to know him. God only
knows what will be the end of this conflict in Kansas, but whatever
may be the result, your husband has linked his name forever with
the cause of freedom in America.

If T can do anything for you or your friends, it will afl'oid me
the highest pleasure to do so at any time.

Yours truly,

Henry Wilson.

INDEX.

PAGE.

Abolitionist.", in early Kansas, 10 ;

oppose colonization 102

Adams, Sarah, wife of Robinson 40

Allen, "Old Man" 72

Amherst Academy 35

Barber , 153

Baldwin, John 117

Belchertown 385

B ig Springs Convention 174

Blanton Bridge Affair 140

Bogus Legislature 169

Border warfare 252

Boston Company 42, 43

Branson rescue 140

Branscomb, Charles H 110

Brown, John, 19 ; at Lawrence, 152,
205; Pottawatomie, 252; Contro-
versy 314

California 40, 43,

Carney, Governor

Chase, Salmon P

Chllds, Doctor 36,

Cholera

Clarke, Edward

Clay, Henry, Compromise of 1850

Congress 90, seq., 20, 234,

Connelley, W. E

Controversy, over fraudulent elec-
tion, 16; California lands, 52;
Brown-Lane-Robinson, 17, 20, 314 ;

temperance 308,

Cordley, Doctor 354,

Deltzler, George W 24,

Democrats f n early Kansas

Denver, Governor 238,

Douglas, Stephen A

Dow-Coleman Affair

Dwlght, ClarLssa

Election

Emigrant Aid Company 85, 100,

Excelsior

291
91
37
45
24
89
238
333

370
358

274
10

258
89

138

390

125
107
118

PAGR.

Farmers' Alliance 300

Fitchburg 83, 389, seq.

Free-State men, 10, 14, 15; Constitu-
tional struggle for liberty, 165 ;
convention, 16C, 191, 240, 245 ; win
election 232, 233

Fremont, John C, 80, 274 ; letter 161

Geary, Governor 207,

Glddlugs, Joshua R

Goldsbury, Mr

Goodin, J. K., 24 ; speaks of Robin-
son a58,

Grange

Grasshopper Falls Convention

Greeley, Horace, in New York Trib-
une

Gridley, Doctor 30,

Guadalupe Hidalgo treaty

360
299
231

93
39

Hadley Academy 34

Haskell Institute 351

" Higher Law," appealed to 61, 75, 76

HoUiday, Cyrus K 24

Holland, Doctor 40

Howland, Doctor 379

Independent, In early Kansas lo

Jones, Sheriff 141

Kansas, history, 9, 10, 11; early set-
tlers, 16; "Conflict," 87, se^.; bo-
gus legislature, 130, neq.; becomes
a State, 245, 268; railroad, 259;

" hard times," 296

Kansas University 342, 343

Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 14, 85,89, xeq.;
debate over, 91 ; passage 97

Lane, James H., politician, 18; sol-
dier, 147, 255 ; president of Topeka

Convention, 183; Senator 270, 272

Laughlln-CoIUns Affair 127

Lawrence, Amos A 104, 302, 336, 432

Lawrence, Myron 337

(437)

438

INDEX

PAGK.

Lawrence, Sara T. D., meets Robin-
son, 39; letter, 64; marriage, 81.
(See Robinson, Mrs. T. D.)

Lawrence, Kansas, first settlement,
111 ; first newspaper, 124 ; threat-
ened, 146 ; destruction of, 197, 205 ;
invasion of by the 2700, 209; char-
ter, 22G ; Free-State Convention 233

Learnard, organization of Republican
Party •^'t

Leavenworth Convention 239, 241

Lecompton Constitution 16, 216, 217

233, 234

Legate, James F 24, 201

Maloney, CC ; death of 71

Manifesto 52

Martin, George W 320

McDougal, Lieutenant-Governor 71

Militia, in squatter riot.? 73

Mlnneola 239

Missouri, citizens of, in Kansas, 116,

320 ; rival claims 117, 125

Missouri Compromise 89

Noyes, John W., preacher 37

Osawatomie Convention 246

Parker, Theodore, speech 94

Pierce, President, message 195

Platte river adventure 50

Press influence 96

Quantrell Raid 84, 302

Quindaro 214, 2G3

Reeder, first Territorial Governor of
Kansas, 24, 123, 168, 181 ; contests

election of Whitfield 198

Republican Party 24, 246, 249, 284

Robinson, Charles, agent of Emigrant
Aid Company, 17 ; birth and ances-
cestry, 27, 29; religion, 30, 31, 367 ;
education, 3.3-35 ; medical studies
and practice, 36, seq. ; meets future
wife, 38 ; marriage, 40 ; en route
for California, 42, seq.; Sacramento
affairs, 51, seq.; quits California,
81 ; home again, 83 ; starts for Kan-
sas, 83 ; second marriage, 84 ; ar-
rives In Kansas, 110, seq.; letter
to Thayer, 130; Convention of

PAQE.

Free-State men, 166; arrest, 201;
in New York, 213 ; resignation, 214-
219 ; elected Governor, 260, 255, 268 ;
war, 272; impeachment, 285; "Oak-
ridge," 293 ; Senate, 301 ; quits Re-
publican party, 301, 375; author,
305 ; character of, 310, 356 ; educa-
tional worker, 22, 334, 349, 351;
death, 378 ; speeches and messages
of, 133, 397, seq.; 399, 402, 408, 412,

421, 424, 425, 426, 427, 429
Robinson, Mrs. Sara T. D . . . . 105, 158, 206
Royce, view of Robinson 74

Sacramento, 51 ; squatter riot 57

Scott, Charles F 347

Settlers' and Miners' Tribune 79

Seward 91

Shannon, Governor 137

Slavery, question In Kansas, 14, 87,
seg.; 128, seq.; Robinson's opin-
ion of 8"

Smith, S. C 24

Snow, Chancellor 346, 355, 376

Snow, Ben.iamin 83

Speer, John 24

Stanton, Fred P 219, seq.

Stone, William B 29, 33, 383

Sumner, Charles 91

Sunday traveling 48

Sutter, land troubles 54, seq., 76

Tappan, opinion of Robinson 361

Territorial Convention 165

Territorial Legislature, 169, 216, 234, 242

Thayer, Eli 100, 115

Topeka Constitution, 161, 183, 220, 229, 230
Trask, Josiah 84, 394

Voting, illegal voters 151, 125

Wade, Senator B.F 7, 91

Walker, Governor 219, 227, 282

Walker, Sam 24

Wakarusa War 138, 264

Whigs, In early Kansas 10

Whittier, poems 114, 154

Winn, A. W 67

Wood, S.N 24, 143

Woodward, B. W 24, 347

Wyandotte Constitutional Conven-
tion 16, 243

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