ij
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Intkoduotiox 9 
 
 Chaptek I. Early Life 27 
 
 Chapter II. California Adventures 43 
 
 Chapter III. The Wager of Battle 87 
 
 Chapter IV. Early Settlement of Kansas and the Wakariisa 
 
 War 110 
 
 Chapter V. The Constitutional Struggle 164 
 
 Chapter VI. The Constitutional Struggle (continued ) 190 
 
 Chapter VII. Local Affairs 250 
 
 Chapter VIII. The First Governor of the State 287 
 
 Chapter IX. Subsequent Events 292 
 
 Cha pter X. Controversies 313 
 
 Chapter XI. Promoter of Education 334 
 
 Chapter XII. Character 353 
 
 Appendix. Notes, Letters and Papers 383 
 
 (5)
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Opposite 
 pane 
 
 Portrait of ex-Governor Robinson, taken in 1894 Frontispiece 
 
 Portrait of Sara T. D. Lawrence, taken in 1847 39 
 
 View of Lawrence in 1854-55 121 
 
 Portrait of Sara T. D. Robinson, taken in 1857 158 
 
 Portrait of the Congressional Committee 201 
 
 Portrait of Robinson and Captain " Bill" Martin of the Kicka- 
 
 poo Rangers, — prisoner and keeper 205 
 
 Portrait of Doctor Robinson, taken in Boston in 1857 219 
 
 View of " Oakridge," the Robinson home 293 
 
 Portrait of Sara T. D. Robinson, taken in 1864 298 
 
 Portrait of ex-Governor Robinson, taken in 1872 301 
 
 View of the city of Lawrence in 1899 304 
 
 Portrait of Sara T. D. Robinson, taken in 1898 310 
 
 Bust of ex-Governor Robinson, in the University Chapel 347 
 
 View of the University of Kansas in 1901 350 
 
 (6)
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 (v;
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I. 
 
 The writer of this biog-raphy has tried to tell a plain, 
 unvarnished story of the life, character and services of one 
 of the foremost men in the struggle to make Kansas a free 
 State. He has written with the consciousness that if only 
 the truth were told, without any excessive laudations or 
 evidence of hero-worship, the subject of this book would 
 stand out as a prominent character in Kansas life, with 
 clearly defined and important relations to individuals, po- 
 litical parties, and to the community at large. The life 
 and character of Charles Robinson are worthy of record. 
 His career in Massachusetts, California and Kansas not 
 only contains lessons for men's individual lives, but in- 
 volves questions that affect human society, — questions 
 which are of moment in the building of States and the 
 protection and preservation of comnmnities. 
 
 In presenting this simple biography of a prominent man, 
 no attempt is made to write a history of Kansas. To do 
 this would involve tedious chronological details which 
 could not be incorporated into a work of this nature. Yet 
 it is impossible to portray the life of a prominent maker of 
 history, one who was closely connected with the stirring- 
 events of his time, without giving- much attention to the 
 historical background. In doing this, much care has been 
 taken to make this history not only correct, but full enough 
 
 (9)
 
 10 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 to be free from the faults of partial knowledge and half- 
 truths. 
 
 IT. 
 
 It is not an easy task to write a biography of any one 
 of the prominent characters who engaged in the great 
 struggle for freedom in Kansas, — for it was a great strug- 
 gle, a national strngglo localized, — since each individual 
 life came in contact with nearly every phase of the build- 
 ing of a new commonwealth in a wilderness. The diffi- 
 culty is greatly increased on account of the confusion of 
 political and social affairs. People of every variety of 
 political opinion, possessed of different notions of govern- 
 ment, having different personal motives, objects and am- 
 bitions, came from every part of the Republic to mingle 
 their lives and their ideas in social union. Here were 
 Democrats of every shade of belief, from those having 
 liberal views on slavery to the most radical proslavery 
 men ; here were "WTiigs, Free-State men. Independents, 
 Free-Soilers, and Abolitionists, — all crow^ded together 
 under the pressure of an intense political life. Before 
 any permanent government or social order could be estab- 
 lished, these men of widely divergent views must reach a 
 common basis of action regarding government. In other 
 w^ords, they must become socialized before an effective gov- 
 ernment could be put into operation. This diverse and 
 shifting life of intense activity left its impress upon those 
 who passed through it, and therefore to a certain extent also 
 upon the history of Kansas. Strong individuality is char- 
 acteristic of all Kansas history that has yet been written; 
 for with few exceptions, each one who has written or talked 
 has attempted to tell the story with his own individual col-
 
 INTKODUCTION 11 
 
 oring, and seldom, especially, has a writer who went 
 through the straggle succeeded in hiding his own person- 
 ality siijfficiently to write impartial history. It stands to 
 reason that if each of ten men tells the same story in a 
 different way, each coloring it by his own personality and 
 viewing the facts from his own standpoint, the other nine 
 will he dissatisfied with his account and will criticize it 
 severely. History so narrated will be a medley, and it is 
 upon such a medley that the student of Kansas History has 
 to look at present. Yet is is fortunate that so many who 
 passed through the struggle have told the story as they 
 viewed it, and unfortunate that many others allowed life 
 to pass without writing what they knew of early Kansas 
 history. The difficulty of collecting, sifting, comparing 
 and classifying the material of Kansas history, so as to 
 make a judgment just and fair to all, is therefore great. 
 The large historical movements are tolerably well defined ; 
 but local events and the details of movements which can 
 only be determined by the corroborating testimony of 
 eye-witnesses, need to be carefully recorded before it is 
 too late. If this is done, perhaps then some historian will 
 at last appear, unbiased in judgment and keen in discrim- 
 ination, who will eliminate the personal element from his- 
 tory, consider faithfully and impartially all of the frag- 
 ments, take each at its true value, and weave the whole 
 mass into one presentable continuous narrative. 
 
 Kansas history seems at present, however, to be in the 
 biographical period. Those who now write and talk upon 
 the subject appear to be chiefly desirous of summing up 
 the lives and characters of the prominent actors in the 
 great struggle to make Kansas free, and of those who were
 
 12 LIFK OF CHiLRLES ROBINSON 
 
 influential in building the commonwealth. And it is well 
 to pause and find out truly what manner of men engaged 
 in this great struggle, and what they stand for in the pro- 
 cess of state-building, before proceeding to unravel the 
 tangled web of Kansas history. The strong individuality 
 displayed in the early struggle, the fierce controversies that 
 have raged since, render it highly necessary that the 
 achievements of all who were prominent in that struggle 
 shall be carefully defined in order tliat the historical hori- 
 zon may be cleared of clouds of error. 
 
 The chief dangers to which those who have written 
 about the early history of Kansas are liable to fall victim 
 are the tendencies to personal bias of the writer, ambition, 
 and hero-worship. Little that has been written of Kansas 
 is without at least one of these defects. Many, indeed, 
 have perhaps innocently fallen victims to current errors, 
 but still more have been blinded by their own sympathies, 
 which have fallen like a curtain over their intelligence 
 paid obscured their discriminating power. Others have 
 been blinded by worshipping at the shrine of their heroes. 
 Too long gazing at their idols has dimmed their vision 
 and rendered inaccurate their delineation. Still others, — 
 and this is the characteristic fault of some who played a 
 leading part in the early struggle, — possessed of vaulting 
 ambition to be regarded as the greatest among their peers, 
 have unconsciously enlarged upon those events with which 
 their own lives were most closely connected. Yet in all 
 that is said and written about the early history of Kansas, 
 there is something of truth, whose unmistakable voice is 
 heard more clearly as time and the passing of passion and 
 prejudice render us more familiar with events and men.
 
 INTBODTJCTION 13 
 
 As in all other new countries, so in Kansas, — hero- 
 worship is a prominent feature of the new life of the new 
 State. This is evident in the early as well as the late 
 historical writings, and it will he a long time before it is 
 suffieientlj eradicated to permit the writing of a full his- 
 tory of the State in which justice is meted out to all her 
 sons according to service. The strong partisanship was 
 an essential outcome of the variety of conditions contingent 
 upon the settlement of Kansas. It could not be otherwise 
 than that, where men's passions were deeply stirred, where 
 each one was put to his utmost tension in subduing the 
 soil, fortifying against the climate, endeavoring to make 
 the land habitable, and at the same time fighting the battles 
 of freedom, intensity of desire and purpose should have 
 characterized every movement. Men were either for or 
 against men and measures ; to be otherwise was to be 
 nothing. To be strongly in favor of one party meant a 
 strong opposition to all men or parties on the other side. 
 It would be a blessing to succeeding generations if some 
 one well versed in the affairs of Kansas could obtain accu- 
 rate knowledge of all that was done, and present it in a 
 fair, impartial and wisely judicial way, so that each deed 
 and event should stand out clearly in its proper propor- 
 tion and relation to every other, and each, man should be 
 given full credit and no more for his part in the process 
 of state-making. He who reads all of what has been writ- 
 ten about Kansas history from the many different stand- 
 points will find that the men who made Kansas free were 
 many, and that the writer who attempts to show that one 
 man saved the State has read the history only in part or 
 was himself an actor in that history, and is moved by vain
 
 14 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 ambition or selfisli motive. When impartial history cornea 
 to make known who it was that saved Kansas to freedom, 
 many names whicli have remained in obscurity will be 
 illumined witli the noble lii^ht of patriotism, and others, 
 of the YauntinjTf and boastful, will pass into deepest ob- 
 scurity. 
 
 III. 
 
 Yet even now, vital facts of Kansas history stand out 
 clearly and beyond controversy. One of the most impor- 
 tant of these facts is the result produced by the passage 
 of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. The immediate effect of 
 this bill's becoming a law was to open the Territory to 
 settlement by emigrants from various States in the Union. 
 The causes of emigration were two-fold: first, the desire 
 to possess free lands of good soil and in a country having 
 an excellent climate; and second, the desire to settle the 
 country for or against slavery. The long controversy be- 
 tween the slave-power and the free States had reached a 
 crisis. By a decision of Congress the question of slavery 
 was to be henceforth referred to the settlers of new Terri- 
 tories for its final adjustment. This meant either a settle- 
 ment at the ballot-box or a passage at arms ; perhaps both, 
 Kansas became a pivotal point in the controversy between 
 freedom and slavery, an object lesson to the whole country. 
 People rushed in from the Korth to make Kansas a free 
 State, and from the South to make it slave. From the be- 
 ginning, the struggle was to ascertain which side could 
 furnish the most voters. Whatever some might hope to 
 accomplish by prowess, planning and scheming, the Free- 
 State people had really but one hope of victory, and that
 
 IlfTKODUCTION 15 
 
 was to outnumber tlie Proslavery voters. This they finally 
 succeeded in doing, and won. 
 
 But this struggle for mastery at the ballot-box involved 
 the minor struggle for land; for many spurious claims 
 were staked out by non-residents, chiefly from Missouri, 
 who hoped to hold them from bona fide settlers and to use 
 them as a pretended place of residence for voting purposes. 
 N^or was this struggle for land a small factor in the causing 
 of the border troubles. Indeed, the getting possession of 
 property M'^as to some of far gTeater importance than the 
 question as to whether the State should be slave or free. 
 Following this rapid settlement of the Territory came the 
 fraudulent voting of the proslavery people by hordes of 
 voters who came from Missouri to outnumber regular 
 voters, and by force to " stuff " the ballot-boxes. This 
 caused the election, by unfair means, of a proslavery Leg- 
 islature which made odious laws offensive to Free-State 
 men, in violation not only of the spirit of the Kansas- 
 it^ebraska Bill, but also of the letter of the organic act 
 which opened up the Territory. Thereupon the Free-State 
 men openly repudiated this Legislature and the laws 
 passed by it, and organized opposition to it. Incidents 
 of this struggle were atrocious murders, invasions, the 
 sacking of towns, and robbing and plundering. It is fair 
 to history to say that this was not all done by one side. 
 For while the Free-State men desired no strife and en- 
 tered upon the plan of non-attack, they did not adhere to 
 the principle or practice of non-resistance, but soon showed 
 themselves ready and willing to defend their property, 
 lives and rights to any necessary extent. The Free-State 
 men were a fine class of people, but they were not all saints
 
 16 LIFE OF CILAELES ROBINSON 
 
 by any means, for they had among them those who could 
 encourage and even perform dastardly deeds. In the emi- 
 gration to a new country it usually happens that many 
 reckless and vicious cliaracters are mingled among the ma- 
 jority of worthy and substantial people. Surely, Kansas 
 was not an exception to the rule, and it is scarcely possible 
 that all of this class should have hailed from Missouri and 
 the South and none from the Xorth. Yet for earnestness 
 of purpose, integi'ity of life, and desire for justice and 
 fairness in government, there is no comparison between 
 the proslavery and antislavery elements in Kansas. The 
 conduct of the former was from the beginning character- 
 ized by violence and fraud, while the latter in the main 
 desired liberty and justice to all. 
 
 In the contest that followed the fraudulent election, the 
 Free-State men showed their political sagacity by adopt- 
 ing tbe so-called Topeka Constitution, completing an or- 
 ganization, applying for admission to the Union, and thus 
 keeping their forces together. By this means they defeated 
 the Proslavery party, preventing the adoption of the Le- 
 compton proslavery constitutions, and finally causing Kan- 
 sas to be admitted to the Union under the Wyandotte 
 Constitution. The change of national administration and 
 the Civil War, followed by the abolition of slavery, com- 
 pleted what the Wyandotte Constitution lacked of making 
 Kansas a free State. For the phrase " white male citizens 
 of twenty-one years of age," still stands in the present 
 State Constitution as a last vestige of the old political 
 struggle over Freedom in Kansas.
 
 INTKODUCTION 17 
 
 IV. 
 
 As already suggested, no little controversy has arisen 
 as to who was most prominent in the saving of Kansas to 
 freedom. Plainly, however, it was the body of able men 
 who stood shoulder to shoulder, after they had learned the 
 lesson of freedom, persistently insisting that Kansas must 
 be admitted into the Union without slavery. While there 
 were leaders who won renown, much credit is due to many 
 who do not appear prominently in history, but who can 
 answer honorably and with pride when the long roll of 
 heroes is called by the future historian who writes the 
 whole of Kansas history. As to the Brown-Lane-Robinson 
 controversy, it is not easy to get at the whole truth and 
 cause each man to stand forth in his true light. The three 
 men were entirely different, with different characteristics 
 and different purposes. Each was called upon to play a 
 different part in the tragedy of freedom. Hence, granting 
 that each one was sincere, noble and brave, it would be a 
 difficult thing to make a comparison of the three on the 
 same plane. They were too unlike, both in good and bad 
 traits, to admit of a successful classification and com- 
 parison of their qualities, and of their influence on the 
 great national struggle between Freedom and Slavery. 
 Whether this is equally true as regards the relative influ- 
 ence of each in the smaller struggle to make Kansas a 
 free State, the writer has attempted to say fully in the 
 body of the work. Here a few words must suffice. 
 
 For two years Eobinson was the resident agent of the 
 
 Emigrant Aid Company, and his chief duty was to care 
 
 for the affairs of the company in Kansas, and especially 
 
 to look after the emigrants sent from New England and 
 —2
 
 18 lAVF. OK CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 other parts <tf the East, and to see tliat there was estab- 
 lished a goveniiueiit in which the rij]jlits of all citizens 
 should he protected ; hence he opposed the laws illefijally 
 made by an illegallv constituted Legislature elected by 
 fraud and violence. Yet he did not wish to rebel against 
 the legally constituted Federal Government, although he 
 felt at liberty to criticize its action when he deemed it 
 wTOug. While he did not hesitate to fight when necessary, 
 bloodshed and violence were in his view ever to be avoided 
 if possible. His characteristic was cool, deliberate judg- 
 ment, and when once he had determined upon a course of 
 action, he never wavered on account of personal conse- 
 quences. 
 
 Lane came to Kansas as a politician. Almost his first 
 act after arriving in the Territory of Kansas was an at- 
 tempt to organize the Democratic party for political pur- 
 poses. From the beginning to the end of his career in 
 Kansas, political ambition was his ruling passion. It did, 
 indeed, cause him to do many brave and noble things, 
 but it also caused him more than once to swerve from the 
 path of justice and right; and finally, disappointed am- 
 bition brought him to an untimely death. He was bold, 
 passionate and impulsive, and his impulsive nature and 
 powerful eloquence were of service in keeping up enthusi- 
 asm among a certain element of Free-State men. He 
 came all the way from a Proslavcry to a Free-State plat- 
 form, for he was keen in measuring political forces and 
 he preferred to work with a majority. He was, neverthe- 
 less, a man of action, and whether in the convention hall 
 or open field, he swayed the multitudes by the momentum 
 of his enthusiasm. Often did his fierce plunges compel
 
 INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 the cooler-headed of the Free-State men to nish to the 
 re-scue and extricate the cause from a perilous position. 
 While only the hero-worshipper can approve of his course 
 in many of his devious windings, he was, nevertheless, a 
 power in the building of the State and must be reckoned 
 wdth; although it is scarcely safe to agree with some of 
 the sweeping declarations of his eulogists. 
 
 BroAvn should not be measured as a Kansan, for his 
 contact with Kansas was little more than an episode. He 
 should be considered from the standpoint of a larger na- 
 tional life. What he accomplished in awakening a nation 
 to its true sense of danger and in precipitating a great 
 struggle can scarcely be measured. Strange and myste- 
 rious was his life, and strange and mysterious was his in- 
 fluence on the nation. The circumstances of his death 
 made him a martyr in the eyes of the people of the North. 
 The dignity of martyrdom lifted him above the status of 
 an ordinary violator of the law, but his heroism was ac- 
 companied by fanatical ideas of making people just by 
 killing them. Had not some one written a song which 
 was subsequently adapted to him and which the nation 
 took up and sang from ocean to ocean, his heroism would 
 have passed and have been forgotten as did the heroism 
 of thousands of others in the conflict for freedom, or 
 would, at best, have been remembered with that of the more 
 ordinary heroes of the earth, who, in their quiet way, 
 did what they considered their humble duty. But he has 
 become prominently and indissolubly connected with one 
 of the greatest events of national history, and this fact 
 alone will, of course, perpetuate his fame. Brown desired 
 to precipitate a rebellion by the shedding of blood. He
 
 20 LIFE OF CHARLES BOBINSON 
 
 wished to stir up a war that would never cease without the 
 liberation of slaves. He undoubtedly hastened the coming 
 of the Avar, but the war would have come had Brown never 
 b/een bom. In Kansas he wished to fight, and did so when- 
 ever opportunity offered,^ While he struck terror to the 
 hearts of some of the Proslavery rufiians of the border by 
 his violent massacre and his persistent savage attacks and 
 resistance, yet he was soon away, and left the Free-State 
 settlers of Kansas to bear the brunt of the reaction against 
 bis savage course. Verily, without attempting to detract 
 from his greatness as a national character, but after follow- 
 ing in detail his whole connection with Kansas and all the 
 circumstances connected with it, one is inclined to say 
 that his services to Freedom in Kansas have at times been 
 overestimated. 
 
 But of these three men it is idle, after all, to ask which 
 is the greatest, for each in his own way will always have 
 his admirers who will find in him noble qualities to eulo- 
 gize. If, nevertheless, the question be asked, " Who gave 
 the Free-State cause in Kansas the best service, — Brown 
 the hero, Lane the soldier and politician, or Robinson the 
 man and governor?" tbe verdict of history cannot fail 
 to give the palm to Robinson, tlie man and governor, about 
 whom centered the Free-State forces. But of these, the 
 most prominent characters in the Kansas struggle for free- 
 dom, it is difficult, as before indicated, to measure one by 
 the other; for Robinson was the only one to live a com- 
 pleted life and to round out his years in the fullness of 
 time; while one of the remainder met death at his own 
 hands and the other was hanged for treason. In settling 
 
 1 See Chapter I.
 
 INTKODUCTION 
 
 21 
 
 personal relations, however, and the claims to relative 
 greatness among those who figured prominently in early 
 Kansas history, these are the characters that must be most 
 
 dealt with. 
 
 V. 
 
 It is necessary to represent the life of Robinson, not only 
 in relation to the public actions which occurred in the 
 building of a commonwealth, but also in his relations to 
 the lives and characters of his associates in the important 
 events of the history of Kansas. Whether he has been 
 entirely successful in this regard or not, the writer has at 
 any rate tried to avoid throwing unjust discredit upon the 
 actions of others, while presenting the deeds and character 
 of Robinson. Though it is the life of Charles Robinson 
 that is here followed in detail, yet in no case is any praise 
 of his action meant to throw improper discredit upon his 
 contemporaries. If it appears that undue importance is 
 given to Robinson when mentioned in connection with 
 other men, it must be remembered that Robinson is the 
 subject of this biography, and that the services of others 
 are not ignored if not eulogized. If Robinson, Lane and 
 Brown were the most prominent historical characters in 
 the early struggle for freedom in Kansas, there were 
 numbers of other loyal men whose unswerving faithful- 
 ness to duty, unflinching courage, and acute sufferings 
 made freedom possible. Call the roll of the real heroes 
 of Kansas, and the angel of justice will respond for hun- 
 dreds who sleep in their graves, and for those living who 
 are too modest to sing their own praises. How absurd it 
 is, then, in view of the great numbers in the different 
 types, classes, parties, who in different ways rendered efh-
 
 22 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 eient service to Kansas, — how absurd to hold up to the 
 jouth of the laud the claim that one man saved Kansas ! 
 Yet each should be zealous in telling of the valiant deeds 
 of friends and foes, that the uncompromising truth of his- 
 tory may be revealed. In this connection there may well 
 be quoted a saying of Governor Robinson in an address 
 to the students of the University of Kansas; " Who saved 
 Kansas ? Not one man, nor any group of men claiming to 
 be leaders. It was the rank and file of the common citizens 
 who saved the State to freedom. It was the union of the 
 people in a common cause that saved the State." 
 
 How time is this! For, notwithstanding all of the 
 struggle and confusion, it was the majority at a ballot-box 
 that saved the State. Kot that other potent influences 
 were not prominent in bringing this about, for there were 
 many. There were times, too, when leaders were neces- 
 sary, and then these leaders were not wanting. But here, 
 as elsewhere, there were wise and unwise leaders; there 
 were those who by their folly led on toward destmction and 
 defeat, as well as those who led toward safety and victory. 
 In writing this biography the author has no desire to make 
 Robinson a greater man than he was. The only thing he 
 has sought to do has been to draw a truthful picture of 
 all that this man was and did, and especially to emphasize 
 his public services. This the writer has endeavored to do 
 faithfully, with the sole object of recording history truth- 
 fully. 
 
 Men diifer so much in motive, in character, and in life 
 in general ; the nature of their service varies and the con- 
 ditions under which they struggle are so dissimilar, that 
 comparisons are dangerous. It is quite impossible to de-
 
 iJrTKODUCTION 
 
 23 
 
 termine whether one deed is greater than another, until 
 the services rendered by each can be measured. Who, 
 then, can weigh and measure greatness, or how can motive, 
 or duty, or character be estimated ? Or who can measure 
 sei-vices and strike a balance between two important deeds ? 
 There is no dividual essence of nobility, no ultimate 
 analysis of real greatness. For he who does his duty has 
 served his generation well; he is good and brave, even 
 though the consequences of his service are small. Would 
 that society might leara to recognize faithful service as 
 the true element of greatness and as real heroism ! Look- 
 ing over the history of Kansas and considering the long 
 list of names enrolled as founders and builders of the 
 State, one finds, indeed, that some have had more potent 
 influences than others, not only because of greater indi- 
 vidual power and genius, but also on account of larger 
 opportunity. But not all the gloi-y of the founding and 
 building of the commonwealth may be rightly claimed by 
 the leaders, whether self-constituted or whether so made 
 })y the law of gravity of character or the force of circum- 
 stances. There have been many builders of the common- 
 wealth; great, all of them, in tlie results of their work, 
 for it took the cooperative labors of them all to achieve 
 success in building a State and making it habitable and 
 desirable for free men. Let us therefore ti-y to banish 
 unjust comparisons from our minds and from the printed 
 pa/^e, and endeavor to make the life of each stand alone 
 upon what he actually did. 
 
 While it not easy to estimate the services of the prom- 
 inent leaders in early Kansas history, it is even more diffi- 
 cult to determine the positions of those worthy ones who
 
 24 LIFE OF CHARLES ftOBINSON 
 
 in their own several stations of life did their whole duty 
 to the cause of freedom. What of Wood, Reeder, Groodin, 
 G. W. Brown, Deitzler, Walker, Blood, Cracklin, Ewing, 
 Parrott, IST. J. Adams, Anthony, Woodward, Thacher, 
 Morrow, Conwav, Speer, S. C. Smith, Tappan, Holliday, 
 Learnard, Legate, Jenkins, Moore, Edward Clarke, and 
 many others who at different times stood firmly for Kan- 
 sas, and did valiant service for the Free-State cause? 
 Their deeds of valor and services to their country must 
 not be overlooked simply because thej are not the subjects 
 of this story. In due time the historian will record their 
 lives, every one in the annals of the State, among those 
 who served their country well. I^or must we forget the 
 great rank and file of settlers and patriots who acted, suf- 
 fered and endured for the sake of humanity, though they 
 cannot receive justice in a single volume confined in the 
 main to a single course of events respecting what one man 
 wrought. Yet the joung Kansan, born under the sunny 
 skies and beneficent influences of the present free com- 
 munity, looks back with pride iipon these actors in this 
 tragedy of a commonwealth, whether leaders of a party 
 of people, actors in legislative halls, or sturdy soldiers in 
 the rank and file of life; and his heart burns udth en- 
 thusiasm, and his cheek glows with pride as he ponders 
 upon this early struggle, and he would count it a privilege 
 to be numbered among the least of these worthy patriots. 
 
 VI. 
 
 From the life of Charles Robinson much of the early 
 history of Kansas radiates in every direction as from a 
 common center, and hia biography cannot be written with-
 
 INTBODUCTION 25 
 
 out touching history at many points. How difficult the 
 task, to extract from the great mass of information at 
 hand that which will give a real life-picture of the man ; 
 how delicate the work of portraying truthfully all that he 
 did and was in private life and public service! In this 
 presentation the writer has endeavored faithfully to abide 
 by the rigid and unyielding truth as it appears to him 
 after a careful ^veighing of all historical evidence at his 
 command. Care has been taken not to write into the life 
 that which did not exist, a common failing of biography 
 and a difficulty not easily avoided; although, perhaps, 
 there is less danger here than elsewhere, because there was 
 no ether of romance enveloping Robinson's earnest life, 
 and no strange mystery about his going and coming among 
 his fellows, l^or was there any transcendent genius, l»r- 
 dering on insanity, that rendered his life and nature diffi- 
 cult to understand. He was a plain man of the people, 
 with an earnest character which inevitably revealed itself 
 to those who came in contact with his daily life. He fol- 
 lowed closely the line of conscientious duty, without fear 
 and regardless of consequences. His life is not a fit sub- 
 ject for the romancer or hero-worshipper. But, as a man 
 who did his duty fearlessly and with great consequences 
 to the community and the State, he is worthy of the ad- 
 miration of Ills fellow-citizens and the affection of those 
 whom he pei"Sonally befriended. He who writes best about 
 Robinson will tell without embellishment the plain stoiy 
 of his life, for the life will then speak for itself, its real 
 nature and its lessons of wisdom.
 
 THE LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EARLY LIFE. 
 
 It is not uncommon for men of great importance to 
 Lave made no remarkable or unusual record in their boy- 
 hood days. Such, indeed, was the case with Charles Rob- 
 inson. Born in the town of Hardwick, Massachusetts, 
 July 21st, 1818, his early life was that of the ordinary 
 New England youth of the time. Prosaic and simple as 
 this life was, however, there were in it certain influences 
 which helped to shape his future. And, in the meager 
 data given us concerning his youth, there are revealed 
 many characteristics which point toward the sturdy char- 
 acter of the man. 
 
 In the first place, Robinson descended from sturdy Xew 
 England stock. His father, Jonathan Robinson, was a 
 farmer, a zealous antislavery man of decided religious 
 views, who traced his ancestry to the John Robinson of 
 Plymouth Rock fame ; a man strong and uncompromising 
 with any appearance of evil. The mother of Charles 
 Robinson was Huldah Woodward, of a Xew England 
 family not prominent in the records, but not the less 
 for that reason to be honored. There were born to these 
 parents ten children, six boys and four girls, to whom they 
 desired to give as good an education as was possible in 
 New England at that time. 
 
 (27)
 
 28 LtVE OF CHARLES ROBINSOJST 
 
 Perhaps the homelife in New England, with its fru- 
 gality, neatness, discipline, and close sympathy between 
 the members of the family, was the most important factor 
 in the education of the times. It had been the saving- 
 fact of New England life, as it was to be of that larger 
 life that was to move westward to fill the valleys and 
 plains, and to envelop the mountains of the continent. 
 What a line of sturdy pioneers have emerged from the 
 homes of New England and gone forth to subdue the 
 West! 
 
 Their home was a most hospitable one — to and from 
 it friends came and went. In the simplicity of their lives 
 they could give hearty welcomes ; the gathering of warm 
 friends with the family added much to the charm of the 
 homelife. The genuineness of this homelife was not con- 
 cealed by the artificiality so characteristic of modem social 
 life. There were two or three much-loved cousins who 
 often added to the home circle their sprightliness and af- 
 fection. There were other young people, too, who said 
 they always chose their time for a visit at father Robin- 
 son's during vacations, when Charles should be at home, 
 for his constant love of joking and his keen repartee added 
 much to the pleasure of their visit. There was, indeed, 
 a vein of humor in his nature which the stem life-struggle 
 too often suppressed in his after days. He frequently 
 planned little home concerts which were always a joy, for 
 the entertainment of guests. 
 
 As' might be expected from a consideration of his subse- 
 quent life, Charles Robinson was a lover of nature, and 
 very fond of straying off by himself, to sit down by the
 
 EAELY LIFE 29 
 
 brook, under the shadow of the treses, to catch its sweet 
 music as it rippled over the stones, and to dream of future 
 days when he should own a man's place and bear a man's 
 part in the f^eat struggle of life. 
 
 The religious life of the Robinson home was well regu- 
 lated. Mr. Tupper, Congregational minister, was always 
 welcomed to the family circle, and until the close of Gov. 
 Robinson's life he was always spoken of with great affec- 
 tion by the Governor. The mother of the family looked 
 carefully after the Sunday-school lesson, and every Satur- 
 day night the flock of children gathered around the table 
 to learn all this lesson could reveal of morals and religion. 
 They studied the lesson out of the Bible with the little 
 concordance in it, so well known to the mother, aided 
 by the light thrown upon it by Barnes, Greenleaf, and 
 McKnight. She could point out the beauties of the 
 literary style of the Bible, its figures and expressions, and 
 as a daily reader, holding the great Bible in her lap, she 
 was filled with the blessed spirit of Christ. It was often 
 remarked by her children that they had never seen their 
 mother angry, though she lived to the advanced age of 
 eighty-seven years. 
 
 Charles was bom with a strong will and a defiant tem- 
 per. During a time of religious awakening, when he was 
 about sixteen years of age, he thought deeply and rever- 
 ently, and at last came to the conclusion that his will must 
 be controlled, that he must not yield to his temper again. 
 A turning-point had been reached, and a change came into 
 hie life. His mother's admonitions, his minister's kind 
 advice and Mr. Stone's life-giving presence had accom-
 
 30 LIKE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 plished a transfonnatlon. He bound to his heart the 
 motto which he loved : 
 
 " The Upaa tree when riven, 
 
 Perfumes the ax which laid it low. 
 Let man, who hopes to be forgiven, 
 Forgive and bless his foe." 
 
 And he promised daily consecration of the best that was 
 in him to holy living. The result of this, his first and 
 only great religious awakening, was to make life and re- 
 ligion henceforth identical with him. 
 
 After the New England custom, young Robinson's at- 
 tendance on church was rc^gular.^ He took his place in ihe 
 village choir, playing the clarinet, an instrument of which 
 he was then very fond and which afforded him much 
 pleasure in after life. Later in life, however, he severed 
 hie formal connection with the church. To show the 
 change that subsequently came over his religious beliefs, 
 it may not be out of place here to refer to a few events, 
 insignificant in themselves but of great importance as in- 
 dicating this change. 
 
 A small hamlet, named Storrsville, had sprung up at 
 the adjoining comers of four towns. For the accoiumoda- 
 tion of the people a school-house and an unpretentious 
 church were built at the center of the village. As this vil- 
 lage was nearer the Robinson home than was Hard wick, 
 which was situated in the opposite direction, the Robinson 
 family turned their steps thithenvard on Sundays and on 
 other days of religious worship or festival. But, as time 
 went on, the little group of Congregationalists found it 
 
 1 A8 one carriage was not sufficient to carry the entire family, young Bobinaon found 
 it necessary to walk. Thus, with work ou the farm, with journeying to and from school 
 and church, he had sufficient opportunity for erercise.
 
 BAELY LIFE 31 
 
 difficult to pay their minister and maintain services at 
 Storrsville. Finally the minister was invited to become 
 the pastor of the church at Dana, one of the four towns 
 whose little corner had been taken np by Storrsville, and 
 the church members were to be transferred to Dana with 
 their pastor. But as Charles Robinson was attending 
 school at Hardwick, his name was left upon the church 
 rolls at Storrsville. Subsequently, in tbe year 1852, when 
 Robinson was practicing medicine at Fitchburg, he re- 
 ceived a letter from the pastor of the chnrch at Dana ask- 
 ing him to come over and state his views and belief and 
 take a letter to the Fitchburg church, " if he should prove 
 worthy to receive it." Dr. Robinson complied with the 
 request, and, accompanied by Rev. Elnath.an Davis, pastor 
 of the Fitchburg cliurch, " a most gifted man, full of the 
 spirit of peace and good-will," went to Dana to be exam- 
 ined and to receive his letter. The questions were those 
 which are sometimes asked of young ministers in the 
 church of the present day. They were chiefly as follows: 
 ^' Do you believe in God ? Do you believe the Bible is 
 inspired, every word of it ? Do you believe in future pun- 
 ishment ? Do you believe in the Atonement ? " and various 
 other questions concerning predestination, election, and 
 free will. Dr. Robinson answered these questions in his 
 own way, which indicated the independence of his i*elig- 
 ious belief, and, as it appears, severed his formal relation- 
 ship with the church, for he never afterward formally 
 united with any church organization, although he favored 
 all denominations as agencies for good. His answers to 
 the questions asked were essentially these: 
 
 " I believe in God, the maker of all things, who still
 
 32 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 abideth in all things. In liini we live and move and have 
 our being." 
 
 " I believe the Bible inspired, so far as it is tnith. 
 As a history of the Jews, many legends are woven into 
 it-s story, and many statements which no thoughtful man 
 can believe tnie." 
 
 " I believe every man will receive his reward for every 
 deed done in the body, and there is no escape from the 
 penalty of sin. Every human being must listen and fol- 
 low the inner voice implanted in him by the great Creator, 
 and look upon his life as a heavenly mission." 
 
 " The Atonement is the At-one-ment of the great Father 
 with all his children. They learn by following the blessed 
 life of Christ how to become one with him, as he is one 
 with the Father. Were they not free to follow this most 
 inspiring exhortation, it would be most cniel." 
 
 Nothing more was ever heard of that little examination 
 of Dr. Robinson before the pastor at Dana, and for any- 
 thing he ever knew, his name may yet stand alone on the 
 old Storrsville church records, in that little decaying ham- 
 let, which in its loneliness seems almost to be forgotten 
 of God. 
 
 He had one great sorrow in those early days, by which 
 he was much influenced. He was exceedingly fond of hie 
 eldest brother, John, who was twenty-five years old, a man 
 of fine presence and excellent countenance, tall and com- 
 manding. Charles often wished as he looked at his broth- 
 er's beauty of form and figure, that he might grow up to 
 be as well formed as this brother. Early in life John 
 thought the time had come for him to leave New England 
 and to try his fortune in other lands. So, one bright
 
 EAELY LIFE 33 
 
 autumn day lie bade them all good-by. It was hard for 
 the mother to say the last words and look her last upon 
 her stalwart son, as he took his leave to go to Xew Orleans. 
 One letter came to them from Cincinnati, which an- 
 nounced that he was well, and expected to leave soon for 
 New Orleans ; but they never heard from him again, and 
 though sometimes some little clue would be given whereby 
 they hoped to learn of him, no word ever came, and to 
 them all it was a lifelong sorrow, especially to the younger 
 brother, who had taken such a pride in the eldest bom. 
 
 It was exceedingly fortunate that Jonathan Eobinson 
 was zealous concerning the education of his numerous 
 family. Young Robinson was sent to the private school 
 in his native town, which was situated about three miles 
 from his home. Here, under the tutorage of a certain 
 Mr. Goldsbury, he made rapid progress in the elementary 
 branches. Mr. Goldsbury was a Universalist preacher, 
 and he possessed the happy faculty of teaching mathe- 
 matics well. His pupils grew strong imder his instruction. 
 Subsequently, a Mr. William B. Stone, a student from 
 Amherst, taught the neighborhood school, and succeeded 
 in arousing in yoimg Robinson much enthusiasm for 
 study. This was the real beginning of his career, for 
 under the direction of this able instructor his mind began 
 to show independence and originality of thought. 
 
 The pleasant little district school-house among the trees 
 
 near the roadside was only a fcAv rods from Mr. Robinson's 
 
 farm-house, hence it was convenient for Mr. Stone to make 
 
 his residence in the Robinson home. He was essentially 
 
 a good man, thoroughly imbued with the spirit of the 
 
 times, and, while using every energy to educate himself 
 — 3
 
 34 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 for the hi^li purposes of life, he was careful to ^ive aid to 
 those about him. Hence, his daily pi-esence in the house 
 was of untold benefit to all the members. 
 
 In the Robinson home there was much conversation on 
 all matters which were then filling the public mind ; mat- 
 ters so engrossing that life seemed to be absorbed in them. 
 Among other vital questions were : How should the coun- 
 try free itself from the strong grasp of slavery; how 
 should intemperance be suppressed ; how should the grow- 
 ing youth of the country come to the estate of manhood 
 and womanhood, noble and self-sacrificing, pure in heart 
 and pure in all things relating to themselves ? Mr. Stone 
 was an apostle of good not only in the home, but in the 
 neighborhood.^ Temperance practices were strongly ad- 
 vocated. Cold water as it came sparkling from the clear 
 founts of God was the only beverage tolerated. Even the 
 elder Robinson gave up drinking his cider, which he had 
 thought quite necessary to his happiness. Through the in- 
 fluence of such a character, they unconsciously began to 
 follow very closely Mr. Emerson's motto, " Plain living 
 and high thinking." Physical laws were to be kept un- 
 broken as well as moral and intellectual, and health would 
 be the reward. 
 
 At the age of seventeen young Robinson was sent to the 
 Hadley Academy.^ While he had sufficient help to enable 
 him to utilize the advantages of education, he was thrown 
 sufficiently upon his own resources to make him develop a 
 sturdy independence and a manly character. For as eight 
 
 1 See Appendix A, note (a). 
 
 It l3 but a few years sine* the Cambrid^je (Massachusetts) papers paid a glowing 
 tribute to his talent in teaching, and to his graat moral worth. On his last visit to New 
 Englaud Go?ernor Bobinsou said to Mr. Stone, "All that I am I owe to you." 
 
 ^See Appendix A, note (&).
 
 EARLY LIFE 35 
 
 Other cliiklren graced the home of Jonathan Robinaon, it 
 now became necessary for the youth o£ seventeen to begin 
 in some measure to shift for himself ; a great privilege to 
 the boys of olden times, and a fashion which has not quite 
 gone out in modern days. After a year at Hadley, Rob- 
 inson entered Amherst Academy, where he again exercised 
 the privilege of self-support. The authorities gave him 
 the privilege of making the new desks and seats for the 
 use of the academy. Therefore in the basement of the 
 building was established a workshop wherein he wrought 
 at carpentry to pay tuition, and where he at intervals 
 pondered over the principles of philosophy. Subsequently, 
 while pursuing his studies, he taught three winter schools, 
 respectively at l^orth Hadley, West Brookfield, Massa- 
 chusetts, and at ISTorwieh, Connecticut. 
 
 It was but a step from Amherst Academy to Amherst 
 College, although he had not completed the full course at 
 the academy. After remaining in Amherst College for a 
 year and a half his eyes failed, and he found it necessary 
 to walk to Keene, ISTew Hampshire, forty miles away, to 
 apply to Dr. Twitchell for medical aid. Always on the 
 lookout for opportimities, as every youth must be, he con- 
 cluded to accept an invitation to study medicine under 
 Dr. Twitchell. Possibly it might have been better had he 
 remained at the academy and subsequently at the college 
 until botli courses were completed, before entering upon 
 his medical studie-s. However, he did what many another 
 X)erson has done, who, lacking the proper direction of 
 others, seeks his own course, abandoning conventional cur- 
 ricula, and succeeding in his own way. 
 
 After remaining with Dr. Twitchell six months he at-
 
 36 LIFE OF CHAKLES EOBINSON 
 
 tended medical lectures at Pittsfield, Massachnsetts. Dr. 
 Childs, who afterward became Li on ten ant-Governor of 
 Ma B&aehn setts, was tlien president of the institute. After 
 the course of lectures was completod at Pittsfield, he stud- 
 ied for a time with Dr. Gridley at Amherst, and siihse- 
 qiientlj attended lectures at Woodstock, Vermont. Dr. 
 Rush Palmer, much celebrated in his day as an eminent 
 physician and lecturer, was at the head of the Woodstock 
 institution. Robinson finally returned to Dr. Gridley and 
 remained with him until his medical education was com- 
 pleted. His educational career would be considered er- 
 ratic for a medical student of the present day, but it served 
 to give a full medical education according to the require- 
 ments of the times. His peripatetic education, so far as 
 possible, furnished what the youth of to-day finds concen- 
 trated in the modem medical college with hospital at- 
 tached. It appears at least that this education was suffi- 
 ciently thorough for a most successful medical practice. 
 
 In 1843 Dr. Robinson commenced the practice of medi- 
 cine at Belchertown, Massachusetts.^ The town was of the 
 old New England type, covering a large area, being four- 
 teen miles long and twelve miles wide. Dr. Robinson's 
 practice was very large, and as the town was situated in a 
 hilly district in Hampshire county, his numerous visits re- 
 quired excessive labor. Wlien he was fairly settled at Bel- 
 chertown, he at once took his place as an active citizen of 
 the town. He used the profession of medicine as a means 
 of educating the people. He never failed in his practice 
 to give valuable hints as to what course of living would 
 give them health, and advised them that it was better to 
 
 ^ See Appec<Ji2 A, note (c).
 
 EAKLY LIFE 37 
 
 keep well than tx> send for a physician to cure them of 
 disease. He tried to impress upon them the fact that 
 health of body, as of soul, was intrusted to their own keep- 
 ing, — hence they should learn thoroughly the laws that 
 govern both. There were many families that looked to 
 him for guidance, rather than for medicines. He never 
 joined the Medical society, because he could not accept its 
 cast-iron rules; for he felt that he had the right as a 
 physician to learn from any practitioner of any school, 
 what was best for poor ailing humanity, and when he met 
 his old instructor. Dr. Childs, at Pittsfield, and the latter 
 rallied him upon his absence from the medical meeting 
 at Fitchburg, his reply was simply, "Am I not following 
 out your teachings ? " 
 
 Dr. Robinson was interested in the town schools, and 
 was soon placed upon the School Committee. He identi- 
 fied himself with the people, and was often at the little 
 literary circle. To its program he frequently contributed 
 some fspicy article which would occasion much discussion. 
 He was a frequent attendant at the Sunday-school 
 teachers' meetings, and a constant worker for temper- 
 ance. Then, as later on, he found the question of tem- 
 perance a difficult one to deal with. In the solution of the 
 problem he insisted on justice to all. If the selling of 
 strong drink at the hotels could not be stopped, why should 
 poor old Captain Burt be prosecuted in his little workshop, 
 where he sold an occasional glass to a poor neighbor ? 
 
 Just at tliis time, John W. I^oyes was preaching the new 
 salvation from sin; that all days were holy time; that 
 the injunction, " Be ye perfect, as also your Father in 
 Heaven is perfect," could it not be obeyed, would not have
 
 38 LIFE OF CHAKLES EOBINSON 
 
 been given. There was a hanilfnl of people at Belclier- 
 town who had beeome much interested in Noyes's preach- 
 ing. 'Noyes was well educated, being a graduate of New 
 Haven Divinity School, and he exercised much influence 
 over his followers. They held their little meetings, and 
 occasionally the stroke of the hammer was heard in their 
 dwellings on Sunday. But the minister of the Belcher- 
 town Congregational Church was not a broad-minded 
 man; hence, he would not ]et the poor harmless people 
 rest unmolested in their beliefs and practices. Law-and- 
 order meetings were called, and much angry spirit was 
 aroused. Dr. Robinson's sympathies were with the perse- 
 cuted Perfectionists, as those who knew him might well 
 suppose, and he was glad when one after another they fol- 
 lowed Noyes to Oneida, New York, and quiet reigned 
 again in that lovely hill town. 
 
 At this juncture an event occurred which was of vital 
 importance to Dr. Robinson. He was summoned to attend 
 the daughter of Myron A. Lawrence.^ Miss Lawrence, 
 while at school, had met with a severe accident, having 
 fallen upon some steps with such violence as: to injure her 
 spine. Her natural vigor had declined, and a sympathetic 
 blindness had set in. Various physicians had exercised 
 their skill upon her to bring back her health, with not very 
 good success. One evening in the late autumn of 1843, 
 the lamps had been lighted and the family of Mr. Law- 
 rence were taking their supper, thus leaving the little girl 
 alone, lying on the large sofa in the sitting-room, to watch 
 the firelight in the fireframe and dream her dreams. She 
 was thinking of the days to come, whether they were to 
 
 'See Appendis A, note (d).
 
 SARA T. D. LAWRENCE, 1847.
 
 EARLY LIFE 39 
 
 be for lier many or few; whether they were to be days 
 of tiresome inactivity, perhaps even of hopeless invalidism. 
 All at once there was a gentle ringing of the doorbell, a 
 quick step in the hall, and then the door into the sitting- 
 room was opened almost instantly and Dr. Gridley of Am- 
 herst walked in. He said " Good evening," to the little 
 girl as he came toward the sofa, but she made no reply. 
 With the firelight only, and her weakened sight, she coiild 
 not at first tell who the gentleman was. Then he said, 
 "Well, don't you know me — Dr. Gridley? And I have 
 come to introduce you to your new doctor — Dr. Robinson." 
 There was a brief consultation over the case, and Dr. 
 Gridley's suggestion to send to Boston for Spanish leeches 
 was' followed out. The next night after they had been 
 used, they crawled out of their bottle and under the thin 
 muslin cover, and went to their death in the bed of coals 
 raked up on the hearth. At least so it was supposed, for 
 they were never seen more. When the young doctor made 
 his next visit he said he thought blisters and cups and 
 leeches had been given sufficient trial. Would it not be 
 better to try some new methods, less wearing upon the 
 nervous system ? Accordingly, Dr. Robinson made a 
 quick journey to Hartford and came home at evening 
 well satisfied with his purchase of a galvanic battery. 
 There was immediate gain from this change of treatment, 
 and it continued to be rapid and sure. The young Miss 
 Lawrence regained her health, and years after became the 
 wife of her successful physician. 
 
 Dr. Robinson threw his whole zeal and energy into 
 his work at Belchertown, which proved to be a great strain 
 on his not over-rugged constitution. Consequently, in the
 
 4:0 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 spring' of 1845 he went to Springfield, Massachusetts, and 
 there opened a hospital for practice. In conducting this 
 hospital he associated with him Dr. J. G. Holland, a well- 
 read physician, and subsequently widely known on account 
 of his literary career. He was a native of Belchertown, 
 and had been a room-inate of Dr. Robinson at Pittsfield, 
 where the two became well acquainted. Dr. Holland was 
 a fine singer and a most companionable man, but not a 
 very successful practitioner. His literary career is well 
 known, as he was the writer of many books, and the first 
 editor of Scribner's Monthly. 
 
 While at Springfield, Dr. Robinson found it impossible 
 to confine his work to hospital practice, and so his visits 
 extended far and wide in Springfield and the surrounding 
 towns within a radius of twenty miles. 
 
 In the summer of 1843, soon after he commenced prac- 
 ticing at Belchertown, Dr. Robinson was married to Miss 
 Sarah Adams, of Brookfield, Massachusetts. Two children 
 were bom to them, both dying in infancy. On the 17th of 
 January, 1846, while he was practicing at Springfield, his 
 wife passed from this life. This loss had a lasting effect 
 upon his character, and appears to have changed the entire 
 course of his life. 
 
 Failing in health on account of excessive practice and 
 broken in spirit on account of his severe loss, he was in- 
 duced, in the spring of 1846, to leave Springfield and go 
 to Fitchburg, where his brother Cyrus was located.^ He 
 at once entered into the life and activity of the town, doing 
 with his might what his hand found to do. It was healing 
 for his spirit, for it was ever his method to find cure for 
 
 iSoe Appendix A, note (*).
 
 EARLY LIFE 41 
 
 Lis own sorrows in active work for others. His love of 
 music now led him to become the first bass sing^er in Rev. 
 Mr. Davis's church. When possible he met with the choir 
 at rehearsal, and onoe a week with the sin^rs at some 
 private house. Many young men, just commencing prac- 
 tice in law or medicine, had located in the town, and 
 other young men fresh from school were glad to unite with 
 them in a weekly debating lyceum which interested itself 
 in all important matters of a public nature. The t^wn 
 hall contained a full audience when Dr. Robinson was 
 known to be one of the debaters, for he often had a way 
 of looking at the subject which was quite novel to his 
 hearers. It was there he became fully convinced that to 
 make men temperate, not only in what they should drink 
 but what they should eat, and in all matters of living, 
 they must be educated in the laws of their being, and learn 
 to obey them. They must realize that to break one of these 
 laws is to break a law of God, and there can be no escape 
 from its penalty. About this time he became a charter 
 member of the Sons of Temperance, and gave the order 
 his hearty support. 
 
 In Fitchburg he was one of the School Committee, and 
 at this time there were some little mischievous boys there 
 who g-^ave the teachers much trouble. The teachers had 
 come to the conclusion that punishing was of no more use, 
 and were at a loss to Imow what to do to make them obey 
 the laws of the school, when Dr. Robinson said, " Send the 
 unruly boys to me." I^ot one of them ever came twice. 
 We do not know what was said, but they were doubtless 
 v/ords convincing them that they were working for their 
 own hurt, words of persuasion that only in themselves lay
 
 42 LIFE OF CHAKXES KOBINSON 
 
 the power to be dutiful scholars in school, obedient bojs 
 at home, and respected citizens when they should take their 
 part on the stage of action. The light upon their faces as 
 they went out of the house was very different from their 
 sullen look when they came in, showing that new thoughts 
 had taken possession of them. 
 
 It appears that wherever Dr. Itobinson went, he soon 
 became overburdened with excessive practice. This was 
 tnie at Fitchburg to such an extent that he was soon worn 
 out with the duties of his profession. Night sweats and 
 a severe cough which now attacked him indicated his 
 critical condition. While he was casting about what to do 
 for his health, thoughts of a trip to California were prom- 
 inent in his mind. Ahout this time a company was being 
 formed in and around Boston for an overland trip to Cali- 
 fornia. The first party to set out for San Francisco from 
 Boston and central Massachusetts had sailed in Januai^, 
 via Cape Horn. The success of Dr. Robinson as a prac- 
 ticing physician and his wide reputation in different parts 
 of Massachusetts caused the Boston Company to accept 
 him gladly as the company's physician on their route to 
 California. So, on March 19th, 1849, he started out with 
 the first company from Boston to the Golden Gate, passing 
 through St. Louis and overland through Kansas. The 
 adventures of this trip, many of which border on the ro- 
 mantic and even mar\^elous, will be recited in another 
 chapter.^ 
 
 ' See Chapter II.
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 43 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES. 
 
 An incident in tlie life of Robinson is about to occur 
 which will change his entire future. In a peculiar way 
 he is to become interested in the emigration to Cali- 
 fornia.^ For it was at this time the whole countiy was 
 aroused by the discovery of gold in that country. Men 
 evei'ywhere caught the fever, and were hurrying westward 
 in the vain endeavor to be first in locating mining claims. 
 Not only the adventuresome West but the staid East was 
 stirred with unbounded enthusiasm. Thousands from 
 every part of the United States took up the long journey 
 overland to the new El Dorado, or by boat passed by way 
 of the Isthmus, or by steamer " round the Horn," to San 
 Francisco.^ 
 
 In the winter of 1849 a party Avas formed in and 
 around Boston for the purpose of emigrating and settling 
 in California. " This party was composed of men of all 
 classes and professions, including tradesmen, clerks, manu- 
 facturers, mechanics, farmers, and laborers. It was organ- 
 ized in the form of a militai-y company, with a full list of 
 officers from captain down. The privates and non-commis- 
 sioned officers wore gray uniforms, while the commissioned 
 officers wore navy blue. An assessment was made upon 
 each member, and all property was purchased and con- 
 trolled by the officers." In this strange company, having 
 
 ^ See Chapter III, Eaneas Conflict. 
 
 ' The first steamer bearing a party from Kew England left Boston in January, 1849. 
 Two friends of Dr. Robinson, N. D. Ooodale and Enoch Btirnett, were members of the 
 party.
 
 44: lAVK OK CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 the form only of military organization but without military 
 discipline, was found Charles Robinson, who had entered 
 as physician to the company. He was to be relieved of 
 all responsibility other than the care of the sick. The 
 nature of the man, however, rendered it certain that other 
 responsibilities than the care of the sick would be thrust 
 upon him. For in any association of men, those of supe- 
 rior judgment and ability are sooner or later called into 
 general service, and so it proved in this case. 
 
 This small party left Boston on March 19th, 1849, and 
 started overland, traveling by railroad and canal to Pitts- 
 burg and thence by steamer to Cincinnati, St. Louis, and 
 finally to Kansas City, or what was then known as West- 
 port Landing. The whole journey was without striking 
 events except the ordinary experiences of a long journey 
 into a new country, which always brings with it a renewed 
 interest from day to day as sights and scenes change. In 
 the short pause at Cincinnati, Dr. Robinson bought a 
 beautiful cream-colored horse, which became a gTcat com- 
 panion and pet throughout the entire journey to Califor- 
 nia, and was subsequently killed in the squatter riots at 
 Sacramento. As they moved farther westward new 
 classes of people boarded the steamer, and the l>[ew Eng- 
 land party had an opportimity of forming the acquaint- 
 ance of people from Missouri and the South. They were 
 introduced, too, to the freedom and recklessness of the 
 wild frontier life. They entered a land where law 
 seemed much farther removed from contact with the peo- 
 ple than in staid old I*few England. Knowledge gained 
 on this trip of the class of people that were pouring into 
 the West was of great service to Dr. Robinson in hia 
 subsequent career in Kansas.
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 45 
 
 Soon after the steamboat left St. Louis on its journey 
 
 up the Missouri river, cholera broke out among the pas- 
 
 pengers. At this time much less was known about this 
 
 dread disease than at present, and medical science in 
 
 general had not jet demonstrated its ability to cope with 
 
 it under favorable circumstances. The physician of the 
 
 Boston party was soon called, into service. He was witli- 
 
 out medical library, and without any practical knowledge 
 
 of the disease. His information concerning it consisted 
 
 of meager descriptions in the few books that he had read 
 
 which touched upon the subject. The conditions on board 
 
 of a river steamer were not favorable t-o the sup]Dression of 
 
 the disease. Thrown upon his own resources, he adopted 
 
 the following plan of treating the disease, which is best 
 
 described in his own words: 
 
 " It was found that all the fluids of the body were leaving the 
 surface and pouring into the alimentary canal. The features became 
 pinched and anxious, the skin pallid and bloodless, and the muscles 
 of the extremities were affected with painful cramps. What was to 
 be done? Evidently the first thing to be done was to reverse the 
 vascular and absorbent machinery and send the fluids back to the 
 surface and other parts of the system and relieve cramps. What 
 would accomplish this result, and did the medicine chest contain the 
 required remedy? On examination, the doctor found tincture of 
 opium (laudanum), tincture of camphor, and compound tincture of 
 capsicum (hot drops). The first two would have a tendency to send 
 the fluids to the brain and surface and relieve spasms, while the last 
 would excite action of the vascular tissue and absorbent systems. 
 Accordingly, these tinctures were taken in a mixture of equal parts, 
 and administered in teaspoonful doses once in fifteen minutes, more 
 or less, according to symptoms, till the flow of fluids should be re- 
 versed and the cramps cease. Fortunately, this treatment proved suc- 
 cessful in every case where applied on first attack of the disease." ' 
 
 When the boat reached. Kansas City the military com- 
 
 ^ EaneaK Conflict, p. 29.
 
 46 LIFE OF CHABLES EOBINSON 
 
 panj was in a state of dissolution. As is frequently tli© 
 case in all organizations of similar character, suspicions 
 soon attached to the officers, who were accused of mis-- 
 management, and a jj^eneral discontent arose. So intense 
 was the feeling on the part of the members of the asso- 
 ciation that no settlement of difficulties could be reached 
 without a division of the party, and tJiis of course neces- 
 sitated a division of the property. Therefore two parties 
 were formed, and Dr. Eobinson was appointed one of a 
 committee of three to assist in the division of the supplies 
 and the settlement of the difficulty. This process occupied 
 nearly five weeks of time, and it was the 10th of May be- 
 fore the parties were ready to start on their journey 
 westward. But the time was not lost to the observant 
 nature of Dr. Robinson, for he studied the habits and 
 characteristics of the people and learned something of 
 Western farming and stock-raising. Much of his time 
 was also consumed in the care of the sick, for during 
 the first night after their arrival in Kansas City nine 
 citizens were attacked with the cholera, and died. The 
 services of the physician of the Boston party were again 
 called into requisition, and during his entire stay he had 
 an opportunity to exercise his professional skill to the 
 utmost in caring for victims of the cholera. Upon the 
 whole, the delay proved profitable and useful to Dr. Robin- 
 son; and on the other hand, perhaps in no period of his 
 life did he serve humanity better than during these few 
 weeks' stay in Kansas City. ISTor were the days in Kan- 
 sas City without recreation, for in the long delay while 
 they waited for the grass to grow on the plains, or engaged 
 in the tedious division of the property of the company,
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 4rT 
 
 the spare hours at the little house where they boarded 
 were enlivened with music. Dr. Robinson had bought a 
 clarinet in Cincinnati. A young friend of his played 
 the flute well, and the two furnished music to the neigh- 
 bors of the temporary home during the evenings of wait- 
 ing. The old Western farmer thought Dr. Robinson and 
 the young man from Roxbury would do better ''" giviii' con- 
 certs than goin' to the gold diggin's." 
 
 Two parties instead of one were now to start on the long 
 overland journey of over two thousand miles to the Pa- 
 cific slope. Their organizations were completed by the 
 lOtli day of May, thirty days after their arrival in Kansas 
 City, and instead of going in boats coursing on the muddy 
 Missouri they were to travel in " schooners " over the 
 rolling prairies of Kansas and the plains of the West, 
 drawn by cattle and mules, or on horseback, as many did. 
 It was a life of wild experiences, especially at first, for 
 inexperienced men were now attempting to manage wild 
 pteers and wilder mules, hitherto unknown to yoke and 
 harness. Thus, with inexperienced drivers and untrained 
 animals, they were to enter upon a journey over a bound- 
 less country with ill-defined roads. A " schooner " would 
 frequently be fastened in the mud, and endless delays 
 occur for want of discipline and order. There was much 
 experience in the way of searching for the best routes, the 
 best crossing of streams, and for the best method of re- 
 sisting attacks from Indians ; indeed, the expedition be- 
 came a little world of experience on wheels, in which all 
 phases of human nature v/ere tested. Those who started 
 from Boston without experience lived years in a short 
 journey across the plains.
 
 48 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 A vory interesting incident is related by Dr. Robinson 
 in regard to the discussion which so frequently occurred 
 among overland parties respecting Sabbath travel. On the 
 first Saturday of the journey it appears that darkness over- 
 took the travelers before they had reached water, — a 
 very important consideration in overland travel. The 
 next morning, which was Sunday, it was found upon in- 
 vestigation that the Wakarusa was only two or three miles 
 away, and they decided to hitch up the teams and drive 
 to water even though it was Sunday. This was so neces- 
 sary that every member of the party readily acquiesced, 
 even to the strictest Puritan among them. But when 
 they reached the river and the stock had been watered, a 
 question arose as to whether they should continue travel 
 on Sunday or not, as they were already prepared to go on. 
 After a controversy a vote of the party was taken, which 
 favored Sunday travel. But they had not pursued their 
 journey very far when an accident to one of the animals 
 caused a delay, and Sunday travel had to be given up for 
 that day. The remainder of the day was spent in theolog- 
 ical discussion, one party maintaining that the accident 
 was a judgment of God on account of their Sabbath- 
 breaking, while the other attributed it to improper attach- 
 ments of the coupling-pins and to bad driving. One party 
 appealed to tlie Decalogue and the other called for its 
 reading, and when read it seemed to enjoin the keeping 
 of the seventh day and not the first. From the Decalogue 
 the appeal was made to the New Testament, but it was 
 found on examination that there was no sentence in the 
 New Testament which enjoined, the keeping of the Sab- 
 bath. As in most discussions of this kind, no settled con-
 
 CALIFOENIA ADVENTURES 49 
 
 elusion was reached. But it is related that the men who 
 were the strongest advocat€s of Sabbath observance were 
 afterwards seen at the gaming-tables in Sacramento, bet- 
 ting with other sinners at " three-card monte." Dr. Rob- 
 inson closes this narrative with the following sentence, 
 which I give as expressive of his own peculiar character- 
 istics: "Persons who depend upon outside pressure for 
 religion are apt to adopt the customs of their surroundings 
 when that pressure is removed; while the person who is 
 governed by his own convictions of what is right and what 
 is wrong, regardless of public opinion and public custom, 
 will be but slightly influenced by externals." 
 
 The journey overland, though full of changes and daily 
 happenings, cannot be followed in detail. They had the 
 typical journey of the plains of those times, consisting 
 of long, monotonous days, alternating with those of wild 
 adventure and positive danger. An immense crowd, fully 
 20,000, had preceded them, and the grass was eaten off 
 fully haK a mile from the trail on each side, and water 
 was scarce and difficult to obtain. Doctor Robinson had 
 three horses, — Charley, Old " Zach " Taylor, and " Doctor 
 Slop." At one time the party had to camp at night with- 
 out water. During the night the horse " Doctor Slop " 
 broke away from camp, and in the search for him on the 
 following morning he was found quietly feeding by a boun- 
 tiful stream of water, giving evidence of the acuteness of 
 animals in the search for water. Xot long after this they 
 came to the St. Mary's river, in the desert, where they suf- 
 fered for lack of food. Here Dr. Robinson's strength failed 
 and a fever attacked him. His companions waited a day 
 
 or two for him to partially recover, and then they all pro- 
 -4
 
 50 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 oeeded to cross the desert, Dr. Robinson having packed 
 grass upon two horses for their feed through the waste. 
 They spent one Sunday at tlie new town of Salt Lake City, 
 where, under the direction of Brigham Young, the " desert 
 began to blossom as the rose," although the Mormons had 
 been there but two years. 
 
 The most important event concerning Dr. Robinson was 
 an adventure which he had in the Platte river. It appears 
 that some time had been spent in searching for the proper 
 fording-place, the river itself always being deceptive in 
 appearance. Sometimes when moving smoothly and evenly 
 it appears like a deep flowing stream, while in reality the 
 water may not be over three inches deep, flowing over a 
 bottom of mud and quicksand. Searching for a fording- 
 place, Dr. Robinson on his cream-colored horse plunged 
 in to make the crossing. About midway in the river 
 was a small island. This having been passed, the rider 
 and horse floundered in deep water, and, becoming sepa- 
 rated, the horse made for the opposite shore, while the rider 
 returned to the island. While the rider was yet flounder- 
 ing in the water, the horse, from the opposite shore, gave 
 a loud neigh, and plunged again into the stream, swim- 
 ming toward the island, which he reached about the same 
 time as the rider. He immediately came and stood over 
 the prostrate form of Dr. Robinson until the Doctor was 
 able to mount and ride out tO' the further shore. This 
 little act of intelligenoe on the part of the horse endeared 
 it very much to its owner. The horse was so docile that 
 he was at home wherever the camp was, without liitching 
 or tethering, and whenever his master approached he would 
 leave off grazing and place his head over the Doctor's 
 shoulder to be fondled and caressed.
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTUEES 51 
 
 Wlien the company readied Sacramento, on the 12tli 
 of August, 1849, Dr. Robinson liad changed from a slen- 
 der man of 145 pounds to a robust person of 170, with 
 every trace of his puhnonary trouble gone. 
 
 The company, indeed, was no longer properly a company 
 when it reached California. The organization so thor- 
 oughly completed in Boston before the party started west- 
 ward, became finally w^holly disintegrated, and its mem- 
 bers reached the State in straggling groups. Most of the 
 members entered the mines for the purpose of washing 
 gold ; others finally located in towns or on farm lands. 
 
 Dr. Robinson soon abandoned the mines and took up 
 his residence in Sacramento, where he in company with 
 others started a boarding-house, and at the same time 
 practiced to a certain extent his medical profession. He 
 found many poor people in the city who were in need of 
 both food and medical attention. From the boarding- 
 house many received aid to keep them from starving, and 
 through the kind offices of Dr. Robinson were given, 
 gratis, medical attention which saved their lives. Here 
 as elsewhere he always showed a kind-hearted disposition 
 to help those who were needy. This disposition to help 
 sufferers and those who were dealt with unjustly led him 
 to become a leader of the settlers' or squatters' cause in 
 Sacramento.^ 
 
 In order fully to understand the position taken by Dr. 
 Robinson in the squatter riots of Sacramento in 1850, it 
 will be necessary to inquire specifically into the exact 
 condition of the land question in California during the 
 interregnum from the time of the occupation of California 
 
 J Bancroft's Works, Vol. XXXV, chapter XVII,— S^uaMerism.
 
 52 LIFE OF CHABLES ROBINSON 
 
 l)j United States authorities in 1846 to the admission into 
 the Union in 1850, and the subsequent settlement of land 
 claims. It is one of the principles of modern civilization 
 as regards international rights and usages, that in con- 
 quered territory or territory obtained by purchase, the 
 property rights of all citizens living in the territory at the 
 time of the change shall be respected and guaranteed. 
 In the treaty between the United States of America and 
 the Mexican Republic at Guadalupe Hidalgo February 2, 
 1848, approved by the President Marcb 16, 1848, and 
 proclaimed July 4, 1848, property rights are guaranteed. 
 All land titles and property of every kind belonging to 
 citizens within the territory are guaranteed to the o^vner. 
 Freedom in the use and protection in the right of said 
 property are guaranteed under the Constitution of the 
 United States. These provisions make all bona, fide titles 
 granted by the Mexican or Spanish: government prior to 
 the occupation by the United States government, valid and 
 secure. 
 
 It had been the custom of the Spanish government prior 
 to Mexican independence, and subsequently of the Mexi- 
 can government, through the Governor of California, and 
 by well-defined laws and usages, to grant large tracts of 
 land to individuals for the sake of colonization and oc- 
 cupation, the largest grant not to exceed eleven square 
 leagues of land. The aim of the government was to settle 
 the territory by gi'anting large tracts of land to individuals 
 to whom the government was under special obligations. 
 Unfortunately, in the granting of these titles the language 
 used in defining the territory was usually quite indefinite, 
 and in those days no definite survey was obtained. Usu-
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 53 
 
 ally the limits of the grant were determined by well- 
 defined natural boundaries, such as mountains and rivers. 
 The result of this granting of lands so freely was, that 
 by the time of the discovery of gold and the incoming of 
 the settlers from the East^ and in fact from all parts of 
 the world, a large proportion of the fertile lands located 
 in small tracts along the river bottoms had been covered 
 by numerous grants. In addition to these genuine grants, 
 many fraudulent ones had been made or assumed, which 
 would seem to cover almost every available spot of fertile 
 land in the State, 
 
 To add to this confusion, the State Legislature was 
 powerless to make laws for the government of the State, 
 as the latter had not yet been organized and accepted as 
 a member of the Union. The courts also were in a dis- 
 organized condition, being in theory guided and regulated 
 by the Mexican customs, which prevailed everywhere until 
 American customs were adopted, but tending all the time 
 to break away from the Mexican system and to adopt the 
 American. There was, then, no adequate authority for 
 testing land titles. Hence, when there came this sudden 
 influx of settlers who were seeking lands to preempt on 
 the so-called " squatter rights," which had prevailed to 
 such a large extent in the United States, the settlers found 
 the lands all covered by rights resting upon ]\Iexican 
 grants, or by assumed titles which might or might not be 
 legal. This was, of course, a great disappointment to the 
 settlers; and when it was known that large numbers of 
 fraudulent claims were being filed, and that men were 
 using all means within their power, both fair and foul, to 
 obtain possession of large tracts of land for the sake o£
 
 54 LIFE OF CHARLES BOBINSON 
 
 holding or speculating, the settlers looked upon themselves 
 as defrauded of the rights of American citizens to settle 
 wherever no legal title to land existed ; for they believed 
 much of this land to be a part of the public domain. They 
 held that at least until title to lands should be decided by 
 the Supreme Court of the United States, they had as good 
 a right to settle on these lands and await the decision as 
 anyone else. Evidently there was a great misunderstand- 
 ing among the settlers because of the fact that the Mexi- 
 can land titles were diiferent from those of the United 
 States. They had supposed that California, being open 
 to settlement, was all public domain, similar to the new 
 Eastern. States and Territories when once these were 
 opened to settlement. They had failed to realize that 
 civilization already existed in California; that a govern- 
 ment had been established prior to the American occu- 
 pation and American purchase; and that persons living 
 within the territory were entitled to property rights supe- 
 rior to those of new-comers or immigrants. 
 
 The situation at Sacramento was peculiar. In 1839 
 Sutter,^ a man from Switzerland, had settled on the Sac- 
 ramento river at the junction of the river with the Ameri- 
 can river, where he built a fort and established a colony. 
 His possessions reached far and wide up and down the 
 Sacramento, American and Feather rivers. He lived on 
 his domains like a feudal lord of old times, with his men 
 as sei-vants, helpers, and a small army drilled for defense. 
 In 1841 he received a grant from the Mexican government 
 of eleven square leagues of land. In December, 1847, 
 Sutter reported the wliite population of his grant as two 
 
 1 Eancroffe Works, Vol. XJXV, p. 408. Kaneas ConCict, pp. 38-41.
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 55 
 
 hundred eighty-nine, besides a large number of docile 
 Indians, half-breeds, and Hawaiians. Sixty houses clus- 
 tered around the fort, and six mills and one tannery were 
 within the district. Thousands of bushels of wheat were 
 raised annually in the fertile fields, and thousands of 
 cattle, horses, mules, sheep and hogs grazed in the valleys 
 and on the hills. In 1846 Sutter laid out the town of 
 Sutterville, three miles below the fort, on the Sacramento 
 river. Subsequently the town of Sacramento was laid 
 out between Sutterville and the fort. So far as rights 
 accruing from possession were concerned, Sutter certainly 
 was the owner of this last tract of land. So far, too, as the 
 intent of the grant by the Mexican Governor in 1841 was 
 concerned, he had a clear title to the land. Unfortu- 
 nately, by a blunder in the title deed the boundaries fixed 
 for the territory covered over a thousand square leagues 
 of land, and the southern boundary was placed some 
 twenty miles north of the fort, at the junction of the 
 Feather and the Sacramento rivers; hence, if the deed 
 were strictly constnied, the fort, Sutterville, Sacramento 
 and the surrounding territory would be entirely excluded 
 from the gTant. The third and fourth sections of the 
 grant read as follows : ^ 
 
 " Third. The land of which donation is made to him is of extent of 
 eleven sitios da ganado mayor as exhibited in the sketch annexed to 
 the proceedings, without including the lands overflowed by the 
 swelling and the current of the rivers. It is bounded on the north by 
 los Tres Picas (Three Summits) and the 39° 41' 45" of north lati- 
 tude; on the east by the border of the Eio de las Plumas (Feather 
 river) ; on the south by the parallel 38° 49' 32" of north latitude; 
 and on the west by the river Sacramento. 
 
 " Fourth. When this property shall be confirmed unto him, he 
 
 ' Tfxt and map of grant. In piunphlet, "Frandnlent Location of the Sntter Grant," 
 C. W. Holt, Sacramecto. 18«9. Kans-aa Cor.fiict, p. 41.
 
 56 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 shall petition the proper judge to give him possession of the laud, 
 in order that it may be measured, agreeable to ordinance, the surplus 
 thereof remaining for the benefit of the nation, for convenient pur- 
 poses. Tlierefore I order that this title being held as firm and valid, 
 that the stime be entered in the proper book, and these proceedings be 
 transmitted to the Excellent Departmental Assembly." 
 
 It is evident from this tliat tlie intention was that Sutter 
 should locate, by proper surveys, land to the amount of 
 eleven square leaj^ues within the boundaries described, and 
 that the remainder within these boundaries should revert 
 to the Government as national property. It is also clear 
 that it was the intention of the Governor of California to 
 include within this grant the fort and its surrounding ter- 
 ritory, while in fact it excluded it entirely by the state- 
 ments included within the grant. 
 
 To make matters worse, Sutter, w'ho had little con- 
 ception of the boundary of his own land, l^eing in doubt 
 at times whether his title covered the territory in which 
 his fort, Sutterville, and Sacramento were located, and 
 being harassed on every side by land speculators, only 
 deepened the confusion of the whole matter by his prodi- 
 gality. The case is thus stated by Josiah Royce : ^ 
 
 " In 1848, when the gold-seekers began to come. Sutter began to 
 lose his wits. One of the pioneer statements in Mr. Bancroft's col- 
 lection says rather severely that the distinguished captain thence- 
 forth signed any paper that was brought to him. At all events, he 
 behaved in as unbusiness-like a fashion as well could be expected, 
 and the result was that when his atfairs came in later years to a 
 more complete settlement, it was found that he had dee<led away, 
 not merely more land than he actually owned, but, if I mistake not, 
 more land than he himself had supposed himself to own. All this 
 led not only himself into embarrassments, but other people with 
 him; and to arrange with justice the final survey of his El Dorado 
 
 ' Eoyce : Squattar Siot of '50 la Sacramento ; Orerland Dlonthly, Vol. VI, (second 
 series, ) p. 227.
 
 CALIFOKNIA AUVEIfTUEES 57 
 
 grant proved in later years one of the most perplexing problems of 
 the United States District and Supreme Courts." 
 
 In 1860, the Supreme Court, in its attempt to settle the 
 Sutter case, located the land, in two tracts: one of two 
 leagues, including the fort and city; the other of nine 
 leagues, on the Feather river, including Marysville. In 
 1863 the District Court set aside this survey, and lo- 
 cated the land in a long line of thirteen tracts between 
 the same limits as before, with the idea of following Sut- 
 ter's own selection of territory.^ Subsequently the Su- 
 preme Court set aside this last decision, and restored that 
 of 1860. Thus the Supreme Court recognized the grant 
 to Sutter as given in good faith, although the title had 
 been buraed in a Sacramento fire. They attempted, amid 
 great difficulties, to settle the matter justly and equitably. 
 But if commissions and courts found so much difficulty 
 in settling the land title of Sutter, it is easy to see how 
 settlers would readily fall into the idea that the grant was 
 irregular and illegal. Moreover, the grasping for land 
 by Yankee speculators, the shrewd manner in which these 
 Yankees were outwitting the old Spanish grantees and 
 seizing the most fertile spots of California, tended to 
 create a distrust of all land titles. The manner in which 
 the speculators were obtaining control of large bodies of 
 land seemed to the settlers like a process of robbery, by 
 which they were defrauded of the rights of settlement on 
 what they considered the public domain. 
 
 The squatter riot of Sacramento, however, arose on ac- 
 count of personal sympathy which certain individuals had 
 for the squatters because of the cold and cruel manner 
 
 1 O. W. Holt : Fraudulent Location of the Sntter Oiant, Sacramento, p. 3
 
 58 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 in whick many of them were ejected, on a pretended or 
 real legal process, from lands claimed by others. The 
 town of Sacramento was founded on land claimed by Sut- 
 ter, and lots were sold directly by himself or by those per- 
 sons who were granted territory by Sutter. The town, 
 then, derived its right to be from the Sutter grant; and 
 if this grant were valid, persons who bought lots in the 
 town had a legal right to them. In the winter of 1849 
 settlers flocked to the city, and occupied with tents and 
 shanties the vacant lands in and around Sacramento. 
 
 " In the midst of this rainy season, three men, including the 
 Doctor, were passing along the levee between the slough near I 
 street and the river, when they met a pretended sheriff and posse 
 Avell charged with whisky. Curiosity caused the three men to stop 
 and watch the proceedings. The posse went directly to a structure 
 of logs and canvas, where was a sick man who had been fed and 
 nursed liy the Doctor for several days. This man was ruthlessly 
 hauled from his shelter, and the logs and canvas leveled with the 
 ground. One of the three watchers exclaimed, ' That is a damned out- 
 rage! ' and the others joined in the exclamation. It was then and 
 there the movement commenced that culminated in the squatter riot 
 of the next year." ' 
 
 These men resolved that such actions should be reported 
 to the people, and that if possible, such outrages should 
 be prohibited. A meeting was called to be held on the 
 levee that evening. A cord of wood was procured to fur- 
 nish light, and small handbills advertising the meeting 
 were printed and circulated. When the meeting was called 
 to order the speculators and their friends monopolized the 
 speaking. After several speculators had explained their 
 side of the question in set speeches. Dr. Robinson made 
 
 1 Kobinson : Kansas Conflict, p. 37.
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTUEES 59 
 
 his way to the platform and offered the following resolu- 
 tion : ^ 
 
 "Whereas, The land in California is presumed to be public land, 
 therefore, 
 
 "Resolved, That Ave will protect any settler in the possession of 
 land to the extent of one lot in the city and one hundred and sixty 
 acres in the country, till a valid title shall be shown for it. ' 
 
 This was a hold assertion to make. It assumed that 
 the Sutter title was not legal, or that Sutter's claims 
 were greater than the law could warrant.^ The resolution 
 was received with great enthusiasm by the assembled 
 crowds, and had its influence in preventing indiscrim- 
 inate ejection of tenants. But in December, 1849, an 
 ordinance was passed by the city council directing the 
 removal of certain improvements from city lots occupied 
 by squatters.^ After the passage of this ordinance a 
 posse of several hundred men under the direction of the 
 city marshal set out to execute the order, but the squatters 
 organized into an association, and the president of the 
 association met them at the first attempt to remove 
 property, and boldly informed them that their authority 
 to meddle with private property was not recog-nized hj the 
 squatters' association, and that if they touched the prop- 
 erty they must kill the whole squatters' association after- 
 wards. The little deputy marshal, well loaded with 
 whisky, cried, '"' Shoot the scoundrel ! " But as no one 
 appeared desirous of obeying his order, the posse retired 
 from the field leaving the squatter in possession. 
 
 1 Robinson : Kansas Conflict, p. 38, et seq. 
 
 *C. W. Hoit : Fraudulent Location of the Sutter Grant, p. 2. Royce : Squatter Riot 
 of '60 in Sacramento; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI, (eecond series.) pp. 232-4. 
 a Idem, p. 238.
 
 60 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBIN^SOlSr 
 
 The next step on the part of the land-owTiers was to have an 
 act passed by the provisional State Legislature, — although 
 the State was not yet admitted into the Union, — to pro- 
 vide for forcible entry and detainer, the land-owners 
 hoping thus to secure possession of the land without a 
 decision of the Supreme Court. ^ 
 
 Suits in the local courts continued to be held, and in 
 these suits the courts always decided that Sutter's title 
 was connect, and rendered judgment against the squatters. 
 The squatter had a right to appeal to the probate court by 
 giving bonds for the satisfaction of judgment; but all 
 bondsmen must be land-owTiers, and as the squatters were 
 supposed not to be horm fide land-owners, the right of ap- 
 peal was thus really cut off. The city council also pro- 
 ceeded to pass a municipal ordinance forbidding anyone 
 to erect tents or shanties or houses, or to heap lumber or 
 other incumbrances upon any vacant lot belonging to any 
 private person or upon any public street.^ The land- 
 owners also formed a law-and-order association, and cir- 
 culated handbills asserting their intention of defending 
 their property. Numerous encounters of a minor nature 
 occurred, but the agitation was gradually dying out on ac- 
 count of the absence of Dr. Robinsoii from the city for two 
 months.^ On his return, in the latter part of July, the 
 movement had fallen into the background of public atten- 
 tion and great discouragement prevailed among the squat- 
 ters. Obsei*ving the situation of the courts, and seeing that 
 no appeal could be taken from the decision of the local 
 
 1 Boyce : Squatter Riot of '50 In Sacramento ; Overland Uonthly, Vol. VI, (aecoad 
 series,) p. 238. 
 
 - Ideaa. ■' Idem.
 
 CALIFOENIA AX>VE]S TUBES 61 
 
 courts, Dr. Robinson staked off several blocks of land in 
 the outskirts of the city, put up a large tent upon tbem, 
 and moved in. When the next trial occurred, lie offered 
 himeelf as bail. When the court asked him in regard to 
 his title, he said it was as good as there was in the city. 
 The justice held that he could not try titles, and must 
 accept the bondsman on his assertion of a legal right to 
 the property offered, whose value was placed at $100,000. 
 Soon after this came a trial of the appealed case before 
 Judge Willis, of the county court.^ The case was decided 
 against the squatters, and an appeal was made to the Dis- 
 trict Court with the hope of finally reaching the United 
 States Court, but it was denied. The defendant then 
 asked an appeal to the Supreme Court, but at this time 
 there was no law to sustain the appeal, and the motion was 
 overruled, and the squatters were beaten. There was no 
 opportunity to settle land titles in the State of California, 
 except through local courts which had no jurisdiction over 
 the public domain. 
 
 The trial caused a great deal of excitement. Both 
 parties were excited to the utmost degree. The squatters 
 had been denied the right of appeal. " They rushed from 
 the court to excited meetings outside, and spread abroad 
 the news that Judge Willis had not only decided against 
 them, but had decided that from him there was no appeal. 
 Woe to such laws and to such judges ! The law betrays 
 us. We will appeal to the Higher Law. The processes 
 of the courts shall not be served. Dr. Robinson was not 
 unequal to the emergency. At once he sent out notices 
 
 1 Compare Boyce : Squatter Riot of '50 in Sacramento ; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI. 
 (second series,) pp. 239-40. Bancroft's Works, Vol. XXXV, p. 408. Kansas Conflict, pp.
 
 62 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON" 
 
 calling a mass meeting o£ squatters and others interested, 
 to take place tbe same evening, August 10. It was Sat- 
 urday, and when night came a large crowd of squatters, 
 land-owners and idlers had gathered." ^ 
 
 In this crowd "svere found all sorts of people. There 
 were the land speculators and laud-owners, settlers and 
 squatters, and idlers and loafers. Quite a large number 
 were disposed to take it all as a huge joke; hut Dr. Rob- 
 inson was serious enough for the occasion. He came for- 
 ward to define his position, asserting that the time for 
 moderation was passed, and offering resolutions denounc- 
 ing Judge Willis and the law. These resolutions, in spite 
 of a few dissenting votes, were carried by a large majority. 
 Subsequently, numerous speakers crowded to the platform 
 and harangued the public. The next day Dr. Robinson 
 drew up a manifesto — an able, bold, and somewhat reck- 
 less document — stating clearly the situation and denounc- 
 ing the attitude of the courts and the land-owners. The 
 following is the manifesto as given by the Doctor's own 
 pen:^ 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF SACRAMENTO CITY. 
 
 It is well known that a few individuals have seized upon nearly 
 all the arable lands in this country, and the following are some of the 
 means they have resorted to, in order to retain the property thus 
 taken : 
 
 First. They have used brute force and torn down the buildings 
 of the settlers, and driven them from their homes by riotous mobs. 
 
 Second. They have used threats of violence, even to the taking 
 of life, if the occupant or settler persisted in defending his property, 
 and thus extorted from the timid their rightful possessions. 
 
 Third. They have passed or procured the passage of certain rules 
 
 1 Koyce, p. 240. 
 
 2 Kansas Conflict, pp. 45-6.
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENT UKES 63 
 
 in the so-called Legislature of California, for the purpose, as their 
 attorneys affirm, of protecting themselves and removing the settlers 
 from the land they may occupy whether right or lorong, — thus set- 
 tling the question of title in an assumed legislative body, which 
 question can alone be settled by the supreme government of the 
 United States. 
 
 Fourth. Under said legislative regulations, by them called laws, 
 they have continually harassed the settlers with suits, and in many 
 instances compelled them to abandon their homes for want of the 
 means to pay the costs of the courts. Many others have paid these 
 costs with the hope of carrying their cause through these so-calletl 
 courts to the proper tribunal for final decision, viz., the Supreme 
 Court of the United States. 
 
 But these hopes were vain, for Judge Willis, so called, has de- 
 cided that from his decision there is no appeal. 
 
 And now, inasmuch as the so-called Legislature is not recognized 
 by Congress, and the rules and regulations not approved and are 
 therefore of no binding force upon the citizens of the United States, 
 but simply advisory, and inasmuch as the so-called law of " Forcible 
 Entry and Detainer," if passed for the purpose affirmed by their 
 counsel, namely, to drive ofi" settlers, with or without title, is un- 
 constitutional, and would be in any State, the people of this com- 
 munity called settlers, and others who are friends of justice and 
 humanity, in consideration of the above, have determined to disre- 
 gard all decisions of our courts in land cases and all summonses or 
 executions by the sheriff, constable, or other officer of the present 
 county or city, touching this matter. They will regard the said 
 officers as private citizens, as in the eyes of the Constitution they 
 are, and hold them accountable accordingly. And, moreover, if there 
 is no other appeal from Judge Willis, the settlers and others, on the 
 first show of violence to their persons or property, either by the sheriff 
 or other person, under color of any execution or writ of restitution, 
 based on any judgment or decree of any court in this county, in an 
 action to recover possession of land, have deliberately resolved to 
 appeal to arms, and protect their sacred rights, if need be, with 
 their lives. 
 
 Should such be rendered necessary by the acts of the sheriff or 
 others, the settlers will be governed by martial law. All property, 
 and the persons of such as do not engage in the contest, will be 
 sacredly regarded and protected by them, whether landholders or
 
 64 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 otherwise, but the property and lives of those who take the field 
 againet them ■will share the fate of war. 
 
 Dr. Robinson's position was bold and liis situation some- 
 what critical, for he had openly defied the local courts 
 and committed himself to defense at arms. It was under- 
 stood that the sheriff Avould take possession of the property 
 under dispute on Monday morning, and it was necessary 
 for the squatters to act then in defense of their property 
 against the courts, if they ever expected to. In a letter 
 written to Sara T. D. Lawrence, afterward the wife of 
 Dr. Robinson, dated August 12, 1850, the situation is 
 clearly and graphically described in the Doctor's own way. 
 The writer feels it better to quote from this letter than to 
 attempt an elaborate description of the situation : ^ 
 
 "August 12, 1850. — Although I have written one letter, yet, as I 
 have been called upon by circumstances to remain in town, and as I 
 have a little leisure, I will talk with you a little, my dear S. 
 Since writing you we have seen much and experienced much of a 
 serious and important character, as well as much of excitement. The 
 county judge, before Avhom our cases were brought, decided against 
 us, and on Saturday morning declared that from his decision there 
 should be no appeal. The squatters immediately collected on the 
 ground in dispute, and posted, on large bills, the following: 'OUT- 
 RAGE!!! Shall Judge Willis be dictator? Squatters, and all 
 other republicans, are invited to meet on the Levee this evening, to 
 hear the details.' It was responded to by both parties, and the specu- 
 lators, as aforetime, attempted to talk against time, etc. On the 
 passage of a series of resolutions presented by your humble servant, 
 there were about three ayes to one nay, although the Transcript 
 tiaid they were about equal. Sunday morning I drew up a mani- 
 festo — carried it with me to church — paid one dollar for preaching — 
 helped them sing — showed it to a lawyer to see if my position was 
 correct, legally, and procured the printing of it in handbills and in 
 
 ' Kansas Conflict, pp. 46-8. Koyce : Squatter Eiot of '50 in Sacramento ; Overland 
 Monttily, Vol. VI, (second periee,) pp. 241-2.
 
 CALIFOKNIA ADVENTURES 65 
 
 the paper, after presenting it to a private meeting of citizens for their 
 approval, which I addressed at some length. After a long talk for 
 the purpose of consoling a gentleman just in from the plains, and who 
 the day before had buried his wife, whom he loved most tenderly, 
 and a few days previous to that had lost his son, I threw myself upon 
 niy blankets and ' anxiously thought of the morrow.' 
 
 "What will be the result? Shall I be borne out in my position? 
 On whom can I depend? How many of those who are squatters will 
 come out if there is a prospect of a fight? Will the sheriff take pos- 
 session, as he has promised, before 10 o'clock a.m.? How many 
 speculators will fight? Have I distinctly defined our position in the 
 bill? Will the world, the universe, and God say it is just? — etc., 
 ete., etc. Will you call me rash if I tell you that I took these steps 
 to this point when I could get but twenty -five men to pledge them- 
 selves on paper lo sustain me, and many of them, I felt, were timid? 
 Such was the case. 
 
 " This morning I was early on my feet, silently and quietly visit- 
 ing my friends, collecting arms, etc. Our manifesto appeared in the 
 paper and bills early, and the whole town is aroused. Nothing is 
 thought or talked of but war. About two hundred men assembled on 
 the disputed territory, and most of them sympathized with us. A few, 
 however, were spies. We chose our commander, and enrolled such as 
 were willing and ready to lay down their lives, if need be, in the 
 cause. About fifty names could be obtained. I managed, by speeches, 
 business, etc., to keep the spectators and fighters mingled in a mass, 
 all unarmed, so as to let no one know that all were men of valor and 
 ready to fight. While thus engaged, the mayor appeared and ad- 
 dressed us from his saddle — not ordering us to disperse, but advising 
 us to do so. I replied, most respectfully, that we were assembled to 
 injure no one, and to assail no one who left us alone. We were on 
 our own property, with no hostile intention while unmolested. After 
 he left, I with others Avas appointed a committee to wait upon him at 
 his office, and state distinctly our position, etc., so that there could 
 be no possibility of mistake. He said he would use his influence as 
 an individual to keep anyone from destroying our property, and told 
 us the sheriff had just told him that the executions from the court 
 had been postponed. We returned, and after reporting, and making 
 some further arrangements for another meeting if necessary, we ad- 
 journed. I told the mayor we should not remain together if no at- 
 tempt was to be made to execute their warrants, but I told him that
 
 66 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 if in the meantime a sheriff or any otlier person molested a squatter 
 we should hold him responsible according to our proclamation. From 
 this position we could not l>e driven, although we knew it to be in 
 violation of the regulations of the State. We were prepared to abid«» 
 the result. 
 
 " It is said that a writ is made out for my arrest, as a rebel, etc. 
 If so, it will not probably be served at present." 
 
 The conflict was soon precipitated by the sheriff, who 
 appeared soon after the squatters had dispersed, removed 
 the property and furniture in dispute, and placed a Iceeper 
 in charge. Several squatters were arrested and sent to the 
 prison-ship.^ During the day leading squatters sought to 
 escape arrest, and a meeting was held in Dr. Robinson's 
 tent at night. After a full discussion of the subject, a 
 plan of procedure was adopted. All the squatters who 
 had pledged themselves to defend their interests were to 
 meet early the next morning under an oak tree in the out- 
 skirts of the city, and thence march to the disputed prop- 
 erty and retake it. An ex-soldier of the Mexican War by 
 the name of Maloney was chosen as military leader.^ To 
 avoid arrest Dr. Robinson and Maloney spent the night 
 at the latter's cabin, six miles outside of the town. Early 
 the next morning they rode to the appointed place, but 
 much to their surjn-ise found not a solitary squatter. The 
 courage of those who had asserted boldly that they would 
 defend their rights, seemed t/) have disappeared. Dr. 
 Robinson and Maloney started out to rally their forces, 
 and found after a search that some of the loudest in the 
 protestation against abuses and the boldest in promises 
 were in bed, trembling at the hint of war. It took four or 
 
 1 Bancroft's Works, Vol. X5XV, pp. 408-9. Kansas Conflict, p. 48, et oeg. 
 - Compare this and following with Koyoe : Squatter Riot of '50 ; Overland Honthlj, 
 Vol. VI, (second series,) p. 242.
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 67 
 
 five hours to muster fifteen men, who were drilled a short 
 time by Captain Malonej before setting forth on their 
 errand. The soldiers were sworn in to obey the orders of 
 the commander or be shot as a penalty. The situation was 
 not encouraging. After a day and a night had been spent 
 in vigorous work, an army of only fifteen armed and 
 equipped men could be mustered to take the field. Ma- 
 loney, who began to swell with military pride, desired to 
 ride the Doctor's cream-colored horse. Dr. Robinson was 
 armed with a Colt's six-shooter rifle. This had been lent 
 to him by a gentleman who sympathized with the move- 
 ment, and who had recently arrived across the plains. At 
 noon of a very hot day, August 14, the order was given to 
 march, and the little squatter army of fourteen men and 
 one commander marched seven abreast down X street, 
 though insignificant in number, very warlike in appear- 
 ance. They had not gone far before a crisis occurred in 
 their own ranks. The house of a citizen by the name of 
 A. M. Winn, fonner president of the city comicil, was on 
 the line of march, and it appears that the commander, 
 Maloney, had a bitter grudge against him. As the little 
 army approached the house, the commander turned upon 
 his horse and said he vvould order that house destroyed. 
 Up spoke the Doctor from the ranks and denounced such 
 a proceeding as fatal to the entire squatter movement. 
 The commander apparently abandoned his purpose, but 
 when directly opposite the house he turned again and 
 said, " We will never have a better time," and was about 
 to give the order to fire the house. From the ranks of 
 the little army Dr. Robinson sprang forward, rifle in hand, 
 and shouted to the foolhardy commander, " If you order
 
 bb LIFE OF CHAKLES EOBINSON 
 
 that house destroyed, I will blow jour brains out ! " This 
 was a peculiar situation. Here was a private who had 
 fifteen minutes before sworn to obey the orders of the com- 
 mander, on penalty of being shot, jumping from the ranks 
 and threat-ening to shoot the commander if he did not 
 obey the orders of a private. Dr. Robinson was not a 
 little disturbed at the commander's apparent lack of judg- 
 ment, and especially his lack of comprehension of the 
 issue involved. It was evident that Maloney must be 
 checke-d or the warfare would be turned from an attempt 
 at the protection of the helpless squatters in their rights 
 to an attempt at the wanton destruction of the property 
 of peaceful citizens. Even with the utmost check upon 
 his reckless conduct, Maloney apparently disgraced the 
 cause by movements lacking in judgTuent. 
 
 Finally the house and property in controversy were 
 reached, and as the keeper placed in charge by the sheriff 
 was absent, the squatters took formal possession and re- 
 placed the furniture and property in the house where it 
 belonged.-^ The Doctor, desiring to get the squad out of 
 the city in another direction, advised that they visit a lot 
 on I street, where lumber had been deposited upon a 
 squatter's claim without the owner's consent. On arriving 
 at the lot on I street, it was found that the person who had 
 deposited the lumber there had done it only as a matter of 
 convenience, and had no designs on the lot; hence there 
 was nothing more to be done. The little army soon had 
 numerous followers, who joined the procession largely 
 through curiosity, some armed with rifles or shotguns, and 
 others with revolvers. 
 
 ^ Oompare Royce: Squatter Riot of '60 in Sacramento ; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI, 
 (second B»riee,) p. 242.
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 69 
 
 Maloney was requested to marcli out of town on I street, 
 which was sparsely settled, as the little band would l>? 
 likely to attract less attention by so doing. He marched 
 up I street to Third, when to the amazement of the Doctor 
 he turned to J street, the busiest part of the town. As 
 they marched through the principal business street the 
 crowd of followers increased, including many of the 
 worst characters in the city. When the squad arrived at 
 Fourth street a turn was made to the south. Soon after 
 the comer was turned at J street and Fourth a shout was 
 raised, and the mayor, sheriff and their adherents opened 
 fire on the little sqnatter army of fifteen.^ It appears that 
 while the squatter army was marching about town the 
 mayor and sheriff were galloping here and there for rein- 
 forcements to put down the rebellion. l^To sooner was the 
 attack made on the little army than Maloney gave the 
 order to face about and fire. As soon as the fire of the 
 mayor's crowd was returned, all fled in hot haste and the 
 space was cleared in front of the squatters. In fact, there 
 was a rapid dispersing of the crowd on both sides. The 
 mayor was badly wounded, losing an arm, and the city 
 auditor, who was foremost in the attack, was killed. One 
 squatter also was killed in the first encounter. While the 
 squatters were still in line a man named Harper passed 
 up J street, and when opposite Dr. Robinson suddenly 
 stopped and fired his revolver, the ball passing through 
 the Doctor's body two inches below the heart. Dr. Robin- 
 son then raised his rifle and returned the fire, the ball 
 striking the breast-bone of Harper and glancing off with- 
 out entering the body. 
 
 1 Compare Bancroft : Work'), Vol. XXXV, p. 409 ; and Royce : Squatter Riot of '50 
 ia Sacramento ; Overland MoQthly, Vol. VI, (second .series,) pp. 243 and 244.
 
 70 LIFE OF CHAELES EOBINSON 
 
 Wlien Dr. Robinson returned to consciousness lie found 
 himself in the street on the ,^round. Looking about, he 
 found that no one was in si^ht, and he crawled slowly into 
 an eating-house near by. At first the inmates were afraid 
 t-o give even the water which he craved. Soon after, some 
 physicians appeared, and he was well cared for. The cor- 
 oner and the sheriff appeared ; the former asked Dr. Rob- 
 inson's name and age, and the latter seemed in such a 
 hurry that Robinson smilingly told him if he could wait 
 a little he would be out of his way. He was in a very 
 critical condition at this time, and the pulsation at his 
 wrist having stopped, the physicians caused the sheriff to 
 wait until circulation was restored. As the slow proces- 
 sion moved toward the prison-ship bearing the Doctor on 
 a cot, sidewalks, verandas and roofs were thronged with 
 people silently watching the proceedings. Others came 
 out of the crowd and silently pressed his hand. On reach- 
 ing the prison-ship Dr. Robinson was placed in the fore- 
 castle. The only other occupant was a violent, insane 
 foreigner who muttered in an unknown tongue, beating 
 the sides of the vessel with his head and in other ways 
 most of the time. Here the prisoner w^as placed with the 
 idea that he would not live long, and that probably a 
 burial the next morning would be the only trouble he 
 would cause thereafter. Sucli was Dr. Robinson's critical 
 condition that a person leaving Sacramento on the night 
 of August 14, the day of the riot, brought tbe news to 
 San Francisco that he was dead, and the report was con- 
 veyed to his New England home. The great excitement 
 of the news was only allayed when, a fortnight after, a
 
 CALIFOENIA ADVENTURES 71 
 
 long letter written by Dr. Robinson was received, which 
 contradicted the news of his deatli. 
 
 The prison-ship was an old hulk situated a considerable 
 distance out upon the Sacramento river. Although the 
 heat on this August day in Sacramento was excessive, the 
 nights on the i^rison-ship were very cold and the prisoner 
 suffered much because he had lost a good deal of his 
 clothing in the examination of the wound, and was fur- 
 nished none in prison. He suffered great pain, but when 
 the jailer arrived next morning at 9 o'clock the Doctor 
 declared that unless inflammation set in he would recover, 
 contrary to the expectations of his friends and the hopes 
 of his enemies. Dr. Robinson attributed his rapid re- 
 covery to his strictly temperate habits, cold w^ater being 
 his only beverage. 
 
 It appeared that w^iile Dr. Robinson was lying in the 
 eating-house, wounded, and awaiting removal to the prison- 
 ship, just before his arrest by the sheriff, the small army 
 of squatters had disappeared, each one going his own way 
 to his own home. While Captain Maloney was riding 
 along the street the sheriff galloped up to him and de- 
 nounced him in very severe terms. Though Maloney was 
 unarmed, except with a saber, he turned and pursued his 
 assailant, who ran into a crowed of well-armed speculators. 
 They at once opened fire on Captain Maloney, killed the 
 horse, and planted eighteen bullets in Maloney's body. 
 
 Thus ended the first and last real encounter of the 
 squatters with the speculators of Sacramento. The city 
 was greatly alarmed. Lieutenant-Governor McDougal 
 started for San Francisco for help. Wild rumors were 
 afloat regarding the strength of the squatters and their
 
 72 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 sworn vensfcance upon the citj. But it appears that the 
 panic had bep,iin to subside, when it was found that the 
 squatters proposed to live up to their manifesto. But many 
 of the specuhitors uriyed that with the military leader of 
 the squatters killed and their civil leader badly wounded, 
 it was a g'ood time to make an end of all squatterism. 
 The newspapers were full of glorious boasting" over the re- 
 sult, and the little sheriff was commended for his bravery. 
 Swelling ^v^th pride, he rallied a posse the second day and 
 started seven or eight miles in the country to arrest " Old 
 Man Allen," as he was called. Allen had taken up a 
 claim on the American river, and it appeared that some- 
 body wanted the claim or had attempted to establish a 
 legal right to it. It is stated by some that he was keeping 
 a hotel or boarding-house. Allen was caring for a sick 
 wife, when the sheriff surrounded his house with three 
 squads. When he came to the door his surrender was de- 
 manded. He replied by discharging the contents of a shot- 
 gun into the little sheriff, who was carried back a corpse to 
 the city. Allen was woiuided, and several others were 
 wounded and killed in the struggle. His wife died during 
 the struggle. 
 
 The nev.'s of the sherifl''s death caused great excitement 
 in the city. Militia companies turned out, and detailed 
 patrolling parties passed through the streets to keep them 
 clear. But the next morning the steamer returned, bring- 
 ing Lieutenant-Governor McDougal, and this with other 
 events allayed public fear, the excitement soon died out, 
 and the people were ashamed that they had been alarmed. 
 The squatters continued to meet in the mining districts
 
 CALIFORNIA AD V'E If TURKS 73 
 
 and at Marjsville, l>ut at Sacramento tliere seemed to be 
 a common consent to drop the subject as soon as possible.^ 
 Dr. Robinson holds that the matter was dropx)ed be- 
 ' cause the speculators were beaten, or at least saw they had 
 to cope with a stem and stubborn foe. Those advocating 
 the other side considered that the squatters were beaten. 
 After the sheriff had attempted to arrest Allen, the keeper 
 of the prison-ship visited Dr. Robinson, who inquired as 
 to the condition of the squatters and what they were doing. 
 " Squatters ? " said the keeper ; '* they are annihilated, or 
 will be as fast as found." Two nights after the transac- 
 tion the keeper again appeared, in a very different frame 
 of mind. He was very much excited, and had come to ask 
 a favor; for it appeared that the next day after killing 
 the sheriff, Allen had reached a mining camp while the 
 miners were at dinner. " He was hatless and coatless, and 
 covered with mud and blood from head to foot. In this 
 plight he told the story of the squatter riot and of his en- 
 counter with the sheriff." ^ A report was soon abroad that 
 the miners had resolved to enter Sacramento, rescue the 
 prisoners and destroy the town, if another squatter was 
 disturbed. The keeper had come to ask Dr. Robinson to 
 send word to the miners that he did not wish to be rescued, 
 as he thought this would quiet the town and allay the ex- 
 citement. Dr. Robinson replied that while he had no de- 
 sire to be rescued, he had no word to send to the miners 
 or to anyone else. At this juncture the militia, which had 
 come from San Francisco to quell the disturbance, called 
 in a body upon Dr. Robinson on the prison-ship. During 
 
 > Bancroft : Works, Vol. XXXV, pp. 408-10; and Royce : Sqnatter Riot of '50 in Sac- 
 ramento ; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI, (aecond series,) p. 245. 
 - Kansas Conflict, pp. 56-7.
 
 74 LliE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 this visit an officer whispered in the Doctor's ear that he 
 and his friends had nothing to fear from the militia, as 
 they had investigated the matter and approved the course 
 the squatters had taken, Mr. Kojce ^ states that " a tacit 
 consent to drop the subject was soon noticeable in the com- 
 munity," and that " there was sullen submission near 
 home," and '' a decided sense of common guilt." Dr. Rob- 
 inson holds that the reason for this was the firm stand 
 taken by the squatters to protect occupants of land until a 
 title should be shown, the speculators having finally real- 
 ized the justice of the squatters' position, or at least the 
 cogency of their argument of force in maintaining it. 
 
 Mr. Royce writes somewhat facetiously on this subject. 
 He tries to show tlie improper attitude of the squatters 
 in attacking the institutions of California, but he does not 
 question the ability or sincerity of Dr. Robinson as a 
 leader of the movement. Referring to a letter which Dr. 
 Robinson had written to the Placer Times in defense of 
 the position of the squatters, he says : - 
 
 " The writer of the letter in question is very probably no other 
 than the distinguished squatter leader, Dr. Charles Eobinson him- 
 self, a man to whom the movement seems to have owed nearly all its 
 ability. And when we speak of Dr. Eobinson, we have to do with no 
 insignificant demagogue or unprincipled advocate of wickedness, but 
 with a high-minded and conscientious man, who chanced just then to 
 be in the Devil's service, but who served the Devil honestly, thought- 
 fully, and, so far as he could, dutifully, believing him to be an angel 
 of light. This future Free-Soil Governor of Kansas, this cautious, 
 clear-headed, and vigorous antislavery champion of the troublous 
 days before the war, who has since survived so many bitter quarrels 
 with old foes and old friends, to enjoy, now at last, his peaceful age at 
 
 1 Boyce : Squatter Riot of '50 In Sacramento ; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI, (second 
 series,) p. 246. 
 
 2 Idem.
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVEN TUBES Y5 
 
 kJB home in Lawrence, Kansas, is not a man of whom one may speak 
 with contempt, however serious his error in Sacramento may seem. 
 He was a proper hero for this tragic comedy, and ' nature, country 
 and God ' were his guiding ideals." 
 
 Mr. Royce then goes on to discuss the origin of the culti- 
 vated radicalism of the antislavery generation of Massa- 
 chusetts, who found it convenient when ordinary common- 
 place legal processes failed, to appeal to a so-called higher 
 law. He holds that Dr. Eohinson had a tendency to over- 
 look ihe intricacies of Spanish land grants, to repudiate 
 local courts, and to appeal to the higher law for the solu- 
 tion of the cases in equity. He continues : ^ 
 
 " For the rest, Dr. Kobinson added to his idealism the aforesaid 
 Yankee shrewdness and to his trust in God considerable ingenuity in 
 raising funds to keep the squatter association at work. He wrote 
 well and spoke well. He was thoroughly in earnest, and his motives 
 seemed to me above any suspicion of personal greed. He made out of 
 this squatter movement a thing of real power, and was for the time 
 a very dangerous man." 
 
 In his article in the Overland Montlily, where he gives 
 the history of the squatter riot, and also in his history of 
 California, Mr. Eoyce did some very fine writing. The 
 whole historical aspect is colored with fine bits of phi- 
 losophy, and in many instances with extravagant words 
 and statements. Upon the whole it is a gi'aphic picture 
 of the great squatter movement of California, with an 
 apparent studied attempt to overlook the real details of 
 the situation at Sacramento and the attitude of the men 
 in defending squatter rights in Sacramento, But it is a 
 sparkling philosophy rather than an impartial history. 
 It is graphic, reflective, and entertaining. The following 
 
 1 Boyce : Squatter Riot of '50 in Sacramento ; Overland Monthly, Vol. VI, (second 
 eeries,) p. 237.
 
 76 LIFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON" 
 
 statement by Dr. Robinson is a fair representation of the 
 
 squatter side of the argument : ^ 
 
 " It is plain the only higher law the squatters were after was the 
 law of the United States and the decision of a legal tribunal. This 
 law and decision the speculators said should not be had, hence the 
 conflict. Mr. Royce says the Supreme Court is a long way oflf, and to 
 wait for its decision would work great hardship to the claimants 
 under the grant. But where would be the greater hardship? This 
 grant was sufficiently elastic to cover all northern California, and was 
 used to enable a few men, with quitclaim or other deeds from Cap- 
 tain Sutter, to levy tribute upon every person of the many thousand 
 who might want to settle in the country. If the claimants could not 
 wait for a legal adjustment, how could the hordes of destitute people 
 wait that were pouring in from the Eastern States? If the title 
 should prove valid, the grantees would lose nothing. Even should 
 the entire tract of eleven letvgues le densely populated by thriving 
 cities, it would only enhance tlie value of the grant a thousand-fold, 
 while, should the land in question be not covered by the grant, the 
 cormorants would have robbed every occupant of hard-earned money, 
 never to be returned. Thus a valid claimant would lose nothing by 
 waiting for the courts, even the highest court, while the squatter 
 would lose all he might pay for a bogus title at the hands of a bogus 
 claimant or speculator." 
 
 So far as concerns tbe position of the squatters in de- 
 fending settlers in their rights until titles could be settled 
 bj the courts, there seems to be no real objection to their 
 course. The denial of the right to appeal to the Supreme 
 Court ought not to have been permitted. The ultimate 
 test of all land titles is in the Supreme Court of the United 
 States. If the governmental machinery was not sufficiently 
 perfected to allow an immediate decision on the appeal, 
 that was no concern of the lower courts, and they should 
 have decided in favor of the right of appeal. That all 
 cases were finally referred to a commission appointed by 
 
 J Robinson : Kansas Conflict, p. 60.
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTTJKES 77 
 
 Congress, and that all contested cases finally readied the 
 Supreme Court for settlement, shows that the squatters 
 were logically correct. In the special case of the Sutter 
 grant, it was evident from the intent and purposes of the 
 Mexican government that he had a i-ight to eleven leagues 
 of land ; and that the description of the boundary of this 
 land located it twenty miles north of Sacramento as its 
 southern boundary. The fact remains that for ten years 
 Mr. Sutter had occupied and settled land in and around 
 Sacramento on the supposition that his grant covered that 
 territoi-y, or possibly with no direct idea that it was in the 
 original claim. He bought the fort of the Russians, but 
 had no title to the land unless he could make the Sutter 
 grant by Alvarado cover it. In point of fact, Sutter had 
 no legal title to the land about Sacramento, and conse- 
 quently could give no legal title in transfer, possession be- 
 ing his only real claim. Holding strictly to the title, he 
 would have been excluded from any right of land in and 
 around Sacramento, including the disputed territory. As 
 a question of equity and justice the court might, on ac- 
 count of his possession, grant him a portion of the Sacra- 
 mento territory. Apparently this is what happened, for in 
 the final settlement the larger portion of his grant was 
 located within the boundaries of the legal title, but a 
 smaller portion was allowed him in the territory occupied 
 in and about the Sacramento, The squatters could scarcely 
 be blamed for believing that the title of Sutter was fraud- 
 ulent, on account of the dispositions of persons in those 
 days to grab and hold great landed estates regardless of 
 right. The Supreme Court decided against two other al- 
 leged Sutter grants, — one for twenty-two leagues, signed
 
 T8 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 by Governor Miclieltorena, and the other a list of sub- 
 grants given by the Governor to Sutter's men on the lat- 
 ter's recommendation. On the whole, it may fairly be said 
 that although the squatters and settlers had some just 
 grounds of complaint in this Sacramento affair, yet the 
 general tendency of the California squatters to ignore the 
 Mexican land titles led to a vast deal of trouble. Squat- 
 terism, as it spread over the State, became a synonym of 
 injustice, strife, and waste of property. 
 
 The character of Dr. Robinson comes out clearly through 
 the whole struggle. He was convinced that he was right, 
 and that he was defending the oppressed, or those who 
 were deprived of their rights. Throughout his life he 
 never appeared to better advantage than when attempting 
 to defend the helpless or in fighting single-handed open 
 forms of injustice or oppression. In this movement he 
 showed himself clear-headed, conscientious, shrewd and 
 skillful by the manner in which he routed the forces of the 
 speculators and landholders, who had all the odds in tlieir 
 favor. When we remember the critical condition he occu- 
 pied before the law, his subsequent history in California 
 is little less than marvelous. 
 
 When Dr. Robinson was sufficiently recovered, he was 
 brought before a local magistrate and formally committed 
 on the charge of murder and other crimes.^ Soon after, 
 the District Court met at Sacramento; the grand jury 
 found four true bills against him, — one for murder, one 
 for conspiracy, and two for assault with intent to kill. 
 Dr. Robinson, with two other prisoners, was soon taken 
 
 iFor the ram^initif? incidents of the Sacramento troubles, aeo TUe Kansas Conflict 
 pp. 61-65. See also Bancroft : Works, Vol. XXXV, p. 410.
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES Y9 
 
 into court to plead to tlie indictment. All three were again 
 remanded to prison to await trial. 
 
 But other and more important events were crowding on, 
 which tended to draw public attention away from the op- 
 erations of the courts. The time was approaching for the 
 election of members of the State Legislature, and the name 
 of Dr. Robinson was proposed bj the squatters and miners 
 as that of a candidate for a seat in this body. At their 
 request a new campaign document in the form of a mani- 
 festo was written by Dr. Eobinson. In this he boldly 
 charged the speculators w^ith murder in the first degree, 
 and declared that the squatters had done nothing more 
 than defend their natural and constitutional rights. 
 The manifesto was printed in the form of a poster and 
 distributed throughout the country, and, although not a 
 speech was made in the entire canvass, the poster did its 
 work, and returned a majority in favor of Dr. Robinson 
 for the Legislature. The papers denounced the manifesto, 
 but the people voted in favor of their hero now in a 
 prison-ship under indictment for murder by the grand 
 jury, and awaiting ti-ial. Soon after the election the 
 prisoner was admitted to bail, and, as editor of the "Set- 
 tlers' and Miners Tribune," entered vigorously upon the 
 work of defending the cause he had espoused. He was 
 thus employed until he took his seat in the Legislature, 
 which met in San Jose, in 1851. 
 
 The character of Dr. Robinson is clearly shown in his 
 attitude at this time on the slavery question, which affords 
 a good illustration of the fact that at all times he worked 
 from conviction as to what was right under the circum- 
 stances. While he was in prison, one of the attorneys,
 
 80 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBiNSON 
 
 Mr. Tweed, appointed to defend the squatters, came to liim 
 and advocated the division of California into two States, — 
 the southern portion to be a slave State, He desired the 
 opinion of his client on the subject. Dr. Robinson an- 
 swered that he was opposed to slavery from conviction, 
 and could not, on account of its injustice, favor its exten- 
 sion. When Mr. Tweed learned the attitude of Dr. Eob- 
 inson on the slavery question he advised the Doctor not to 
 consent to run for the legislature, because it mig'ht preju- 
 dice his case now ]>ending before the courts. The insight 
 of the prisoner easily discerned that his counsel opposed 
 his candidacy simply because he was opposed to slavery. 
 The Doctor therefore assured him that if the people chose 
 to vote for him he would not interfere, and if the courts 
 chopc to hang him because the people voted for him they 
 could do so. Again, in the Legislature the slavery ques- 
 tion caane to the front. General Fremont had been elected 
 for the short term of the Senate, which was about to ex- 
 pire. In his place Avere nominated, by the Whigs, T. 
 Butler King, of Georgia; and by the Democrats, Judge 
 Heydenfelt, of Alabama, — both favoring the division of 
 California and the extension of slavery. Fremont was 
 opposed to the division and to the extension of slavery, 
 and accordingly Dr. Robinson and some twelve or fifteen 
 others voted for Fremont, — who, by the way, was the pro- 
 prietor of a large Mexican land grant, — and thus de- 
 feated the election for that session. Subsequently, in the 
 next session, the antislavery sentiment was sufficiently 
 strong to elect an antislavery man, a Mr. Weller, from 
 Ohio, which effectually disposed of the matter. In voting 
 thus on the slavery question. Dr. Robinson of course
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTUBES 81 
 
 pleased the anti&lavery squatters and displeased those of 
 proslavery views. 
 
 At this session of the Legislature a law was passed 
 which quieted the legal proceedings in land controversies, 
 and referred all cases to proper tribunals for decision. 
 While Dr. Robinson was absent from the Legislature 
 through sickness, a unanimous vote of both houses in- 
 etnicted the prosecuting attorney to enter nolle pros, in 
 tJie case of The State vs. Robinson, but the acting Gov- 
 ernor, McDougal, who had fled to San Francisco at the 
 sound of war, vetoed the bill. The squatter cases of Sac- 
 ramento were by a change of venue taken to Benicia, but 
 after the close of the session of the Legislature the pris- 
 oners were discharged on account of no prosecution. 
 " Nolle pros, was entered, and the hero was free." Dr. 
 Robinson w^as exonerated by the people of Sacramento 
 valley, who elected him to the Legislature. Also, he was 
 exonerated by the Legislature representing the whole State 
 of California, and by the District Court, which dismissed 
 his case. 
 
 The remainder of Dr. Robinson's stay in California was 
 rather uneventful. As soon as he was thoroughly recov- 
 ered from the chills and fever which had attacked him, he 
 t^ok a steamer for Boston by way of the Isthmus. He 
 sailed on the 3d day of July, 1851, and on the 5th they 
 were wrecked on the coast of Mexico, about eighty miles 
 below San Diego. They had struck the rocks about one- 
 fourth of a mile from shore, at three o'clock in the morn- 
 ing. On the coast arose hills between which ran a little 
 dry ravine, each side of this ravine being overshadowed 
 
 by perpendicular rocks eighty feet high. This small ra- 
 —6
 
 82 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 vine proved tlieir salvation. In the course of the day they 
 got the small boats off for the shore, conveying all the 
 passengers safely to land before the ship finally sank. 
 They knew not tlieir location, however, and remained on 
 this inhospitable shore for two weeks without a clue to 
 their whereabouts. 
 
 A large amount of gold dust was on board the ship. 
 This was brought on shore, where it was carefully guarded 
 by forty men chosen by the company for this purpose. 
 The men were under the command of Captain Day, with 
 Dr. Robinson second, and were divided into relays of ten 
 each, who watched the treasure day and night. One day, 
 after they had been watching their treasure on land for 
 two weeks, at the same time eagerly scanning the sea for 
 a sail or scouring the country for information, a Mexican 
 suddenly appeared from the interior, and informed them 
 of their location. Ten persons went to San Diego to get a 
 boat to come that way to pick them up. It was necessary 
 for them to walk a considerable distance north to take the 
 boat, as it could not come near shore at that place. They 
 were finally obliged to take a schooner instead of a 
 steamer, and on account of the slow sailing of the former 
 they were delayed. While on their way to the Isthmus 
 they had to stop at Acapulco to see the consul about sal- 
 vage papers to convey to the insurance companies. 
 Through misinformation as to the time of the sailing 
 of the steamer. Dr. Robinson was left in an office in Aca- 
 pulco, and was obliged to take a slow boat for the Isthmus. 
 Consequently he arrived too late to take the fortnightly 
 steamer for Kew York. The two weeks of heat and in- 
 clement weather brought on the chills and fever again. 
 Finally he sailed for l^ew York, stopping at Havana,
 
 CALIFOEIfIA ADVENTURES 83 
 
 where lie arrived on the morning of the execution of Gen- 
 eral Lopez. He reached New York in time to file his 
 papers respecting the insurance case which had been given 
 into his charge. It was the 9th of September, when, after 
 various delays, he received a joyful welcome in his ISTew 
 England home at Fitchburg, where he remained until 
 June 28th, 1854. On that day he started for Kansas, 
 where so many stirring scenes were about to be enacted. 
 It is remarkable that Dr. Robinson returned from 
 California much improved in health. The variety of posi- 
 tions that he had held while in California, — physician, 
 editor, restaurant-keeper, leader of a squatter rebellion, a 
 member of the California Legislature, — seemed to indi- 
 cate that in the future he would have a wider sphere than 
 that of practicing medicine in a countiy town. After his 
 return from California his friends, among whom was 
 Mr. Benjamin Snow, father of Chancellor Snow, famous 
 in Kansas as a lecturer, scientist, and head of the Kansas 
 State University, urged him to edit a paper. At their 
 earnest request he took charge of the Fitchburg News. 
 This he conducted with great vigor for a period of two 
 years. On the other hand, his great success as a practicing 
 physician had led other friends to urge him not to abandon 
 his practice. The result was that in attempting to fill both 
 places of usefulness, he was &oon carrying on an extended 
 practice and editing a paper at the same time. Perhaps 
 this was an injudicious thing for a man to do who had 
 deemed it necessary to go to California for his health. 
 Be that as it may, as editor of the Fitchburg News he 
 developed a pungent and virile style, which served him 
 well in his after life in the Kansas conflict.
 
 84 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON 
 
 In the mean time, six years of watchful care over the 
 health of Miss Lawrence, prior to the departure of Dr. 
 Robinson to the Pacific coast, had brought about an en- 
 during friendship between the two, and the wedding-day 
 was set about thirty days after Dr. Robinson started west, 
 an event which postponed the marriage for about two and 
 one-half years. But on his return from California he was 
 married to the cultivated and gift.ed daughter of Myron 
 A. Lawrence, on the 30th of October, 18.51. After a trip to 
 Philadelphia and a visit home, they settled permanently 
 in Fitchburg. 
 
 Sara T. D. Lawrence^ proved a worthy companion t-o 
 Dr. Robinson, and especially in the Kansas struggle by 
 her excellent judgment and ready pen did valiant service 
 for the cause of freedom. Keen in observation, courageous 
 in all things, she could stand at her husband's side in a 
 determined struggle for the right. . Mrs. Robinson was 
 educated at the Belchertown Classical School and at the 
 New Salem Academy, besides having received private in- 
 struction from a lady of fine accomplishments. Mrs. Rob- 
 inson was well versed in Latin and modern languages and 
 belle^lettres. Her true courage and faithfulness have 
 placed her name among those of the women who made 
 Kansas. 
 
 Dr. Robinson was aided in the newspaper office by 
 Josiab Trask, a youth of fifteen years, son of Rev. George 
 Trask of anti-tobacco fame. Young Trask lost his life 
 in the Quantrell raid at Lawrence, in 1863. Often when 
 Dr. Robinson was absorbed in medical affairs Trask would 
 run to him crying for more copy. " More copy, I must 
 have more copy ! " became a household phrase with the 
 
 ' See Appendix A, note (/).
 
 CALIFORNIA ADVENTURES 85 
 
 Doctor, and frequently rang in his ears when his mind 
 was centered on some medical case. Not infrequently, 
 when Dr. Kobinson was out on a long ride, Mrs. Robinson 
 would appear in such an emergency, with an article al- 
 ready prepared for Trash's rollicking call under the win- 
 dow, " More copy, I must have more copy ! " ^ 
 
 While Dr. Robinson was practicing medicine in Fitch- 
 burg and editing a newspaper at the same time, the slav- 
 ery agitation was attracting great notice throughout the 
 ISTorth, especially in I^ew England. The passage of the 
 Kansas-l!>J'ebraska Bill threw the Territory of Kansas open 
 to settlement, and the Xorth and South vied with each 
 other in sending emigrants into the new Territory for 
 occupation under the law of " squ atter sovereignty ." The 
 Emigrant Aid Company of J^ew England was formed, 
 and meetings were held at different places to agitate the 
 question of colonizing the new Territory with the friends 
 of freedom, and especially to collect money and recruits 
 for settlement there. One day one of the Chapman Hall 
 meetings in Boston was addressed by Eli Thayer, who at 
 the close of the meeting asked if any present would be 
 willing to go to Kansas. Charles Robinson walked up and 
 signed his name to the paper. After the meeting, Mr. 
 Thayer, who had noticed his quiet though self-reliant bear- 
 ing, asked if he were the Charles Robinson who had gone 
 to California. His reply being in the affirmative, Mr. 
 Thayer asked if he would be willing to go to Kansas to 
 live. 
 
 "Yes," was the reply. 
 
 " Would your wife be willing to go ? " 
 
 >See Appendix A., note (g>)-
 
 86 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 '' I liave 110 doubt of it," replied Robinson. 
 
 " Well, then," continued Thayer, " will you come down 
 to Boston ai^'ain to-morrow and meet the directors of the 
 Emigrant Aid Company ? " 
 
 The early train brought Dr. Robinson to Boston. The 
 result of the conference was that Dr. Robinson agreed to 
 leave Boston on the 28th of June to make his future home 
 in Kansas. lie accordingly made hurried preparations 
 to close out his practice and arrange his business affairs 
 for the new life. Subsequently he took charge of the 
 affairs of the Emigrant Aid Company in connection with 
 Charles H. Branscomb, of Holyoke, Massachusetts, and 
 Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Southampton, Massachusetts, 
 financial agent.
 
 THE WAGER OF BATTLE 87 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE WAGBK OF BATTLE. 
 
 The Kansas conflict is one of the most remarkable facts 
 of American history, from the Revolutionary War to the 
 present time. The great parties of the nation had failed to 
 agree concerning political sovereigntY and the great domes- 
 tic institution — slavery. The nation was rapidly dividing 
 into two great parties, each occupying separate sections of 
 national territory and having different industrial interests. 
 Opinions regarding legislation and justice were widely di- 
 vergent in the two sections, and men were wedded to sec- 
 tional interests rather than to national honor. Even from 
 the adoption of the Federal Constitution in 1789 there had 
 hung a great cloud over the American Republic as a men- 
 ace to free institutions. Men who boasted of freedom and 
 liberty and waxed eloquent over the blessings of free insti- 
 tutions, held a large number of human beings in servitude. 
 The difficulty of regulating domestic institutions by gen- 
 eral laws was soon evident, involving as it did the relation 
 of Federal to State government. In the early period of 
 national life men were too busy with the affairs pertaining 
 to the development of the nation to pay much attention to 
 the question of slavery. But there came a time when agi- 
 tation, slight and almost unnoticed at first, finally stirred 
 widespread enthusiasm for the cause of the enslaved. A 
 little cloud no larger than a man's hand appeared above 
 the horizon, and gradually spread over the sky the black
 
 8S LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 and threatening appearances of war. Step bj step the 
 slave-power was encroaching upon the national life and 
 threatening to rule or ruin the whole country. The na- 
 tional legislators met the determination to spread the do- 
 mestic institution of slavery over tlie entire nation with 
 compromise after compromise, they seeking to avoid the 
 definitive decision of a great moral question. They put off 
 its settlement until it became a great political question, 
 shaking the nation to its very center. Failing finally to 
 settle this question, the legislators thrust it upon the people. 
 They staked out a dueling-ground in the far West, where 
 the people were to settle a great national question in their 
 own way. It was, indeed, one of the most remarkable in- 
 stances on record, of the shifting of a great national ques- 
 tion upon a local community. " The field of battle was 
 thus removed from the halls of Congress to the plains of 
 Kansas." ^ But the nation did not escape so easily ; for 
 the attempt to transfer the responsibility to the plains of 
 Kansas caused an agitation that eventually precipitated 
 the whole nation in a great stiiiggle, and dearly did the 
 nation pay for its evasion of the question. 
 
 The slavery question ought to liave been settled with the 
 adoption of the Federal Constitution; and one may well 
 consider with surprise the fact that colonies struggling for 
 their own freedom against oppression could have perpet- 
 uated domestic slavery. But when it is considered how 
 nearly we came to not having any constitution at all, and 
 that the formation of the Federal Constitution was at best 
 the compromise of all interests, it is easy to see how essen- 
 tial it was to compromise on the slavery question in ordor 
 
 1 Hobiaion : The Kansas Conaict, p S.
 
 THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 89 
 
 that the Union might exist, even without being firmly estab- 
 lished. But there were those who saw that the question 
 deferred must be settled at some future time. A republi- 
 can government could not long exist, professing freedom 
 and equality, while it kept millions of human beings in 
 slavery. The progress of civilization could not tolerate 
 such an inconsistency'. 
 
 The Missouri Compromise sought to establish a perma- 
 nent settlement of the difficulty by division of the terri- 
 tory, thus recognizing the justice of the claims made by 
 the slave-power. The bill of 1850 had a tendency to dis- 
 turb rather than to settle the question. It was a partial 
 repeal of the Compromise act and against its spirit. With- 
 out doubt Henry Clay, the author of the act of 1850, was 
 sincere in his efforts to settle peacefully a great national 
 difficulty. After the passage of this act, it seemed that for 
 a few years at least, contention would cease. While the 
 workings of the fugitive-slave clause of the Compromise 
 were producing some agitation, the real struggle would 
 probably have been deferred for twenty years had it not 
 been for the passage of the Kansas-l^ebraska Act, the 
 author and chief defender of which was Stephen A, Doug- 
 las. But this act, which repealed the Missouri Compro- 
 mise and sounded the death-knell of the Fugitive Slave 
 Act, left the country open to the extension of slavery 
 throughout the national territory. Such a receding from 
 the position taken by both the opponents and the advocates 
 of slavery since the constitutional period, was an instance 
 of temporizing uncommon to a self-governed people. 
 
 With the adoption of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill the 
 period of temporizing came to an end ; the era of compro-
 
 90 LIFE OF CHAELES ROBIJSfSOJST 
 
 mise was past. \Tlie concentration of a great national 
 struggle in a single small Territory, brought the strife to 
 a focus and made bloodshed and war inevitable. The 
 Kansas-l^ebraska Bill turned the intellectual struggle for 
 supremacy in Congress into a struggle of physical strength, 
 and the Territory was thrown open to the possession of 
 opposing forces. These forces met each other face to face, 
 and in that struggle for possession, war w^as initiated. The 
 meaning of the bill M-as clear, for it threw open a broad ex- 
 panse of national territory to the extension of slavery. 
 Referring to the Territory of Kansas, it finally says: 
 
 " The same is hereby erected into a temporary government by 
 the name of the Territory of Kansas, and when admitted as a State 
 or States, the said Territory, or any portion of the same, shall be 
 received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution 
 may prescribe at the time of their admission. . . . That the Con- 
 stitution, and all laws of the United States which are not locally 
 applicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said 
 Territory of Kansas as elsewhere within the United States, except the 
 eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri 
 into the Union, approved March sixth, 1820, which, being inconsistent 
 with the principles of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in 
 the States and Territories, as recognized by the legislature of 1850, 
 commonly called the Compromise measure, is hereby declared inopera- 
 tive and void; it being the true intent and meaning of the act not 
 to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it 
 therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and 
 regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only 
 to the Constitution of the United States: Provided, That nothing 
 herein contained shall be construed to revive or put in force any law 
 or regulation which may have existed prior to the Gth of March, 1820, 
 either protecting, establishing, prohibiting, or abolishing slavery." 
 
 The introduction of this bill by Douglas precipitated 
 one of the most noted parliamentary struggles in the his- 
 tory of the nation. On one side was Douglas, the most
 
 THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 91 
 
 powerful debater in Congress, followed by a strong sup- 
 port of alert men. On the other side were Chase, Sumner, 
 Giddings, Seward, and Wade, with others zealous in the 
 support of their leaders. The lines of battle were close- 
 drawn, and the struggle prolonged and intense. 
 
 When the bill was finally passed, the boom of the cannon 
 and the shouts of Southern sympathizers told of its suc- 
 cess; while on the other side, gloom and apprehension 
 hung like clouds over all. The few giants who had stood 
 for justice and for a stay of the slave-power in its triumph- 
 ant march acknowledged the defeat and expressed their 
 feelings in a cry of despair. 
 
 Seward said. May 25th, 1854: 
 
 " The sun has set for the last time upon the guaranteed and cer- 
 tain liberties of all unsettled and unorganized portions of the Ameri- 
 can continent that lie within the jurisdiction of the United States. 
 To-morrow's sun will rise in dim eclipse over them. How long that 
 obscuration shall last is known only to the Power that directs and 
 controls all human events." 
 
 Senator B. F. Wade said: 
 
 " The humiliation of the North is complete and overwhelming. 
 . . . I know full well that no words of mine can save the country 
 from this impending dishonor, this meditated wrong which is big with 
 danger to the good neighborhood of the different sections of the 
 country, if not the stability of the Union itself." 
 
 Salmon P. Chase, in his speech in the Senate, May 25th, 
 1854, said: 
 
 " This bill doubtless paves the Avay for the approach of new, 
 alarming, and perhaps fatal dangers to our country. It is the part 
 of freemen and lovers of freedom to stand upon their guard and pre- 
 pare for the worst events. It is because this bill puts in peril great 
 and precious interests, reverses the ancient and settled policy of the 
 Government, and breaks down a great safeguard of liberty, that I feel
 
 92 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 myself constrained to resist it firmly and persistently, though without 
 avail." 
 
 Prior to tlie passag'e of the act in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, May 16, 1854, Hon. Joshua K. Giddings, of 
 Ohio, said: 
 
 " Mr. Chairman — Who does not know that the Southern and 
 servile presses are already proclaiming that when this bill shall have 
 been passed, slavery shall next be admitted into Minnesota, Washing- 
 ton, and Oregon? ... To surrender this vast territory will ex- 
 clude free men from it; for, as I have said, free laborers, bred up 
 with feelings of self-respect, cannot, and will not, mingle with slaves. 
 For these reasons it is most obvious that the character of the States 
 to be carved out of this territory will be determined by that of the 
 government now to be established. If the territory be settled by 
 slaveholders, the States will of course be slaveholding States."' 
 
 He might have added, if the territory be settled by 
 antislavery people, the States of course will be antislavery, 
 — a sequel to the Douglas bill which had not yet dawned in 
 prospect upon the people. Earlier than this statement of 
 Giddings, on February 21, 1854, Sumner had stated in 
 the United States Senate that — 
 
 " It is clear beyond dispute that by the overthrow of this prohi- 
 bition, slavery will be quickened and slaves themselves be multiplied ; 
 while new room and verge will be secured for the gloomy operations 
 of the slave law, under which free labor will group, and a vast terri- 
 tory be smitten with sterility. Sir, a blade of grass would not grow 
 where the horse of Attila had trod: nor can any true prosperity 
 spring up in the footprints of a slave. . . . You are asked to 
 destroy a safeguard of freedom, consecrated by solemn compact under 
 which the country is reposing in the security of peace, and thus con- 
 firm the supremacy of slavery." 
 
 Although these chief opponents to the Douglas bill saw 
 with prophetic eyes that a great national issue was to be 
 settled possibly at the expense of union and liberty, they
 
 THE WAGER OF BATTLE 93 
 
 eaw in the situation signs of no hope. They saw nothing 
 but an unavoidable conflict, which might end in humilia- 
 tion and defeat. A few papers like the New York Tribune 
 proclaimed the situation. January 6, 1854, Mr. Greeley 
 
 says : 
 
 " The Thirty-first Congress inaugurated the era of submissions to 
 slavery. Since then eveiything has gone on swimmingly in this line. 
 Not only was the slavery question compromised, but the character and 
 reputation and principles of hundreds of our public men were com- 
 promised by the same operation. . . . Freedom's battle was 
 fought and lost in 1850, and the cowards and traitors have all run 
 to the winning side. 
 
 In the issue of March 14, 1854, the same paper asserts: 
 
 " We as a nation are ruled by the black power. It is composed of 
 tyrants. See, then, how the North is always beaten. The black power 
 is a unit. It is a steady, never-failing force. It is a real power. 
 Thus far it has been the only unvarying power of the country, for it 
 never surrenders and never wavers. It has always governed, and 
 now governs more than ever." 
 
 In the issue of May 24, of the same year, Mr. Greeley 
 hints strongly of the necessity of a bloody contest. He 
 
 says : 
 
 "The revolution is accomplished and slavery is king! How long 
 shall this monarch reign? This is now the question for the Northern 
 people to answer. Their representatives have crowned the new poten- 
 tate, and the people alone can depose him. If we were only a few 
 steps further advanced in the drama of reaction, he could only be 
 hurled from his seat through a bloody contest." 
 
 Subsequently, after the passage of the famous Douglas 
 
 bill, in the issue of June 24, 1854, Mr. Greeley says: 
 
 "The territory which one short year ago was unanimously con- 
 sidered by all. North and South, as sacredly secured by irrepealable 
 law to freedom forever, has been foully betrayed by traitor hearts 
 and traitor voices, and surrendered to slavery."
 
 94 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 Mr. Theodore Parker, in one of his most striking ad- 
 dresses, asserted with a sort of despair that — 
 
 " There is not one spot of free soil from Nootka Sound to 
 Key West. In no part of the country is there freedom. The Supreme 
 Court is a slave court, the Senate is a slave Senate, the Senators are 
 overseers, Mr. Dou<?las is a great overseer, and Mr. Everett a little 
 overseer. The press is generally the friend of slavery." 
 
 Such were the cries of defeat, of humiliation, such tlie 
 gloomy forebodings that came from the leaders of liberty. 
 People of the ISTorth were oppressed with indigiiation and 
 gloom. But few rays of light were observable anywhere 
 on the whole horizon. | There was a sentiment arising 
 favoring the settlement of Kansas with antislavery people 
 who should build up a free State?, Mr. Sumner had re- 
 marked at the time of the passage of the bill: "Thus it 
 puts freedom and slavery face to face and bids them grap- 
 ple. "Who can doubt the result ? " 
 
 Out of the general despair of Seward's speech came one 
 
 saving clause : 
 
 " Come on, then, gentlemen of the slave States: since there is no 
 escaping your challenge, I accept it in behalf of freedom. We will 
 engage in competition for the virgin soil of Kansas, and trod give 
 the victory to the side that is stronger in numbers as it is in right." 
 
 Mr. Seward, however, had no idea as yet of the sudden- 
 ness with which war would be inaugurated for the settle- 
 ment of the great question. He could not free himself 
 from his sense of oppression at the defeat which the party 
 of freedom had just suffered. Mr. Sumner, at the time of 
 the passage of the Douglas Bill, expresses a ray of hope : 
 
 " In a Christian land and in an age of civilization, a time-honored 
 statute of freedom is struck down; opening the way to all the count- 
 less woes and wrongs of human bondage. Among the crimes of history
 
 THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 95 
 
 another is about to be recorded, which no tears can blot out, and 
 which, in better days, will be read with universal shame. . . . 
 Standing at the very grave of freedom in Kansas and Nebraska, I 
 lift myself to the vision of that happy resurrection by which freedom 
 will be secured hereafter, not only in these Territories but every- 
 where under the National Government.*' 
 
 Evidently Mr. Sumner was thinking- of the long, slow 
 constitutional struggle which in the course of human events 
 ^vould cause freedom and justice to triumph. He evidently 
 had no conception of the sharp physical struggle, the civil 
 war that was so soon to follow. 
 
 The leaders of the antislavery forces in Congress had 
 only to look to the rising storm in the North to receive 
 encouragement and support. Had they been observant the 
 country would have been spared their fears for the future ; 
 though it would, to be sure, have been deprived of much of 
 their eloquence. It was but natural for them to feel that, 
 having lost the battle in Congress, they had lost it to the 
 whole country forever, and that the slave-powder had won 
 and was to remain dominant. But quick recovery from the 
 humiliation of defeat brought them more hopeful views of 
 the situation. Throughout the entire North agitation had 
 begun vigorously, even before the passage of the Kansas- 
 Nebraska Bill, and was continued with increased vigor 
 after its passage. The Whig and Democratic parties be- 
 gan to disintegrate ; old traditions were giving way to new 
 views of liberty, and public sentiment was rapidly crystal- 
 lizing around a new force, a common sentiment of freedom. 
 
 It would seem that the "Appeal of the Independent 
 Democrats in Congress to the People of the United States " 
 against the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was responded to with 
 an unexpected zeal by the people. This ably written ad-
 
 96 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 dress is strong in the bitterness of the occasion. It ar- 
 raigns the bill " as a gross violation of a sacred pledge ; 
 as a criminal betrayal of precious rights ; as part and par- 
 cel of one atrocious plot to exclude from a vast unoccupied 
 region, immigrants from the Old World and free laborers 
 from our own States, and convert it into a dreary region of 
 despotism inhabited by masters and servants." Referring 
 then to the Missouri Compromise as an acknowledged part 
 of the law of the land, the address expresses its disapproval 
 of the proposal to annul the law. " Language fails to ex- 
 press the sentiments of indignation and abhorrence," which 
 are aroused by the Kansas-Nebraska Act. " Shall a plot," 
 reads the address, '' against humanity and decency so mon- 
 strous and so dangerous to the interests of liberty through- 
 out the world be permitted to succeed ? We appeal to the 
 people. . . . Let all protest earnestly and emphatically, 
 by correspondence, through the press, by memorials, by 
 resolutions of public meetings and legislative bodies, and 
 in whatever other mode may seem expedient against this 
 enormous crime." This important document was only ex- 
 ceeded in brilliancy and strength by the speech of Douglas, 
 " The Little Giant," in favor of the bill. While the latter 
 carried with it the majority vote of Congress, the response 
 to the former in the voice of the people triumphed in the 
 end, and forever settled the slavei^ question in the United 
 States. 
 
 The people spoke through the press, ably led by Greeley 
 of the New YorJc Tribune; Bryant and Bigelow of the 
 Evening Post; Raymond of the Times; Webb of tbe 
 Courier and Enquirer; Bowles of the Springfield Republi- 
 can; Thurlow Weed of the Albany Journal; Schouler of
 
 THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 97 
 
 the Cmcinnati Gazeite; and followed by the Whig press 
 of the country and many Democratic papers in the North. 
 
 Following immediately were public meetings of protest, 
 ])eginning at l^ew York and extending to nearly every city 
 and town throughout the jSTorthern States. The Legisla- 
 tures of Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, ISTew York 
 and Wisconsin, then in session, each passed resolutions pro- 
 testing against the bill. Seward began to be hopeful, and 
 wrote: '"The storm that is rising is such a one as this 
 country has never seen." But in the face of the storm the 
 bill was passed, and signed by the President May 30, 1854. 
 
 The battle of the giants in Congress was over, and 
 Douglas had won, but in winning, as Rhodes says, " it must 
 -be adjudged that Douglas hastened the struggle; he pre- 
 cipitated the Civil AVar." It was stated by Mr. Greeley 
 in tlie Tribune of May 17, that " Pierce and Douglas have 
 made more abolitionists in three months than Garrison and 
 Phillips could have made in a half-century." But the 
 agitation went on ; the bill was denounced by the press, 
 from the pulpit, by legislatures, and from the platforms of 
 public meetings. ]Srot only was the Kansas-!N"ebraska Act 
 condemned, but all of its supporters with it, including 
 Douglas, Pierce, and the administration. Douglas stated 
 subsequently that he could travel '' from Boston to Chicago 
 by the light of his own effigies." From this time on the 
 influence of Douglas began to decline, although his genius 
 and intellect were not the less bright. 
 
 The North continued to protest in every way against the 
 Kansas-Nebraska and the Fugitive Slave acts. Not only 
 by the expressions of public sentiment from the platform, 
 press and pulpit, but in legislative halls was the opposition
 
 98 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 manifest. In many of these last, resolntions for liberty 
 were passed. The elections in the l^orth showed very 
 clearly how the people were thinking-, as nearly all the leg- 
 islators chosen were antislavery in sentiment. The " un- 
 dergTOimd railroad " was also a protest against the en- 
 croachments of slavery and the domination of the Southern 
 States, which with others demonstrated the fearful earnest- 
 ness of the people of the !N'orth. 
 
 On the other hand, the people of the South rejoiced at 
 the passage of the bill, and at what they seemed to under- 
 stand as the complete triumph of their cause. Alexander 
 Stephens, writing in 1860, said that " ISTever was an act 
 of Congress so generally and so unanimously hailed with 
 delight at the South." With few exceptions, those who 
 were advocates of this measure little dreamed that its pas- 
 sage would be the herald of the death of slavery. A few, 
 however, with prophetic eye, were not sanguine as to the 
 future results of the passage of the Kansas-!N^ebraska Act. 
 
 If there had been any doubt as to the meaning of the 
 Compromise Act of 1850, there could be no misunder- 
 standing as to the significance of the Kansas-l^ebraska Act. 
 The question as to whether slavery should exist within a 
 given Territory was to be left to the people of that Terri- 
 tory. The national powers having failed to deal with the 
 real question, it was henceforth to be left for decision to a 
 local struggle of the people. That was the program, and 
 the people of both sections were quick to see and take ad- 
 vantage of the situation. " It was at once urged by the 
 press and by the platform," says Rhodes, "that an effort 
 should be made to have Kansas enter the Union as a free 
 State, and a systematic movement was begun with this end
 
 THE WAGER OF BATTLE 99 
 
 in view." Everywhere there was a feelim^ among anti- 
 slavery people that the cause of freedom was at stake, and 
 that an effort must be made to save Kansas from the blight 
 of slavery. Everywhere in the South there was a feeling 
 that efforts must be put forth to establish and perpetuate 
 slavery in Kansas. Thus it was that two hostile powers 
 within the nation directed their eyes toward a single point, 
 — a bit of uninhabited and rolling prairie, — and sent their 
 cohorts forward to the national dueling-ground where a 
 duel to settle national honors was to take place, — a duel 
 without rules or code of arms, — a duel without pretense of 
 fairness in choice of place, occasion, weapons, or methods 
 of warfare. The people of Missouri and the South had 
 resolved that the Yankees could settle in K'ebraska, but 
 should not enter Kansas, as it by its position was their 
 rightful possession. Many people in the Xorth, although 
 they recognized that the odds were greatly against such an 
 outcome, nevertheless believed that Kansas would event- 
 ually be settled by a sufficient number of free people to 
 make it a free State. This was a faint ray of hope shining 
 through the gloom of despair, and people saw it and cher- 
 ished it. 
 
 The people of Xew England and the Xorth were thor- 
 oughly aroused, and started emigration to Kansas even be- 
 fore the final passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, in- 
 tending, as was hinted by Mr. Seward, to defeat slavery 
 by numbers ; but the accomplishment of this end was beset 
 with difficulties not contemplated by the law-abiding people 
 of the older States. They knew not the deeds that would 
 be perpetrated in the name of the rights of citizens for or 
 against liberty. WTiile there was a general movement
 
 100 LIFE OF CHAELES EOBINSON 
 
 toward Kansas, tlie special agency for peoplinc; the Terri- 
 tory with Free-State men, and one which was the center 
 of the organized effort of the North, was the New England 
 Emigrant Aid Company. 
 
 While many people were aronsed to the need of peopling 
 Kansas hy Northern immigration, Mr. Eli Thayer may he 
 said to have heen the originator of the idea of organization 
 for the pnrpose of huriTing on emigrants to settle in Kan- 
 sas and estahlish a free State hy actual possession of the 
 soil. After a careful consideration of the question, and 
 the manner in which Northern people were to settle in 
 Kansas, he expresses himself as follows : 
 
 " After much and very careful study, I concluded that if this work 
 could be done at all, it must be done by an entirely new organiza- 
 tion, depending for success upon methods never before applied. This 
 was an organized emigration, guided and guarded by a responsible 
 business company, whose capital should precede the emigrants, and 
 prepare the way for them by such investments as should be best 
 calculated to secure their comfort and protection. This emigration 
 must also be of a kind before unknown, since it must in this ease 
 be self-sacrificing and voluntary, whereas all historical migrations 
 had been either forced or self-seeking. To present this new method 
 of bringing two hostile civilizations face to face upon the disputed 
 prairies of Kansas in such a way as to unite in its support the entire 
 Northern people of whatever parties, was the work next to be done. 
 On this appeal must depend the future of our country. Then arose 
 the important question, 'Was it possible to create such an agency 
 to save Kansas?' I believed the time for such a noble and heroic 
 development had come; but could hope be inspired, and the pulsations 
 of life be started beneath the ribs of death? The projected plan 
 would call upon men to risk life and property in establishing freedom 
 in Kansas. They would be called to pass over millions of acres of 
 better land than any in the disputed Territory was supposed to be, 
 land in communities where peace and plenty were assured, to meet 
 the revolver and the bowie-knife defending slavery and assailing 
 freedom. Could such men be found, they would certainly prove them-
 
 THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 101 
 
 selves to be the very highest types of Christian manhood, much above 
 all other emigrants. Could such men be found? "^ 
 
 In an address before a large assembly in the city hall at 
 Worcester on the 13th of March, 1854, to protest against 
 the passage of the Douglas bill, Mr. Thayer heralded his 
 plan of organization. In concluding his speech he stated : 
 
 " It is now time to think of what is to be done in the event of the 
 passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. Now is the time to organize 
 an opposition that will utterly defeat the schemes of the selfish men 
 who misrepresent the nation at Washington. Let every effort be 
 made, let every appliance be brought to bear, to fill up that vast and 
 fertile Territory with free men — with men who hate slavery, and who 
 will drive the hideous thing from the broad and beautiful plains where 
 they go to raise their free homes. [Loud cheers.] 
 
 " I for one am willing to be taxed one-fourth of my time, of my 
 .earnings, until this be done — until a barrier of free hearts and strong 
 hands shall be built around the land our fathers consecrated to free- 
 dom, to be her heritage forever." [Loud cheers.] - 
 
 Mr. Thayer at once proceeded to draw up a charter of 
 the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Company. By persistent 
 work before a committee and the Legislature he succeeded 
 in having a bill passed granting the charter, which was 
 signed by the Governor on the 26th of April. Soon after- 
 ward the incorporators held a meeting to prepare for a 
 plan of work. '^.JThe object of the company was to aid emi- 
 grants in their journey to Kansas and settlement therein. 
 The enterprise also had a commercial side, for it was 
 thought that through investment in lands, the building of 
 hotels, and the carrying-on of business, returns might 
 eventually be obtained for those interested. But the 
 dominant idea was that of advancing settlement in the 
 new Territory. The original capital stock was fixed at 
 
 ' The Kansas Crusade, p. 24. 
 *Idem, p. 2.5.
 
 102 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 five millions. The books for stock subscriptions were 
 opened, and tlie undertaking fairly started. For the op- 
 erations of 1854 it was decided to collect an assessment 
 of four per cent, as soon as one million had been subscribed. 
 The whole object of this company organization was to 
 save Kansas to freedom by actually doing it. As Eli 
 Thayer says, " Our work was not to make women and chil- 
 dren cry in antislavery conventions by sentimental ap- 
 peals, but to go out and put an end to slavery." 
 
 Two great difficulties were in the way. One was the 
 opposition of the Abolitionists, who held that the coloni- 
 zation scheme was unpatriotic and false in principle. The 
 Abolitionists were uncompromising in everything; they 
 would behead the slave power with the sword, for in no 
 other way could slavery be suppressed. The report that 
 organized efforts were being made in the ]S!^orth to forward 
 emigrants to colonize Kansas, stirred up all western 
 Missouri to prevent the success of any such movement. 
 To overcome, then, the influences of the Abolitionists on 
 the one hand and the hostility of the Missourians on the 
 other, were the chief difficulties to be encountered. But 
 a great work of arousing public sentiment was carried on, 
 and the efforts of Eli Thayer insured the success of the en- 
 terprise. Speeches and addresses were made throughout 
 the North to arouse enthusiasm, and subscriptions to stock 
 were secured to carry on the financial side. 
 
 Owing to the fact that the first charter saddled objec- 
 tionable liabilities upon individuals who might associate 
 under it, it was abandoned. " The w^hole business was 
 passed into the hands of Thayer, Lawrence, and J. M. S. 
 Williams, who were constituted trustees, and managed
 
 THE WAGER OF BATTLE 103 
 
 affairs in a half-personal fashion until February, 1855, 
 when a second charter was obtained, and an association 
 formed with a slightly rephrased title — ' The 'New Eng- 
 land Emigrant Aid Company' — and with John Carter 
 Brown, of Providence, Rhode Island, as president. In 
 the conduct of the company, the trustees, who bridged 
 the interval between the first and second charters, con- 
 tinued to be a chief directive and inspirational force. Mr. 
 Thayer preached the gospel of organized emigration 
 with tireless and successful enthusiasm, while Mr. Law- 
 rence discharged the burdensome but all-important duties 
 of treasurer." Thus came into being the organization 
 known as the l^ew England Emigrant Aid Company; 
 an organization somewhat more restricted in its nature 
 than the earlier one had been, having all the objectiona- 
 ble features of the latter removed, and devoting itscilf to 
 a single purpose, that of colonizing Kansas. 
 
 It is at this juncture that Charles Robinson appears 
 on the scene of the Kansas conflict. He was chosen as 
 financial agent of the Emigrant Aid Company, with his 
 field of operations in Kansas. As before stated,^ at one 
 of the Chapman Hall meetings, Eli Thayer saw for the 
 first time Charles Robinson, and engaged him to act as the 
 agent of the Emigrant Aid Company. Speaking of the 
 wisdom of the choice, Mr. Thayer says : 
 
 " A wiser and more sagacious man for this work could not liave 
 been found within the borders of the nation. By nature and by train- 
 ing he was perfectly well equipped for the arduous work before him. 
 A true democrat and a lover of the rights of man, he had risked his 
 life in California while defending the poor and weak against the 
 cruel oppression of the rich and powerful. He was willing at any 
 
 1 See Chapter I.
 
 104 LIFE OF CIIAKLES KOIUNSON 
 
 time, if tlicrp were noed. to die for his principles. In addition to such 
 brave devotion to his duty, he had the clearest foresight, and the 
 coolest, calmest judgment in determining; the course of action best 
 adapted to secure the rights of the Free-State settlers. No one in 
 Kansas was so mucli as he the man for the place and time. He was a 
 deeper thinker than Atchison, and triumphed over the border ruflians 
 and the more annoying and more dangerous self-seekers of his own 
 party. The man who 'paints the lily and gilds refined gold' is just the 
 one to tell us how Charles Eobinson might have been better qualified 
 for his Kansas work. But his character, so clearly defined in free- 
 dom's greatest struggle, superior to the help or harm of criti(;isni, 
 reveals these salient points of excellence: majesty of mind and hu- 
 mility of heart, stern justice and tender sympathy, heroic will and 
 sensitive conscience, masculine strength and maidenly modesty, leonine 
 courage and Avomanly gentleness, with power to govern based on self- 
 restraint, and love of freedom deeper than love of life." ^ 
 
 Subsequent events are sufficient to justify this liigh 
 tribute to Governor Robinson's cliaracter and his fitness 
 for the place given him by the recommendation of Mr. 
 Thayer. He was large enough and broad enough in con- 
 ception, and sufficiently careful and judicious to be in- 
 trusted with the management of affairs of a great Terri- 
 tory. Nature had given him a peculiar insight into 
 affairs, and endowed him with a shrewdness and sagacity 
 which enabled him to compete successfully with opposing 
 forces. The actual services of Dr. Robinson in the build- 
 ing of Kansas are more and more apparent to the people 
 and to the historian as years of reflection disclose the real 
 situation of the case. Mr. Amos A. Lawrence, of Bos- 
 ton, who was the strong support of the Emigrant Aid Com- 
 pany, and who watched with care every movement in 
 Kansas during the period of struggle, speaking before the 
 
 1 The Kansas Crusade, p. 34.
 
 THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 105 
 
 Massachusetts Historical Society in May, 1884, paid this 
 
 remarkable tribute to Charles Robinson : 
 
 " He was cool, judicious, and entirely void of fear, and in every 
 respect worthy of the confidence reposed in him by the settlers and 
 the society. He was obliged to submit to great hardships and in- 
 justice, chiefly through the imbecility of the United States Govern- 
 ment's agents. He was imprisoned, his house was burned, and his 
 life was often threatened. Yet he never bore arms or omitted to do 
 whatever he thought to be his duty. He sternly held the people to 
 loyalty to the Government against the arguments and example of the 
 ' higher-law ' men, who were always armed, who were not real set- 
 tlers, and who were combined in bringing about the border war, which 
 they hoped would extend to the other States. The policy of the New 
 England Society carried out by Robinson and those who acted with 
 him in Kansas was finally successful and triumphant." 
 
 It was through identification with his work as agent of 
 the Emigrant Aid Company that Dr. Robinson began his 
 career in Kansas. In this as in other matters he acted ac- 
 cording to his earnest convictions. He opposed slavery ; 
 he believed in the settlement of Kansas and the conquest 
 of the slave-power by building up homes of freemen on 
 a free soil. Once committed to this proposition, he 
 brought his varied experience and his excessive energy 
 to the support of the work. In this he was greatly aided 
 by his wife, Mrs. Sara T. D. Robinson, who was admira- 
 bly qualified for her responsible position as a support for 
 her husband in his arduous work. She had a keen insight 
 into affairs, a quick perception and ready judgment, as 
 well as a fearless and active nature which brought her 
 services more than once into demand in times of critical 
 moment. Mr. Thayer, speaking of lier adaptibility and 
 eminent services, says : 
 
 " Entirely devoted to the cause of freedom, Mrs. Robinson brought 
 to her work a well-disciplined mind, high courage, and an unconquera-
 
 106 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 ble faith. She was an inspiration to all the women in the Territory, 
 whona she influenced by her ardent words and her graceful though 
 vigorous pen. Nor did her influence stop at the confines of the field 
 of conflict between the two hostile civilizations, but extended through- 
 out the free States. In 1856 she published a most entertaining book, 
 replete with charming pictures of the daily life of our brave pioneers, 
 and of thrilling incidents of that most exciting period. This had 
 wide circulation, and was a very efficient aid in our great work." ' 
 
 The book referred to written by Mrs. Robinson was en- 
 titled " Kansas ; Its Interior and Exterior Life." Of all 
 the books that the author has consulted in connection with 
 the subjects treated in this little volume, no other one 
 possesses the peculiar charm of this book of Mrs. Robin- 
 son's. Written upon the spot, while the scenes and inci- 
 dents described were fresh in her mind, her graphic pen- 
 pictures give the reader such a representation of the ac- 
 tual condition of affairs as is not to be found anywhere 
 else in print. The book is not written with any desire to 
 establish a theory or to defend a partisan measure, as un- 
 fortunately so many books about Kansas are written, but 
 it aims to tell just what is seen, is happening, or transpir- 
 ing, before the observation of those active in the Territory. 
 How fortunate it would be had many of those active in 
 the Kansas struggle written at the time, as Mrs. Robinson 
 did, their record of events as seen from their ot\ti stand- 
 point, rather than waited until later years, as so many of 
 them did, t^ tell the story from reflective memory. In 
 attempting to tell things just as they are without any 
 especial embellishment, Mrs. Robinson has lent a peculiar 
 charm to her work, which will be a source of perennial 
 delight t^ the investigator of Kansas history and to the 
 
 1 The Kansas Cr«sR<lp, p. 35.
 
 THE WAGEE OF BATTLE 107 
 
 peruser of Kansas books. It goes into history as a classic ; 
 it is both literature and history. 
 
 The actual services of the Emigrant Aid Company are 
 hard to estimate. It would be as easy to overestimate as 
 to underestimate what it really accomplished. Perhaps 
 its best services are to be found in the work of the Boston 
 agency in forwarding emigrants at reduced fares and di- 
 recting them into the new Territory; in the perpetual 
 agitation kept up by Eli Thayer and other members of the 
 company, by which many were induced to go to Kansas on 
 their own account ; in its provision of an agency at Kansas 
 City and Lawrence for the aid of all immigrants ; in the 
 encouragement it gave to the founding of schools and 
 churches; and, lastly, in building hotels and sawmills. 
 While the company was instrumental in forwarding many 
 citizens directly to Kansas, the first immigrants, so aided, 
 found other Eree-State people already in the Territory 
 on their arrival. But the Eree-State men in and about 
 Lawrence, where the headquarters of the Company were 
 located, met a variety of interests and many difficulties. 
 Lawrence became the storm-center of the Eree-State cause, 
 as well as the Aid Company's base of operation. It be- 
 came the rallying-point of the Eree-State men as well as 
 the object of attack and especial hatred of the Proslavery 
 party. The services of the Company cannot be measured 
 by the actual numbers of voting settlers which it placed in 
 the Territory, for its general services were quite as impor- 
 tant as its special, i^oreover, while many other agencies 
 were at work in helping Kansas, the whole ISTorth felt the 
 impulse of the agitation aroused by the operations of the 
 Emigrant Aid Companyi On the other hand, by vigor-
 
 108 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 onslj defending its own it aroused the special hatred of the 
 Proslavery people of the South and increased the intensity 
 of tlie strife. 
 
 What would have been the result in Kansas if this Com- 
 pany had never existed, no one can determine ; but as the 
 Avhole question as to whether Kansas should be admitted 
 as a free or slave State finally hinged on the number of 
 voters in the Territory, and as the Free-State people 
 needed protection and defense in order that they might 
 come to Kansas and remain, it does not seem likely that 
 the results actually achieved could have been entirely at- 
 tained without the services of the Company. But it must 
 be remembered that Kansas was not admitted, although 
 the local battle was really w^on, until the cause for freedom 
 had taken national proportions ; until the movement 
 against slavery had become a national one. Hence the 
 services of the Company in focusing the sentiments of the 
 ISTorth on Kansas were not greater than in uniting the 
 !N^orth in its preparation for a great national struggle. 
 
 While !N^ew England and the Emigrant Aid Company 
 were powerful in agitation and action, much credit is due 
 to the hardy and courageous pioneers who came from the 
 other States, — particularly those of the ISTorthwest and of 
 Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Iowa. Early in 1854 these peo- 
 ple came to Kansas to settle, to make homes, to subdue the 
 soil, and, if necessary, to fight as well as to vote for free in- 
 stitutions. A careful examination into the historical rec- 
 ords will reveal the names of many from these States who 
 bore a manly and active part in the Kansas struggle. 
 Thus did the Northern States contribute to Kansas their 
 several quotas of emigrants who were to become defenders 
 of the soil against the encroachments of the slave-power.
 
 THE WAGEK OF BATTLE 109 
 
 It was an interesting spectacle to see the hosts of freedom 
 hurrying forward from all parts of the ]S3"orth and West 
 to meet the slavery hordes of the South ; especially inter- 
 esting as this movement meant the settlement by physical 
 force of what statesmen oould not settle in the halls of 
 Congress. The North had accepted the challenge of the 
 South to meet and settle the difficulty hy votes, and this 
 really meant nothing else than the settling of the account 
 hy a passage at arms, if it appeared necessary. The peo- 
 ple of the jSTorth understood the case, and met the demands 
 of the emergency. But there were grave fears on the part 
 of the opponents of slavery that the ISTorth would not be 
 able to send sufficient numbers to outvote the proslavery 
 element, and great anxiety prevailed lest the Territory 
 should be captured by the advocates of slavery before the 
 Northern emigration was thoroughly set in motion. The 
 Proslavery party realized the importance of an early con- 
 quest, and did all in their power to retard immigration 
 from the North, to harass the Free-State settlers, and to 
 obtain and keep control of the Territorial Government. 
 
 But the lines of battle w^ere soon closely drawn. On the 
 one side was the Proslavery party of the South, aided by 
 many Northern Democrats, and having the entire sym- 
 pathy of the Federal Government ; and on the other was 
 the Antislavery party of the North. Each sent forward 
 its representatives to the field of battle, to settle, by mortal 
 combat if need be, one of the greatest and most grievous 
 questions that ever troubled a nation. The war of words, 
 the struggle of laws in Congress, was shifted to the plains 
 of Kansas, and was there turned into bloody strife. But 
 this little cloud of war which arose out of the West was 
 presently to envelop the whole nation.
 
 110 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 CHAPTEK IV. 
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT AND THE LAWRENCE WAR. 
 
 In June, 1854, Dr. Charles Robinson, of Fitcbburg, 
 and Mr. Charles II. Branscomb, of Holyoke, Massachu- 
 setts, M'ere sent to explore the Territory of Kansas and 
 select a site for the location of the emigrants sent out un- 
 der the protection of the Emigrant Aid Company. As 
 before related. Dr. Robinson had passed from Kansas City 
 to the present site of Lawrence and over the California 
 road to the Pacific slope. The road which he traversed 
 started at Westport, crossed the Wakarusa near what was 
 once the town of Eranklin, and wound over the low hill 
 southeast of where now stands the State University. At 
 this time Robinson and his party climbed the hill on which 
 the University is now situated, and from the top of Mount 
 Oread obtained magnificent views of the surrounding coun- 
 try. When chosen as agent of the Emigrant Aid Com- 
 pany and directed to explore the country for a suitable place 
 for settlement, the magnificent country around Mount 
 Oread must have been prominent in the mind of Dr. Rob- 
 inson. 
 
 On arriving in Kansas Dr. Robinson passed up the 
 Missouri as far as Leavenworth, taking note of the natural 
 advantages of the country; while Branscomb passed di- 
 rectly to the present site of Lawrence, where subsequently 
 Dr. Robinson met him. While the exploration of these 
 advance agents was taking place, a company was being 
 formed in ISTew England to establish a colony in Kansas.
 
 I 
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 111 
 
 Twenty-nine emigrants formed this first party, who started 
 off on their long journey with the great enthusiasm char- 
 acteristic of initial movements. They received ovations 
 at Worcester and Albany, and were cheered at all the 
 principal stations on their westward journey. The colony 
 traversed Lake Erie in the steamer "Plymouth Eock," 
 and passing through Chicago, came to St. Louis, where 
 they were met by Dr. Robinson. The Doctor at once 
 looked after general needs, and secured transportation on 
 the steamer " Polar Star," which left St. Louis July 24th, 
 for Kansas City. Leaving Kansas City on July 28th, 
 1854, they traveled on foot to Lawrence, having an ox team 
 to carry their baggage, and arrived at their destination 
 July 31st. Twenty-five tents were pitched on the north 
 side of Mount Oread, and the emigrants ate their first meal 
 near where the old University building now stands. On 
 the 2d day of August they went to work laying out claims, 
 driving stakes and preparing for permanent settlement. 
 After the Xew England custom, they soon held a town 
 meeting for organization, and discussed the feasibility of 
 locating at this place. Aft-er due consideration, it was 
 decided by the majority to remain and form a t^^vn in this 
 locality, on the supposition that the Massachusetts Aid 
 Company would make this the basis of their operations in 
 the Territory. In a day or two they moved off the hill, 
 v.'hieh they named Mount Oread, after Mr. Thayer's 
 Castle home and the Young Ladies' Institute on Mt. Oread 
 in Worcester, Massachusetts, and camped near the Kaw 
 river. After spending some time in claim-hunting, quite 
 a number of the emigrants returned East for the purpose 
 of brinsrins: their families.
 
 112 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 In the mean time Dr. Robinson had returned to St. 
 Tvonis to condnct to Kansas the second party of emigrants, 
 which left Boston the last of An^ist. This party was 
 much larger than the first, containinc^ sixty-seven members 
 in the beginning, and receiving accessions on the way nntil 
 the number was one hundred and fourteen, several ladies 
 and several children being numbered in the company. 
 They arrived at Lawrence, or Wakarusa as it was then 
 called, September 9, when they joined the first party, and 
 soon agreed with them upon plans for the union of the two 
 companies and for the laying-out of the town. Among 
 these early emigrants were many who were to take promi- 
 nent part in the settlement of the future State, — pioneers 
 in a new country who were to lay the foundation of a new 
 commonwealth and to build their structure upon it. The 
 chara(*ter of this ])eople was of old New England quality. 
 They were anxious to transplant New England institu- 
 tions into the fertile soil of the New West, but were not 
 wanting in that practical thrift which ever characterized 
 the early New England settlers ; for they were interested 
 in the fertile lands of Kansas as well as in the institu- 
 tions of New England. " Truly, they sought to establish 
 civil and religious lil>erty in Kansas and at the same time 
 to enter and possess the promised land. The process was 
 to establish homes, to develop the resources of the country, 
 that free institutions might flourish." The Emigrant Aid 
 Company was sending out free men to make Kansas a 
 free State, but in order to do this these men must first be- 
 come bona fide settlers, tilling the soil, building towns, 
 improving the country, and organizing government. 
 Thus, while interested in their own welfare, they sought
 
 EAELY SETTLEMENT 113 
 
 the freedom of others ; for, as Col. S. N. Wood, in an ad- 
 dress delivered at the quarter-centeimial celebration at 
 Topeka, said : "' The pioneers who became trusted leaders 
 among the Free-State hosts were men who could not rest 
 in their old, comfortable homes when the demon of human 
 slavery was clutching at freedom's rightful heritage. 
 Many of them were the sons of the old antislavery agita- 
 tors, and had learned from childhood to hate slavery and 
 to love freedom, and to claim it as the right of all men, 
 races, and conditions." 
 
 It is interesting to note the effect of the transmission of 
 puritanical ideas from ISTew England to the plains of Kan- 
 sas. The local institutions of Old England which, were 
 developed in ~S&w England have been repeated and per- 
 petuated in the far West. Yet more remarkable than 
 these is the philosophy of right and wrong, of duty and of 
 service, which actuated these people. While after the 
 manner of ISTew England people they were strict in the ob- 
 servance of the law and provincial in their notions of right 
 and wrong, a supreme consciousness of the right regard- 
 less of conventionalities was ever ready to make tiem 
 break forth in denunciation of any opposition to what their 
 conscience told them was right. These sterling qualities 
 made them fit for pioneers, fit to stand in a great struggle 
 for the right against fearful opposition. They must be 
 not alone the architects of their own fortunes, but also 
 the builders of their own commonwealth and the preservers 
 of the liberties of the people. 
 
 They brought with them the Bible and their ideas of 
 public schools. They brought with them ideas of New 
 England culture and refinement. They were not forced
 
 114 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 to leave their homes on account of personal oppression as 
 were the Puritans and Pilgrims of old, but like those early- 
 emigrants they sought to better their economic condition 
 and at tlie same time to build up civil and religious free- 
 dom in a new land. While in the railroad station at Bos- 
 ton tlie second party of emigrants sang Whittier's well- 
 known hymn, which voiced the sentiments of the party: 
 
 " We cross the piaii'ies as of old 
 Our fathers crossed the sea. 
 To make the West, as they the East, 
 The homestead of the free. 
 
 " We go to rear a wall of men 
 On Freedoms southern line. 
 And plant beside the cotton tree 
 The rugged northern pine. 
 
 " We 're flowing from our native hills 
 As our free rivers flow; 
 The blessing of our mother land 
 Is on us as we go. 
 
 " We go to plant the common school 
 On distant prairie swells. 
 And give the Sabbaths of the wilds 
 The music of her bells. 
 
 " Upbearing, like the ark of God, 
 The Bible in our van, 
 We go to test the truth of God 
 Against the fraud of man." 
 
 They further voiced their sentiments in a hymn written 
 for the occasion, as follows : 
 
 " We '11 seek the rolling prairies. 
 The regions yet urseen^ 
 Nor stay our feet unweary 
 By Kansas' flowing stream.
 
 EAKLY SETTLEMENT 115 
 
 "And then with hands unfettered 
 Our altars we will raise; 
 With voices uplifted 
 
 We 'II sing our Maker's praise." 
 
 Many of the emigrant-s were opposed to slavery from 
 principle, and they were now to take peaceful possession 
 of a new land, to stand for principles which had been in- 
 culcated in their education. It is an easy matter to make 
 professions and speeches and to agitate, but to enter a 
 field of operation and actually to demonstrate by service 
 what the conscience dictates is very far from easy. To 
 establish a free State by living was the object of the Emi- 
 grant Aid Company. Mr. Eli Thayer, the founder of this 
 Company, states this object as follows : 
 
 " The present crisis was to decide whether freedom or slavery 
 should rule our country for centuries to come. That slavery was a 
 great national curse; that it practically ruined one half of the nation 
 and greatly impeded the progress of the other half. That it was a 
 curse to the negro, but a much greater curse to the white man. It 
 made the slaveholders petty tyrants, who had no correct idea of them- 
 selves or of anybody else. It made the poor whites of the South more 
 abject and degraded than the slaves themselves. It was an insur- 
 mountable obstacle in the way of the nation's progress and prosperity. 
 That it must be overcome and extirpated. That the way to do this 
 was to go to the prairies of Kansas and show the superiority of free- 
 labor civilization; to go with all our free-labor trophies: churches 
 and schools, printing-presses, steam-engines, and mills; and in a 
 peaceful contest convince every poor man from the South of the 
 superiority of free labor. That it was much better to go and do 
 something for free labor than to stay at home and talk of manacles 
 and auction- blocks and bloodhounds, while deploring the never-ending 
 aggressions of slavery. That in this contest the South had not one 
 element of success. We had much greater numbers, much greater 
 wealth, greater readiness of organization, and better facilities of 
 migration. That we should put a cordon of free States from Minne- 
 .sota to the Gulf of Mexico, and stop the forming of slave States.
 
 116 LIFE OF CHARLES BOBINSON 
 
 After that we i^hould colonize the Bcrthern border slave States and 
 exterminate slavery. That our work was not to make women and 
 children cry in antislavery conventions by sentimental appeals, but 
 
 TO GO AND PX;T AN END TO SLAVERY." ^ 
 
 Sncli was the philosophy behind the emigration move- 
 ment from ISTew England. Bnt the carrying out of this 
 philosophy is what concenis ns now, for it is in this Dr. 
 Robinson appears prominent. 
 
 Other emigrants were pouring in from different parts 
 of the North and Northwest. But it is the province of this 
 book to follow more especially the work of the Emigrant 
 Aid Company and the connection of that Company with 
 the settlements of eastern Kansas about Lawrence, because 
 it is wnth this phase of the work that Dr. Robinson had 
 most to do in the early period. But Lawrence from the 
 earliest period of its existence was the storm-center of the 
 struggle. Primarily because of its connection with the 
 company which sought to establish freedom in Kansas, it 
 was an object of especial hatred to the hordes of Missou- 
 rians who sought to fasten the shackles of slavery upon the 
 new Territory. In and around this center took place 
 nearly all of those bitter struggles which characterized the 
 early settlement of the State. Difficulties arose in very 
 many directions. The first trouble was due to contests 
 over disputed claims. Soon after the passage of the 
 Douglas bill, which it will be remembered provided for 
 squatter sovereignty in Kansas, the citizens of Missouri 
 who were determined to make Kansas a slave State rushed 
 across the border and staked out claims on much of the 
 desirable land, in order to preoccupy it and prevent the 
 
 ' The EaneaR Crueade, p. 31.
 
 EAELY SETTLEMENT 117 
 
 N'orthern immi^Taiits from establishing their claims. 
 Nearly all of these people returned to their own homes after 
 their claims were registered in an office in Missouri, The 
 manner of occupation was merely to drive in a few stakes 
 or throw a few logs across one another and call the struc- 
 ture a cabin, or to put up a notice saying that certain ter- 
 ritory was preempted. This was all that was usually done 
 towards settlement. With these pretension and the reg- 
 istration of claims, the Missourians hoped to keep the 
 "Yankees" off the soil. Prior to the establishment of 
 the town-site of Lawrence, several of these claims had 
 been taken on the ground later occupied by the town. 
 When the emigrants arrived and laid out the town, only 
 two of these "squatter sovereigns" were on the ground; 
 but subsequently other " sovereigns " returned, and a strife 
 arose out of the attempt to settle claims. The claim of 
 one of the two " squatter sovereigns," just mentioned, was 
 purchased and paid for, but the other claimant, a John 
 Baldwin, refused to sell. Mr. Stearns had improved a 
 quarter-section, but Mr. Branscomb paid him five hundred 
 dollars out of the Emigrant Aid treasury for his claim, 
 and he relinquished all rights and title. John Baldwin 
 established himself within a few rods of the Steams cabin, 
 and asserted his right to one hundred and sixty acres of 
 the land. The managers of the town company desired to 
 leave the question to the courts, but Baldwin was not so 
 inclined, and employed a young man by the name of C. 
 W. Babcock as his attorney. Dr. Robinson advocated the 
 defense by the Free-State settlers of all claims until the 
 courts should settle the difficulty. Baldwin, however, as- 
 sociated with himself Stone and Freeman, men of some
 
 118 LIFE OF CHAKLES HOBINSON 
 
 means and influence, together with the attorney Babcock, 
 
 and placed the entire business in the hands of a specu- 
 
 hitor named Starr, who immediately proceeded to lay 
 
 out a rival city on the same territory, which he named 
 
 Excelsior. 
 
 As the public survey had not yet been made and mapped, 
 
 the titles to lands were not clearly defined, and things 
 
 were in a very confused state. The strife over claims 
 
 grew very bitter, contentions arising between Free-State 
 
 as well as Proslavery men. But the struggle which arose 
 
 out of the question of property rights finally was reduced 
 
 to a strife between the antislavery and proslavery elements. 
 
 An attempt was made by the Baldwin party to remove the 
 
 tent of the Emigrant Aid Company's property, but the 
 
 representatives of the latter were vigilant and came to the 
 
 rescue. The following day, Baldwin and the Missourians 
 
 began to assemble in the neighborhood of the tent, and 
 
 about four o'clock the following message was sent to Dr. 
 
 Robinson : 
 
 " Kansas Territory, October 6th. 
 
 Dk. Robinson: Yourself and friends are hereby notified that 
 you will have one-half hour to move the tent which you have on my 
 disputed claim, and from this date desist from surveying on said 
 claim. If the tent is not moved within one-half hour, we shall take 
 the trouble to move the same. 
 
 (Signed) John Baldwin and Friends." 
 
 The following pointed reply was instantly returned : 
 
 " To John Baldwin and Friends : If you molest our property 
 you do it at your peril. C. Robinson and Friends." 
 
 The Missourians to the number of eighteen, fully 
 equipped and armed, rallied aroimd their tent. Fully 
 thirty of the settlers rallied around their own tent, and
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 119 
 
 prepared for war. After the notice had been sent, a con- 
 sultation was held between Dr. Robinson and a delegate 
 from the enemy's post. Dr. Robinson proposed to leave 
 the case to the settlement by arbitration of disinterested 
 and unbiased men, or to settlement by the squatter courts 
 then existing, or to the United States court. But a rep- 
 resentative of the Baldwin party insisted that at the end 
 of the half-hour they should proceed to remove the tent, 
 and if they failed in the attempt, three thousand Missou- 
 rians, or if necessary thirty thousand, would be raised 
 in Missouri to sweep the settlers from the earth. The 
 half-hou" passed, however, and no demonstration was 
 made; and another quarter of an hour passed and the 
 Baldwin party were still consulting in sight of the Robin- 
 son party. A little incident perhaps had much to do with 
 the settlement of the question. During the suspense, John 
 Hutchinson, one of the Robinson party, asked Dr. Rob- 
 inson what he would do if they attempted to remove the 
 tent : " Would he fire io hit them, or would he fire over 
 them?" Dr. Robinson promptly replied that he would 
 be ashamed to fire at a man and not hit him. It appears 
 that a man who had been with the Free-State men now 
 went over to the Proslavery men. The latter soon after- 
 ward dispersed, and this ended the struggle for the claim. 
 A report of the strife and its results was circulated far 
 and wide among the Proslavery settlers, who now sent out 
 a call for a meeting, sigTied by many citizens. The sover- 
 eign people of Kansas Territory were requested to meet 
 in Lawrence, January 11th, at eleven o'clock, to adopt 
 measures to protect themselves against moneyed associa- 
 tions and influence, and against the tyrannical encroach-
 
 120 LIFK OV CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 ments daily made by the Lawrence association. As tlie 
 Lawrence association was composed of Free-State men 
 backed by the Emii^rant Aid Company, whose purpose was 
 known, the efforts of the Proslavery men were therefore 
 to be directed against the association. The meeting was 
 rather mob-like in its character, and during it an attempt 
 was made to shoot Dr. Robinson. There was much bitter- 
 ness manifested in the meeting against the Lawrence asso- 
 ciation, the Emigrant Aid Company, and Dr. Robinson in 
 particular. Believing that the resolutions of this meet- 
 ing were not expressive of the sentiments of the people at 
 large, another meeting was called, by those who were not 
 members of the Lawrence association but were in sympathy 
 with it. This meeting was held in the church, on the 16th, 
 and was composed of both members and non-members of 
 the association, who proceeded to denounce the resolu- 
 tions of the meeting of the 11th. Stirring resolutions 
 were also adopted commending the great work of the Emi- 
 grant Aid Company, and cordially inviting the members 
 of the Lawrence association to remain and cooperate in 
 the settlement of the country. At the same meeting a 
 committee of the Lawrence association passed resolutions 
 discountenancing any acts of violence, trespass, or injus- 
 tice; upholding the protection of the home and the per- 
 son ; denying that the Lawrence association had committed 
 any violation of justice, and refuting the accusations of 
 their enemies. " Dr. Robinson, toward the close of the 
 meeting, made a short and sensible speech, refuting some 
 of the charges made against him, counseling his hearers 
 of the danger of quarrels among themselves, and impress- 
 ing upon them the duty and necessity of union ; but they
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 121 
 
 miglit, with voice and hand and means combined, defend 
 these hills and valleys, these rivers and broad prairies 
 from the curse of human bondage and chains of slavery." 
 Some time after this meeting an attempt was made to 
 cut down the house of Dr. Robinson, and it was only on the 
 approach of Free-Stat« men that the cutting was given up 
 and the vandals slunk away. Disturbances and annoy- 
 ances and the strife for property were continued for some 
 time. But while Dr. Robinson was in the East, having 
 gone thither to conduct a party of emigrants westward 
 in the spring of 1855, a compromise was made between 
 the land-jumpers and the settlers of Lawrence. The area 
 of the town was limited to six hundred and forty acres, 
 and four or five men were given one hundred shares out of 
 a total of two hundred and twenty into which the site was 
 divided, leaving one hundred and ten shares for the origi- 
 nal Free-State town company, two shares in trust for the 
 endowment of a school, and eight shares for the Emigrant 
 Aid Company. This compromise was a great detriment 
 to the town, and there is no evidence of any reason why it 
 should have been made, as the town-site jumpers had no 
 right whatever to the territory. When the town-site was 
 selected the territory included within the corporate limits 
 was excepted from individual preemption. As Lawrence 
 was selected as the town-site the last of July, 1854, and 
 these lands were not open to settlement, according to the 
 statement of the Land Commissioner, until September 28th 
 of that year, no individual claimant could have any 
 right to the territory either prior to the 28th or afterward, 
 as the land was covered by the town-site. But this com- 
 promise did not settle the difficulties in regard to claims,
 
 122 L11.B OF CHAELES KOBINSON 
 
 wliicli were eventually adjusted by Government officials. 
 It was very unfortunate for the town of Lawrence that Dr. 
 Kobinson was absent at this time, because his clear head 
 and shrewd manaoement would not have allowed any such 
 compromise. He would have held out to the last for what 
 was just and ri^^ht, and without doubt Government officials 
 would have eventually settled everything in favor of the 
 hona fide settlers of Lawrence. This would have been 
 much better for the town in very many ways. 
 
 But the settlement of claims and town-sites was a small 
 part of the trouble of these early immigrants. While the 
 North was being aroused for the purpose of sending in 
 Free-State men for the settlement of Kansas, Missouri and 
 the South were wide awake to the situation, and determined 
 if possible to make Kansas a slave State, The newspapers 
 of Missouri all along the border denounced the " abolition- 
 ists" and "Yankees" in the vilest terms, and public 
 speakers proclaimed the determination to blot them from 
 the face of the earth. A meeting of Proslavery men at 
 Salt Creek Valley resolved : " That we recognize the in- 
 stitution of slavery as always existing in this Territory, 
 and recommend slaveholders to introduce their property 
 as early as possible. That w^e will afford protection to 
 no abolitionists as settlers of Kansas Territory." At Lib- 
 erty, Missouri, June 8, 1854, the Democratic platform 
 contained the following clause: 
 
 " We learn from a gentleman lately from the Territory of Kan- 
 sas that a great many Missourians have already set their pegs 
 in that country, and are making arrangements to ' darken the at- 
 mosphere ' with their negroes. This is right. Let every man that 
 owns a negro go there and settle, and our Northern brethren will 
 be compelled to hnnt further north for a location."
 
 EAELY SETTLEMENT 123 
 
 The division of j^ebraska Territory into Kansas and 
 Nebraska made many people think that while the latter 
 might he free, the former was necessarily to he slave. The 
 Missourians were thoroughly and practically committed 
 to the latter proposition. 
 
 The Platte Argus stated, among other things, the fol- 
 lowing in an address to Missourians : 
 
 "Citizens of the West, of the South, and Illinois: Stake out 
 your claims; woe be to the Abolitionist or Mormon who shall intrude 
 upon it, or come within reach of your long and true rifles, or within 
 point-blank shot of your revolvers. Keep a sharp lookout lest some 
 dark night you shall see the flames curling from your houses or the 
 midnight philanthropist hurrying oflf your faithful servant." 
 
 Such inflammatory articles, resolutions and speeches as 
 these aroused the Missourians to the point of desperation, 
 until they were ready to adopt any means whatsoever to 
 make Kansas a slave State. They were ready to intimi- 
 dat-e, oppress, rob, pillage, burn, shoot, even murder, for 
 the sake of carrying their point. Hence it was that the 
 people on the borders of Missouri interfered in every way 
 possible in the settlement and government of Kansas. This 
 interference appeared most prominently in the first elec- 
 tions in Kansas. 
 
 The Federal administration at Washington was in 
 sympathy with the proslavery movement in Kansas ; and 
 while it endeavored to maintain a tone of respectability, 
 it also endeavored at all times to favor the Proslavery men. 
 Governor Reeder arrived in Lawrence on the 19th of Oc- 
 t>ober. This first Territorial Governor of Kansas had ar- 
 rived at Leavenworth on October 7th. He was received 
 with a great ovation, the Proslavery element predominat- 
 ing in the reception. They intended here to capture the
 
 124 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 newly appointed Governor and win liiin over to their way 
 of thinking'. On his way to Fort Kiley he visited Law- 
 rence, where he was well received. The whole city of 
 two hnndred inhabitants assembled to welcome the Grov- 
 emor, and addresses, toasts, speeches, a dinner and general 
 good cheer made this a day long to be remembered in the 
 annals of the town. A bit of verse contributed by Mrs. 
 S. ]S^. Wood, full of poetic feeling and fine thought, of- 
 fered to Governor Eeeder a most hearty welcome to the 
 Territory. Governor Reeder was desirous of treating 
 everybody fairly within the Territory. This, of course, 
 was a difficult thing to do. The lines between Proslavery 
 and Antislavery parties were being drawn more closely 
 every day. People were pouring in from the ISTorthem 
 States more rapidly than they could be well cared for, 
 while Missouri and the South sent in some immigrants 
 and kept up a constant agitation against the Free-State 
 cause. Two newspapers were established in Lawrence, — 
 the Kansas Pioneer, a Free-State paper edited by John 
 and J. L. Speer, and the Herald of Freedom., edited by 
 G. W. Brown. The first number of the former was 
 printed at Medina, Ohio, and the first number of the latter 
 at Conneautville, Pa. Mr. Speer took the copy for the 
 first number of his paper to the office of the Kansas City 
 Enterprise to have it printed, but when it was ascertained 
 to be a Free-State paper. Judge Story, the publisher of 
 the Eiiterprise, refused to print it. Mr. Speer met with 
 the same experience in the office of the Leavenworth Her- 
 ald, and was finally obliged to print his paper in his old 
 home, Medina, Ohio, where freedom of the press and free- 
 dom of speech were not restricted.
 
 EAULY SETTLEMENT 125 
 
 As progress was made in the settlement and organization 
 of Kansas, troubles began to deepen, clouds began to ap- 
 pear on the horizon, and these hardy pioneers were soon 
 called upon to test their strength in the adherence to the 
 purposes for which they had come to Kansas. Appar- 
 ently the odds were against them, for the few Free-State 
 men were under the shadow of the populous State of Mis- 
 souri, whose inhabitants were determined to make Kansas 
 a slave State and to drive the abolitionists and Free-State 
 men from the country. The attempt at Territorial or- 
 ganization that was now made defined the situation and 
 precipitated the struggle. Governor Keeder made his 
 first election proclamation November 10th, 1854, which 
 defined the qualification of voters and gave a list of elec- 
 tion districts and polling-places. It provided that any 
 free male person who was twenty-one years of age and an 
 actual settler was entitled to vote. This election was 
 called for the choosing of a Delegate to Congress, and was 
 held on the 29th of ]S3"ovember, 1854. Before the day of 
 election, armed hordes poured over the IVOssouri line 
 into the Territory for the purpose of controlling the elec- 
 tions. These people visited the polls, claimed that they 
 were residents because they were in the Territory, and had 
 a right to vote because they were twenty-one years of age, 
 and cast votes for the Proslaverv candidate, General 
 Whitfield, who was thus illegally elected to Congress. 
 Out of a total number of 2,833 votes which were cast for 
 Mr. Whitfield, 1,724 were fraudulent. There is little 
 doubt, indeed, that Mr. Whitfield could have been elected 
 had there been no fraudulent votes cast, for at this time the 
 majority of the citizens of the Territory were Proslavery.
 
 126 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 Threats were made by tlie Proslavery people that If any- 
 one challenged a vote he would be killed. The eightli dis- 
 trict was a remote, sparsely settled territory. In this 
 district 584 illegal votes were cast and only 20 legal ones. 
 At Leavenworth several hundred men came over from 
 Platte, Clay and Ray counties, and camped around the 
 town to control the polls. After the election was over the 
 men from Missouri mounted their wagons and horses, cry- 
 ing out, "All aboard for Westport and Kansas City ! " and 
 then returned to their homes in Missouri, to await another 
 opportunity to help control Kansas. The only salvation of 
 the Territory seemed to be the multiplication of Free-State 
 men who could outvote the Missourians. In February, 
 1855, Governor Eeeder caused the census to be taken, 
 which showed the whole number of inhabitants to be 
 8,501. As soon as the census was completed Governor 
 Eeeder issued a proclamation announcing an election for 
 March 30, 1855, to choose a legislative assembly. The 
 Missourians were preparing to control this election after 
 the manner of the preceding one. General Atchison had 
 made speeches in Missouri ; so had one Stringfellow, who 
 urged a firm resistance to antislavery men. Secret soci- 
 eties, called Blue Lodges, Friends' Societies, etc., were 
 organized in western Missouri for the purpose of blotting 
 out abolitionism ! They passed fiery resolutions denounc- 
 ing N'orthern men, offering large rewards for the heads of 
 some, and asserting that they would drive the abolitionists 
 from the country. This agitation had been going on for 
 nearly a year. As early as May, 1854, one of the princi- 
 pal speakers who harangued the people from the court- 
 house steps in Westport repeated frequently in the course
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 
 
 127 
 
 of his &pee«li a favorite threat: "Ball to the muzzle, 
 knife to the hilt. Damn the abolitionists — we '11 put them 
 all in the Missouri river." Prior to the election of March, 
 1855, Stringfellow, in addressing a crowd at St. Joseph, 
 Missouri, said: 
 
 " I tell you to mark every scoundrel among you that is the least 
 tainted with free-soilism or abolitionism, and exterminate him. 
 Neither give nor take quarter from the damned rascals. I propose 
 to mark them in this house and on the present occasion, so that you 
 may crush them out. To those having qualms of conscience as to 
 violating laws, state or national, the time has come when such impo- 
 sitions must be disregarded, as your lives and property are in danger, 
 and I advise you one and all to enter every election district in 
 Kansas, in defiance of Reeder and his vile myrmidons, and vote at 
 the point of the bowie-knife and the revolver. Neither give nor take 
 quarter as our cause demands it. It is enough that the slaveholding 
 interest wills it, from which there is no appeal. Wliat right has 
 Governor Reeder to rule Missourians in Kansas? His proclamation 
 and prescribed oath must be disregarded; it is to your interest to do 
 so. Mind, that slavery is established where it is not prohibited." 
 
 This was the attitude of the Missourians towards the 
 Free-State cause in Kansas. All laws, state and national, 
 were to he disregarded when necessary. As stated by Mrs. 
 Robinson, the people of Missouri had been excited by the 
 inflammatory rumoi-s put in circulation among them by 
 their leaders regarding the design and character of Eastern 
 immigration. Aided by the oaths of the secret societies 
 to which many of their people belonged, the leaders worked 
 upon the prejudices and baser nature of these people to 
 such a degree that they were fully equal to any deed of 
 violence. Hundreds of ruffians poured out of Missouri 
 into Kansas to be present on the election day, and when 
 that day came they voted as often as they wished and in 
 a manner suiting themselves, intimidating judges and
 
 128 LIFE OF CHAELES BOBINSON 
 
 stuffing ballot-boxes until a majority of votes was rolled 
 up in favor of the Proslavery candidates for Legislature. 
 The returns of the election were carefully canvassed by 
 Governor Eeeder, who ordered a new election declared in 
 the districts Avhere illegal voting had occurred. To illus- 
 trate their method, it may be said that in the Lawrence 
 district one thousand men came in wagons and on horse- 
 back on the evening preceding the election and on the fol- 
 lowing morning. Finding that they had more voters than 
 they needed, they dispatched part of their forces to other 
 districts. They openly asserted that they had come to 
 the Territory to elect a Legislature to suit themselves, 
 and afterwards boasted that they had done so. By the 
 census recently taken the Lawrence district at this time 
 possessed 369 voters, but 1,034 votes were cast at the 
 election, 781 for the Proslavery candidates and 253 for the 
 Pree-Soil candidates. At the new election ordered by 
 Governor Reeder, to be held May 25th, in those districts 
 where frauds were evident, the results of the former elec- 
 tion were reversed in every district but one. After the 
 first election the Missouri and Kansas Proslavery papers 
 boasted of the great victories their party had won. The 
 Leavenw^orth Herald of April 6th headed a column as 
 
 follows : 
 
 All Hail! 
 
 The Pbo-Slaveby Party Victorious. 
 
 We Have Met the Enemy and They Are Ours. 
 
 Veni, Vidi, Vici. 
 
 Free White State Party Used Up. 
 
 The triumph of the Proslavery party is complete and overvyhelm- 
 
 ing. Come on, Southern men! Bring your slaves and fill up the 
 
 Territory. Kansas is saved! Abolitionism is rebuked, her fortress 
 
 stormed, her flag dragged in the dust, ete.
 
 EAELY SETTLEMENT 129 
 
 From this time on, the great issue in Kansas was slav- 
 ery. The people of Kansas henceforth needed the most 
 careful guidance in order not to wreck the prospects of the 
 Territory. The Free- State men Avere to he fought to the 
 bitter end by the Proslavery people of Missouri and Kan- 
 sas. The FreeState men were opposed by the Abolitionists 
 at home and abroad, because the latter did not believe in 
 the methods employed by the former. They must fight 
 unjust laws and oppression in such a manner as not to en- 
 danger the safety of their cause. They must be careful 
 not to array themselves against the Federal Government 
 on the one hand, nor on the other to submit tamely to 
 local authority when that local authority was fraudulent, 
 deceptive, a robber and oppressor of their rights. 
 
 The people of Kansas were at this time always called 
 Abolitionists, but they were different from the Abolition- 
 ists in spirit and in opinion. They were in Kansas to build 
 up a free State ; they were there to maintain their rights. 
 These duties were imperative. Wendell Phillips, a leading 
 Abolitionist of Boston, Massachusetts, had said: 
 
 " Why is Kansas a failure as a free State ? I will tell you. You 
 sent out there some thousand or two thousand men — for what? 
 To make a living, to cultivate the 160 acres, to build houses; to send 
 for their wives and their children; to raise wheat; to make money; 
 to build sawmills; to plant towns. You meant to take jjossession of 
 the country, as a Yankee race always takes possession of a country, — 
 by industry, by civilization, by roads, by houses, by mills, by churches. 
 But it will take a long time; it takes two centuries to do it." 
 
 Yet, it took less than ten years to accomplish this great 
 feat ! It is as a counselor and guide to the Free-State men 
 in their arduous struggle in building up a great common- 
 wealth that Dr. Robinson appears to the best advantage. 
 
 — 9
 
 130 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON" 
 
 After the election of March, 1855, which was well known 
 to be fraudnlent on account of the Missouri invasion, he 
 advocated what at first appeared to be a very strange doc- 
 trine. He held that the Free-State men ought not in any 
 way recognize the bogiis Legislature just elected. This 
 idea was not at first received with much favor, but the lead- 
 ers as well as the rank and file of the Free-State men soon 
 came to regard the course it suggested as, under the cir- 
 cumstances, the only one to follow. Dr. Robinson took the 
 view that the Federal Government of the United States 
 was established on the principles of justice and right ; that 
 it had dominion over all parts of the nation ; that every 
 citizen, far and wide, owed an allegiance to it; and that 
 no person should ever oppose the Federal authorities, not 
 only because of the right of the Government to rule, but 
 because of the duty of law-abiding citizens to obey. More- 
 over, it was certain that anyone who attempted to oppose 
 Federal authority would be beaten in the contest. ]^ot so 
 the Territorial Government. Here were people of differ- 
 ent shades of political belief and belonging to different 
 parties, seeking to build a new commonwealth in a given 
 territory. In the building of this government it was right 
 and just to repudiate fraud in every form, that justice 
 might be securely established. He held that, as Missouri- 
 ans had obviously no right to elect a legislature for Kansas, 
 any legislature so elected should rightly be termed a bogus 
 legislature, whose authority should not be acknowledged 
 by bona fide citizens of the Territory. 
 
 The following letter by Dr. Robinson to Eli Thayer, soon 
 after the fraudulent electicn of the " bogus legislature," 
 is a clear exposition of the situation. It is also evidence
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 131 
 
 that Dr. Robinson fullv comprehended the situation, and 
 imderst<X)d the nature of the foe the settlers of Kansas had 
 to fight. In this letter he prophetically alludes to the great 
 struggle that is to come between freedom and slavery, and 
 the request for arms is also an indication that he knew that 
 a conflict was inevitable: 
 
 [Fob E. Thayer. This is sent to Mr. Rice, to avoid opening and 
 
 delay on the way.] 
 
 Lawbence, April 2, 1855. 
 
 Deab Sie: Another election in Kansas Territory has passed, and, 
 like the first, was controlled entirely by Missourians. A few days be- 
 fore the election, I was traveling in the southern and eastern part of 
 the Territory, and met hundreds of people from Missouri on their 
 way to the different voting precincts in the Territory. Encamp- 
 ments were formed in the vicinity of the polls, varying in size accord- 
 ing to the number of voters required in the several districts to secure 
 their end. The grand rendezvous was at Lawrence, where they had 
 reinforcements stationed for all parts. 
 
 At Tecumseh two of the judges of election refused to take the oath 
 prescribed by the Governor, and the third refused to proceed, when 
 the mob, after snapping pistols at the antislavery judge and threat- 
 ening to destroy all the judges if they did not leave, proceeded to 
 choose judges of their own and go on with the election. The Free- 
 State men accordingly abandoned the polls, and did not vote. 
 
 At Douglas the judges attempted to conform to the law and in- 
 structions of the Governor, when they were mobbed and driven off. 
 Consequently, no antislavery voting was done at that place. 
 
 At Lawrence about a thousand Missourians took possession of 
 the polls, and threatened to hang one of the judges — who was 
 formerly from Missouri, but antislavery — if he refused to take their 
 votes, and he refused to serve at all. A Proslavery man was put in 
 his place, leaving but one of the Free-Soil. He was overruled, and 
 refused to serve, leaving the field to our enemies, and they all voted 
 who chose. No Free-Soil man could get near the polls till late in 
 the day, when a few of our men voted. 
 
 I arrived at Lawrence about 3 o'clock P. M., and found the town an 
 encampment of Missourians, who had given out that they intended in 
 the night to destroy Lawrence, root and branch. We immediately pre-
 
 132 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 pared to give thpm a good time in doing it, and kept one hundred 
 naen sleeping on their arms all night, with a good watch in all parts 
 of the city. The Missouri spies were out during the whole time, and 
 nothing but their finding a large guard patrolling the city saved us 
 from destruction. 
 
 At the polls they assailed Mr. Bond and friend Stearns, who were 
 obliged to leave, as it was in the early part of the day and but few of 
 our people were on the ground. Bond was fired at, but not wounded. 
 They attempted to frighten Mr. Pomeroy and make him leave the 
 polls, but failed to do so. Some of their leaders told him confiden- 
 tially that he was in danger; that the people were infuriated, and 
 they could not control them nor keep them off from him. He told 
 them they need not trouble themselves about him, but let them come 
 on if they wanted to, for if they could not keep them off he could — 
 so Mr. P. told me himself he talked to them. He was not molested. 
 
 I was told that frequent inquiries were made for me in the fore- 
 noon, and it was asserted that I would not be allowed to vote. When 
 I learned their desire to see me I went over to the polls and voted, 
 and then passed through their camp arm-in-arm with Mr. Brown, 
 Avho also had been threatened. Neither of us was disturbed or in- 
 sulted, although all eyes were turned iipon us. 
 
 It is said they had two cannon with them. Col. Doniphan also was 
 said to be here, and said that next fall they should be on hand again. 
 It is also said that Atchison talks of running for Delegate to Con- 
 gress, and bring his voters with him; and a man from Missouri, a 
 Bentonite, says the plan is if he does so, for " Old Bullion " to take 
 the field against him, and his friends also will see that fair play 
 is had. 
 
 Our people have now formed themselves into four military com- 
 panies, and will meet to drill till they have perfected themselves in 
 the art. Also, companies are being formed in other places, and we 
 want arms. Give us the weapons and every man from the North 
 will be a soldier and die in his tracks if necessary, to protect and 
 defend our rights. 
 
 It looks very much like war, and I am ready for it and so are our 
 people. If they give us occasion to settle the question of Slavery in 
 this country with the bayonet, let us improve it. What way can bring 
 the slaves redemption more speedily? Wouldn't it be rich to march 
 an army through the slaveholding States and roll up a hlaclc cloud 
 that should spread dismay and terror to the ranks of the oppressors?
 
 EAKLY SETTLEMENT 133 
 
 But I muist close, for want of time. 
 
 Cannot your secret society send us 200 Sharps rifles as a loan till 
 this question is settled? Also a couple of field-pieces? If they will 
 do that, I think they will be well used, and preserved. I have given 
 our people encouragement to expect something of the kind, and hope 
 we shall not be disappointed. Please inform me what the prospect 
 is in this direction. 
 
 If the Governor sets this election aside, we of course must have 
 another, and shall need to be up and dressed. 
 
 In great haste, 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 C. Robinson. 
 
 To Hon. Eli Thayer, Worcester, Mass. 
 
 Following this idea, the people of the Territory began 
 to form themselves into organizations and to hold conven- 
 tions, in preparation for a great struggle for constitutional 
 liberty. From June 8th to August 15th, no less than seven 
 conventions were held in the city of Lawrence, all but one 
 favoring the repudiation of the bogus Legislature, But 
 what tended more than anything else at this juncture to 
 arouse enthusiasm and to shape the policy of the Free-State 
 men, was the first Fourth of July celebration held in the 
 Territory of Kansas, The people of Lawrence and the sur- 
 rounding territory met in an enthusiastic gathering about 
 a mile from Lawrence, in a beautiful grove. Two com- 
 panies of militia armed with Sharps rifles appeared iu 
 their uniforms. They were presented with a magnificent 
 silk flag by the ladies of Lawrence, The " Star-Spangled 
 Banner" was sung, the Declaration of Independence was 
 read, and an oration delivered by Dr. Robinson. Then 
 followed a dinner, after which the day was devoted to 
 toasts, speeches, and music. It is interesting to note some 
 of the toasts proposed. Important among them were the 
 following: "Young Kansas — The rights of her citizens.
 
 134 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 trodden down for a brief period, have but aroused ber to an 
 appreciation of freedom and inspired her sons with spirit 
 and victor which will bid defiance to her enemies." " Law- 
 rence — Its course is onward." "The Pioneers of Kan- 
 sas." " The Laborers of Kansas." " Universal Educa- 
 tion." " Kansas — May its fertile soil never be cursed 
 with slavery." "The Kansas Legislature — A body alien 
 to our soil, elected by fraud — we are not responsible for 
 its acts and ask no favors at its hands." We are told that 
 great enthusiasm prevailed in these first patriotic exercises, 
 and that toasts were responded to ably by educated men ; 
 for nearly all the immigrants from the I*Torth and East 
 in the early period of Kansas were educated men, many of 
 them college graduates. 
 
 But the most striking feature of the day was the oration 
 of Dr. Robinson. This remarkable document was pro- 
 duced in full in The Kansas Daily Tribune^ J^^lj 14th, 
 1855. It is worthy of permanent record, not only because 
 of its importance in the Kansas conflict, but because it pre- 
 sents the position and sentiments of Dr. Robinson.^ 
 
 The oration gave a historical review of the progress of 
 slavery, and a careful diagnosis of the present conditions. 
 It was a bold and fearless address, appealing to the reason 
 and stirring the emotions. Considering the situation, it 
 appears to be the most remarkable of all of the addresses 
 by tJie heroes and statesmen of the early part of the Kansas 
 straggle, ISTear the close of the oration the orator appealed 
 to the people as follows : 
 
 "What are we? Subjects, slaves of MisRonri! We come to the 
 celebration of this anniversary with oxir chains clanking upon our 
 
 ' See Appendix for fuU copy.
 
 EAELY SETTLEMENT 135 
 
 limbs. We lift to heaven o\ir manacled arras in supplication. Pro- 
 scribed, denounced, we cannot so much as speak the name of liberty, 
 except with prison-walls and halters looking us in the face. We must 
 not only see black slavery, a blight and curse to any people, planted 
 in our midst, and against our wishes, but we must become slaves our- 
 selves." 
 
 In closing he said: 
 
 " Fellow-citizens, in conclusion, it is for us to choose for our- 
 selves, and for those who shall come after us, what institutions shall 
 bless or curse our beautiful Kansas. Shall we have freedom for 
 all her people, and consequent prospprity. or slavery for a part, 
 with the blight and mildew inseparable from it? Choose ye this day 
 which ye will serve, slavery or freedom, and then be true to your 
 choice. If slavery is best for Kansas, then choose it, but if Liberty, 
 then choose that. Let every man stand in his place and acquit him- 
 self like a man who knows his rights, and, knowing, dares main- 
 tain them. Let us repudiate all laws enacted by foreign legislative 
 bodies, or dictated by Judge Lynch over the way. Tyrants are 
 tyrants, and tyranny is tyranny, whether under the garb of law or in 
 opposition to it. So thought and so acted our ancestors, and so let 
 us think and act. We are not alone in this contest. The entire na- 
 tion is agitated upon the question of our rights: the spirit of '76 
 is breathing upon some, the handwriting upon the wall is being dis- 
 cerned by others, while the remainder the gods are evidently prepar- 
 ing for destruction. Every pulsation in Kansas vibrates to the remot- 
 est part of the body politic; and I seem to hear the millions of free 
 men and the millions of bondmen in our land, the millions of op- 
 pressed in other lands, the patriots and philanthropists in all coun- 
 tries, the spirits of the Revolutionary heroes and the voice of God, 
 all saying to the people of Kansas, ' Do your duty ! ' " 
 
 Tlins, in the face of the hordes of Missouri under Atchi- 
 son, Stringf ellow, and others, who sought by fraud to make 
 Kansas a slave State, and before the eyes of a hostile and 
 opposing Federal Administration, Doctor Robinson threw 
 down the gauntlet. It was the expression of the minority 
 to rightful revolution in asserting its rights and demanding 
 justice. It was a call to all free men to stand for the right
 
 136 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 and to give their lives to the cause of freedom and the 
 principles and practice of right government. As Law- 
 rence, the storm-center of the struggle that now ensued, 
 was a Free-State stronghold, it was subjected to the bitter 
 hatred of the unprincipled persons in the Territory and 
 on the Missouri border, who sought by any means, fair or 
 foul, to make Kansas a slave State. The men who settled 
 the town were peaceable, law-abiding citizens, who desired 
 to settle the question of slavery at the ballot-box rather 
 than by force of arms, but who were ready to protect their 
 interests by the latter method if necessity required. 
 
 The threats and demonstrations made by the Proslavery 
 leaders, residing chiefly in Missouri, and the lawless inter- 
 ference in Territorial elections, made it appear desirable if 
 not necessary that the Free-State men should organize for 
 defense. Several companies were formed, but they Avere 
 without arms. It was quite natural that they should look 
 toward 'New England for aid and support. They there- 
 fore asked their New England friends to send them Sharps 
 rifles for their protection. These were sent, packed in 
 boxes labeled " books," or anything except " arms." They 
 were of immense service in gaining bloodless victories for 
 the Free-State men, for the Proslavery men had a whole- 
 some fear of these repeating rifles. The following letter, 
 written to Mr. Thayer by Dr. Robinson, shows the latter's 
 
 attitude in the matter: 
 
 Lawrence, July 26, 1855. 
 Mr. Thayer — Dear Sir: The bearer, .J. B. Abbott, is a resident 
 of this district, on the Wakarusa, about four miles from Lawrence. 
 There is a military company formed in his neif^hborhood, and they are 
 anxious to procure arms. Mr. Abbott is a gentleman in whom you 
 can place implicit confidence, and is true as steel to the cause of Free- 
 dom in Kansas. In my judgment the rifles in Lawrence hav^e had a
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 137 
 
 very good effect, and I think the same kind of instruments in other 
 places would do more to save Kansas than almost anything else. 
 Anything you can do for Mr. A. will be gratefully appreciated by the 
 people of Kansas. We are in the midst of a revolution, as you will 
 see by the papers. How we shall come out of the furnace, Grod only 
 knows. That we have got to enter it, some of us, there is no doubt; 
 but we are ready to be offered. 
 
 In haste, very respectfully yours, 
 
 For Freedom for a World, 
 
 C. Robinson. 
 
 Excitement was running high, on account of the struggle 
 between the Free-State and Proslavery parties. In Mis- 
 souri the notorious secret societies called Blue Lodges were 
 established for the extension of the Proslavery cause and 
 for the purpose of fighting "Abolitionists " wherever thev 
 could be found. They had their spies and tools throughout 
 Kansas Territory. In addition to this, after the arrival of 
 Wilson Shannon, the second Territorial Governor, there 
 was organized at Leavenworth, on November 14th, 1855, a 
 " Law and Order Party," which, it was pretended, was 
 formed as a vigilance committee to suppress lawlessness, 
 but which was in reality an instrument desigTied by the 
 Proslavery party to crush free-soiKsm and abolitionism, 
 and to sustain the laws and government of the " bogus Leg- 
 islature." For their own protection, the Free-State men 
 oi'ganized " The Kansas Legion," a seeret society for de- 
 fense against the outrages of the border ruffians; but this 
 society did not interfere with the Missouri i>eople within 
 their own territory. This organization tended to draw 
 more closely the lines of battle between the Proslavery and 
 the Free-State people. 
 
 Several events occurred which made the strife between 
 the two parties more bitter. For example, one Pat Laugh-
 
 138 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON 
 
 lin joined the Kansas Legion, and subsequently betrayed 
 their secrets. Wlien brought to account for thi& by a mem- 
 ber of the Legion named Collins, he shot Collins, on Octo- 
 ber 25th, 1855, and fled to Atchison, where he was protected 
 by the Proslavery people. Another very important event, 
 and one tliat exasperated the Free-State party, was the 
 murder of Dow, a Free-State man, by a Proslavery man 
 named Coleman, who shot Dow in cold blood on the occa- 
 sion of a difficulty over a claim ; although the real cause 
 of the difficulty was that Dow was a Free-State man, or a 
 so-called ^'Abolitionist." This event, which occurred on 
 November 21st, 1855, was the beginning of a series of 
 difficulties which led to the Wakarusa War, and is of suffi- 
 cient importance to demand a recital of the more important 
 facts connected with it. 
 
 Dow was a young man of excellent character and inoffen- 
 sive nature, who boarded with a man named Branson, on 
 a claim at Hickory Point, a place eight or nine miles 
 south of Lawrence. Hickory Point was a timbered district, 
 over the possession of which there was considerable conten- 
 tion by rival claimants. Charles Dow had taken up a 
 claim adjoining that of Mr. Coleman, a Proslavery man, 
 who had as neighbors Buckley and Hargous, both also 
 ardent Proslavery men. There was considerable trouble 
 and hard feeling between the Proslavery and Free-State 
 men, which reached a climax in a contention between Dow 
 and Coleman. It came about in this way: A new survey 
 changed the provisional lines between Coleman's and Dow's 
 claims, extending the boundary of Dow's claim into Cole- 
 man's territory, whereupon Coleman began to cut timber 
 on the land which was formerly supposed to be covered by
 
 EABLY SETTLEMENT 139 
 
 hie claim, but now belonged to Doav. Dow bade him de- 
 sist; this be refused to do. Returning to Branson, Dow 
 asked tbe latter to go over with bim to see Coleman and 
 stop bis cutting tbe timber. Branson did so, taking bis 
 gun witb bim and advising Dow to do tbe same, but Dow 
 declined to do tbis. 
 
 As tbey approacbed Coleman be went away ; wbereupon 
 Branson returned borne and Dow went to tbe blacksmitb 
 shop, where be was having a wagon-skein repaired. Soon 
 afterward Buckley came in with his shotgun, loaded, and 
 began to accuse Dow of using language against him, and 
 threatened to kill him, even going so far as to cock his gun 
 and to aim it at him. Dow said, '"' Mr. Buckley, you would 
 not shoot me, would you ? " and the blacksmith interfered 
 and told Buckley that he would not allow such language in 
 his shop. When the repairs were completed, Dow started 
 for his home at Branson's. On tbe way he passed by 
 Coleman, who, when Dow bad got beyond him about thirty 
 yards, shot the young man, instantly killing him; or so 
 it is supposed, for be had not moved from where he fell, 
 when be was carried away by bis friend Branson some 
 hours later, life being extinct. 
 
 It will never be known whether words were passed be- 
 tween Coleman and Dow at that time, but this is immate- 
 rial, for it is known that an unanned man was killed in 
 cold blood by one bearing a double-barreled shotgun loaded 
 witb slugs. Tbe crime caused great excitement, and was 
 denounced alike by Free-State and Proslavery settlers 
 of the neighborhood. Coleman, the murderer, fled to 
 the protection of Jones, tbe postmaster of Westport, Mis- 
 souri, who was also the sheriff of Douglas county by ap-
 
 140 I^IFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 pointmcnt of the '' bogus Legislature." Buckley and Har- 
 gous also left the country. The crime was committed on 
 ^November 21st, and on the 26th, Monday, a meeting was 
 held at the scene of the murder, in which about a hundred 
 men passed resolutions of condolence with the family of 
 Dow, and appointed a committee to bring the murderer to 
 justice. The intense indignation against Coleman caused 
 an attempt to burn his house, which stood near where the 
 meeting was held. Four men broke down the door, rushed 
 in, turned over some straw on the floor and set it on fire. 
 Others, among whom were S. C. Smith and S. N. Wood, 
 put out the flames, and Wood mounted a fence to urge 
 against such action, saying : " Murder, pillage and arson 
 are peculiarly the avocation of our enemies ; houses are too 
 scarce to be burned, and this meeting must not be disgraced 
 in this way." He proposed, as the " sense of the meeting, 
 that the house be not burned." This was caried unani- 
 mously, and the people quietly dispersed. However, subse- 
 quently, Coleman's house, as well as Buckley's, was burned. 
 Major Abbott lived on a claim about half a mile south 
 of Blanton's bridge, and on the road to Hickory Point. 
 S. C. Smith had a claim on Coal creek, about two miles 
 from Mr. Branson's, while Col. S. F. Tappan and Col. 
 S. ]Sr. Wood lived in Lawrence. At the time of the killing 
 of Dow, S. C. Smith was in Lawrence, engaged with S. F. 
 Tappan in making a copy of the Topeka Constitution. 
 Wood, Tappan and Smith all attended the meeting at 
 Hickory Point, Wood and Tappan being tlie only two from 
 Lawrence out of the hundred present. After the meeting, 
 Tappan left Wood and Smith at Abbott's, and started to 
 Lawrence. At Blanton's bridge he saw fifteen or twenty
 
 EABLY SETTLEMENT 141 
 
 horsemen around Blanton's place, and soon the door opened, 
 the men poured out, and, mounting their horses, rode off. 
 Tappan stayed with tiem long enough to find out their 
 purpose, and then returned to Abbott's.^ 
 
 It seems that, at the instance of Buckley, a warrant had 
 been issued by a justice of the peace named Hugh Cam- 
 eron 2 for the arrest of Branson, and that the warrant was 
 in the hands of Shtriff Jones, who with his posse was start- 
 ing out to meet Branson. 
 
 Whether Branson had made any threats to kill Buckley 
 and Coleman, it is difficult to ascertain, although it would 
 seem to be the most natural thing that he should desire to 
 see Buckley and Coleman brought to justice, and it would 
 not be too much to suppose that, in the height of his in- 
 dignation, he may have threatened to kill them if a good 
 opportunity presented, although there is no evidence that 
 he was planning to do so. On the other hand, Buckley and 
 Coleman probably knew that they deserved to be shot, 
 whether anyone attempted to do it or not. Jones appears 
 to have been glad to have an opportunity to arrest a Free- 
 State man, as he was certainly a Proslavery sympathizer 
 who had helped in the elections against the Free-State 
 cause, and was especially bitter against the town of Law- 
 rence. At least, he protected Coleman and Buckley and 
 
 1 The correct account of the rescue of Branson is very difficult to obtain, because, 
 while the accounts of the principal actors apree in general, they differ considerably in 
 details. The accounts of S. C. Smith, S. N. Wood. J. B. Abbott, Jonathan Kennedy, the 
 reports in the newspapers and the account In Andreas' History all differ In the particu- 
 lars. Because the accounts of Smith and Wood agrSe more exactly than any others, I 
 have relied especially upon the.se. It seems, however, that Wood and Abbott, according 
 to Wood's statement, left the meeting and st«rtpd for Blanton's bridge, and also fell in 
 with this same group of horsemen which S. F. Tappan had discovered, and reported to 
 Wood and Abbott at Abbott's house. Major Abbott's account of the affair agrees in all 
 the essentials with Smith's and Wood's, except as regards leadership of the rescuing 
 party, which is entirely immaterial so far as this history is concerned. 
 
 ^No one seems to know quite how Cameron received his commission, although It is 
 thought by some that U was improvised for the occasion, and granted by the bogus Leg- 
 ielatnre.
 
 142 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 their sympathizers, and seemed to desire that Dow l>e got 
 out of tlie way. 
 
 The neighborhood was aroused, and messengers sent out 
 to notify Free-State settlers to meet near Branson's, and 
 Abbott and Wood started for Hickory Point. While Wood 
 and Abbott were on their way to Hickory Point, riding 
 silently along, Wood turned to Abbott and asked, " What 
 will you do if you find the rascals at Branson's ? " Abbott 
 replied, "You are the leader; just what you say."* 
 
 When they arrived at Branson's door and asked for 
 Branson, they were told by his wife that twenty horsemen 
 had taken Branson and gone, with threats that they would 
 kill him. For two hours they rode over the prairie, search- 
 ing for the posse with Branson, but were unable to find 
 them. Finally Abbott started for Hickory Point, and 
 Wood set out to notify various settlers and to go to Abbott's 
 house. Smith and Tappan were also riding up and down 
 the country, notifying the settlers what had happened 
 and what was in prospect; Philip Hupp and others were 
 doing similar duty. Wood arrived at Abbott's house just 
 in time to prevent the departure of a dozen Free-State 
 men who were there; and soon after, Abbott came. While 
 they were consulting what to do, along came Jones and his 
 party with Branson, and the Free-State men rushed out of 
 Abbott's house, confronting the sheriff and his posse in the 
 road. After each party had inquired of the other what was 
 
 1 There has been considerable dispute as to the leadership in the rescue. There 
 was no regularly elected leader until the rescuing party started for Lawrence : then S. 
 N. Wood was chosen captain, Major Abbott beat the drum, and S. C. Smith was lieu- 
 tenant. Prior to that, the honors of leadership seem to have been divided between S. 
 N. Wood and Major Abbott. Wood, by reason of his strong nature, was a natural leader 
 and exceedingly aggressive. Abbott was brave and true and ready for substantial ac- 
 tion. Wood was prominent in the meeting at Hickory Point, active in sending messen- 
 gers, aggressive in moving with Abbott at Hickory Point, and was the chief spokesmau 
 in the parley between Jones and the rescuing party. Abbott was the first to speak 
 when the demand was made of Jones for the delivery of the prisoner, Branson.
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 143 
 
 up, xlbbott asked, '" Is Branson there ? " Branson replied, 
 "■ Yes, I am here, a prisoner." Wood said, '' If von want 
 to be among friends, come over here," and although Jones 
 threatened to shoot him if he did so, Branson dismounted 
 from the mule he was riding, walked over to the Free- State 
 men and went into Abbott's house. Just at this time, Smith 
 and Tappan came up and saw the Free-State men lined up 
 across the road, with Wood in front, engaged in a sharp 
 altercation with Jones and his party. Bitter langiiage was 
 used in the altercation, and on both sides guns were drawn 
 and cocked. After an hour's parley, Jones and his party 
 rode off, the leader threatening dire vengeance on the Free- 
 State men. 
 
 With a posse of armed men of his own selection, Jones 
 had gone to the house of a man who had committed no 
 crime, had savagely taken him from his bed, without show- 
 ing any warrant, and had forced the prisoner to ride half- 
 clad about the country, while his own fellows were a part 
 of the time in a drunken carousal. While Jones was dis- 
 appointed at the loss of his prisoner in this ignominious 
 way, he doubtless would have been glad had such a rescue 
 occurred in Lawrence, so that he might have had an excuse 
 for the destruction of the town. As it was, he made the 
 best of it, and subsequently aroused the Proslavery forces 
 against the town. 
 
 After the rescue the Free-State people organized, with 
 S. ]Sr. Wood as captain, S. C. Smith lieutenant, and Major 
 Abbott at the drum, and immediately started for Lawrence. 
 About four o'clock in the morning they arrived at the house 
 of Dr. Robinson, aroused him, and asked his advice. " The 
 slight form of the leader stood a little nearer the door, and
 
 144 1.IFE OF CHAELES EOBINSON 
 
 when his peculiar dry niamier of speech fell upon the ear 
 in his brief inquiry, ' Ta Dr. U. in?' his identity was 
 known. Dr. "Robinson opened the door and invited them 
 in." With his keen insight and native shrewdness the 
 Doctor at once took in the whole situation. He saw that 
 this would probably furnish the long-wished-for pretext for 
 calling out the forces against Lawrence, and he advised 
 the rescuers to report in town. A meeting was soon called 
 for the purpose of discussing the mode of procedure. It 
 was a very important occasion, for the policy adopted here 
 would determine the rree-State course in the coming con- 
 flict. " Early on the morning of the 27th the drum-beat 
 calling the citizens of Lawrence together was heard in the 
 little town of Lawrence. The noise of the hammer was 
 still, but, in the firm tread and thoughtful countenances 
 of the men, as they walked up the stairway to the hall 
 where the meeting for consultation was to be held, the 
 spirit of 'TO was visible, and a determination if they must 
 fight against oppression as our fathers did, that a new Lex- 
 ington or Concord on Kansas plains should go down to pos- 
 terity Avith the unsullied honor of her defenders." ^ 
 
 When the citizens assembled. Captain S. !N". Wood was 
 made chairman. He addressed the meeting, telling of the 
 events of the night before in the rescue of Branson. Mr. 
 Branson also arose, telling of the killing of Dow, and of 
 his own arrest. Others spoke, and Mr. G. P. Tx>wry pro- 
 posed that a committee of safety c/)mposed of ten should be 
 appointed. Dr. Eobinson advised that " as Lawrence had 
 no connection with the matter, any formal action or in- 
 dorsement by her citizens would be impolitic."^ Subse- 
 quently, about nine o'clock. Dr. Eobinson made a second 
 
 1 Kansas ; Its Interior and Exterior LLte, p. 109. 
 ^ K.in8a8 Conflict, p. 188.
 
 EAELT SETTLEMENT 145 
 
 visit "to the town, found the citizens' meeting in progress, 
 and learned that a committee of safety had been appointed, 
 of which he was a member. " The committee was at once 
 convened, and decided that Lawrence had nothing to do 
 with the affair, and should assume no responsibility for it 
 as a town, although no person censured the rescuers for 
 their action." ^ For, notwithstanding this formal action, 
 it was understood that the Free- State men were in full 
 sympathy with Branson, and indignant at the murder of 
 Dow, as well as the conduct of Buckley, the instigator 
 of the arrest, that of Hugh Cameron, who had issued the 
 warrant, and that of Sheriff Jones and his posse, who had 
 arrested Branson. Yet, as the arrest of Branson had oc- 
 curred some ten miles from Lawrence and the rescue about 
 three, it could be truly affirmed that Lawrence had not 
 planned, ordered, or executed the rescue, and therefore 
 was not responsible for it. Branson had committed no 
 crime, even though it is true that he stated that if he 
 could " draw a bead on Coleman," the murderer of a mem- 
 ber of his family, " he [Coleman] would not breathe the 
 pure air of this planet another minute." It was far dif- 
 ferent with the rescuers of Branson, however, for they 
 had resisted an officer of the law^ and forcibly taken a 
 prisoner from him. This could be used against the Free- 
 State men as the basis for a charge of treason and rebel- 
 lion, and a pretext for calling out the militia to suppress 
 this rebellion. Dr. Eobinson advised Wood, Smith and 
 Tappan to absent themselves for a time from the tovsm. 
 Wood was therefore sent to Ohio j^s an agent of the com- 
 mittee of safety, and Tappan and Smith stayed outside 
 of the town. 
 
 ' Kansas Conflict, p. 189. 
 — 10
 
 140 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 Jouos started for Franklin witli his posse, and immedi- 
 ately sent a dispatcli to his father-in-law, Col. Boone, at 
 Westport, Missouri, askinig;- for aid; and at Col. Boone's 
 suggestion he also sent to Governor Shannon, at Shawnee 
 Mission, for 3,000 men to put down the rebellion at Law- 
 rence. Jones was not slow to appreciate the situation; 
 indeed, there are those who believe that the wdiole affair 
 was planned as a trap to catch the Free-State men, that 
 Jones might have an excuse for the destruction of the town 
 of Lawrence. Whether this is true or not, it was at least 
 used as a pretext for this purpose, and the Free-State men 
 of La-wi-ence, observing the situation, sought to avoid, in 
 the manner indicated, giving any excuse for the destruction 
 of the town and the putting into peril of the Free-State 
 cause. Had the Governor been a far-seeing man, had he 
 been thoroughly versed in the affairs of the Territory, or 
 even had his steps been ordered Vvdth a view to securing 
 justice to all citizens of the Territory instead of following 
 blindly the dictates of the Federal Administration and the 
 Proslavery party in Kansas, he could not have done such 
 a foolish thing as to call out the militia. But without even 
 trying to ascertain the actual condition of affairs, he issued 
 a proclamation calling out the militia of Kansas, which 
 really meant the calling of the ruffians of Missouri for the 
 destruction of Lawrence. The plan worked well, for the 
 Missourians were ready to do their part. All along the 
 border the following order was sent out by the Proslavery 
 
 party : 
 
 TO arms! to arms! 
 
 It is expected that every lover of Law and Order will rally at 
 Leavenworth on Saturday, December 1, 1855, prepared to march at 
 once to the scene of the rebellion, to put down the outlaws of Douglas
 
 EARLY SETTLEME^TT 147 
 
 County who are committing depredations upon persons and property, 
 burning down houses, and declaring open hostility to the laws, and 
 have forcibly rescued a prisoner from the sheriff. Cone one, come all. 
 The laws must be executed. The outlaws, it is said are armed to the 
 teeth, and number 1,000 men. Every man should bring his rifle and 
 ammunition, and it would be well to bring two or three days' pro- 
 visions. Every man to his post and to his duty. 
 
 Many Citizens. 
 
 The people from tlie border rushed forward, and soon 
 there were 1,500 men confronting Lawrence. The people 
 of Lawrence, both men and women, were preparing the 
 town for defense. Dr. Robinson was made Commander, 
 and General Lane his able Lieutenant. The Sharps 
 rifles that had been shipped to Lawrence from New Eng- 
 land were of immense value on this occasion, for fear of 
 them kept the enemy from sudden attack. It was a 
 strange spectacle, almost a comedy had it not been so near 
 a tragedy, and in any case it was certainly a travesty on 
 free government, for United States Senator Atchison to 
 be commanding this singular horde, while Governor Shan- 
 non was hurrying other commands to the scene of war. 
 
 There was not a grain of excuse for it all. The rescuers 
 of Branson had left the town, and there was not a day in 
 which Jones might not go through Lawrence unmolested 
 in doing his duty. He actually did go to the tovm and re- 
 turn without being disturbed. Governor Shannon became 
 alarmed first for the safety of the attacking Missourians, 
 and second for the safety of Lawrence. He sent to Colonel 
 Sumner at Leavenworth for TJ. S. troops, but Sumner 
 would not come without orders from Washington. 
 
 In the mean time, Lawrence was continually being rein- 
 forced by Free-State men from the surrounding towns. 
 Finally the Lawrence citizens appealed to the Governor,
 
 148 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 sending two men to acquaint him with the situation. In- 
 credulous, he was persuaded to go to Lawrence and see for 
 himself. Governor Shannon was amazed at the situation. 
 He saw Avhat his hand had wrought by his foolishly com- 
 plying with the request of a foolhardy and designing 
 sheriff, without ascertaining the exact condition of affairs. 
 Failing to get Colonel Sumner to bring the United States 
 troops, he brought the leaders of the besiegers into confer- 
 ence with the leaders of the besieged. Governor Shannon 
 of Kansas Territory, Colonel Boone of Westport, Mo., Colo- 
 nel Kearney of Independence, Mo., and General Strickler 
 of Kant^as, came to Lawrence in the interests of peace, 
 and consulted for an hour with Robinson and Lane, the 
 representatives of the Committee of Safety. 
 
 After Shannon had heard the whole story he suggested 
 that a treaty be drawn up and signed by the leaders. This 
 was accordingly done. It was an excellent way out of the 
 dilemma, but here was another scene in the drama of 
 spectacular government: the town of Lawrence, in rebel- 
 lion, treating with the Kansas militia, the latter com- 
 manded by officers living in Missourf! The document 
 is as follows, and was drawn up by James M. Winchell : 
 
 TREATY OF PEACE. 
 
 Whereas, there is a misunderstanding between the people of 
 Kansas, or a portion of them, and the Governor thereof, arising out 
 of the rescue near Hickory Point of a citizen under arrest, and some 
 other matters ; and 
 
 Whereas, a strong apprehension exists that said misunderstanding 
 may lead to civil strife and bloodshed ; and 
 
 Whereas, it is desired, by both Governor Shannon and the people 
 of Lawrence and vicinity, to avert a calamity so disastrous to the in- 
 terests of the Territory and the Union, and to place all parties in a 
 correct position before the world; — 
 
 Now, therefore, it is agreed by the said Governor Shannon and
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 149 
 
 the undersigned people of Lawrence, that the matter in dispute be 
 settled as follows, to wit: 
 
 We, the said citizens of said Territory, protest that the said 
 rescue was made without our knowledge or consent, but, if any of our 
 citizens were engaged, we pledge ourselves to aid in the execution of 
 any legal process against them; that we have no knowledge of the 
 previous, present, or prospective existence of any organization in the 
 said Territory for the resistance of the laws, and that we have not 
 designed, and do not design, to resist the legal service of any crim- 
 inal process therein, but pledge ourselves to aid in the execution of 
 the laws, when called on by proper authority, in the town or vicinity 
 of Lawrence, and that we will use all our influence in preserving 
 order therein ; and we declare that we are now, as we ever have been, 
 ready at any time to aid the Governor in securing a posse for the 
 execution of such process: Provided, That any person thus arrested 
 in Lawrence or vicinity, while a foreign force shall remain in the 
 Territory, shall be duly examined before a United States district 
 judge of said Territory in said town, and admitted to bail : And pro- 
 vided further, That Governor Shannon agrees to use his influence to 
 secure to the citizens of Kansas Territory remuneration for any 
 damages sustained, or unlawful depredations, if any such have been 
 committed by a sherifT's posse in Douglas county; and further, that 
 Governor Shannon states that he has not called upon persons resi- 
 dents of any other State to aid in the execution of the laws, and such 
 as are here in this Territory are here of their own choice; and that 
 he has not any authority or legal power to do so, nor will he exer- 
 cise any such power, and that he will not call on any citizen of an- 
 other State who may be here. That we wish it understood that we 
 do not herein express any opinion as to the validity of the enact- 
 ments of the Territorial Legislature/ 
 
 Done at Lawrence, Kansas, December 8, 1855. 
 
 (Signed) Wilson Shannon. 
 
 C. Robinson. 
 
 J. H. Lane. 
 
 This treaty sliowed the good faith of the people of 
 Lawrence and their genuine desire to settle the war, 
 but it left them unpledged to support the " bogus " Ter- 
 ritorial laws. Soon after the treaty had been signed, Lane 
 
 > Kansas : Mrs. BobiasoD, p. 150.
 
 150 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 and Robinson accompanied Governor Shannon to the camp 
 of the besiegers to persuade them to accept the terms and 
 withdraw. It was not easy to do so, but they finally pre- 
 vailed, and the Missourians started for home. 
 
 What interests us most at the present moment is the 
 service of Dr. Robinson in command ; for his wisdom and 
 cool counsel saved the town from destruction. The ser- 
 vices of General Lane were invaluable in the defense. His 
 lM>ld impetuosity was excellent to excite a struggle, but 
 not safe Avhen one was to be avoided. It is said that had 
 it not been for the proper presentation of the subject to 
 the leaders of the attack, they Avould not have consented 
 to withdraw without a fight. The address of Lane aroused 
 their antagonism, while the cool, compromising tone of 
 Robinson caused them to submit to reason. More than 
 once was Dr. Robinson compelled to quiet the citizens and 
 soldiers who had assembled for the defense of Lawrence, 
 in order to keep them from attacking the opposing camp. 
 The policies of the two were widely different. Robinson 
 held to the peace and defense policy, Lane to war and at- 
 tack ; and Robinson won. Both were of immense service 
 to the cause, and could they have gone through the entire 
 Kansas struggle working together they would have been 
 strong allies in the cause of freedom. After the " war " 
 was over. Dr. Robinson said when called on to address the 
 citizen soldiers of Lawrence: 
 
 " Selected as your commander, it becomes ray cheerful duty to 
 tender to you, fellow-soldiers, the meed of praise so justly your due. 
 Never did true men unite in a holier cause, and never did true bravery 
 appear more conspicuous than in the ranks of our little army. 
 Death before dislionor was visible in every countenance, and filled 
 every heart. Bloodless though the contest has been, there are not
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 151 
 
 wanting instances of heroism worthy of a more chivalric age. To the 
 experience, skill and perseverance of gallant General Lane all credit 
 is due for the thorough discipline of our forces and the complete and 
 extensive preparations for defense. His services cannot be overrated, 
 and long may he live to wear the laurels so bravely won. Others are 
 worthy of special praise for distinguished services, and all, both offi- 
 cers and privates, are entitled to the deepest gratitude of the people." 
 
 In the course of the remarks made by Lane he returned 
 the compliment of Robinson by sayin<>- : " From Major- 
 General Robinson I received the counsel and advice which 
 characterize liim as a clear-lieaded, cool and trustworthy 
 commander, who is entitled to your confidence and es- 
 teem." 
 
 In the bloodless strife called the Wakarusa War, and 
 in all the other tryinpj scenes the pioneers of Kansas 
 went through, Dr. Robinson was ever a "clear-headed, 
 cool, trustworthy commander," and people found him 
 worthy their "confidence and esteem," His relations 
 with the Emigrant Aid Company gave him a position to 
 bestow favors and wield power. He managed the details 
 of the Company's affairs judiciously, and placed its serv- 
 ices to the best advantages of the emigrants. It is un- 
 fortunate that this union of Lane's impetuosity and 
 Robinson's cool counsel could not have continued through- 
 out the entire Kansas struggle. This would have made 
 the victory of the Free-State cause easier. The records 
 of the leaders in that struggle would then have been more 
 consistent than they are now, and, what is of greater im- 
 portance, the rank and file of the people, who by their 
 numbers and their votes made Kansas free, would have 
 had less to suffer.
 
 152 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 At tliG defense of Lawrence, John Brown made his first 
 formal entry into the affairs of the Territory. He had 
 been in Kansas only a short time, arrivinsj October 6th, 
 1855, about two months before he came to Lawrence. His 
 sons had written him of the border troubles in Franklin 
 county, and he had come with arms and ammunition to 
 help them, and, as he stated, to get a blow at slavery. He 
 arrived at noon on December Tth, with four of his sons, 
 in a wagon, all armed and well equipped for battle, just 
 as the peace negotiations between Kobinson and Lane and 
 Shannon were taking place. He was very much disap- 
 pointed at the prospect of peace, for he had come prepared 
 to fight, and wanted to have an opportunity to do so. A 
 company was formed in the fifth regiment of the Kansas 
 Volunteers, commanded by Col. G. W. Smith, and Brown 
 was placed in command. There was little to do but con- 
 tinue to fortify Lawrence and arrange the men for defense, 
 for soon the peace negotiations were signed, the " war " de- 
 clared at an end, and the " militia " that beset the beleag- 
 ured town dispersed. Brown's time of service was short, 
 as he arrived on December 7th and his company was mus- 
 tered out of service on the 12th of the same month. But 
 he had remained long enough to reveal his personality, and 
 courageous desire to fight, and to show his willingness even 
 to die, if necessary, for freedom. He desired to come into 
 conflict with the opposing forces — just what the Free-State 
 men were seeking to avoid. ISTor was he slow in attempt- 
 ing to disseminate dissension in the Free-State party re- 
 garding the terms of the peace, for he held that to make 
 such a peace was compromising and putting off the strug- 
 gle that must eventually come. Compromising measures
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 153 
 
 were unknown in the realm in wliicli dwelt the spirit of 
 old John Brown. After the bloodless victory at Lawrence 
 he returned to his home, to await his own time and op- 
 portunity to strike a blow against the Proslavery people 
 in his own way. 
 
 The saddest event of the Wakarusa War was the 
 murder of Barber. Barber lived at Bloomington, seven 
 miles southwest of Lawrence, and when the Free-State men 
 from Bloomington came to the defense of Lawrence he 
 came with them. It was on Thursday noon, E'ovember 
 6th, that he left Lawrence to visit home in company with 
 his brother Eobert and his brother-in-law, Thomas M. 
 Pearson, who lived near him. When about three miles 
 out of Lawrence, having left the main road, he and his 
 companions were met by two horsemen, James Bums, of 
 Westport, Missouri, and George W. Clark, Indian Govern- 
 ment agent in the Pottawatomie territory, who rode from 
 the ranks of a party of ten or twelve traveling on the 
 California road. The party was a detachment of Proslav- 
 ery men passing from the Lecompton camp to the Waka- 
 rusa camp. Barber and his companions were ordered to 
 turn back, and on their refusing to do so pistols were drawn 
 on both sides and shots fired. In the controversy that pre- 
 ceded the firing. Barber had replied that he was unarmed, 
 and that he had been to Lawrence and was returning home. 
 He put spurs to his horse and rode on, but George W. 
 Clark of the attacking party instantly fired, and his bullet 
 killed poor Barber, the only unarmed man in the group. 
 Barber's death was not instantaneous, but soon after he 
 had been wounded his companions found themselves un- 
 able to support him, and he slipped from his saddle and
 
 154 LIFE OF CHAKLES EOBINSON 
 
 died in tlic road. This deed so aroused the Free-State 
 men that it came very near upsetting all of tlie peace plans 
 of their leaders. On the other hand, as Governor Shannon 
 looked upon the silent form of the murdered Barber he 
 began to realize more closely the position he was in, and 
 what it meant to call the " militia " of Kansas to help a 
 sheriff arrest people who were not anywhere near Law- 
 rence. 
 
 The news of the murder spread throughout the nation, 
 arousing the I^orth to renewed efforts. Grief, patriotism 
 or sympathy brought forth the whole community to the fu- 
 neral. One who was present said : " The love we had al- 
 ways borne to freedom is tenfold increased, while the 
 hatred of oppression is intensified and strengthened. A 
 new consecration of our energies, in this unequal fight for 
 freedom, is made over the new-made grave." At the fvi- 
 neral, after the minister had finished the more than ordi- 
 nary ceremony, short speeches were made by Generals 
 Lane and Tvobinson. The address of the latter, though 
 })rief, was full of pathos and stirring in its appeals to man- 
 hood and patriotism. Perhaps of the great variety of 
 Robinson's addresses and writings, the oration at the fu- 
 neral of Barber is the gem.^ 
 
 The National Era of March- 1st, 1856, published the 
 well-known poem of John G. Whittier on the burial of 
 Barber, which was read far and wide, arousing public sen- 
 timent and causing hundreds to reconsecrate themselves 
 to freedom's cause. Its dominant note was conquest 
 through suffering, endurance, and patience : 
 
 ' See Appendix B.
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 155 
 
 " Will to suffer as you 
 Pass the watchword along the line, 
 
 Pass the countersign: Endure. 
 Not to him who rashly dares, 
 But to him who nobly bears, 
 
 Is the victor's garland sure." 
 
 But the Wakarusa War, closing- witli a compromise, was 
 far from being the end of the great strnggle. Indeed, 
 its treachery and wickedness had scarcely begun. The 
 severe winter that followed checked the invasions from 
 Missouri, and prevented the marauding bands from enter- 
 ing Kansas. All were struggling to protect themselves 
 from cold, and to satisfy the most common needs. Over 
 in Missouri, however, the agents of the Blue Lodge were 
 wide awake, preparing for new invasions in the spring, 
 and the cold cruel winter was to open upon a summer 
 more ter^-ible by far with its cruelties of war, plunder and 
 murder. /^The Free-State men attempted to carry out the 
 policy whicli_they had adopted at the beginning, and it 
 seems that they would have succeeded had not a certain 
 series of events caused the invaders to appeal to the courts 
 and dri ven j die Free-State men to retaliation in the field. 
 
 The policy of the Free-State men involved two things : 
 first, the re^iudiation of the '' bogus Legislature," and 
 avoiding a conflict with the United States forces. ^ This 
 latter was, indeed, a difficult thing to do, for the United 
 States forces, representing the United States Government, 
 were backing up the '' bogus Le gislature.." The position 
 was untenable except in theory, for when put to the real 
 test the Free-State men, so long as they were in the minor- 
 ity, must submit to the power of a Territorial government, 
 backed up as it was by the Federal Government. Second,
 
 156 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 tlie Free-State policy involved a positive course, which was 
 to frame and adopt a constitution and organize a State gov- 
 ernment, with a possibility of admission into the Union 
 under the constitution. This positive feature of their 
 policy was put vigorously into operation. It, too, had its 
 own dangers, for it went far enough to establish a separate 
 legislature and elect a complete set of officers before ad- 
 mission into the Union. 
 
 On the other hand, the P^li^ of the Proslavery party 
 was^mucETsinipTerr" Tt was, first, to force the people of the 
 Territory of Kansas into submission to the laws of the 
 " bogus Legislature " and to the Territorial Government. 
 In this they were aided by the United States Government, 
 which favored the Proslavery party in the struggle. Here 
 was the great disadvantage of the Free-State party; for 
 whateyex-ihe PjLQslaYeryjgarty _djxi,^ they had behind them 
 a Je£ijla±iu:e,_j^^ovemor, a judiciary, and indeed a com- 
 .^j-lete Territorial organization, with a code of laws sanc- 
 tioned and supported by the Federal Government. On 
 the other hand, the Free-State men acted without the law 
 and outside the pale of recognized government. It is of 
 great advantage in a struggle to have the law on your side, 
 even though it be "bogus," or to have the government 
 back of you even though it be elected by fraudulent votes, 
 — and especially so when the Federal Government, legiti- 
 mate in every respect, supports the law and enforces its 
 decisions with its standing army. .'^Again, the purpose of 
 the Pjcoslavery party was to exterminate all free-soilers 
 as a method of assuring a Proslavery government. It 
 seemed to be the only way they could dispose of those quiet, 
 persistent, courageous people who were coming in such.
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 157 
 
 numbers into the Territory to build homes, develop the 
 country and vote for freedom. (iThe Proslavery party also 
 sought to bring the Free-State party into conflict with the 
 Federal authorities. Had they succeeded, the cause of 
 freedom would soon have been lost in Kansas. 
 
 One cannot turn to the history of these hardy pioneers, 
 who met all the vicissitudes of a new country, who subdued 
 the stubborn resistance of the soil, who endured the biting 
 of the cold as they gazed through the open chinks in their 
 log cabins, who lived upon the plainest fare, and, defense- 
 less, were in constant terror of their lives, without feeling 
 the most profound admiration for their devotion and forti- 
 tude. This struggling against nature and fighting against 
 niffians,viJ[is establishing of a government and building 
 of a commonwealth, showed these people to be of the hardy 
 vigor of the old Puritans who wrought their character into 
 the state that they builded. \ What a meager life it was in 
 some ways, vet how grand and full of meaning in others ! — 
 for out of those humble conditions was being brought to 
 light the power which would eventually crush, out slavery 
 everywhere and proclaim freedom throughout the land. 
 It was only a step from the cracking of the rifles upon 
 the plains of Kansas to the booming of the guns at Sum- 
 ter; then a few longer and more awful steps and we see 
 the final climax of it all in Appomattox and the fifteenth 
 amendment. 
 
 A goodly number of the eye-witnesses of the events just 
 recorded have written descriptions of the conditions that 
 prevailed in the Territory at that time, and accounts of all 
 the incidents in the struggle for freedom. 
 
 As illustrating the primitive condition of affairs in the
 
 158 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON" 
 
 first jear in Kansas, a few brief quotations from Mrs. Ilol>- 
 inson's diary will not be ont of place: 
 
 April 20th, 1855. — How lovely nature has made this Kansas val- 
 ley; and yet it seems as if, from a full lap of treasured gems, she has 
 poured out the fairest here. 
 
 April 21. — The floor in the dining-room is laid. The windows 
 are in. The door between the rooms is taken away and the stove is 
 set, with the pipe out of the window in pure pioneer fashion. The 
 stove, however, will put one's ingenuity to work in using, it being 
 second-hand. Having been used six months in a boarding-house, not 
 most carefully, the furniture is minus; and what there is, is of un- 
 known use to me. There is one large iron boiler, which would cover 
 the whole front of the stove, one broken gridiron, one large dripping- 
 pan, two tin boilers holding six or eight quarts, one of which, near 
 the top, has a nose; the other, close to the bottom, has a spout. The 
 furniture which is the minus quantity, is: iron kettles, tea-kettles, 
 spider, shovel and tongs. However, we get supper, stew apples, — 
 brought from Massachusetts, — and have biscuits without butter. It 
 is a real Graham supper with cold water. Provisions are scarce.' 
 
 April 24. — We can get no butter, no syrup, no milk, no potatoes. 
 There is an abundance of nothing save cheese, beef, ham, and sugar. 
 We made doughnuts, and after a consultation, fried them in a two- 
 quart tin upon the top of the stove. 
 
 April 26. — A most delightful day. It seemed wicked not to gather 
 new life and cull enjoyment from the bright skies and flowing prairies. 
 Soon had the horse put into harness and was bounding over them. 
 
 April 29. — We attended church. How strange everything ap- 
 peared! The hall where the meetings are held is in a two-story build- 
 ing. It is simply boarded with cottonwood, and that to a person in 
 this country is explanation sufficient of its whole appearance; for the 
 sun here soon curls the boards, every one shrinlving from every other, 
 leaving large cracks between. For a desk to support the gilded 
 morocco-covered Bible, sent to the Plymouth Church, a rough box 
 turned endwise and standing near one end of the hall was used. The 
 singers, with seraphine, were seated upon one side of the preacher, 
 while upon the other side, also fronting the desk, were other seats. — 
 rough boards, used until the settees are finished. All of this seemed 
 
 1 Kansas ; Its Interior and Esterior Life, p. 38.
 
 SARA T. D ROBINSON, 1857.
 
 I
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 159 
 
 rough and uncouth, and at first moment we felt that two thousand 
 miles lay between us and the pleasant sanctuaries of our fathers, 
 where they tread the aisles on soft carpets, listen to the Word read 
 from its resting-place of richest velvet, and to the pealing organ's 
 deep rich tones. But when we looked upon the pleasant faces around 
 us, so familiar all in look, in manner, in attire, and the services com- 
 menced with the singing of hymns learned long ago, and we heard in 
 the persuasive, winning tones of the preacher, the same heavenly 
 truths which will render one's life here as holy as elsewhere, let us 
 so will it, we felt that New England was in our midst. We realized 
 more fully the truth which has been pervading our thoughts for many 
 days, that "A man's life consisteth not in the abundance of the 
 things which he possesseth." Happiness does not consist in the fur- 
 nishings of the upholsterer. It may be as pure and unalloyed in 
 " gypsy hut as palace hall." Most of us have come to this far-away 
 land with a mission in our hearts, a mission to the dark-browed 
 race, and hoping here to stay the surging tide of slavery, to place lliat 
 barrier which utters in unmistakable language, " Thus far shalt thou 
 go and no farther." This unlocks our hearts to each other, and at 
 once we recognize a friend actuated by sympathies and hopes. ^ 
 
 Suck are pictures of tlie life to which the women of the 
 
 East came to support their husbands and brothers in a 
 
 struggle to subdue the wilds of nature and secure freedom 
 
 to mankind. These women cheerfully adapted themselves 
 
 to the rude domestic life, giving courage and persistency 
 
 to the men in the larger struggle to make Kansas free. 
 
 They met the trying difficulties of those years in the bold 
 
 and faithful spirit represented in the following lines from 
 
 Mrs. Eobinson: 
 
 " We have fallen upon evil times in our country's history, when 
 it is treason to think, to speak a word against the evil of slavery, 
 or in favor of free labor.- In Kansas, prisons or instant death by 
 barbarians are the reward; and in the Senate, wielders of bludgeons 
 are honored by the State which has sent ruffians to desolate Kansas. 
 
 1 Kansaa, p. 41. - Kansas, p. 34T.
 
 160 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 But in this reign of misrule the President and his advisers have 
 failed to note the true effect of such oppression. The fires of liberty 
 have been rekindled in the hearts of our people, and burn in yet 
 brighter flame under midnight skies illumined by their own burning 
 dwellings. The sight of lawless, ruthless invaders, acting under the 
 United States Government, has filled them with that ' deep, dark, 
 sullen, teeth-clenched silence, bespeaking their hatred of tyranny, 
 which armed a William Tell and Charlotte Corday.' The best, the 
 boldest utterance of man's spirit for freedom will not be withheld. 
 The administration, with the most insane malignity, has prepared the 
 way for a civil war, and the extermination of freemen in Kansas. 
 With untiring malice, it has endeavored to effect this by the aid of 
 a corrupt jiidiciary, packed juries, and reckless officials. In violation 
 of the Constitution of the United States, no regard was paid to the 
 sacred rights of freemen in their persons and property. Against the 
 known sentiment and conviction of half the nation these deeds of 
 infamy have been plotted, and have been diligently carried on. That 
 a people are down-trodden is not evidence that they are subdued. 
 The crushed energies are gathering strength; and, like a strong man 
 resting from the heats and toils of the day, the people of Kansas will 
 arise to do battle for liberty: and when their mighty shouts for free- 
 dom shall ascend over her hills and prairies, slavery will shrink back 
 abashed. Life, without liberty, is valueless, and there are times 
 which demand the noble sacrifice of life. The people of Kansas are 
 in the midst of such times; and amid discomfiture and defeat men 
 will be found who for the right will stand with sterner purpose and 
 bolder front. Kansas will never be surrendered to the slave-power. 
 God has willed it! Lawrence, the city where the plunderer feasted 
 at the hospitable table, and, Judas-like, went out to betray it, will 
 come forth from its early burial clothed with yet more exceeding 
 beauty. Out of its charred and blood-stained ruins, where the fiag of 
 rapine floated, will spring the high walls and strong parapets of 
 freedom. The sad tragedies in Kansas will be avenged, when freedom 
 of speech, of the press, and of the person, are made sure by the down- 
 fall of those now in power, and when the song of the reaper is heard 
 again over our prairies, and, instead of the clashing of arms, we see 
 the gleam of the ploughshare in her peaceful valleys. Men of the 
 North, shall the brave hearts in Kansas struggle alone?" 
 
 Soon after the Wakanisa War, Dr. Robinson wrote to
 
 \ 
 
 EAKLT SETTLEMENT 161 
 
 John C. Fremont, reminding him of their early acquaint- 
 ance in California, and pointing out the similarity of 
 situation here in Kansas to that of California at that time 
 in regard to the slavery question. Fremont was then con- 
 sidering the prohahility of his nomination for President. 
 While it may not be that he was seeking the place, yet 
 enough had been said about the possibility of his being 
 nominated to cause anxiety on his part at the turn affairs 
 had taken, and to make him exceedingly careful in the ex- 
 pression of his opinions as to the proper solution of the 
 Kansas troubles. Eobinson's letter would prove of inter- 
 est to the reader, but it is not obtainable. It is thought 
 worth while, however, to publish Fremont's reply. It 
 shows some conception on Fremont's part of the national 
 importance of the situation in Kansas, yet one cannot but 
 note the extreme caution of the writer at this juncture of 
 national politics: 
 
 New York, 170 Second Avenue, March 17, 1856. 
 My Dear Sir: Your letter of February reached me in Washington 
 some time since. I read it with much satisfaction. It was a great 
 pleasure to find that you retained so lively a recollection of our inter- 
 course in California. But my own experience is, that permanent and 
 valuable friendships are most often formed in contests and struggles. 
 If a man has good points, then they become salient, and we know 
 each other suddenly. 
 
 I had lx)th been thinking and speaking of you latterly. The Banks 
 balloting in the House and your movements in Kansas had naturally 
 carried my mind back to our one hundred and forty ballots in Cali- 
 fornia, and your letter came seasonably and fitly to complete the 
 connection. We were defeated then, but that contest was only an in- 
 cident in a great struggle, and the victory was deferred, not lost. 
 You have carried to another field the same principle, with courage 
 and ability to maintain it; and I make you my sincere congratulations 
 on your success, — indistinct so far, but destined in the end to 
 triumph absolutely. 
 — 11 
 
 i
 
 162 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 I had been waitin<]f to see what shape the Kansas question would 
 take in Conoress, that I might be enabled to give you some views in 
 relation to the probable result. Nothing yet has been accomplished ; 
 but I am satisfied that in the end Congress will take elTicient meais- 
 ures to lay before the American people the exact truth concerning 
 your affairs. Neither you nor I can have any doubt what verdict the 
 people will pronounce, upon a truthful exposition. It is to be feared, 
 from the Proclamation of the President, that he intends to recognize 
 the usurpation in Kansas as the legitimate government, and that its 
 sedition law, the test oath, and the means to be taken to expel its 
 people as aliens, Avill all directly or indirectly be supported by the 
 army of the United States. Your position will undoubtedly be diffi- 
 cult, but you know I have great confidence in your firmness and 
 prudence. When the critical moment arrives, you must act for your- 
 self — no man can give you counsel. A true man will always find his 
 best counsel in that inspiration which a good cause never fails to give 
 him at the instant of trial. All history teaches us that gieat results 
 are ruled by a wise Providence, and we are but units in the great 
 plan. Your action will be determined by events as they present 
 themselves, and at this distance I can only say that I sympathize 
 cordially with you ; and that as you stood by me firmly and generously 
 when we were defeated by the NuUifiers in California, I have every 
 disposition to stand by you in the same waj^ in your battle with 
 them in Kansas. 
 
 You see that what I have been saying is more in reply to the sug- 
 gestions which your condition makes to me, than any answer to your 
 letter, which more particularly regards myself. The notice which you 
 had seen of me, in connection with the Presidency, came from the 
 partial disposition of friends, who think of me more flatteringly 
 than I do of myself: and does not, therefore, call for any action 
 from us. 
 
 Repeating that I am really and sincerely gratified in the renewal 
 of our old friendship, or rather in the expression of it, which I hope 
 will not hereafter have so long an interval, I am, 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 J. C. Fremont. 
 Gov. Charles Robinson, Lawrence, Kansas. 
 
 The year 1855 closed with the stirring events connected 
 with the Wakarusa War. In the local contests the Fre^
 
 EARLY SETTLEMENT 163 
 
 \ State men had won a victory. They had maintained their 
 ^position against superior numbers without an open con- 
 flict with the Federal authority. They had demonstrated 
 their power and established a hope, if not an assurance, 
 of victory. But the ensuing year was to bring a severer 
 trial of their strength and fortitude. Their enemies were 
 to shift their plan of battle and to employ new tactics for 
 their destruction. The attempt to drive the friends of free- 
 dom from the soil had failed, and other means must be 
 sought if Kansas was to be made a slave State. 
 
 While the local struggles were going on, the Free-State 
 men were not idle in other directions, for they were work- 
 ing their way toward State organization and admission 
 into the Union. They were holding conventions, resolv- 
 ing, and organizing. They even went so far as to make a 
 constitution, elect State officers, and attempt State legis- 
 lation. As the constitutional development was the central 
 idea of the struggle from this on, it will be necessary to 
 follow somewhat in detail the various steps in the organi- 
 zation of the Free-State forces and the consequent attacks 
 of the Proslavery advocates.
 
 1C4 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 CHAPTEK V. 
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE. 
 
 Beginning with the first meeting called in Lawrence, 
 June 8th, 1855, the Free-State men of Kansas entered 
 upon a constitutional struggle for liberty. This first con- 
 vention was held for the purpose of considering the pro- 
 priety of calling a Territorial convention of Free-State 
 men. At this meeting, M. F. Conway, the only Free-State 
 man in the Legislature,^ who resigned his position as soon 
 as the Legislature was called, made some able and spirited 
 remarks about the recent election, and advised that the 
 action of the Legislature thus fraudulently chosen be re- 
 pudiated, and that Congress be memorialized for relief. 
 The meeting was presided over by John Speer, and ad- 
 dresses were listened to from Speer, Simpson, Ladd, 
 Hutchinson, Elliott, and others. It was proposed to call 
 a Territorial convention at Lawrence on the 25th of June, 
 1855, for the purpose of giving expression to the views of 
 the people in relation to the recent election outrage,^ and 
 of taking such action as was deemed necessary and proper. 
 Five delegates were to be sent from each Representative 
 district: Elliott, Deitzler, Speer, Wood and Simpson 
 were chosen to represent Lawrence. A committee com- 
 posed of Pratt, Elliott and Abbott were to inform the Free- 
 
 ' Con-way did not receive a majority of the votes cast, but one fraudulent precinct 
 was thrown out ; this gave Conway a majority. S. D. Honeton was the only member 
 conceded to be elected from the Free-State party. He resigned. John Hutchinson 
 was elected at the new election called by the Governor to correct fraud, but he was not 
 allowed to take his seat. 
 
 2 See Chapter IV.
 
 I THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 165 
 
 /' 
 
 l^tate men of other districts. The convention assembled 
 according to the call, and adopted among others the follow- 
 ing resolutions: 
 
 "Resolved, That we are in favor of making Kansas a free Terri- 
 tory, and, as a consequence, a free State. 
 
 "Resolved, That we urge the people of Kansas to throw aside all 
 minor differences, and make the freedom of Kansas the only issue. 
 
 "Resolved, That we claim no right to meddle with the affairs of 
 the people of Missouri, or any other State, and we do claim the right 
 to regulate our own domestic affairs, and, with the help of God, we 
 will do it. 
 
 "Resolved, That we look upon the conduct of a portion of the 
 people of Missouri, in the late Kansas election, as an outrage on the 
 elective franchise of our rights as freemen; and inasmuch as many 
 of the members of the Legislature owe their election to a combined 
 system of force and fraud, we do not feel bound to obey any law of 
 their enacting." 
 
 A mass meeting was called to meet at Lawrence July 
 11, 1855, to take active measures respecting the forming of 
 a State constitution. While the determination to repu- 
 diate the acts of the bogus Legislature was pretty well 
 fixed, it was difficult to get the Free-State men in line for 
 the formation of a State constitution with the view of the 
 speedy admission of Kansas into the Union. The poli- 
 ticians, most of whom were seeking opportunities for office, 
 had advised this course, but the body of the people and the 
 leaders of the Free-State cause were not fully in accord 
 with the politicians. But if the people repudiated the 
 acts of the Territorial Legislature, nothing would remain 
 to be done but to set up another form of government in 
 opposition. Hence the Free-State sentiment gradually 
 crystallized in favor of a constitutioii. 
 
 It was on August 14th and 15th, 1855, that the first 
 general convention of Free-State men, composed of all po-
 
 166 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 litical parties, assembled at Lawrence. Philip Schuyler 
 presided at the meeting, and Lane, Robinson and others 
 were active in the deliberations of the convention. The 
 following resolutions reported by Robinson were adopted : 
 
 "Whereas, The people of Kansas have been, since its settlement, 
 and are now, without law-making power; therefore, be it 
 
 "Resolved, That we, the people of Kansas Territory, in mass 
 meeting assembled, irrespective of party distinctions, influenced by 
 common necessity, and greatly desirous of promoting the common 
 good, do hereby call upon and request all bona fide citizens of Kansas 
 Territory, of whatever political views and predilections, to consult 
 together in their several election districts, and in mass conventions 
 or otherwise, elect three delegates for each Representative to which 
 said election district is entitled in the House of Representatives of the 
 Legislative Assembly, by proclamation of Governor Reeder of date of 
 March 19, 1855; said convention to meet in the town of Topeka, on 
 the 19th day of September, 1855, then and there to consider and de- 
 termine upon all subjects of public interest, and particularly upon i 
 that having reference to the speedy formation of a State Constitution, 
 with the intention of an immediate application to be admitted as a 
 State into the Union of the United States of America." 
 
 This convention showed an active spirit along govern- 
 mental lines, for if the Free-State men could make a con- 
 stitution, have it adopted by popular vote, and have Kansas 
 admitted into the Union under it, the victory was practi- 
 cally won. Although the meeting at Topeka was to occur 
 within a little more than thirty days, another convention 
 was called, to meet at Big Springs on September 5, 1855. 
 It appears from the sequel that this convention was called 
 for the purpose of organizing a Free- State party, while the 
 convention at Lawrence was rather general in its nature. 
 Before adjournment a Free-State executive committee 
 was formed, consisting of Charles Robinson, chairman, 
 Joel K. Goodin, secretary, and twenty-one other members.
 
 / THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 167 
 
 / 
 
 The object of this committee was to have a general over- 
 sight of all the interests pertaining to the Free-State party. 
 The permanent organization effected at Big Springs, by 
 outlining a definite policy and completing an organization 
 for specific party work, lessened the labor of this committee, 
 although its members continued active in various capacities. 
 ^Vhile the sentiments of the Free-State people were crys- 
 tallizing about lines of action, the ''bogus" Legislature 
 had assembled and begun its work. If anyone prior to its 
 meeting could have found anything to say in defense of 
 this Legislature, he could have found nothing to say in its 
 favor after it had done its work. It met on July 2, 1855, 
 at Pawnee, but in four days — July 6th — adjourned to 
 meet at Shawnee Mission, near the border of Missouri, on 
 August 16th. The first action it took at Pawnee before 
 adjournment was to declare that the men chosen at the 
 second election, in place of such of those as were fraudu- 
 lently elected in the March election, should be excluded 
 from the Legislature; that is, the members who were 
 fraudulently elected in March were seated and those who 
 were elected to fill their places by order of the second elec- 
 tion proclamation of Governor Keeder were not allowed 
 to take their places. Governor Reeder vigorously opposed 
 the movement of the Legislature from Pavraee to Shawnee 
 Mission, and although he could not openly and clearly 
 adopt the policy of the Free^-State men and repudiate the 
 Legislature which was elected at his own calling, yet he 
 sympathized with the Free-State movement, and was, from 
 this time on, a strong supporter of it. The Governor 
 finally refused to recognize the Legislature, and now the 
 Federal administration at Washington had to side with
 
 168 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 either the Governor or the Legislature. The whole Pro- 
 slavery element desired to have Governor Reeder recalled. 
 If the Government should decide in favor of the Legisla- 
 ture, there could be no other alternative. Accordingly, 
 Governor Reeder was finally recalled, the Legislature re- 
 ceiving official communication to this effect on August 
 16th, 1855. 
 
 The " bogus " Legislature proceeded at once to make 
 laws for the Territory. They made voluminous statutes 
 based on the Missouri code ; in fact, most of their legisla- 
 tion was a mere copy of the laws of Missouri. When 
 it became known what the Legislature had done, and what 
 kind of laws they had enacted, a great wave of indignation 
 passed over the Territory, which was m.ost beneficial to 
 the Free-State cause. The laws enacted were so severe, 
 inhuman, and extremely partisan, that it was impossible 
 for anyone with liberal views to feel any tolerance for 
 them. Writing of these laws, Governor Robinson said : 
 
 " Not only was the worse than Draconian code enacted against 
 Free-State men, but they were virtually disfranchised. Instead of 
 leaving the choice of county officers to voters, the Legislature itself 
 appointed them for a term of years, and gave them full control of all 
 future elections, besides requiring a test oath of a challenged voter. 
 Many of the enactments were simply infamous, as some selected speci- 
 mens will show." ^ 
 
 " Section 4. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away 
 out of the Territory, any slave belonging to another, with intent to 
 deprive the owner thereof of the services of such slave, or with the 
 intent to effect or procure the freedom of such slave, he shall be 
 adjudged guilty of grand larceny, and on conviction thereof shall 
 suffer death. 
 
 " Section 5. If any person shall aid or assist in enticing, de- 
 coying or persuading, or carrying away or sending out of this Terri- 
 tory any slave belonging to another, with intent to procure or effect 
 
 1 Kansas Coofllct, p. 156.
 
 f 
 
 / THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 169 
 
 the freedom of such slave, or with intent to deprive the owner thereof 
 of the services of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of grand 
 larceny, and on conviction thereof, suffer death. 
 
 " Section 6. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away out 
 of any State or other territory of the United States, any slave belong- 
 ing to another, with the intent to procure or effect the freedom of such 
 slave, or deprive the owner thereof of the services of such slave, and 
 shall bring such slave into this Territory, he shall be adjudged guilty 
 of grand larceny, in the same manner as if such slave had been enticed, 
 decoyed or carried out of this Territory; and in such case the larceny 
 may be charged to have been committed in any county of this Terri- 
 tory into or through which such slave shall have been brought by such 
 person; and on conviction thereof the person offending shall suffer 
 death." 
 
 " Section 11. If any person print, write, introduce into, publish or 
 circulate, or cause to be brought into, printed, written, published or 
 circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in bringing into, printing, 
 publishing or circulating within this Territory, any book, magazine, 
 handbill, or circular containing any statements, arguments, opinions, 
 sentiments, doctrine, advice or innuendo, calculated to promote a dis- 
 orderly, dangerous, or rebellious disaffection among the slaves in this 
 Territory, or to induce such slaves to escape from their masters, or to 
 resist their authority, he shall be guilty of felony, and be punished by 
 imprisonment and hard labor for a term not less than five years. 
 
 " Section 12. If any free person, by speaking or by writing, 
 assert or maintain that persons have not the right to hold slaves in 
 this Territory, or shall introduce into this Territory, print, publish, 
 write, circulate, or cause to be introduced into this Territory, written, 
 printed, published, or circulated in this Territory, any book, paper, 
 magazine, pamphlet or circular, containing any denial of the right of 
 persons to hold slaves in this Territory, such person shall be deemed 
 guilty of felony, and be punished by imprisonment at hard labor for 
 a term of not less than two years." ^ 
 
 These drastic measures passed by tlie first Territorial 
 Leg-islature — a Legislature wliose members were elected by 
 fraud — defined clearly to the people of Kansas and to those 
 of other States the true position of those who sought to 
 make Kansas a slave State. Contrary to an express stipu- 
 lation of the ori^anic act for the creation of the Territory, 
 which declared that the slavery question was left open to 
 the decision of the people within the Territory, this fraud- 
 ulent legislature not only asserted that the question was not 
 
 1 Territorial Laws, ia55. Wllder's Annals, p. 73.
 
 170 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSOW 
 
 open for discTission, but proposed to send every man to the 
 penitentiary who did open it. 
 
 The Free-State party had resolved to ignore the action 
 of the first Territorial Legislature, and to repudiate its 
 laws. Through the influence of Dr. Kobinson and Col. 
 Kersey Coates, of Kansas City, Conway, the only Free- 
 State man in the Legislature, resigned. The brilliant let- 
 ter in which Conway submitted his resignation gave a clear 
 statement of the case and cause of the Free-State men at 
 this time. He said: 
 
 " Instead of recognizing this as the Legislature of Kansas, and 
 participating in the proceedings as such, I utterly repudiate it, and re- 
 pudiate it as derogatory to the respectability of popular government, 
 and insulting to the virtue and intelligence of the age. . . . Simply 
 as a citizen and a man, I shall therefore yield no submission to this 
 alien Legislature. On the contrary, I am ready to set its assTimed 
 authority at defiance, and shall be prompt to spurn and trample under 
 my feet its insolent enactments whenever they conflict with my rights 
 or inclinations." ^ 
 
 The Fourth of 'July address of Robinson, previously 
 quoted, had heralded the same sentiment in no uncertain 
 sound. " Let us repudiate all laws made by foreign leg- 
 islative bodies," ^ was the significant point of his argument 
 and watchword of future policy. 
 
 In his letter to Amos A. Lawrence, dated ITovember 1, 
 1855, Dr. Robinson again committed himself to the doc- 
 trine of repudiation, and acknowledged that he was abiding 
 by the text of his doctrine in his daily conduct. He said : 
 
 " We must be as independent and self-reliant and confident as the 
 Missourians are, and never in any instance be cowed into silence or 
 
 1 Spring, p. 54. 
 
 ^See Chapter IV, and Appendix B.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 171 
 
 subserviency to their dictation. This course on the part of prominent 
 Free-State men is absolutely necessary to inspire the masses with 
 confidence and keep them from going over to the enemy. ... I 
 have been censured for the defiant tone of my Fourth of July speech, 
 but I was fully convinced that such a course was demanded. The Leg- 
 islature was about sitting, and Free-State men were about despair- 
 ing. ... A few of us dared to take a position in defiance of the 
 Legislature, and meet the consequences. We were convinced that 
 our success depended upon this measure, and the demonstration of the 
 Fourth was to set the ball in motion in connection with Conway's 
 letter to Governor Keeder, resigning his seat and repudiating the 
 Legislature. For a while we had to contend with opposition from the 
 faint-hearted, but by persevering in our course, by introducing reso- 
 lutions into conventions and canvassing the Territory, repudiation 
 became universal with Free-State men. . . . We conceived it im- 
 portant to disown the Legislature, if at all, before we knew the char- 
 acter of its laws, believing that they would be such as to crush us 
 out, if recognized as valid, and believing that we should stand on 
 stronger ground if we came out in advance." ^ 
 
 It is plain from the foregoing statements, tliat Dr. 
 Robinson, if not the originator of the idea of repudiation, 
 was the one who made the doctrine living and effective. 
 In the meeting at Lawrence on June 8th, Conwaj in a 
 speech advocated repudiation, although this was not its 
 first mention.- In the Lawrence convention of July 11, 
 says G. W. Brown, " the expression was unanimous for 
 repudiation." It was at this time that the idea of forming 
 a State Government w^as first made prominent.^ In the 
 controversy as to who was the author of the policy of re- 
 pudiation. Governor Robinson in his letter to the Herald 
 states : " With reference to repudiation, I am of the opin- 
 ion that the disposition was spontaneous in the breast of 
 
 ' Spring : Kaosae, pp. 61, 62. 
 
 "Kansas Tribune, June 13, 1855. G. W. Brown : Herald, June 28, 1884. 
 
 3 e. W. Bro'WD : Herald, Jan. 12, 1884.
 
 172 LIFE OF CHAKLKS KOBINSON 
 
 every antislaverj man from the first. I think Conwaj 
 needed no persuasion to repudiation." Notwithstanding 
 this modest statement, through agitation by speech and pen 
 this sentiment was kept alive by Robinson. Conway stated 
 that Governor Eobinson and George W. Deitzler persuaded 
 him to resign, although afterward he seemed inclined to 
 believe that he did it on his own responsibility. Prob- 
 ably, as Governor Robinson says, he required little persua- 
 sion. In his University Quarter-Centennial address Gov- 
 ernor Robinson said : " The policy of the Free-State party 
 was to do no wrong, commit no crime, and make the Ter- 
 ritorial laws a dead letter by non-use, until the next gen- 
 eral election of 1857." ^ 
 
 His letters in the " Man and the Hour " series present 
 the same thought. He says: ''Not only the usurpation 
 must be repudiated, but arms, and the best that could be 
 had, were an absolute necessity for the Free-State settler." ^ 
 Speaking of the Free-State party and their policy, lie said : 
 " They were on their good behavior, could do no wrong, 
 commit no crime, and must be a law unto themselves, 
 while they repudiated the so-called Territorial Legislature 
 with, its encroachments." ^ 
 
 Many persons condemned Governor Reeder for issuing 
 election certificates where it was evident that fraud ex- 
 isted. They desired him to throw out the returns of tlie 
 entire Territory and order a new election. But it was 
 a difficult matter to obtain evidence of fraud. The ma- 
 chinery of government was not well established, the courts 
 were not organized, and consequently when men swore 
 
 1 Kansas City Times, June 9, 1891. 
 
 2 Kansas Herald, February 13, 18»t. 
 •' Ibid.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 173 
 
 that they were citizens of Kansas there was no one to chal- 
 lenge their statements. Indeed, there were not sufficient 
 men to do the challenging, and there was no method of test- 
 ing any case afterward. It is true that Governor Reeder 
 did cause a new election to take place in several districts, 
 but even this did no good, for the Legislature seated the 
 members elected on the first election and refused seats to 
 those subsequently elected. The truth of the matter is that 
 this Legislature simply owed its existence to usurpation 
 and fraud, and the patriots of Kansas did well to repudiate 
 it. It must be remembered, however, that at this time 
 the Proslavery element was in the majority, and it was 
 therefore necessary for the Free-State men to act with 
 prudence} Had there been a fair election, it is probable 
 that the 'Proslavery party would have won. By keeping 
 up a firm and patient but temperate and orderly opposi- 
 tion, the Free-State men might well hope that a time would 
 soon come Avhen they could win. 
 
 While the convention held at Lawrence August 14th and 
 15th had given expression to the leading sentiments then 
 prevailing among the Free-State people, it had been non- 
 partisan, being composed of several political elements. It 
 had called for a non-partisan meeting at Topeka to frame 
 a constitution and to apply for admission into the Union. 
 But at the convention at Big Springs the Free-State party 
 was politically organized. It was then that the principles 
 and policy of the Free- State party were formally declared 
 in a party platform, and the party machinery set in motion. 
 
 At this convention George W. Smith was elected presi- 
 dent. The resolutions were presented by James H. Lane 
 and adopted by the convention, and a series of supplemen-
 
 174 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 taiy resolutions were presented by J. S. Emery. " This 
 was an important convention. It gave to the world the 
 purposes, designs, and hopes of the Froo-State party." ^ 
 It appears from the statement of James F. Legate that 
 Joel K. Goodin was the chief factor; in fact, the great 
 spirit of this meeting. He was the power in the executive 
 committee that ran the convention. Goodin was subse- 
 quently prominent in the convention held in 1855 at To- 
 peka, and also in the convention at Grasshopper Falls, and 
 finally became Secretary of the Council in the Free-State 
 Territorial Legislature. Gov. Reeder also figured con- 
 spicuously in this Big Springs convention. He drew up 
 the report of the Territorial Legislature, which was re- 
 ported by J. S. Emery, chairman of this convention. 
 
 The following are among the most important resolu- 
 tions adopted: 
 
 "Resolved, That we owe no allegiance or obedience to the tyranaical 
 enac tments o f_this spurious "T;e»rslatTnTrr""that their laws have no 
 validity or binding force upon the people of Kansas^ and that every 
 freeman among us is at full liberty, consistently with all his obliga- 
 tions as a citizen and a man, to defy and resist them, if he chooses 
 so to do. 
 
 "Resolved, That we will resist them primarily with every peace- 
 able and legal""means within our power, until we can elect our own 
 Representatives and sweep them from the statute book; and as the 
 majority of our Supreme Court have so forgotten their official duty — 
 have so far cast off the honor of the lawyer and the dignity of the 
 judge — as to enter clothed with the judicial ermine into partisan 
 contest, and, by an extra-judicial decision giving opinions in violation 
 of all propriety, have prejudiced our case before we could be heard, 
 and have pledged themselves to these outlaws in advance, to decide 
 in their favor, we shall therefore take measures to carry the question 
 of the validity of these laws to a higher tribunal, where judges are 
 
 ' J. F. Legate : Sixth Biennial Beport, State Historical Society, p. 273.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 175 
 
 unpledged and dispassionate, where the law will be administered in 
 its purity, and where we can at least have the hearing before the 
 decision. 
 
 "Resolved, That we will endure and submit to these laws no longer 
 than the best interests of the Territory require, as tTie less of two 
 evils, and will resist them to a bloody issue as soon as we ascertain 
 that peaceable remedies shall fail, and forcible resistance shall fur- 
 nish any reasonable prospect of success; and that in the mean time 
 we recommend to our friends throughout the Territory the organiza- 
 tion of volunteer companies and the procurement and preparation 
 of arms. 
 
 "Resolved, That we cannot, and will not, quietly .submit to sur- 
 render our greaT; 'American Virthright,' the elective franchise; which 
 "first~5y~vTorence, and then by chicanery, artifice, weak and wicked 
 legislation, they have so effectively succeeded in depriving us of, 
 and that with scorn we repudiate the ' election law,' so called, and 
 will not meet with them on the day they have appointed for the 
 election, but will ourselves fix upon a day, for the purpose of elect- 
 ing a Delegate to Congress." * 
 
 The resolutions offered by Lane, as chairman of the 
 committee on platform, were adopted, as follows : 
 
 "Whereas, The Free-State party of the Territory of Kansas is 
 about to originate an organization for concert of political action in 
 electing our own officers and moulding our institutions; and 
 
 "Whereas, It is expedient and necessary that a platform of prin- 
 ciples be adopted and proclaimed to make known the character of our 
 organization, and to test the qualifications of candidates and the 
 fidelity of our members; and 
 
 "Whereas, We find ourselves in an unparalleled and critical con- 
 dition — deprived by superior force of the rights guaranteed by the 
 Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States, 
 and the Kansas Bill; and 
 
 "Whereas, The great and overshadowing question, whether Kansas 
 shall become a Free or Slave State, must inevitably absorb all other 
 issues, except those inseparably connected with it; and 
 
 "Whereas, The crisis demands the concert and harmonious action 
 of all those who from principle or interest prefer free to slave labor, 
 
 1 BobiDSon : Kansas Conflict, pp. ITl, 172.
 
 176 LIFE OF CHAKLES EOBINSON 
 
 as well as those who value the preservation of the Union, and the 
 guarantee of republican institutions by the Constitution: therefore, 
 
 "ResolDcd, That, setting aside all the minor issues of partisan 
 polities, it is incumbent upon us to proffer an organization calculated 
 to recover our dearest rights, and into which Democrats and Whigs, 
 native and naturalized citizens, may freely enter without any sacrifice 
 of their respective political creeds, but without forcing them as a 
 test upon others. And that when we shall have achieved our politi- 
 cal freedom, vindicated our right of self-government, and become an 
 independent State of the Union, when these issues may become vital 
 as they are now dormant, it will be time enough to divide our or- 
 ganization by these tests, the importance of which we fully recognize 
 in their appropriate sphere. 
 
 "Resolved, That we will oppose and resist all non-resident voters 
 at our polls, whether from Missouri or elsewhere, as a gross violation 
 of our rights and a virtual disfranchisement of our citizens. 
 
 "Resolved, That our true interests, socially, morally and pe- 
 cuniarily, require that Kansas should be a free State; and that free 
 labor will best promote the happiness, the rapid population, the pros- 
 perity and wealth of our people; that slave labor is a curse to the 
 master and to the community, if not to the slave; that our country 
 is unsuited to it, and that we will devote our energies as a party to 
 exclude the institution, and to secure for Kansas the constitution cf 
 a free State. 
 
 "Resolved, That the best interests of Kansas require a popula- 
 tion of free white men, and that in the organization we are in favor of 
 stringent laws excluding all negroes, bond or free, from the Terri- 
 tory; that nevertheless such measures shall not be regarded as a test 
 of party orthodoxy. 
 
 "Resolved, That the stale and ridiculous charge of Abolitionism, 
 so industriously imputed to the Free-State party, and so persistently 
 adhered to in spite of all the evidence to the contrary, is without a 
 shadow of truth to support it, and that it is not more appropriate to 
 ourselves than it is to our opponents, who use it as a term of re- 
 proach, to bring odium upon us, pretending to believe in its truth, 
 and hoping to frighten from our ranks the weak and timid, who are 
 more willing to desert their principles than they are to stand up 
 under persecution and abuse, with a consciousness of right. 
 
 "Resolved, That we will discountenance and denounce any at- 
 tempt to encroach upon the constitutional rights of the people of
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 177 
 
 any State, or to iuferfere with their slaves ; conceding to their citi- 
 zens the right to regulate their own institutions, and to hold and 
 recover their slaves, without any molestation or obstruction from 
 the people of Kansas." ^ 
 
 The platfonn was faithfully subscribed to by the Free- 
 State men with one exception, that of Charles Steams, the 
 Garrisonian, who AA'as a thorough Abolitionist, he refusing 
 to sign the resolutions. 
 
 The Big Springs convention nominated A, H. Reeder 
 candidate for Uelegate to Congress, and fixed the election 
 day for said Delegate on the second Tuesday in October. 
 By a resolution introduced by John Hutchinson the con- 
 vention indorsed the action of the " people's convention," 
 held at Lawrence on the 14th and 15th of August, calling 
 for a delegate convention to assemble at Topeka on Sep- 
 tember 19th to frame a constitution.^ 
 
 The Big Springs convention was a serious attempt to 
 organize all the elements of political belief, including 
 Whigs, Democrats, Free-Soilers, etc., on a common Free- 
 State basis in opposition to the Proslavery element in 
 Kansas, which had the favor of the Federal Grovernment 
 and the especial support of the people of Missouri and of 
 other Southern States. In constructing the platform the 
 convention was desirous of making it broad enough for all 
 to stand upon who were opposed to usurpation and fraud 
 as practiced in the elections and exhibited in the "bogus 
 laws" of the Territory. 
 
 While the convention was making the platform for the 
 Free-State party it became evident in many ways that 
 there were not a few discordant elements to be harmo- 
 
 1 Wilder : AnnalB of Eaneae, pp. 76, 76. 
 sibld, p. 77. 
 
 — 12
 
 178 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 nized before tlic party was thoroughlj or^^anized. More- 
 over, altlioiigli tlic convention s^ave form and purpose to the 
 Free-State movement, it is not at all certain that the latter 
 would not have flourished quite as well had the convention 
 never been called. As regards the slavery question, the 
 attitude of the leaders of the party finally changed from 
 conservative to radical, and it might have been as well for 
 them to have saved their lengthy resolutions until they were 
 thoroughly agreed as to abolitionism and the black man. 
 Ostensibly called for the purpose of " constructing a na- 
 tional platform upon which all friends of making Kansas 
 a free State may act in concert," the convention appears 
 to have been chiefly characterized by the general attempt 
 at harmonizing political factions, and by the struggles of 
 individuals for political power. The position which this 
 convention took regardint;- the general question of slavery 
 was an embarrassing one to many members of the con- 
 vention; for every other Free-State meeting and conven- 
 tion had favored freedom, and the present one was in a 
 measure committed to the same idea. Yet the convention 
 declared openly against the abolitionists and the negro. 
 This was supposed to be a popular act at this time. It 
 was thought by thus showing liberality, certain elements 
 of the Democratic party might be induced to take a place 
 in the State organization along with the Free-State men. 
 It is interesting to note that this discrimination against 
 the negro continued throughout the entire Free-State move- 
 ment, and appears in the Wyandotte Constitution, finally 
 adopted as the State Constitution. This is evidence of 
 the insincerity of a certain political element that trained 
 with the Free-State party. Viewed from the standpoint
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAIi STEUGGLE 179 
 
 of the ojjposition, every member of the Big Springs con- 
 vention was an abolitionist. 
 
 A majority of the convention voted to exclude the black 
 man from Kansas, both bond and free, still proclaiming 
 their vows to make Kansas a f re« State. The repeal of the 
 Missouri Compromise and the enactment of the Douglas 
 Bill proclaimed that the Territory should be open to occu- 
 pation, and the settlement of the slavery question deter- 
 mined by the citizens of the new Territory. To exclude 
 the black man from Kansas, both bond and free, was in a 
 measure a violation of the spirit of the Douglas bill. 
 
 The hostility of the convention to freedom for the negro 
 appears to have been due to the influence of leading Demo- 
 crats like Lane, Reeder, and Emery, who hoped in this way 
 to hold on to the old Democratic party, then in power, 
 with the vain expectation that that party would favor them 
 in the establishment of a State and the adoption of a State 
 constitution. But the attempt to placate the dominant 
 power ended in a miserable failure, and these same vigor- 
 ous Democrats finally severed their connections with the 
 Democratic party and adhered strictly to the Free-State 
 cause. 
 
 The same element appeared in the Topeka Convention, 
 and by adopting an article in favor of '' squatter sover- 
 eignty," thought to gain favor at Washington. It was a 
 case in which the wise planning of the politicians failed, 
 and the persistent actions of the rank and file of the Free- 
 State men prevailed, because they were more in accord 
 with the course of events. Thus did the Free-State cause 
 outlive its own inconsistencies, thrust upon it by politi- 
 cians who saw through a glass darkly.
 
 180 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSOW 
 
 Ex-Govemor Reeder took an active part in the conven- 
 tion, for since his difficulty with the Federal-Democratic 
 party he had become a rabid opponent to the Territorial 
 Government, and openly repudiated the Legislature and 
 the ** bogus " laws. As stated before, he was nominated 
 by this convention as the Free-State candidate for Terri- 
 torial Delegate to the Thirty-fourth Congress. This elec- 
 tion came about as ordered — on the 9th of October, 1855. 
 As the Proslavery people failed to vote, Mr. Reeder re- 
 ceived a large majority of all the votes cast by members 
 of the Free-State party. But Reeder's opponent, J. W. 
 Whitfield, was elected by the Proslavery party as Delegate 
 to the same Congress, the Free-State men refusing to vote 
 at his election. Hence, there were two persons elected to 
 the same office,— one by the Free-State men and the other 
 by the Proslaverj^ faction. Whitfield received a certifi- 
 cate of election from the Territorial Government, but 
 Reeder received none. Whereupon Reeder entered into 
 a contest for his seat in Congress, which, though it failed, 
 gave no little annoyance to his opponent, Whitfield. 
 
 The convention which met at Topeka on September 
 19th, called to take measures to frame a Free-State consti- 
 tution, accomplished little more than to organize and ap- 
 point committees. W. Y. Roberts was chosen president, 
 and J. A. Wakefield, P. C. Schuyler, L. P. Lincoln, J. K. 
 Goodin, S. IST. Latta and R. H. Phelan were chosen vice- 
 presidents. The secretaries were E. D. Ladd, J. H. ]S[es- 
 bitt, and Mark W. Delahay. A committee of nineteen 
 " on address to the people " was appointed, with J. H. 
 Lane as chairman ; also a Territorial executive committee 
 was appointed, composed of J. H, Lane, chairman, C. K. 
 Holliday, M. J. Parrott, P. C. Schuyler, G. W. Smith,
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 181 
 
 G. W. Brown, and J. K. Goodin, secretary.^ After fix- 
 ing the date of October 1st for the election of the delegates 
 to the constitutional convention, the convention adjourned. 
 It will be noticed that J. K. Goodin, secretary of the latter 
 committee, was also secretary of a committee previously 
 appointed to superintend the affairs of the party, called 
 the Free-State Territorial Committee, of which Charles 
 Robinson was chairman. The judicious counsel and clear 
 judgment of Goodin as secretary of this and other impor- 
 tant committees was of the greatest value to the Free-State 
 cause. 
 
 It is notable that Dr. Robinson was not chosen a dele- 
 gate either to the Big Springs convention or to the delegate 
 convention at Topeka. There appears to have been a con- 
 certed plan to leave him out of the Big Springs convention, 
 as the election of delegates was held at Blanton's Bridge, 
 some distance from Lawrence, and Dr. Robinson and his 
 friends from Lawrence were not elected. It is known that 
 he attended the Big vSprings convention. ^Vhether his 
 counsel was influential in the deliberations of these bodies 
 is not known. On the other hand, James H. Lane was a 
 strong spirit in each convention; and Reeder, as already 
 indicated, was prominent in the Big Springs convention. 
 But both were office-seekers at the time, and this fact would 
 lead us to infer that there was a considerable display of 
 political ambition on the part of several members ; which, 
 indeed, is not surprising. But Dr. Robinson again ap- 
 pears, after the Topeka Convention, as the chairman of the 
 Free-State Executive Committee to look after the general 
 
 'Lane was a Democrat from Indiana; G. W. Smith, formerly a Whiff ia Penasyl- 
 Tanla, acted with the Democrats in the Topeka Convention ; Schay ler waa from New 
 York ; J. K. Goodin and M. 3. Parrott from Ohio ; and G W. Brown, G W. Smith and 
 C. K. Hoiliday from Pennuylrania
 
 182 LIFE OF CHAKl F:S KOBIJSISON 
 
 welfare of the Free-State cause thronghout the Territorj. 
 In the mean time, J, H. Lane appears as chairman of the 
 committee on an address to the people, and also as chair- 
 man of the Territorial Executive Committee, — both ap- 
 pointments being made by the delegate convention which 
 mot at Topcka to take measures to form a Free-State 
 constitution. 
 
 A large number of delegates, all representing the dif- 
 ferent vocations of life, and all favorable, in a general v^ay 
 at least, to tbe Free-State cause, met at Topeka on October 
 23d, according to the call, to frame a constitution under 
 which they hoped Kansas would be admitted into the 
 Union as a State, Of the persons who composed the con- 
 stitutional convention, twelve were farmers, thirteen law- 
 yers, two merchants, three physicians, two clergymen, one 
 saddler, one mechanic, and one journalist.^ They came 
 from eleven diiferent States of the Union, and were ad- 
 herents of the Democratic, Free-Soil, Whig, Republican, 
 Free-State, and Independent parties. James H. Lane 
 was elected president, and in his address in taking the 
 chair he outlined briefly what he thought the policy of the 
 convention should be. He asserted, among other things, 
 that the supporters of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in Con- 
 gress had held that Kansas would never become a slave 
 State, and that the members from the South were the most 
 ardent in their support of this proposition. 
 
 Dr. Robinson appears prominent in this convention, rep- 
 resenting Lawrence. While influential in the constructive 
 work of the constitution, he found himself voting with the 
 minority in reference to slavery and other questions. He 
 was a counselor of the radical wing, which was entirely 
 
 ' Including officers.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGGLE 183 
 
 outnumbered by the consei'^^ative element in the conven- 
 tion. In fact, the convention was largely under the control 
 of persons who composed the Big Springs convention and 
 the Topeka convention. For the time being the affairs of 
 the Territory were largely controlled by a group of Doug- 
 las Democrats who still adhered to the Democratic party 
 in power, as a matter of policy. Dr. Robinson and his im- 
 mediate followers, though of great force in the convention, 
 were for the time being outnumbered and overshadowed. 
 A very interesting episode occurred at this time, which 
 is presented here, not because it reveals the eccentricities 
 of the president of the convention, but because it reveals 
 the character of Dr. Robinson by way of contrast. The 
 writer asks the privilege of indulging in a long quotation 
 from the " Kansas Conflict," in which a description of 
 the event is given: 
 
 " One night, after all had retired for the night in the attic of the 
 Chase House, G. P. Lowry, ex-private secretary of Governor Eeeder, 
 appeared; said he had a challenge from Lane to fight a duel, and 
 wanted Dr. Robinson to act as his second. Robinson was of course 
 indignant that the Free-State cause should be tarnished by such 
 transactions, and said it must not be permitted. He utterly detested 
 dueling, knew nothing of the code, and would have nothing to do 
 with it. Thinking, however, that he could shame Lane out of the 
 business, he went to the Garvey House attic to see Lane. There he 
 found him trembling with fear, or trembling with ague, so as visibly 
 to move the cot on which he lay. Ou being reproved for bringing a 
 disgrace upon the party, he said Lowry had been repeating the 
 scandal about himself and Mrs. Lindsay, and he had determined to 
 put a stop to it at once and forever. Notwithstanding Lane had gone 
 to Robinson's house early in the morning and begged of him to assist 
 in pr€»enting Lindsay from shooting him, and though Robinson had 
 indoreed a note to eflfect a settlement, yet now Lane would try to make 
 believe there was nothing to the matter, and he was bound to stop all 
 Buch t-alk. After dwelling upon the folly of such a couise, saying
 
 184 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 that if he should kill Ix>wry it would not stop the scandal nor vindi- 
 cate him in public estimation, and if Lowry should kill him ho would 
 fare no better. Lane replied that he could do nothino; about it, as 
 Parrott was his second and the whole matter was in his hands. 
 After saying that he had come to him not at the instance of Lowry, 
 as he was anxious to fight, Robinson left the attic of Lane and re- 
 turned to his own. It was concluded to accept the challenge in due 
 form, and Major Robert Klotz was engaged to superintend the duel. 
 The fight was to come off at eight o'clock in the morning, and the 
 challenged party had nothing more to do but await developments. 
 He did not wait long until a messenger appeared and wanted to 
 change the hour from eight o'clock to eleven o'clock. This evidently 
 was the beginning of a back-down, as the convention would be in 
 session at that hour, and most likely Lane would have some friend 
 posted to stop the duel. Lowry, however, accepted the change of 
 time, and kept his peace. The convention opened as usual, and the 
 planets retained their accustomed orbits. About half an hour before 
 the fatal moment, Lane took the floor upon some unimportant ques- 
 tion, and went off in one of his windy harangues. He talked up to 
 the time set for the duel, when he. with great dignity and solemnity, 
 closed, took his hat, and started to leave for the bloody battle-field. 
 Instantly Judge Smith arose, in apparent agitation, made the an- 
 nouncement that he had learned that a hostile meeting was in con- 
 templation, to which some members of the convention were parties, 
 and he desired ' to move the adoption of the following resolution,' 
 which had been previously prepared in due form. The resolution ap- 
 parently created a great sensation, and proposed to expel any member 
 of the convention who would be a party to such a meeting, either as 
 principal or second. Of course it was unanimously adopted, but the 
 duel was not yet off. Robinson, as he was a member of the conven- 
 tion, and was disposed to conform to the resolution, deputized J. F. 
 Legate to ret as second in his stead. Legate was in his element, and 
 demanded a fight or an ignominious back-down and apology on the 
 part of Lane. It is needless to say the apology and back-down came 
 to the full satisfaction of the challenged party. This was the first 
 and last duel in Kansas, so far as known, although Lane had fought 
 a similar duel in a similar bloodless manner when a member of Con- 
 gress, and he had another afterwards with Senator Douglas, who 
 charged him with forgery and lying when he presented the Topeka 
 Constitution to the Senate. Lane always had more or less solicitude
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 185 
 
 about his reputation for valor. To vindicate his record in the Mexi- 
 can War he had written a pamphlet, which he brought with him to 
 Kansas. No one seemed to care about such matters except himself, 
 but he evidently thought much ado about his honor and courage was 
 necessary to secure the confidence of the people." ^ 
 
 But there was sufficient serious work for the convention 
 to keep all members occupied night and day. Eighteen 
 Democrats, six Whigs, four Republicans, tw^o Free-Soilers, 
 one Free-State and one Independent composed the conven- 
 tion. From this group of people of widely dissenting opin- 
 ions was to come a constitution in opposition to the Pro- 
 slavery party, and suitable for the admission of Kansas 
 into the Union (if it failed not in its purpose). The even- 
 ing sessions were devoted to the discussion of a resolution 
 approving of the principles of the Kansas-Kebraska Bill. 
 The Democrats supported the resolution, in their effort to 
 be loyal to their party. When the convention came to a 
 vote it stood seventeen to fifteen in favor of the resolution. 
 In other ways strong party allegiance was displayed, and 
 the sense of the majority of the members was decidedly 
 against abolitionism and freedom for the slaves. 
 
 Then followed a discussion of Section 2, Article II, 
 which treated of the basis of citizenship. This section ran 
 as follows •? " Every white male citizen and every civilized 
 male Indian who has adopted the habits of a white man of 
 the age of twenty-one years, and shall be, at the time of of- 
 fering his vote, a citizen of the United States," etc., etc., 
 "shall be deemed a qualified elector, in all the elections 
 under this constitution." On the motion to strike out the 
 word "white" in this section, there were seven votes in 
 
 1 RobiDRon : Kaaaas Conflict, pp. 177-179. 
 *Wllder'3 Annus, pp. 90-107.
 
 186 LIFE OF CHABLES EOBINSON 
 
 favor and twenty-five against, Robinson voting in favor of 
 striking ont the word. 
 
 The Constitution was completed November 11th, 1855, 
 and on December 15th an election was held to adopt or re- 
 ject this Constitution. There were 1,731 votes for adop- 
 tion and 46 against. At this same election a vote was taken 
 on the exchision of negroes and miilattoes from the State, 
 and 1,278 votes were cast in favor of this exclusion to 253 
 against it. There was a section in the Constitution, Arti- 
 cle I, Section 6, which declared that " There shall be no 
 slavery in the State, nor involuntary servitude other than 
 for punishment for crime." Thus, while there was a dif- 
 ference of opinion as to the exclusion of blacks from the 
 soil, there was no indecision in respect to the exclusion of 
 slavery. It was also declared that '' ^o indenture of any 
 negi'o or mulatto, made and executed out of the bounds of 
 the State, shall be valid within the State." ^ This was a 
 very important declaration, for it made Kansas appear to 
 be a refuge for escaped slaves from other States. It vir- 
 tually declared that slaves brought from other States would 
 be free within the proposed State of Kansas. Those who 
 advocated the exclusion of the negro and mulatto, botli 
 bond and free, from the State, endeavored to have a clause 
 inserted in the Constitution to that effect, but, failing in 
 this, it was passed in the form of a resolution, and a vote 
 was taken distinct from the vote taken on the adoption 
 of the Constitution, though occurring at the same time. 
 Hence, while the Constitution itself did not exclude the 
 negro from the State, it was the prevailing opinion of the 
 majority of the convention that it should do so, and the 
 
 ' Article I, Section 21.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STBUGGLE 187 
 
 sentiment in favor of exclusion was supported bj the ma- 
 jority just to the extent which it was thought to be politic. 
 The foregoing statements indicate the inconsistency in 
 the constitution-makers, for, in the call for the convention, 
 issued by the Territorial Executive Committee, they had 
 boldly asserted that — 
 
 "Whereas, The Territorial Government as now constituted for 
 Kansas has proved a failure, squatter sovereignty under its workings 
 A miserable delusion, in proof of which it is only necessary to refer 
 to our past history and our present deplorable condition; our ballot- 
 boxes have been taken possession of by bands of armed men from 
 foreign States, and our people forcibly driven therefrom; persons 
 attempted to be foisted upon us as members of the so-called Legisla- 
 ture, unacquainted with our wants and hostile to our best interests, 
 some of them never residents of our Territory; misnamed laws 
 pasted, and now attempted to be enforced by the aid of citizens of 
 foreign States, of the most oppressive, tyrannical, and insulting char- 
 acter; the rights of suffrage taken from us; " etc. 
 
 Notwithstanding the call declaring that " squatter sov- 
 ereignty " under its workings was a miserable delusion, the 
 majority of the delegates of the convention voted to uphold 
 the Kansas-Xebraska Bill. While professing to make 
 Kansas a free State, they had voted to exclude the negro 
 from the privileges of the Constitution and the freedom of 
 the State, and finally, had passed a resolution referring 
 the question of the exclusion of the negro from the State to 
 a vote of the people. Clearly, the socializing process 
 would have to continue some time and create a more or- 
 derly and definite political life, before Kansas was fit to 
 become a State in the gi'eat Union of States. All this 
 came with a larger population and a broader education 
 of the people respecting the real situation. The rejection
 
 188 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 of OoiigTcss of the application for the admission of Kansas 
 to the Union under the Topeka Constitution was therefore 
 rather fortunate than otherwise. 
 
 Yet tlie fonnation of the Constitution was of untold 
 value to the Free-State cause. It kept together the Free- 
 State forces of the Territory ; it kept all prospective office- 
 holders in line with the liopo of some emoluments under 
 the new State Government ; it organized the rank and file. 
 The movement connected with its creation prevented the 
 adoption of the Lecompton Constitution and the triumph 
 of the Territorial Government under Proslaverj manage- 
 ment. Or, as it has been clearly stated by one of the fore- 
 most Kansans : " If the question be asked what useful pur- 
 pose the Topeka movement subserved, the obvious answer 
 is, that it served as a nucleus, a rally ing-point, a bond of 
 union, to the Free-State party during the most trying and 
 dangerous period of our Territorial history. Without it 
 the Free-State forces must have drifted, been demoralized, 
 and probably beaten. The prospeets of success were suf- 
 ficiently flattering to supplement the Free-State cause with 
 the personal ambition of a large number of able men who 
 Avould be glad of official position under it." ^ 
 
 Having adopted the Constitution, it was necessary to 
 gain the recognition of Congress and obtain admission into 
 the Union before the Constitution was operative. The 
 Free-State leaders, however, thought it best to proceed to 
 organize and complete the State Government and elect the 
 Legislature, so that, on the admission into the Union, the 
 State Government would be ready to go into full opera- 
 
 ' Hon. T. Dwight TUacIisr : Qaarter-Ceuteouial Address.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STHUGGLE 189 
 
 tion. To do this it would be necessary to call a convention 
 for the nomination of officers, and to carry on a regular 
 election in all of the precincts of Kansas. In such an 
 election the Free-State people could not consistently ex- 
 pect the support of the Territorial Government or of its 
 warm advocates.
 
 190 LIFE OF CriA.BLES ROBINSON 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE (cONTINUEd). 
 
 The Free-State Convention was held at Lawrence, De- 
 cember ISth, 1855, to nominate officers under the Topeka 
 Constitution. J. H. Lane, W. Y. Koberts and G. W. 
 Smith were avowed candidates for the nomination for Gov- 
 ernor. These men were of the majority that controlled 
 the Big Springs Convention and the majority in the Con- 
 stitutional Convention, at Topeka. While others were 
 brought into prominence at the Big Springs Convention 
 and at the Constitutional Convention, Robinson was decid- 
 edly in the background. But political affairs were about to 
 bring him to the front again. His position as agent of the 
 Emigrant Aid Company, his conduct in the Wakarusa 
 War, and his attitude on slavery, all appealed to those who 
 were sincerely interested in the Free-State cause. More- 
 over, his friends, who were in a majority, looked upon him 
 as one well fitted for the position of Governor of the State 
 at this juncture, as it required a man of coolness, patriot- 
 ism, and prudence. It was much in his favor that he did 
 not seek the nomination, although he accepted it willingly 
 as a duty thrust upon him. The convention for the nomi- 
 nation of officers was held at Lawrence, on December 22d, 
 and Charles Robinson was nominated for Governor. 
 
 Many being dissatisfied with the choice, a '" bolters' " 
 ticket, called a "Free-State Anti-Abolition Ticket," was 
 formed, with W. Y. Roberts at the head. But at the 
 election, held January 15th, 1856, the people supported the
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 191 
 
 regular nominee, giving Robinson 1,300 votes, while Rob- 
 erts received only 400.^ While the result was displeasing 
 to the conservative element of the party, it was highly sat- 
 isfactGry to the radicals, for Robinson was almost an abo- 
 litionist in practical expediency, and quite so at heart. 
 His extreme loyalty to the cause of freedom gave strength 
 to the Free-State men in Kansas, and secured the confi- 
 dence of the antislavery people throughout the Northern 
 States. 
 
 Here, then, is the most remarkable situation ever occur- 
 ring in the organization of any Territory within the 
 United States. A complete State government M-as formed, 
 constitution and all, set up in defiance of a legislature 
 chosen by the people (?) of the same Territory, and re- 
 pudiating its laws. The Free-State party was so strong 
 in opposition to the Territorial Legislature and its " bogus 
 laws," the offspring of Missouri, that it had determined 
 never in any way to recognize them. To carry out this 
 resolution they had instituted a State government, that 
 they might live under laws of their own making. With 
 this in view they hoped to eventually receive recognition 
 by the Federal Government, and be admitted into the 
 Union under the Constitution which they had framed. 
 Should Congress refuse to recognize them, and thereby 
 fail to seize the opportunity of allaying strife in Kansas 
 and averting a national calamity, and should it insist on 
 the enforcement of obedience to the " bogus laws," it might 
 be necessary for the Free-State men to appeal to the nation 
 rather than submit to the humiliation and outrage. The 
 time might come when it would be necessary to put the 
 
 ' Marcus .T. Parrott vrtm elected Lieutenant-Governor ; Cyrus K. Holliday, Secre- 
 tary of State ; and Mark W. Delihiy, Hapresantatlve In Congress.
 
 192 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBIWSON 
 
 Free-State government under the Topeka Constitution 
 into active operation. 
 
 Tlie st-and taken by the Free-State men in Kansas sent 
 a thrill thronghoiit the nation, and contributed not a little 
 to tlie development of Republicanism in the North. The 
 old parties were rapidly dissolving, mainly because oppo- 
 sition to slavery was concentrating the people in the North 
 into one great party. The attempt of the Federal Gov- 
 ernment to force slavery upon Kansas against the wishes 
 of the people and in direct violation of the organic act, 
 and the raids of the Missourians across the border, in- 
 creased the excitement at the North and strengthened the 
 determination of the friends of freedom to make Kansas 
 a free State. While there was a prospect that a change in 
 tJne national administration would permit Kansas to be 
 admitted under the Topeka Constitution, this change was 
 a long way off, and perhaps it might not occur at all. The 
 position of Governor under such circumstances was one of 
 great responsibility. To hold this State government in- 
 tact for several years, opposing the fraudulent Territorial 
 Government without coming into fatal opposition to the 
 Federal Government, was not an easy task. And what 
 if the Proslavery element had gained a majority in the Ter- 
 ritory, while, at the same time, holding the ascendency in 
 the Federal Government? "What might have become of 
 the followers of the Topeka Constitution ? It is sufficient 
 to say here, that Governor Robinson foresaw and under- 
 stood all of the difficulties of his position, and met them 
 all intelligently and fearlessly. 
 
 It was thought by the managers of the Constitutional 
 Convention, that, if the Democrats were forced to the
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 193 
 
 front, the Constitution so constructed as to seem not to be 
 against slavery, the Democratic administration at Washing- 
 ton would favor the admission of Kansas under the Topeka 
 Constitution. It was thought, as Delahaj said in the con- 
 vention, that it would, with these provisions, ''' go through 
 like a bullet." Yet, in spite of all the trimming of the 
 party and all the changes in the Constitution subsequent to 
 its adoption by the people, and its mutilation, it was finally 
 withdrawn from consideration in the United States Senate, 
 by Senator Cass, on account of the opposition it met with. 
 The supporters of this constitution had entered a great 
 struggle for freedom. But the die was cast, and the divi- 
 sion was now carefully marked between those who favored 
 the admission of Kansas as a free State and those who op- 
 posed this. Many of the violent Proslavery nevv'spaper 
 writers advocated a war of extermination. The Free-State 
 Executive Committee was not idle, and appointed a com- 
 mittee consisting of Lane, Emery, Hunt, Goodin, Dickey, 
 Holliday, and Simpson, to make a tour throughout the 
 United States, especially visiting some of the principal 
 cities, in order to arouse interest among the people for the 
 cause of the Free-State men of Kansas. x\n enthusiastic 
 Free-State meeting was held in Lawrence, January 12th, 
 1856, three days before the election of Governor Kobinson. 
 Addresses were made by Robinson, Lane, Conway, Red- 
 path, Speer, Mallory, and Legate ; and the committee on 
 resolutions, of which James H. Lane was chairman, re- 
 ported a single resolution favoring " a Free-State govern- 
 ment without delay, emanating from the people and re- 
 ponsible to them." Whatever the results that were to 
 — 13
 
 194: LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON 
 
 come from tlie course pursued by the Free-State partj, 
 they were now formally committed to this course. 
 
 The formation of this Topeka Government was de- 
 nounced by the President, Franklin Pierce, in a special 
 message to Congress, Januarj^ 24th, 1856. Upon the 
 whole, this proclamation of the President was a fair repre- 
 sentation of the actual state of affairs in Kansas. The 
 President held, however, that the summoning of the To- 
 peka Convention, the making and adoption of the Topeka 
 Constitution, and the election of Member of Congress, 
 Governor, and other officers, were illegal acts, and declared 
 that he would attempt to support the Territorial laws of 
 the Territorial Legislature, because they represented a 
 part of the Federal Government of the United States. He 
 said, nevertheless,^ '• that when the inhabitants of Kansas 
 may desire it, and shall be of sufficient number to consti- 
 tute a State, a convention of delegates duly elected by the 
 qualified voters shall assemble to frame a constitution, and 
 then to prepare through regular and lawful means for its 
 admission into the Union as a State. I respectfully recom- 
 mend the enactment of a law to this effect." 
 
 Subsequently, on February 11th, Pierce issued a procla- 
 mation commanding " all persons engaged in unlawful con- 
 vention against the constitutional authority of the Territory 
 of Kansas or United States to disperse, and to retire to their 
 respective abodes." ^ A few days later, on February 15th, 
 Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War, sent an order to Gov- 
 ernor Shannon, but addressed to Col. E. V. Sumner, of 
 
 1 Meaaagea and Papers of th^ Prastdeat, Vol. V, p. 360. 
 * Wilder'3 Annals, p. 109.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 195 
 
 'Fori Leavenworth and to Brevet-Col. P. St. George Cooke, 
 Fort Riley, Grov. Shannon being in Washington. This 
 order authorized the Governor to disperse all persons com- 
 bining for insurrection against the organized government 
 of the Territory, by power vested in the United States Mar- 
 shal, and further authorized him to employ the Federal 
 troops should the civil power be insufficient for this pur- 
 pose. Secretary Davis inclosed with this order a copy of 
 President Pierce's proclamation of February 11th, and a 
 copy of the order issued by Secretary Davis to Col. Sumner 
 and Col. Cooke wath the sanction of the Federal Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Shannon, in his report to the Government, declared that 
 Robinson and Reeder made speeches in Lawrence on the 
 occasion of the arrival of S. 1^. Wood from Ohio " in com- 
 pany," and that these speeches were directed against the 
 Territorial law. He also reported the organization of re- 
 sistance to the laws, and the initiation of a member to the 
 order organized for this purpose. Lane and Robinson are 
 said to have been leaders in this secret order. The only 
 basis for this assertion was, that Robinson and Lane were 
 recognized throughout the country as the leaders of the 
 Free-State cause. Shannon finally became a strong sup- 
 porter of the Free-State cause, realizing that the people of 
 Lawrence, in their defense against the ruffians of Missouri, 
 were only acting the part of citizens in defending their 
 homes. The result of the Wakarusa War and the trouble 
 with Jones was, finally, the sack of Lawrence and the de- 
 struction of the town, on May 21, 1856.^ 
 
 The grand jury of Douglas county had recommended 
 
 ' See previous chapter. Kan. Hint. CoU., Vol. 4, pp. 405-7-8-13.
 
 196 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON 
 
 that the newspapers, the Htrald of Freedorn and the Kan- 
 sas Free State, and the Free-State Hotel, be abated as nni- 
 sanees, and had indicted for treason Robinson, Reeder, 
 Wood and others who had participated in the organization 
 of the Free-State Government. Gov. Reeder and S. N. 
 Wood escaped. Gov. Robinson had resigned his position 
 as Governor, temporarily, and it was arranged that he go 
 East for the purpose of commnnicating with friends for 
 the help of Kansas. He was arrested in Lexington, Mis- 
 souri, and returned. G. W. Brown, Geo. W. Deitzler, 
 Gains Jenkins and G. W. Smith were arrested. 
 
 A part of the object in arresting these leaders was to en- 
 able the Proslavery men to deal more easily with Lawrence 
 and the opposition of the Free-State men. If the leaders 
 could be disposed of, it would be an easy matter to subdue 
 and ovei'whelm the remainder of the Free-State party. 
 The grand jury issued the following indictment, which 
 Sheriff Jones carried as authority for the destruction of 
 Lawrence : 
 
 " The grand jury, sittinf^ for the adjourned term of the first 
 dietrict court, in and for the county of Douglas, in the Territory 
 of Kansas, beg leave to report to the honorable court that from the 
 evidence laid before them showing that the newspaper known as the 
 Herald of Freedom, published in the town of Lawrence, has, from 
 time to time, issued publications of th(- most inflammatory and sedi- 
 tious character — denying the legality of the Territorial authority ; 
 addressing and demanding forcible resistance to the same, and demor- 
 alizing the popular mind; rendering the life and property unsafe, 
 and even to the extent of advising assassination as a last resort. 
 Also, that the paper known as the Kansas Free State has similarly 
 been engaged, and has recently reported the resolution of a public 
 meeting in Johnson county, in this Territory, in which resistance to 
 the Territorial laws even unto blood has been agreed upon. And that 
 we respectfully recommend their abatement as a nuisance.
 
 THE COPifSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 197 
 
 " Also, that we are satisfied that the building known as the ' Free- 
 State Hotel,' in Lawrence, has been constructed with a view to mili- 
 tary occupation and defense, regularly parapeted and portholed for 
 the use of cannon and small arms, and could only have been designed 
 as a stronghold for the resistance of the law, thereby endangering 
 the public safety and encouraging rebellion and sedition in this 
 country; and respectfully recommend that steps be taken whereby 
 this nuisance be abated." 
 
 The result of the sack of Lawrence was to give tempo- 
 rary gratification and joy to the Proslavery men. The 
 Lecompton Union gave a description of the destruction 
 of the town under the following headlines : " Lawrence 
 taken ! " " Glorious Triumph of the Law-and-Order Party 
 over Fanaticism in Kansas ! " Horace Greeley said : " It 
 was the Marshal of the United States who led the ruffian 
 regiment into Lawrence ; it was by virtue of process issued 
 by the Federal judge at Lecompton that the Free-State re- 
 sistance has been paralyzed and the demoniacal work com- 
 pleted." 
 
 Andrew J, Eeeder contested the election for Delegate to 
 Congress of his opponent, John W. Whitfield, who claimed 
 the seat, and who indeed was seated by Congress. To set- 
 tle the difficulty, Congress appointed an investigating com- 
 mittee, consisting of John Sherman, W. A. Howard, and 
 M. Oliver. They spent some time in Kansas taking testi- 
 mony of numerous parties, and endured threats and insults 
 from the Proslavery party. They finally completed their 
 report, which was signed by Sherman and Howard, but 
 not by Oliver, who brought in a minority report, which was 
 in many respects an open contradiction of the majority re- 
 port. This report set forth the facts that the elections had 
 been fraudulent, that the Legislature was therefore un- 
 lawful, and that the alleged laws of the illegally consti-
 
 198 LIFE OF CHAELES ROBINSON 
 
 tnted Legislature had not been used for the purpose of 
 protecting persons or property or to punish wrong, but for 
 unlawful purposes. While the report asserted that Mr, 
 Reeder had reeeived more votes than his opponent, it fur- 
 ther declared that the election had not been held in pursu- 
 ance of any law, and that therefore neither Whitfield nor 
 Reeder could properly be said to have been elected. The 
 report went on to say : " That in the present condition of 
 the Territory, a fair election cannot be held without a new 
 census, a stringent and well-guarded election law, the se- 
 lection of impartial judges, and the presence of United 
 States troops at every place of election." 
 
 While the investigation of the committee was being car- 
 ried on, the Proslavery people of Kansas, aided by the Fed- 
 eral authorities, were planning a new campaign. They 
 had failed to drive out the Free-Stat« men with threats and 
 force of arms. They had failed to bring them into colli- 
 sion with the United States troops that the Federal Gov- 
 ernment might have an excuse to drive them from the soil. 
 A new scheme for getting rid of them was now laid. This 
 was nothing less than to have the leaders of the Free-State 
 party indicted for treason, arrested, and kept from the field 
 of activity. With the leaders out of the way, the remain- 
 der could either be driven from the country or be terrified 
 into defiance of the constituted authorities. Acting on 
 this plan, Judge Lecompte gave a charge to the grand jury, 
 the meaning of which could not be mistaken. In the 
 course of this charge he said : 
 
 " This Territory was organized by an act of Congress, and so far, 
 its authority is from the United States. It has a Legislature elected 
 in pursuance of the organic act. This Legislature, being an instru- 
 ment of Congress by which it governs the Territory, has passed laws.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STEUGGLE 199 
 
 These laws, therefore, are of the United States authority and making, 
 and all who resist these laws resist the power and authority of the 
 United States, and are therefore guilty of high treason. Now, gen- 
 tlemen, if you find that any person has resisted these laws, then you 
 must, under your oaths, find bills against them for high treason. 
 If you find that no such resistance has been made, but that combi- 
 nations have been formed for the purpose of resisting them, and in- 
 dividuals of notoriety have been aiding and abetting them in such 
 combinations, then you must find bills for constructive treason." 
 
 The charge was ingeniously made, and on the face of it 
 represented good law. For it must be held that the Legis- 
 lature, once established and recognized as the servant of 
 the United States Government, was performing a legitimate 
 act in making laws, and that those who disobeyed these 
 laws were in the attitude of law-breakers. The Free-State 
 men might contend that the Legislature was fraudulently 
 elected, but as it was recognized by Congress, it was plain 
 that the opposers of it were in peculiar straits. While, 
 therefore, there was undoubtedly a show of law on the side 
 of the Proslavery element, and while there was a clear au- 
 thority for the Territ-orial Government, backed as it was 
 by the Federal Government, yet every one knew that this 
 Territorial Government rested upon fraud and usurpation 
 in the beginning, and every Free- State and liberty-loving 
 man was determined to resist to his utmost the imposition 
 of a slave government upon Kansas by unfair means. 
 Yet these men felt that they must bow to the will of the 
 United States Government. It required exceedingly nice 
 action on their part not to come int-o direct opposition to 
 the Federal authority, while they continued to reject the 
 acts of the Legislature which represented it. Wliether the 
 organization of a Free-State government with a constitu-
 
 200 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 tion and a memorial to Confj^ess to he admitted into the 
 Union could be constniod as lii^h treason and usurpation 
 of office, soeme(i very doubtful. But the Chief Justice 
 of the Territorial Court and the ori>"anized government of 
 the Territory were against the Free-State cause and its ad- 
 vocates, and the Free-State men must act accordingly, 
 
 James F. Legate, a mcmbor of the grand jury, met Kob- 
 inson and Reeder, with Sherman and Howard of the Con- 
 gressional Investigating Committee, at Tecumseh, and 
 informed them of the plan to indict the leading members 
 of the Free-State party for treason, with the idea of with- 
 drawing them from the field of active defense. The night 
 following the reception of this information, a council of 
 war was held at tlie Garvey House, in Topeka, attended 
 by Robinson, Sherman, Reeder, Howard, Roberts, Mrs. 
 Sherman, and Mrs. Robinson. The whole situation was 
 fully discussed, and among other conclusions reached it 
 was decided that the Free-Sta,te men should act in defense 
 of the Free-State organization, but should not attack the 
 Territorial Government. It was also decided that an agent 
 should be sent throughout the Eastern States, to arouse the 
 governors of those States and to enlist the services of the 
 Free-State sympathizers. Governor Robinson was chosen 
 for this important mission, and started for Washington 
 with Mrs. Robinson, on the 9 th day of May, going by way 
 of St. Louis. They carried with them important docu- 
 ments, including the report of the Investigating Commit- 
 tee. They made a quick trip tx> Kansas City, and there 
 took a boat for St. Louis. As Dr. Robinson had been up 
 two or three nights, he was asleep when the boat touched
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 201 
 
 tiie levee at Lexington. From Mrs. Robinson's book is 
 
 taken the following: 
 
 "There were very few passengers; everything was quiet; and we 
 were making a quick trip. In the afternoon we procured some books, 
 and went into our stateroom. From reading we soon fell asleep. 
 At Lexington I was awakened by a noise as of many coming onto the 
 boat. It having subsided somewhat, I was drowsing again, when the 
 captain came to our stateroom door, opening upon the guard, with a 
 red-faced, excitable-looking person of short stature, whom he intro- 
 duced to my husband as General Shields. Whether this title of 
 general was acquired by Mr. Shields's visit to the Territory at the 
 time of the ' Shannon war,' last December, or whether it arose from 
 the necessity which Western men seem to feel, that of bearing some 
 title, I have been quite unable to learn. That he was prominent in 
 inciting that invasion, as well as others in the Territory, is true. 
 Another person, of larger figure, and more quiet, dignified air, came 
 soon, and was introduced as Mr. Bernard, of Westport. After stating 
 ' they had come upon an unpleasant errand,' they proceeded to state 
 its purport — that of detaining my husband in Lexington, as he was 
 fleeing fi-om an indictment. He assured them such was not the 
 case: that he had at all times been in Lawrence, or at places where 
 he could have been arrested, had the authorities desired his arrest; 
 but they had made no effort to serve any process upon him, and, ao 
 far as he knew, there was no indictment out against him." 
 
 It appeared that a inob of men had gathered who de- 
 sired to take Governor Robinson and to deal roughly with 
 him. He was told that the leaders had been talking to the 
 mob to prevent violence, and that the longer he remained 
 upon the boat the more dangerous it was to him. Governor 
 Robinson thereupon asked the privilege of talking to the 
 mob. This was refused, on the ground of danger to his 
 person. Promises were made that he would be protected 
 if he would go with the committee. It a|)pearing that 
 force woiild l)e used if necessary to take him from the boat 
 and retain him at Ix^xington, he referred the matter to
 
 202 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 Mrs. Eobinsoii wlietlicr he shoiild attempt to defend him- 
 self with one revolver, or go without resistance. She re- 
 plied, " They will kill you if you go, and you may as well 
 make a stand here." The committee said, " Had it not 
 been reported that your lady was on board, violence would 
 have at once been offered ; and no restraint could have 
 been held over the crowd." Gov. Robinson assured the 
 committee that he had no thought of escaping from an in- 
 dictment, and that had he so desired, the Missouri river 
 and Lexington would have been avoided of all places. He 
 ventured the assertion that at least he saw no reason why 
 another State should interfere in matters which concerned 
 Kansas only. This statement aroused the ire of the leader. 
 Finally, upon the assurance of the committee on their 
 honor that the prisoner would be protected, and after the 
 plea of the clerk of the boat that Gov. Eobinson should 
 give himself up Avithout resistance, for his own safety, he 
 and Mrs. Kobinson finally yielded as a matter of policy, 
 although much against their own feelings, which prompted 
 them to resist with force any attempt to arrest the Gov- 
 ernor and take him forcibly from the boat. 
 
 Gov. Robinson was placed in charge of Judge Sawyer, 
 formerly of Fitchburg, Massachusetts, who treated him 
 " more like a prince than a fugitive from justice." Two 
 men from the country appeared and tried to get up a mob 
 to lynch Gov. Robinson, but when Judge Sawyer told them 
 that he would turn Robinson into the street equally armed 
 with the two men against them, they dropped the matter. 
 
 Two or three days thereafter, Dr. McDonald, who had 
 been in California at the time of the Sacramento riot, and 
 had dressed the wounds of Dr. Robinson after the latter
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGOLE 203 
 
 had been shot, heard that Robinson was detained as a 
 prisoner at Lexington, and left the boat to visit him. When 
 Dr. McDonald met Gov. Robinson he exclaimed, " Well, 
 it is you, sure enough ! When I heard a man with jour 
 name was a prisoner, I thought it must be jou, as you are 
 always in some scrape." While detained in Lexington 
 Gov. Robinson learned that plans for a new invasion of 
 Kansas were being formed. The leading citizens of the 
 place came to talk with him, and assured him that there 
 would be a fight ; that Lawrence would be destroyed ; and 
 some went so far as to assert that the trouble would divide 
 tho North from the South, — that the Union would be 
 dissolved, and the South would become independent. Some 
 said that it would be a war of extermination, and that if 
 the Free-State men could withstand the Proslavery men 
 they would give it up. 
 
 No indictment could be found against Robinson in Lex- 
 ington, and therefore he was held a prisoner for about a 
 week, until messengers could go to Lecompton and obtain 
 an indictment from the grand jury, and to the Governor of 
 Missouri with a requisition from Governor Shannon. 
 Finally, Deputy IJ. S. Marshal Preston came, " armed and 
 equipped with requisition, posse, revolvers, and convey- 
 ance," and txx>k the prisoner overland to Westport. At 
 this place Robinson sent for Col. Kersey Coates, and re- 
 tained him as his attorney. Robinson learned of the situa- 
 tion in Lawrence from Col. Coates, who told him that the 
 town had not been attacked by the marshal and his posse 
 of eight hundred men. Robinson was kept at Westport 
 until the 22d of May, — '' until after Lawrence should be 
 attacked," as his captors said. On the night of the 22d
 
 201: HFK 01" CHARLES KOBINSOIST 
 
 Col. Preston arrived at Franklin with his prisoner, and at 
 midnight received word from Governor Shannon to return 
 to I^avenworth by way of Kansas City, as tlie Grovemor 
 feared a rescue. He further declared that he would hold 
 Colonel Preston responsible for the safe-conduct of Robin- 
 son. Orders were obeyed, and the prisoner was conducted 
 to Westport, Kansas City and Leavenworth, arriving at 
 the latter place on the morning of the 24th of May. There 
 he Avas delivered into the hands of the sheriff of Leaven- 
 worth county, and Captain Martin of the Kickapoo Rang- 
 ers and three others were appointed his guard. 
 
 Wliile this arrest was being accomplished, Lawrence had 
 been entered by Sheriff Jones and his posse, the hotel and 
 printing-p]'esses had been destroyed, stores looted, and 
 homes desecrated and burned by the cowardly ruffians fol- 
 lowing the lawless marshal. Another important event oc- 
 curred on the 24th of May, on the Pottawatomie, where 
 John Brown killed five Proslavery men. An account of 
 this event has already been given in this volume,^ as well 
 as of its effects, a part of which, among other things, was 
 to inaugurate a general reign of terror in Leavenworth. 
 A vigilance committee w^as formed, with the purpose of 
 driving away every Free-State man from the Territory. 
 This committee threatened to take Governor Robinson and 
 hang him, and doubtless they would have done so had it 
 not been for the interference of Captain Martin, who rein- 
 forced the guard. Perhaps the presence of Judge Lecompte 
 and the United States marshal in the txjwn that day made 
 the mob less violent, although the feeling among the Pro- 
 slavery men was very bitter. Mr. Sherman, of the Con- 
 
 > See Chapter IV.
 
 ROBINSON AND CAPTAIN "bILL" MARTIN, OF THE KICKAPOO RANGERS- 
 PRISONER AND KEEPER. 1856.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STBUGGLE 205 
 
 gressional Investigating Committee, called upon Governor 
 Robinson, as did also Judge Lecompte. Governor Robin- 
 son asked the latter abont the nature of his indictment. 
 He replied, " There are two : one for usurping office, and 
 one for high treason." Finally, Governor Robinson was 
 conducted to Lecompton and placed in the prison-tent with 
 six other prisoners. 
 
 Thus were the leaders of the Free-State party impris- 
 oned, Lawrence invaded, plundered and burned, — Governor 
 Robinson's home going up in flames with others, — and 
 John Brown's startling deed on the Pottawatomie commit- 
 ted. The troubles of tlie Territory had just begun, and 
 the whole summer following was a reign of terror to the 
 harassed settlers. 
 
 Mrs. Robinson performed an important service to the 
 Free-State cause by continuing her journey East after the 
 arrest of her husband at Lexington. She visited the East- 
 ern cities, bearing important letters and documents to 
 men of influence, and consulted with many prominent peo- 
 ple who sympathized with the cause of freedom in Kansas. 
 
 Petitions were now forwarded by the Free-State party 
 to the governors of the States of the N"orth, asking them to 
 call together the State legislatures for the purpose of tak- 
 ing action in favor of the patriots of Kansas. The im- 
 perative need of protection for the citizens of the various 
 States who had migTated to Kansas and who were there 
 without protection, was urged in these petitions as the 
 ground for such action on the part of the jSTorthem gov- 
 ernors. A remonstrance was drawn up for the Northern 
 governors to sign, when it was to be forwarded to the Presi- 
 dent, conveying to him the information that the pillage and
 
 206 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 anarchy could no longer continue in Kansas witliouf^, in- 
 volving tlie nation in civil war. 
 
 A kind of indirect appeal was also made to the President 
 through the faniily of Amos A. Lawrence, and it is thought 
 that this appeal had great influence in bringing the Presi- 
 dent to a realizing sense of the impending danger. This 
 appeal was conveyed to the President in the following 
 manner : Amos A. LawTence sent a draft of a letter to Mrs. 
 Kobinson, who copied it, and forwarded it to Mr. Law- 
 rence's mother, to whom it was written.^ Mrs. Lawrence 
 in turn sent it to the President's wife, who read it, and 
 gave it to her husband to read. It is thought that this 
 letter had much influence with the President, for Grover- 
 nor Shannon was soon after recalled, and Governor Geary 
 was appointed in his place. 
 
 Governor Geary arrived in Leavenworth on September 
 9th, 1856, and began a vigorous campaign against lawless- 
 ness and in favor of justice and fair play. He set vigor- 
 ously about the reorganization of affairs in the Territory. 
 He attempted to harmonize the different elements, and to 
 preserve justice and law in the courts, the Legislature, and 
 among the people. In this he was seconded by Governor 
 Robinson. As it appeared that Governor Geary was trying 
 to aid the Free-State people by establishing justice and 
 order, and as he saw that the Free-State cause would 
 flourish under such conditions, Robinson was ready to hand 
 in his resignation to the Free-State Legislature if by so 
 doing he could facilitate the work of Governor Geary.^ 
 
 Soon after the arrival of Governor Geary the treason 
 prisoners were set free, and Governor Robinson returned 
 
 1 See Appendix B. 
 
 «Kausas Historical CoUection.i, Vol. 4, p 689.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGGLE 207 
 
 to Lawrence. But he had no sooner arrived there than he 
 was called upon to work with other citizens in the defense 
 of the town, for there appeared on the Wakarusa an armed 
 body of Missourians led by Reid, Atchison and others, who 
 had come to destroy Lawrence. James H. Lane was com- 
 manding the forces of militia at that time, and remained 
 in Lawrence long enough to welcome the released treason 
 prisoners who came from the prison camp at Lecompton. 
 He appointed Captain Cracklin of the Lawrence " Stubbs " 
 Lieutenant-Colonel, and, putting him in command, started 
 on an expedition north with all of the men and arms he 
 could get, leaving not more than fifty rifles and not more 
 than two hundred men to be mustered into the defense of 
 the town. Why he did this under the threatened invasion 
 will always be a mystery. Such forces as could be mus- 
 tered were brought together and stationed to the best 
 advantage. They made a meager showing, but there were 
 brave men among them, and when a detachment of the 
 enemy came in sight east of the town, Captain Cracklin 
 with a small force moved out to meet them. After a brisk 
 skirmish the enemy withdrew, and the handful of men 
 remained in position, expecting on the morrow to be over- 
 whelmed by superior numbers, but willing, if necessary, 
 to die in defense. Meanwhile, messengers were sent to 
 Governor Geary at Lecompton, acquainting him with the 
 situation and asking his aid. Governor Geary had just 
 issued his proclamation commanding all armed bands in 
 the Territory to disperse to their homes, and he at once 
 ordered Colonel Cooke to go to Lawrence with his com- 
 mand. Colonel Cooke arrived in the town at night, and in 
 the morning the enemy discovered cannon bristling on
 
 208 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 the l)ill above them and a company of drai^oons camped at 
 its base, between them and the toAvn they had expected to 
 destroy. The enemy had lost their opportunity. Governor 
 Geary eanie in person and addressed the leaders of the in- 
 vading army, telling them that the destruction of Lawrence 
 and a persistency in their course of action meant a Demo- 
 cratic defeat at Washing-ton. Using tliis and other strong 
 arguments, he persuaded the invaders to retire towards 
 Missouri. Thus the invasion of tlie 2700 ended with a 
 bloodless victory for the Free-State cause. 
 
 It was thought by some that Geary knew that the in- 
 vaders from Missouri w^ere to come, and were to return at 
 his command, so that a showing of protection to the Free- 
 State men could be made by the Democratic party, which 
 was much in need of votes at the Presidential election. 
 There seems to be no historical evidence to this effect. 
 However, the party was l)eing arraigned for lawlessness 
 in Kansas. If it c-ould be shown that order was restored 
 in Kansas by the efforts of the administration, it would 
 Jiave great influence on the election. On the contrary, tlie 
 cool courage and persistency of Governor Geary in oppos- 
 ing the Proslavery element in face of the Federal authority, 
 which he subsequently did, would seem to indicate that 
 he would not carry out a sham to save the votes of his own 
 party. 
 
 Besides, the militia-mob assembled about Lawrence, 
 which he went ont to disperse, was called into service by 
 the proclamation of Acting-Governor Woodson, prior to the 
 arrival of Geary in Kansas. Governor Geary was ap- 
 parently ignorant of this proclamation, and yet was deal- 
 in'' with its effects. Without doubt Gearv was sent to
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 209 
 
 Kansas by the leaders of the Democratic party at Wash- 
 mtrton in the hope that he would pacify the country, and 
 at least make a show of justice toward the Free-State peo- 
 ple, thus makinfi^ votes for the party in the next presi- 
 dential election. But subsequently, when it was found that 
 he intended to deal out justice to friend and foe alike, the 
 Proslavery people turned against him — for justice, at this 
 particular juncture, was a word not found in their vocab- 
 ulary. After six months of strenuous effort to establish 
 justice and promote peace and harmony, therefore, Gov- 
 ernor Geary, like his predecessors, was obliged to leave the 
 Territory, his life in danger, his work unfinished. 
 
 Much has been said and written about the invasion of 
 Kansas and the attack on Lawrence by the 2700. Richard 
 Realf wrote a stirring poem on the battle, which has a 
 historical fact for its theme, and makes use of a large poet- 
 ical license in its description. Some have sought to make 
 John Brown the hero of the occasion. He was in Law- 
 rence at the time, but had no command and had little to 
 say about affairs. Had the little band of defenders been 
 forced to meet the attacking army on that fatal to-morrow 
 which never arrived, on account of the coming of Geary, 
 Brown would without doubt have been seen in the thickest 
 of the fight. But there were no heroes made in this threat- 
 ened battle which resulted in a bloodless victory, though 
 there can be no qiiestion that Robinson, Brown, Cracklin 
 and Leamard were ready to do their duty in leading the 
 little band of men to the defense of the town, and, prob- 
 ably, to their death. Beyond what is related above, there 
 was no fighting and no other military movements, except 
 that Colonel Leamard, commanding a small force of horse- 
 
 — 14
 
 210 LIFE OF CrtARLES KOBINSON 
 
 men, went toward Blanton's Bridge, swiina; round to- 
 ward Franklin, and, on the approach of a large body of 
 Missouri an s, retreated toward the town. However, the 
 invasion of the 2700 marks an era in the histoiy of the 
 border war. It was the last systematic attempt of the Pro- 
 slavery 2")0wer to make Kansas a slave State by force of 
 arms. From that time forth they accepted the fact that the 
 " Yankees " could not be exterminated, driven out, or con- 
 quered by force. They now turned their attention to pol- 
 itics and constitution-making', hoping to secure by legisla- 
 tion, fraud, or diplomacy, what they had failed to secure 
 by pillage, outrage, and murder. The individual actvS of 
 violence that occurred on the border and in Kansas after 
 this were but the ])roducts of the seeds of anarchy, rapine 
 and murder, previously sown by the attempt to coerce and 
 extenninate a lil>erty-loving people. 
 
 The coming of Governor Geary, his decisive action in 
 suppressing outlawry, and his disbanding of armed bodies 
 of men who were marauding under the guise of militia, 
 had much to do with the final triumph of the cause of 
 freedom. Add to these the important action of Governor 
 Walker, who later insured a fair vote, and by means of 
 which the Free-State men gained possession of the Terri- 
 torial Legislature, and you have the two most prominent 
 turning-points in favor of freedom. Of course these events 
 could not in themselves have insured freedom without the 
 increased number of Free-State voters, who came pouring 
 into the Territory from the ISTorth and from the East so 
 rapidly that they were soon to outnumber the proslavery 
 advocates and win a decisive victory at the polls. 
 
 Had the coming of Governor Geary been delayed much
 
 THE COJiTSTITUTIOlSrAL STRUGGLE 211 
 
 longer the Free-State cause would without doubt have sud- 
 denly declined, and Lawrence, Topeka, and ever}' Free- 
 State settlement would have been completely demolished. 
 While Robinson and others were imprisoned at Lecompton, 
 Gov. Reeder, General Lane and S. IST. Wood were all in- 
 dicted, yet subsequently they were allowed to go through 
 the countrv' unmolested and without bail. IMr. Thayer in 
 his '' Kansas Crusade " holds that the arrest and imprison- 
 ment of these men was for the purpose of provoking the 
 Free-St^te men to fight the United States troops in order 
 to secure their rescue. As Lane, Montgomery and Brown 
 were free, it was thought that they might undertake tiis 
 work against the Government. Lane at once set about 
 preparing for the rescue of the prisoners, and sent a letter 
 to Robinson offering to set him free by force. Robinson 
 refused to permit anything of the kind.^ 
 
 If Mr. Thayer is correct in his surmise that such a 
 plan was ever considered by the Proslavery men, the wis- 
 dom and coolness of Robinson in not allowing force to be 
 used caused the whole attempt to fail. Wliile imprisoned, 
 Robinson and others wrote to the Legislature which assem- 
 bled at Topeka to be courageous and stand by the cause, but 
 to make no resistance to Federal troops.^ This body did 
 as they advised until dispersed by Sumner. It was a small 
 legislature, however, without a quorum, only seventeen 
 members responding to roll-call. Many stayed away on 
 account of fear. 
 
 Robinson was still considered the leader of the Free- 
 State movement, and was so recognized by the enemies of 
 
 ♦Thayer's "Kaasad CrosAde," p. iM. 
 ^Spring: Kansas, p. 132
 
 212 LIFE OF CHAELES ROBINSON 
 
 the FreoStat© cause. The leaders of the Proslavery party 
 insisted that Robinson liad always been the chief man of 
 the abolitionists and the acknowled<^ed leader in Kansas. 
 At any rate, he may fairly be said to have been foremost 
 among many leaders, and one of the heroic men of his 
 times. 
 
 The Kansas struggle was in great danger of disintegrat- 
 ing tlie Democratic party, and Governor Geary had been 
 appointed for the purpose of pacifying Kansas in view of 
 the approaching national election.^ He at once opened the 
 Territory to the immigrant parties from the North, and 
 inaugurated a fair and liberal policy which appeared to 
 be in favor of the Free-State men merely because it was a 
 policy of justice to all parties, 
 
 Robinson was called East, and appeared in New York, 
 where he made a Republican speech October 22d, 1856.^ 
 Being absent from the Territory, he resigned the governor- 
 ship under the Topeka Constitution. The Free-State Leg- 
 islature met on January 6th, 1857, and many proceeded 
 to find fault with Robinson and the Lieutenant-Governor 
 for their absence. There was no quorum at this time. 
 Those members of the Legislature who met appear not 
 to have known as yet that Robinson had resigned. How- 
 ever, they resolved to adhere to the State Government, and 
 they met again on January 7th, a quorum being present. 
 About a dozen members were arrested, and the next day 
 the Legislature, having no quorum, took a recess until the 
 second Tuesday in June. Robinson was in the East on 
 business of the Emigrant Aid Company, and was making 
 
 ' Oordley : " History of Lavrence," pp. 128-9. 
 a Wilder'B Annals, p. 141.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 213 
 
 plans for the or<^anization of the town of Quindaro.^ He 
 and Geary had begun on the plan for a short cut to state- 
 hood. In a letter directed to Amos A. Lawrence, Decem- 
 ber 21st, 1856, Robinson says: " What if by means of cer- 
 tain influences the Topeka Constitution should be admit- 
 ted, the State Governor should resign, the Territorial Gov- 
 ernor be unanimously elected and we should have a 
 peaceable free State? Of course the Senate would need 
 to compromise the matter with the House by providing for 
 submitting the Constitution once more to the people. This, 
 with the election law of Congress and Governor Geary to 
 execute it, would be no very serious objection." ^ 
 
 In accordance Avith the above, Robinson had gone East, 
 leaving his resignation by letter for the meeting of the 
 Topeka Legislature, January 6th, 1857; but Robinson's 
 mission Avas without result, and Geary was fast losing 
 favor with the national administration. The administra- 
 tion did not like so fair and even a policy, but they were 
 obliged to tolerate Geary till after the election, when he 
 was forced to resign, March 4th, 1857.^ 
 
 Many have censured Governor Robinson for his resig- 
 nation, but he explains this in a letter to the Boston Atlas, 
 dated January 28th, 1857 : 
 
 "Immediately after the Presidential election ... the people 
 generally seemed disposed to yield everything but honor to peace, and 
 there was apparently a desire to cooperate with any and all parties, if 
 we might thereby secure our disenthrallment from the Shawnee Mis- 
 sion usurpation. A hope was cherished that our admission into the 
 Union under the Topeka Constitution might be effected, with a proviso 
 submitting it once more to a vote of the people. ... To this end I 
 
 » Wilder'H AnnalH, pp. H8-9. t Spring : Kansas, p. 203 ' Wilder's A.uuhU, p. 15fi.
 
 214 I.IFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON 
 
 directed my efforts, and it was tbat all objection to the State organi- 
 zation, from any source, might be removed, as well as to be able 
 to work more efficiently and disinterestedly in securing friends from 
 all parties, that I proposed to create a vacancy in the office I held. 
 Consultation was had with the leading men, as opportimity presented, 
 and I understood the arrangement to be approved, — at least I knew 
 of no serious objections. 
 
 " Having no representative of the State movement at Washington, 
 and not knowing that anyone would volunteer, I decided to go there 
 several weeks before the Legislature was to assemble. I consulted 
 with Lieut.-Gov. Eoberts and told him of my purpose to leave Kansas, 
 provided he would attend to State matters in my absence. This he 
 cheerfully consented to do. . . . Had I known that Gov. Robertn 
 would not have been present at the Legislature, I most certainly 
 should not have resigned till after its adjournment, and would not 
 have left Kansas. Instead of abandoning the State organization, I 
 thought I was doing all in my power to adA'ance its prospects of 
 sviecess. . . . 
 
 " I see it stated that my business East was to sell shares in Quin- 
 darc, etc. Nothing can be farther from the truth. I have not offered 
 a share for sale, and do not want to sell a share until some of the 
 money now received shall liave been invested." 
 
 In a speech before the Free-State Convention, March 
 10th, 1857, at Topeka, he gives the following explanation 
 of his resignation : 
 
 ■' Gov. Geary made many great promises; he talked well; he talked 
 long and fast, and he still talks much. I asked him if he thought 
 there was any way in which the Topeka Constitution could get into 
 the Union? He seemed to think it might by a resubmission to the 
 people, or at furthest in addition to this, a new election of the State 
 officers. . . . It is well known that all manner of charges had 
 been heaped upon me by our enemies, such as those of being an aboli- 
 tionist, a disunionist, and many others, which caused me to be looked 
 upon with a great deal of hatred by the Democratic party. In fact, 
 I may say that I was probably more unpopular with that party than 
 any other man in the country. On this account I thought there would 
 be less of a barrier in the way of this if I were not at the head of
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STEUGGLE 215 
 
 the State goveirmeiit. This was tlie great reason for offering to 
 resign the office I then held." 
 
 Continuing, and referring to his trip to Washington, he 
 sfajs : '' . . . I will admit, if you choose, that I have 
 accomplished nothing. But T earnestly tried to accomplish 
 something, and I have failed, — not because of any unwil- 
 lingness on my part. I believed that my course was the 
 best one that could be taken." 
 
 Kobinson makes a further explanation in an address 
 
 before the Plistorical Society, January, 1881 : 
 
 " Gov. Geary was satisfied the Free-State men were largely in the 
 majority, and was desirous that the majority should rule. That an 
 end might be put to this conflict, he sent to the Governor under the 
 Topeka Constitution (Eobinson). and desired an interview at his 
 office. The interview was held in the attic of the log cabin now 
 standing with the stone addition on the bank of the river, near the 
 At*hison, Topeka & Santa Fe station at Lecompton. At that inter- 
 view Gov. Geary was ready to favor an admission under the Topeka 
 Constitution, and was willing to use his influence with the President 
 and his party in Congress. It was thought, if there could be a va- 
 cancy in the position of Governor, that he or some other Democrat 
 inight be elected to fill it, and the Administration would more readily 
 indorse it. Accordingly, the Topeka Governor resigned, and went to 
 Washington for the purpose of procuring admission into the Union. 
 He soon found that the Democratic party at Washington had no sym- 
 pathy for any such movement, or for Gov. Geary." 
 
 The second session of the Territorial Legislature met at 
 Lecompton, January 12th, 1857. Geary's message prom- 
 ised " equal and exact justice to all men of whatever po- 
 litical or religions persuasion." He said that the people 
 then ruled in everything. " I have every confidence in 
 the sound judgment and sober thought of the toiling mill- 
 ions." It is quite remarkable that in tJiis message he 
 also advocated the building of a railroad to the Gulf of
 
 216 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 Mexico, which showed his wisdom in recognizing the future 
 need of this country. 
 
 It will be remembered that this Legislature was Pro- 
 slavery, as the Free-State men had taken no part in the 
 election of the members, and therefore many bills which 
 Geary vetoed passed over his head by a two-thirds vote, 
 according to a previous arrangement. Governor Geary's 
 idea of securing equal justice for all parties had compara- 
 tively little sympathy from those in power in the Legisla- 
 ture. Their motto was that there should be no compromise 
 with any person or organization that tried to make Kansas 
 a free State. Not only was sympathy wanting on the 
 part of the Proslavery element for the Chief Executive 
 of the Territory, but this same element made threats upon 
 his life. Governor Gear\' being convinced that a plot had 
 been formed for his assassination, appealed to General 
 Persifer F. Smith, at Fort Leavenworth, for troops to 
 protect him. General Smith insisted in reply, that " in- 
 sults or probable breaches of peace do not authorize the 
 employment of troops." This letter, General Smith seems 
 to have taken great satisfaction in reporting soon after to 
 Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War. The point to be ol>- 
 served is, that the National Government was soon out of 
 sympathy with Geary, and opposed to him. 
 
 At this juncture the first step in the framing of the 
 Lecompton Constitution was taken. The Territorial Legis- 
 lature provided for the election of members of a convention 
 to meet and frame a State constitution for the purpose of 
 securing the admission of Kansas into the Union. It made 
 special provision for taking a census of the voters before 
 April 10, and further provided that the judge to whom the
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 217 
 
 returns were made could correct and add to the list from 
 that time to May 1, when it was to be sent to the Governor. 
 It was the duty of the Governor to apportion among the 
 precincts sixty delegates to the convention prior to the 
 election, which was to be held on June 15th. After the 
 delegates were elected they were to assemble on the first 
 Monday in September, at Lecompton, for the purpose of 
 making a constitution. This seemed like very fair work, 
 but the whole registry of voters was placed entirely in 
 the hands of the Proslavery officers. Owing to the fact 
 that the Legislature made no provision to submit the Con- 
 stitution wlien framed to a vote of the people for rejection 
 or ratification, the bill was vetoed by the Governor, but 
 was passed over the Governor's veto. Governor Geary, 
 having done what he could in favor of justice to all par- 
 ties, and finding his services unajipreciated by the Pro- 
 slavery party, and indeed by many of the Free-State peo- 
 ple, being insulted by the former and his life threatened 
 and in danger, sent his resignation to President Buchanan, 
 to take effect March 20th, 1857. The Free-State men 
 were still active. They held a convention at Topeka on 
 March 10, 1857, and passed a set of resolutions repudiat- 
 ing the bogus Legislature, and declining to vote at the 
 coming election for members of the constitutional conven- 
 tion.^ The grounds for this repudiation are based, first, 
 on the fact that the order for the election came from the 
 bogus Legislature, which was illegally elected and which 
 they had repudiated. In the second place, they held that 
 the '' organic act does not authorize the Territorial Legis- 
 lature, even when legitimately convened, to pass an en- 
 
 ' Wilder's Annals, pp. 157-8. Cordley : I.:iwr©nc9, p. 147.
 
 218 LIFE OF CHAELES EOBINSON 
 
 ablins; act to change the government of the same," and that 
 the Assembly, being present in «oiirt, leaves the control 
 of the election and its pretended officers and intends frand. 
 Furthermore, the provisions intended to disfranchise citi- 
 zens were made without referring them to the people for 
 their sanction or their disapproval. The Free-State men 
 further held that the Constitution framed at Topeka was 
 still the choice of the majority of the people. 
 
 In the mean time, Robinson returned from the East 
 and AA'ithdrew his resignation as Governor of Kansas 
 under the Topeka Constitution. Geary was replaced by 
 Walker as Territorial Governor, and Daniel Woodson, 
 Avho had been Secretary of the Territory, was removed and 
 Fred. P. Stanton appointed in his place. There was con- 
 siderable discussion as to whether Free-State men should 
 act in accordance with the resolutions of the Topeka Con- 
 vention and stay away from the polls. Stanton, acting 
 Governor, issued an address to the people, asking that this 
 constitutional convention submit the slavery question " to 
 a fair vote of all the actual honu fide residents of the 
 Territory, with every possible security against fraud and 
 violence," and he also snggested amnesty to all persons 
 who had been engaged in the struggle; and he subse- 
 quently went to Lawrence and stated that "If any man 
 here is prepared to say that he will resist these laws, 
 with that man I declare war! — war to the knife and the 
 knife to the hilt." If Stanton had any desire to paeify 
 the people of Kansas, he destroyed all his influence with 
 that single statement, for his speech created great excite- 
 ment and aroused anew the defiance of the Free-State men. 
 They wrote to Secretai-y Stanton tJiat they would take
 
 DR. ROBINSON, 1857.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKTJGGLE 219 
 
 part in the election of tlie delegates to the Lecompton con- 
 vention if one Proslavery man and one Free-State man 
 should attend to the registry in each district, and if, of 
 the four judges of the elections, two should lie Proslavery 
 and two Free-State men. Secretary Stanton replied that 
 he must follow the law. 
 
 On June 15th, when the election of delegates to the Le- 
 compton Constitutional Convention occurred, only 2,071 
 votes were polled out of a total of 9,251. This was evidence 
 that the Convention was unpopular, and that the Free- 
 State men were rapidly growing in number. It was clear 
 that if a vote could be obtained, the whole question would 
 be settled in favor of the Free-State people. 
 
 In the mean time Governor Robinson had again t^ken 
 up active work. He headed a list of signers to a call for a 
 meeting of the Free-State Legislature, to be held June 9th, 
 1857. Over sixty persons, among the most prominent of 
 the Free-State men, signed this call.^ 
 
 In pursuance to the call, the Free-State Legislature met 
 at Topeka. There being no quorum, one was made by 
 declaring the seats of the absent thirteen members vacant. 
 This reduced the entire number to twenty-five. The mes- 
 sage of the Governor at this juncture is worthy of note. 
 He outlines the policy of the Free-State people in the 
 past and future. He says: 
 
 " I have not . . . abandoned o\ir organization. On tbe con- 
 trary, I believe it is our only hope. When we framed the Constitu- 
 tion, something of the kind was necessary to keep together our party, 
 and as a basis of securing our rights; . . . and as the same 
 reasons which induced us to take our position in the beginning re- 
 
 1 Tte indUtrnents for treason affaiDst Robineon, Deitxler ai)*! othnx-s were diBpoBed 
 ol on May 11th, lfi57, the prweeuting officer entering a tuille prosequi. WSiaer, p. K>5.
 
 220 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 main, and the same circumstances still exist, why should we not 
 maintain oJir position? 
 
 '' Now the Proslavery party is about pjettinf,' up a constitution 
 also. ... If ours is allowed to die, al! will then be lost. . . . 
 If we neglect to elect a State Legislature next August, our Constitu- 
 tion will eventually die, for all the offices under it will become vacant, 
 and there would be no means of again filling them. . . . The 
 first one organized, if kept up, will be the one admitted; nothing on 
 earth can prevent it. . . . All that is necessary for us to do is 
 to keej) aloof from the doings of the bogus Legislature and keep up 
 our own." 
 
 Secretary Stanton arrived in Lawrence one month in 
 advance of Governor Walker, and it was on April 24tli 
 that he made the address in which he used the vii^orOus 
 language heretofore referred to. On the evening of this 
 address, Stanton and his companion, Mr. McLean, and 
 Horace White of the Chicago Tribime, were entertained 
 at tea by Governor Robinson, where free discussions of the 
 condition of Kansas occurred. Governor Robinson and 
 Mr. McLean carried on the conversation. Mr. McLean 
 argued for the determination of the question by evidence 
 at the polls that the Free-State party was in the majority 
 in Kansas. Governor Robinson pressed him to distin- 
 guish the members of the Free-State party, and also to de- 
 fine what he meant by National Democracy of Kansas; 
 Avhile Mr. McLean urged that the Free-State men should 
 come forward to the polls and vote, but this they refused 
 to do. Governor Robinson maintained that the Free-State 
 men of Kansas never recognized the Territorial Legisla- 
 ture, as some people called it. That the Free-State men 
 did not vote, because to do so would be a repetition of the 
 old farce, ever^^thing being in the hands of the opposing
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 221 
 
 party. The following quotation from the conclusion of 
 the discussion is from the Chicago Tribune: 
 
 " Robinson — The action of the Topeka Convention was predi- 
 cated on certain facts which have been well known to the ' National 
 Democracy ' from the beginning. Firstly, the Free-State men of Kan- 
 sas have never recognized the ' Territorial Legislature,' as some 
 people call it. Whoever else may recognize it or fail to recognize it, 
 the Free-State men deny its legal existence. They claim that it is 
 not even a government de facto. They do not appeal to its laws or 
 have dealings with its officers. No one pretends to execute these 
 laws, and they exist merely for the benefit of the public printer. 
 Consequently, the Free-State men see nothing in the proposed election 
 but the old farce with new decorations and scenery. No law requires 
 them to vote. They will not interfere with your voting. They have 
 no objection to your doing all the voting. In this way you will 
 secure unanimity, and I see no reason why the plan should give the 
 ' National Democracy ' a moment's uneasiness. Secondly, the law 
 providing for this election takes all power out of the hands of the 
 people, after the delegates are elected. It thriists the Constitution 
 into Congress as the work of the people, without giving the people an 
 opportunity to pronounce upon that work. These delegates may 
 frame a constitution infringing the liberty of speech and the press. 
 They may decree test oaths as a qualification for voting. They may 
 make murder a bailable offense. They may infringe the right of the 
 people to assemble together in a peaceable manner to consult for 
 their common good. They may establish negro slavery, or any other 
 kind of slavery, as a permanent institution of Kansas. They may 
 take away the right of amending this Constitution from the latest 
 posterity. We have had specimens of all these things in Kansas 
 legislation, and we have no business to infer that the creatures of any 
 legislative body will be better than the Legislature itself. The Free- 
 State men regard it as indispensable that the work of the Constitu- 
 tional Convention be submitted for the approval or disapproval of 
 thohe whose welfare it aflfects. Thirdly, the Free-State men consider 
 that the whole machinery of this election is thrown into the hands 
 of their bitter enemies, and that no safeguards are interposed for 
 their protection, either in the vote itself or the subsequent counting 
 of votes. I need not enumerate for this company the provisions of 
 that law in this regard. The experience of the Free-State men on
 
 222 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 former occasions has not been such as to impress thcin favorably 
 with the elective franchise as operated by the bogus Legislature. 
 Men who have lived two years in Kansas understand that the Fre<»- 
 State party have no rights on election day which Missourians are 
 bound to respect, and none which the United States Government 
 takes the trouble to ' recognize.' The provision of your law con- 
 cerning the registration of votes does not prevent the registration of 
 all the unemployed residents of westei'n Missouri, nor does it require 
 that the actual residents of Kansas shall be registered. Your reg- 
 istry being perfected, the result of the election is ascertained before 
 the voting commences. After the voting is finished, we have no guar- 
 antee that the returns will correspond either with the ballots depos- 
 ited or the printed list of qualified voters. I am free to confess that 
 I doubt the integrity of three-fourths of the officers who will conduct 
 this election. We are solicited, in the face of a two-years experience, 
 which requires no comment from me, to confide everything we hold 
 dear as American citizens to the keeping of our worst enemies, and 
 go away trusting to their honor, presuming that they have sufficient 
 virtue to register none but actual citizens of Kansas, to register all 
 the citizens of Kansas, to receive the votes of all the citizens who 
 choose to vote, to make the returns according to the votes, even in 
 case such returns ruin the business which has afforded them occupa- 
 tion for two years. The Free-State men of Kansas are not such 
 idiots. The evidence is overwhelming that this election was not in- 
 tended to ascertain the relative strength of parties in Kansas, but to 
 entrap our party, defraud them of all their rights, and make a slave 
 State of Kansas. So much for the Topeka Convention. How have 
 subsequent events shown the piopriety of their action? Here are two 
 thousand Missourians registered as voters in Douglas county — men 
 whom no citizen of Kansas ever heard of except as he met them on 
 some foraging excursion. We look over this list for the names of the 
 oldest citizens of Lawrence, and they are not to be found. In Quin- 
 daro, where I live, public opinion is divided on the question whether 
 the census-taker has been there or not. Two or three men pretend to 
 have seen him. I haven't, and I doubt whether he has been there at 
 all. If he has ever visited that place, it was not for the purpose of 
 completing the registry of Wyandotte county. The list was pub 
 lished some weeks ago, and our tov/n left entirely out of the reckon- 
 ing. Some of the neglected ones in the town of Wyandotte have sent
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 22(J 
 
 their names to the proper officer, with evidence of their citizenship, 
 and he has either refused or neglected to place them on the list. 
 
 " At Osawatomie, I am informed, three-fourths of the list is made 
 up of citizens of the adjoining county in Missouri. At a place thirty 
 or forty miles southwest of here the citizens do not know, except by 
 hearsay, that there is to be any election. They have never known, 
 from the beginning, whether they were enjoying the blessing of a 
 sheriff and county judge or not. They don't know whether they have 
 a census-taker among them or not, and I should judge they didn't 
 care. These are specimens of our Territorial job-work. To my mind 
 they demonstrate that the action of the Topeka Convention was en- 
 tirely proper, and if that convention were to be held over again, my 
 part in it would be simply a repetition of my part in the other. 
 
 " Stanton — But you have an ample remedy for all this alleged 
 fraud, in the law creating these officers. Bring me one man who has 
 taken the proper steps to have his name registered and been refused, 
 and then see what becomes of the officer. Establish that the list of 
 Douglas county contains the name of one resident of Missouri, and 
 see how rapidly that list is expurgated of the falsehood. The trouble 
 is, you Free-State men are not willing to take any steps looking to 
 the correction of the evils you complain of. The Executive of this 
 Territory is here for the purpose of administering impartial justice, 
 and when you have been denied redress in that quarter, I will ac- 
 knowledge for one that there is something radically wrong in the 
 government of Kansas. 
 
 "Robinson — Having determined to take no part in the election, 
 we are naturally not solicitous about the purity of the voting-lists, or 
 of the voters themselves; but you now offer us a practical impossibil- 
 ity. In the first place, the citizens of Quindaro, Lawrence and Osa- 
 watomie are men of business. Their time is valuable to them and 
 indispensable to their families. They cannot leave their business and 
 go hunting a sheriff or census-taker, particularly if he spends most of 
 his time in another State. The gentleman with the census roll was 
 appointed to visit them, not they the officer. I have no time to waste 
 in that way, and 1 presume my neighbors will say the same thing. 
 
 " The other proposition, that we show the lists to be fraudulent in 
 respect of the names of Missourians, is an utter impossibility. It is 
 an attempt to establish a negative. Mr. Jones Jenkins may be a resi- 
 dent of Westport, Missouri. I may know it, and a dozen others may 
 know the same thing. We may establish that Mr. Jones Jenkins
 
 224 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 {loec live in Wfsip«>7t, IVIisPoini. We tlioii visit twenty of the oldest 
 residents of Douglas county, and inquire whether Mr. Jenkins has 
 ever resided there. They have never heard of any such man in that 
 vicinity. Here we have established that one person bearing this name 
 lives in Missouri, and have shown that twenty citizens of Douglas 
 county never heard of him in Kansas. Is this legal demonstration ? 
 We have not shown that some man bearing this name positively does 
 not live somewhere in the county. We have not shown that he may 
 not have lived here, and gone East for his family. We have not 
 and never can show that he was not here on the day prescribed by 
 the law, and that he did not answer every requirement of that law. 
 When we multiply this case by two thousand, we appreciate some- 
 what the nature of the job we have undertaken. 
 
 "Stanton — I think, Doctor, you magnify all the difficulties 
 which stand in the way of a fair election. Concerning the submis- 
 sion of the Constitution to a subsequent vote of the people, I would 
 say that it is proposed to make a provision of this sort, and, so far as 
 my influence extends, it shall be exerted to bring about a full expres- 
 sion of the popular will on the subject of the domestic institutions of 
 the Territory, after the work of the convention is complete. 
 
 " Robinson — We do not doubt your good intentions. Governor, 
 5n this, as in other matters; but we very gravely doubt the extent of 
 your power. Several governors of Kansas have been greatly surprised 
 to find how short a distance their influence extends. I believe that 
 the right of calling out the militia has been placed in the hands of 
 county sheriffs. You will doubtless regard this a very great in- 
 fringement on the privileges of the Executive. 
 
 "Stanton — Oh, you must be mistaken. No Legislature, no 
 ♦iherifT, will undertake to call out the militia while I hold the office 
 of Governor. Ridiculous! 
 
 " McLean — But they will when the occasion comes. It was 
 found necessary on the part of the Legislature to reserve this right. 
 
 " Stanton — Reserve! No such right ever belonged to any Legis- 
 lature under the sun. Nonsense! 
 
 " McLean — Nonsense or not, we have the right of calling out 
 militia, and intend to exercise it whenever we find it necessary; 
 that's all! 
 
 " Stanton — Oh, you are altogether mistaken, etc. 
 
 " I need not follow this pleasant little expression of views any 
 further. Our party adjourned to the Cincinnati House and listened
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 225 
 
 to Mr. Stanton's speech. I have already made this letter longer than 
 I had intended. The conversation above reported is eminently sug- 
 gestive, and I think speaks for itself. If it should meet the eyes of 
 any of the participants, they will recognize its correctness in all essen- 
 tial particulars ; and if I set down aught in malice. I trust the Tribune 
 will be open for the amplest correction to the injured party. Messrs, 
 Stanton and McLean having expressed their views publicly and with- 
 out reserve in the streets of Lawrence, both before and after this 
 dialogue, it will not be deemed any breach of confidence that some 
 portion of those views should take on the illumination of the types." ^ 
 
 It was the morning after this address of Stanton's that 
 the citizens of Lawrence requested fair treatment, and 
 were refused by Stanton because he w^ould have to follow 
 the law. Subsequently Governor Walker issued a lengthy 
 address to the people. It was the old story of pledging 
 his support to the Territorial laws. He also insisted that 
 the Lecompton Constitution should be framed and sub- 
 mitt-ed to the people for adoption or rejection. But the 
 struggle could never be settled in this way, because the 
 Free-State men would not recognize the Territorial Legis- 
 lature and the Territorial laws, and therefore could not 
 vote at the elections proposed by this government. 
 
 The " bogus Legislature " which met in 1855 had passed 
 an act incorporating the town of Lawrence, giving it the 
 same charter rights as were granted to the town of Leaven- 
 worth.2 As the people of Lawrence were ignoring the laws 
 of tlie " bogus Legislature," they would not incorporate 
 the town under this charter. Again, the second Legisla- 
 ture, which was Proslavery and deemed illegal, granted the 
 town a second charter.^ The Free-State town, of Law- 
 rence failed to organize under this charter also, for the 
 
 1 Kaneae Conflict, p. 346. 
 
 ' Laws of Kansas Territory, 1866, p. 822. 
 
 '■' Lftwp of KariBp.p TerrHory, 1857, p. 343. 
 
 -15
 
 226 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 same reason as stated before. Tlic citizens of Lawrence 
 were ready to obey the national laws, but they recognized 
 no Territorial laws as binding when brought into existence 
 as the result of systematic fraud. But, as the town grew 
 rapidly, it was in great need of municipal organization. 
 The citizens, therefore, in accordance wdtli the rights of 
 freemen, met and created a charter, and subsequently ef- 
 fected an organization on July loth, 1857.^ The com- 
 mittee who presented the charter also addressed a letter to 
 the people, explaining the cause for their action. They set 
 forth the necessity of law, order, sanitation, police organi- 
 zation, protection from fire, etc., and asserted that " all the 
 varied necessities of a rapidly growing city demand a 
 municipal government." They stated that " The only 
 point of embarrassment in this movement arises from the 
 unhappy condition of political affairs in our Territory. 
 Under ordinary conditions the more regular method would 
 be to obtain a charter from the Territorial authorities. 
 As the Territorial Government, however, in no sense repre- 
 sents the peo])le of Kansas, was not elected by them, and 
 can have no right to legislate for them, we cannot accept 
 of a charter from it. There is, therefore, left us only the 
 alternative of a charter springing directly from the people, 
 or continuance in our present unorganized condition." ^ 
 
 Here was a town which had ignored two charters granted 
 to it by the Territorial Legislature, because it maintained 
 that the law-making power which had granted these char- 
 ters was not legally constituted. " If in the final settle- 
 ment of affairs it should he detennined that the Territorial 
 
 ' Private Laws of Kansas Territory, 1858, p. 137. liiickmar : ArsaaU of ■* Hi.-itorlc 
 To-.i'o, Ainer. Hist. Aasa. Roporta, I9i'i, p. iVG. 
 "Andreas, p. 32f;.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGGLE 227 
 
 laws were legitimate and authoritative, the citizens of 
 Lawrence would have been found outside of the law. As 
 it was, they were in a state of rebellion against the assumed 
 authorities. Such is the close relation of successful revo- 
 lution to treason, of anarchy to a free democracy." ^ On 
 July 15th, 1857, Governor Walker issued a long procla- 
 mation, in which he greatly magnified the offense of the 
 town of Lawrence, declaring the act of organization, if car- 
 ried out, treasonable, assuring them that they were on the 
 brink of an awful precipice, and solemnly announcing that 
 " It becomes my duty to warn you before you take the fatal 
 leap into the gulf beyond." As the citizens of Lawrence 
 had not heeded his previous admonitions, he resolved to call 
 out the military, and therefore sent Col, Cooke with four 
 hundred dragoons to enforce the law. Walker himself also 
 appeared to superintend the work of suppressing the " re- 
 bellion." He placed the town under military rule, and 
 subjected the surrounding country to military inspection. 
 The offending town did not place itself in opposition to 
 this military rule, but the people went about attending to 
 their various duties, looking after the conditions of the 
 town and performing the functions of a municipal govern- 
 ment. After a few weeks the farce ended by the with- 
 drawal of the troops. 
 
 But the people of Lawrence still retained their inde- 
 pendent spirit, and took opportunity to show their opposi- 
 tion to the Territorial Government. As an example of 
 this, on June 1st, 1857, there was a meeting at Lawrence 
 for the purpose of considering the payment of taxes levied 
 by the '' bogus Legislature." A resolution was adopted 
 
 ' Blackniur : Annals of a Hiitoric Town, p. 488.
 
 228 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 " that ... no good citizen will in any manner furnish 
 aid or comfort to an assessor or collector of taxes, or render 
 to him a list of valne of his property." Governor Robinson 
 was appointed on a committee of five to present this reso- 
 Intion to any collector that might appear. 
 
 Prior to this, Governor Walker, in his address of May 
 Vth, 1857, had made the following statements concerning 
 the election of delegates to the Lecompton Convention, at 
 which time, it will be remembered, the Free-State men 
 refused to vot^e, because they were not granted a fair rep- 
 resentation among the officers of election. Governor 
 Walker stated that all the people of Kansas were entitled 
 to take part in this election, and added that " I s^ee in this 
 act, calling the convention, no improper or unconstitu- 
 tional restriction upon the right of suffrage ;" and " If by 
 fraud or violence a majority shall not be permitted to 
 vote, there is a remedy ... in tbe refiisal of Congress 
 to admit the State into the Union under sucb a constitu- 
 tion." He also said that the Constitution once framed 
 would have to be submitted to the people for a vote, and, 
 in the words of President Buchanan, who had given in- 
 structions to Governor Walker, that the people "must be 
 protected in the exercise of their right to vote for or 
 against that instrument." Walker was thus urging the 
 people to vote, but his address w*as answered by the Topeka 
 Convention on June 9th, 1857, which resolved to hold 
 firmly to the Topeka Constitution, to repudiate the " bogus 
 Legislature," and to refrain from voting for delegates to 
 the Lecompton Convention. He was further answered by 
 Governor Robinson's message to the Topeka Legislature 
 June 9th, 1857, which was given up wholly to a state-
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 229 
 
 ment of the Free-State position and the use of Governor 
 Walker's own arguments to justify that position.^ 
 
 Another Free-State convention was held at Topeka, 
 July 15-lG, 1857, which again repudiated the Territo- 
 rial Legislature and its laws. James H. Lane was presi- 
 dent of this convention, which resolved to hold firmly to 
 the Topeka Constitution, and to call another convention, to 
 meet in August at Grasshopper Falls. In the mean time, 
 a vote for officers under the Topeka Constitution showed 
 that the Free-State men had 7,200 votes in the Territory, 
 and it was well known that this was enough to give them 
 a large majority over all the combined Proslavery votes 
 that could be mustered against them. The Free-State 
 people were now in a different position from that in which 
 they had been before. Could an honest vote now be had on 
 a constitution, everything would go in their favor. The 
 trial of Governor Robinson for usurpation of office, which 
 began August 18th, closed on the 20th. The jury reported 
 that " since there was no State of Kansas there could be 
 no Governor of the State and no usurpation of the office." 
 This acquittal of the Governor of course allowed him more 
 freedom of action. 
 
 On August 24th a convention of Free-State men was 
 held at General Spicer's, half-way between Lecompton and 
 Lawrence. It was called under the auspices of G. W. 
 Brown, and was equally attended by Proslavery men from 
 I.»eoompton and radical Free-State men from Lawrence. 
 It was called the "Conservative Free-State Convention," 
 and the whole meeting was turned into ridicule by these 
 two parties, who alternately elected each other to positions 
 
 ^See App«ndlz B.
 
 230 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 in the convention and then declined. Geo. W. Deitzler, 
 John Speer and others were among the radical men from 
 Lawrence. It showed the folly of attempting to mingle 
 Proslavery and Free-State men in conventions. Plainly, 
 one party or the other must dominate in Kansas. This 
 ended the attempt to make a " conservative Free-State " 
 party. 
 
 The convention at Grasshopper Falls, which met on 
 August 26th, after a lengthy discussion determined to take 
 part in the election of the new Territorial Legislature. 
 There was, however, a serious division in the ranks of 
 the Free-State men in regard to voting. It was held by 
 many that, having repudiated the "bogus Legislature," 
 and having held to the Topeka Constitution, it would be 
 inconsistent to recognize the Territorial Legislature now 
 by voting for its members. But the times had entirely 
 changed. The Free-State men had demonstrated that they 
 had a majority. Governor Walker had declared that they 
 should have a fair election, and his intentions were evi- 
 dently honest. Robinson, Lane and others saw the oppor- 
 tunity, and strongly urged that they should go to the polls 
 and vote, knowing well that if a fair vote were had they 
 could outvote the Proslavery men. " Some," said Robin- 
 son, " had faith in the Governor's pledges, and some would 
 not degrade tliemselves by recognizing the fraud, while 
 still others were opposed to seeing the abandonment of the 
 Topeka Constitution. This instrument, which had been 
 resorted to as a means to an end to obtain the l^islative 
 power of the Territory, they regarded as the end to be 
 attained." Robinson favored voting, although to do so
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STEUGGLE 231 
 
 would appear to be a practical denial of the former Free- 
 State position on the " bogus Legislature." However, in 
 politics as in war, there is always a time to cease holding 
 to a point in order to gain a victory. On this occasion 
 Robinson said : " Men who are too conscientious and too 
 honorable to change their tactics with a change of circum- 
 stances, are too conscientious for politics." ^ 
 
 In his speech on the resolutions which declared in favor 
 of voting, Robinson said: 
 
 " We started out on the Topeka Constitution, and I shall work 
 under it; but here is a battery all the time at Lecompton playing 
 upon us. Let us take the battery and use it for our own benefit, 
 without defining the use we shall put it to, and thus avoid side 
 issues in every county in the Territory. If we get the battery and 
 spike it so it cannot be used against us, we shall have accomplished 
 a purpose. I do not feel that there Avill be any backing down in 
 doing so. I am more hopeful than some, and not quite so hopeful 
 as others; but I have no doubt we shall be triumphant. From the 
 census returns I am satisfied there is not a district in the Territory 
 in which Ave have not a large majority of voters. If we are de- 
 feated by fraud, we shall be in a position to show up the fraud. 
 It has been said that I Avas ahvays opposed to this movement. Such 
 is not the case. I have always been in favor of voting, with the 
 least shoAV of success in our fa\'or." 
 
 The election Avas held, and Walker threw out the fraud- 
 ulent returns and issued certificates of election to the Free- 
 State men for nine out of thirteen members of the Council 
 and twenty-four out of thirty-five members of the House 
 of Representatives. Robinson says of this act of Walker's 
 in throwing out fraudulent returns: " This act, with Stan- 
 ton's proclamation calling the Legislature together, will 
 stand out in bold relief as the crowning acts of their ad- 
 
 ' Spring: K?.r)(>af>, p. 217.
 
 232 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 ministrations; and these acts the future historian to the 
 latest time will never fail to record." 
 
 The Legislature having passed into the hands of the 
 Free-State party, there was but one opportunity left for 
 the Proslavery jieople to establish their system, namely, 
 to induce Congress to recognize their constitution. The 
 Constitutional Convention met at Lecompton on September 
 7th, organized, and adjourned to October 19th. It then 
 drew up a constitution, framed with the purpose of favor- 
 ing slavery in the State. It asserted that " The right of 
 property is before and higher than any constitutional sanc- 
 tion, and the right of the slave-owner to such slaves and 
 their increase the same as the right of any property what- 
 ever." ^ This Constitution was sent to Congress without 
 submitting it to a vote of the people of the Territory. 
 
 The Free-State men began to look with alarm upon the 
 movement, fearing that Congress would adopt this Consti- 
 tution and force slavery upon the State. Accordingly, 
 they resorted to the usual Kansas method of holding a con- 
 vention, which met at Lawrence December 2d, to provide 
 the most effective means of preventing the adoption of this 
 Constitution by Congress. All of the important leaders of 
 the Free-State movement were present and addressed the 
 convention. Charles Robinson presided. The secretaries 
 wre William A. Phillips, A. Wattles, and E. G. Macy. 
 The committee on resolutions was J. H. Lane, C. Vaughan, 
 William V. Barr, J. Rymal, Charles F. Kob, H. Evans, 
 S. Westover, Charles A. Foster, T. Dwight Thacher, G. W. 
 Gilmore, C. K. Holliday, J. K. Goodin, P. B. Plumb, L. F. 
 Carver, and G. A. Cutler. 
 
 1 Article vn, aection 1.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAIi STKUGGLE 233 
 
 The resolutions repudiated the Lecompton Constitution. 
 On the motion of Judge Schuyler, they took a solemn oath 
 with uplifted hands, and " appealed to the God of justice 
 and equity, and entered into a league and covenanted with 
 each other that we never, under any circumstances, per- 
 mit the said Constitution, so framed and not submitted, to 
 be the organic law of the State of Kansas ; and do pledge 
 our lives, our fortunes, and honor, to ceaseless hostility to 
 the same." They denounced the proposed elections Decem- 
 ber 1st and January 4th, and asked the extra session of 
 the Legislature to submit the Topeka and Lecompton Con- 
 stitutions to a vote of the people, with the understanding 
 that the constitution which received a majority of the legal 
 votes of the State should become the law of the land. 
 
 The next session of the Territorial Legislature, meeting 
 December 7th, passed a bill providing for a vote on the Le- 
 compton Constitution, to occur January 4th, the same day 
 for the election of officers under that constitution. The 
 Proslavery people a(lf>pted the same tactics as had been 
 adopted by the Free-State men, and refused to vote on the 
 subject, while over ten thousand votes were recorded 
 against the Constitution. But, while no opposition vote 
 was recorded, it had little effect on Congress. At Wash- 
 ington the President was urging the adoption of the Le- 
 compton Constitution, and the Senate passed a bill to that 
 effect; but the House failed to concur. Finally, a com- 
 promise measure called the English bill passed both houses, 
 which submitted the Constitution to the will of the people 
 of the State of Kansas. In accordance with the provisions 
 of this bill, a vote was taken for or against the Constitu- 
 tion on August 2d, 1858. The result was declared to be
 
 234 LIFE OF CilAKLKS KOBIJNSOX 
 
 1,788 votes for the Gonstitiition and 11,300 against it, 
 leaving it defeated by a majority of 9,512. 
 
 During all this time Dr. Kobinson thoroughly understood 
 the political situation in Kansas, and was particularly well 
 versed in the relation of the Federal to Territorial politics. 
 He understood how necessary a conservative policy was 
 to the success of the Free-State cause in Kansas, and what 
 harm would be wrought by a radical opposition of this 
 party to the Federal Government, which was in sympathy 
 Avith the Proslavery element in the Territory. His letter 
 to Hon. Henry Wilson, later Vice-President of the United 
 States, is a careful exposition of the political situation, and 
 furnishes so vividly a record of the times of 1858, when 
 matters were shaping themselves for the final victory of 
 1861, that it is given in part: 
 
 Lawrence, May 12th, 1858. 
 
 My Deau Sir: Your favor of the 4th instant is received. You 
 need have no fear of the adoption of Lecompton by the people of Kan- 
 sas. The vote against it will probably be much larger than on the 4th 
 of January last. All the Free-State men will vote against it, and 
 one-half the Democrats. From letters I am receiving from the East, 
 as well as from newspapers, I see that our Republican friends are 
 unnecessarily alarmed. They evidently do not understand the pro- 
 gram of the Democratic party. Either I am very much mistaken, 
 or that party is as desirous of seeing Lecompton voted down as the 
 Eepublieans, although, of course, they will not say so authoritatively. 
 Why is this? you will ask. 
 
 In the first place, they know that if Lecompton should go into 
 the Union, the radical Republicans would go into the Senate. This 
 could not be prevented unless the Free-State party made a fatal 
 blunder. Also, the State Government and members of Congress 
 would be Republican, and the Constitution would be changed in the 
 " twinkling of an eye." Of this state of facts the administration 
 became aware, and this, in my judgment, is the real reason why the 
 Senate bill did not pass the House. Who believes now that English
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 235 
 
 and Company could not have been induced to vote for the Senate bill 
 had the proper arguments been used with them? Who believes that 
 the South would have allowed us a vote on Lecompton had they be- 
 lieved slavery would have gained anything by a refusal ? Eemember, 
 the English bill passed by Southern votes, chiefly. Did they suppose 
 that we would do anything else than vote the ordinance down? No! 
 They might possibly hope to induce a few to change their votes, had 
 they desired to do so, but no man could be so infatuated as to sup- 
 pose that a majority of ten thousand could be changed right-about- 
 face in the short space of six months; for the English ordinance is 
 really no more and no less than Lecompton, except that it has less 
 land than when we defeated it in January. 
 
 What then is the plan? As I have obtained it from no man or 
 men, but simply from observation, I betray no confidence in revealing 
 it. We are to remain a Territory till the new Congress meets, in 
 December, 1859, if no longer. In the mean time the administration 
 of the government in Kansas will be eminently just and fair. All 
 disturbances will be quelled at once, and Free-State men will be as 
 promptly protected in their persons, property and rights as the 
 Proslavery men. The Democratic party will take the lead in aiding 
 in developing the resources of Kansas, and will claim to be the special 
 friend of an infant State. All the old Democrats will be induced to 
 return to the fold, and as many new converts made as possible. 
 In this way it is hoped that Kansas will come into the Union with a 
 Democratic State Government, Senators, etc. 
 
 What are their chances of success, and upon what do they build 
 their hopes? It is believed that a majority of the people of Kansas 
 would have been Democrats to-day had it not been for the war 
 of the administration upon Free-State men, and a very large 
 number of the Free-State party who have been Democrats would 
 now act with that party were it what it was when they came to 
 Kansas, or when the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was passed. Many of 
 these men would remain in the Free-State party or join the Repub- 
 lican party were they fellowshipped fully by the organs and letter- 
 writers of that party; but they are given the cold shoulder or are 
 positively assailed in the leading Eepublican journals of the country 
 without cause, and they will naturally become alienated as soon as 
 they can find their old party conducting its affairs honorably in 
 Kansas. Another class of our people, who were Whigs or Republicans 
 in '56, make antislavery everywhere, except in Territories, a secondary
 
 236 I.IFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 consideration, and are disposed to look after the material interesta of 
 the State of their adoption. They also are suspected and given the 
 cold slionlder by the more zealous antislavery members of the party, 
 and assailed through Republican journals. Still another class, who 
 are strong antislaverj' men, and who feci that it is important to de- 
 velop the resources of Kansas, build her roads and plant her literary 
 and otiier institutions as well as make her a free State, and who 
 favor a conciliatory course towards members of the party, are sus- 
 pected by the censors of the party, and all sorts of falsehoods, sus- 
 picions and insinuations are sent to the four winds by means of 
 these journals. 
 
 The Democratic party here are evidently hoping tlmt tlie above 
 elements will be driven from the Republican party, and either join 
 the Democratic direct, or a middle party with which the Democrats 
 will unite and carry the elections. The Democrats see that the Free- 
 State party has an element that will destroy it as soon as per- 
 manent peace is established. It is an element that would destroy 
 any party in any State if allowed full scope. It is well known that 
 a large number of our leading Republican journals of the country 
 support correspondents in Kansas who as a general thing have but 
 little if any interest in the material welfare of Kansas, but who 
 are zealous reformers, and many of them excellent men. From 
 correspondents the tend^ey is for them to become mere partisans, 
 and if partisans aspirants, and if aspirants apt to imagine every- 
 botly wrong who does not think with and support them. These imag- 
 inations are aj)t to get into their correspondence as truths, and when 
 they come back to Kansas in some leading journal, all who may differ 
 from these aspiring correspondents consider themselves wronged, 
 their position wrongly stated or not stated at all, their reasons per/ 
 verted or omitted entirely, and the result is apt to be heartburnii 
 and jealousies and a coldness towards a party whose organs are iised 
 to misrepresent, prevent, and perhaps belie the history of the ^tate. 
 On this element I have reason to believe the Democrats plac^ great 
 reliance. If these correspondents acted the part of impartial and 
 disinterested historians, or confined their one-sided strictures to the 
 opponents of the Free-State party, they might be of serviee and not 
 destructive to the party; but when the Republican party of the 
 country support a class of partisans, office-seekers, etc., who traduce 
 or praise by the column whatever or whoever they may deem for 
 their interest, it will naturally alienate from that party all office-
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 237 
 
 eeekere, — and nearly all are aspiring in new countries, — who have to 
 support themselves by the labor of their hands, and contend against 
 the Republican journals of the country. . . . 
 
 While the Lecompton Constitution was pending in Con- 
 gress, the radical elements of the Free-State party desired 
 to have a new constitution. There was little hope that the 
 Topeka Constitution would he acknowledged by Congress, 
 and hence become the supreme law of Kansas when the 
 Territory became a State. The Territorial Legislature, 
 which it will be remembered had a majority in favor of the 
 Free-State cause, voted to hold a constitutional convention 
 for the purpose of creating a new constitution, radically 
 opposed to the Lecompton Constitution. A bill for this 
 purpose was introduced January 12th, 1858, by John 
 Speer. For two years the people had perseveringly adhered 
 to the Topeka Constitution. Govenior Denver was opposed 
 to any more constitutional conventions, as he stated there 
 were constitutions enough already, and he took care that 
 the bill should die, although he avoided a formal veto of it. 
 He asserted that the bill arrived at his office within three 
 days of the final adjournment of the Legislature. Accord- 
 ing to the law, all such bills would die if not signed, or 
 vetoed and returned to the Legislature with the objections 
 of the Governor. If the Governor vetoed it, there was a 
 possibility of its being passed over his head by a two-thirds 
 vote in its favor ; but this the Governor took care should 
 not be done. Being opposed to the Constitutional Conven- 
 tion, he took this way of preventing it by " killing " the bill 
 which provided for it. 
 
 The Legislature, however, maintained that the bill was 
 in the Governor's hands in ample time to become a law if
 
 238 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 lie failed to veto it. The Legislature therefore passed a 
 resolution introduced by John Speer, declarinp^ that the 
 bill had passed, and that it was in the hands of the Grover- 
 nor three days prior to the final adjournment of the Legis- 
 lature. Therefore a constitutional convention was called. 
 On March 9th an election of delegates to this convention 
 was held, and the convention met on March 2, at Minneola. 
 This convention had many able men among its members, 
 though its composition was different from the body of men 
 who had been struggling for the Topeka Constitution. 
 The convention early fell into disrepute, because there was 
 in connection with it a land scheme which was generally 
 supposed to be a swindle. Minneola was an open prairie 
 in Franklin county, consisting only of the name without 
 the town. Of the fifty-two members of this convention, 
 thirty-five were interested in the land scheme. So great 
 was the prejudice against this body that they were obliged 
 to leave their hastily erected convention hall, which was to 
 be the capitol of the State, and go to Leavenworth to com- 
 plete their work. The motion prevailed at one time to ad- 
 journ from Minneola to Topeka, but this idea was aban- 
 doned, and the convention adjourned to meet at T^aven- 
 worth ; hence this convention is always kno^vn as the Leav- 
 enworth Convention. The constitution that it drew up was 
 a well-written document, perhaps stronger than any that 
 had yet been made. In some respects it was an improve- 
 ment on the Topeka Constitution. Its real purpose ap- 
 peared to be to place the radicalism of the Free-State party 
 against the radicalism of the Lecompton Constitution. 
 The action of this convention had much to do in pre- 
 cipitating the struggle against the Lecompton Constitution
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGGLE 239 
 
 before the Congress of the United States. The most strik- 
 ing pecnliarity in this new Constitution was the liberal 
 clause in regard to suffrage. Section 1, article 2, says: 
 
 " In all elections not otherwise provided for by this Constitu- 
 tion, every male citizen of the United States of the age of twenty-one 
 years or upward, and who shall have resided in the State six months 
 next preceding such election, and ten days in the precinct in which 
 he may offer to vote, and every male person of foreign birth of the 
 age of twenty-one years or upward, who shall have resided in the 
 United States one year, in this State six months, and in the precinct 
 in which he may offer to vote ten days next preceding such ©lection, 
 and who shall have declared his intention to become a citizen of the 
 United States conformably to the laws of the United States ten days 
 preceding such election, shall be deemed a qualified elector." 
 
 The word " white," which preceded " male " in the To- 
 ]>eka Constitution, was omitted in the Leavenworth Consti- 
 tution, and this fact in itself aroused great opposition to 
 the instrument, all the Proslavery forces being antagonistic 
 to this innovation. 
 
 April 28-29, 18.58, a Free-State Convention was held 
 at Topeka to nominate officers under the Leavenworth 
 Constitution. The result was that Henry J. Adams was 
 nominated for Governor, Cyrus K. Tlolliday for Lieuten- 
 ant-Governor, and E. P. Bancroft of Emporia for Secretary 
 of State. After completing the work of nominating can- 
 didates, the convention adopted a platform which accepted 
 the Leavenworth Constitution, and pledged themselves to 
 favor its adoption and ratification by the people. They 
 also adopted measures in reference to the Lecompton Con- 
 stitution, which was the great bugbear of the Free-State 
 people at this time. On May 18th the Leavenworth Con- 
 stitution was submitted to the people for ratification. 
 Only about 4,000 votes were cast, and about one-fourth of
 
 240 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 thorn were in tlie nej^ative. Perliaps the sti^^a placed on 
 this constitution by its origin had much to do Avith its de- 
 feat, for in many respects it was an excellent instrument. 
 11ni8 failed the thii-d constitution proposed for the organi- 
 zation of Kansas. 
 
 A more elaborate discussion of the events connected with 
 the history of the Tveavenworth Constitution, though it 
 would be extremely interesting in many i*espeets, would be 
 out of place in this volume, because Governor Robinson, 
 the subject primarily under discussion, was not in any way 
 connected with the Leavenworth Constitution. It is suf- 
 ficient to say that the making of this constitution is one part 
 of the Fre^State movement with which he appears not to 
 have been connected ; and the fact that it was an ignomini- 
 ous failure is of some significance, although it is not in- 
 tended to insist that failure attended every movement in 
 the State with which Governor Robinson was not cen- 
 nected. While the Governor Avas ready, however, to work 
 with any united party to forward the interests of the Free- 
 State cause, it appears that the LeavenAvorth Constitution 
 did not appeal strongly to him as a means of settling the 
 questions at issue. Moreover, he was serving as nominal 
 Governor under the Topeka Constitution, and did not care 
 to sever his connection with this constitution Avithout a 
 good cause. It did not appear that the people Avere ready 
 to adopt a constitution directly opposed to tlie Lecompton 
 Constitution, and thus prolong the struggle. The people, 
 too, seemed to have groAvn tired of constitution-making; 
 and to this cause, among others, must be attributed the 
 failure of the Leavenworth Constitution. Had this same 
 constitution come up later, at the time of the adoption of
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGI,E 241 
 
 the Wjandotte Constitution, there is no reason to suppose 
 that it would not have heen adopted. But it arrived at an 
 inopportune moment. Moreover, the Governor had vetoed 
 the bill providing for the convention that framed it, and 
 henee the instrument was, in the eyes of many, illegal. 
 Finally, there Avas developed a land scheme in connection 
 with the location of the capital of the State. The plan of 
 the organizers of the new goveminent under the Leaven- 
 worth Constitution was to make Minneola the capital. 
 As might have been expected, in the case of an instrument 
 having so unfortunate an origin, the Leavenworth Consti- 
 tution ended in ignominious failure. 
 
 But though there was nothing in this constitution to com- 
 mend it to Robinson as a leader, or to the people as voters, 
 and it failed, yet, the leaders who favored it were deter- 
 mined to put it in force in opposition to the Territorial 
 Government. These ultra radicals expected, in case the 
 Lecompton Constitution should be adopted bj Congress, to 
 put the Leavenworth Government into operation in opposi- 
 tion to the Federal Government. Or, as one of the most 
 officious said, " If the people's government is put into 
 operation and the Federal power attempts to interfere, 
 there will be a desperate struggle." 
 
 The advocates of the Leavenworth Constitution elected 
 their officers and completed their organization. Beyond 
 their they accomplished very little to forward this unpopu- 
 lar movement. The matter of the organization of the State 
 of Kansas under the Leavenworth Constitution was pre- 
 sented to Congress on January 6, 1859, but no action was 
 taken concerning it. 
 
 The election of members of the fourth Territorial Leg- 
 — 16
 
 242 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 islature occurred October 4tli, 1858, and the Leg-islature 
 convened at Lecompton on Januaiy 3d, 1859. On tlie fol- 
 lowing^ day it adjourned to Lawrence, where it met on Jan- 
 uary 7th. The Legislature was now composed of a major- 
 ity of Free-State men, and they proceeded to repeal a large 
 portion of the so-called "Loo:us laws" of 1855. All the 
 land laws of 1857 and the laws of 1858 were also carefully 
 revised. The people were still determined to become a 
 State of the Union under the Free-State banner. This 
 Legislature, uninfluenced by the failure of tlie three consti- 
 tutions that had already been constructed, boldly proposed 
 a new constitutional convention. The question of holding 
 such a convention was submitted to the people, witli the 
 result that 5,306 votes were cast for and 1,425 against, the 
 constitutional convention. The delegates to this conven- 
 tion were chosen June 7th, 1859. 
 
 The Constitutional Convention met at Wyandotte, on 
 July 5th. It was composed, to a large extent, of new men. 
 But few members of the Topeka, Lecompton and Leaven- 
 w^orth conventions were present. The convention started 
 with new material and with a new purpose, and, so far as 
 any political influences were concerned, without much ref- 
 erence to what other constitutional conventions had done. 
 It had before it the experience of the other constitutional 
 conventions, but it had to meet new conditions. There ap- 
 peared, however, to be a persistency of ideas respecting the 
 treatment of the African race, for, strange to say, this con- 
 vention held to the old phrase in the Topeka Constitution, 
 that every " ivhitc " male person should have the right of 
 suffrage, instead of adopting the radical view of the Leav- 
 enworth Constitution, that every male citizen of the United
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 243 
 
 States should have that right. This shows that after all, 
 the people of Kansas had not fully realized what would 
 be the final outcome of the war against slavery, namely, 
 the full and free admission of emancipated slaves to citizen- 
 ship. The opposition to the introduction of the negro, 
 bond or free, into the Territory of Kansas, fills the reader 
 of Kansas history with surprise. N^or was it a passing 
 whim or notion, or, indeed, a failure to completely organize, 
 for the Constitutional amendment submitted in 1867 to 
 strike out the word '" white " was defeated at the polls by 
 a large majority. It could only be accounted for from two 
 points of view: one, that there was a great diversity of 
 views among the Free-State men respecting the negro; 
 and the other, that a free State could better be established 
 by his entire exclusion. 
 
 As before stated, the election of delegates to the conven- 
 tion showed that there were new conditions to be considered, 
 for out of the whole membership of the convention only 
 seven had been members of previous constitutional conven- 
 tions of Kansas that made the several defunct constitutions. 
 But the men who assembled to make the constitution had 
 for precedents the constitutions of other States, and had 
 also the results of the constitution-making in Kansas. 
 While the latter had more or less influence, the constitution 
 was largely taken from the constitutions of Ohio, Indiana, 
 and Iowa, the first being most used; while the Bill of 
 Rights of the Leavenworth Constitution was used. It was 
 thus that tlie many old leaders of the various political fac- 
 tions in Kansas were in the background during the forma- 
 tion of the constitution under which the State was to come 
 into the Union.
 
 244 JLIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 The convention finally completed its labors and presented 
 to the citizens of Kansas the Wyandotte Constitution, 
 which was adopted on October 4th, 1859, by a vote of 
 10,421 for its adoption, there being only 5,530 against it. 
 So far as Kansas is concerned, this completed the Consti- 
 tutional Struggle, although, owing to adverse circumstances 
 at Washington, a long time was destined to elapse before 
 the Federal Government should recognize this action and 
 create a State out of the new Territory. Finally, after 
 many difficulties, the Constitution was recognized, and 
 President Buchanan signed the bill for the admission of 
 Kansas into the Union on January 29th, 1861. 
 
 Before leaving this subject it is well to refer to a phase 
 of the Constitutional Struggle which relates more especially 
 to political organization. The purpose of the Free-State 
 organization and the Topeka Constitution have been clearly 
 pointed out. Those who have followed the writer thus far 
 will have observed how the service and efficiency of the 
 Free-State party gradually declined, and how the party 
 finally became disintegrated as new political forces arose. 
 The rapid tendency shows that disintegration set in at the 
 time of the Grasshopper Falls Convention, August 26th, 
 1857, and was immediately dependent upon the fact of a 
 majority of Free-State men in the Territory. 
 
 Again, on December 23d and 24th, the Free-State Con- 
 vention of December 2d held an adjourned meeting at Law- 
 rence, in which the policy of voting for officers under the 
 Lecompton Constitution was freely discussed. Governor 
 Robinson and others supported the policy of voting. A 
 mass convention, called to assemble at the same time and 
 at the same place, held alternate sessions with the delegate
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 24:5 
 
 convention. In this convention a resolution to instruct 
 the delegate convention to nominate State officers under the 
 Lecompton Constitution was laid upon the table. Subse- 
 quently a group of Free-State men assembled, on the even- 
 ing of the 24th, after the adjournment of the mass conven- 
 tion, and nominated a State ticket to be supported on the 
 4th of January, the time of election of officers imder the 
 Lecompton Constitution. 
 
 The next step in the downward tendency of the Free- 
 State organization is observed in the meeting of the Free- 
 State Legislature at Lawrence, on January Tth, 1858, 
 where the Territorial Legislature was in session. At this 
 time the Free-State Legislature asked the Territorial Leg- 
 islature to substitute the State for the Territorial organi- 
 zation. As both legislatures were composed of Free-State 
 men, it was inevitable that their forces should be united in 
 some way. As a final result of this meeting the Topeka 
 Legislature surrendered its claim to power to the Territo- 
 rial Legislature. This was practically the death-blow of 
 the Free-State organization. An attempt wa« made to 
 revive the Free-State party in a convention held at Big 
 Springs May 12th, 1859. George W. Smith called the 
 convention to order, and Robert Riddle, of Jefferson 
 county, presided. The convention, did little more than re- 
 port resolutions and give evidence that the Free-State party 
 had done its work ; and this convention was its last effort. 
 
 A very significant event occurred, however, which tended 
 to reorganize the political forces on a national basis, — the 
 organization of the Republican party, which occurred at 
 Osawatomie, on May 18th, 1859. This convention was 
 composed of representative men from every portion of the
 
 246 LIFE OF CHABXES ROBINSON 
 
 Territory which had been settled. It was a difficult mat- 
 ter to brin<y the diverse elements there represented, having 
 so manj varied opinions of organizations, into a harmoni- 
 ous union on a national basis. 
 
 Of all those persons who were influential in the organiza- 
 tion of this party, none were more prominent than Col. 
 O. E. Learnard. There were two radical factions facing 
 each other in this convention, and Col. Learnard, being 
 practically independent of either, was chosen president of 
 this body after it w^as called to order by Hon. T. D wight 
 Thacher. In the contest for the presidency Learnard was 
 opposed by Phillips, the former receiving a handsome ma- 
 jority. The resolutions prepared by the committee, of 
 which Thomas Ewing, jr., was chairman, gave forth no 
 uncertain sound on the question of slavery. It asserted 
 " That Freedom is national, and Slavery sectional, and that 
 we are inflexibly opposed to the extension of Slavery t-o 
 soil now free." Also, " That the Wyandotte Constitutional 
 Convention be requested to incorporate in the Bill of Rights 
 in the Constitution a provision that neither slavery nor in- 
 voluntary servitude shall ever exist in Kansas, except in 
 punishment of crime." 
 
 The resolutions set forth clearly the political condition 
 of the Territory, and urged organization on a national 
 basis. It was plain to be seen that henceforth in Kansas 
 the political lines were to be more closely drawn. iSTot a 
 little discussion arose on the various propositions, for, as 
 Col. Learnard clearly states it, the Free-State party or- 
 ganization had done its work, and something more definite 
 must now be established. Or, as he briefly states : " The 
 Free-State party organization, under whose banner the con-
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STKUGGLE 247 
 
 test had been wafj;ed and won, had hut a single plank and 
 a single purpose — freedom for Kansas. Composed as it 
 was, of men w^hose former party predilections and affili- 
 ations were largely dissimilar, often antagonistic, they 
 strove together loyally and faithfully nntil the victory Avas 
 assured. When the purpose of that organization had been 
 achieved and the time approached when, under a State 
 organization, an aligniment of parties on a national basis 
 would necessarily ensue, a convention was called for the 
 purpose of organizing the Republican party of Kansas, on 
 May 18th, 18.59, at Osawatomie; indeed. Republicanism 
 inhered in Kansas, for it had been both its occasion and 
 its inspiration." ^ 
 
 Perhaps the success of the resolutions, and in fact, of 
 the whole organization, was in a measure due to the re- 
 markable address made by Thomas Ewing. The president, 
 Col. Learnard, had asked Mr. Ewing to address the con- 
 vention, ''but he replied that he could not make a speech 
 after the address of Mark Parrott, who had spoken in the 
 morning, and who was, perhaps, the most eloquent and ver- 
 satile man we had in Kansas up to that time." But while 
 the deliberations of the convention were proceeding in the 
 afternoon session, Mr. Ewing entered the hall, and the 
 president requested him to come to the platform. To 
 quote Col. Learnard : 
 
 " He was an imposing figure, and had a commanding presence, — 
 tall, and straight as an Indian. Coining forward, he faced the as- 
 sembly, and as it seemed to me, stood for a full minute without 
 uttering a syllable. When he commenced speaking it was slowly, 
 deliberately, and with a tremulous voice. Every nerve in him seemed 
 to be flrung to its highest tension. He argued for the resolutions 
 
 ' Kar.tiafl Hietorical CoUectSonfi, Vol. C, p. 313.
 
 248 LIFE 01<" CltARI.E!:l KOBlNSOJ>r 
 
 in a most eflfective speecli, — the most cfl'ectivc. it seems to me now, 
 I have ever heard in Kansas. After he eoncludod there was a further 
 slight effort on the part of the opposition to modify the resolutions, 
 but the call for a vote was general, which resulted in the adoption 
 of the resolutions almost if not quite unanimously. The threatened 
 difficulties and dissensions were overcome, and the Eepuhlican [)arty 
 in Kansas was an accomplished fact." ^ 
 
 Thus the political disinte^ratiou of the Free-State party 
 ended in the formal organization of the Republican party, 
 which was to be the standard-bearer of freedom in Kansas. 
 The Topeka Constitution, which represented the Free-State 
 people, met with defeat in Congress ; the Lecompton Con- 
 stitution, which met with much favor in Congress and by 
 the Federal administration, was finally defeated by an 
 honest vote in Kansas; the Leavenworth Constitution, 
 never having very much of life, perished soon after its 
 birth ; the Wyandotte Constitution had not yet been framed 
 when the Republican party of Kansas was organized. 
 Soon after this event the Constitution was created, ap- 
 proved by the people, and subsequently recognized by the 
 United States Government, when Kansas was admitted as 
 a State. 
 
 Hence it was the Re])ublican State Convention which 
 met at Topeka on October 12th, upon which devolved the 
 nominations of officers under the Wyandotte Constitution.^ 
 William A. Phillips presided at this meeting, and P. B. 
 Plumb and .T. A. Martin acted as secretaries. Charles 
 
 1 Kansas Historical Collections, Vol. 6, p. 315. 
 
 Horace Greeley made an effective and enthusiastic speech at Osawatoniie on the day 
 of the organization of the Kepublican party. But he was not invited to address the con- 
 vention, and (lid not address it, although it is commonly reported that he did. Owiiyj 
 to the pronounw^d views of Mr. Greeley, It was feared that he might add to the inhar- 
 mony that alresidy prevailed, and prevent the successful organization of the party, be- 
 cause it was alleged that he waa not fully conversant with local affairs. 
 
 -Subsequently, at a meeting of the Republican Committee, Charles Eobin.ion was 
 appointed Nation;)! Committeeman.
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL STRUGGLE 249 
 
 RobinsGn, who was nominated for Governor, received a 
 handsome majority over liis opponent, H. P. Johnson. An 
 election of State officers, under the Wyandotte Constitu- 
 tion, was held December 6th, 1859, at which Charles 
 Robinson received 7,908 votes, and his opponent, Samuel 
 Medary, the nominee of the Democratic party, received 
 5,395. J. W. Robinson was elected Secretary of State, and 
 George S. Hillyer, Auditor. Thus was established the 
 State Government of Kansas, under the Wyandotte Con- 
 stitution ; although some time did elapse before it was put 
 into operation. ;
 
 250 LlJ^E OF CHABIES ROBINSON 
 
 CHAPTEE VIT. 
 
 LOCAL AFFAIRS. 
 
 There were many local events wliich had much to do 
 with the progress of the Free-State cause and the develop- 
 ment of the Territory. It will be necessary to refer to a 
 few of these in order to understand the true relation of 
 Governor Robinson to the affairs concerning its progress. 
 But of the great number of local events of vital importance 
 to the settlers of Kansas, very little may be said. They 
 deserve a better treatment, but want of space forbids the 
 writer entering into the details of affairs. 
 
 The material progress of the Territory was greatly re- 
 tarded by the reigTi of terror Avhich existed in the summer 
 of 1856, prior to the coming of Governor Geary. The his- 
 tory of this period has never been carefully written, nor, 
 indeed, adequately represented from any standpoint. Per- 
 haps it was because the principal leaders in the sti*uggle 
 were absent from the Territory a greater part of the time, 
 or, in some instances, like those of Robinson and others, 
 were confined in the prison at Lecompton. But those who 
 remained in their homes were afraid of their lives, and 
 those who found occasion to travel in the Territory w^ere in 
 constant fear of robbery and assassination. Armed bands 
 of unscrupulous men roamed over the Territory, robbing 
 and murdering Free-State men and burning their homes. 
 To counteract this, armed bands of rFeo-State men were 
 forced to defend themselves against marauding bands. 
 However necessary this latter mode of defense may have
 
 LOCAL AFFAIRS 251 
 
 appeared, it failed to restore quiet or to give protection to 
 unoffending settlers. It represents the most disagreeable 
 and dangerous era in the whole history of the early strug- 
 gles in Kansas, and the most unpleasant phase to contem- 
 plate, — and, indeed, the most difficult to relate. 
 
 This line of conduct, representing savage predatory war- 
 fare, was inaugurated by the act of John Brown in his 
 brutal attack upon the citizens of the Pottawatomie. The 
 act of taking five men in the dead of night, from their 
 homes, and cruelly butchering them, caused the whole 
 community to shudder. The suddenness and unexpected- 
 ness of the attack, its vigorous and uncompromising char- 
 acter, demonstrated to the Free-State men the possibilities 
 of retaliatory measures. Here was a new line of warfare, 
 adopted by one man who stood alone, being neither Pro- 
 slavery nor Free-State, but just a bold Abolitionist who had 
 sworn in his youth to wage uncompromising warfare against 
 slavery. The ethics of the deed is not a subject for dis- 
 cussion at this place. The fact of the deed and its influence 
 should be mentioned here.^ 
 
 The Proslavery people were astonished beyond measure, 
 for they realized they had now an element to contend with 
 that they had not hitherto met. But while this bloody deed 
 sent consternation to the hearts of the Proslavery people 
 of the neighborhood, many of them fleeing across the border 
 for their lives, its really important effect was to arouse re- 
 newed exertions on the part of the Proslavery people to 
 carry on the conquest, and to give them an excuse for sav- 
 age retaliation. On the other hand, the Free-State men 
 
 ' Bee Chapter X.
 
 252 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 had a bold example of resistance, and tbov prepared to re- 
 pel the Missouri invaders bj force of arms. Band after 
 band of Free-State men organized to meet bands of ruf- 
 fians from Missouri, so that Kansas Territory found it- 
 self, in the summer of 185C, overwhelmed by a border war- 
 fare. The whole season was one of terror; people dared 
 not leave their homes unarmed. ISTot knowing- when their 
 persons would bo attacked, their property taken, or their 
 rude homes go up in flames, they lived in a state of perpet- 
 ual fear. The early settlers suffered many and diverse 
 trials and vicissitudes, but there was nothing that quite 
 compared to the indignities of the summer of 1856 imme- 
 diately following the Pottawatomie massacre. The lonely 
 cabin and the unprotected settlement felt the full force of 
 the merciless anarchy that followed. Special mention is 
 here made of this fact, for there are those Avho still seem 
 to think that Brown's savage blows protected the people 
 and freed the State from ruffianism. 
 
 The policy inaugairated by Brown and pursued vigor- 
 ously by his followers was entirely opposed to the plans of 
 Bobins'on and other Free-State leaders. To quote from 
 Andreas' History of Kansas : " The aggressive warfare 
 thus begun was not in accordance with the plans or pur- 
 poses of the leaders of the Free-State movement ; on the 
 contrary, it was in direct opposition to their counsel, and 
 had been persistently decried and successfully withstood 
 up to this time. For the disorder that ensued, the Free- 
 State organization was not in any way responsible. The 
 aggressive movement at that time was an uncontrollable 
 outburst of rage long pent up, under the stress of suffer- 
 ing, intimidation, insult, humiliation, and unrepressed
 
 LOCAL AFFAIRS 253 
 
 rage, such as by liot-tenipered men of courage could no 
 longer be unresistingly endured." The writer then pro- 
 ceeds to lay the blame at the door of those high in authority 
 who planned and executed the outrages of fraudulent gov- 
 ernment until they reached this climax of bloody strife. 
 It is idle to conjecture whether peace might not have been 
 better maintained by calmly waiting for the plans of the 
 Free-State party to mature, for war came, and the Free- 
 State people met as best they could their enemies, resisting 
 them by force. '"John Brown's bloody code of retaliation" 
 ruled in the land. The whole trouble, from the Free-State 
 standpoint, of this mode of warfare was that when lead- 
 ers like Brown and Lane made a sudden attack and ob- 
 tained victory, they were up and away immediately, leav- 
 ing the people defenseless against the reaction caused by 
 their vigorous warfare. Hence, whoever considers care- 
 fully the effects of this war carried on by Brown and 
 others, will see clearly that, while they terrorized some of 
 their enemies, they but excited others, who only waited 
 their time to reap full vengeance on the Free-State people. 
 Free-State and Proslavery people organized themselves 
 into armed bands and companies, and carried on a warfare 
 which was direful in its effect although not very dignified 
 in its movements. There are numerous records of con- 
 flicts, some of them great in one way and small in another. 
 There were battles at Franklin, Fort Titus, Black Jack, 
 Fort Saunders, Osawatomie, Marais des Cygnes, and 
 many other places. There were intrigues, plots and coun- 
 ter-plots, and the individual struggles arising from per- 
 sonal quarrels. In all of this, though not wanting in cour- 
 age. Governor Robinson occupied a calm and serene exte-
 
 254 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 rior. In very many ways lie attempted to establish order 
 and to prevent strife and bloodshed. 
 
 One of the most remarkable instances on record, of at- 
 tempts to retaliate by means of force, was in regard to the 
 contemplated destrnetion of the meml)ers of the Constitu- 
 tional Convention who were chosen for the purpose of fram- 
 ing the Lecompton Constitution. After the Territorial 
 Legislature had been secured by the Free-State men, having 
 a majority of votes in that body, the Proslavery ])eople, 
 having no other alternative, endeavored to push their con- 
 stitution in the halls of Congress, secure its adoption, and 
 create a new government under it. General Lane had 
 been instructed to organize the military forces in Kansas 
 for the protection of the ballot-box. He laid a plan to as- 
 semble all of the Free-State forces, '' to march on Le<!omp- 
 ton and kill every member of the Constitutional Conven- 
 tion." It was given out also that he intended to destroy 
 the Territorial Government and set up the Topeka Gov- 
 ernment. At an evening meeting, held in Lawrence on 
 the l7th of October, 1857, Lane's proposition for the de- 
 struction of the Legislature and a military movement 
 against all the Proslavery strongholds, was thoroughly 
 discussed. After much discussion by Lane and others, 
 Joel K. Goodin mounted the rostrum, and, by a skillful 
 speech, turned the whole affair into ridicule. He went on 
 to demand war, great sacrifices and the spilling of blood, 
 and finally closed by saying: 
 
 " ' But I may differ with some of you as to the proper place to 
 begin this blood-spilling business. ['Hear! hear!'] No person has 
 occasioned more strife, or been the more fruitful cause of ouc dis- 
 turbances, than — James H. Lane! He demands blood! We all 
 want it: but it is his bloo<l that is demandetl at this time; *nd if
 
 LOCAL AFFAIRS 255 
 
 he presses on his assasslnatioa projex't, I propoae he shall be the first 
 person to contribute in that direction.' [The wildest cheering pos- 
 sible, greatly prolonged, followed.] 
 
 '• General Lane seemed perfectly confounded. The whole throng 
 were taken by surprise, and the business portion of it were delighted 
 beyond expression that some person had the ability and sufficient force 
 of character to meet a bold, bad man, and throttle his murderous 
 plans at their inception." ' 
 
 Governor Robinson was out of the town at the time of 
 this meeting', and it was fortunate that Goodin had the 
 oourag'e and ability to defeat Lane's projects by a single 
 speech. Having; been thwarted in his attempt. Lane man- 
 ag'ed to liave a military board created at a meetings of the 
 Territorial Legislature, held on January 4th, 1858. He 
 also managed to have himself appointed at the head of the 
 military board, x^o sooner had he accomplished this than 
 he began to concoct schemes for the carrying on of a cam- 
 paign against all Proslavery settlements. There was a 
 secret order called the " Danites," through which Lane was 
 operating to carry out his various schemes. After Gov- 
 ernor Robinson's return to Lawrence he was initiated into 
 this society. After the initiation ceremonies were over. 
 General Lane arose, in his dignified and mysterious way, 
 to address the society. He began to give the details of a 
 military plan in which he had ordered the various gen- 
 erals to strike severally the important Proslavery towns of 
 Kansas. Closing his address, he said: "It now remains 
 for Lawrence to say what shall be done with Lecompton." 
 After a few minutes silence. Governor Robinson was called 
 for by various ])ersons in the room to reply to Lane. Rob- 
 inson asked by v^^hose authority this was to be done. Lane 
 
 '"Reminiscences of Oovern.)r Wali-fr," )ij Di. O. \V. Brown. Karnaw Oonaiet, 
 p. 370.
 
 25b LIFE OF ClIAKLES EOBIMSON 
 
 replied, " By the authority of the military board." Rob- 
 inson replied that " Neither the military board nor any 
 other board had any sncli authority." lie also gave notice 
 that anyone who attempted to carry ont any such orders 
 would have him to fight. As soon as Lane's plans were 
 made known, the people opposed him in his nefarious busi- 
 ness, and the matter was dropped.^ The troubles inaugu- 
 rated by predatory warfare continued throughout the Free- 
 State period long after the Free-State party had won a 
 victory. They laid the foundation for much of the guer- 
 rilla warfare which existed along the border of Missouri 
 and Kansas during the Civil War. Especially severe and 
 annoying were the troubles that occurred in the southeast 
 portion of the Territory, wdiere the reign of terror was pro- 
 longed. 
 
 There were troublesome times in Linn and Bourbon 
 counties long after the Free-State men had gained a ma- 
 jority in the Territorial Legislature, and when it was evi- 
 dent that Kansas would eventually be admitted as a free 
 State. The enmity and strife engendered by the border 
 warfare would not down ; it increased in its terrors until 
 people forgot for the time being that there was a civil gov- 
 ernment which might redress their wrongs if appealed to 
 in a legal way. The early experience with the "bogus 
 Legislature " had taught them to distrust and ignore gov- 
 ernment and to accept mob rule instead. The events hap- 
 pening in the southeastern part of Kansas during the bor- 
 der warfare are sufficient in number and magnitude to 
 fill a volume. In brief, these events include the attempt 
 
 1 Governor Boblneon said that he did not hnow whether the order into which he 
 was initiated was the so-called " Danites " or not, as he never attended another meet- 
 ing after his initiation.
 
 LOCAL AFFAIKS 257 
 
 on the part of the Proslavery people from Missouri and 
 other Southern States to terrorize the Free-State people 
 and to drive them from the soil ; the John Brown massacre 
 on tlie Pottawatomie ; the attempt to retaliate by the op- 
 position as observed in the Marais des Cygnes massacre; 
 and the bold warfare of James Montgomery and his follow- 
 ers, who sought to retaliate for the wrongs done, and who 
 were so embittered that tliey were ready to follow the idea 
 of revenge to any extent. This border warfare began 
 vigorously in this section shortly after the Pottawatomie 
 massacre, and continued long after peace prevailed in other 
 parts of the Territory. Each separate deed in this war- 
 fare has found those who defend it on various grounds, but 
 the historian deplores the whole category of sad occurrences 
 that devastated the country and caused so much distress 
 and even ruin to thousands of settlers. 
 
 So confused were the operations and so general the ruf- 
 fianism that on the whole, Free-State and Proslavery must 
 share the censure. Be that as it may, what concerns 
 us at present is the attempt of Governor Denver to break 
 up lawlessness and ruffianism in this section.^ With this 
 purpose in view and in the interest of peace and order, he 
 resolved to make a tour of the counties most afflicted 
 with these troubles. In June, 1858, the Governor, accom- 
 panied by Charles Robinson and others, traveled through 
 Johnson, Bourbon and Linn counties, talking with the 
 people and suggesting means of substituting civil gov- 
 
 1 Governor Denver was the fifth Governor sent out by the Democratic administra- 
 tion for the purpoHe of fnvorin^, so fur as possible, the Proslavery cause In the Terri- 
 tory, and he was the first of the five who had not been obliged to resign his place and 
 beat a hasty retreat from the gubernatorial office. But ho had accepted his position 
 with the intention of resigning soon thereafter on account of business relations. He 
 therefore resigned October 10th, 1868, and was succeeded by Samuel Medary, of Ohio. 
 Prior to Governor Denver's administration Woodson and Stanton had served as actin}< 
 Governors, and Denver had served a while in the same capacity. 
 
 — 17
 
 258 LIFE OF CHA.KLES ROBINSON 
 
 ernmeut for border war. Ou the 12th and 13th of June 
 quite a large number of the citizens of Bourbon county 
 met at Fort Scott. There they were addressed by Governor 
 Denver, Governor Robinson and Judge Wainwright, and 
 were induced to pass resolutions abolishing feudal strife 
 and border warfare and obligating themselves to main- 
 tain law, order and justice through civil procedure. While 
 this attempt of Governor Denver did not entirely put an 
 end to the disturbances, it was of great service in estab- 
 lishing order. Governor Denver speaks of the able services 
 rendered by Charles Robinson in seconding his efforts in 
 the establishment of order in the Territory. 
 
 The material prosperity of Kansas, though retarded by 
 the political strife, was not forgotten. The population con- 
 tinued to increase, the virgin soil was cultivated, and in a 
 small way public improvements were begun. The greatest 
 obstacle that the settlers had to contend with was the lack 
 of transportation and easy communication in different parts 
 of the Territory and to the East. Railroads were greatly 
 needed, especially as the river communication was entirely 
 inadequate to the demands of the Territory. 
 
 'Nor did Dr. Robinson wholly confine his attention to 
 matters political. He was also interested in the develop- 
 ment of the West, and realized the need of railroads in Kan- 
 sas. He spent considerable time in Washington, including 
 one whole winter, in urging legislation favorable to the ex- 
 tension of railroads into the Territory. His plan was to 
 have Congress make grants of land to railroad companies 
 as an encouragement for building, for at that time it was 
 not thought to be a paying investment to build a railroad 
 into Kansas. Possibly his experience with traffic on t'lc
 
 LOCAL AFFAIRS 259 
 
 Missouri river and difficulties with land travel in Kansas 
 made him realize the immediate necessity of railroads in 
 order to secure the safe-conduct of Free-State men from the 
 jN'orth. But he also advocated this policy from a business 
 point of view, believing- that it would build up a common^ 
 wealth and furnish a means of investment for the people. 
 It is not known to what extent his influence affected sub- 
 sequent legislation on this subject. That it was consider- 
 able, is admitted by most men who were conversant with the 
 affairs of the Territory at the time. There were many de- 
 lays, however, and there were many difficulties to be sur- 
 mounted before the first railroad came to Lawrence. The 
 following letter, written to Mr, Hutchinson while Robinson 
 was in Washingt-on, shows to what extent he had entered 
 into the project of obtaining a railroad for Kansas : 
 
 Washington, Dec. 31, 1858. 
 
 Wm. Hutchinson, Esq. — Dear Sir: Your favor of 20tli inst. 
 is received. I am glad to find that you have common-sense. Those 
 men in Lawrence who are making tliemselves so busy in casting 
 imputations upon my integrity in regard to the interests of Law- 
 rence have simply my contempt. I know I have never given a living 
 soul any occasion to question my devotion to her interests, and 
 hence I know that these men judge me by what they themselves would 
 do if they could, viz., betray the interests of the town where they 
 lived for their own personal aggrandizement. However, nine-tenths 
 of this hullabaloo is merely for political effect. They really do not 
 doubt my integrity in this matter, but they know the people are sen- 
 sitive upon it, and they think it a fine opportunity to elevate them- 
 selves a peg or two by standing on my prostrate body. Let them 
 8weat. Every dog must have his day, and it would be unjust to 
 deprive them of theirs. 
 
 If any person is really serious about a railroad on the south side 
 of the Kansas river, below Lawrence, let him go to work and build 
 it. I will not interfere in any way. It will have to be built with 
 stock subscriptions alone, and be need not wait for land grants, as
 
 260 LIFE OF CIIAKLES EOBINSON 
 
 {here is no land to be granted for such a road. If so, T should like 
 to know -where it is. Certainly the Delawares will part with none 
 of their lands for a road that does not go up the nortli side of the 
 river. Lawrence and Douglas county may pass resolutions from 
 now till the judgment day for such a road and it will not interfere 
 Avith oiir project, as we are only endeavoring to build such roads as 
 can be built with lands grantp<l for the purpose. There is no man 
 here, either in Congress or out, from Kansas or elsewhere, that has 
 a single thought of a grant of lands for a road on the south side of 
 the river, below Lawrence, and no resolutions, communications to the 
 Republican, or editorial insinuations will put such a thought into 
 their heads. When the Kansas Valley Railroad Co. was chartered, 
 the lands in Johnson county were not disposed of, but now they are, 
 and the project is abandoned by its former friends. But the very 
 fact of its having been abandoned by men of sense, perhaps, is the 
 very reason why some wise people about Lawrence should take it up. 
 You say you are opposed to granting lands to aid any company 
 vx)iv in existence. The people of Kansas want these grants to build 
 railroads with, and nothing else, and they want them made in that 
 way which will secure the best roads in the shortest time. Some 
 chartered company must build these roads. Now is it for the interest 
 of the people of Kansas to have all these lands granted, given di- 
 rectly to aid John Doe & Co. to build these roads, so that money 
 can be raised at once, a first-class road built, with first-class rolling- 
 stock and depot buildings; or is it for their interest to give them only 
 one-half of the land, giving the other half to fifteen or twenty mem- 
 bers of the Legislature, as the price of their honor, thus crippling 
 the said John Doe & Co. so that they can either not build the road at 
 all, or not until the lapse of years, and then only a sickly road, 
 scarcely able to run? The John Doe & Co. chartered he fore these 
 grants, and who have all the lands granted with which to build the 
 roads, is the same firm, or just as good a firm, as the one that may be 
 chartered after the grants, with only half of the lands, the other half 
 having stuck to the fingers of the members of the Legislature. The 
 members of a Kansas Legislature are as good as the members of any 
 Western Legislature, but the above estimate of their course is based 
 upon the history of the Northwestern States. Do you want the 
 Kansas roads left in the condition of theirs — neither built nor likely 
 to be? Give the lands to the Legislature that ahould go to the com- 
 pany that is to build the roads, and you will have your wish, if you
 
 LOCAL AFFAIRS 261 
 
 do. Of course the Legislature has the same supervision over these 
 lands in the one case as the other, the only difference being that 
 Congress names the company in one case without pay, while in the 
 other the Legislature names it after stealing half the land Congress 
 and the people of the Territory designed to be used in building the 
 roads. But you ask who is the John Doe & Co. who are to be aided 
 to build the road up the Kansas valley? It is the firm under the 
 name and style of the Missouri River & Rocky Mountains Railroad Co., 
 and the stock is controlled entirely by Free-State men, and I am quite 
 positive a majority of the stock is held by residents of Lawrence 
 township, or persons largely interested in the city, and by men who 
 have more interest in the growth of Lawrence than ten carloads of 
 
 such men as and , who are making such a fuss about 
 
 selling out Lawrence. Xo border ruffian has a dollar's worth of stock 
 in the road, so far as I know. The directors of the company are 
 honorable gentlemen, myself excepted if you please, and have the 
 confidence of both the Republican and Democratic parties, — and this 
 is necessary to success, for no grant of land can be got through Con- 
 gress without both Republican and Democratic votes, neither can 
 the Delaware lands, or any portion of them, be obtained (without 
 which no road can be built between Lawrence and the Missouri 
 river) without the approval of the administration. Strike out this 
 company and you get no grants this session, beyond question. It is 
 the only company so organized as to have tlie confidence of the mem- 
 bers of Congress or the railroad public, and the only one that can 
 work effectively for grants or any other purpose, and the company on 
 which the whole question of grants, in my opinion, will hinge. I can- 
 not give you all my reasons for saying this in one letter, even if it 
 would be judicious to give them at all, but such is my belief. 
 
 I am very glad you are disposed to interest yourself in this matter, 
 and shall be as glad to use my influence in such a way that your 
 pecuniary interest shall keep pace with your labors and zeal. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 C. Robinson. 
 
 Will keep you posted on New York land bill. It is blocked, at 
 present, in committee. Write often. Of course this is not for pub- 
 lication. — C. R. 
 
 Many people have from time to time indulged in criti- 
 cisms on the conduct of Governor Robinson in connection
 
 262 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 with the town of Quindaro. While it mii^ht have been pru- 
 dent for him to keep out of the land speculation, it has been 
 the common habit of Americans, from the time of the large 
 land companies in the days of Washington and Jefferson, 
 to indulge in land speculation. This has been done, too, 
 by statesmen of high rank and honorable character. The 
 purposes of Robinson in building the town of Quindaro 
 are easily discerned, and his conduct in connection with 
 its failure appears to have been upright and honorable. 
 He was interested in the material welfare of the country, 
 and, with many others, encouraged the building of towns. 
 No one denies that he was interested in making money on 
 his own account. There was not one of the settlers of 
 Kansas but what had this object. They were like the Pil- 
 grim Fathers in this respect, who had exalted notions of 
 " Freedom to worship God," and very practical notions on 
 increasing their material Avelfare. So far as history goes, 
 a New England man never hesitated to " turn a penny " 
 wherever opportunity offered. Robinson was of the New 
 England stock and the New England type, and he, with his 
 cotemporaries who were ready to fight for freedom in Kan- 
 sas, — nay, perchance to die if necessary, — ^were not averse 
 to the accumulation of wealth when it could be legiti- 
 mately done. In this they showed great thrift and practi- 
 cal wisdom. 
 
 Nearly every one who came to Kansas had more or less 
 experience in buying and selling Kansas lands. Town- 
 sites were established everywhere, and different groups of 
 people bo^an to advertise and push the interests of their 
 own town or the one in which they owned lots. Kansas 
 is dotted over with the sites of extinct towns. Some of
 
 LOCAL AFFAIES 263 
 
 them started with a vigorous growth, though soon to perish 
 by the competition of others more advantageously situated ; 
 but the lives of many which survived extended but little be- 
 yond the paper state. The town of Quindaro was located 
 on the banks of the Missouri river, above the present site of 
 Kansas City, Kansas. Several people were interested in 
 its prosperity, and none more than Dr. Robinson. Part 
 of this interest, to be sure, was speculative, and was due to 
 the fact that he owned some lots in the town. But he had 
 a larger interest in it than that, for it was started with the 
 purpose of making it the rival of Kansas City, as an entre- 
 pot for goods. Kansas City (or Westport), in Missouri, 
 was hostile to Kansas Free-State men, and it was desired 
 to establish a town which was favorable to the freedom of 
 Kansas. But the scheme was destined to failure, chiefly 
 because of the better location of Kansas City, Quindaro 
 being situated upon a bluff, and not easily accessible from 
 the river. Kansas City also had the prestige of having 
 long been a station in the overland traffic, which began vig- 
 orously in 1849. 
 
 Quindaro started out vigorously, however, and Eastern 
 people readily invested their money in it. The promoters 
 of the town had great hopes of its success, and really ex- 
 pected it to become a great city. Hence they were not slow 
 in painting the prospects of the town in glowing colors to 
 Eastern people. But after the town entered on its collapse 
 those interested in it began to lose, and there was something 
 of a scramble to get out. It is in this connection that one 
 Abelard Guthrie appears against Bobinson, criticizing him 
 severely in a diary which he kept, part of which was pub- 
 lished by Mr. W. E. Connelley, in a book entitled, " Will-
 
 264: LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 iam Walker and the Provisional Government of Ne- 
 braska." The diary shows the secret thoughts of a disap- 
 pointed, irascible and vindictive man. The irrational, im- 
 aginative man often thinks evil of others, to learn later 
 that he was in part or totally mistaken. If he will place all 
 of these evil thoughts on record as they occur to him, his 
 diary will present a peculiar and erratic appearance. If 
 such diary falls into the hands of a publisher, it will show 
 the inconsistencies and vagaries of the writer, if nothing 
 else. Such appears to be the case with the diary kept by 
 Abelard Guthrie and its vindictive attack upon Dr. Rob- 
 inson. This interpretation of the diary, it is fair to say, 
 is not due to tlie partiality of a biographer, but has a sub- 
 stantial support in the actual history of tlie town. 
 
 The following statement of Major O. B. Gunn, of Kan- 
 sas City, one who assisted in the survey of the town and was 
 closely connected with its history, carries much weight in 
 the Quindaro matter. It is published entire, by Major 
 Gunn's consent, because the history it contains cannot be 
 more clearly and briefly stated : 
 
 " The town of Quindaro was located upon the west bank of the 
 Missouri river, on a Wyandotte allotment of land, about three miles 
 above the mouth of the Kansas river. Charles Robinson was the 
 president of the Quindaro Town Company, Abelard Guthrie its treas- 
 urer, and S. N. Simpson its superintendent or manager. 
 
 " The town was laid out in the fall of 1856, during the speculative 
 times near the close of the ' Kansas conflict." Of an even dozen towns 
 that were laid out on the Kansas side of the Missouri river, between 
 the mouth of the Kansas river and the Nebraska State line, only 
 three — Wyandotte (now Kansas City, Kansas), Leavenworth, and 
 Atchison — now have an existence except in memory. 
 
 " Quindaro was advertised as the only town on the Missouri river 
 where Free-State men had control, and in the spring of 1857 a large 
 portion of Northern emigration to Kansas landed at Quindaro.
 
 LOG AIL AFFAIRS 265 
 
 '•' The town company started out with much energy, built a fine 
 three-story hotel, graded the main street, caused the erection of sev- 
 eral fine business houses, and very soon a very thrifty town was in 
 progress. But the failure of the Ohio Life and Trust Company, in 
 August, 1857, which was the cause of a widespread panic, put an end 
 to speculation in Kansas toAvns, and many of them dwindled away, 
 the inhabitants gradually moved to other and more prosperous places, 
 and the buildings were moved upon neighboring farms. It was es- 
 pecially unfortunate for Quindaro that it was located so near Wyan- 
 dotte and Kansas City. Wyandotte, which had a more advantageous 
 location and a more eligible to^^•n-site, started off in the spring of 
 1857 with a great boom, and Kansas City was using every endeavor 
 to attract Free-State men and Free-State trade, and these movements 
 were greatly to the disadvantage of Quindaro, and eventually were 
 prime factors in causing its entire collapse. 
 
 " This Avas a great misfortune to those who had settled in Quin- 
 daro and built homes, expecting it to become an important city, but 
 scores of newly-fledged towns in Kansas suffered in the same way. 
 The failure of the town was a sore disappointment to Abelard Guth- 
 rie, who was largely instrumental in locating the town in a wi'ong 
 place, and who, it was said, named the town after the Indian name 
 of his wife, ' Quindaro,' and in part upon her allotment of Wyandotte 
 Indian land. Be that as it may, he was the treasurer of the town 
 company, and undoubtedly believed for a time that there were 
 ' millions in it.' 
 
 " When the collapse finally came he became furious towards 
 Robinson, and finally in 1859 began suit in the District Court, de- 
 manding settlement. The case was referred to three referees. Rob- 
 inson and Simpson to select one, Guthrie one, and these two to select 
 the third referee. Robinson and Simpson selected Judge Nelson Cobb, 
 of Lawrence; Guthrie selected Judge Lott Kaufman, of Kansas City, 
 Mo. ; and these two agreed upon the writer as third referee. 
 
 " In due time the referees met in Quindaro, and very patiently 
 went over all causes of complaint, examined all receipts for money 
 received and expended, and after twenty-two days' sittings we re- 
 turned a unanimovs verdict for the defendants, Guthrie's own referee 
 joining with the others. 
 
 " It appeared that Guthrie, although treasurer of the company, 
 and whose duty it was to look after expenditures, and approve every 
 account before it was paid, had neglected or refused to perform his
 
 266 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 duties, and many vouchers were paid without his signature; and his 
 associates were justified in acting without his cooperation in paying 
 just bills when they became due. 
 
 " Guthrie was highly incensed at the verdict, and was very bitter 
 and vindictive toward Robinson and the referees. Robinson paid his 
 half of the referees' fees at $5 per day, but Guthrie never paid a cent. 
 He did not speak to me or notice me on the streets for more than a 
 year after the arbitration, and not until he became a candidate for 
 U. S. Senator from Kansas, when, the writer having been elected 
 State Senator, Guthrie was compelled in aid of his own election to 
 seek the aid of the writer. Judge Cobb and Judge Kaufman, referees; 
 Charles Robinson and Abelard Guthrie, contestants; Charles Chad- 
 wick, of Lawrence, attorney for Robinson; and A. B. Bartlett, of 
 Wyandotte, attorney for Guthrie, are all dead. Of all those who were 
 aet«rs in the matter of arbitration, only S. N. Simpson and the 
 writer are living. 
 
 " Although the arbitration occurred forty-one years ago, the main 
 points are very distinct in my memory. 
 
 " The verdict can doubtless be found in the records of Wyandotte. 
 
 " O. B. GUNN, 
 
 " One of the Referees. 
 "Kansas City, Mo., Juae 24, ]9«0."
 
 THE FIKST GOVERNOE OF THE STATE 26'7 
 
 CHAPTEK VIII. 
 
 THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE. 
 
 Kansas was admitted into the Union with liberal privi- 
 leges, on January 29th, 1861. Governor Robinson was 
 sworn into office on Febrnary 9th, and he called a session of 
 the Legislature, to meet on March 26th, 1861. As nearly 
 as conld be determined, the Legislature was composed of 
 eighty-nine Republicans and fourteen Democrats, although 
 it was difficult to draw party lines at this time. After the 
 assembling of the Legislature, Governor Robinson sent to 
 it his jfirst message, on March 30th. It was an able mes- 
 sage, outlining the duties of the Legislature in the organi- 
 zation of the State Government, and vigorous in its loyalty 
 to the Federal Government. He said : 
 
 " While it is the duly of each loyal State to see that equal and 
 exact justice is done to the citizens of every other State, it is equally 
 its duty to sustain the Chief Executive of the nation in defending the 
 Government from foes, whether from within or without, and Kansas, 
 though the last and the least of the States in the Union, will ever 
 be ready to answer the call of her country." 
 
 These were prophetic words, for Kansas furnished more 
 volunteer soldiers for the Union army, in proportion to the 
 population, than any other State. Her quota Avas more 
 than filled, sometimes doubled, at every call. And Gov- 
 ernor Robinson, though he differed with the policy of the 
 Federal Government in some things, gave it his support so 
 long as he remained in office. 
 
 One of Xhf firs^t official acts of Governor Robinson was
 
 268 LIFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON 
 
 the appointment of Thomas Ewing, jr., M. F. Coiiway, 
 Henry J. Adams, and J. C. Stone, as representatives of 
 Kansas to the peace conference assembled at Washington. 
 Wliile Ewing and Stone voted for "peace and compromise," 
 there was not a strong peace sentiment in Kansas. As evi- 
 dence of this may be cited the fact that the Republican 
 Congressional convention that convened on May 2 2d, 
 passed strong resolutions, introduced by D. R. Anthony, 
 of Leavenworth, upholding the administration in the in- 
 evitable conflict just begim, and expressing the sentiments 
 of the convention regarding the peace party, as follows: 
 
 "Resolved, Tliat we spurn as specious sophistries all suggestiong 
 of the peaceful dismemberment of the Union, and pledge our fortunes 
 and our honor to its maintenance, intact and inviolate." 
 
 There were many different questions to meet in the or- 
 ganization of the new State, all of which were made more 
 difficult by the impending civil war. The laws were to 
 be compiled, the conditions imposed by the Federal Govern- 
 ment on account of admission must be met, courts must be 
 established, the State apportioned for senators and repre- 
 sentatives, law^s enacted for the management of the school 
 fund and the university fund, and many other duties per- 
 taining to the formation of the State Government per- 
 formed. Moreover, there was the mustering of troops to 
 see to, the commissioning of officers, and the management 
 of the Indians, many of whom were troublesome. Many 
 difficulties resulted from the coming of all these things, and 
 more upon a new State formed by people from all parts of 
 the Union, of different political views, who had not been in 
 the same land together more than seven years at the utmost, 
 and many not half that time. Moreover, the State was poor
 
 THE riKST GOVEKNOE OF THE STATE 269 
 
 and the machinery for raising revenue imperfect. Add to 
 this, that politicians looking for preferment were plentiful, 
 some of them excessively ambitious and even unscrupu- 
 lous, and the affairs of the new State do not present the 
 happiest possible prospect, nor do they promise serenity 
 and prosperity to the State administration. But no one 
 could stand a stormy time better than Governor Kobinson. 
 
 It was significant that at the outset, S. C. Pomeroy and 
 James H. Lane were elected United States Senators by the 
 Legislature. This was in direct line of the political trend 
 of the times, for it appeared from the first that Lane, who 
 was in harmony with the political machine, was ambitious 
 to be Senator, and that he was the most prominent man 
 for the place. 
 
 There was, at the time, a belief among some that the 
 term of the State officers expired on January 1st, 1862, 
 about two years from the date of his election ; but an act 
 of the Legislature fixed the expiration of the term on Jan- 
 uary 9th, 1863, or practically two years from the time 
 Governor Robinson was sworn iu. Certain persons who 
 believed, or affected to believe, that this was illegal, and 
 desired a change of administration, presented a petition 
 to the State Eepublican Committee reciting that, "The 
 undersigned citizens, suffering in common with others from 
 the impotency or malice of the present State Executive, 
 and earnestly desiring a State Government that will in a 
 patriotic and energetic manner defend our people from in- 
 vasion," etc., etc., and asking them "to nominate a full 
 State ticket of efficient Union men, . . . who will con- 
 duct the State Government with reference to the good of
 
 270 l-IFE OF CHABLES KOBINSON 
 
 the whole community and not upon mere personal 
 grounds." 
 
 When judged from a historical standpoint and com- 
 pared with the contemporary administration of other 
 States, it does not appear that there was any lack of vigor 
 in the administration of the Kansas " War Grovemor," 
 or any evidence of "impotency or malice" on his part. It 
 appears from the history of his war record that he moved, 
 fast enough for a young State without money or prestige, 
 almost without State machinery. But he did not move 
 rapidly enough for ambitious place-hunters who wished 
 opportunities to win laurels in politics or war. 
 
 Strange to say, the Republican State Committee heeded 
 the petition, and nominated a new ticket with George A. 
 Crawford heading the list as Governor. They professed to 
 make the nominations on the following platform : 
 
 "Resolved, That the vigorous prosecution of the present war, the 
 earnest and hearty support of the administration in its efforts to 
 crush out the Eebellion. the maintenance of the Constitution, the 
 enforcement of laws, and the preservation of the Union, are the issues 
 upon which these nominations are made." 
 
 "SVhile many of the actors in this little drama were 
 doubtless sincere, there is strong evidence of demagogy 
 and injustice, of much lack of information respecting what 
 ought to be done, and of a wish to do injustice to Governor 
 Robinson. An election of State officers was held at the 
 same time as the Congressional election, but the State 
 Board refused to canvass the votes for this State ticket. 
 George A. Crawford tried, through his representatives, to 
 force the Board to canvass the votes, but failed, the court;^ 
 deciding that the vote Vv'as illegal.
 
 THE FIRST GOVEBNOK OF THE STATE 271 
 
 But this was a small difficulty in comparison with the 
 trouble Governor Robinson met with in the mustering and 
 officering" of troops to put down the Civil War. He an- 
 swered President Lincoln's first call promptly, and fol- 
 lowed up vigorously the war policy. Many did not like 
 his war methods, but they do not appear to have been 
 different from those pursued by other States, more favored 
 by wealth and position than Kansas. 
 
 Undoubtedly it was the first duty of the Governor of a 
 new State to look after the welfare of the commonwealth 
 and its people. A strong, comprehensive and able message 
 from the Governor, followed by thoroughgoing legislation, 
 marked the first gubernat/orial period under the Wyandotte 
 Constitution. The chief results are as follows : 
 
 The first Legislature compiled the laws providing for 
 and regulating the State Government, among which were 
 resolutions and laws accepting of the terms imposed by 
 Congress for the admission of the State into the Union, 
 and dividing of the State into districts for senators and 
 representatives ; measures creating codes of civil and crim- 
 inal procedure, and a State board of equalization ; others 
 establishing a homestead-exemption law, fixing a salary 
 schedule for all officers, making provision for the manage- 
 ment of the State and university school funds, and other 
 important acts. The Agricultural Society was established, 
 and provisions for founding a university were made. In 
 a word, during the administration of Governor Robinson 
 the whole administrative, legislative and judicial machin- 
 ery of the State Govermnent was put in operation. 
 
 After the call for troops on April 15th, 18G1, the first 
 company of men was organized by Capt. Samuel Walker,
 
 272 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 of Kauwakaj Douglas county, who tendered his services 
 and a company of one hundred men on April l7th, two 
 days after the call. A militia regiment had been organized 
 in Linn county by Charles H. Jennison and J. E. Broad- 
 head, in the previous month. From this time on the com- 
 panies and regiments were organized rapidly, and James 
 Blood and James C. Stone were made Major-Generals of 
 the State militia. 
 
 The most trying situation of the whole military regime 
 in Kansas arose from the fact that Senator Lane was ap- 
 pointed Brigadier-General by President Lincoln. Lane 
 had desired to be Senator of the United States to control 
 the political affairs of the State in relation to the Union, 
 and to be Brigadier-General that he might in part control 
 the military affairs of the State. As he could not hold both 
 offices under the Constitution, Governor Robinson, pre- 
 suming that Lane would resign the Senatorship in accord- 
 ance with his assertions, presented, through Senator Foote, 
 of Vermont, the name of Frederick P. Stanton, as Senator 
 for Kansas instead of Lane. Whereupon Lane said, ''This 
 looks like an attempt to bury a man before he is dead.'^ 
 The credentials of Lane were referred to the judiciary 
 committee, and he was seated as United States Senator. 
 Subsequently, Lane was obliged to relinquish his office of 
 Brigadier-General in order to hold the position of United 
 States Senator, but finally was commissioned to recruit 
 troops in Kansas. 
 
 Governor Robinson proceeded to recruit the First and 
 Second regiments for service in the army of the United 
 States under Major-General Stone, whom he had com- 
 missioned to command the northern division of the Kansas
 
 THE FIRST GOVEENOK OF THE STATE 273 
 
 militia, and Major-General Blood of tlie sontliern division. 
 When sworn in they were ordered to Missouri, and on 
 August 10th, 18G1, they participated in the bloody battle 
 of Wilson's Creek, where their bravery made fame for the 
 commandino; officers, Col. G. W. Deitzler and Col. R. B. 
 Mitchell of those regiments, and honor for their State. 
 In that fatal struggle General Lyon, against fearful odds, 
 when he lay bleeding from two w'ounds, swung his hat 
 in the air and called on the troops nearest him for a bay- 
 onet charge on the enemy. The Kansas troops rallied 
 around him, and in a moment Colonel Mitchell fell se- 
 verely wounded. The Kansans cried out, " We are ready. 
 Who will lead us?" "I will lead you," cried Lyon; 
 "come on, brave men." At that instant the third bullet 
 struck him in the breast, and he fell from his horse mor- 
 tally wounded. Colonel Mitchell of the Second regiment 
 and Colonel Deitzler of the First regiment were promoted 
 to brigadier-generals by the President of the United States. 
 Mitchell was confirmed by the Senate, but through the op- 
 position of Lane the confirmation of Deitzler's appointment 
 was prevented for some time. 
 
 By the direction of General Fremont, then commanding 
 the Department of Missouri, in w'hich Kansas was in- 
 cluded, the Governor recruited the Eighth regiment for 
 home service, to be stationed on the border. Captain Wes- 
 sells, of the United States Army, who was then stationed 
 at Fort Eiley, was made colonel of the regiment. General 
 McClellan directed Major Baird of the United States Army 
 to visit Kansas and inspect the troops in service there in 
 the State. Baird was so well pleased with the appearance
 
 274 
 
 I.IFK OV CUAKLES BOBrN.sON 
 
 of this re^irnont, and so favorably impressed with (Colonel 
 Wessells, that, thr()ui»h his reeommendation, General Mc- 
 Clellan transferred Wessells to the Army of the Potomac, 
 where he was advanced to the position of General. The 
 vacancy thus made was filled by the advancement of lAeu- 
 tenant-Colonel Martin, afterward Governor John A. Mar- 
 tin of Kansas. Thus the colonels of the First, Second and 
 Eighth regiments of Kansas troops appointed and com- 
 missioned by the Governor had, within a few months after 
 their enlistment, received well-merited promotions. 
 
 Prior to the election of Lane as Senator, he had ar- 
 ranged with Conway, the Eepresentativ^e to Congress, that 
 no appointments shonld be made by the administration in 
 Kansas nntil after the Senators were elected. After the 
 election Senator Lane hastened to Washington, where he 
 tried to carry ont his plans in regard to the appointment of 
 officers of the troops called into service. He returned 
 from Washington to Kansas in Augiist, 1861, having au- 
 thority, as he claimed, bo recruit and command a brigade. 
 It is quite strange that the authorities, the President and 
 the Secretary of War, should authorize a Senator to re- 
 cruit two regiments while holding the office of Senator, but 
 that this was done is a matter of history. Tlie Constitu- 
 tion expressly says that no person holding any office under 
 the United States shall be a member of either house during 
 his continuance in office.^ As to such part of the militia 
 of the several States as may be employed in the service of 
 the United States, it " reserves to the States respectively 
 the appointment of the officers." How could a Senator 
 during his continuance in office command a brigade of 
 
 ' ConstUnllon, Art. 1, Sec. 6, Claufls 2.
 
 THE riKST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 275 
 
 troops in tlie United States service and act as recruiting 
 officer while holding office under the United States ? How 
 could such a Senator recruit troops from the militia of the 
 State to be employed in the service of the United States, 
 and appoint the officers of such troops, doing the same by 
 the authority of the President, without violating the con- 
 stitutional provisions that reserve to the State the power 
 of appointing such officers? As a matter of fact, it is 
 known that he did so command a brigade, recruited from 
 the militia ; that he named the officers while he continued 
 in office as Senator ; and that he must have done so either 
 with the knowledge and authority or through the inad- 
 vertence of the President. 
 
 This is one of the mysteries connected with Kansas 
 affairs that are yet to be explained. How the great and 
 good President of the United States, so sensitive to the 
 question of justice to all people, should have failed to 
 allow the Governor of the State of Kansas to exercise his 
 rights, and, in so failing, should have allowed a Senator 
 of the United States to violate the law and assume uncon- 
 stitutional and illegal privileges, has never been explained. 
 Yet, when we realize the pressure brought to bear upon 
 the President in those trying hours, and the diffixulty he 
 had in managing the members of his cabinet like Seward 
 and Stanton; and finally, when we think of the magnetic 
 power of Senator Lane, in whom the President seems to 
 have had the utmost confidence, we can e^isily see how such 
 a state of affairs could have been brought about. 
 
 Governor Robinson placed no obstacles in the way of 
 Lane's recruiting these two regiments. After Lane had 
 selected the officers, his son-in-law, Col. Adams, went to
 
 276 LIFE OF OHAKI.ES KOBINSON 
 
 the Governor and asked Lini to commission the officers se- 
 lected, and the Governor did so. 
 
 Lane's speeches to secure recruits were of a nature to 
 show tlie kind of a campaign he proposed to make as 
 commander of the brigade. On one occasion he said, to 
 encourage the enlistment of an infantry regiment : " When 
 the cavalry came out of Missouri each man brought out 
 two more horses than he took in with him, but when the 
 infantry came out each man brought out three more horses 
 than he brought in, — the one which he rode and two which 
 he led." On another occasion he told of a number of mules 
 taken in one day, adding, " It was not much of a day for 
 mules, either." As a recruiting officer no doubt Lane was 
 a success. The enthusiasm which he put into an audience 
 or a band of men was remarkable. No one has ever yet 
 been able to account for Lane's popularity as an orator. 
 It is a well-known fact that he could stir an audience of 
 people almost to a frenzy. An old resident of Kansas said : 
 " He talked like none of the others ; none of the rest had 
 that husky, rasping, blood-curdling whisper or that menac- 
 ing forefinger, or could shriek ' Great God ! ' on the same 
 day with him." ^ Judge Kingman called him " The great 
 natural orator." " By great natural orator," said he, '' I 
 mean a man who could stand up before five hundred men, 
 two hundred and fifty of whom were ready to hang him to 
 the next tree, and at the end of a half-hour have them all 
 cheering for him." A letter of John J, Ingalls to the 
 Topoka Common wealth has this description of Lane: 
 
 " It would be liard to give a rational and satisfactory analysis of 
 the causes of General Lane's popularity as an orator. Destitute of 
 
 1 Noble Pre litis, ia Kansas City Star, January 27th, 1894.
 
 THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 277 
 
 all graces of an orator, he possesses but few even of its essentials; 
 he writhes himself into more contortions than Gabriel Ravel in a 
 pantomime; his voice is a series of transitions from the broken scream 
 of a maniac to the hoarse rasping gutturals of a Dutch butcher in 
 the last gasp of inebriation; the construction of his sentences is loose 
 and disjointed; his diction is a pudding of slang, profanity and sole- 
 cism; and yet the electric shock of his extraordinary eloquence thrills 
 like the blast of a trumpet; the magnetism of his manner, the fire 
 of his glance, the studied earnestness of his utterance, find sudden 
 response in the will of the audience, and he sways them like a field of 
 reeds shaken in the wind. Devoid of those qualities of character 
 which excite esteem and cement the enduring structure of popular 
 regard, he overcomes the obstacles in the path of achievement by 
 persistent effort and indomitable will." '■ 
 
 Lane finally assumed command, and started his cam- 
 paign in August, 1861, and completed it sometime in the 
 autumn following. It was a continuation of the old 
 Kansas struggle along the border, but this time in the 
 name of the United States Government. Captain Prince, 
 of Fort Leavenworth, in a letter to General Lane savs: 
 " I hope you will adopt early and active measures to crush 
 out this marauding which is being enacted in Jennison's 
 name, and also by a band of men representing themselves 
 as belonging to your command." On December 10, 1861, 
 General Llalleck wrote to General McClellan : " The con- 
 duct of our troops, and especially those under Lane and 
 Jennison, turned against us many thousands who were 
 formerly Union men." December 16, 1861, Halleck wrote 
 again to McClellan : " The conduct of the forces under 
 Lane and Jennison has done more for the enemy in this 
 State than could have been accomplished by 20,000 of his 
 own army. I receive, almost daily, complaints of outrages 
 committed by these men in the name of the United States, 
 
 1 Wildei's AnnalH, p. 313.
 
 278 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBIKSON 
 
 and tlie evidence is so eonclnsive as to leave no doubt of 
 their correctness. It is rumored tliat Lane has been made 
 a brigadier-general. I cannot conceive of a more injudi- 
 cious appointment. It Avill take 20,000 men to counteract 
 the appointment in this State, and moreover, it is an offer 
 of a premium for rascality and robbery in this State." 
 
 It was certainly unfortunate that after the four years of 
 struggle between Kansas and Missouri, in which Lane's 
 name appears so prominent on the roll of Kansas heroes, 
 he should have been appointed to lead Kansas forces into 
 Missouri. In Missouri there were many loyal citizens, 
 Union men, who nevertheless had learned to hate Kansas. 
 To them every man from Kansas was an abolitionist, and 
 according to their view every abolitionist ought to be 
 hanged. Hence the potency of General Llalleck's remarks. 
 
 On February 11, 1862, General McClellan submitted to 
 Secretary Stanton extracts from the report of Major- 
 General Baird, Assistant Inspector-General of the United 
 States Army, on the inspection of the Kansas troops. 
 Among other things. General Baird says: 
 
 "If the practice of seizing and confiscating private property of 
 rebels which is so extensively carried on by troops in Lane's brigade 
 should be continued, how is it to be arranged so as to prevent the 
 troops being demoralized and the Government defrauded? The prac- 
 tice has become so fixed and general that I confess that orders arrest- 
 ing it would not be obeyed, and that the only way of putting a stop 
 to it would be to remove the Kansas troops to some other section. 
 The fact that citizens' property has been seized and confiscated by 
 troops is substantiated by both private and official evidence. To what 
 extent may the right of confiscation be legally carried that the dig- 
 nity and justice of government be not at the menace of individuals 
 governed by cupidity and revenge?" 
 
 General Hunter, when he took command of the Depart-
 
 THE FIRST GOVEKNOE OF THE STATE 279 
 
 ment of Kansas, found in the report of his adjutant- 
 general that Lane's brigade was in a demoralized condi- 
 tion. Lane's regimental and company officers knew noth- 
 ing of their duties, and had never made or returned their 
 report-s. " Regiments in a worse condition than those could 
 not possibly be found. They are camped in little better 
 than pigpens; officers and men sleep and mess together; 
 furloughs in great numbers are granted and taken ; drill 
 abandoned almost wholly ; the men are ragged, half armed, 
 diseased, and mutinous, — taking votes as to whether dis- 
 tasteful orders should be obeyed. . . . Public property 
 had been taken Avithout requisition. . . . Horses in 
 great quantities at extravagant prices were bought under 
 irregular orders and paid for by the United States, . . . 
 then turaed over to the men and officers, who drew extra 
 pay for them as private property." 
 
 Lane with his brigade reached Westjwrt, Missouri, Sep- 
 tember, 1861, when he reported that " Yesterday I cleared 
 out Butler and Parkville with my cavalry." ^ On Septem- 
 ber 22d he sacked and burned Osceola, Missouri. He re- 
 turned on the 27th, and in two days reached Kansas City. 
 The brigade turned the Missouri border through which the 
 march lay into a wilderness, and reached its destination 
 heavily laden with plunder. "Everything disloyal," said 
 Lane, "... must be cleaned out." jS^ever were orders 
 more literally or cheerfully obeyed. Even the chaplain 
 succumbed to the rampant spirit of thievery, and plun- 
 dered Confederate altars in the interest of his unfinished 
 church at home. "Among the spoils which foil to Lane 
 
 'Spring : Kiin>a#, p. S7<i.
 
 280 LIFE Oi-' CilAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 personally was a fine carriage, wliicli lie brouglit to Law- 
 rence for the nse of his household." ^ 
 
 September Ist, Governor Robinson wrote to General Fre- 
 mont, commandini? the Western Department, that there 
 was no danger from invasion from Missouri, provided that 
 the Government stores at Fort Scott were sent to Fort 
 Leavenworth and that Lane's brigade be removed from 
 the border. He even relates in this letter how a band 
 of secessionists coming over from Missouri stole property 
 of citizens, and how the officers in command of the Con- 
 federates compelled the return of the property and offered 
 to give up the leaders of the gang for punishment. Robin- 
 son expressed fear that Lane's brigade would get up a war 
 by committing depredations in Missouri and returning to 
 Kansas.^ On October 9th, Lane wrote to Lincoln as fol- 
 lows: "Governor Charles Robinson has constantly, in sea- 
 son and out of season, vilified myself and abused the men 
 under my command as marauders and thieves." On the 
 letter which Halleck had written to President Lincoln 
 remonstrating against the appointment of Lane as Briga- 
 dier-General because it would be " offering a premium for 
 rascality and robbery," were indorsed these words : "An 
 excellent letter, though I am sorry that General Halleck 
 is so unfavorably impressed with General Lane." 
 
 Mr. Mark W. Delahay appeared also to be trying to 
 gain favor by misrepresenting Governor Robinson. It will 
 be remembered that at the Topeka Constitutional Conven- 
 tion he strongly advocated the "black law" clause, with 
 which he said the Topeka Constitution would go through 
 
 1 Sprinj; : Kansas, p. 2TS. 
 2 Ibid., p. 277.
 
 THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 281 
 
 Congress " like a shot." It is nothing against him that he 
 had political ambitions for political power, but this attempt 
 to " stand in " with the President of the United States by 
 defaming others shows that his ambition for himself was 
 of greater interest to him than the success of the Union. 
 To show the spirit of the times in political circles, Dela- 
 haj's letter to President Lincoln is given in full: 
 
 Leavexworth City, Kansas, Nov. 30, 1861. 
 
 Dear Lixcoln: Gov. Robinson a few weeks ago published a letter 
 in which he charges you with being the instigator of theft and rob- 
 bery, which he assumes to have been committed by our Kansas sol- 
 diers. Your friends properly resented the insult by nominating and 
 electing Geo. A. Crawford (a Union candidate) to succeed Robinson 
 as Governor on the 2d Tuesday of January next. By the plain lan- 
 guage of our State Constitution his time expires on that day, but 
 through his influence the Legislature failed to provide for the elec- 
 tion of his successor this fall. The people, however, availed them- 
 selves of their constitutional right to elect; Robinson is now trying 
 to induce the State Board of Canvassers not to count Mr. Crawford's 
 vote. He will also attempt to influence the Legislature, in violation 
 of the expressed will of the people, to recognize him instead of Mr. 
 Crawford as Governor. 
 
 The appointing patronage which has been given him by the War 
 Department in the organization of regiments has been of great use 
 to him against your friends here. He is now raising two regiments 
 for New Mexico by order of General Fremont, when the proper pro- 
 tection of Kansas would more than occupy his whole time. The ap- 
 pointments and outfits for these regiments involve an immense amount 
 of patronage, which will all be used to perpetuate Robinson in office 
 against the overwhelming vote of the people. 
 
 This abuse of your confidence by your enemy to overthrow your 
 friends here will exhaust all your patience, I hope, and will meet 
 with proper rebuke. 
 
 I hope that you will countermand the order for the New-Mexican 
 regiments, on the ground that all our men are needed nearer home, 
 and that they already have soldiers there. And from this time on I 
 trust the Honorable Secretary of War will withhold from Robinson
 
 282 l.IFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 (who is a traitor to your administration) all manner of control over 
 the organization or commissioning of officers in advance. Regiments 
 can be organized better under Major-General Hunter, and Robinson 
 will Iiave to commission those elected by the subordinates or desig- 
 nated by General Hunter, who will commit no act of extravagance, 
 and who enjoys our confidence and respect. Our new Governor-elect 
 is an honorable man, and will give the war and your administration 
 a hearty support. 
 
 Pardon me for troubling you, yet these reflections are of great 
 moment to us here. 
 
 Truly your friend, 
 
 Delahay. 
 
 When General Hunter took command of the Department 
 of Kansas in January he received insti'uctions from Wash- 
 ington that a southern expedition of eight or ten thousand 
 Kansas troops and four thousand Indians had been de- 
 cided on, and that it was understood at Washington that 
 General Halleck favored the expedition, but that Lane was 
 to have chief command. Hunter opposed Lane's southern 
 expeditions, which, it appears, had been sanctioned by the 
 President. When General Hunter insisted that he should 
 command this expedition in person, the whole matter was 
 dropped, and Lane, who had contemplated resigning his 
 seat in the Senate, finally concluded not to do so. The col- 
 lapse of what General Halleck called " the great jayhawk- 
 ing expedition," by order of General Hunter, changed 
 the aspect of affairs entirely. On July 22d, 1862, Lane 
 was made commissioner for recruiting in tlie Department 
 of Kansas, but no attempt was made after this to make 
 him a commander in the army. When Lane was recruiting 
 regiments he issued commissions right and left, but they 
 were found to be worthless without being signed by the 
 Governor, according to the views of the paymaster. While
 
 THE FIBST GOVEKNOJR OF THE STATE 283 
 
 Robinson commissioned the officers of the first regiments 
 formed, sometimes at Lane's request, he finally declined to 
 sanction Lane's erratic appointments. The Secretary of 
 War telegraphed to Governor Robinson, " If you do not 
 issue commissions, the War Department will." To which 
 the Governor promptly replied, " You have the power to 
 override the constitution and the laws, but you have not 
 the power to force the Governor of Kansas to dishonor his 
 own State." This was the position of Governor Robinson, 
 and he held it firmly. 
 
 It may be added here, that after Governor Carney, Rob- 
 inson's successor, was elected, he found the same difficulty 
 that confronted Governor Robinson. Carney went to see 
 the President, and the President gave him a letter to Stan- 
 ton, saying, "Will we at last be compelled to treat the 
 Governor of Kansas as we do other Governors about raising 
 and commissioning troops ? " This seemed to be a frank 
 acknowledgment of the fact that an attempt had been made 
 to overi'ide Governor Robinson in the raising of troops. It 
 seemed to indicate that the Secretary of War had treated 
 the Governor of Kansas in <:>ne way and the governors of 
 other loyal States in another. Stanton reluctantly acceded 
 to the President's request, and Lane's influence ceased 
 with the administration so far as the military affairs of 
 the State of Kansas were concerned. 
 
 The Kansas regiments continued to be organized, and 
 their records show brilliant and brave work in the cause of 
 the Union. The Republican party of Kansas stood staunch 
 and firm for the Union, and through resolution and action 
 gave the Federal administration their hearty support. The 
 Republican Congressional Convention assembled at To-
 
 284 LIFE Oh' CUAKLEW KOBINSON 
 
 peka, Ma3^ 2 2d, 1861, and the following resolutions were 
 offered by D. R. Antliony, expressino- their support of the 
 State administration : 
 
 "Resolved, by the Repuhlican party of the State of Kansas in con- 
 vention assembled, That the existing eondition of national affairs de- 
 mands the emphatic and unmistakable expression of the people of the 
 State, and that Kansas allies herself with the uprising Union hosts 
 of the North to uphold the policy of the administration. 
 
 "Resolved, That the grave responsibilities of this hour could not 
 have been safely postponed, and that they have not arrived too soon, 
 and that in the present war between government and anarchy the 
 mildest compromise is treason against humanity." 
 
 There occurred during this administration an unfortu- 
 nate event regarding the sale of State bonds. It appears 
 that in the act providing for the issue of bonds, provision 
 Avas made for the sale of the bonds at a minimum price 
 of 70 per cent., while in fact they were pnt in the hands 
 of an agent with the understanding that he could have 
 a commission of all over and above 60 per cent, on the 
 amount of State bonds. J. W. Robinson, Secretary of 
 State, and George S. Ilillyer, Auditor, manipulated this 
 sale, and they held that they did so according to the law, 
 and that though the bonds actually sold for 85 per cent., 
 only 60 per cent, was turned into the public treasury. A 
 committee of the Legislature which convened January 
 14th, 1862, consisting of x\nderson, Carney, Sidney 
 Clarke, B. W. Hartley, and H. L. Jones, was appointed to 
 consider the whole matter, and submitted a report on this 
 sale on February 13th, accompanied with the following 
 resolution, and recommending its adoption: 
 
 "Resolved, That Charles Robinson, Governor, J. W. Robinson, 
 Secretary of State, and George S. Hillyer, Auditor of the St-ate of
 
 THE FIEST GOVEBNOR OF THE STATE 285 
 
 l^ansas, be and they are hereby impeached of high misdemeanors in 
 office." 
 
 The following day this resolution was adopted in the 
 House by a vote of sixtj-five yeas and no nays.^ P. B. 
 Plumb was chairman of the committee appointed to draw 
 up articles of impeachment. This committee reported 
 eight articles of impeachment against J. W. Robinson, and 
 on February 26th, 1862, the same committee re}X)rted 
 eight articles of impeachment against George S. Hillyer 
 and five articles against Charles Robinson. The articles 
 against J. W. Robinson were adopted without a division, 
 those against Hillyer without division, and those against 
 Governor Robinson by a vote of fifty-three to seven. In 
 the impeachment of J. W. Robinson, seventeen voted guilty 
 on the first article of impeachment, and four not guilty; 
 on the second article, ten voted guilty and eleven not 
 guilty ; on the third article, eight voted giiilty and thirteen 
 not guilty; on the fourth, five voted guilty and sixteen 
 not guilty; on the fifth, seven voted guilty and fourteen 
 not guilty ; on the sixth, twenty-one voted not guilty ; on 
 the seventh, twenty-one voted not gTiilty ; and on the 
 * ighth, twenty-one voted not guilty. Therefore, J. W. Rob- 
 inson was impeached on the first article and acquitted on 
 the other seven. The Senate then removed Secretary Rob- 
 inson from office, by a vote of eighteen to three. George S. 
 Hillyer was then tried and convicted on the first article 
 and acquitted on the other seven. The Senate then voted 
 by eighteen to two to remove Auditor Hillyer from office. 
 The Auditor was convicted on the following article of im- 
 peachment : 
 
 "Article I. That the said George S. Hillyer, as Auditor of State of 
 
 'Wlldfir's Annals, p. 343.
 
 28() LIFK OK CHARLES KOr.flVSOINr 
 
 the Stato of Kansas, was, together with the Secretary of State and the 
 Governor of said State, by the laws of said State authorized and em 
 powered to negotiate and sell the bonds of the State, the issuance of 
 which was providetl for in the act authorizing the negotiation of one 
 liundrcd and fifty thousand dollars of the bonds of the State of Kansas 
 to defray tlie current expenses of the State, approved May 1st, 1861. 
 
 " That the bonds of the State of Kansas to defray tlie current ex- 
 penses of the State as aforesaid, vveie prepared, executed, and issued 
 according to law. 
 
 "That the said George S. Hillyer, being so empowered to sell and 
 negotiate the said bonds, did authorize and empower one Robert S. 
 Stevens to negotiate and sell said bonds to the amount of eighty-seven 
 thousand two hundred dollars, at any price over (JO per centum upon 
 the amount of said bonds, he, said Stevens, paying to the State 
 no more than 60 per centum of said amount; that under said agree- 
 ment, and with the full knowledge and consent of said Hillyer, said 
 Stevens proceeded to sell and deliver a large amount of said bonds, 
 to wit, the amount of fifty-six thousand dollars of said bonds, at the 
 rate of 85 per centum on said amount of fifty-six thousand dollars, — 
 all of which was well known to said Hillyer. Said Stevens paid over 
 and accounted to said State for only 60 per centum upon said bonds so 
 sold, which said agreement, so made and entered into by said Hillyer, 
 was in direct violation of the laws of said State, in this, that under 
 said laws said bonds could not be sold for less than 70 per centum on 
 the amount of said bonds; and was in violation of the official duty of 
 said Hillyer, in this, that the State Avas by said agreement defrauded 
 out of its just rights, in that said State was entitled to receive 
 the full amount for which said bonds were sold, while in truth and ia 
 fact, with the full knowledge and consent of the said Hillyer said 
 bonds were sold for 85 per centum upon the dollar, and the said State 
 did not receive therefrom more than 60 per centum upon the bonds so 
 sold; whereby said Hillyer betrayed the trust reposed in him by the 
 State of Kansas, subjected said State to great pecuniary loss, and is 
 thereby guilty of high misdemeanor in his said office of Auditor of 
 State aforesaid.'" ^ 
 
 The trial of Governor Robinson followed, and on the first 
 article two Senators voted f^iltv and nineteen not guilty ; 
 cm the others there were received a unanimous vote of not 
 
 1 Wllder's Annals, p. ?Ai.
 
 THE FIRST GOVEKNOK OF THE STATK 287 
 
 guiltj, with the exception of article five, on which one 
 vote pronounced ftTiiltj. Governor Kobinson was declared 
 acquitte<:l of all the articles exhibited by the House of Rep- 
 resentatives against him. Yet, while Governor Robinson 
 was acquitted of all these charges, the fact that they had 
 been made left a stain upon his administration in the 
 minds of some people. Those who take the trouble to in- 
 quire carefully into the history of the whole matter will 
 find that no blame could be attached to him. And indeed 
 there are those who, in spite of the conviction of liillyer 
 and J. W. Robinson, hold that these men acted honestly 
 and fairly in attemptinc: to market the bonds, believing 
 that they could not be sold at a price above 60 per centum 
 on the par value. I^evertheless, the credit of the State of 
 Kansas was better than they supposed, and the bonds might 
 have sold for more than 60 per centum. Some criticism 
 attaches to those officers, the Secretary of State, and the 
 Auditor, for not managing the business better, because 
 those were officers of the administration of which Robinson 
 was the head, and there may have been a lack of alertness 
 on his part in regard to the bonds, although he defends him- 
 self because he was out of the Territory at the time the 
 transaction took place. He says of the trial of the Gov- 
 ernor, by the Senate : 
 
 " It was shown by the testimony of all the witnesses of the ne<>o- 
 tiationa on the part of the State, that not only the Grovernor was 
 not advised of the transaction, but that he was one thousand miles 
 distant from it; that he had refused to sell the bonds, when asked, for 
 a less price than that named in the law. Tlie testimony on the other 
 hand has shown that the Senator-General (Lane), who was con- 
 sulting about the sale, signed a letter to the President asking that it 
 might be made, and his private secretary was paid five hundred 
 dollars and a promise of five hundred dollars additional for assisting
 
 288 LIFE OF CHARLES HOBINSON 
 
 in this sale. These facts are published in the proceedings of the 
 trial, and speak for themselves." ^ 
 
 One is impressed with the many difficulties of the posi- 
 tion in which Governor Robinson was placed during the 
 short period of his active administration as the first Gov- 
 ernor of the State of Kansas. Surely, he had enough op- 
 position to try his soul, and this opposition was the oppo- 
 sition of demagogues who did not fight in the open. 
 Possibly he was not careful enough to protect himself from 
 their attacks. The only blame that can fairly be said to 
 attach itself to Governor Robinson, in connection with the 
 illegal sale of bonds, is the fact that it occurred in his ad- 
 ministration, and while not himself guilty of wrong-doing, 
 he should have been sufficiently watchful and exerted suffi- 
 cient influence not to have permitted anything of the kind 
 to occur. Personally, the Governor is not responsible for 
 the official conduct of the Treasurer and the Auditor of 
 his administration, but the three were empowered by 
 the Legislature to sell the bonds, and while he personally 
 refused to sell them at less than 70 per cent., the price fixed 
 by law, still it seems clear that his associates in office did 
 violate the law. It appears to the writer that Governor 
 Robinson's ability and shrewdness, had they been applied 
 to the point in question, would have so arranged matters 
 that the Auditor and Treasurer would not have found 
 themselves able to sell the bonds without Governor Robin- 
 son's knowledge; and this criticism, if it be one at all, can 
 at worst be said to involve nothing more than censure for 
 inadvertence and oversight caused by the numerous de- 
 mands upon his time and attention. Such a criticism is a 
 
 1 AddrenB written for delivery at Leavenworth Kennion, Oct. 11, 12, 13, 1883. 
 Proceed; ng8 in Iiiipeachicent Ca?e°.
 
 THE FIKST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 289 
 
 good deal like saying that if he liad thought it was going 
 to happen, or that there was a possibility of its happening, 
 he could have prevented it. Yet, his political and personal 
 enemies fastened npon this aifair as offering good ground 
 upon which to attack his administration, and politically 
 he was obliged to bear the results of the attack. James H. 
 Lane appears on the scene, just at the opportune time, for 
 it was largely by his suggestions that the impeachment oc- 
 curred. 
 
 After a careful reading of all the details of history, one 
 is forced to the conclusion that it is difficult to see how the 
 management of the war could have been improved, unless 
 some way had been devised for making war on that class 
 of traducers who trotted between Kansas and Washington, 
 misrepresenting affairs. Certainly little blame could be 
 attached to the Governor of Kansas for the irregularities 
 of the border warfare, so long as the Federal Government 
 in every way possible encouraged those who were believers 
 in disorganized predatory warfare. There was a serious 
 defect in the management of the Civil War, attributable 
 largely to the desire of the officials at Washington to dictate 
 the policy of the Avar in its details. General Grant saw 
 this fatal mistake, and before he accepted command of the 
 entire forces obtained concessions in this direction which 
 enabled him to push the war to a successful close. Tlie 
 same defect was observed in the late Spanish- American 
 War, although not to such a grievous extent. The military 
 board of cojJrol might have been of use as a suggestive com- 
 mittee on the conduct of the war, but it w^as powerless to 
 win battles. The President is indeed Commander-in-Chief 
 <;f the forces, but if he is wise, neither he nor his secretary 
 —19
 
 290 J AVE Ol" CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 will oversto)) the boiuids of reason in attempting to exercise 
 unduly his prero^a^atives in an attempt to absorb all th(^ 
 power and become dictator. 
 
 But why did the Federal autliorities treat Kansas dif- 
 ferently from other States ? Did it think the Governor 
 incompetent or disloyal ? Or, did it think him weak, and 
 easily overridden by arbitrary authority ? In either case it 
 was sadly mistaken, and if mistaken, probably misin- 
 formed by some of the warrior politicians of Kansas. 
 
 ]!^otwithstandina^ the ditHculties arising out of the Civil 
 War, therefore, and the ])eeuliar conditions surroundinff 
 the State administration at this time, Governor Robinson's 
 official career is marked by strong and upright service to 
 the State ; and though beset by more difficulties than any 
 other governor in the history of the State has had to face, 
 and surrounded by as greedy a horde of politicians as ever 
 annoyed a governor, yet the first chief executive of Kansas 
 gave the State an administration that was clean and pro- 
 gressive, and one in which the work done makes as fair a 
 showing as that of the best administrations in the history 
 of the State. Truly had the " War Governor " of Kansas 
 fulfilled the promise of his first message as the first Gov- 
 ernor of the State: 
 
 " It is equally its duty to sustaiu the Chief Executive of the 
 Nation in defending the Government from foes, vrhether from within 
 or without, and Kansas, though last and least of the States of the 
 Union, will ever be ready to answer the call of her country." 
 
 Governor Robinson cheerfully surrendered his office to 
 Governor Carney, who succeeded him on January 12th, 
 ISfio. As to tlie war policy, Governor Carney followed 
 substantially in the footsteps of Goveimor Robinson, but 
 with less difficulty, — largely for two reasons: First, be-
 
 THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF THE STATE 291 
 
 cause he had less opposition at home and at Washino^fon ; 
 and second, because he had far less to do, Governor Robin- 
 son having mustered and equip}>ed for the service thirteen 
 raiments and several batteries, while there were but four 
 re^ments mustered in Carney's administration, with the 
 addition of two colored refi^iment?. Moreover, a? the war 
 progressed, methods became systematized both at Washing- 
 ton and in Kansas, and many difficulties disappeared with 
 the disappearance of irres^ilarities. 
 
 iSTo other Governor of Kansas had so many difficulties to 
 encounter as Governor Eobinson. The events of the last 
 few years had left their heritage of jealousy, hatred, and 
 other forms of bitterness. In the constitutional struggle 
 there had been persons and parties on hoth sides of the 
 slavery question who had been at bitter feud with one an- 
 other. There had been many disappointed, wronged, and 
 outraged individuals of tlie Free-State party fighting a 
 similar class of the Proslavery party. There had been 
 contentions of politicians with personal ambitions ; bicker- 
 ings and strife over land claims. And now, above all, there 
 was the impending Civil War, in which Kansas must do 
 her part. Much depended upon the prudence and wisdom 
 of the first Governor, in order to give the new State a fair 
 start in the sisterhood of States. The long delay of Con- 
 gress in admitting Kansas to the Union was therefore not 
 an unmixed evil, as it gave the Governor an opportunity 
 to prepare for the arduous tasks before him. He met all 
 with a calm, courageous spirit, started the machinery of 
 State government, and gave the new State an impulse t/O- 
 ward right government.
 
 292 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSOlsr 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 SUBSEQUENT EVENTS. 
 
 Compared with his previous experiences in California, 
 Massachusetts, and Kansas, the life of Governor Robinson 
 after the close of his term as Governor of Kansas Avas a 
 quiet one. Yet it was a life of activity as the world goes, 
 for he was two terms in the State Senate, a candidate for 
 Congress, a candidate for Governor of Kansas, and was 
 Superintendent of Haskell Institute, Regent of the State 
 University, and President of the State Historical Society, 
 — all of which combined, filled the intervals of a busy agri- 
 cultural life. In addition to this, he was more or less fre- 
 quently engaged in writing for newspapers and periodicals. 
 
 After the burning of Robinson's house, (in May, 1856,) 
 which was situated on the hill south of ]^orth College, in 
 Lawrence, he did not rebuild, but moved to his country 
 home of " Oakridge," where he spent the remainder of his 
 days, except as he was called to and fro in his busy life. 
 At Oakridge he built the mansion which is at present stand- 
 ing on the place in Grant township. "Oakridge" is a 
 beautiful rural estate, situated about four miles north of 
 Lawrence. The house is situated on a hill covered with 
 natural oaks, around which have been planted maple and 
 other deciduous trees. The hill is a bluff, once a bank of 
 the Kaw when it reached the northern limit of the Kaw 
 valley. "From the site of the mansion one can see across 
 the Kaw valley to the bluffs on the other side of the river, 
 and, prominent in the distance, about five miles " as the
 
 SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 293 
 
 crow flies," a little to the west of south, is Mt. Oread, cov- 
 ered with the University buildings. On the south side of 
 the river the town of Lawrence is snuggled under the hill 
 along the bank and southward. The view is magnificent : 
 broad acres of fertile land, avenues of trees, the wandering 
 course of the Kaw marked by lines of trees and shubbery, 
 and an occasional glimpse of the river's shining surface, 
 with the hills on the opposite side mantled in a blue haze. 
 MagTiificent sunsets, indescribable by power of tongue or 
 pen, are seen from this site when the '' king of day " goes 
 to rest in a blaze of glory, leaving on his trail indescribable 
 blues, lavenders, golds, and pinks, gorgeous paintings from 
 the studio of nature, done in water, not oils. In the autumn 
 the trees of " Oakridge " turn to beautiful browns and reds. 
 Kansas is not noted for the brilliancy of its autumn foliage, 
 but " Oakridge " never fails to end the autumn season 
 by assuming gaudy colors and reflecting a blaze of color 
 from the wooded hills. If " Oakridge " seems a trifle se- 
 cluded to some, it is never lonely in its magnificent sur- 
 roundings. Around the country home and belonging to the 
 Robinson estate are sixteen hundred acres of land, much of 
 it very fertile, on vt^hich wheat, com and other crops grow 
 luxuriantly. Governor Robinson was an excellent farmer, 
 both theoretical and practical. He not only tilled his broad 
 acres well, but was interested in improved methods of ag- 
 riculture. He was well known in agricultural and horti- 
 cultural circles, and frequently addressed societies on topics 
 relating to these two great industries. 
 
 Here, in his home of " Oakridge," ex-Governor Robinson 
 passed a quiet life, devoting his attention chiefly to the man- 
 agement of his farm and the details of private business.
 
 294 LIFE OF CHAHLES ROBINSON 
 
 Into his liome came newspapers and the recent books, which 
 kept him acquainted witli the doings of the outer worhl. 
 All the controversies of the day had for him a keen inter- 
 est, and frequently, like an old war-horse, he sniffed the 
 battle from afar. Nor did he hesitate to engage in contro- 
 versies, especially when: they had to do with Kansas history 
 and the principles involved in the political and social af- 
 fairs of everyday life. In taking sides in politics from this 
 time on, his old instinct to help the " under dog " was al- 
 ways prominent. This peculiarity was probably due not 
 only to inborn characteristics, but also to his life in the 
 California and Kansas struggles. 
 
 Being a fanner, Grovemor Robinson had a large sym- 
 pathy for people of his own class. He understood well the 
 difficulties that beset the farmer of the West in turning 
 over the prairie sod, the subsequent trials in fighting against 
 the drought, grasshoppers, and other calamities that came 
 upon a new State ; and the more recent difficulties caused 
 by the rapid falling in prices, or at least the decline in the 
 comparative price of farm products on the one hand and 
 the rise of manufactured articles and other commodities 
 which the farmer was obliged to purchase on the other. He 
 also gave help to the farmers in their vigorous attempt to 
 free themselves from the latter conditions, which finally 
 led to political turmoil in the State. 
 
 While there has been more or less immigration to Kansas 
 from the time of settlement until the present time, there 
 have been several great movements. The first was the great 
 influx of two streams of people, one flowing from the 
 North, headed from far-off New England; the other com- 
 ing from the Southern' States, headed from the confines of
 
 SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 295 
 
 Georgia. These people experienced great difficulties in 
 arranging their political and social differences, as we have 
 learned in previous chapters. Many of these troubles arose 
 from the fact of imperfect socialization. When there are 
 suddenly brought together large groups of people of very 
 different and decided opinions in regard to government, 
 politics, social and intellectual life, a period of conflict in 
 the process of socialization is inevitable. But, through 
 the privations of settlement, the cruelties of strife, and 
 sufferings engendered by war, people learn to know each 
 other well and through sympathy to harmonize their dif- 
 ferences. After the close of the Civil War the questions 
 that had troubled Kansas were practically settled, and the 
 State entered into a more or less homogeneous development. 
 There was, it is true, quite a vigorous influx of old soldiers 
 and others, but these merely enlarged the population with- 
 out changing public sentiment or disturbing the political 
 status of the country. 
 
 But the rapid railroad-building of subsequent years and 
 the enormous advertising of which the State was the sub- 
 ject brought thousands from all over the country, particu- 
 larly from the JSTorthern and I^orthwestern States, who 
 rushed in to take up the farm lands of Kansas. Thus there 
 was brought in a new population, which had to be assimi- 
 lated and socialized into conformity with existing condi- 
 tions. Two results followed this great immigration. The 
 first was that in the western portion of the State there were 
 hastily taken up lands which promised fair, but which from 
 the lack of sufficient moisture could not yield a living to 
 people through the ordinary process of raising com or 
 wheat. The failure of crop after crop on this semi-arid
 
 296 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 land caused niin to many, forcing; them to abandon their 
 farms ; while in the minds of those who remained there was 
 developed a w-retched discontent. 
 
 The otlier result of this immigration was the fact that 
 during' this " boom " period of the 80's, money was readily 
 obtained, and farmers borrowed largely to develop the re- 
 sources of the country. Then the town movement, a pecu- 
 liar disease which aiffected most of the towns of the State 
 and made each one believe or pretend to believe that it was 
 to be a great city and a great center, caused investments 
 to expand enormously, and through the prospect of sudden 
 riches farms were mortgaged and towai lots bought, only 
 to be returned to corn-fields and pastures after the boom had 
 collapsed. Then the farmers found that they had over- 
 borrowed Eastern capital and had a long period of liquida- 
 tion before them. jSTo trouble could have arisen from this 
 borrowing money to develop the resources of Kansas, al- 
 though tliis excessive speculation was bad and could only 
 end in disaster for many of those who engaged in it. Ev- 
 erything would have gone well with Kansas at large, how- 
 ever, had the soil continued to produce enormously and 
 prices remained fair, but the sudden depression of prices 
 that spread over the United States, and indeed the whole 
 world, affected the Kansas farmer very seriously. And 
 the dull period which followed the collapse of the real-estate 
 boom, and the general panic which spread over the United 
 States, made it difficult for the farmer to raise enough 
 surplus to pay the interest on his mortgages, to say nothing 
 about the principal. Hence it was that the farmer found 
 himself struggling against enormous odds of debt with rap- 
 idly diminishing means of payment, until he saw the prod-
 
 SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 297 
 
 uct of his farm slipping; awav to the East, and finally the 
 farm itself by degrees, in the payment of interest. 
 
 The tendency of the average American to mix politics 
 with his business leads him to suppose that trade depres- 
 sions and business failures are largely caused by the po- 
 litical situation of the country, and there are always those 
 who are interested in gaining votes for themselves by point- 
 ing out to the people that it is the action of the Government 
 in certain directions that is responsible for their condition. 
 So under such conditions as now prevail, therefore, it 
 has become common in America to attack the party in 
 power, holding it responsible for those conditions, or to 
 attack the actions of the Government for bringing the peo- 
 ple into such conditions. "^Tiile the Government, and po- 
 litical parties as well, of course have something to do with 
 the business of the country, it is a peculiar sort of blind- 
 ness that comes over the people or failure to understand 
 economic conditions that causes them to so suddenly forget 
 or ignore all of the principles of business, the laws of sup- 
 ply and demand and of capital and interest, and attack the 
 Government, blaming it for the results of their own viola- 
 tion of economic and business principles. It is true that 
 the farmers had no money at this time, but this was largely 
 because they had nothing to sell, or because if they had 
 something to sell it was at such a low price as barely to pay 
 the cost of production. Either other and cheaper modes 
 of production must be foimd or higher prices must prevail, 
 or else farming would be a complete failure. 
 
 The scarcity of gold throughout the world and the fear 
 that there was not enough to go around, which sent nations 
 scrambling for it, and the cheapness of silver, which caused
 
 298 
 
 LIFE OF CHAELES BOBINSON 
 
 them to discard it, caused prices in general to fall through- 
 out the world. But in addition to all this, the Western 
 farmer, as we have seen, had to contend with local condi- 
 tions even more poAverful, which left him practically with- 
 out an income and with a large debt to pay. What was tlie 
 remedy ? Did not the Government make money ? Why 
 then should it not make money for them to use in payment 
 of debts ^ And so there arose many other demands than 
 for the increase of the money in circulation. A remedy 
 advocated by many was the free coinage of silver, which 
 had been discontinued in 1873. Others held that this 
 would only be a makeshift, and that the only remedy would 
 be the issue by the Government of a large amount of paper 
 money. Governor Eobinson advocated the latter idea. 
 He favored the party tliat was lighting for free coinage of 
 silver and other remedial legislation, because it was the 
 party that favored giving the most money to the common 
 people ; but he really believed in the paper money as the 
 ultimate end to be reached. 
 
 The Grange movement, which was organized in 1866 and 
 spread with such rapidity over the United States in the 
 seventies, started out as a non-partisan movement, whose 
 purposes were to increase the social, moral and financial 
 well-being of the farmers, and had a great deal of influence 
 in the process of socialization ; but finally it was conceived 
 in the minds of some that this organization might be used 
 as a great political engine, and the farmers were persuaded 
 that their grievances could only be redressed at the polls 
 and in the legislature. Hence it was that, through the in- 
 fluence of the farmers, legislatures throughout the Western 
 States were elected with tJie express purpose of enacting
 
 MRS S. T. D. ROBINSON, 1864.
 
 SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 299 
 
 special legislation in favor of the farming communities. 
 While the Grange accomplished a great deal in the social 
 and educational way, and while, by bringing the consumer 
 and manufacturer more closely together, it also succeeded 
 in reducing the enormously high prices for products man- 
 ufactured in the East and sold by agents throughout the 
 West, yet its political attempts largely ended in failure. 
 The legislation which it brought about proved rather detri- 
 mental to the progress of the Western States than advan- 
 tageous to them. 
 
 In the eighties the Farmers' Alliance was started, largely 
 on the same principles as the Grange had advocated. It 
 was, indeed, only a reecho of the old organization, which 
 had declined as prosperity had returned and the political 
 phases failed. The Farmers' Alliance sought to help the 
 farmer in every way possible, and at first, through agita- 
 tion and the arousing of public sentiment, to influence leg- 
 islation in their favor. Here again, as before, the politi- 
 cians seized the organization, and through it sought to re- 
 lieve the distressed condition of the farmer by specific 
 legislation. While good has been accomplished by the 
 agitation attendant upon the Alliance movement, nearly all 
 the legislation enacted through its efforts has been a partial 
 or total failure; and the Alliance stores, like those of the 
 Grange, went out of business. In this case, as in the other, 
 the people were led into error by designing demagogues 
 and politicians who were only seeking to satisfy their 
 thirst for power and spoils. 
 
 True to the governing principles of his life, ex-Go vemor 
 Kobinson sympathized with the new movement. He left 
 the Kopublican party in 1886 as his ideas grew more demo-
 
 300 LIFE OF CHAJSLES KOBINSON 
 
 era tic and as lie saw, according to his judgment, that the 
 Republican party was not doing what it ought to for the 
 people. Possibly, too, his political life under the Repub- 
 lican regime had come to such a sudden end that there was 
 no prospect of working in harmony with that party. At any 
 rate, from the close of the war Governor Robinson had not 
 so warm a feeling for the Republican party as might have 
 been expected on the part of one so well versed regarding 
 the conditions of its origin, from both a theoretical and 
 practical standpoint. However, it was in accordance with 
 the independent spirit of the man, who rebelled at the re- 
 straint of a political regime. 
 
 He was elected on the Republican ticket to the State Sen- 
 ate in 1874, and again in 1876 to a second term. While the 
 Republican party at this time was almost the only politi- 
 cal power in the State, and though Governor Robinson, as 
 a member of the Senate, took a deep interest in all matters 
 which interested the State, he had but little to do with 
 the present organization. In 1886 he was induced to leave 
 that party and enter upon a political campaign as candidate 
 for Congress against E. H. Funston, but he failed of elec- 
 tion. In 1890 he was induced to run for Governor, sup- 
 ported by the Democrats, and the Populists and Green- 
 backers. He again failed to be elected; but in 1892 he 
 helped organize the fusion of the Democrats and Populists, 
 which ended in the election of the Populist Governor 
 Lewelling. 
 
 While Governor Robinson did not formally leave the 
 Republican party until 1886, he had followed the liberal 
 wing of the party after 1872, and had gradually become 
 more and more estranged from the old party \mtil his final
 
 ^A 
 
 c^i^ /t:^^ -z, t>^^ -i^ 
 
 ^_ /^/^,. 
 
 EX-GOVERNOR CHARLES ROBINSON, 1872.
 
 SUBSEQUENT ETENTS 301 
 
 separation from it in 1886. From that time on he Avas a 
 counselor to the leaders of the Democratic party, to which 
 he most closely adhered, and also to the leaders of the Popu- 
 list party. 
 
 In his campaign for Congress, and more especially for 
 Governor, he attacked the tariff policy of the United States. 
 He held that the tariff was being used as a tool to enhance 
 the power and increase the wealth of the rich ; that the 
 burdens of taxation were falling upon the poor by the 
 spread of monopolistic power ; and while he would not ob- 
 ject to a moderate revenue being raised by the tariff, he 
 believed that laborers were not being protected by it and 
 that the poor people were paying the taxes. 
 
 While Governor Eobinson was always active with pen 
 and voice in the political affairs that concerned the people, 
 his last public office in the State was that of Senator, in 
 1876, and his last public campaign was for Governor in 
 1890; although he held the position of Superintendent 
 at Haskell Institute, an appointment made by the Federal 
 Government. 
 
 Perhaps the most important act of Governor Eobinson 
 while in the State Senate was the introduction of a bill re- 
 lating to the common schools. Of the many bills intro- 
 duced by him that became laws, some of them in reference 
 to local matters in Douglas county and others having an 
 importance throughout the State, this one is of the most 
 importance. It is not surprising that the man who had so 
 much to do with the establishing of the first public and pri- 
 vate schools in the State, who by his courage and cool 
 judgment before and during the Civil War made it possi- 
 ble for the people of Kansas to have free schools, and who
 
 302 
 
 l.ll'i!; OF CHAKLi:S KOKINSON 
 
 used his powerful influence in the advancement of higher 
 education in the State, should have prepared and secured 
 the passage of a hiw for the regulation of these schools. 
 This law purported to include all the Kansas school laws 
 in existence at that time, together with such changes as were 
 desirable. It therefore served to briug together all the 
 law on the subject, as well as to enact new law. It is upon 
 this act tliat much of our present school law is based, al- 
 though many changes have been made as occasion has re- 
 quired. The law covers all of the following subjects: 
 State and county superintendents, — duties and salaries; 
 school districts, — when, how and by whom organized; dis- 
 trict officers, — duties, how and when elected; schools, — 
 branches taught, length of term, who are pupils ; teachers' 
 institutes, — how, when and where held; certificates, — 
 three grades, given by whom; graded schools; libraries; 
 schools in cities of first and second class, — board of educa- 
 tion, powers, officers, duties, levying tax, issuance of bonds ; 
 cities of third class, — defined, how governed ; district 
 bonds, — how issued, for what purpose, how paid ; school 
 lands, — when sold, how sold, and price ; school funds. 
 The law was comprehensive, and sufficiently complete to 
 fully organize the public-school system of the State. 
 
 The Quantrell massacre, which occurred on August 21st, 
 1863, was the most atrocious affair that has happened in 
 the whole history of Kansas. The enmity which existed 
 along the border on the part of a certain class of reck- 
 less people of Missouri, against Kansas, and especially 
 against Lawrence, never died out, and with its continuance 
 was the ever-present desire for revenge. The justice-loving
 
 SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 
 
 503 
 
 people of Missouri and Kansas, as well as those of the whole 
 world, were startled at its horrible cruelty. But the raiders 
 knew, and the people of Lawrence knew, that it was not 
 an accident of the Civil War. Not that there is a valid 
 excuse in Christendom for such a raid and massacre ; but 
 it was caused by desii^ing ruffians who had long nursed 
 their hatred and cultivated their desire for revenge. 
 
 x\t the time of the raid Governor Robinson was living 
 at the liead of Massachusetts street. On that morning he 
 left his home to go to the stone bam which stood near 
 what was afterward the home of the late B. W. Wood- 
 ward. He had proceeded as far south as Quincy street, 
 when rapid firing was heard to the east of him. People 
 came running and said, "The bushwhackers have come ; run 
 for your life ! " He proceeded to the stone barn, which 
 sheltered him for a time, but, seeing buildings burning 
 near him, and supposing that the barn would soon share 
 the same fate, he moved out to the top of the hill. Here 
 he saw two men shoot Mr. Martin and then ride away 
 toward the eastern part of town, where the whole band of 
 guerrillas were forming on the high ground near where 
 now stands the Friends' meeting-house. As he returned 
 to the main street again, a scene of indescribable horror 
 met his gaze. The town was burned and sacked, and hon- 
 ored citizens lay dead or dying in every direction. With- 
 out any opportunity for defense, citizens were murdered 
 on sight, their homes plundered and burned. There can 
 be no estimate placed upon the atrocious work of those brief 
 three hours, except to say that it was worse than the deeds 
 of savages, and that it could not have been done except 
 through a spirit of revenge. It was the result of years
 
 304 LIFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON 
 
 of raidirii,' :m<] invasion by un-military bands of men who 
 committed nn-military deeds. Without doubt remote 
 causes conld be detected prior to 1861, but the immediate 
 occasion Avas the raiding in Missouri of " Jayhawkers." 
 
 On Sunday, August 21st, 1892, the anniversary of the 
 Quantrell Raid, after the publication of '' The Kansas Con- 
 flict," Governor Robinson gave an address at the services 
 held in Central Park in commemoration of the most atro- 
 cious massacre on record in modern times and among civil- 
 ized people. In this address Governor Robinson gave his 
 personal recollections of the event, and then proceeded to 
 show that the Quantrell raid was but a sequel to other 
 events ; that it was nothing more than an attempt to retali- 
 ate for the terrorism practiced by desperadoes on the border 
 hailing from Kansas. Governor Robinson received severe 
 criticism for his bold assertions respecting the Quantrell 
 raid, and, true to the habit of his life, he took up the pen 
 in vindication of his position, and, ao usual, referred his 
 readers to what he actually knew existed in the years of 
 1861 to 1863. 
 
 While Governor Robinson contributed frequently to the 
 papers concerning the historical, political and social affairs 
 of the State and nation, his greatest work was " The Kan- 
 sas Conflict." He spent much time and labor in collecting 
 material, and wrote with much care. When the book was 
 finally published it received many interesting reviews and 
 much favorable comment by the press. There was also con- 
 siderable sharp criticism of the book, because it was written, 
 so his critics said, from a partisan standpoint, and was con- 
 troversy ratJier than history. In reality, " The Kansas
 
 SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 
 
 305 
 
 Conflict " is not a complete history of early Kansas, but a 
 complete and authoritative account of particular phases 
 of it It presents the principal issues in the struggle for 
 freedom in Kansas, and substantiates the position of the 
 writer by numerous quotations from authorities. The 
 book is well written, argumentative^ and strong. It will 
 always prove a monument of history to those studying the 
 Kansas conflict. There are comparatively few really good 
 bocks on Kansas history. Among these should be men- 
 tioned those already referred to : '' Kansas ; its Interior 
 and Exterior Life," by Mrs. Kobinson ; "' Kansas," by Mr. 
 Spring ; Connelley's " Territorial Governors " ; Wilder's 
 ''Annals," a compendium of facts and dates ; Dr. Cordley's 
 " History of Lawrence " ; and the one under discussion, 
 '' The Kansas Conflict." It ?s not intended to ignore the 
 many excellent things in a number of other books, but these 
 represent the best accounts, and all combined give a fair 
 representation of neaily all of importance that happened 
 in the early history of the State. 
 
 " The Kansas Conflict " produced a profound impression 
 wherever it went, among friends and foes. Senator John J. 
 Ingalls thought it a remarkable book, and said so. Favor- 
 able comments were made by many others, who were non- 
 partisans in Kansas history. One prominent man declared 
 that he would not read the book, as he was on the other side, 
 — in reality a severe criticism upon the man himself, who 
 thus assumed that there was nothing to be learned from his 
 opponents; and, at the same time, a slur upon the book, 
 as if it were a partisan production. 
 
 Perhaps it may be well to state that the book is an argu- 
 ment of a case in which the plaintiff is the Free-State cause 
 
 —20
 
 306 
 
 HFK 01' CltAKLKS KOBliVbOJS 
 
 and the defeiiJant is the Proslavery party; and in the ar- 
 raignment, little opportunity is given for the defense, as the 
 overwhelming evidence for the plaintiff is final, Nor is the 
 author slow to vindicate his course in the Kansas struggle, 
 nor to defend himself against the attacks of his enemies. 
 This is carried so far as to throw the book out of historical 
 proportion, and leave many events of the history of the 
 times untouched or meagerly represented. But the author 
 carried out his purpose, which was not to write a complete 
 history of Kansas, but to set right popular belief concern- 
 ing the great steps in the conflict between slavery and free- 
 dom in Kansas. The book is a truthful representation of 
 this phase of history, although there is much to be said in 
 addition if the entire history of the times is presented. 
 The first part of the book readily passes for plain narration, 
 but the author goes from this to pure argumentation, sub- 
 stantiated by historical facts. The book stands as Robin- 
 son's view of the conflict, and the story is told so well that 
 whatever criticism a reader may have to make, he must ad- 
 mit the main thesis, that non-resistance to Federal author- 
 ity and a free ballot with an honest count were the two great 
 causes of the salvation of Kansas, — causes whose reality 
 every one who studies Kansas history properly will be 
 obliged to admit, — causes that will not be overshadowed 
 by military " bluffing," deeds of crime, nor personal ambi- 
 tions. 
 
 It is a vigorous book, a lasting book, characterized by 
 pungent writing, in which the author attempts to set forth, 
 by arg-ument and proof, the real character of this struggle. 
 In it he gives a graphic picture of the early abolition days, 
 of his struggle in California, and the details of the strug-
 
 SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 307 
 
 2,-le in Kansas. In every instance where iie reviews the 
 services of Brown and Lane in this book, he does not ask 
 the pnblic to relj entirely on his judgment in the case, but 
 quotes freely, from the beginning to the end of the work, 
 newspapers, documents and speeches to prove his view of 
 the matter in question. Perhaps no other book has brought 
 so clearly before the people the real issue in the Kansas 
 struggle and the actual progress of that struggle. And 
 perhaps of all the writings of the Governor, this work rep- 
 resents more clearly his views upon the chief matters that 
 concerned his life than all others of his work combined, 
 whether writings, speeches, or addresses. 
 
 Yet there is something lacking in the book ; for the pub- 
 lic would like to know more concerning his personal life 
 and character. J^ot being a biography, it could not give the 
 personal details of his life in many respects. Neverthe- 
 less, being a history of which he was an important part, it 
 could not fail to represent him in the greatest part of his 
 life-work. 
 
 The controversy over the temperance question and the 
 prohibitory law called forth the argumentative powers of 
 Governor Robinson. While he was always a strong advo- 
 cate of temperance, he opposed the prohibitory law be- 
 cause he thought it an impractical method of dealing with 
 the question. It also appeared to him to be an infringe- 
 ment upon the personal liberty of citizens to such an ex- 
 tent that it would not only defeat its own purpose, but 
 would lead to other evils and create a disregard for law. 
 He expressed himself freely in the defense of his position 
 in a series of articles covering the entire operation of the 
 law. The articles are strong, and vehement almost to vin-
 
 308 
 
 LIFE OF CIIAKLES ROBINSON 
 
 dictiveness in the denunciations of the shams of pretended 
 enforcement and the methods taken for the evasion of the 
 law. Wliile Governor Robinson was honest in his views, 
 and thought and wrote from conviction, he is less happy in 
 the position taken here than in many other controversies 
 that engaged his attention, (See Chapter XII.) 
 
 Robinson had a wide sympathy with the laboring people 
 who were struggling for higher wages. Had he been a 
 selfish man, he would have looked after the interests of tlie 
 farming population alone, but he was interested in all move- 
 ments which had for their object, justice to humanity. He 
 had become preeminently a people's man, opposed to all 
 invasions of the people's rights, real or imaginary. When 
 the Pullman strike occurred, followed by the railway strike, 
 during the leadership of the American Railway Union, he 
 at once took sides with the strikers against the latter in 
 a vigorous article entitled " Corporate Power." He ad- 
 vocated restrictions of corporations to prevent robbery. 
 In this article he states that "Another cause of discontent 
 is the robbery of the people by the corporation laws. These 
 laws have filled the land with thieves and robbers who are 
 more merciless in their exactions than was ever feudal lord 
 of his vassal." He held that if highway robbery were 
 stopped and exact justice meted out to all classes, there 
 would be no cause for strikes. He declared that the alter- 
 native to this was to deprive the people of education and 
 reduce them to abject slavery. He said the government 
 must make the choice between these two methods, but if it 
 hesitated too long the people would take the matter in their 
 own hands and attempt to redress their grievances by force. 
 
 Governor Robinson was interested in the history of Kan-
 
 SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 309 
 
 sas, and was ever on the alert for its truthful representation. 
 It is quite natural that one who had had so much to do with 
 making history should have had an interest in its records. 
 He was a member and director of the Kansas Historical So- 
 ciety from 1878 to the time of his death, and served one 
 term as its president. He was instrumental in contribut- 
 ing to its records in various ways. Others were more ac- 
 tively engaged in its foundation and supjwrt than himself, 
 but none felt more deeply its importance to the State. 
 
 Governor Robinson was elected a member of the Loyal 
 Legion, a military order, having the headquarters of the 
 eommandery of the State of Kansas at Leavenworth, The 
 order was composed of those statesmen and soldiers who had 
 rendered distinguished services to the cause of the Union in 
 the Civil War. Many of the most distinguished army of- 
 ficers and statesmen, including nearly all of the war govern- 
 ors, were members of the Loyal Legion. 
 
 While at Oakridge, Governor Robinson took much inter- 
 est in the affairs of the rural community in which he lived, 
 and especially in the young people of the neighborhood. 
 He took part in the frequent entertainments in the school- 
 house near his home, and superintended the Sunday-school 
 each Sunday afternoon. His kindly interest in the young 
 people of the neighborhood is shown by the fact that he had 
 been known to come from Topeka, during his term as State 
 Senator, to attend the gathering at the school-house, return- 
 ing to Topeka on the night train in order to be on hand the 
 next day for senatorial duty. He was a member of the 
 local grange, and was interested in the farmers' meetings. 
 He was also a member of the Good Templars, an order that 
 held frequent meetings at the Robinson school-house.
 
 310 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 Lat-er, in the great Fanners' Alliance movement, he at- 
 tended the meetings of farmers, and when the Alliance went 
 into politics with the Populist movement his sympathies 
 were with them. 
 
 Dr. Robinson was in nature and spirit an abolitionist, 
 nor was he afraid at any time to announce his views, and, 
 so far as history records, he never compromised with the 
 slavery element at any time. Nevertheless, he was in- 
 clined to peace if possible, and was always generous towards 
 his enemies. In December, 1863, he received a letter from 
 Leavenworth asking him to address a public meeting in 
 that town, upon " The expediency of extending the elective 
 franchise to the colored population of the State." The in- 
 vitation also asked him to present his views by letter in case 
 he eould not come in person. In reply to this invitation, 
 he says : 
 
 "Having received my education and early convictions of political 
 rights in the heart of Massachusetts, where suffrage knows no dis- 
 tinction of color or race, I can see but one side to the proposition 
 in question. 
 
 " The white and colored people have a common origin, are endowed 
 alike with intellect, with moral and religious natures, and have a 
 common destiny. If this proposition is correct, it follows from ne- 
 cessity that both alike are entitled to equal civil, political, moral and 
 religious rights, according to the principles laid down in the Declara- 
 tion of Independence by our ancestors and according to the unmis- 
 takable laws of God himself, who is no respecter of persons. No 
 valid argument can be produced against the right of suffrage for the 
 colored man. Prejudice has suggested various objections, such as 
 ignorance, vice, etc. But if the -Japanese or Hindoos, who know noth- 
 ing of our language, customs or institutions, can become sufficiently 
 enlightened in five years to vote, surely the native colored man, after 
 a pupilage of twenty-one years, ought not to be excluded on account 
 of ignorance.
 
 MRS. S. T. D. ROBmSON, U
 
 SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 311 
 
 " As a peaceable, law-abiding people, aeeording to my observa- 
 tioD. they compare favorably with the white race. 
 
 " Will the people of Kansas extend the right of suffrage to the 
 colored man? I think they will. A majority of the people of this 
 State are in favor of equal rights to all, as our history demonstrates. 
 At the first constitutional convention, held in Topeka, the politicians 
 believed it would be unpopular to leave out of the constitution the 
 word ' white.' Accordingly, bvit a few voted against its insertion. 
 Those few are counted out of the Free-State party, and stigmatized 
 as abolitionists by the political weathercocks. The convention to 
 nominate State officers, however, put in nomination, these same 
 abolitionists. Not satisfied that this was the voice of the people, a 
 ticket was put in the field called the Anti-Abolition ticket. This 
 failing by a large vote, the weathercocks veered suddenly to the 
 north, where they have remained ever since. The word ' white ' was 
 inserted in subsequent constitutions, more to conciliate favor at 
 Washington than to conform to the wishes of the people of the State. 
 As there is no longer any good reason for retaining the word in our 
 Constitution, and as the antislavery men, who were such from educa- 
 tion and conviction, are in the majority and will favor striking it 
 out, and as all the political adventurers and demagogues have be- 
 come for the sake of position more radically anti-slavery than 
 Garrison himself, in profession at least, there will be no difficulty in 
 procuring a two-thirds vote in the Legislature and a majority of the 
 j>eople in favor of negro suffrage." 
 
 However much men may differ witli Governor Robin- 
 son in polities, religion, and public policy, no one who will 
 examine his career can help admiring him as a citizen and 
 a patriot. Industrious in managing his own affairs, he 
 still had time for public service when called to it, and after 
 it was over he went back to the plow more cheerfully than 
 he entered public life. If his defeat for Governor of the 
 State in 1890, or his earlier defeat for Congress, caused 
 him great disappointment, no one knew it. He would 
 rather have been defeated on the Democratic ticket than 
 have been elected on the Republican, Wcause he believed
 
 312 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBIPTSOIf 
 
 that the latter was not faithful to its trust. He thought 
 in each case that if elected he could serve his country well. 
 If not elected, it was well. He was not in the ordinary 
 sense an office-seeker, but, like a true patriot of the old 
 school, he was ready to respond to his country's need, and 
 suffer and even die if need be, for his principles, as the his- 
 tory of his life shows.
 
 CONTBOVEKSIES 
 
 313 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 COSrTEOVEESIES. 
 
 The life of Robinson would not be complete without 
 an exposition of tlie various controversies about Kansas his- 
 tory that engaged his attention during the latter years of his 
 life. However, in referring to these the writer makes no 
 attempt to settle them, but merely wishes to point out the 
 attitude which Robinson assumed in the chief controver- 
 sies concerning early Kansas history. To do this satisfac- 
 torily it will be necessary to refer briefly to the causes of 
 some of these controversies, whose chief points turn on the 
 policies and actions of Brown and Lane in Kansas. 
 
 In the early period of Kansas history there were Lane 
 and anti-Lane people down to the time of Lane's death in 
 1866. There was also a variety of opinions concerning 
 the deeds and services of John Brown in Kansas. Wliat- 
 ever value his services were to the cause of freedom in 
 Kansas, he took a different view of the struggle from a 
 large majority of the Free-State men. Lane also repre- 
 sented a radical element of the Free-State party. After 
 the early struggle had passed and the Free-State cause had 
 won, various writers took up the history of the conflict from 
 different points of view and from somewhat partisan stand- 
 points, which brought about many conflicting opinions and 
 led to many controversies. 
 
 While the differences of opinion always existed, the real 
 beginning of the controversy was made prominent by the 
 testimony of Gov. Robinson before the select committej? of
 
 314 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 the Senate, appointed to inquire into the invasion and seiz- 
 ure of pnblic property at Harper's Ferry. This committee 
 carried on its investigations early in the year of 1860. 
 Robinson was summoned as a witness, sworn and examined 
 on February 10th of that year. In this examination Rob- 
 inson was called to testify respecting the purpose of Brown. 
 He pointed out that Brown had tokl him that he had not 
 come to Kansas for the purjjose of settling at all: ''He 
 would never have come there had it not been for the diffi- 
 culties, and had he not expected those difficulties would 
 result in a general disturbance in the country ; and that was 
 what he desired. He desired to see slavery abolished, and 
 he hoped that the two sections would get into a conflict 
 which would result in abolishing slavery." As the exam- 
 ination proceeded Robinson stated further : " I cannot re- 
 call his language again ; but I understood him that he ex- 
 pected the difficulties there would result in a collision be- 
 tween the North and the South ; I understood him to be 
 in favor of encouraging or fanning the disturbances there 
 until that would result. I understood that he thought that 
 vvas an opportunity to get at slavery in the country and 
 abolish it; and he came there for that purpose, and not 
 simply to operate in Kansas, and for Kansas alone. That 
 is where he and I differed, and we could not agree." 
 
 This testimony placed Brown outside of the general 
 policy of the Free-State people in Kansas. In answer to 
 the question as to whether others sympathized with Brown 
 or united with him in this policy, Robinson replied in the 
 affirmative. Pressed for a more definite answer, Robinson 
 named James Redpath as one who favored and abetted 
 Brown in his attempt to get up an insurrection.-^ Further 
 
 ' Report of Senate ConsmSttee, No. 278, Thirty-Pixth Congress, p. 1.
 
 CONTEOVEKSIES 
 
 316 
 
 on in the testimony Robinson stated that " There was a 
 movement got np there at one time to massacre all the pro- 
 slavery men in the Territory." He proceeded to explain 
 that this attempt failed. Further investigation developed 
 the fact that Redpath had been a bitter denunciator of 
 Robinson and of all his followers until he had a falling-out 
 with General Lane; then Redpath made a confidant of 
 Robinson, telling him of Lane's plans. In this interview 
 Redpath told Robinson that, as a statesman, Robinson 
 could not have done differently, but that " they had differ- 
 ent objects in view." 
 
 This testimony enraged Redpath, excited the Lane men, 
 and disturbed many of Robinson's followers, who feared 
 that he had exposed the Free-State cause to criticism. 
 This testimony called out a bitter attack from Redpath 
 and criticism from other sources, and Robinson took up 
 the pen in his own defense and w^as able to show that he 
 stated the truth as he was sworn to do. But the real con- 
 troversy about Brown did not occur until after the state- 
 ment of James Townsley, one of the men who accompanied 
 Brown in the Pottawatomie massacre, which appeared in 
 the Lawrence Journal, December 10th, 1879. It was a 
 firebrand in the camp of Brown's followers and admirers. 
 Townsley gave a detailed description of the massacre, 
 which, as Sanborn said, w^as in the main correct. It caused 
 people to shudder at the horrors of the affair. 
 
 A fierce controversy arose in the following years con- 
 cerning the policy and services of Brown in Kansas. Rev. 
 David Utter's article on Brown, appearing in the North 
 American Review, in November, 1883, aroused a storm of 
 criticism. Utter used vigorous language, calling Brown a
 
 316 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON" 
 
 " murderer and midnight assassin." Whereupon Sanborn, 
 John Brown, jr., Hinton and others took up the defense 
 of Brown. Utter was aided in his own defense by many 
 of his friends, who were glad to see the excessive laudation 
 of Bro^\Ti checked. Kobinson was drawn into the contro- 
 versy, in which he uses vigorous language against those 
 who intentionally or inadvertently perverted history. 
 Finally, induced by a statement in the Springfield (Mass.) 
 Republican, by F. B. Sanborn, respecting the Pottawatomie 
 massacre, in which Sanborn, referring to Brown's services 
 ill Kansas, asserts " The hour and the man had come," 
 Robinson in 1884 commenced a series of articles in the 
 Kansas Herald, on " The Man and the Hour," in which 
 he gives an exposition of early Kansas history, and indi- 
 cates the part Brown took in the struggle. 
 
 In beginning this series of letters, Governor Robinson 
 said: 
 
 " My object is not to disparage anyone, but to give my views of 
 the events at this period, with causes and effects as seen from my 
 standpoint. I do not propose to influence public sentiment of to-day, 
 but to put on record facts to be considered by the writers of history 
 fifty years hence. I am more and more convinced that no history 
 of Kansas worthy of tlie name can be written before that time, for 
 not until then will hero-worship die out and the heroes find their 
 proper level." 
 
 Governor Robinson throughout this entire series of let- 
 ters, though severely critical, was eminently fair in stating 
 the truth from the standpoint of his experience. He 
 thought that the facts were not always given, and conse- 
 quently history was distorted. While he seemed anxious 
 that a correct understanding of the early struggles of the 
 people of Kansas should be handed down to posterity, and
 
 CONTKOVEESIES 
 
 317 
 
 wrote for that purpose, lie was especially indignant at the 
 attempt of certain writers to show that Brown was the 
 chief factor in the battle for freedom in Kansas. The 
 claims that were made, that the blows struck by Brown in 
 his guerrilla warfare saved Kansas to Freedom did in- 
 justice to himself and other leaders of the Free-State cause, 
 and he very properly resented them with a very vigorous 
 pen. 
 
 It was further maintained by some of the champions of 
 Brown, that victory was won by the savage retaliatory 
 measures, and that the people were protected by the deeds 
 of Brown and his followers. Robinson held in the contro- 
 versy that these vigorous measures rather increased than 
 diminished the difficulties. However the final judgment 
 of histery may determine the value of the guerrilla warfare, 
 the facts of history show conclusively that there was a 
 reign of terror from the Pottawatomie massacre in May, 
 1856, to the coming of Geary in the following September. 
 Robinson was at Leavenworth at the time of the news of 
 the deed at Pottawatomie, and it caused great excitement 
 there, and was one of the causes wdiich led to the attempt 
 to hang him. 
 
 It would be but just to say, however, that the deeds 
 of Brown were not the sole causes of the predatory warfare. 
 Admitting that he inaugurated the fierce war of retaliation 
 which taught the Proslavery people that Free-State men 
 could shoot as well as talk, and fight to the death if need 
 be, in the defense of their cause ; recognizing that instead 
 of checking the depredations of lawless bands, he had a 
 tendency to increase them ; and that a leading historian 
 is correct in stating that " The news of the horrid affair
 
 318 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 spread rapidly over the Territory, carrying with it a thrill 
 of horror such as the people, used as they had become to 
 deeds of murder, had not felt before," ^ it certainly cannot 
 be claimed that Brown and his followers were the sole cause 
 of the state of anarchy that followed. We must keep in 
 mind the facts that Buford's and Titus's men had arrived 
 from the South with a view of contesting the Territory in 
 behalf of slavery, and to practice a savage warfare ; that 
 the people of Missouri had not yet given up the idea of ex- 
 terminating "Abolitionists" by physical force; that the 
 sack of Law^rence, in which the Free-State Hotel and 
 printing-presses were destroyed and Governor Robinson's 
 house burned, greatly incensed the Free-State men and 
 aroused their fighting qualities; that the arrest and im- 
 prisonment of Robinson and other leaders of the Free-State 
 cause increased the boldness of the invaders ; and, finally, 
 that the news of the attack on Sumner by Brooks in the 
 United States Senate, on account of the defense of Kansas 
 by the former, added fuel to the flames. 
 
 Certain it is, that the methods of the border ruffians 
 prevailed throughout the summer of 185G. Armed bands 
 from Missouri and the South burned homes and robbed 
 and murdered unoffending citizens, and this mode of war- 
 fare was met by the Free-State men, who, stung to resist- 
 ance through the long category of burning wrongs, finally 
 armed for defense. There were hot-headed and reckless 
 Free-State men. who were more than willing to meet with 
 armed resistance the cruel attacks of the ruffians of Mis- 
 souri. While the authorities of the South favored the Pro- 
 slavery movement in Kansas, there were many noble people 
 
 1 Andreas, p. 131.
 
 CONTKOVEESIES 319 
 
 in Missouri wlio opposed the cruel guerrilla warfare. 
 However, in the summer of 1856 the worst elements of 
 ruffianism, urged on by such unprincipled men as Atchison 
 and String-fellow, came into Kansas and were met and held 
 in check with the utmost difficulty. All through the sum- 
 mer of 1856, settlers were terrorized by the presence of 
 armed bands of Missourians, and these were met by 
 reckless bands of Free-State men. Cabins were burned, 
 depredations committed, and people could travel nowhere 
 in safety. The troubles gradually grew worse, until the 
 strife culminated on the 14th of September by the arrival 
 of twenty-seven hundred Missourians before the city of 
 Lawrence. Had it not been for the timely arrival of Gov- 
 ernor Geary, Lawrence would have been destroyed and 
 possibly the Free-State cause permanently lost. 
 
 The real point at issue, however, between Robinson and 
 the admirers of Brown, was, that while the latter claimed 
 that the victory was won by retaliatory warfare, Robinson 
 claimed that it was due to the conservative element of the 
 Free-State party, who, through long suffering, avoided 
 open rupture with the Federal authorities. It is well 
 known that Brown advocated open resistance to the author- 
 ities, while Robinson opposed it. \Miile Robinson was de- 
 tained as a prisoner at Lecompton, Brown and also Lane 
 offered to rescue him. Robinson in each case refused to be 
 rescued, because it would bring the Free-State cause into 
 rebellion with the Federal authorities. It is the greatest 
 fact in the history of Kansas, that the conservative policy 
 won and that the final triumph Vv^as recorded in the protec- 
 tion of the Federal authorities and the victory at the ballot- 
 box. In all of this, "Governor Robinson stood as the repre-
 
 320 
 
 LIFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON 
 
 t^entative of the cool, clear-lieaded, conservative settlers, 
 ready to die if necessary for Freedom, willing and able to 
 save the State at all hazards, bnt seeking the wisest method 
 of action in order to prevent bloodshed." In speaking of 
 this point, George W. Martin, Secretary of the Kansas 
 Historical Society, in his review of " The Kansas Con- 
 flict," says : " The Proslavery men were all Missourians, 
 non-residents and invaders, and the policy of their leaders 
 was to bring the Free-State men in conflict with the General 
 Government. The Free-State men w^ere further embar- 
 rassed by the efforts of John Brown to the same end. Brown 
 having acknowledged that his mission in Kansas was to 
 precipitate a conflict between the sections, as he subse- 
 qnently attempted at Harper's Ferry." ^ 
 
 One other point of controversy which furnished the 
 ground of resistance of Robinson, was the attitude of writ- 
 ers concerning the Pottawatomie massacre. The deed was 
 so atrocious that the defenders of Brown for a number of 
 years denied his connection with it. Even Wendell Phil- 
 lips said that Brown w^as twenty miles from Pottawatomie 
 at the time ; Hintou claimed that Brown was thirty miles 
 away ; and Redpath also claimed that Brown was twenty- 
 five miles away. Another refuge of some of Brown's ad- 
 mirers was in the assertion that the savage deed was com- 
 mitted by Indians ; but, having been obliged finally to 
 admit that BrowTi was present, the next step was to assert 
 that he was in command but did not commit the crime. 
 However, Connelley, in his recent " Life of John Brown," 
 takes the ground that he was present and in command ; 
 hence that he was guilty of the whole massacre even 
 
 1 Kansas City G.izette, 1892.
 
 CONTEOVEBSLES 321 
 
 thougli he did not strike a blow. The final position of the 
 defenders of this deed is, that it was necessary to terrorize 
 the Proslavery men in order to cause a cessation of hostili- 
 ties, and to beat back the hordes of Missourians by force 
 of arms in order to save the Free- State cause. All of these 
 points, except the recent version of Connelley, Governor 
 Eobinson attacked with a vigorous pen, assuming that they 
 were all wrongly taken. 
 
 On the other hand, Robinson was accused of inconsist- 
 ency because it is alleged that he approved of the Potta- 
 watomie affair when it was committed, and subsequently 
 severely criticized the deed. In answer, Robinson denies 
 having ever approved Brown's work at this massacre, but 
 he did write him a letter dated at Lawrence, September 
 14th, 1856, commending his work at the battle of Osawato- 
 mie. This letter is now in the collection of the State His- 
 torical Society of Kansas. 
 
 When John Brown brought a letter from Amos A. Law- 
 rence, of Boston, to Charles Robinson, in which it was 
 stated that if Robinson thought Brown was to be trusted 
 he could give him arms and money, Robinson refused to 
 help Brown, because the latter showed by his utterances 
 that he was ready to fight the Federal Government and to 
 precipitate a revolution. That is, the policy of Brown 
 being in direct opposition to the policy of Robinson, the 
 latter was not in sympathy with him. But it appears that 
 in 1878 Robinson wrote to James Hanway as follows: 
 "I never had much doubt that Captain Brown was the 
 author of the blow at Pottawatomie, for the reason that he 
 was the only man that comprehended the situation and saw 
 the absolute necessity of some such blow and had the nerve 
 
 —21
 
 322 LIFK OF CHARLES UOBINSON 
 
 to strike it," Again, in the summer of 1877, in a public 
 speech at Osawatomic, Robinson gave expression to simi- 
 lar sentiments; also in 1859-60, in a speech at Lawrence, 
 he is said to have uttered something similar. But, after 
 the testimony of Mr. Townsley appeared, Robinson changed 
 his attitude. From this time on he ceases to praise Brown 
 for the act and to excuse the savageness of the deed. In 
 two letters published in the Boston Transcript in 1884, he 
 explains his attitude, and why he changed his opinion. In 
 the Transcript of June 12th, he said: 
 
 " Until the testimony of Mr. Townsley appeared, many Free-State 
 men apologized for the massacre on the ground that the men killed 
 were worthy of death for their crimes. With these apologies I sym- 
 pathized, supposing what Redpath and others said was true. This 
 was the testimony on which the case chiefly rested till Townsley's 
 was given. Had Redpath's statements proved true as to the character 
 and conduct of the men killed, I should have continued to apologize 
 for the men who committed the deed, although it never could be 
 justified. But I have now become satisfied that Redpath's account is 
 all fiction, except the statement that the men were killed. I believe 
 these men had committed no crime, and had threatened to commit 
 none. Townsley's statement that Brown wanted him to go up the 
 creek five or six miles and point out the cabins of all the Proslavery 
 men, that they might make a clean sweep as they came down, shows 
 conclusively that he was ready to kill any Proslavery man, guilty or 
 not guilty, and hence shows that his purpose was to inaugurate war, 
 and not to make a free State." 
 
 In the same paper on August 15th he expressed himself 
 
 as follows : 
 
 " For Mr. Sanborn's information, I will say that I entertain no 
 malice toward his hero, having apologized for him probably a thou- 
 sand times, and never lifted a finger to oppose any honors to his 
 memory by the State or nation. While I believed the men butchered 
 were bad men, belligerents as described by Redpath and others, I 
 excused the killing as best I could, and contemplated writing out a
 
 CONTKOVEESDES 323 
 
 statement to be filed with our Historical Society, setting forth the 
 outrages committed by these and similar men. But before I found 
 the time to write this statement I became satisfied from new and 
 conclusive evidence that these men were innocent of all crime or 
 threatened crime, and that their taking-off was not intended for the 
 protection of the Free-State men from their outrages and such as 
 theirs, but was intended by Brown as an act of offensive war. When 
 I became satisfied on these points, I abandoned the work and ceased 
 apologies for Brown." 
 
 While the whole Brown controversy engendered bitter 
 feelings on the part of some of those engaged in it, that 
 feeling is practically gone. ^Vhile there were many misun- 
 derstandings and misrepresentations concerning the facts 
 in the case, it is but just to say that those engaged in the 
 controversy really intended to give truthful representa- 
 tions of the case from their own standpoint. Many errors 
 were corrected and points of discrepancy removed by the 
 controversy. Every one now sees with a clearer vision the 
 full import of Brown's presence in Kansas, and under- 
 stands more thoroughly the reason for Robinson's attitude 
 toward him. Here, as elsewhere, Eobinson is honest in his 
 convictions, and acted conscientiously in his changing 
 views of the situation, evidently brought about by more 
 light upon the subject, and possibly, too, by the admirers 
 of Brown who persistently held to what Robinson deemed 
 false positions. 
 
 At any rate, it must be remembered that Brown had no 
 intention of becoming a citizen of Kansas, but that he came 
 to Kansas incidentally to help his sons fight their battles, 
 and, purposely, to use Kansas as a lever to move the walls 
 of slavery. One only need follow his course to be con- 
 vinced of his object. He was at Lawrence during the 
 Wakarusa War, which occurred in the autumn of 1855.
 
 324: LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 He held full command at the Pottawatomie massacre in 
 May, 1856. He was with the expedition which captured 
 Fort Saunders and at the attack at Fort Titus, — two of 
 the Proslavery strongholds. He assisted in the capture of 
 Captain Pate near Black Jack, and rendered other assist- 
 ance at Osawatomie. He was also with the expedition 
 that went to Lecompton, and had a small force near Topeka, 
 July 4th, 1856, when Col. Sumner dispersed the Pree- 
 State Legislature. He was at Lawrence at the threatened 
 attack in Septemher, 1856, but soon after left Kansas, and 
 did not return until ISTovemher, 1857. In September, 1857, 
 he was in Tabor, Iowa, with arms and ammunition which 
 Lane and Whitman were urging him to bring forward with 
 all possible speed, but this he could not do for lack of funds. 
 He was in the Territory only a few days in 1857, but re- 
 turned again in January, 1858. In December of this year 
 Brown made a raid into Missouri, destroying property and 
 liberating slaves. It appears that there were two divisions 
 of the men in this raid. Brown commanding one. The di- 
 vision which he did not command, shot and killed a slave- 
 owner. 
 
 George A. Crawford saw Brown after this raid, and re- 
 monstrated with him for such conduct. Crawford told 
 him that Kansas was at peace with Missouri, and that 
 Free-State men composed the Legislature and were making 
 the laws. He pointed out to Brown that even in the dis- 
 turbed counties of Linn and Bourbon the Free-State men 
 were in the majority and had elected the officers, and that 
 without peace no immigration would come from the l^ortli 
 or the South. Soon after his Missouri raid, on December 
 20th, 1858, Brown left Kansas, dropped from view for a
 
 CONTKOVEESIES 
 
 325 
 
 short time, and then made his attack on Harper's Ferry. 
 While Brown was absent from Kansas in the intervals of 
 1856-57-58, he was procuring arms and ammunition and 
 maturing plans for his subsequent raid on Harper's Ferrj. 
 
 'No writer would attempt to detract from the mysterious 
 power of John Brown, nor take from him his legitimate 
 place in American history. He was bold, courageous, and 
 even fearless in his attacks upon slavery, and he demon- 
 strated that he would fight and die for what he believed 
 to be right. Without doubt he hastened the final struggle 
 between the ISTorth and the South, and by his Harper's 
 Ferry attack became a national character. But the real 
 points at issue are the extent of his services to the Free- 
 State cause, and his real position in Kansas history. Some 
 have held that his presence in the Territory was of vital 
 importance to the Free-State movement, and that he was 
 the real spirit of the Kansas struggle. Others have held 
 that he was a detriment to the cause of freedom in Kansas, 
 because his policy was directly opposite to the policy of 
 the conservative element which finally won. A third group 
 of writers are willing to concede a real service to Kansas, 
 but hold that Brown's movements were of minor importance 
 to the chief events which made Kansas a free State, and 
 that his actions had a tendency to make war rather than to 
 establish peace. 
 
 The Free-State men were often in a quandary whether 
 to take the field in open war or to follow a policy of non- 
 resistance. In the summer of 1856, with the conservative 
 leaders in prison or out of the Territory, and Lane and 
 Brown left at large, both of whom believed in a policy of 
 war, the battles of this season were inevitable. But, even
 
 326 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 throughout the summer, the point that saved Kansas was 
 the avoidance of open contact with the Federal authority. 
 Had either the Lane or Brown policy been followed, an 
 open rebellion would have occurred, which, although it 
 might have plunged the nation into civil war, could not 
 have established a free State in Kansas unless following 
 the general results of a national strife. 
 
 The attitude of the friends of James H. Lane in showinar 
 his great service to the State, and the injustice which Eob- 
 inson had suffered at the hands of Lane while the latter was 
 United States Senator, made Robinson ever ready to take 
 up his pen and wield it unmercifully against all attempts 
 to make Lane the hero of Kansas. It is well known that 
 Lane frequently advised open war. He held that the in- 
 vasion from Missouri creating the "bogus Legislature" 
 and the Constitutional Convention, was, to use his own 
 words, " an act of war, actual war." Hence he advised 
 the destruction of the convention by force of arms. Rob- 
 inson took occasion to show up Lane's military filibustering 
 and political inconsistencies. In his Kansas Conflict "he 
 makes of Lane a braggadocio, disturber, and a trimmer." 
 Yet he recognized Lane's services in the Wakarusa War. 
 Subsequently, Lane's vaulting ambitions and wild schemes 
 caused much uneasiness to Robinson and other conservative 
 Pree- State men. 
 
 Joel K. Goodin, as secretary of several conventions and 
 of the Free-State Executive Committee, had much to do 
 with the shaping of affairs in Kansas, and he well knew 
 the movements from the beginning. Under date of I^ovem- 
 ber 30th, 1881, he writes: "We in the country had to 
 undergo many severe privations in running after Lane's
 
 CONTEOVERSIES 
 
 327 
 
 orders, messages and commands as self-imposed military 
 dictator. . . . Eor years I could not agree with him, 
 and was constantly in his way in the Executive Committee, 
 thwarting his ridiculously impracticable, reckless and ex- 
 travagant, and sometimes atrocious plans and suggestions." 
 In his speeches and writings, and especially in " The Kan- 
 sas Conflict," Robinson took occasion to point out what 
 would have been the evil consequences from following 
 Lane's erratic course. One can discover the undercurrent 
 of bitterness mingled with grim humor in all of Robinson's 
 criticism of Lane. Being without fear himself, and be- 
 lieving Lane to be cowardly, he appeared to take delight 
 in showing up Lane's frailties. Mindful, too, of Lane's 
 political intrigiies toward him, Robinson was unmerciful in 
 his attacks upon these. He not only showed that Lane 
 was not the man who saved Kansas, but that Lane detracted 
 somcAvhat from the real Free-State cause. 
 
 After the intense and heated discussions which appeared 
 early in the eighties, the historical horizon was cleared of 
 controversy for a time, but a later renaissance of Lane and 
 Brown since Robinson's death has brought the whole sub- 
 ject once more to public view. One of the latest criticisms 
 of Robinson was given by Col. T. W. Higginson, in the 
 Atlantic Monthly for May, 1897, under title of " Cheerful 
 Yesterdays." He says : 
 
 " I formed a very unfavorable impression of Governor Geary and 
 a favorable one of Governor Robinson, and lived to modify both opin- 
 ions. The former, though oscillating in Kansas, did himself great 
 credit afterwards in the Civil War; while the latter did himself very 
 little credit in Kansas politics, whose bitter hostilities and narrow 
 vindictiveness he was the first to foster. Jealousy of the influence 
 of Brown, Lane and Montgomery led him in later years to be chiefly
 
 328 
 
 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON 
 
 responsible for that curious myth concerning the Kansas conflict 
 which has taken possession of many minds, and completely per- 
 verted the history of the State written by Professor Spring, — a 
 theory to the effect that there existed from the beginning, among 
 the Free-State people, two well-defined parties, — the one wishing to 
 carry its ends by war, the other by peace; as a matter of fact, there 
 was no such division." 
 
 It is fortunate that Col. Higginson used the word '*■ im- 
 pression" in the heading of this paragraph, as it would 
 scarcely do for serious history. As the record of Geary in 
 Kansas, as well as in California, in the Civil War, and 
 in Pennsylvania, is marked by direct and straightforward 
 conduct. Col. Higginson could not have been a very keen 
 observer in regard to Geary's service when he speaks of 
 his " oscillating in Kansas." As to his favorable impres- 
 sions of Governor Robinson, he had an opportunity to 
 judge of the character of the man, as he met him soon after 
 Robinson was released from the prison at Lecompton, and 
 he saw him subsequently in Boston and ISTew York. It 
 is not surprising that Col. Higginson formed a favorable 
 opinion of Robinson at that time, for he was loved and 
 respected by all who knew him, except his enemies, and 
 even they had a wholesome respect for his manly course. 
 It is evidently the John Brown controversy that caused 
 Col. Higginson to change his impression. Robinson must 
 have been too severe in his attack on Higginson's idol. It is 
 certainly not historical to assert that Robinson was the first 
 to foster " bitter hostilities and narrow vindictiveness." 
 
 But there are other impressions of Mr. Higginson which 
 seem to be erroneous. In 1879, soon after the Quarter- 
 Centennial Celebration of Kansas, he said in a letter to the 
 Boston Transcript that the crisis in the struggle between
 
 CONTKOVEKSIBS 
 
 329 
 
 freedom and slavery for the possession of Kansas occurred 
 in 1856, and tliat freedom owed its success to the leadership 
 of Lane, Brown, and Montgomery. It is true that the mil- 
 itary crisis did occur on the 14th of September, 1856, 
 when twenty-seven hundred Proslavery men approached 
 Lawrence for the purpose of destroying it ; and the appear- 
 ance of Geary with Federal troops saved the cause. Lane 
 left the country on the 11th of September, going North and 
 East, and not returning to Kansas until the spring of 1857. 
 Montgomery did not figure in the Kansas conflict until 
 after this, and his principal work was done long after Col. 
 Higginson said the crisis was reached. In any event, there 
 was no occasion for Governor Robinson to be jealous of 
 him. Montgomery and Brown both continued fighting 
 until after the conservative policy of the Free-State men 
 had won the victory, and the Free-State men were obliged 
 to beg them to desist. Further. CoL Higginson holds Rob- 
 inson responsible for the "curious myth concerning the 
 Kansas conflict," that there were two well-defined parties, 
 " the one wishing to carry its ends by war, and the other by 
 peace." Every one conversant with Kansas history knows 
 that there were two distinct policies urged by the radical 
 and conservative elements, respectively, of the Free-State 
 party in Kansas ; and this is all that Governor Robinson 
 ever maintained. There were different groups adhering 
 more or less determinedly to each policy. Let any person 
 follow the history of conventions, the actions of the Free- 
 State men, the desires of some to make war on the Federal 
 Government and to precipitate a rebellion, and the attempts 
 of the conservative party to prevent it, and he will be easily 
 convinced of the facts in the case.
 
 330 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 The history of Kansas by Professor Spring is not a myth, 
 nor does it deal in myths. There are some errors in it, 
 mainly of point-of-view and proportion, hut the writer was 
 a careful scholar, Avho searched the records far and near 
 for material, and endeavored to give an accurate account of 
 affairs without fear or favor. Governor Robinson had 
 nothing to do with its creation, except as he was a maker 
 of history. " The Kansas Conflict," written by Governor 
 Robinson, is not a myth any more than a modem battle- 
 ship, bristling with guns and opening on the enemy, is a 
 myth. It is wonderfully backed by the bulwarks of truth 
 and historical fact. It may be a bit partisan in spij'it, for 
 it does not pretend to be a complete history of Kansas, but 
 to deal with special phases of the conflict from Robinson's 
 point of view. It must be admitted by all, that the book 
 is sufficiently pungent and critical toward those who mis- 
 represent or seek to distort history. The course of Lane 
 in Congress, the revelations of Brown's course in Kansas, 
 and the persistent course of certain writers who seemed to 
 have obtained wrong impressions, were sufficient to arouse 
 the antagonism of the War Governor of Kansas, who hated 
 shams and grieved at the distortion of the truth. 
 
 In 1884, thirty years after the struggle began and suffi- 
 cient time having elapsed for the truth to become fixed, be- 
 fore the publication of Spring's " Kansas " and before the 
 publication of " The Kansas Conflict," Governor F. P. 
 Stanton, who was well acquainted with Kansas affairs, 
 stated at the Old Settlers' Meeting at Bismarck Grove, as 
 follows : 
 
 " I was not in the counsels of the Free-State party, and knew their 
 designs only through their public aTowals. It is well understood, I
 
 CONTROVEESIES ^^^ 
 
 believe, that they were divided in opinion. One party in the conven- 
 tion, under the lead of J. H. Lane, was in favor of extreme and vio- 
 lent measures, and proposed to put the Topeka Government into im- 
 mediate operation; the other was understood to be headed by Gover- 
 nor Charles Robinson, and to advise a more moderate line of policy, 
 being so far willing to confide in our pledges as to try their strength 
 at the polls in the October election. There was a bitter contest be- 
 tween the two sections of the Free-State party, and according to our 
 information there was imminent danger that the Lane party would 
 prevail. 
 
 "But at any rate, the counsels of the moderate men prevailed. 
 The extremists Avere withheld from the execution of their dangerous 
 designs, and the masses of the Free-State party were induced to 
 participate in the October elections, and thus get control of the 
 Territorial Government instead of embarking in a rebellion against 
 the United States. 
 
 " You placed Mr. Buchanan and his administration and all these 
 Democrats who supported him in the wrong, and thus placing them in 
 the wrong before the eyes of the whole world, you were ena"bled to 
 defeat them and break them up." 
 
 After a careful review of the whole controversy, a fair 
 estimate of the situation would seem to be as follows: 
 Brown sought the liberation of the slaves, and endeavored 
 to use the Kansas trouble as a means of forwarding his 
 plan of bringing about a conflict between the IN'orth and 
 the South. Incidentally, he performed certain services in 
 the struggle for freedom in Kansas, which must always be 
 acknowledged. His policies were not adopted by the Free- 
 State party. Lane's political ambition was the ruling pas- 
 sion of life. In his attempt to satisfy it he also performed 
 services in the struggle for freedom. His plans were fre- 
 quently thwarted by the Free-State people. Kobinson was 
 the original leader of the conservative group of Free-State 
 people who wished to build up a free commonwealth by 
 settlement and development of industries, voting, and non-
 
 332 
 
 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 resistance to Federal authority. The policy of tlie con- 
 servative element won, but this fact must not ignore the 
 political services of Lane nor the independent warfare of 
 Brown. While they differed in policy and plan from the 
 conservative element of the party, still, at times, they 
 strengthened the cause of freedom by enthusiasm or cour- 
 age, and taught the Free-State people, by warlike methods, 
 to resist invasion. But, in acknowledging the services of 
 Brown and Lane, it must be maintained that it was the con- 
 straint placed upon them by the conservative element 
 which made their services valuable. The life of John 
 Brown has been a favorite theme of his admirers, and has 
 never failed to awaken an interest among the American 
 people; but there is no American character about which 
 there is such a diversity of opinion. By some he has been 
 placed alongside of Jesus Christ, by others he has been por- 
 trayed as a murderer, a liar, and a thief. Owing to the en- 
 thusiasm of sentiment, his historical position has never 
 been permanently established. It is safe to say that it 
 will be found between the extreme views of his enthusiastic 
 admirers and his detractors. 
 
 However, progress is being made in historical judgment. 
 In 1860 there was published " The Life of John Brown," 
 by Eedpath, which aroused considerable controversy. In 
 1880 came the " Reminiscences of Old John Brown," by 
 G. W. Brown, M. D., a scathing criticism on his life and 
 services. In 1885 Spring's " Kansas" aroused much con- 
 troversy, and in the same year appeared " The Life and 
 Letters of John Brown," by F. B. Sanboi-n, in which Brown 
 appears at his best. Then, in 1892, was published " The 
 Kansas Conflict," by Charles Robinson, which is a severe
 
 CONTEOVEESIES 333 
 
 criticism of Brown and his methods. This was followed 
 by " John Brown and His Men," by Richard J. Hinton, 
 in 1894. Subsequently both Rhodes and Burgess gave im- 
 partial historical representations of Kansas history. But 
 the most recent specific work on Brown is that of William 
 E. Connelley, which occurred in 1900, and which, in many 
 respects, is superior to the hero-worship of former days. 
 But there are evidences that the final word has not yet been 
 uttered, although it would seem that the subject had re- 
 ceived undue attention at the hands of American writers. 
 What is especially needed is the elimination of the per- 
 sonal element of history and the abandonment of historical 
 tradition. Also, a careful discrimination should be made 
 between the feelings and sentiment of the people, and a 
 careful measurement of historical facts. While Governor 
 Robinson gave his version of certain affairs, a version which 
 he deemed to be correct, and usually was found so, his con- 
 tributions to history were limited to certain phases of the 
 struggle, l^or did he ever pretend to write a complete 
 history of Kansas ; but without his writings and his vigor- 
 ous controversies it would have been exceedingly difficult to 
 give a correct idea of the Free-State cause and the attitude 
 of the leaders of the Free-State party. The controversies 
 carried on by himself and others have helped to form a true 
 estimate of his life and character, and throughout it all his 
 importance to Kansas History has been shown to be 
 greater as historical truth becomes dominant.
 
 334 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSOIf 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 PEOMOTEE OF EDUCATION. 
 
 De. Robinson was early identified with the educational 
 affairs of Kansas, and he never lost interest in them 
 throughout his busy life. Like other patriots seeking to 
 develop free government and a commonwealth composed 
 of liberty-loving people, he recognized the necessity of edu- 
 cation to the perpetuation of free institutions. He knew 
 well that the foundations of the Republic are rendered se- 
 cure only through individual life and character developed 
 by means of liberal education. Moreover, he understood 
 how essential were educational opportunities to attract sub- 
 stantial families to a new community. He was not want- 
 ing in foresight in building up a new community, and 
 therefore he took every available opportunity to advance 
 the cause of education. But what was still more to his 
 credit as a fine specimen of manhood, he felt a keen interest 
 in the lives and personal success of individuals, and espe- 
 cially did he feel for those who needed help. Believing 
 in the necessity of education, he was prepared to start a 
 school at the earliest opportunity. 
 
 It is not surprising, then, that the first school in Law- 
 rence was in Dr. Robinson's back office in the Emigrant Aid 
 Building, Avhich stood a little north of where now stands 
 the Lawrence I^ational Bank. It was begun January 16th, 
 1855, by Edward P. Fitch, of Hopkinton, Massachusetts, 
 less than six months after the arrival of the first group of 
 emigrants from N"ew England. There were about twenty
 
 PBOMOTEK OF EDUCATION 
 
 335 
 
 pupils ; the teaclier was paid by private subscriptions. In 
 the spring of 1855 there accompanied Dr. Robinson from 
 the East Miss Kate Kellogg, who came to teach the summer 
 and autumn school. She began to teach on June 16th, in 
 the same building, her salary being paid by Dr. Robinson. 
 A third term in the Emigrant Aid Building was taught by 
 Miss Lucy M. Wilder, who was teaching when the town 
 was entered by border ruffians in 1856. Her school was 
 scattered that day, but was soon reassembled when quiet 
 was restored. In the summer of 1856 Miss Henrietta 
 Ross, from Massachusetts, opened a school over Eaxon's 
 meat market. In the following year, on March 30 th, the 
 Quincy High School was opened in the Emigrant Aid 
 Building, and on the second of April was moved to the 
 basement of the Unitarian Church. This school was 
 taught by C. L. Edwards, who conducted the public school 
 in 1857-'58, assisted by Lucy M. Wilder, Sarah A. Brown, 
 Lizzie Haskell, and in the primary by Miss Oakley. The 
 fall term opened September 6th, and continued twelve 
 weeks, the winter term being opened December 13th, witli 
 Miss Haskell and Miss H. M. Felt in the High School. 
 
 In September, 1863, after the Quantrell raid, which oc- 
 curred August 21st, Misses Mary and Caroline Chapin 
 came to Lawrence, and opened a school for girls in the fol- 
 lowing winter. Dr. Robinson and George W. Deitzler paid 
 the tuition of several pupils in this school. Mrs. S. T. D. 
 Robinson writes charmingly of the entrance of the Chapin 
 sisters into Kansas : 
 
 " Mr. Charles Chapin had a very pleasant home in Quindaro, and 
 his sisters, Mary Vj. and Caroline E., came occasionally from Mil- 
 waukee, where they had founded the Milwaukee Female College, to 
 visit him. It had been in successful operation for seven years, when,
 
 336 LIFE OF CHABLES ROBIJ<iSON 
 
 tired of the fogs and damp of Milwaukee, they turned their thoughts 
 toward the brighter skies and clearer airs of Kansas. 
 
 " One day in October, 1863, when the hunter's moon was ap- 
 proaching its full, Mr. Chapin and his sister Mary came up to see 
 us and talk over the matter of their coming to Lawrence, and to learn 
 whether the circumstances so soon after the Quantrell raid would 
 favor the opening of a girls' school in Lawrence. General Deitzler 
 and Governor Robinson were enthusiastic over the matter, and fa- 
 vored the enterprise with all their hearts. They were mindful also 
 that money was needed for the success of the plan, and they each 
 paid the tuition for several of the girls. Miss Chapin was delighted 
 with Kansas, and in the brightness of those evenings in which she 
 reveled she said, * The Kansas moon is brighter than the Milwaukee 
 sun.' In the early winter the Misses Chapin came and began the 
 school. Miss Elizabeth E. Watson accompanied them." 
 
 These were small beginnings in education, but great in 
 their final results. Lawrence thus took the lead in educa- 
 tional matters, and it was a fitting outcome of these early 
 efforts that the University should finally be located at this 
 place. While schools were established much earlier in 
 Kansas in connection with missions, — probably the first 
 one was at Wyandotte, in 1844, taught by J. M. Armstrong, 
 — yet in the real movement that made Kansas a State, Law- 
 rence took the lead in educational matters, and Dr. Robin- 
 son appears as the first promoter of education in the Terri- 
 tory. 
 
 But Dr. Robinson was not contented with the establish- 
 ment of private schools nor of ordinary public schools, — 
 he desired a university. Slowly but surely each successive 
 step in education led up to the university. The ambitions 
 for a university were thoroughly supported by Amos A. 
 Lawrence, who was instrumental in establishing a college 
 at Lawrence. Dr. Robinson had the entire confidence of 
 Mr. Lawrence, and also the confidence of the people of the
 
 PROMOTER OF EDUCATION 337 
 
 town ; hence, he was a very prominent factor in the es- 
 tablishment of the school. While Amos A. Lawrence was 
 the treasurer of the Emigrant Aid Company, and desirous 
 of the prosperity of the town bearing his name, the educa- 
 tional project received from the very first the earnest sup- 
 port and attention of Dr. Robinson. 
 
 In 1856 Mr. Amos A. Lawrence requested Dr. Robinson 
 to spend money for him in laying the foundation for a 
 school building on the north part of Mt. Oread, which is 
 now the site of North College. In explaining his plans to 
 Rev. E. ISTute, in a letter dated Dec. 16th, 1856, Mr. Law- 
 rence says : " You shall have a college which shall be a 
 school of learning and at the same time a monument to per- 
 petuate the memory of those martyrs of liberty who fell 
 during the recent struggles. Beneath, their dust shall rest. 
 In it shall burn the light of liberty, which shall never be 
 extinguished until it illumines the whole continent. It 
 shall be called the ' Free-State College,' and all the friends 
 of freedom shall be invited to lend it a helping hand." 
 
 It is interesting to note that, in the movement of emi- 
 grants westward over the Alleghany range into the Missis- 
 sippi Valley, from the time of the foundation of the State 
 of Ohio, the idea of a college w^as uppermost in their minds. 
 Scarcely had the first smoke begun to curl upward from the 
 chimneys of the rude cabins, or the first furrow of virgin 
 soil been turned for the prospective crop, before they began 
 to talk about schools. And while these schools might be of 
 a meager nature, yet, from the beginning, the dreams and 
 aspirations of the prominent men were always for a college 
 or a university. The liberal land grants of the Federal 
 Government to the States on their admission into the 
 
 —22
 
 338 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 Union, for the foundation of public schools crowned witii 
 a university, made it possible for tbem to make early be- 
 ginnings in the higher education. Those who were 
 thoughtful for the welfare of the new town of Lawrence, 
 and in fact for the new commonwealth of Kansas which 
 was being built, earnestly advocated the establishment of 
 schools. Mr. Lawrence, after whom the town was named, 
 was a far-sighted, practical man, and he saw that in estab- 
 lishing schools in the TeiTitory of Kansas he would be lay- 
 ing the foundation of a power for freedom greater than the 
 force of arms. 
 
 As a foundation of this Free-State college, Mr. Law- 
 rence gave the sum of $10,000, which was in the form of 
 two interest-bearing notes. This fund was to accumulate 
 until it had become sufficiently large for the foundation of 
 a school. On February llth, 1857, Mr. Lawrence consti- 
 tuted Charles Robinson and S. C. Pomeroy trustees of this 
 fund, amounting then to $12,696.14, for the purpose of ad- 
 vancing education and religion in the Territory. The 
 following is a copy of the letter of trusteeship : 
 
 Boston. February 14th, 1857. 
 To Messrs. Charles Robinscn and S. C. Pomeroy, Trustees — 
 Gentlemen: Inclosed with this are two notes of five thousand dol- 
 lars each, of the Lawrence University, of Wisconsin, which, with the 
 interest added, amount to eleven thousand six hundred and 'Vim 
 dollars as of to-day; also a certificate of stock in the New England 
 Emigrant Aid Company (par $2,000), worth one thousand dollars or 
 more at the present time; — in all, twelve thousand six hundred and 
 ninety-six dollars and fourteen cents, which has been transferred 
 to yourselves to be held by you in trust, and the income to be used for 
 the advancement of the religious and intellectual education of the 
 young in Kansas Territory. Until I shall give directions to the con- 
 trary, I wish one-half of the income to be applied to the establish- 
 ment of the best system of common schools, by organizing in every
 
 PKOMOTEE OF EDUCATION 
 
 339 
 
 settlement those who shall be in favor of its adoption, as soon as 
 the school funds shall be received from the United States Govern- 
 ment; also, by giving aid to a school in Lawrence which shall serve 
 as a model to others. The other half of the income to be used for the 
 establishment of Sunday schools and furnishing them with the books 
 of the Sunday School Union, of Philadelphia. In the event of my 
 decease without giving any other directions than the above, I wish 
 the fund to be used in the manner designated by me in a letter to 
 Rev. E. Nute, Dec. 1st, 1856. 
 
 The state of your laws prevents me from making a formal in- 
 strument of trust at this time, and I have only to say that by accept- 
 ing the office of trustees you will confer a favor on me, while you 
 will be serving the interest of the Territory in which we have all 
 taken so much interest, and for which you have endured and risked 
 so much. I rely implicitly on your honor to retain the property ia 
 your safe-keeping, and to carry out the plan herein specified. In the 
 event of your resignation of the office of trustee at any time, or your 
 removal from the Territory, I wish for the privilege of appointing 
 your successors. Hereafter, I may give my views more in detail. You 
 can draw on the treasurer of the Lawrence (Wisconsin) University 
 at any time for a year's interest, in any one year. I have refrained 
 from drawing, because they have required all their funds for their 
 new building. Recently one building has been burnt, and on this 
 account, as well as from a desire to prevent all embarrassment to 
 the institution, I wish that the payment of the principal sum may 
 not be urged, so long as the interest is received. If Kansas should 
 mot become a " Free State " as soon as admitted to the Union, I wisTi 
 the property returned to me or my heirs. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 Amos A. La.wbence. 
 
 It is thought by those who know of the confidential re- 
 lations of Charles Robinson to his particular friend, Mr. 
 Lawrence, that it was Dr. Robinson's suggestion and in- 
 fluence which put it in the mind of Amos A. Lawrence to 
 lay the foundation of a college. Possibly they were both 
 inspired with the same thought, yet it is well understood 
 that Amos A, Lawrence was greatly interested in the foun-
 
 340 
 
 LIFE OF CHAKXES BOBINSON 
 
 dation of the State in the name of freedom. He was an 
 antislavery man heart and soul, and he used his wide in- 
 fluence to aid Kansas in her early struggles. In a memo- 
 rial service held in his honor at Lawrence in 1886, Gov- 
 eraor Robinson said of him : 
 
 " Upon the 22d of last August, in a little town ' in Massachusetts, 
 ended a life full of benediction and goodness. Kansas has especial 
 reason to mourn the loss of this great philanthropist. When slavery 
 was threatening to encroach upon the virgin soil of Kansas, Eli 
 Thayer sounded the alarm. Amos A. Lawrence was one of the first 
 to enlist in the cause. As treasurer of the Emigrant Aid Association 
 he contributed greatly to the financial needs, but still more was the 
 moral weight which his name and well-known ability added to the 
 side of freedom. He supplied the money with which to buy guns to 
 bea'; back the proslavery army which was invading the soil of Kansas. 
 In the agitation which spread over the North, Mr. Lawrence played 
 a most important part. He stood in close relationship with President 
 Pierce, and Amos A. Lawrence did more than any other man to 
 secure the release of prisoners held for treason and to procure the 
 order withdrawing the Missouri army from before Lawrence, thus not 
 only saving this city, but also the other towns of Kansas. Mr. Law- 
 rence gave ten thousand dollars endowment to a college at Lawrence. 
 On account of this the State University was located here and Law- 
 rence was made the pleasant and prosperous city it is. His name will 
 be known and honored as one of the non-residents who took the most 
 interest and did the most work for our State." 
 
 Gov. Robinson might have added that when the congre- 
 gation of Plymouth Church was weak and struggling, Mr. 
 Lawrence gave one thousand dollars toward the erection 
 of a suitable house of worship. 
 
 In every effort toward the foundation of schools, no mat- 
 ter who originated the movement, Governor Robinson was 
 a prominent supporter. First an attempt was made by the 
 Presbyterian Church of America to found a university at 
 
 ' Brookllne.
 
 PKOMOTER OF EDUCATION 341 
 
 Lawrence. The board of directors was formed for the 
 organization of this college. Charles Robinson was among 
 the number of trustees. Appropriate committees were 
 named, and a plan was made for the erection of a building 
 36x60 and two stories high. This was desired as a wing 
 of the main building, the total to cost $50,000. A good 
 deal of interest was manifested in this matter, and a bill 
 was introduced into the Legislature in 1859, chartering 
 the Lawrence University, with a board of trustees. Under 
 this charter the board met January 22d, 1859, and pro- 
 ceeded to the organization of a university. They elected 
 officers, established chairs, chose professors, and also es- 
 tablished a medical department. The trustees of the city 
 of Lawrence offered a quitclaim deed to the trustees of the 
 Lawrence University, on condition that a building should 
 be erected at Lawrence one year from date, and that a school 
 should be commenced six months from date. The trustees 
 failing to comply with these conditions, the property would 
 revert to the city of Lawrence. By a bit of shifting and 
 advertising, the Quincy High School was made preparatory 
 to this Lawrence University, and this preparatory school 
 was opened in the basement of the Unitarian Church ; but, 
 after continuing three months, it failed for lack of patron- 
 age. 
 
 About this time the Congregational Church of Kansas 
 determined to establish a college in Kansas Territory. Ac- 
 cordingly, steps were taken to found the Memorial College, 
 at Lawrence, to commemorate the triumph of liberty over 
 slavery in Kansas. Dr. Charles Robinson was a member 
 of the board of trustees of this institution, and the trustees 
 of the "Amos A. Lawrence fund," with the consent of the
 
 342 LIFE OF CHABLES EOBINSON 
 
 giver, si^ified their willin^ess to make over this fund 
 to the Memorial College, on condition that the Congrega- 
 tional Church should have control of the institution. The 
 undertaking failed on account of the drouth of 1860 and 
 hard times. In the mean time the Presbyterians had been 
 pushing forward their work as rapidly as possible, but the 
 hard times and other discouragements caused them at last 
 to give it up. However, the people of Lawrence, being un- 
 willing to see the plan of Lawrence College given up, or- 
 ganized a new board of trustees, of which Charles Kobin- 
 eon was a member, and a new institution was chartered 
 by the Territorial Legislature of 1861, This was under 
 the auspices of the Episcopal Church. The new institution 
 was called the Lawrence University of Kansas, The 
 Presbyterians surrendered their university building to the 
 Episcopalian University. But the Civil War came on and 
 interfered with the work, and nothing more was done for 
 several years. Subsequently, when the State University 
 was founded, the claims of the Episcopal Church were 
 given to it. 
 
 At the time of the foundation of the various charitable 
 and educational institutions of Kansas, each prominent 
 town tried to secure the location of one or more institutions, 
 Lawrence, on account of the part it had borne in the early 
 struggle for freedom, the relation of Amos A, Lawrence to 
 the town, and his gift to form a Eree-State college, had 
 just claims to the University, By history, educational 
 traditions, service and sufferings in the cause of freedom, 
 the town was entitled to this distinction. A strong oppo- 
 sition to this claim of Lawrence, however, was offered by 
 tbe town of Manbattan. The citizens of Manhattan as-
 
 PBOMOTEB OF EDUCATION 
 
 343 
 
 serted that tlie Methodists had already established there a 
 school called Bluemont College, which could be used as a 
 foundation for the University. A bill establishing the 
 University at this place passed both houses of the Legisla- 
 ture in 1861, but it was promptly vetoed by Governor Kob- 
 inson. Subsequently the Agricultural College was located 
 at Manhattan, and Lawi-ence lost her first rival for the cov- 
 eted prize. But another rival, in Emporia, soon appeared, 
 and in the Legislature of 1863 a bill was introduced, lo- 
 cating the University at Emporia. The late Judge J. S. 
 Emery, of Lawrence, finally moved to substitute the word 
 " Lawrence " for '' Emporia," and the bill passed to a vote 
 which resulted in a tie. The presiding officer, Hon. Ed- 
 ward Eussell, of Doniphan county, decided in favor of 
 Lawrence. The bill then passed the Senate, and became a 
 law by the signature of Governor Carney, February 20th, 
 1863. Thus was won, not without a struggle, the Univer- 
 sity of Kansas to LavTrence, whose citizens began earnestly 
 to fulfill the conditions of the law establishing it on a sure 
 foundation.^ 
 
 One of the provisions of the bill for the location of the 
 University was that a site of forty acres should be donated 
 by the town where it was located; and another provision 
 was that an endowment be made of $15,000, $5,000 of 
 which was to be deposited with the Treasurer of State 
 within six months after the passage of the bill ; otherwise 
 the provisions of the act should be null and void. At this 
 point Charles Eobinson came forward with a proposition 
 to furnish the required forty acres from his land outside 
 of the city, on condition that the Council would deed to 
 
 iLawBof 1803, p. 116.
 
 344 
 
 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON^ 
 
 liim half a block of land south of the school foundation 
 on Mt. Oread. The proposition was accepted, and Robin- 
 son secured to the State the transfer of what is now the 
 University campus. Twenty-one acres of this land, lying 
 south of the claim which Dr. Robinson had preempted, be- 
 longed to Mrs. Robinson, she having purchased it from 
 J. F. Morgan. For her share of this land Mrs. Robinson 
 received $600 from the citizens of Lawrence. Subse- 
 quently, Governor Robinson gave an additional ten acres 
 of land to the University without qualifications. 
 
 It was more difficult to secure the endowment of $15,000, 
 as this was a large sum in those days of small beginnings. 
 The "Amos A. Lawrence fund," hitherto mentioned, was 
 turned over as an endowment to the new University, but, 
 being in the form of notes, it was difficult to cash these se- 
 curities without considerable delay. Although this amount 
 could not be collected, the interest, amounting to $4,400, 
 was available. Mr. Lawrence offered $10,000 cash for 
 the two notes, and the remainder of the fund could be raised 
 from a note of $600 held by Governor Robinson against 
 the Congregational Church at Lawrence, this sum arising 
 from interest on the fund. But not any of these funds 
 except tlie $4,400, as mentioned above, were available in 
 time to meet the requirements of the legislative act. At 
 this juncture the citizens of Lawrence came forward and 
 gave their note for $5,000, the required amount. Then 
 came the Quantrell raid, on August 21st, in which the citi- 
 zens of Lawrence lost their property, and this rendered the 
 security of the note void. Governor Carney, of Leaven- 
 worth, met the emergency by cashing the citizens' note. 
 This made it possible to secure the deposit sufficient to
 
 TEOMOTEK OF EDUCATIOIf 
 
 345 
 
 locate the University at Lawrence, whicli was formally done 
 by the Governor on ]^ovember 2d, 1863. 
 
 As soon as the bill, locating the University at Lawrence, 
 became a law, the Governor appointed a commission con- 
 sisting of S. M. Thorpe, Josiah Miller, and I. T. Goodnow, 
 to select a site and report to him on or before the 1st day 
 of May, 1863. They performed their work to the satis- 
 faction of all concerned, and gave in a report within the 
 allotted time. In 1864 a bill was passed organizing the 
 University, Charles Robinson being made a member of the 
 board of trustees.^ 
 
 The board of regents began the organization of the Uni- 
 versity on March 21st, 1865, by electing Rev. R. W. 
 Oliver as chancellor, and on motion of I. T. Goodnow it 
 was decided to open a preparatory school. Steps were 
 taken to complete the building begun by the Presbyterians, 
 known as !N'orth College. There was much difficulty in 
 collecting sufficient funds for this, but finally enough was 
 obtained, from several sources.^ The land on which this 
 building stood, with the exception of two and three-fourths 
 acres belonging to the city of Lawrence, came into the 
 hands of the regents as a gift of the city. The remainder 
 was secured by bond for deed to James H. Lane, who sub- 
 sequently made a generous gift of the land to the Univer- 
 sity. 
 
 'In the organization of the University, provided by the law of 1864, the members 
 of the first Board of Kegents were as follows : Charles Eobinson, J. D. Liggett, E. J. 
 Mitchell, Geo. A. Crawford, J. S. Emery, A. H. Horton, 0. B. Lines, S. O. Thacher, 
 Geo. A. Moore, .John A. Steele, .John H. Wataon, and Samuel A. Kingman. Bnt before 
 the Board hold Its first meotinfi, on March 21st, 1865, the membership had been greatly 
 changed, being composed o£ Robinson, Liggett, Emery, Thacher, Lines, as above, aod 
 K. M. Bartholomew, 0. K. HolUday, G. W. Paddock, W. A. Starrett, V. P. Mitchell, J. S. 
 Weaver, with I. T. Goodnow, Superintendent of Public Instruction, and R. A. Barker, 
 Secretary of State, ex officio members. 
 
 2lt consisted of $fiOO on Congregational note ; >4,720 interest collected on Amo3 A. 
 Lawrence notes ; $1,000 interest on endowment fund, Amos A. Lawrence notes ; St 
 Louis relief fund, $9,500 ; Boston relief fund, $2,500 ; Carney relief fund, $1,000.
 
 346 LIFE OF CHAHLES BOBINSON 
 
 It was not until July 19th, 1866, that the first faculty, 
 consisting of Prof. D. H. Robinson, E. J. Rice, and F. H. 
 Snow, were elected. Professor D. H. Robinson spent the 
 remainder of bis life in the service of the University, pass- 
 ing away in 1896. Professor Snow bas given tbirty-four 
 years of service, twenty-four as instructor and ten as chan- 
 cellor. Prof. E. J. Rice resigned bis position in 1867. 
 It was througb tbe influence of Governor Robinson that 
 Professor Snow was chosen for tbe place. Time bas shown 
 tbat in this be acted wisely, as Cbancellor Snow bas been 
 of eminent service to the University and to tbe State as an 
 educator, and especially as a scientist. From tbe opening 
 of the first session, during wbich twenty-six young ladies 
 and twenty-nine young men were enrolled, to tbe present 
 time, Cbancellor Snow bas been a devoted servant of the 
 University and woven his life into its very being. 
 
 From tbis beginning of the University to tbe time of 
 bis deatb, Governor Robinson, witb tbe exception of a sbort 
 interval, was a regent of tbe University. He watched over 
 it from the beginning, tbrougb its early and later struggles 
 and its steady growth. It bas advanced from tbe bumble 
 position of a preparatory scbool witb a few students and 
 tbree instructors to a magnificent institution of 1,200 stu- 
 dents and over seventy instructors, witb scbools of Arts, 
 Law, Medicine, Engineering, Pbarmacy, and Fine Arts, 
 tbe pride and strengtb of tbe State. As regent. Governor 
 Robinson served on tbe building committee in tbe construc- 
 tion of tbe first main building. Eraser Hall ; and be occu- 
 pied many other important places in relation to tbe build- 
 ing of tbe University. 
 
 In 1889, in recognition of bis eminent services to tbe
 
 BUST OF ROBINSON, IN THE UNIVERSITY CHAPEL.
 
 PEOMOTEE OF EDUCATION 
 
 347 
 
 University and the cause of education, as well as on account 
 of his acknowledged ability in many directions, the board 
 of regents conferred upon him the honorary degree of 
 Doctor of Laws. This was an unusual act for the regents, 
 as it was the first and last honorary degree of the kind ever 
 issued. Governor Robinson was not a member of the board 
 when it was granted. Another worthy tribute to Governor 
 Robinson in recognition of his educational services was 
 given by the Legislature of Kansas in 1895, when it passed 
 an act to appropriate $1,000 for a bust of ex-Governor Rob- 
 inson, to be placed in the University chapel. In accord- 
 ance with this act, Governor John W. Leedy appointed 
 Mrs. Sara T. D. Robinson, Hon. B. W. Woodward, and 
 Charles Chadwick, Esq., members of the commission to se- 
 lect an artist to execute the bust. They secured as artist 
 Mr. Lorado Taft, whose work was accepted. At the un- 
 veiling of this marble bust, which now stands at the left of 
 the organ in the chapel, appropriate services were held, 
 during which Hon. B. W. Woodward, representing the 
 committee, Hon. Chas. F. Scott, representing the regents, 
 and Governor John W. Leedy, representing the State, 
 made appropriate speeches. Perhaps the address of 
 Charles F. Scott was as true an estimate of Governor 
 Robinson as ever escaped the lips of man. So clearly does 
 it picture the principal phases of his life and character, 
 that it is quoted to considerable length, as follows : 
 
 " The story of the life of Charles Eobinson is so familiar here, 
 ■where the greater part of that life was lived, that it need not be 
 rehearsed. It is a heroic, almost romantic story. It is the story of a 
 MAK, a man who took early a man's place in the world and held it 
 staunchly and sturdily to the end. I trust I shall not be misunder- 
 stood when I say it is the story of a fighter, a man so constituted
 
 348 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON" 
 
 that he must take one side or the other of every question upon which 
 men divided; and who, having chosen his ground, must maintain it 
 earnestly and aggressively against every challenger. It is the story 
 of a wise counselor, of one whose brain was always cool and clear, 
 no matter what fires might be flashing from the blue eyes. 
 
 " As nearly as any man I ever knew, Charles Robinson deserved 
 the tribute which the Laureate paid to the Iron Duke when he said 
 of him that he ' stood foursquare to all the winds that blew.' He 
 came as near standing by himself, balanced by his own judgment, re- 
 quiring no strengthening support from other men either as indi- 
 viduals or as aggregated into parties or churches or societies of any 
 kind. At various times in his life he worked with various political 
 parties, but when the particular object of the work was accomplished, 
 he put the party aside, apparently with as little concern as he would 
 lay down a tool that he was done with. The fear of being called incon- 
 sistent never troubled him. In fact, no fear of any kind, either moral 
 or physical, ever troubled him. He said what he thought ought to be 
 said with as small regard to consequences as he did what he thought 
 ought to be done. And if the words of to-day contradicted those of 
 yesterday, that did not concern him, for the words of both yesterday 
 and to-day were honest words. He did not know what policy meant, 
 so far as the word might be applied to his own fortunes. He knew, 
 doubtless, as well as everybody else knew, that he sacrificed all the 
 political honors which a grateful and admiring people would have 
 been proud to bestow, when he severed his connection with the domi- 
 nant party. But the thought, if it occurred to him, never bade him a 
 moment's pause. 
 
 " Men of the ancestry and mold and temper of Charles Robinson 
 do not have to hold public office in order to be a part of the public 
 life of their community or commonwealth. More than thirty years 
 before his death, Governor Robinson laid down the only executive 
 office he ever held, and retired to his farm; but as a private citizen 
 he was hardly less a factor in the affairs of the State than he had 
 been as its chief executive. As a contributor to the newspapers and 
 a frequent speaker at the hustings and on the platform, he con- 
 tributed his share to the discussion of the questions that during all 
 those thirty years made Kansas the most interesting spot on earth, 
 writing and talking, not to gain some personal end, but because the 
 convictions within him must have utterance." 
 
 At the close of his eventful life Governor Robinson left
 
 PKOMOTEE OF EDUCATION 349 
 
 the greater part of his fortune as a gift to the University, 
 which he had nourished in its infancy, supported with 
 vigor in its 3'outh, and which he saw in his own declining 
 years begin to assume the full stature of vigorous life. 
 He had in mind a university for the people, and held that 
 this was the only kind the State could support. During 
 the latter years of his regency he grew impatient of the 
 methods and policy of the University, and finally resigned, 
 — partly because of ill-health, and partly because he felt 
 out of harmony with the University methods. Perhaps 
 he was thinking of the old style of college as a type rather 
 than the modern university which has grown up in the last 
 few years. He also seemed to feel that the University was 
 growing away from the needs of the people, just as the two 
 old parties had done, according to his views. He opposed 
 the policy of his old-time friend. Chancellor Snow^, much 
 to the grief of the latter. It is a small matter, but the 
 writer would not be true to the task did he not refer to 
 some of the unpleasant phases of life as well as to those 
 that are pleasing to relate. Whether his estrangement 
 was caused by listening to poor advisers, or whether he 
 had reached the age when " fear cometh " and confidence 
 or faith in men or institutions fails, it is difficult to de- 
 termine. But, once having made up his mind that the 
 University was not fulfilling its mission to the great com- 
 mon people, he was true to his life in opposing its policy. 
 After a careful consideration of his attitude, gleaned from 
 conversation with him and others, it appears to the writer 
 that his judgment was not clear, as a large majority of the 
 students of the University were from the farm, and fully 
 one-half at the time were self-supporting. It was then as
 
 350 
 
 LIFE OF CHAELES BOBINSON 
 
 now, a great democratic institution, representing people 
 from nearly every walk of life, but most largely repre- 
 senting the industrial classes. In addition to his dissatis- 
 faction, he had a feeling that there was much work to be' 
 done that his declining health would not permit him to do, 
 and he resigned, not without regret, his place on the board 
 of regents. 
 
 The criticism of the friends of the University would in 
 any event fall lightly on one who had done so much for the 
 University, and under the circumstances it is overwhelmed 
 by the magnanimity of the man in leaving the greater part 
 of his estate to the institution which was the cherished 
 idol of his heart and a living monument of his great- 
 mindedness. ISTo difference of opinion as to the adapta- 
 tion of means to an end could stand between him and his 
 great purpose. Some day, no doubt, there will rise on 
 Mt. Oread a magnificent structure of stone and iron bear- 
 ing the name of RoBiisrsoN^, a worthy tribute commemo- 
 rating his life and his service to the State of Kansas, re- 
 minding generations to come of the great part he took in 
 the building of the commonwealth. For, holding in mind 
 all of his services to Kansas in the establishment of a 
 colony at Lawrence, in the struggle with the border ruffians, 
 in the foundation of the Territorial Government, in the 
 Constitutional struggle, in his position as the first Gov- 
 ernor of the State, and in his subsequent life as Charles 
 Robinson, citizen, one must say that the crowning work 
 of his life, and that which will last the longest in the memo- 
 ries of the members of a grateful republic, was the services 
 to the cause of education. Here, on Mt. Oread, is built 
 a monument to liberty and education, whose foundations
 
 PKOMOTEK OF EDUCATIOST 351 
 
 "were laid in the early struggles for freedom in Kansas, and 
 whose superstructure will be built by future generations 
 of loyal citizens of the State. This monument, though 
 erected to the lives of many men, will also contain en- 
 graved in prominent letters the name of Chakles Rob- 
 inson. 
 
 An important educational work in which ex-Governor 
 Robinson was engaged in his later years was the super- 
 intendency of Haskell Institute, one of the prominent 
 Indian schools of the Federal Government, located at Law- 
 rence. This institution was founded by the United States 
 Government, and its location at Lawrence was secured 
 in part by the citizens of that city, but chiefly through 
 the influence of Hon. Dudley Haskell, member of Congress 
 from the Second District, after whom the Institute is 
 named. When founded, in 1884, the Institute had but 
 few students, and its property consisted of 280 acres of 
 land on which were built three stone buildings, 122x62 
 feet, used as a school-house, boys' dormitory and girls' 
 dormitory, respectively. When he entered upon his new 
 duties. Governor Robinson found that the school was in 
 disrepute among those it was intended to help. The in- 
 dustrial departments included a small cobbler's shop and 
 a carpenter's shop, in addition to the farm department. 
 The Indians of Kansas i^nd the Territory were hostile to 
 the management, and parents refused to send their chil- 
 dren. For this reason the attendance was much below 
 what it should be, and the pupils, knowing that they would 
 1)6 ridiculed when they returned home, and not having been 
 taught in such a way that they could care for themselves, 
 were disheartened and discouraged at the poor success of 
 their attempts to live the lives of white men.
 
 362 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON 
 
 At this time the question of Indian education and its 
 results was attracting the attention of many of the fore- 
 most educators of America. Though the institutions at 
 Hampton and Carlisle had won considerable success in 
 Indian education, it was yet to be determined whether 
 after all, the kind of education they were getting would 
 bring in actual life the real results which were claimed 
 for it ; and therefore the problem of Indian education 
 was worthy the attention of any man. When Charles 
 Robinson accepted the position offered him by Secretary 
 Lamar, he did so with several express objects in view. 
 His first aim was to make Haskell Institute an industrial 
 school in every sense of the term, believing tliat an indus- 
 trial education was the one best fitted for making useful 
 citizens of the young Indians. With the change of man- 
 agement in Haskell Institute, new life w^as put into the 
 institution. The school now increased its popularity 
 with the Indians, and doubled its attendance. Througlj 
 Robinson's influence new buildings were added for school 
 purposes, — dormitories, shops, and warehouses. All de- 
 partments of industrial training were instituted, includ- 
 ing departments for wagon-making, shoemaking, tailoring, 
 carpentering, printing, dressmaking, and a laundry and 
 bakery. At this time, also, 210 acres of land were added 
 to the property, about half of the entire farm now being 
 fenced. Governor Robinson also turned his attention 
 toward making the place more pleasant for the young In- 
 dians. The buildings constructed under his directions 
 were erected with careful regard to tlie relationship of the 
 buildings one with the other, and large lawns were laid 
 out, sodded and filled with shade trees grown on Robinson's
 
 PBOMOTEE OF EDUCATION 353 
 
 own farm. But, after Dr. Kobinson had for several years 
 conducted this institution so satisfactorily to all interested, 
 he was at length compelled to resign his trust, owing t-o 
 declining health. 
 
 It is interesting to note that his plan of emphasizing 
 industrial education at Haskell was the one that has been 
 advocated and practiced with great success by his success- 
 ors. He also advocated the division of the Indian reser- 
 vations into small farms, so that each Indian could be 
 given a piece of land to till, and thus practice an independ- 
 ent life. It is to be remembered that this idea came out 
 prominently in the Indian severalty bill, known as the 
 Dawes Bill, which subsequently passed Congress and be- 
 came a law. The work of breaking up the tribes, tribal 
 relations, and the reservations, and of making common 
 citizens out of the Indians, is the Indian problem now be- 
 fore the American people. In order to solve this prob- 
 lem, education of a practical nature is essential, and there- 
 fore Governor Robinson and other superintendents of Has- 
 kell have urged instruction in the agricultural and indus- 
 trial arts. The efforts of the present superintendent of 
 Haskell to enlarge the work in industrial education is well 
 known in Kansas, and indeed throughout the United 
 States.^ 
 
 Thus we find that Dr. Robinson was identified with 
 nearly every early educational movement in Lawrence, 
 from the time of its foundation till the time of his death. 
 
 'Haskell Institnte has grown into a flourishing school of over 600 pupils. Its line 
 of progress has been that suggested by Governor Robinson, namely, industrial educa- 
 tion. It has been the saving of Indian education. 
 
 —23
 
 354 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 In the memorial services held at the University in honor 
 and memory of Governor Robinson, Dr. Cordley said: 
 
 " In every movement toward a college made in Lawrence, Grovernor 
 Robinson was a prominent actor. There were three efforts before 
 the State University was suggested. He was active in every one of 
 them. Whether the movement was by the Presbyterians or the Con- 
 gregationalists or P]piscopalians, he could always be depended upon to 
 cooperate. Though he belonged to neither of these bodies, he co- 
 operated with each of these in turn, willing to join with any body of 
 men who aimed to build a worthy college. He was a member of 
 every one of these boards of trustees, and an active sympathizer with 
 their plans. When the State University was proposed and the other 
 plans all merged in this^ it was in full accord with his ideas, and he 
 joined in the effort with great earnestness. He offered to turn over to 
 the State the funds of which he was the custodian, and also to add still 
 larger donations of his own. The beautiful site on which these build- 
 ings stand was his gift to the State. If the State was as wise as 
 he was liberal, she would lose no time in securing the entire circle 
 of the hill, and thus come in possession of the most magnificent site 
 of any university in these United States of America. She would thus 
 literally round out the noble gift of the first Governor of our State, 
 and do a deed for which all the future would call her blessed. It 
 would be an act whose significance would be more marketl with every 
 year that passed. 
 
 '■' Governor Robinson's interest in the University was not con 
 fined, however, to gifts of money or land. He gave it also time and 
 thought. He was always ready to give it his personal service when- 
 ever that service was called for. He was a member of the first 
 board of regents, and I am not able to say how many terms after- 
 that he was his own successor. In his capacity as regent he was un- 
 tiring in his attention. He was not only present at meetings of the 
 board, but would spend time and money and travel in aid of the 
 institution. When the first faculty was chosen he proposed the name 
 and secured the election of a young man in Massachusetts as Pro- 
 fessor of Natural Science. Then he used his best arts of persuasion 
 to induce that young man to accept the position offered him. That 
 young man came and entered upon his work, and did it so well that 
 he distinguished himself and the institution with which he was con- 
 nected. So, among the contributions of Governor Robinson to Kansas
 
 PKOMOTEE OF EDUCATION 355 
 
 University may be properly included her honored Chancellor, Fraak 
 H. Snow. 
 
 " While the name of Governor Robinson is written upon the early 
 history of this State in letters that can never be effaced, because 
 they penetrate to the very substance itself, his thought and life are 
 also wrought into this University in the way that is most enduring, 
 because they are a part of the very foundation and structure. Hia 
 name is linked with the very first thought of a college in Lawrence, 
 and can be traced down the whole history of its development. He 
 seemed to be following the plain logic of events, when he made this 
 institution the final heir of the estate he left behind him. He showed 
 in his last act where his heart all along had been. He wished his 
 last gift to go where his chief interest had been. He seemed to real- 
 ize that this was his best monument, and only followed the instinct 
 of his life when he crowned it with his last benefaction." 
 
 Many instances might be given where his unostenta- 
 tious giving has aided public enterprises, like the city 
 library, or individuals struggling for an education. His 
 public life was but an echo of his private practice in push- 
 ing forward all interests which make for the advancement 
 of the individual or society. But here as elsewhere, he 
 must be the judge as to the helpfulness of the cause : if in 
 his judgment it was useless, he held it to be his right to 
 repudiate it. 
 
 While supporting every educational cause of the State, 
 his whole life was an object lesson of freedom, of liberty, 
 of earnest conviction, of help to those who needed help, 
 of strength to the strong and of support to the weak. And 
 such a life, full of work and earnestness of purpose, pre- 
 sented to each succeeding generation as they study how 
 the great commonwealth of Kansas was built by the united 
 action of scores of brave men and willing hands, will show 
 what a single life may accomplish in tlie great work of 
 state-buildini;.
 
 356 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBrNSOH 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 CHARACTEK. 
 
 In concluding this memorial, it is perhaps fitting to add 
 a few words respecting the character of Governor Robin- 
 son, setting forth views gathered from his actual service to 
 humanity, and gleaned from the opinions of those who 
 knew him best. As one who belongs to another generation 
 from those who endured the hardships of the early struggle 
 for freedom in Kansas, I approach the life of one who 
 was an actor in these stirring scenes, with becoming rev- 
 erence. It is, at most, but a small tribute that this gen- 
 eration can pay to a preceding, but that tribute is best 
 made by reverence and honor to those w^ho fought the early 
 battles, who endured the early struggles, that we of this 
 day might enjoy the blessings resulting from such sturdy 
 warfare, and might thus have weapons with which to fight 
 successfully the battles of truth in our own day and gen- 
 eration. 
 
 In a general estimate of the life of Governor Robinson 
 there must first be recorded the evidence of a strong indi- 
 vidual character, a bold, hardy spirit, able to give and take 
 blows for what he deemed the right. In consequence of 
 this strong individuality he was misimderstood by both 
 his friends and his enemies. This quality made it diJffi- 
 cult for him to follow with zeal any party or creed. It 
 was sufficient for him t-o ask his own consciousness what 
 was right in any matter, and to act accordingly. Parties 
 might change or hold to old doctrines, — Robinson fol-
 
 CHABACTER 357 
 
 lowed the iron course of conviction. If he hurt the party 
 or made enemies, it was small matter to him. What was 
 right, what was justice in the case, were his criterions 
 for action. Possibly he could have made life easier for 
 himself, possibly there were times when he could have 
 accomplished more by being more flexible and more politic, 
 but he would not have been true to his convictions, and 
 they were law to him. 
 
 The estimate which his friends and his enemies united 
 in passing upon his character ought to be a fair estimate 
 of its real worth and meaning. Governor Robinson never 
 had a large personal following. He is not a subject of 
 hero-worship at all. Men of his stamp never are, because 
 it is impossible. It is only the person who has a strongly 
 partisan nature, who has qualities of bold leadership, and 
 who possesses a desire to march at the head of the colunm, 
 — it is only such a person that brings about him a crowd 
 of admirers who would follow him, right or wrong, to the 
 death. The man with the cool, calculating judgment, who 
 will change his policy according to conditions because the 
 right thing to-day may not be the right thing to-morrow, 
 may have many admirers, but he will have few worship- 
 pers. Such a course implies a bit of austerity which for 
 the right's sake or for the truth's sake would strike down 
 alike friend or foe. Such was the character of Charles 
 Robinson, and while there are no blind worshippers of his 
 life or his character, there are thousands of admirers and 
 strong friends who acknowledge the value of his services 
 to the community. 
 
 Among the leaders of the border ruffians of the Pro- 
 slavery days were those who always acknowledged Robin-
 
 368 
 
 LIFE OF CHAKLES F.OBINSON 
 
 wn as the leader of the opposition. The testimony of Eli 
 Thayer and Amos A. Lawrence, presented elsewhere in 
 this volume, gives him credit for being the same clear- 
 headed leader of affairs. Joel K. Goodin said, after 
 Robinson's death : 
 
 " No better representative of constancy to every material interest 
 of the State and his city has either had than in the person, the 
 life, the watchings and activities of Charles Robinson. No truer or 
 braver man has breathed its pure air, been its more earnest cham- 
 pion or a gieater benefactor to the extent of his abilities. His hand 
 and heart were ever open to the demands of philanthropy and the 
 objects of meritorious charity. He lived outside of the narrow 
 limits of party or sectarian prejudice in both politics and religion. 
 The universal fatherhood of God and brotherhood of man, was a 
 faith that took faster hold upon him inspiring to action than any 
 of the tenets, religious or political, of the day. He shirked no duty, 
 evaded no responsibility, but intelligently met and battled for every- 
 thing which he believed to be right. His convictions were to him 
 laws, commands to active exertion, and his courage never failed 
 him. Hence he was no time-server, apologist of wrong in high or 
 low places, but frank to a fault, cost what it may. He was constant 
 in his friendships, upright in his dealings, hospitable under all 
 circumstances, and his integrity was sterling. He was a leader 
 of leaders, safe in coimsel, and foremost in executive ability." 
 
 In paying his tribute to the life of Robinson, Rev. Rich- 
 ard Cordley, time-honored citizen and beloved pastor of 
 Lawrence, referring to the early struggle in Kansas, said : 
 
 " The man whose steady counsel more than anything else ac- 
 complished this result, was Governor Robinson. When history 
 comes to measure events by their importance, she will put the name 
 of Charles Robinson high in the scales of diplomatic generalship. 
 Whether any other policy would have made Kansas free, no man can 
 tell. But the policy that did accomplish that result was suggested 
 by Governor Robinson, and matured and interpreted and applied by 
 him during the two turbulent years when the question was at issue.
 
 CHABACTEE 
 
 369 
 
 He will always, therefore, be a marked figure in the history of 
 Kansas." 
 
 In this same line of tliouglit, a writer, correspondent of 
 an Eastern paper at the time of the early struggle, and re- 
 ferring to the Free-State convention held in 1855, said : 
 
 " The president of the convention was C4overnor Charles Eobin- 
 son. From the first he had been considered the leader of the Free- 
 State movement, and was looked to for counsel in every diflScult 
 emergency. He was always cool and clear-headed in the midst of 
 danger, and no emergency disheartened him. He was a man of fine 
 presence and large experience. In the popular sense of the word he 
 was not eloquent, but he had a way of talking to a crowd in such a 
 plain, straightforward manner that few men carried conviction more 
 readily than he. He was usually conservative, preferring to gain his 
 end by management rather than by force. It was largely due to the 
 moderate counsel of such a man as he that there was no more vio- 
 lence and bloodshed during those critical times. He was a good pre- 
 siding officer, and in the stormiest debate he was never bewildered." 
 
 But more remarkable than the testimony of friends 
 is a recent testimony of a man on the other side of the 
 conflict. A remarkable tribut-e of his old enemy. General 
 Jo. O. Shelby, given soon after the death of Governor 
 Robinson, is especially worthy of notice here. Referring 
 to an incident of the Wakarusa War, Shelby said : 
 
 " I saw Governor Robinson occasionally after that. We fought 
 him. but he was as lovable a man as there ever was in this section 
 of the country. He tried to prevent the war, but he always stood 
 for the Union when it came to a show-down. He opposed radical 
 men like Lane almost as much as he did the hot-headed fellows on 
 our side. We knew what he was doing, and he never mistreated a 
 Southern man who came into his hands. He was a man whom I 
 shall always remember with admiration." 
 
 In recent years some have tried to show that the posi- 
 tion that Robinson assumed in the early struggles was
 
 360 
 
 LIFE OF CIIAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 not of great importance in making Kansas a free State; 
 that there were none who were for radical destructive war 
 in opposition to Robinson's conservatism. But there are 
 many witnesses that testify to the real situation, — wit- 
 nesses who could have no other motive than to tell the 
 truth, I. T. Goodnow, writing under date of June 1st, 
 1891, said: 
 
 " Without Eli Thayer the emigrants would uot have come, and 
 without Charles Robinson it would have been in vain that they did 
 come. Cool, clear-headed and brave, he could see the end from the 
 beginning, and the sure way to reach it. While others were all excite- 
 ment, he was perfectly self-possessed and knev/ the right thing to do, 
 and did it. To his mind two things were perfectly clear : First, there 
 was to be no resistance of the United States Government; secondly, 
 the Territorial laws made by a bogus Legislature were to be ignored. 
 To carry out these principles required clear heads, and many times a 
 passive resistance worthy of the early martyrs. His great idea was 
 in every case so to manage that the Proslavery men should be in the 
 wrong and the Free-State men in the right. The first must be the 
 aggressor, and the second the passive sufferer, or act only in self- 
 defense. In this way alone he could secure the united sympathy and 
 support of the North."' 
 
 This fully explains Grovernor Robinson's non-resistance 
 policy. It was to be patient until the proper time, and 
 then attack the right party in self-defense. This v/ould 
 account for his services in sending men with his indorse- 
 ment to secure Sharps rifles for the use of the Free-State 
 men. Valuable, indeed, did they prove in time of danger. 
 
 In support of this same view of Robinson and his ser- 
 vices to the Free-State cause is the testimony of Joel K. 
 Goodin, who was so prominent in the Free-State movement 
 as secretary of conventions. Writing under date of 1892, 
 he said: 
 
 "The policy outlined and adhered to ah initio of the conservative
 
 CHABACTER 361 
 
 element of early Kansas, to steer clear from conflict with the General 
 Government and at the same time fail to recogniz;e the ' bogus laws ' 
 formulated by foreign invaders and political nondescripts, seemed 
 so hard to be understood by the masses, and so little heeded by the 
 hot-headed among us, that we were many times confronted with 
 imminent danger of losing the prize sought for, as well as hopes 
 entertained of building up in this center of the Union a, State 
 devoted to freedom, progressiveness, and a grander civilization 
 than those we had left behind." 
 
 It was during tliese perilous times in which the path 
 between success and faihire was so narrow and difficult 
 that a single misstep would have changed the result and 
 for the time being lost Kansas to freedom. It was not a 
 time for rashness and bravado to succeed, but rather for 
 firmness, adroitness, and coolness of counsel. Colonel 
 S. F. Tappan, who was an active man throughout the 
 early struggle and saw clearly the dangers faced by the 
 Free-State men, because he faced them and knew them 
 himself, wrote about these times for the Denver Tribune, 
 under date of September 9th, 1883. Among other things 
 he said, referring to Robinson: 
 
 " Having referred to the early history of Kansas, the long pro- 
 tracted struggle of its people to consecrate its soil to freedom, 
 efforts at last rewarded by the admission of Kansas into the Federal 
 Union as a free State, it seems appropriate to make a brief refer- 
 ence to the man who more than any other, — in fact, more than all 
 others, — by being patient as well as heroic, patient under the most 
 adverse and trying circumstances, patient when persecuted, patient 
 when victorious, patient in council, patient in battle, and, more 
 than all, patient in prison, so shaped and directed the policy of the 
 Free-State men as to bring about the most desired object, the free- 
 dom of Kansas." 
 
 It was for this patience that Robinson has been cen- 
 sured by his critics. They think he should have been
 
 362 
 
 LIFE OF CJIAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 " more of a fighter/' and by actual revolution struck a 
 blow for freedom. But not one dare say that his failure 
 to do this was on account of fear. Then why did he not 
 become more aggressive against the Proslavery people? 
 Simply because he saw that to do so would bring the hordes 
 of invaders upon an almost defenseless community, and be- 
 cause the Proslavery people had the support of the Federal 
 Government. Under such circumstances an open fight 
 would have brought certain ruin to the Free-State cause. 
 All that could be reasonably done was patiently to act 
 upon the defensive in arms and the aggressive in mental 
 action. To repudiate the bogus laws by evading and de- 
 nouncing them was a far different affair from fighting the 
 Federal troops and defying the Federal Government. 
 
 As to leadership in this great movement, there were 
 several prominent men who took part in different phases 
 of the struggle that might, without exaggeration, be called 
 " leaders." But in considering the whole movement, the 
 testimony of Amos A. Lawi-ence in a letter addressed to 
 G. W. Smith, secretary of the Old Settlers' Association, 
 written on August 16th, 1877, is worthy of consideration. 
 He said : 
 
 " Then there was Charles Robinson, whom you chose your leader 
 and Governor. He was to you in that day what Moses was to the 
 Israelites. When the action of the Government was adverse to your 
 interests, when Reeder and Geary were removed, when Atchison, * the 
 acting Vice-President,' left his seat in the Senate to lead the border 
 rufBans, and to drive you out with fire and SAvord, it was Robinson 
 more than any other man who held the people firm in their allegiance 
 to the United States. Then he had to light not only the enemy, but 
 his friends. Any other man, with less sound judgment, and forbear- 
 ance, and courage, would have led you wrong. He was the repre- 
 sentative of laAv and order, and so, under Providence, the public 
 xentiment vi the country was kept in your favor."
 
 CHABACTEE 
 
 363 
 
 But it may be said that these are the testimonials of his 
 friends. Even so ; hnt they were men whose testimony is 
 not to be impeached. They had no favors to seek, no mo- 
 tives to lead them into false statements. Thej were, more- 
 over, men of excellent judgment, who knew from actual 
 experiences the facts in the case. It is true, they did 
 deprecate the peculiar warfare of Lane and the fierce ag- 
 gressiveness of Brown, for they thought both of these 
 leaders wrong in their attitude. But, going still further 
 back into the annals of the Territory, we find the testi- 
 mony of two strangers who visited Lawrence when the 
 battle was on. 
 
 Mr. G. Douglas Brewerton, a correspondent of the New 
 York Herald, visited Kansas twice, and gained some in- 
 sight into affairs here. Writing in 1856, he has among 
 other things the following to say about Robinson : 
 
 " In Kansas politics. General Eobinson was a member of the 
 State Constitutional Convention, is chairman of the Free-State 
 Executive Committee, and in addition to this, holds the military 
 rank of Major-General and Commander-in-Chief of the Kansas 
 Volunteers, as the Free-State army of Kansas style themselves. He 
 may be regarded as the real head — the thinking one, we mean — 
 and mainspring of the Free-State party; or, to speak more correctly, 
 of all that party who are worth anything. We believe him to be a 
 keen, shrewd, far-seeing man, who would permit nothing to stand 
 in the way of the end which he desired to gain. He is, moreover, 
 cool and determined, and appears to be endowed with immense firm- 
 ness; we should call him a conservative man now; but conservative 
 rather from policy than from principle. He seems to have strong 
 common-sense and a good ordinary brain, but no brilliancy of 
 talent. In fact, to sum General Robinson up in a single sentence, 
 we consider him the most dangerous enemy which the Proslavery 
 party have to encounter in Kansas." 
 
 It would appear from this that the newspaper reporter
 
 364 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 understood the character of Governor Robinson quite well, 
 save for what he has to say regarding the "ordinary 
 brain " and the lack of "brilliancy of talent," which do 
 not seem to agree with the statements in the remainder 
 of his paragraph. 
 
 The last quotation that will be given to show the posi- 
 tion Robinson occupied in the early struggle, is that of 
 Mrs. Hannah A. Ropes. She visited the Territory in 
 1855, and was at Lawrence during the Wakarusa War. It 
 was soon after the murder of Barber, and the excitement 
 caused by bringing the body to Lawrence, that Mrs. Ropes 
 wrote the following: 
 
 " The windows are open ; (General Robinson is preparing the 
 somewhat restless body of soldiery, occupying the ground in front 
 of the hotel, for the reception of Governor Shannon. He points to 
 the moA'ing cavalcade in the distance and says : ' It is in the hope 
 of a speedy settlement, without more bloodshed, that this interview 
 is proposed.' It is not palatable to these men; for there is but a 
 wall between them and their sleeping, murdered comrade. But they 
 honor Greneral Robinson, and he curbs their justly indignant blood 
 by the power of his own magnanimity."' 
 
 After the settlement, arrangements were made for a 
 " peace gathering " to celebrate the " bloodless victory," of 
 the Wakarusa War. Mrs. Ropes first describes the as- 
 sembling of the guests, and then says : 
 
 " General Robinson, too, was showing them the attention they de- 
 served at his hand as invited guests. The General looked pale and 
 more disturbed than I thought possible for one of such remarkable 
 self-control and courage. It seemed that some of the hotel crowd 
 were not ready to give up the war spirit, and accept with grace the 
 peace-offering of social intercourse offered by our great-hearted 
 General to those who had arrayed themselves so cruelly against ua." 
 
 Then she describes the action of Sheriff Jones and
 
 CHABACTEK 
 
 365 
 
 Colonel Lane in keeping up the agitation of the crowd 
 
 while there was an attempt on the part of Robinson and 
 
 others t^ bring about a peaceful settlement of affairs. 
 
 She continues : 
 
 " Colonel Lane's voice could be heard in different rooms, detail- 
 ing to eager listeners the most painful circumstances of poor Bar- 
 ber's death, and, with wonderful ingeniousness, keeping up the 
 wicked spirit of vengeance among those over whom he exercised 
 any power. What on earth he Avas driving at by such a course, 
 it seemed to my stupid self quite impossible to understand; while, 
 at the same time, I knew very well that he aimed at something he 
 could not otherwise attain so well. Any reader of human faces can 
 never study his without a sensation very much like that with which 
 one stands at the edge of a slimy, sedgy, uncertain morass. . . . 
 General Eobinson stood like an aggrieved king. He not only stemmed 
 the tide, but rallied back the surging emotions of the crowd; and 
 the meeting closed much more like a gathering of peace than at one 
 time seemed likely. I should like very much to have you see General 
 Robinson. He is honest in expression, simple and unaffected in 
 manner, and brave as a lion. I have somewhere seen a fine engraving 
 of John Knox, standing with uplifted finger and solemn, earnest 
 rebuke in his countenance, iu the presence of yueen ilary. The 
 head, profile, and general outline of the figure are very much that 
 of Governor Robinson." 
 
 Those who knew Robinson best speak of a sort of inner 
 life which was not usually known to the public. A man 
 who had known him during the entire period of his career 
 in Kansas, Mr. W. H. T. Wakefield, said : 
 
 " To know Charles Robinson was to love him. He was one of 
 nature's noblemen, his mind and character, like his magnificent 
 frame, being cast in a giant mold of the finest metal. He was a 
 strong, clear-headed, true-hearted, and generous man, utterly un- 
 nelfish, and guided by the noblest impulses of humanity. Few men 
 have ever lived so much for others, and self so little. His great 
 abilities and tireless energy have been given largely to the public 
 and to those in need of assistance, and never to his own selfish 
 enjoyment or gratification."
 
 366 
 
 LIFE OF CirXKLES ROBINSON 
 
 Indeed, it mlft'ht be said that liis habit of thought for 
 those who needed assistance led him always to take sides 
 with the weak against the strong. A friend who had 
 known him said that he had formed such a habit of tak- 
 ing sides with the weak in a struggle that he had grown 
 to believe they were always in the right. While the world 
 is never overwhelmed with charity and love for the down- 
 trodden and the oppressed, it is true that people fre- 
 quently err in supposing that "the under dog" is neces- 
 sarily in the right. It is contrary to the laws of human 
 selection and the survival of the fittest in social life, to 
 suppose that the weak is necessarily correct and that the 
 strong is wrong in the fight. Either may be wrong — the 
 one from abuse of power, the other from inherent weak- 
 ness. However, there are comparatively few who err in 
 wrong assumptions respecting the oppressed. 
 
 Those who knew Robinson's inner life best know well 
 of the services of Mrs. Robinson. " Of the noble woman 
 who so heroically shared his trials, privations, conflicts 
 and victories, and who survives him for a brief period, 
 nothing but good can be said. She was the presiding 
 genius of the household of the grand and devoted husband. 
 Hospitality was always the rule, and the kindliest sympa- 
 thy of true hearts was ever extended, within the reach of 
 their home and influence." 
 
 The writer understands from those who knew Governor 
 Robinson best, that he dealt justly with all men in his pri- 
 vate business relations, and that in the home he was an 
 excellent and exemplary husband. As a neighbor he was 
 helpful and sympathetic, and many are ready to assure us 
 of his kindness to them in the time of need. The Robin-
 
 CHAKACTER 
 
 367 
 
 son home was always given to hospitality to all who chose 
 to accept of it. It was not blessed with children, but many 
 children felt the kindly sympathy of Governor Robinson 
 and his wife. The spacious grounds of " Oakridge " have 
 often rung with the echoes of their joyous laughter. 
 
 That Governor Robinson believed in a wise Creator and 
 a beneficent Father of all, no one who knew him well 
 could doubt. That he did not join any church is not to 
 be wondered at; for neither would he join any medical 
 society, but practiced what he had found to be of advan- 
 tage. If he found it difficult to adhere to a political party 
 because of the non-progressive attitude of political tradi- 
 tions and beliefs, how could one expect him to join a church 
 with a positive creed and binding rules of action? His 
 early struggle with the creed of his own church seemed to 
 settle that question for him as it did for Thomas Carlyle 
 after his wrestle with Scotch Presbyterianism. So it 
 seems that while Governor Robinson believed in the help- 
 fulness of churches, he preferred to have the utmost free- 
 dom in religious beliefs and practice, and hence refrained 
 from subscribing himself a member of any church after 
 his name wa.s left on the rolls of the old T^ew England 
 church, as described in a former chapter. 
 
 Robinson had a kindly heart and nature. He was ever 
 ready and willing to help the needy, and very many owe 
 their preservation or advancement to his helping hand. 
 He had a heartfelt sympathy for all who were oppressed, 
 and was easily aroused to fight at once against the op- 
 pressors. He had a religion all his own, which was of a 
 pure nature, of a practical sort. He l)elieved little in the 
 saving power of creeds, ceremonies, churches, or ministers.
 
 368 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 But he believed in a Creator and Father who answered the 
 call from the depths of his nature, as a soul crying out 
 for strength in its loneliness. If he did not vigorously 
 support the outward forms of Christianity, he practiced 
 its best principles in standing for truth, justice, and right 
 living. There is hardly a church building in Lawrence 
 to which he did not contribute money or material. lie be- 
 lieved there was good in all — especially good for some 
 people. 
 
 As indicated in the first chapter of this book, Robinson 
 had, in his boyhood, something of humor in his genial 
 nature. Those who were best acquainted with him in 
 later life often discovered a rich vein of humor in his 
 rather austere nature. The ludicrous side of danger ap- 
 pealed to him, as is commonly the case with those who 
 have complete mastery over fear. It is related that when 
 Dr. Robinson with Mrs. Robinson was going East to arouse 
 the governors and influential people in the North in the 
 interest of the Free-State cause in Kansas, the captain of 
 the steamboat on the Missouri river came to him as the 
 boat approached Lexington and warned him that a band 
 of border ruiSans would board the boat at the next landing 
 with the intention of killing him. " You are joking," said 
 Robinson to the captain ; " why would they kill me ? " 
 While the captain could not give a satisfactory reason for 
 the attempt on his life, he made it plain to Robinson that 
 it was not a joke, and offered to find a hiding-place for 
 him. But Dr. Robinson declined, saying, " I don't know 
 as I care. I 'm rather curious to know what there is after 
 this life." With a keen sense of the ludicrous, he showed 
 interest in the vagaries and follies of men, and was in-
 
 CHAP.ACTEli 
 
 369 
 
 clined at times to be too severe in his witticisms in taking 
 them off. There is evidence of positive enjoyment in his 
 description of the ludicrous duel at the time of the Topeka 
 Convention hetw^een Lane and Lowry, — a duel that never 
 came off. The contrast between Lane's braggadocio and 
 his abject fear was not a little amusing to a man who knew 
 not fear. " The grim chieftain," shaking with fear under- 
 neath a pretense of bravery, was a cause of enjoyment to 
 others besides Robinson in the convention.^ 
 
 Lane's straw men at the '' battle " of Fort Saunders was 
 another instance that called forth expressions of humor 
 bordering on ridicule from the Governor.^ 
 
 While in the prison-camp in Lecompton he unintention- 
 ally made an enemy of a man, by good-natured ridicule. 
 His wit was frequently too incisive for the comfort of 
 those toward whom it was directed. In reality it appeared 
 much more severe than it was intended to be. Indeed, it 
 is difficult to see how a man who had such a kindly heart 
 and was so much interested in his fellow-men, always 
 ready to help them in time of distress, could have inten- 
 tionally caused pain by his shafts of wit. If he ever did 
 so, it was sometimes because of a keen and irrepressible 
 sense of humor due to the absence of fear on his part, 
 under circumstances that aroused it in most people. 
 
 His strong individualism at times seemed to overpower 
 his native generous consideration of the feelings of others. 
 For, upon the whole, the serious side of life impressed 
 him profoundly with its importance and earnestness, and 
 he frequently wore in his countenance and manner an 
 
 1 See chapter V. 
 
 "There really was no battle. The enensy bad fled before the " straw " men arriTed. 
 
 —24
 
 370 
 
 LIFE OF CHAKLE.S ROBINSON 
 
 austerity which covered the kindly intentions of his 
 heart.. 
 
 His views and actions on the temperance question afford 
 a very good illustration of his general attitude toward 
 troublesome questions. From his earliest life Robinson 
 was a strong temperance man. He believed in temperance, 
 not as any part of his religious faith, nor because he held 
 it to be a sin in itself to partake of strong drink, but 
 because he believed that the inordinate use of such drink 
 was destructive of body and mind, and led to poverty, vice, 
 and crime. But as an ideal he held that temperance is a 
 greater virtue than total abstinence; for the man who of 
 his own volition is temperate in life, has reached a higher 
 stage of development than the man who is forced by law 
 to refrain from harmful practices. It is the same with 
 society. A community that acts rightly in its own normal 
 life, and not because of restriction and repression im- 
 posed by rules, is of a much higher order than the weak 
 community which must be hedged around with barriers to 
 keep it in a normal line of action. To him intemperance 
 was a deep-seated evil, extending to all departments and 
 practices of life. Hence, any mere rule of action attempt- 
 ing to control the personal social habits of man was worse 
 than useless. He opposed the prohibitory law in Kansas 
 because he believed it to be a sham and a pretense at vir- 
 tue, and he disliked and opposed all shams. He appears 
 to have opposed it also because he thought it inconsistent 
 with personal freedom, or liberty of action. It is easy to 
 see how this phase of the question appealed to him, for he 
 loved freedom; he was himself able to stand upright, in- 
 dependently and alone, on what he termed " the right " ;
 
 CHARACTER 
 
 371 
 
 hence lie could not. see tlie virtue of a law that attempted 
 to remove temptation from the weak and caused the in- 
 dulgers in strong; drink to become sneaks and reprobates in 
 evading a law which the.y thought unjust and unworthy of 
 their obedience. 
 
 He thus expressed his opposition to the prohibiDorj 
 amendment of 1881: " M j opposition is for the reason 
 that I believe its adoption would be the greatest calamity 
 that could befall our State, and a blow against temper- 
 ance that we could not recover from in long years." Using 
 this as a basis of argument, he entered the newspapers, 
 combatting all comers who favored the prohibitory amend- 
 ment, for the sole purpose of defending what he thought 
 was the right. His opponents said: "Whatever may be 
 the specious arguments advanced to support his opposition, 
 from a temperance standpoint the fact will remain that 
 every blow he strikes against the temperance cause is one 
 in favor of whisky, drunkenness, gambling, and the whole 
 list of crimes born and bred in the saloons.'' It was in 
 this way that many of the prohibitory folk frequently at- 
 tempted to classify persons differing in opinion from them- 
 selves as persons who favored saloons. There were such 
 narrowness and bigotry evinced among radical prohibition- 
 ists. They could not tolerate opinions on temperance differ- 
 ent from their own, and sought to put every one who op- 
 posed them in an unfair light. By their unreason and in- 
 tolerance they have done the temperance cause much harm 
 in the State. For there are broad-minded Christian men 
 who believe that other methods of dealing with the temper- 
 ance question would be better than the prohibition of the 
 manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors. Some of the
 
 372 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 most ardent workers for temperance and the enforcement 
 of the law pause again and again, questioning the possi- 
 bility of a successful issue of prohibition in Kansas, hop- 
 ing that some better way for meeting social evils may be 
 devised, yet still struggling on, though somewhat blindly, 
 in their righteous attempts to enforce the law. 
 
 Governor Robinson, aroused by false representation and 
 stung as by a nettle with the intolerant jibes of opponents, 
 set himself squarely against the amendment. In the po- 
 litical controversy that followed he used his pen with the 
 vigor usual to him when engaged in debate. 
 
 But the amendment was passed, and laws under it for 
 the carrying out of the will of the people. This was but 
 the beginning of the trouble, however, for each succeeding 
 year brought increasing difficulties in its enforcement. 
 While the writer may not agree in the attitude of Governor 
 Robinson on the question, he is compelled to confess that the 
 Governor's warnings regarding the future operation of the 
 law were in some degree prophetic. What will be the final 
 outcome, no one at present can determine. While there is 
 probably an overwhelming majority in favor of retaining 
 the prohibitory law for fear of getting nothing better 
 should it be repealed, if for no other reason, yet its most 
 ardent supporters cannot pretend to be satisfied with its 
 operation in Kansas. While it would be out of place to 
 enter into a full discussion of this question, — one of the 
 greatest that Kansas has ever undertaken to dispose of, — 
 it may be safely said that the present enforcement of the 
 law is unsatisfactory to nearly every one; and while the 
 idea of prohibition has many warm supporters in Kansas, 
 tbere are others, not interested in the liquor business, who
 
 CHARACTER 373 
 
 believe it to be a curse to the State. However, the liquor 
 question gives trouble of one kind or another, no matter 
 under what law, and a change from the prohibitory la^v to 
 some other would not insure any improvement, and it 
 might prove worse. 
 
 What Governor Robinson did in the controversy on this 
 subject was with the purest motives, and the wish to aid in 
 securing for the State the best and most effective law for 
 the suppression of drunkenness and the vice and crime that 
 spring out of it. Whether we could have a better law for 
 the times it is diflficult to say, although the present will 
 receive a thorough trial, and will not be given up by its 
 advocates until it is proved a failure or until some better 
 law is substituted for it. Governor Robinson believed 
 that only such laws should be created as could be executed 
 and enforced. He knew that no prohibition law had ever 
 been successfully enforced, wherever tried in the United 
 States; therefore, for this and other reasons, he was op- 
 posed to it. He believed in local option. In this way in 
 some communities it would be possible to have entire pro- 
 liibition, while in others, less favored, restrictive measures 
 could be adopted much more serviceable to such communi- 
 ties than a prohibitory law: measures, for example, pro- 
 viding a severe penalty for selling to minors or habitual 
 drunkards, for selling on election days, Sundays, and 
 national holidays; and, in fact, just such restrictions as 
 the community is able to enforce. Because a man advo- 
 cates such a rational course, is there any reason why those 
 apposing him should assert that he is working with the 
 liquor-dealers and for the saloons? 'No automatic process 
 lias yet been discovered for the suppression of the liquor
 
 374 IIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 traffic. Ivocal option has succeeded in some parts of some 
 States, and this is all that can be said of prohibition so 
 far as tried. 
 
 But Governor Robinson was not perfect, nor did he ever 
 pretend to be without faults. He had faults which he 
 knew and deplored, and which his best friends knew and 
 deplored. He was a strong individualist, of a nature that 
 might almost be called turbulent had it not been so largely 
 under the control of a strong will. He was willing to as- 
 sume responsibility and submit to the consequences. A 
 favorite motto was, " Suffer and groT\^ strong." Nor did 
 he fear to stand alone in the pursuit of a course which his 
 best judgment directed him to follow. In the general 
 acceptation of the word, he was not a partisan. He never 
 submitted his private convictions of right and wrong to the 
 exigencies of party success. Wliile in a large sense he 
 was an excessively social man, working always for the 
 good of humanity and seeking for it the highest social 
 well-being, he found it difficult tx5 bind himself to any 
 clique or set, or to strike hands with his fellows to stand 
 by any proposition or party. He preferred to meet is- 
 sues as they came, and to depend on his own best judgment 
 to do the right thing. He was especially interested in the 
 so-called " common people." He early formed the habit 
 that has already been referred to in this chapter — that 
 of taking the part of the oppressed ; and so strong did this 
 habit become that he always assumed if a man was down 
 his cause was just. His best friends frequently felt that 
 his individualism was too strong for their comfort. One 
 of his admiring friends said to him one day, " Why don't 
 you behave yourself, and let us love you, for we want to ? "
 
 CHAEACTEK 
 
 376 
 
 Governor Kobin&on responded with a quiet laugh, and 
 that was all. This was in the latter dajs, when lie had be- 
 come estranged from the Kepubliean party. Perhaps his 
 leaving the Kepubliean party after it had given him offices 
 of trust was the worst grievance the friends of Governor 
 Robinson had against him. Yet, when we consider his 
 nature, Ave must see that it was the most natural thing 
 in the world for him to do. He believed in " money for 
 the people," and in Government measures for the relief 
 of the people. He felt that the Government had been legis- 
 lating too much in favor of the rich and too little in favor 
 of the poor. While we cannot agree with all of his social, 
 economic and political theories, we may admit that he was 
 right in his fundamental principles. He had a wide sym- 
 pathy with the laboring classes, and a strong fellow-feeling 
 for the farmers when they suffered so much from over- 
 borrowing, short crops, and falling prices. He left the 
 Republican party and became a Democrat. He never ad- 
 mitted that he was a Populist, but the time came when the 
 two parties were peculiarly mixed in Kansas, and the 
 terms were then almost synonymous. His theory was, 
 that if a party would not do what the individual thought 
 was right, he should drop it and take up with one which, 
 in his judgment, came nearer doing this. 
 
 It is not intended to say here that Robinson was never 
 diplomatic or a partisan, for this would be entirely erro- 
 neous and misleading. Although strongly individualistic 
 in nature and independent in thought and action, he was 
 ever ready to serve others by diplomacy and policy. Nor 
 did he fail to manage his personal affairs with adroitness 
 and skill. But what is unquestionably true is, that once
 
 370 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 having decided upon a given course of action lie could not 
 be changed through fear of personal consequences ; and he 
 would not, with the hope of personal gain, "stand in " with 
 a clique or party in conflict with his opinions of what 
 was right or expedient. But to stand for a course of ac- 
 tion which he deemed right and just, and to use policy, 
 skill and diplomacy in achieving its success, was what he 
 loved and did do ; but this is something far different from 
 striking hands with his fellows in order to save his own 
 neck or in any way advance his own interests. 
 
 As we reflect upon the stirring times in which Governor 
 Kobinson lived, on his struggle with ill-health and grief 
 in Massachusetts, on his adventures in California, and 
 the great struggle in Kansas; as we consider what of 
 treachery and calumny, misrepresentation and malignity 
 he had to endure from his enemies, we may consider it 
 remarkable that his life moved along so evenly in the 
 later years, and that his character retained its equipoise. 
 The momentum of his life-struggle for the right carried 
 him on to the end, fighting for the cause of truth and 
 freedom. 
 
 His old friend. Chancellor Snow, paid him a just and 
 beautiful tribute without fulsome praise when he said : 
 
 "The life which has just ended has been one men may wiael/ 
 study and imitate. True, our friend had his faults and made his 
 mistakes. True, he lived in times which brought forth qualities 
 and traits of character worthy the attention and imitation of all. 
 The State has lost a true citizen. The University has been de- 
 prived of its oldest, firm&st and best friend. All Kansas mourna 
 the death of a father." 
 
 Governor Eobinson was not only generous in support of 
 any good cause, but was personally helpful to individuals.
 
 CHARACTER 
 
 377 
 
 No deserving person ever went to liim in distress without 
 receiving aid. No worthy public enterprise was passed 
 by. His giving was quiet, and hence came from the heart. 
 Indeed, so quiet was it that only those who knew him inti- 
 mately have an idea of its extent. At one time, when the 
 library of Lawrence was to receive a present from the son 
 of Amos A. Lawrence, and knowing that the city had 
 asked much of the man, Governor Robinson sent Mr. Law- 
 rence a check for fifty dollars, to be used in purchasing 
 books to be presented to the library in Mr. Lawrence's 
 name. Thus did he help to relieve the son of his old 
 friend from too great a burden and the solicitors of the 
 city from an embarrassing position. 
 
 Believing that every man should have a chance for his 
 life and prosperity in the industrial struggle, he gave 
 quiet personal aid to many who afterwards lived and pros- 
 pered to call him blessed. After his death many letters 
 came to Mrs. Robinson testifying of personal services 
 received and affection returned. Said one: "While I 
 was struggling to educate my family I rode with the Gov- 
 ernor from Leavenworth, and, as I left the cars at Tonga- 
 noxie, he handed me a small roll and said, ' That may 
 help to educate your children.' I thanked him, and when 
 I unrolled the greenbacks to my surprise I found fifty 
 dollars." Another relates how on his first arrival in Law- 
 rence, almost penniless, he received assistance from Dr. 
 Robinson, and frequently afterwards received help. A 
 workman on a public building was once heard to say: 
 " When a man went over to the Governor's place he was 
 treated as a gentleman and given a nice room and a good
 
 378 
 
 LIFE OF CHABLES KOBINSON 
 
 bed in the house, and was not put oif in a shed with an 
 old hard bed to lie on, the way some folks treat their 
 men." 
 
 So it appears that he lived true to his convictions in 
 private as well as public life. With a sympathetic social 
 nature, he won the confidence and esteem of all the Free- 
 State men and the admiration of many of his enemies for 
 his manly vigor. He loved his country and mankind, and 
 put his energies continually to the test in actual service 
 to both. He was a persistent foe of error; a strong ad- 
 vocate of truth ; a fearless fighter in every cause which he 
 espoused, and a tireless worker for humanity. He was 
 not a sounder of trumpets, but a builder of states and in- 
 stitutions. His work was lasting in its efitects, and his his- 
 torical record is clear and substantial. As there passes 
 away hero after hero of those who stood shoulder to shoul- 
 der in the great struggle for freedom and in the build- 
 ing of the commonwealth of Kansas, leaving the blessings 
 and the burdens of civilization to be borne by others, 
 the men of these later times are enabled to realize more 
 and more clearly that the advantages of previous struggles 
 are now all their own. They can look back with thankful- 
 ness of heart upon the lives of those who wrought and suf- 
 fered that future generations might have the blessings 
 of liberty, peace and prosperity. As they ponder with be- 
 coming reverence upon the long list of Kansas heroes, they 
 will find none greater than Charles Kobinson, the patriot 
 and statesman, the citizen and man. 
 
 On Friday, August 17th, 1894, at the age of 76 years, 
 at 3 :15 a. m., just as the dawn of a new day was approach-
 
 CHAKACTEK 379 
 
 ing, Governor Robinson passed into the unknown. He met 
 death as bravely and calmly as if it were an ordinary event 
 of life. He had often fearlessly faced it before, but now 
 it came, bringing the welcome end of a well-spent life. 
 
 No citizen of Kansas has passed away amid more ardent 
 expressions of affectionate regret than Charles Robinson. 
 The whole State knew him and felt its loss. On Sunday, 
 August 19th, four ex-Governors of the State, and other 
 prominent men and officials from various points, came to 
 join with neighbors and friends in paying their last tribute 
 of respect to him who, so powerful in life, now lay helpless 
 in death. The funeral sermon was preached by Dr. C. G. 
 Howland, a venerable and lovable man, since passed to his 
 rest, who closed his discourse with these graphic words : 
 
 '^ Much of Governor Robinson's life was tempestuous, 
 
 but the close was as gentle as the fading light of day. With 
 
 a tender yet speechless touch of a dear hand, and without 
 
 the slightest concern, he went out ' to meet what the future 
 
 hath of marvel or surprise,' " 
 
 " Fallen at length, the Nestor of our time, 
 Founder and savior of our infant State, 
 The lofty life to Freedom dedicate, — 
 The champion ever mailed to challenge crime, 
 And make the people's rustic cause sublime. 
 Peer of the commonwealth he did create, 
 His strength hath known no weakness, no abate. 
 From this strange stillness back to youth's rich prime. 
 And is he fallen? Nay; a wiser thought 
 Follows the spirit as it slow withdrew, 
 Leaving the fields on which he grandly fought. 
 The writhing wrongs his prowess overthrew. 
 And lo! amidst the zenith stars inwrought. 
 We speed the newest orbed. Hail, and adieu." 
 
 Henry M. Greene.
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 NOTES.
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Note (a). — Subsequently Kev. W. B. Stone became Gov. Robia- 
 aon's brother-in-law. He was brother to Lucy Stone, the womaa 
 who spent her life and all her thought for the enfranchisement of 
 woman. Colleges in New England were not yet open to women, but 
 Oberlin College in Ohio was founded in 1833, in which instruction 
 was offered equally to men and women. Here, all who would seek 
 knowledge should find it. Full of zeal, Lucy Stone and Sarah Pellet, 
 of North Brookfield, Massachusetts, went to Oberlin; the latter car- 
 rying her kit of material wherewith she could mend or make shoes 
 for the other students, and so add to her scanty means, while Lucy 
 Stone set and cleared off tables for the daily meals. The spirit of 
 New England girls and boys was full of aspiration, and they de- 
 sired above all things wise instruction and cleanliness of he^rt and 
 life. 
 
 Note (b). — Academies and seminaries were great blessings to 
 New-England youth in those days. They made Amherst, Harvard, 
 Williams and Dartmouth possible to thousands of young men. 
 Hadley was settled in about 1669, and her academy founded in 1687. 
 Among other academies there might be mentioned the academy of 
 South Byfield, for boys, incorporated in 1761. The first woman's 
 academy was Adams, at Derry. New Hampshire, founded in 1823; 
 and the academy at Ipswich, Massachusetts, in 1828. There were 
 academies at Deerfield, Massachusetts; and at New Salem and a 
 few other places. Children and youths who desired to be edu- 
 cated in all branches of study were compelled to attend private 
 schools and academies. 
 
 Jonathan Robinson sent three of his girls to Mount Holyoke 
 Seminary as soon as that institution was opened. In 1790, Boston 
 girls were allowed to attend the public schools in the summer for 
 two hours in the afternoon, provided the seats were left vacant by 
 boys. In 1788 the town of Northampton voted that none of the 
 public money be expended for the schooling of girls. Indeed, girls 
 were not recognized by the school laws, for we read that " the v/ord 
 children " be interpreted to mean boys. It had been a dark age for 
 
 (383)
 
 384 1.1VE OF ClIAELES ROBINSON 
 
 women, even in good old Massachusetts; but light was breaking. 
 Among the Berkshire mountains, over one hundred years ago, Feb- 
 ruary 28, 1797, a little girl, Mary Lyon, was born, who possessed 
 a craving for knowledge; the same grand assimilating power of in- 
 tellect which sometimes falls to the lot of brothers in the race, and 
 the same keen instinct into truth, marked her mental and moral char- 
 acter. She was self-reliant, and she learned self-control. She had 
 little regard for trifles; they meant nothing to her. She always saw 
 the humorous side of life, and whatever was set for her to learn she 
 devoured with eagerness and made her own. Miss Lyon wished to 
 found an institution which should be wholly devoted to the higher 
 education of women, and she concentrated all her energies on this 
 work. Belchertown was thought of, on account of its singular 
 beauty of situation, as the location of the school, but the choice fell 
 upon South Hadley. Two of the teachers of the Classical school, 
 and the head of its largest boarding-house, were wanted to go with 
 Miss Lyon. Miss Mary Whitman and Miss Moore and " Pa " Hawks 
 were transferred to Mount Holyoke Seminary, South Hadley, as 
 soon as the school opened there. In gathering funds for the new 
 enterprise, Miss Lyon was untiring. The weather never in the least 
 interfered with her excursions into the towns about, to lay her plans 
 before the people personally, and ask for substantial aid. She took 
 whatever was offered with exceeding thankfulness; no gift was de- 
 spised. Even a contribution of six cents was received with gratitude, 
 and the largest gift of $1,000 only served to inspire her to more 
 heroic efforts. Sometimes a heavy summer shower, with lightnings 
 flashing and thunders pealing and reverberating among all the 
 hills, (for Belchertown, according to Pres. Timothy Dwight, of 
 Yale College, " was famous for its Anti-Masonry and being struck 
 by lightning,") and one would see Miss Lyon, seated on the bottom 
 of an open wagon with her outer garments drawn closely about 
 her, driving as fast as she could, with ten miles yet to pass between 
 Belchertown and South Hadley, before the darkness of the night 
 should envelop her. She roused the enthusiasm of the people, and 
 the women who desired knowledge saw the shackles falling from 
 them. Miss Lyon was not discouraged by the taunts of men, some- 
 what educated to be sure, but not advanced enough to realize how 
 their own uplifting would come — must come — by every advance 
 made by their sisters. Father Robinson was among those who felt 
 the stirring soul-awakening of Miss Lyon's enthusiastic work, and
 
 APPENDIX 386 
 
 when the school opened in 1837, his three surviving danghters — 
 cne had died — entered as students, r.nd made such proficiency in 
 their studies that they subsequently all became teachers and taught 
 successfully for many years. 
 
 Thus, one can see readily how the spirit of studious thought was 
 aroused in the youth Charles Robinson. We might mention one 
 incident in connection with a visit he made to his sisters. Miss 
 Lyon always seated her guest at her table, and she always invited 
 him to " ask the blessing " upon the meal. In the simplicity of his 
 heart the young man very reverently asked for the Divine blessing. 
 It required courage to do so in the presence of a bevy of young 
 women, — or it would to a less modest man. But his courage in 
 youth was evinced in other ways. For instance, when he made his 
 first attempt at swimming. There was no water deep enough near 
 his home to tempt him to try his powers, but at Hadley there was 
 the broad and beautiful Connecticut river, one-fourth of a mile 
 •wide. At the first trial he swam to the Northampton side of the 
 river, a boat containing two or three of his school-mates going 
 along to take him in, in case of weakness or untoward accident. 
 Again, in later years, while a student in Dr. Gridley's office, he went 
 with him to assist in cutting off an arm of Miss Smith, daughter 
 of Col. Smith, with whom he had boarded while at school at Hadley, 
 Dr. Cutter and Dr. Linncll accompanying, while he courageously as- 
 sisted in the operation. His diffidence did not permit him to speak 
 to the family with whom he had had a pleasant home, but Col. 
 Smith thought he knew him, and said, " Is not this our Charles 
 Robinson?" and it pleased him to be remembered. The clinical 
 experience students of medicine now get in hospitals, they received 
 quite as surely by going with their instructors to the bedsides of 
 the sick, and sometimes without them. 
 
 Note (c). — Bekhertown was situated upon a long plateau, ten 
 miles from the Connecticut river. There was the Mount Holyoke 
 range of mountains upon the northwest, with the mountain house 
 plainly to be seen in clear weather; the Wilbraham mountains on 
 the south, and a high range of hills four miles to the northeast, 
 from which the view is thought to equal that of Mount Holyoke. It 
 has been much visited by New-Yorkers and other people, who have 
 made of the town a summer resort for many years. The ascent of 
 the long hills from the beautiful valley of the north, where the 
 —25
 
 386 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 ponds lie, was two miles from the principal hotel, directly south. 
 Very seldom did Mr. Lawrence, whose eldest daughter subsequently 
 became the wife of Charles Robinson, drive down into it, every fort- 
 night on his way to court at Northampton, without saying with 
 renewed enthusiasm, " This must look like the valley of Jordan." 
 It was on the great stage route between Boston and Albany, and 
 the hotel was the half-way house, the finest on the whole route. 
 The large stone slab, marked "Eighty miles from Boston," stil! 
 stands at the turn of the fence. 
 
 Its large and substantial houses on the broad and well-shadec 
 common, on most of the streets where the branches of the elms 
 form an archway over them, as well as in most of the school dis- 
 tricts (there being fourteen), with their beautiful gardens and 
 dooryards, make of Belchertown a delightful town. It is in Hamp- 
 shire county, often spoken of as the model county of the State. 
 It was so near to Amherst, the president and professors of the 
 college often came to preach on Sunday, and some of them to in- 
 terest themselves in the public examinations of the Classical school, 
 and not so far from Williamstown as to prevent Dr. Mark Hopkins 
 from sometimes giving the people the benefit of his erudite learning. 
 The corps of six instructors in the school were graduates from Am- 
 herst, Williams, and Yale. The one hundred and fifty scholars were 
 from all portions of the town and adjacent towns. They went out 
 from the school thoroughly equipped for their work, and are widely 
 scattered in their chosen fields throughout the whole country, and 
 some of them are beyond the seas. 
 
 The stage left Northampton for Boston at 1 a. m., and when it 
 reached the Belchertown hills the elders would alight to lighten the 
 load, and walk up the hills. A little daughter of Judge Lyman 
 of Northampton, did not awaken vmtil the sunrise^ — and such a 
 sunrise! Having vague ideas of the pearly gates and the golden 
 streets of the New Jerusalem, looking off beyond the Belchertown 
 hills upon the intermingling colors,— jasper, sajiphire, and chal- 
 cedony; emerald and chrysolite; topaz, jacinth, and amethyst in that 
 glorious horizon, — she .said, "Are we going to heaven?" 
 
 Some interest may attach to the following extracts from a letter 
 received by Mrs. Robinson in November ( 1893 ) before the Governor's 
 death. It was written by an early school friend, resident then at 
 Belchertown : 
 
 "Accepting the position of organist in Dr. Benian's church about
 
 APPENDIX 387 
 
 184G, I continued as director of the music for nearly forty-five years, 
 commencing with a volunteer choir of forty singers, and closing with 
 a quartet of single voices, which were paid $1,200 and $1,000 per 
 annum. Having given the salient points of an uneventful life, which 
 I hope you may not think in the repeating I have too much of 
 egotism, I cannot refrain from a word in retrospect. Your letter 
 brought to mind so much of the past, and so vividly, that the scenes 
 of long ago seem more near and dear than anything transpiring 
 at present. 
 
 •■ Hanging up in my office, with pictures of my father and family, 
 is the lithograph of Oakridge, sent me some time since. And often 
 has the thought of the gentle maiden who gave me my first French 
 lessons, and who has since passed through the thrilling scenes that 
 made ' Bleeding Kansas ' the prelude to the terrible war, come to 
 me, contrasting the late life of excitement and danger with the al- 
 most pastoral quiet of those days at Belchertown; and there comes 
 an awe such as when one looks on a picture of Jeanne d'Arc before 
 and after her insi)iration. When in a mood of reverie, 1 recall the 
 fact that our mothers were intimate scnoolmates in Belchertown; 
 that my mother first caught a glimpse of my fatner there, and 
 saucily dashed the mop around his heels when she with others was 
 cleaning the school-room for examination, while he was visiting the 
 principal, an old friend of his; where I tirst heard and saw your 
 father, who was ever to me the peer of all men intellectually ; where 
 Mr. Pearl taught dancing under the pious fraud of " calisthenics ' : 
 where the churches fought one anotner instead of the devil, and 
 Bro. Oviatt tried to podr oil on the waters; where the boys and 
 girls found friendships that endured; where the daily stage to and 
 from Amherst and Palmer with Father Clapp as superintendent 
 was the great event of the day; where such views of Mt. Holyoke 
 and Aalleys stretching in all directions made one feel that Belcher- 
 town was the very center of the earth, a city set upon a hill, a very 
 Jerusalem where the tribes go up to worship. 
 
 "All this and more comes to my mind, until that time and not the 
 present seems vividly real. You will pardon the garrulity of an old 
 man, and believe the old friends seem and are better than new ones. 
 
 " With kind regards, 
 
 S. B. S. 
 "Troy, N. Y., Nov. 16, '93." 
 
 Note (d). — Myron Lawrence was born in Middlebury, Vermont, 
 May 8th, 170!). In 1820 he graduated from the college in his native 
 town, sharing tlie highest honors of his class with Stephen Olin, 
 who afterwards became Dr. Olin of Wcsleyan University, at Middle- 
 town, Connecticut. In their school duties they had been wont to 
 help each other. In all calculations of eclipses Mr. Lawrence had 
 made the calculations, while Mr. Olin perfected the drawings. Be-
 
 388 LIFE OF CHART.ES KOBINSON 
 
 fore he reached his majority, by the advice of Judge Doolittlc of 
 Middlebury he had gone to Belchertown, Massachusetts, to study law 
 with his brother, Hon. Mark Doolittle, a graduate of Yale College. 
 He became also a member of his family, remaining such until his 
 marriage March 28th, 1824. 
 
 There came the happy day to the citizens of Massachusetts, when 
 the granite hills of its western county, Berkshire, were tunneled 
 for the passage of the Boston & Albany Railroad, at great labor and 
 great cost. Mr. Lawrence, as one of the directors, worked untiringly 
 for the accomplishment of the work. There would no longer remain 
 the necessity of taking the stage at four o'clock in the bitter cold 
 of a January morning, to travel by the highways, were they open, and 
 over the stone walls when the snows were deepest and hardest, if, 
 by so doing, the distance of eighty miles to Boston could be made 
 less. Such a winter was that of 1840. Its cold and snows were un- 
 precedented. There were many upsettings of the coaches that winter 
 on the Leicester and Spencer hills, and much merriment as the legis- 
 lators were trying to be on time at the opening of the General 
 Court [the Legislature]. 
 
 When twenty-seven years of age, Mr. Lawrence represented his 
 town in the Legislature. He served several years as Senator and 
 several as President of the Senate. At his home the distinguished 
 people of the times visited him. Among the most noted, Daniel 
 Webster, Miss Harriet Martineaii, Stephen Olin. Robert Rantoul, 
 George Ashmun and W. B. Calhoun never passed him by. 
 
 T^uis Kossuth, the great Hungarian, had been struggling to free 
 his fatherland from the chains of despotism. In 1850, Mr. Law- 
 rence presided at the immense meeting in Faneuil Hall, which wel- 
 comed him to Boston. In that little down-trodden country of Hun- 
 gary the spirit of liberty was awakened, and the clear tones of 
 Kossuth's voice and the magic of his unmistakable genius had aroused 
 an unusual enthusiasm in the heart of New England, and all through 
 her hills and A-alleys the fires of liberty were lighted anew. It was 
 worth much to see and hear such a man, so wholly inspired and 
 devoted to his cause. 
 
 In 1850, Mr. Lawrence delivered the semi-centennial address at 
 the commencement at Middlebury, while Stephen A. Douglas, na- 
 tive of Brandon, Vermont, gave the address of the evening. It was 
 said that the impromptu address of Mr. Lawrence to the alumni 
 was one of the happiest efforts of his life. He became a trustee of
 
 APPENDIX 389 
 
 the college in 1851, and worked without ceasing the last winter of 
 his life in raising funds for its endowment. He often said, " It is 
 a blessing to a boy to be born in a college town." He and his only 
 brother found it so. His brother, Judge Edwin Lawrence, of Ann 
 Arbor, Michigan, was graduated eight years after himself, and 
 served, for thirteen years, a most honest and severely upright judge, 
 before the bar of Washtenaw county. Mr. Lawrence honored his 
 State and his State honored him. The experience he attained in his 
 profession, the high esteem in which he was held for his course in 
 life, his usefulness to the State, are all well known. In June before 
 his death, he was honored with the nomination for Governor on the 
 temperance ticket, but failing health prevented his acceptance. On 
 November 7th, 1852, Mr. Lawrence passed quietly away. 
 
 XoTE ( e ) . — Fitchburg, a growing town in the northern part of 
 Worcester county, had become a great railroad center. It may not 
 seem irrelevant to give a brief description of the town with whose 
 interests Dr. Eobinson became identified, and which he left for busy 
 scenes of wider range. In its location upon the Nashua river, it 
 possessed many natural advantages for the building of a great city. 
 There was ample room for its many industries, works in iron and 
 brass, the foundry and steam-boiler works, and steam-engine com- 
 pany works. Putnam machine-shops, established in 1836, the oldest 
 and largest machine-shops in the city, cover fourteen acres, and they 
 have all the facilities for making all the tools they use. The Simonds 
 Manufacturing Co. dates from 1832. Their machine knives, circular 
 and handsaws are known over the whole world. They are the largest 
 manufacturers of machine knives in the world. The circular saw 
 exhibited by them at the World's Fair, 1893, is the largest saw ever 
 made, being 130 inches in diameter. 
 
 Then there were the woolen mills, the first one started in 1822; 
 the first paper mill, in 1804. There is Rollstone mountain, east of 
 the Nashua river. It is of solid granit«, from three to four hun- 
 dred feet high, and about a mile in circumference. In 1844, granite 
 was sent to Boston for the construction of the Fitchburg railroad 
 station. The first building in Fitchburg to be built of Rollstone 
 granite was the stone mill on Lamb street, built in 1852. No der- 
 rick was used to lift the blocks into place, for they were all drawn 
 up on an inclined plane by oxen. 
 
 There was the river and the mill in the valley, and when the 
 railroads centered there, a great impetus was given to every sort of
 
 390 LIFE OP CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 business: and there were the homes, many of them ]ialatial ones, 
 perched upon the hijrh hills inclosing the main street and the river, 
 almost like an amphitheater. The to\>n has often been called the 
 Heidelbers; of America, from the old German Heidelberg with its 
 castles upon the hilltops. 
 
 FitehburjT has become a half-shire town since then, and has greatly 
 increased in wealth and prosperity. Its first library was a shelf of 
 hooks of travels and stories, in a blacksmith's shop on the " Back 
 Road." There are now 30.000 volumes in the public library, and 
 13.000 card-holders use the books. 
 
 Note (f). — Mrs. Eobinson's mother, Clarissa DAvight, was a 
 woman who joined to personal charm and intellectual strength, great 
 independence of character and marked individuality. She was the 
 twelfth and youngest child of Col. Henry Dwight and Ruth Rich, 
 the only one of the children who had a clear brunette complexion 
 and large dark eyes. She not only enjoyed the advantages of the 
 private schools in town, but several terms at Hopkins Academy, 
 Hadley, and Deerfield Academy; also with some relations — Dwights — 
 who conducted a school for young ladies at Hartford, Connecticut. 
 She much resembled, in personal appearance as well as mental char- 
 acteristics, her cousin Miss Catherine Maria Sedgwick, daughter of 
 Pamelia Dwight and the Hon. Theodore Sedgwick, of Stockbridge, 
 Berkshire county, Mass. Miss Sedgwick, in those days when few 
 women ventured upon using their pen, had become quite famous by 
 her little books, intended to arouse popular thought upon some of the 
 evils of the time: "The Rich Poor Man," "The Poor Rich Man," "Live 
 and Let Live," " Hope Leslie," the " Lin woods," the " Redwoods," and 
 many other books of interest and value. Miss Margaret Dwight, an- 
 other cousin, had been the founder of the celebrated Gothic Seminary 
 for young ladies at Northampton, and a successful teacher in it. 
 Mrs. Doolittle, with whose whole name the young girl was chris- 
 tened (Sara Tappan Doolittle), and Mrs. Lawrence seemed to be 
 looked upon as the godmothers of the town. They were at the head 
 of every public enterprise, educational or benevolent, and never 
 halted for one moment's rest. For many years they held the posi- 
 tions alternately of President and " Directress " of a large and 
 busy sewing-circle. Their earnings usually went to gladden the 
 hearts of missionaries in the newer fields, but the work of one sum- 
 mer was devoted to procuring blinds for the newly repaired church. 
 A little " outing " for pleasure Avas made to South Hadley Falls for
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 391 
 
 the purchase of the blinds, an omnibus-load of ladies appearing at the 
 blind factory one day, with Mrs. Lawrence at their head. The 
 church was long and had its double row of Avindows, and the ladies 
 (lid not consider their work complete until the blinds were painted 
 and hung. 
 
 It may be because Mrs. Lawrence was at all times called upon 
 to aid the public and never refused, that her two daughters were so 
 early trained to be ready for action at any emergency. It seems odd 
 in these days, Avhen girls grow up without knowledge of matters 
 connected with housekeeping, to hear of a little girl of ten years 
 mounting upon her small chair, and making the " election cake " 
 for the sewing-circle of forty members to meet with her mother the 
 next afternoon. Her father was possessed of the happy thought that 
 what was good for a boy fitting for the college would be equally good 
 for his two daughters. Hence at this time the child of ten was 
 keeping pace with her brother, making good progress in Andrew and 
 Stoddard's Latin Grammar and Exercises, and two years afterward 
 was reading one hundred lines of Virgil a day. 
 
 It may not be considered amiss to give something of the history 
 and characteristics of the Dwights, Mrs. Lawrence's ancestry. It is 
 taken mostly from the Genealogy of Dwights, two large volumes 
 of nearly 1,200 pages. Such a judicial history as is given of the 
 descendants of Captain Henry Dwight, of Hatfield, in western Massa- 
 chusetts, cannot, we believe, be paralleled in any other family in 
 the land. Five of the Dwights, all closely related to each other, 
 sat at different times as justices upon the bench of the same court, 
 that of common pleas, of Hampshire county, Massachusetts. These 
 were Capt. Henry Dwight, of Hatfield; Col. Timothy Dwight, of 
 Northampton, his nephew; two sons of Capt. Henry Dwight, namely, 
 Col. Joshua Dwight of Springfield and Gen. Josenh Dwight of Great 
 Barrington, and Major Timothy Dwight of Northampton, son of 
 Col. Timothy Dwight, and father of President Dwight of Yale Col- 
 lege. Captain Henry Dwight was judge for five years, until his 
 death. Col. Timothy Dwight held the office twice (1737-41 and 
 (1758-74.) In two difierent instances two Dwights sat as asso- 
 until his death. Joseph Dwight was judge from 1753-61, when the 
 county was divide<l, and he was made judge of the new county of 
 Berkshire, which position he held until his death in 1705. He was 
 also judge of probate of Berkshire county at the same time. Major 
 Timothy Dwight was judge in Berkshire county sixteen years
 
 392 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 (1758-74). In two different instances two Dwights sat as asso- 
 ciate judges on the same bench: first, from 1750 to 1757, Col. Timo- 
 thy Dwight and Col. Josiah Dvvight, his cousin ; secondly, from 1758 
 to 1761, Major Timothy Dwight and Gen. Joseph Dwight, second 
 cousins to each other. In one instance a son. Major Timothy Dwight, 
 immediately succeeded his father. Col. Timothy Dwight (1750). 
 In two other instances, two sons of the same father succeeded him 
 to the same office. But strangest of all, three Dwights sat for four 
 years each as judges upon the same bench: Col. Timothy Dwight 
 (1748-57); Col. Josiah Dwight (1750-08); and Brig.-Gen. Joseph 
 Dwight (1756-61). Gen. Joseph Dwight was judge at different times 
 in three different counties: Worcester, Hampshire, and Berkshire. 
 Two of this family were Chief Justices: Col. Timothy Dwight and 
 Brig.-Gen. Dwight. The history of the court of common pleas and of 
 the probate court also, of Hampshire county, the one for more than 
 seventy-five years and the other for more than eighty, were so con- 
 nected with the history of the Dwight family as to be worthy of 
 notice. 
 
 Capt. Henry Dvvight was active in the subsequent purchase of 
 the territory composing now the towns of Great Barrington, Sheffield, 
 Egremont, Alford, all in what is now Berkshire county. Captain 
 Dwight and two other gentlemen were " a committee appointed by 
 the General Court to purchase a certain tract of land lying upon the 
 Housatonic river.' That land was cheap at Hatfield, and that Cap- 
 tain Dwight was disposed to purchase largely, appears from the 
 fact that in June, 1772, he purchased 1,200 acres for one hundred 
 eighty pounds, or three English shillings per acre. 
 
 The name Dwight is now, as in days gone by. a well-recognized 
 symbol throughout the land, of earnest appreciation of all that is 
 highest and best in education and religion, and in personal indus- 
 try and personal worth. If asked to state what one practical qual- 
 ity beyond any other has characterized the family within the author's 
 range of observation, he would at once reply, military talent, or that 
 natural executive energy and administrativeness which may be 
 readily and effectively applied to the demands of the battle-field, 
 the exigencies of general business, the explorations of studious re- 
 search, or the comprehensive duties of statesmanship, or of official 
 service of one's country; and which, in whatever field of employment 
 exerted, is in itself one and the same essential manifestation of manly 
 vigor of thought and feeling. The next most practical trait of those
 
 APPENDIX 393 
 
 of the family kuovvu to history, has been that of their own separate 
 individuality of conscience and of conviction of character and con- 
 duet. The personal element has been generally a marked factor in 
 the composition of their ideas, in the expression of them, in their 
 words and deeds. They have been in a striking degree men and 
 women of thought, independent in framing their opinions, and 
 fearless in acting according to them, and in declaiming them freely 
 and unmistakably to others. The feminine branches of a family 
 exhibit the higher qualities that distinguish it, quite as clearly as 
 those which bear the family name. Any one having a long ac- 
 quaintance with the family history can easily rally to his thought 
 many an honored name, both among the living and the dead, resonant 
 with its own intrinsic worth, which has been drawn from the best 
 Dwight motherhood, gracing its own lineage and graced by it. 
 They could not call any man their father in their habits of re- 
 ligious thinking, — not John Calvin, nor their own Jonathan Edward.s 
 or President Dwight, but like those very leaders of religious thought 
 themselves, they were like those wise men of progress in their ideas 
 of religious truth. Theology, a human science at the best, they re- 
 garded as being in itself as thoroughly capable of improvement from 
 time to time as any other piece of man's wisdom ; and more desirably 
 so than any other, because of its lai'ger bearings in every way on 
 human happiness, here and forever. And the moral and scriptural 
 ideas which they cherished for the life and light and warmth which 
 they gave to their own souls, they were ever active in putting into 
 force in the communities where they lived, rejoicing to meet any 
 invitation or opportunity for their manifestation. They have not 
 been lovers of general society. Being studious to a large degree, and 
 fond of seeking the higher culture, they have become by their special 
 tastes and habits, greatly isolated in their lives of effort and expe- 
 rience. They have been no idlers, overcome with ennui, and wasteful 
 of life's best opportunities for receiving and doing good. With quite 
 a large number of the leading spirits in the family it would not be 
 too much to say that their love of work amounted almost to a rul- 
 ing passion. With abounding energy of will, they have addressed 
 themselves to the highest points of human hope and thought, and 
 delighted to communicate the riches of truth and love that they had 
 found with others in the recitation-room, the pulpit and the press. 
 They have been conspicuous always for their swiftness and power to 
 protest against wrong: high-hearted leaders of forlorn hopes; brave
 
 594 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 helpers of anyone tliey fonml in life's pathway; strong lovers of 
 everything truest and best in the cominnnity, and strong haters of 
 anything evil; warm in their likes and warm in their dislikes, 
 with an intense dislike for shams in all matters of social intercourse, 
 of business, and of taste. The constitution of the Dwight name is 
 thoroughly non-jesuitical. The aspirations and impulses of those 
 who have given character, a name to the family, haA'e grown out of 
 and clustered around such doctrines, imbedded deeply in their hearts, 
 as these: 
 
 " The sacredness of religious conditions is in individual minds.'- 
 
 " No infallible system of interpretation of the Scriptures to be 
 found anywhere, in any human being, council, creed, or sect." 
 
 " Continual progress toward something ever better than before, in 
 each individual and in society at large." 
 
 " The greatest possible freedom of thought, feeling and action to 
 be allowed to evei"y one, consistent with similar rights to all others, 
 and the good of all." 
 
 " Justice to all men, liberty to all, and peace to men of peace." 
 
 Note (9). — When Josiah had completed his apprenticeship as 
 printer, he wanted to get a position with the New York Evangelist. 
 His father asked him what recommendation he would offer. He re- 
 plied, " I Avould recommend myself." He was accepted by the 
 Evangelist office, and remained there until he came to Lawrence, 
 when he was assistant editor of the Lawrence Journal in association 
 with Hovey Lowman. At the time of the Quantrell raid, he was one 
 of the three young men who were killed at Dr. Griswold's house, that 
 fatal morning of August 21st, 1863, — Mr. Baker alone surviving, of 
 a group of four. A memorial of Trask was written by a minister 
 of Fitchburg.
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM THE WRITINGS, ADDRESSES AND PAPERS 
 OF CHARLES ROBINSON.

 
 SPEECH DELIVERED AT THE CLOSE OF THE 
 "WAKARUSA WAR," 
 
 BY GENERAL 0HARLB8 ROBINSON. 
 From the Herald of Freedon), December 15, 1855. 
 
 Feixow-Soldiers: In consequence of a "misunderstanding" on 
 the part of the Executive of this Territory, the people of this vicin- 
 ity have been menaced by a foreign foe, and our lives and property 
 threatened with destruction. The citizens, guilty of no crime, rallied 
 for the defense of their families, their property, and their lives, and 
 from all parts of the Territory the true patriots came up, resolved 
 to perish in the defense of their most sacred rights rather than sub- 
 mit to foreign dictation. Lawrence and her citizens were the first 
 to be sacrificed, and most nobly have her neighbors come to her 
 rescue. The moral strength of our position was such that even the 
 '• gates of hell " could not prevail against us, much less a foreign 
 mob, and we gained a bloodless victory. Literally may it be said 
 of our citizens, " They came, they saw, they conquered." 
 
 Selected as your commander, it becomes my cheerful duty to tender 
 to you, fellow-soldiers, the meed of praise so justly your due. Never 
 did true men unite in a holier cause, and never did true bravery 
 appear more conspicuous, than in the ranks of our little army. 
 Death before dishonor was visible in every countenance, and felt by 
 every heart. Bloodless though the contest has been, there are not 
 wanting instances of heroism worthy of a more chivalric age. To 
 the experience, skill and perseverance of the gallant General Lane 
 all credit is due for the thorough discipline of our forces, and the 
 complete and extensive preparations for defense. His services can- 
 not be overrated; and long may he live to wear the laurels so 
 bravely won. Others are worthy of special praise for distinguished 
 servicert, and all, both officers and privates, are entitled to the deep- 
 est gratitude of the people. 
 
 In behalf of the citizens of Lawrence, in behalf of the ladies of 
 Lawrence, in behalf of the children of Lawrence, in behalf of your 
 fellow-soldiers of Lawrence, and in my own behalf, I thank you of 
 the neighboring settlements for your prompt and manly response to 
 
 (397)
 
 398 LIFE OF CHAKLES ROBINSON 
 
 our call for aid, and pledge you a like response to your signals of 
 distress. The citizens wlio have left their homes to come to our 
 assistance have suffered great privations and many discomforts and 
 expenses, while the citizens of Lawrence have incurred heavy ex- 
 penses; but all has been submitted to without a murmur, and in a 
 spirit worthy of a people enji;a<;ed in a high and holy cause. 
 
 The war is ended, our duties are discharged, and it only remains 
 for me, with the warmest affection for every soldier in this conflict, 
 to bid you adieu, and dismiss you, to go again to the bosoms of your 
 families. 
 
 1
 
 APPENDIX 399 
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE ORATION DELIVERED AT THE 
 BURIAL OF BARBER. 
 
 The occasion which calls us together is one of deep interest and 
 peculiar significance to every patriot and republican. 
 
 Our Territory has been repeatedly invaded, and our dearest rights 
 trampled upon, by the citizens of a foreign State. They have taken 
 possession of our ballot-boxes, and by force of arms have wrested 
 from us the right to make our own laws and choose our own rulers, 
 and imposed upon us a system of laws uncongenial to our natures 
 and wants. Having accomplished all this by invasion and outrage, 
 it was but natural to suppose that invasion and outrage would be 
 necessary to enforce their enactments. " Misunderstanding " the 
 facts and tlie temper of the people as well as their tactics, the Execu- 
 tive recently gave the signal for another invasion, and the armed 
 hordes responded. Our citizens have been besieged, robbed, insulted, 
 and murdered; and our town threatened Avith destruction for two 
 whole weeks, by the authority of the Executive, and, as he now says, 
 in consequence of a '• misunderstanding." 
 
 A misunderstanding on the part of our Executive is a most un- 
 fortunate afl'air. 
 
 Our Governor having been told that the people of Kansas did not 
 recognize the laws of Missouri, and were determined these laws 
 should be a dead letter in the Territory, unwittingly fell into the 
 error of supposing the people would array themselves against the 
 Government of the United States, evidently not understanding how 
 a code of enactments can be effectually resisted and no law violated. 
 Had he carefully read the early history of his country, he might 
 have understood the "sons of liberty" better than to suppose any 
 United States law would be violated by the people, or, if violated, 
 that the community would be guilty of violating it. 
 
 By whose act do the remains of the lamented Thomas Barber now 
 await interment at our hands? By whose hand is his wife made a 
 widow? By whose instrumentality are we made to mourn the un- 
 timely fall of a brave comrade and worthy citizen?
 
 400 LIFE OF C3IAKLES EOBINSON 
 
 Report says Thomas Barber was murdered in cold blood by an 
 officer or officers of the Government, who was a member of the 
 sheriflf's posse, which was commanded by the Governor, who is backed 
 by the President of the United States. 
 
 Was Thomas Barber murdered? 
 
 Then are the men who killed him, and the officials by whose 
 authority they acted, his murderers. And if the laws are to be en- 
 forced, then will the Indian Agent, the Governor, and the President 
 be convicted of, and punished for, murder? There is work enough 
 for the •' law-and-order " men to do, and let us hear no more about 
 resistance to the laws till this work is done. If all Missouri must be 
 aroused and the whole nation convulsed to serve a peace warrant 
 on an unofl'ending citizen, may we not expect some slight effort will 
 be made to bring these capital offenders to justice? Or are our laws 
 made for the low, and not for the high, — for the poor, and not for 
 the rich? 
 
 For the dead we need not mouvn. He fell a martyr to principle ; 
 and his blood will nourish the tree of liberty. An honorable death 
 is preferable to a dishonorable and inglorious life. Such was the 
 death of our brother, and as such he will ever be cherished by his 
 companions and fellow-citizens. It is glory enough for any man that 
 a body of men like the Barber Guards should adopt his name to 
 designate and distinguish their company. 
 
 To his beloved and bereaved wife, to his brothers and relatives, 
 to the members of his company, to all who have pledged property, 
 honor, and life to the cause of freedom and humanity, I seem to hear 
 the spirit of our departed brother say: "Be of good cheer; weep not 
 for me; you are engaged in a good work, and your reward will be 
 glorious. Death is no misfortune to the true; indeed, it is sweet 
 to die in defense of liberty." 
 
 But the shock produced by the murder of our friend is felt be- 
 yond the circle of his immediate relations and friends. It has 
 shaken the entire fabric of our Government to its very base, and 
 nothing but the unseen hand of the All-Wise Governor of the Uni- 
 verse could have saved this nation from civil war and political death. 
 
 It is due to the bold stand taken by the freemen of Kansas during 
 the late invasion that the sun of Liberty is still above the horizon; 
 and cold indeed must be the heart, wherever found, that does not
 
 APPENDIX 401 
 
 beat in unison with ours as we pay cur last tribute of respect to the 
 remains of our brother! 
 Can the people of this nation approve the 
 
 " Costly mockery of piling stone on stone ? 
 To those who won our liberty, the heroes dead and gone. 
 While we look coldly on, and see law-shielded ruffians slay 
 The men who fain would win their own, the heroes of to-day ?" 
 No! 
 
 "Be callous as they will, 
 From soul to soul, o'er all the world, 
 Leaps one electric thrill." 
 
 -26
 
 402 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM ORATION DELIVERED AT LAWRENCE, 
 KANSAS TERRITORY, JULY 4, 1855. 
 
 This day, the seventy-ninth anniversary of the Declaration of 
 American Independence, finds us in a new and strange country and 
 surrounded by circumstances interesting and peculiar. While the 
 echoes of the booming cannon are reverberating among our native 
 hills, and the merry peals of the church-going bells are announcing 
 to the world the rejoicings of a great and prosperous people, that 
 their days of weakness, sufl'ering and thraldom are past, we are here 
 in a remote wilderness, to found a new State, and to plant anew 
 the institutions of our patriotic ancestors. It is a day to us of 
 peculiar significance. While we would pay a tribute of respect to 
 that period which in the annals of this nation will ever be regarded 
 as most sacred; while with one accord and with one voice we worsliip 
 in the Temple of Liberty, uncontaminated by party distinctions oi- 
 sectional animosities, and unite in the endeavor to raise some fit- 
 ting memento of a Nation's gratitude for the declarations of thai 
 day, the most glorious in the history of a mighty People, we should 
 also gather lessons of instruction from the past by which to be guided 
 in the erection of a new State in the heart of this great Republic. 
 
 One lesson the history of our Government should teach us who 
 have chosen Kansas for our home, and that is especially applicable 
 to the instructions of this day, viz.: the more closely the principles 
 of the Declaration of Independence are followed as a basis of Gov- 
 ernment, and the more universal they are made in their application, 
 the more prosperous the Goveinment and people. 
 
 As the people of Kansas Territory are to-day the subjects of a 
 foreign State, as laws are now being imposed upon us by the citi- 
 zens of Missouri, for the sole purpose of forcing upon this Territory 
 the institution of Slavery, I surely need make no apology for de 
 voting the few moments allotted to me on this occasion, to an exami- 
 nation of the effects of this institution upon a State and people, 
 whether politically, morally, or socially. I ask you not to-day to 
 listen to arguments of Abolitionists, or for Abolitionism. I wish not
 
 APPENDIX 403 
 
 to wage war upon Slavery or slaveholders ia any State of this Union, 
 or to interfere in any respect with our neighbors" affairs: but it is 
 for ourselves, our families, our own institutions and our prosper- 
 ity, — it is for Kansas, I ask your attention. Is it politic, is it for 
 our moral, intellectual or pecuniary advancement to submit to the 
 dictation of a foreign power in regard to our laws and institu- 
 tions? This is the question that deeply interests us all, and for 
 the consideration of which this day is most appropriate. 
 
 Liberty, the goddess to whom this day is dedicated, showers upon 
 her votaries peace and prosperity, intelligence and enterprise, mor- 
 ality and religion. The inspirer and guide of Washington and the 
 patriot fathers, may she become the presiding genius of our own 
 beautiful Kansas! Slavery — the opposite and antagonist of Lib- 
 erty, the ruin of nations, the impoverisher of States, the demoralizer 
 of communities, the curse of the world, the child of hell — may she 
 go to her own place. On this day and this occasion we may speak 
 freely, assured that no offense can be given by the strongest expres- 
 sions in favor of Freedom, or in opposition to Slavery, as no one 
 who is in favor of the latter can join in the celebration of this day. 
 No person who does not "hold these truths to be self-evident: that 
 all men are created equal: that they are endowed by their Creator 
 with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, 
 and the pursuit of happiness,'" can consistently participate in the 
 festivities of this day. Nay, should we fail to speak in utter de- 
 testation of Slavery, and hurl defiance at the monster on this anni- 
 versary of Freedom's natal day, especially when the tyrant has 
 already placed his foot upon our necks, why, the very stones would 
 cry out! 
 
 Fellow-citizens, let us for a moment inquire who and wliere and 
 what are we? 
 
 Who are we? Are we not free-born? Were not our niolhers as 
 well as our fathers of Anglo-Saxon blood? Was not the right to 
 govern ourselves, to choose our own rulers, to make our own laws, 
 guaranteed to us by the united voice of the United States? 
 
 Where are we? Are we not in the most beautiful country that 
 human eye ever heheld? Is it not for surface, soil and productions, 
 worthy to be styled the garden of the world? A wilderness, yet al- 
 ready budding and blossoming like the rose? A new country, yet hav- 
 ing the appearance in its diversity of meadow and woodland, of hill
 
 404 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON 
 
 and dale, of a land long inhabited, and most beautifully and tastefully 
 laid out into parks and groves? With a mild and salubrious climate, 
 a dry, pure atmosphere, must it not soon become the resort of the in- 
 valid from the consumptive East and the ends of the earth? 
 
 Our situation, geographically, is in the center of this republic, 
 at the half-way station between the Atlantic and Pacific, the Gulf 
 of Mexico and the British Possessions. The " Father of Waters " 
 extends to us his great right arm and proffers the commerce of the 
 world and a market for all our productions; and the line of steam 
 and telegraphic communication that is soon to encircle the globe will 
 of course pass directly through our Territory, thus bringing to our 
 very doors the commerce of China and the Indies. 
 
 What are we? Subjects, slaves of Missouri! We come to the 
 celebration of this anniversary with our chains clanking about our 
 limbs; we lift to heaven our manacled arms in supplication; pro- 
 scribed, outlawed, denounced, we cannot so much as speak tlie name 
 of Liberty except with prison-walls and halters looking us in the 
 face. We must not only see black Slavery, the blight and curse of 
 any people, planted in our midst, and against our wishes, but we 
 m.ust become slaves ourselves. 
 
 Persons may teach that the Declaration of Independence Avas a 
 lie; that tyranny and oppression, a thousand-fold more severe than 
 that which our ancestors rose in rebellion against, are right; that 
 marriage is a mockery ; that the parent shall not have possession of 
 his own child, nor the husband his wife; that education is a crime; 
 that traffic in human beings, the bodies and souls of men, is a 
 virtue; — all this may be taught vpith impunity in this boasted land 
 of ours, and those who teach such things must be recognized as 
 gentlemen and Christians. But to teach that all men are created 
 equal; that they have an inalienable right to life and liberty; that 
 oppression is a crime, and that education, religion and good morals 
 are virtues, — this is not to be tolerated for a moment. Tar and 
 feathers, the gallows and stake, await all persons who dare express 
 a belief in such dangerous doctrines, if we can believe our masters. 
 Masters, did I say? Heaven foibid! Subjects? slaves? Oh, no! 
 it is all a mistake. What! the whisky-drinking, profane, blas- 
 y>hemou«, degrading, foul-mouthed and contemptible rabble that in- 
 vaded our Territory at the late elections, our masters? Never! 
 Never! I can say to Death, Be thou my master, — and to the grave.
 
 APPENDIX 405 
 
 Be tliou my prison-house; but acknowledge such creatures my 
 masters, never! No, thank God. we are yet free, and hurl defiance 
 at those who would make us slaves. 
 
 "Look on, who will, la apathy, and stifle, they who can. 
 The sympathies, the hopes, the words, that .make man truly man; 
 Let those whose hearts are dungeoned up with interest or with ease. 
 Consent to hear with quiet pulse of loathsome deeds like these 1 
 We first drew in New England's air, and from her hardy breast 
 Sacked in the tyrant-hating milk that will not let us rest ; 
 And if our words seem treason to the dullard and the tame, 
 'Tis but our native dialect, — our fathers spake the same." 
 
 With truth and justice on our side, we have nothing to fear, for — 
 
 "Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just. 
 And he but naked, though locked up in steel. 
 Whose conscience with Injustice is corrupted." 
 
 Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted, if not his who with- 
 holds from the laborer his due, who makes merchandise of men, 
 women and children, who sunders family ties, sending the husband 
 perhaps to the cane-fields of Mississippi, the wife to a New Orleans 
 brothel, and the children to the rice-swamps of Alabama, never to see 
 one another again, and to all spend their lives amid whips and chains? 
 Is it not ■' confirmation strong as Holy Writ." and their conscience 
 is corrupted, when such men " repel the doctrine " that such proceed- 
 ings are wrong, either morally or politically? when they " hurl back 
 with scorn" the charge that conduct like this can be inhuman? Per- 
 haps it is not inhuman, if they are fair samples of humanity; but 
 it is certainly un-beastlike. ' 
 
 And who are the cowards in this contest, if not those who shun 
 investigation, tremble at free discussion, or even the expression of 
 an opinion, who cry out, " Down with the press, down with the 
 church, and down with every man who disapproves of oppression " ? 
 And what acts are more cowardly, if it is brave and manly for scores 
 of men, maddened with whisky, to prowl about in the dark and de- 
 stroy the defenseless, to seize peaceable and unarmed citizens, to tar 
 and feather them, to throw printing-presses into the river, and 
 threaten to shoot governors and hang editors, and especially to march 
 upon a weak and defenseless people by thousands, armed with deadly 
 weapons of all kinds, the most deadly of which is whisky, and trample 
 under their feet the dearest rights of freemen, imposing upon a neigh- 
 boring Territory a foreign government and laws not of their choice,
 
 406 LIFE OF ClIAKLES ROBINSON 
 
 at the point of the bayonet? If such acts are brave and heroic, what 
 are cowardly and villainous? 
 
 What reason is given for the cowardly invasion of our rights by 
 our neighbors? No good reason is or can be given. They and their 
 apologists say that if Kansas is allowed to be free, the institution 
 of slavery in their own State will be in danger; that the contrast 
 between a free and a slave State will be so great that their own 
 citizens will become abolitionists, or the underground railroad will 
 relieve them of their slaves. But for the first cause there is no 
 danger of alarm, if their doctrine is correct that slavery is a bless- 
 ing, and not a moral or political evil. If it is the humane institu- 
 tion that they represent, who will want to see it abolished? As to 
 the second cause, there is no ground to fear, provided the people of 
 Missouri mind their own affairs and let ours alone, for it is not true 
 that the settlers of Kansas have enticed away a single negro, or at- 
 tempted to do so. On this point we speak by authority; for do not 
 the Westport and other Missouri papers say that the general agency 
 of this line of travel is under our charge? — and did those papers 
 ever tell an untruth ? We say, then, officially, that up to the present 
 time not the first rail has been laid of this road in Kansas; but the 
 workmen are in readiness, and will commence operations with a will 
 if our affairs are again interfered with by foreign intruders. If the 
 people of Missouri make it necessary, by their unlawful course, for 
 us to establish freedom in that State in order to enjoy the liberty of 
 governing ourselves in Kansas, then let that be the issue. If Kan- 
 sas or the whole North must be enslaved or Missouri become free, 
 then let her be made free. Aye, and if to be free ourselves slavery 
 must be abolished in the whole country, then let us accept that issue. 
 If black slavery in a part of the States is incompatible with white 
 freedom in any State, then let black slavery be banished from all. 
 As men espousing the principles of the Declaration of the fathers, 
 we can do nothing less than accept these issues. Not that we are 
 unfriendly to the South : far from it. If there be any true friend of 
 the South in this assembly, to him we say that our love to the South 
 is no less than his. If, then, such friend demand why we are ready 
 to accept this issue, this is our answer : Not that we love the South 
 less, but we love our country more. " Had you rather Caesar were 
 living, and die all slaves, than that Caesar were dead, to live all free- 
 men?" "Who is here so base that would be a bondman? If any, 
 speak, for him have I offended."
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 407 
 
 Fellow-citizens, in conclusion, it is for us to choose for ourselves, 
 and for those who shall come after us, Avhat institution shall bless or 
 curse our beautiful Kansas. Shall we have freedom for all her peo- 
 ple, and consequent prosperity, or slavery for a part, with the blight 
 and mildew inseparable from it? Chose ye this day which you will 
 serve. Slavery or Freedom, and then be true to your choice. If 
 Slavery is best for Kansas, then choose it; but if Liberty, tlien 
 choose that. 
 
 Let every man stand in his place, and acquit himself like a man 
 who knows his rights, and knowing, dares maintain them. Let us 
 repudiate all laws enacted by foreign legislative bodies, or dictated 
 by Judge Lynch over the way. Tyrants are tyrants and tyranny is 
 tyranny, whether under the garb of law or in opposition to it. So 
 thought and acted our ancestors, and so let us think and act. We 
 are not alone in this contest. The entire nation is agitated upon 
 the question of our rights. The spirit of "76 is breathing upon some 
 the handwriting upon the wall is being discerned by others, while 
 the remainder the gods are evidently preparing for destruction. 
 
 Every pulsation in Kansas vibrates to the remotest artery of the 
 body politic, and I seem to hear the millions of freemen and the mill- 
 ions of bondmen in our land, the millions of the oppressed in other 
 lands, the patriots and philanthropists of all countries, the spirits of 
 the Revolutionary heroes, and the voice of God, all saying to the 
 people of Kansas, ''Do your duty! "
 
 408 LIFE OU Cn/iKLES KOBINSON' 
 
 SELECTIONS FROM THE FIRST MESSAGE TO THE FIRST 
 FREE-STATE LEGISLATURE, MARCH 4, 1856. 
 
 The organization of a new government is always attended with 
 more or less difficulty, and should, under the most favorable circum- 
 stances, enlist the learning, judgment and prudence of the wisest men 
 in all its departments. The most skillful workmanship is requisite, 
 that each part of the complicated machinery may be adapted to its 
 fellow, and that a harmonious whole, without jar or blemish, may 
 be the result. In Kansas especially is this a most delicate and diffi- 
 cult task. Our citizens are from every State in the Union, and from 
 nearly every country on the globe, and their institutions, religion, 
 education, habits and tastes are as various as their origin. Also 
 in our midst are several independent nations, and on our borders, 
 both west and east, are outside invaders. 
 
 The reasons why the Territorial Uovernment should be suspended 
 and Kansas admitted into the Union as a State, are various. 
 
 In the first place, it is not a government of the people. The exec- 
 utive and judicial officers are imposed upon the people by a distant 
 power, and the officers thus imposed are foreign to our soil, and are 
 accountable, not to the people, but to an executive two thousand miles 
 distant. American citizens have for a long time been accustomed 
 to govern themselves, and to have a voice in the choice of their offi- 
 cers ; but, in the Territorial Government, they not only have no voice 
 in choosing some of their officers, but are deprived of a vote for the 
 officers who appoint them. 
 
 Again: Governments are instituted for the good and protection of 
 the governed; but the Territorial Government of Kansas has been 
 and still is an instrument of oppression and tyranny unequaled in 
 the history of our republic. The only officers that attempted to ad- 
 minister the law impartially have been removed, and persons substi- 
 tuted who have aided in our subjugation. Such has been the con 
 duct of the officers and the people of a neighboring State, either iu 
 tentionally or otherwise, that Kansas to-day is without a single lav,'
 
 APPENDIX 409 
 
 enacted by the people of the Territory. Not a man in the country 
 will attempt to deny that every election had under the Territorial 
 Government was carried by armed invaders from an adjoining State, 
 and for the purpose of enacting laws in opposition to the known 
 wishes of the people. 
 
 The Territorial Grovernment should be withdrawn, because it is 
 inoperatiA'e. The officers of the law permit all manner of outrages 
 and crimes to be perpetrated by the invaders and their friends 
 with impunity, Avhile the citizens proper are naturally law-abiding 
 and order-loving, disposed rather to siiffer than to do wrong. Sev- 
 eral of the most aggravated murders on record have been committed, 
 but as long as the murderers are on the side of the oppressors, no 
 notice is taken of them. Not one of the whole number has been 
 brought to justice, and not one will be, by the Territorial officers. 
 While the marauders are thus in open violation of all law, nine- 
 tenths of the people scorn to recognize as law the enactments of a for- 
 eign body of men, and would sooner lose their right arm than bring 
 action in one of their misnamed courts. Americans can suffer 
 death, but not dishonor; and sooner than the people will consent 
 to recognize the edicts of lawless invaders as laws, their blood will 
 mingle with the waters of the Kansas, and this Union will be rolled 
 together in civil strife. 
 
 Not only is this Territorial Government the instrument of op- 
 pression and subjugation of the people, but under it there is no hope 
 of relief. The organic act permits the Legislature to prescribe the 
 qualification of voters, and the so-called Legislature has provided 
 that no man shall vote in any election who will not bow the knee to 
 the dark image of slavery, and appointed officers for the term of four 
 years to see that this provision is carried out. Thus nine-tenths 
 of the citizens are disfranchised and debarred from acting under the 
 Territorial Government if they would. 
 
 Even if allowed to vote, the Chief Executive of the country says 
 that he has no power to protect the ballot-box from invaders, and if 
 the people organize to protect themselves, his appointees intimate 
 that they must be disarmed and put down: hence, whether allowed 
 to vote or not, there is no opportunity for the people of the Territory 
 to rule under the present Territorial Government. Indeed, the laws 
 are so made and construed that the citizens of a neighborrtig State 
 are legal voters in Kansas, and of course no United States force can
 
 410 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 be brought against them. They are by law fiilitled to invade us 
 and control our elections. 
 
 Whereas, the Territorial Government, as now constituted for 
 Kansas, has proved a failure, — squatter sovereignty under its work- 
 ings a miserable delusion, — in proof of which it is only necessary to 
 refer to our past history, and our present deplorable condition; — our 
 ballot-boxes have been taken possession of by armed men from foreign 
 States, and our people forcibly driven therefrom; persons attempted 
 to be foisted upon us as members of a so-called Legislature, unac- 
 quainted with our wants, and hostile to our best interests, some of 
 them never residents of our Territory; misnamed laws passed, and 
 now attempted to be enforced by the aid of citizens of foreign States, 
 of the most oppressive, tyrannical, and insulting character; the 
 right of suffrage taken from us, debarred from the privilege of a 
 voice in the election of even the most insignificant officers ; the right 
 of free speech stifled; the muzzling of the press attempted; — and 
 whereas, longer forbearance with such oppression has ceased to be a 
 virtue; — and whereas, the people of this country have heretofore ex- 
 ercised the right of changing their form of government when it be- 
 came oppressive, and have at all times conceded this right to the 
 people in this and all other governments; — and whereas, a Territorial 
 form of government is unknown to the constitution, and is the mere 
 creature of necessity, awaiting the action of the people; — and whereas, 
 the debasing character of the slavery which now involves us im- 
 pels us to action, and leaves us the only legal and peaceful alterna- 
 tive, — the immediate establishment of a State Government; — and 
 whereas, the organic act fails in pointing out the course to be 
 adopted in an emergency like ours: Therefore, you are requested to 
 meet at your several precincts in said Territory hereinafter men- 
 tioned, on the second Tuesday of October next, it being the ninth 
 day of said month, and then and there cast your ballots for members 
 of a convention to meet at Topeka on the fourth Tuesday of October 
 next, to form a constitution, adopt a bill of rights for the people of 
 Kansas, and take all needful measures for organizing a State govern- 
 ment preparatory to the admission of Kansas into the Union as a 
 Stat*. 
 
 It is understood that the deputy marshal has private instructions
 
 APPENDIX 411 
 
 to arrest the members of tbe Legislature and the State officers for 
 treason, as soon as this address is received by you. 
 
 In such an event, of course, no resistance will be offered to the 
 <^cer. Men who are ready to defend their own and their country's 
 honor with their lives, can never object to a legal investigation into 
 their actions, nor to suffer any punishment their conduct may merit. 
 We should be unworthy the constituency we represent, did we 
 shrink even from martyrdom on the scaffold, or at the stake, should 
 duty require it. Should the blood of Collins and Dow, of Barber 
 and Brown, be insufficient to quench the thirst of the President and 
 his accomplices, in the hollow mockery of " squatter sovereignty' " 
 they are practicing upon the people of Kansas, then more victims 
 must be furnished. Let what will come, not a finger should be raised 
 against the Federal authority, until there shall be no hope of relief 
 but in revolution. 
 
 The task imposed upon us is a difficult one; but with mutual 
 cooperation, and a firm reliance on His wisdom who makes " the 
 wrath of man praise Him," we may hope to inaugurate a government 
 that shall not be unworthy of the country and the age in which we 
 live.
 
 4:12 LIFH OL'' CHA.KLF,S ROBINSON 
 
 MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR CHARLES ROBINSON, 
 
 JUNE 11, 1857. 
 
 FelloiC'-Citisens of the Bevate and Bouse of Representatives : 
 
 You are again convened together at the expiration of the recess 
 taken by you in January last. You meet under circumstances 
 scarcely less difficult, and no less embarrassing, than have char- 
 acterized the previous meetings of this Legislature. But your duties 
 under the Constitution are plain, and the necessity for action im- 
 perative. 
 
 As the representatives of the people, you are here to do the work 
 for which they have selected you. The bitter experience of the past 
 has brought nothing with it that could relieve you of your responsibil- 
 ity. Every step in that experience has shown the necessity for you to 
 do your work, and that you with calmness, wisdom and determina- 
 tion prepare those bulwarks on which the people may rest their con- 
 stitutional rights, as American citizens, and keep the State Govern- 
 ment in readiness for admission into the Union. 
 
 As it becomes my duty to recommend such measures as I may 
 deem expedient for your action, and to communicate to you the condi- 
 tion of afTairs in the State, I shall endeavor briefly to do so. 
 
 Since I sent my message to you, when you first convened, in March, 
 1856, many important and startling events have marked and dis- 
 turbed the current of affairs. The horrors of actual warfare have 
 existed in our midst. Towns and cities have been sacked and burned, 
 and our citizens have been brutally murdered on the highways and 
 in their homes. A hostile enemy on our eastern border has poured 
 in predatory band after band, and army after army, with the design 
 of harassing our citizens and completing the subjugation they had 
 begun. 
 
 The General Government, which still assumes the power of protec- 
 tion over us, has basely used that power as the screen under which it 
 has rendered aid and comfort to our enemies, and strengthened the 
 hands of those foreign invaders who still pretend to hold the political 
 power of the people, that they usurped. Nor have your labors or 
 your persons been exempt. Lawless arrests have been made of your
 
 APPENDIX 413 
 
 members, and also executive officers, by men who, although they pos- 
 sessed some power, and in many instances held positions in connec- 
 tion with the Federal courts, acted with irregularity and in defiance 
 of even the rules which they professed to respect. 
 
 A large and necessary portion of the labors of your codifying 
 committee was destroyed, with much other property, at Lawrence, 
 in May, 1856, when that place was pillaged and partially burned, 
 by a mob brought there by a United States Marshal. When your 
 bodies met pursuant to adjournment, in July last, your assembly was 
 interfered with and broken up by a large force of United States 
 troops, in battle array, who drove you hence, in gross violation oi 
 those constitutional rights which it was their duty to have protected. 
 When you again convened in January last, at your regular session, 
 your proceedings were again interfered with by a deputy marshal, 
 and many of your members arrested. 
 
 I do not propose entering into a minute detail of all the unliappy 
 occurrences that have marked the past year — occurreuces which 
 have stamped a page of infamy on the history of the country. Let 
 me refer you to the comprehensive address prepared by a committee 
 of the convention that assembled in this place on the 10th of March 
 last, for those particulars, an enumeration of which would absorb too 
 much of your time. Suffice it to say, that owing to these causes the 
 Government is not yet fully organized, and wait« in urgent necessity 
 for the completion of your work. 
 
 The period for Avhieh you were elected is drawing to a close. Xo 
 provision for taking the census has been made, and no election law 
 adopted. Without these your function in the government will ex- 
 pire, and with it the power of reproducing it. I cannot think that 
 you v?ill, in any contingency, incur the reproach of leaving helpless 
 the people who trusted you, or compelling them to recur through 
 original action to their primary power, for those needed steps which 
 it is your duty to supply. 
 
 In my message sent you in March, 1856, I enumerated the outlines 
 of the legislation it would be incumbent on you to frame and adopt. 
 Let me respectfully refer you to that document for those .details. 
 
 There is one subject of great moment for our present and future 
 prosperity. The public land in our midst still belongs to the General 
 Government. To secure these lands, or all of them that can be ob- 
 tained, is a matter to which we should devote no ordinary attention. 
 The policy hitherto adopted towards other new States, gives us just
 
 414 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSOK" 
 
 grounds to look to Congress for a grant of all the public lands in 
 our midst. To your enterprise and endurance its value can be traced, 
 and to you it rightly belongs. The sale of much of our valuable land.s 
 for the behalf of Indians, gives an additional claim on the Govern- 
 ment for the remainder. Surely, the General Government will not 
 seek to make a speculation on the bones and sinews of the struggling 
 pioneers who seek to add another State to the confederacy. Let us 
 respectfully urge upon the assembled wisdom of Congress our claim 
 for donations of these lands, and let us press these claims before the 
 Government has passed its title to all the valuable portions, into 
 the hands of speculators. Xo donation should, by its terms, conflict 
 with the claim of a squatter on the soil. 
 
 The inanimate framework of a Territorial Government still exists 
 in Kansas. While the popular branch of Congress has accepted our 
 application for admission into the Union, the Senate has still with- 
 held its approval. In this isolated condition, our rights as American 
 citizens, under the Constitution, and our inherent rights as men, 
 remain to us. Tlie Territorial Governor, recently sent among us by 
 the Federal Government, in his inaugural truly said: 
 
 " It is the people of Kansas, who, in forming their State Consti- 
 tution, are to declare the terms upon which they propose to enter the 
 Union. Congress cannot compel the people of a Territory to enter the 
 Union as a State, or change, without their consent, the Constitution 
 framed by the people. Congress, it is true, may for constitutional 
 reasons refuse admission, but the State alone, in forming her Con- 
 stitution, can prescribe the terms on which she will enter the Union. 
 This power of the people of a Territory in forming a State consti- 
 tution is one of vital importance, especially in the States carved out 
 of the public domain. Nearly all the lands of Kansas are public 
 lands, and most of them are occupied by Indian tribes. Those lands 
 are the property of the Federal Government, but their right is exclu- 
 sively that of a proprietor, carrying with it no political power." 
 
 The doctrine here enunciated is only what has been established by 
 precedent, and reiterated time and again. In it we have a right to 
 form a State constitution, and of necessity a complete State organiza- 
 tion, for which its specific terms must provide. As Congress has 
 neither the right to frame a Constitution for us, nor to " change " 
 the same, it must be apparent to all, they have no power to destroy 
 it when created. Governor Walker goes even farther than this, and 
 farther than we have ever proposed going, for he says " The State 
 alone, in forming her constitution, can prescribe the terms on which 
 she will enter the Union," — clearly implying that she may enter the
 
 APPENDIX 415 
 
 Union or not. Under these circumstances it is clearly apparent that 
 the Federal Government has only sent Governor Walker as a Terri- 
 torial officer to Kansas, because we have hitherto failed, or been 
 unable to complete the organization we have begun. In the absence 
 of the full and vital powers of goAernraent adopted by the people, 
 this is merely an endeavor to carry out the implied protection. 
 
 What renders this more unhappy, is the fact that the Federal 
 authorities have never yet been able to afford us such protection, and 
 as there is no Territorial law here, recognized by the people as such, 
 the executive function is a mockery. 
 
 Your first consideration is the necessities of the people, but be- 
 yond that it is your duty to act with promptness, so as to relieve 
 these Federal appointees of a merely nominal duty, that must be 
 embarrassing and disrespectful to them, whilst the unsettled state 
 of affairs conveys an impressive reproach to those republican insti- 
 tutions on which all our hopes as a people center. In the Inaugural 
 to which I have referred, there is a recommendation that our people 
 forsake the government they ha\e adopted, and under the management 
 of usurping, pretended officials, seek to do over again what has been 
 done. 
 
 We do not think any serious or generally entertained desire exists 
 amongst our people to do so; and, while opinions from such a 
 source may be entitled to respect, it is at least unfortunate that a 
 course of action in relation to the Constitution should be pointed out 
 in the ofiicial address of a Federal appointee, who, in that very 
 address, urges the rights of the people, and their rights alone, to 
 take steps for a State government. It is clearly evident from that 
 address itself, that Governor Walker has not been sufficiently con- 
 versant with affairs in Kansas, to warrant the expression of opinion 
 on so grave a matter. In that document he assures us that we shall 
 ha\e everything over which his executive function has no control, 
 and refrains from expressing any opinion on the only points for 
 which we could entertain hopes of his action. You are doubtless 
 aware that Acting Territorial Governor Stanton issued a proclama- 
 tion containing an apportionment of representation for a delegate 
 convention. That apportionment leaves nearly one-half of Kansas 
 without any representation, and as no census has been taken there by 
 anyone, they will of course have no privilege of even voting. 
 
 Had there been no State Cionstitution in Kansas; had a fraudu- 
 lent, pretended Territorial Legislature never originated the steps to
 
 416 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 •which this Inaugural refers; had that action come simply from the 
 people, as it legitimately should, there would still have been the 
 strongest reasons why all good men should refrain from partici- 
 pating in an act so grossly fraudulent and despotic as this pretended 
 census, and partial appointment under it. In any event such proceed- 
 ings will inevitably fall to the ground as lacking in that great 
 essential, the popular will, which alone could give it vitality. 
 
 Although that strange appointment which deliberately anticipates 
 disfranchising one-half of the people was issued a week previous to 
 the Inaugural of Gov. Walker, there was not the slightest allusion to 
 that document. And yet the evidence of the fact was of easy access 
 to him, and he was not ignorant of it. What does he mean when he 
 says, " The law has performed its entire appropriate function when 
 it extends to the people the right of suffrage " ? 
 
 Has it done so? or, is Gov. Walker ignorant of the fact that it 
 has not? He adds: 
 
 " Throughout our whole Union, however, and w'herever free gov- 
 ernment prevails, those who abstain from the exercise of the right 
 of sufi'rage, authorize those who do vote to act for them in that 
 contingency, and the absentees are as much bound under the law 
 and the constitution, Avhere there is no fraud or violence, by the act 
 of the majoiity of those who do vote, as though all had partici- 
 pated in the election." 
 
 It would be needless to tell you that such a position, however good, 
 is quite inapplicable to this so-called census law and all the proceed- 
 ings under it. It originates in an usurping fraud, and every step in 
 the process has been a fraud. It is not a proposed election to ascer- 
 tain the wishes of the people, but a foregone conclusion, every part 
 of which is carefully framed to accomplish a certain result. But if 
 its applicability cannot be found in these proceedings, let me suggest 
 ■where it can be applied. In the proceedings under which the State 
 Constitution was framed and ratified, all the actual voters had ths 
 privilege of participating. Men of all parties did do so, and if any 
 portion declined, it was because they feared to hazard the policy 
 they were trying to thrust on Kansas to a popular vote. 
 
 How are we to reconcile the two positions of this Federal In- 
 augural — first, that the people alone must freely and fairly make or 
 change their Constitution; and secondly, that "the Territorial 
 Legislature is the power ordained for this purpose bj/ the United 
 /States, and in opposing it you oppose the authority of the Federal 
 Government " ?
 
 APPENDIX 417 
 
 Well knowing that the complaint that the Legislature referred to 
 did not derive its power from the people of Kansas, he makes up 
 for its lack of popular legitimacy thus : " That Legislature was 
 called into being by the Congress of 1854, and is recognized in the 
 very latest Congressional legislature. It is recognized by the pres- 
 ent Chief Magistrate of the Union." 
 
 There is not much of " popular sovereignty "' and " self-govern- 
 ment " here. This usurpation is repudiated by the people, but it is 
 " recognized " by "' Congress " and the " President." Its pretended 
 enactments are a dead letter. All the official proclamations and 
 bulletins of Presidents and Territorial Governors cannot make them 
 law, for nothing is law or can have the authority thereof save the 
 legitimately expressed will of the people. But if the Federal authori- 
 ties cannot make their usurpations laws, they seem bent on prevent- 
 ing the jDeople from having any law unless they will stoop to accept 
 of this. Never let it be said that the people of Kansas were so 
 recreant to the principles of self-government as to accept the laws 
 thrust upon them by a body of invaders. Such a fatal precedent 
 would sow the seed that would spring up to the ultimate ruin of 
 our Government. An insignificant minority in Kansas may cooperate 
 with the invaders outside to perpetuate this usurpation, but, as 
 Gov. Walker says : " The minority, in resisting the will of the ma- 
 jority, may involve Kansas again in civil war; they may bring upon 
 her reproach and obloquy, and destroy her progress and prosperity; 
 they may keep her for years out of the Union, and, in the whirlwind 
 of agitation, sweep away the Government itself; but Kansas never 
 can be brought into the Union, with or without slavery, except by a 
 previous solemn decision, fully, freely, and fairly made by a ma- 
 jority of her people in voting for or against the adoption of her 
 State Constitution." 
 
 This has been done in the adoption of our State Constitution — 
 has been done in accordance with the very principles and require- 
 ments of this Inaugural itself, and we may well ask in the language 
 of Gov. Walker, " Why then should this just, peaceful and consti- 
 tutional mode of settlement meet with such opposition from any 
 quarter ? " 
 
 I cannot dismiss this Inaugural, sent amongst us by the Federal 
 
 authorities and Territorial Governor, without noticing one or two 
 
 other points. He says there is a clause in our Constitution forever 
 
 excluding the African race, bond or free, from Kansas. There is 
 
 —27
 
 4:18 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 no such clause in our Constitution, and it is to be regretted that 
 Gov. Walker, who talks so much about the " will of the people," 
 should not have given a Constitution emanating from them, a more 
 careful investigation. At the time the Constitution was submitted 
 to the people, a resolution from the people to the first Legislature 
 was also submitted. This was neither " in " nor connected with the 
 Constitution, and has just as much force as the first Legislature may 
 choose to attach to it. It originated in an anxious desire to show 
 favor to the peculiar institutions of " her sister States " — espe- 
 cially her immediate neighbor, the State of Missouri. And how has 
 this compromise spirit been met? By invasion, usurpation, rapine, 
 fire and sword. Such clauses as that he has sarcastically said were 
 in our Constitution, he expressly denies in another paragraph. 
 
 How much more deeply he must feel the interests of Missouri than 
 Kansas, is apparent when he recalls the debt of gratitude that the 
 people of Kansas owe the State which has stripped our people of- 
 every constitutional right, has involved us in the confusion of civil 
 discord, and which is trying by the aid of General Government to 
 place its feet upon our necks to-day. The first cause of a political 
 struggle in Kansas was whether Kansas should be a free or slave 
 State. After the invasion of 1855, a still more fearful issue arose, 
 whether the people of Kansas should have the right to govern them- 
 selves. It is for this we struggle. The rights of the people, the 
 glory of republicanism on earth, the integrity of our Government, 
 are all wrapped up in the issue. Truly, we can say, " never was so 
 momentous a question submitted to the decision of any people, and 
 we cannot avoid the alternatives now before us of glory or of 
 shame." 
 
 The rights of a free people we love, the L^nion we regard, the in- 
 tegrity of the government we will maintain. The devotion of the 
 people of Kansas to the Union is evidenced by the stern reality of 
 their sufferings and their endurance. In wisdom and devotion the 
 people of Kansas will struggle to preserve the Union, should they 
 ever be permitted to enjoy the bands of sisterhood; they will do so 
 by endeavoring to make the Union worth preser^ang, without which 
 it will inevitably crumble in pieces. We may with sacrilegious hand 
 tear from the tomb of Washington or Jefferson some perishable 
 relic of the mortality of those who while living, were devoted to 
 liberty and reverenced the claims of God and humanity, and, under 
 the cover of the awe-striking symbol, incite the reluctant representa-
 
 APPENDIX 419 
 
 tives of the people to acts disfranchising American citizens, robbing 
 republicanism of all that is good in it. We may shout " The 
 Union ! '' " The Union ! " over acts of the most reckless despotism, 
 and hurry our Government into oligarchy and anarchy under the 
 delusion, but the delusion will not save us from the penalty of our 
 folly and our crime. 
 
 Let us then preserve the Union by maintaining the integritj- 
 of republicanism. 
 
 It is a universal maxim that usurpers never voluntarily relin- 
 quish their power. Under whatever guise it may come, the action of 
 those who now pretend to hold Territorial power will be for the 
 continuation of that power. 
 
 For Gov. Walker to urge us into that flimsy trap in which they 
 hope to ensnare our people is wrong; and to talk to us, in the con- 
 nection of fairness and justice, is to add insult to wrong. 
 
 While the great principle for which we have to contend is to 
 maintain our right to self-government, the secondary consideration, 
 of preserving Kansas a free State, is not to be lost sight of. It is 
 of importance that the principles of Freedom should prevail, not only 
 because the people have willed it, but because it is good policy, 
 and above all, because it is right. Where would our prosperity be 
 if slavery were entailed upon us? Where would the towns and 
 cities, the railroads and commerce be, with such a plague-spot on 
 our energies? The owls would hoot through the cities now laid out 
 in Kansas, the railroads be confined to charters of usurped legislation. 
 
 The industrious settler would shrink from the contamination of 
 slave labor, that would degrade his manhood and his honest toil. 
 Nor can we trace all the reasons by which the unerring finger of a 
 just Providence guides the policy of every systematic wrong to a 
 sure decay, and entails the curse that there should be no prosperity 
 in the land that is stained by the tears and watered by the unpaid 
 sweat of any portion of the children of men. 
 
 There is indeed an " isothermal line" and a law of the thermome- 
 ter " which may make slave labor comparatively profitable or un- 
 profitable," but there is unhappily no " law of the thermometer " 
 to prevent infatuated slavery propagandists from attempting to estab- 
 lish the institution where wise policy says it never should be. It will 
 therefore be an important duty in us to guard carefully against all 
 the steps in such an insidious design; the more so, that "policy"
 
 420 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBI^^SON 
 
 and an " isothermal law " arc united with the claims of republicanism 
 and justice. 
 
 Under these circumstances we can contemplate the duties before 
 us, and with judicious calmness undertake them. We struggle for 
 our birthright, and we must not sell it for a " mess of pottage." The 
 eyes of the country are on us, for our cause is the common cause 
 of all who love republicanism. In our defeat the principle on which 
 the Government rests will sustain a shock; in our victory it will 
 take root and be perpetuated. To you is confided no common share 
 of the task. To you will be meted out the glory of victory or the mis- 
 fortune of defeat. Be true, and we Avill triumph. Our task is dif- 
 ficult: let us meet its responsibilities in full reliance on the wisdom 
 of Him who is the God of Justice. A future of prosperity and use- 
 fulness is before the people of Kansas. A great State is rapidly 
 expanding into prosperous existence. May we hope to establish in 
 it a government not unworthy of this civilized age and our republi- 
 can institutions. 
 
 Charles Robinson. 
 
 TOPEKA, June 9, 1857.
 
 APPENDIX 421 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM GOVERNOR ROBINSON'S MESSAGE 
 TO THE FIRST STATE LEGISLATURE, 1861. 
 
 The past year has been one of unprecedented drouth, and conge- 
 quent scarcity in Kansas. Our farmers, encouraged by the bountiful 
 return for labor bestowed on the soil in the years past, had an 
 unusual quantity of land under cultivation. With an ordinary sup- 
 ply of rain, a large amount of produce would have been raised for 
 export, and no people would have been more highly favored than our 
 own. Instead, however, of plenty and consequent prosperity, many 
 of our citizens have been the recipients of foreign charity. For the 
 prompt and generous relief afforded by States and individuals, a 
 suitable acknowledgment should be made by the Legislature; and 
 it is proper to inquire if our State is not able to provide for its 
 own poor in the future. No spirited and energetic people will be 
 recipients of charity, when able to procure their own subsistence. 
 Such a course would be demoralizing and degrading. If the State 
 has sufficient credit it would be better to use it for the relief of 
 her citizens, should it be necessary, than longer live upon the gen- 
 erosity of others. Seed has already been furnished in abundance 
 for spring planting, and by the first of June the stock that abounds 
 upon our prairies will be suitable for food; it is therefore to be 
 hoped that a general call for charity will soon cease. 
 
 Although the past year has been one of adversity to our people, 
 yet, with the stern integrity and mutual cooperation between the 
 several departments of the Government, together with a firm reliance 
 upon that Providence which has thus far sustained and directed us, 
 and whose promise that seed-time and harvest shall not fail, inspires 
 us with hope and courage in the darkest hour, we may confidently 
 look forward to a happy and prosperous future for our new State. 
 
 When Kansas applied for admission into the Union, it was sup- 
 posed that there was a Federal Government that would endure 
 until the present generation, at least, should pass away. Reeent 
 developments, however, have given rise to serious doubts as to its 
 existence. Theoretically, such a government is extended over thirty- 
 four States, but practically it does not exist in some. In seven 
 States the laws are openly repudiated, the forts seized, the revenue
 
 422 
 
 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINSON 
 
 stolen, the Federal officers defied, and the flag of the nation insulted 
 ■with impunity; and eight others threaten to do likewise if the Gov- 
 <>rnnient attempts to assert its authority by force in any rebellious 
 State. Such is the condition of affairs as bequeathed by the late 
 administration to the present. 
 
 The future none can predict. Should matters progress as for a 
 few months past, and coercion be decried as at present, not a promi- 
 nent seaboard State will remain in the Union, and not a law of the 
 United States will be enforced anywhere. Our Government, once re- 
 garded as a power in the earth, will become a hissing and a byword 
 among the nations, a stench in the nostrils of all men. This nation 
 occupies a very remarkable position before the civilized world. It 
 has heretofore been prompt and efficient in putting down treason and 
 rebellion, and the whole force of the army and navy has been called 
 into requisition at once whenever danger threatened. Shay's re- 
 bellion, the whisky insurrection, South Carolina nullification and 
 the John Brown raid, were all summarily disposed of with no cry 
 against " coercion " ; now, when certain persons in the South have 
 seized upon the revenues, forts, ships, postoffices, mints, arms, and 
 army and navy stores, waged war upon the United States troops, set 
 up an independent government and bid defiance to all law, the po- 
 sition of the authorities has been simply that of non-resistance. 
 Two independent and hostile governments cannot long exist at the 
 same time over the same territory without conflict, and either the 
 Confederate States of the South or the Federal Government must 
 succumb, or civil war is inevitable. 
 
 A demand is made by certain States that new concessions and 
 guarantees be given to slavery, or the Union must be destroyed. The 
 present Constitution, however faithfully adhered to, is declared to be 
 incompatible with the existence of slavery; its change is demanded, 
 or the government under it must be withdrawn. If it is true that 
 the continued existence of slavery requires the destruction of the 
 Union, it is time to ask if the existence of the Union does not re- 
 quire the destruction of slavery. If such an issue be forced upon 
 the nation, it must be met, and met promptly. The people of Kan- 
 sas, while they are willing to fulfill their constitutional obligations 
 toward their brethren in the sister States to the letter, even to the 
 yielding of the " pound of flesh," cannot look upon the destruction 
 of the fairest and most prosperous government on earth with in- 
 difference. If the issue is presented to them, the overthrow of the
 
 APPENDIX 423 
 
 Union or the destruction of slavery, they will not long hesitate as 
 to their choice. But it is to be hoped that this issue will be with- 
 drawn, and the nation advance in its career of prosperity and power, 
 the just pride of every citizen and the envy of the world. 
 
 The position of the Federal Executive is a trying one. The Gov- 
 ernment, when assumed by him, was rent in twain, the cry against 
 coercion was heard in every quarter, his hands were tied, and he had 
 neither men nor money, nor the authority to use either. While it 
 is the duty of each loyal State to see that equal and exact justice 
 is done to the citizens of every other State, it is equally its duty to 
 sustain the Chief Executive of the Nation in defending the Govern- 
 ment from foes, whether from within or from without, and Kansas, 
 though last and least of the States in the Union, will ever be ready 
 to ans-wer the call of her country.
 
 424 LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON 
 
 TOPEKA AND HER CONSTITUTION. 
 
 Extract from an Address Delivered before the Kansas Historical 
 Society, in the Winter of 1877-78. 
 
 Nothing but the menacing attitude of the Topeka Constitution and 
 Government compelled the Territorial oflScials to restore the ballot- 
 box to the people. This is made clear by the proclamation of Gov- 
 ernor Walker and Secretary Stanton, relative to the Oxford fraud, 
 when they discarded that vote at the election of the Territorial 
 Legislature in 1857. 
 
 The Topeka Constitution was equally important as a rallying- 
 point for the Free-State men. No mere party platform or organi- 
 zation could have prevented the recognition of the Territorial Legis- 
 lature and laws until the people should have a fair election. The 
 first Territorial Legislature had provided for " returning boards " 
 for four years, and in that time slavery would be established and a 
 Proslavery Constitution fastened upon the State. Recognition of 
 that usurpation would have been fatal, and the Topeka Constitution 
 was the only instrumentality that rendered a prevention of that 
 recognition possible. This was the grand mission of that Constitu- 
 tion, and it was filled to perfection. The first successflil battle 
 against the Slave-Power of the country was fought under that 
 banner. It was the beginning of the end of slavery in the United 
 States. The tide of propagandism was stayed in its blighting 
 course, and the refluent wave of Freedom swept over the land from 
 Topeka to Florida, giving liberty and equality before the law to 
 every human being, thus making our entire country, in fact as well 
 as in name, "the land of the free" as well as the "home of the 
 brave."
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 425 
 
 EXTRACT FROM AN ADDRESS AT THE QUARTER-CENTEN- 
 NIAL OF KANSAS. 
 
 . . . No, no; the flood-tide of slavery received its first per- 
 manent check in Kansas, and it was the refluent waves from her 
 borders that carried Abraham Lincoln into the White House, drove 
 the South into rebellion, and buried slavery so deep that for it there 
 can be no resurrection. Not only is the State of Kansas thus in- 
 debted to the Territory, but the late slave States that contended so 
 earnestly to extend their peculiar institution are doubly" indebted. 
 These States have not only been redeemed from a blighting curse, but 
 have been prospered in every way as never before in their history. 
 So general and widespread is their prosperity, tliat so far as known 
 not a citizen can be found in the entire South who would reestablish 
 slavery if he could. But the blessings resulting from the Territorial 
 struggle do not stop here, for the nation itself has been born again, 
 and with that birth which brings with it " peace on earth and good- 
 will to men.'' The old contentions, bitterness, and irrepressible 
 conflict between the North and South have given place to mutual 
 respect, love, and good-will. The United States now constitute, 
 in reality as well as in name, like institutions, like aspirations 
 and a common destiny. Our Union, thus cemented, has become the 
 envy of all nations, and a terror to all enemies. The freest, happiest, 
 and most prosperous people on the globe, we have become a place of 
 refuge for the oppressed of all nations. Such being th*e result of 
 the Territorial conflict, well may the contestants embrace each other 
 on the twenty-fifth birthday of this wonderful State, and henceforth 
 dwell together in unity, under a Gk)vernment that knows no North, 
 no South, no East, no West, but that is " one and inseparable, now 
 and forever."
 
 426 LIFE OF CHARLES EOBINSON 
 
 EXTRACT FROM ADDRESS AT BISMARCK QUARTER- 
 CENTENNIAL MEETING. 
 
 . . . So much for Kansas and Kansas citizens ; but great injus- 
 tice would be done non-residents did we attempt to claim all ths 
 credit for the grand results of the last quarter of a century. At 
 the opening of Kansas, slavery seized upon every town and district 
 except such towns and districts as Avere settled by the agency of the 
 Emigrant Aid Society. Without these settlements, it is safe to say, 
 Kansas would have been a slave State, Avith not even an attempt it 
 resistance. Without the Emigrant Aid Society these towns would 
 not have been; and without Eli Thayer, Amos A. Lawrence, Edward 
 Everett Hale, William M. Evarts, and their co-laborers, that society 
 would have had no existence. And these men would have been power- 
 less with all their machinery, had not the Liberty party and Free- 
 Soil campaigns, under the lead of the Burneys, Hales, Julians, and 
 others been fought; and these campaigns would have been stillborn 
 had there been no Garrisons, Parker Pillsburys, Theodore Parkers 
 and Wendell Phillipses to cry in the wilderness and prepare the 
 way for the agencies that followed. 
 
 Another class of actors rendered invaluable service near the 
 close of the struggle, and must not be forgotten on this gala-day. 
 The Walkers, Stantons, Denvers, Fornej's and other conservative 
 Democrats, by their impartial and honorable course prevented much 
 bloodshed and cut short the struggle, perhaps years, by crushing 
 out fraud and giving the government to the legal majority as de- 
 manded by the Organic Act. 
 
 Also, to our former proslavery antagonists who have so honorably 
 acquiesced in the result, we most cordially extend the right hand 
 of fellowship. We have reason to believe that many are well 
 pleased with the institutions of the State, and all are forever to 
 close the " bloody chasm " that once divided us. 
 
 In conclusion, let me congratulate Kansas and our guests and all 
 friends of Kansas, that the close of the first quarter of a century 
 from its settlement finds peace and good-will among all its inhab- 
 itants, and unprecedented prosperity throughout its borders.
 
 APPENDIX 427 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM AN ADDRESS WRITTEN FOR THE RE- 
 UNION AT LEAVENWORTH, OCTOBER, 1883. 
 
 . . . Every question is said to have at least two sides, and in 
 every war each side is supposed to have reasons for justification satis- 
 factory to itself. In our late Avar one side claimed to be defending 
 the life of the Government, while the other side professed to contend 
 for the constitutional rights of the States. These were the ostensible 
 questions involved, but the real casus belli, or bone of contention, 
 was the freedom or slavery of a race of laborers. One side was 
 fighting that all men, of whatever occupation or race, should belong 
 to themselves, while the other would have the laborer the chattel of 
 the employer. 
 
 An " irrepressible conflict "' between free and slave labor had 
 been inherited from the mother country from the foundation of the 
 Government. Slavery had remained in control of the Government for 
 half a century, when the right of property in human beings was 
 questioned as never before. Notwithstanding this questioning, slav- 
 ery maintained its ascendency, removing all barriers to its progress, 
 till a handful of men and women planted themselves on the soil of 
 Kansas, directly in the path of the defiant monster which had started 
 on a tour of the Territories and States, with Bunker Hill monument 
 as its destination, where the roll of slaves was to be called beneath 
 its shadow. This apparently insignificant obstacle in Kansas so 
 irritated and enraged the slave-power that it became an easy prey 
 to the Goddess of Liberty. Discomfitted and thwarted for the first 
 time in its history, in obedience to the gods it became mad, and 
 violently assailed the government it could no longer control; It was 
 this assault that stirred the blood of every free man in Kansas and 
 the nation, and filled our fair country with the graves of departed 
 heroes and annual reunions of veteran soldiers. 
 
 Our heroes, both living and dead, waged no war for national 
 aggrandizement; to add new laurels to a kingly crown; to give 
 additional power to privileged classes, or for personal benefits; — 
 but they offered up all that men hold dear, that a poor, crushed and 
 despised ra*e of servile laborers might be raised to a higher plane, — 
 migbt be changed from chattels to freemen; from abject slaves to
 
 4:28 LIFE OF CHARLES KOBINSON 
 
 American citizens. History furnishes no parallel to this war, where 
 a million men offered up their lives and. fortunes, not for themselves 
 or their kindred, but for an oppressed class of people, a class so 
 degraded by long years of slavery as not to be able to appreciate the 
 value of the sacrifice made in their belialf. 
 
 Such were the men whose reunion we witness to-day; and let 
 their names and deeds be cherished to the latest generations as 
 benefactors of their race. 
 
 One word in conclusion, to the Union veterans who annually 
 gather at these reunions. The institution which caused the terrible 
 conflict of arms has perished in the Eed Sea of fraternal strife; 
 the flowers of twenty summers have shed their perfume over the 
 graves of your dead comrades ; the smoke of battle has A^anished from 
 sight; the passions of the hour are cool and spent, while all men. 
 North, South, East and West, are ready to accept the situation as 
 most conducive to the highest good of the nation. 
 
 Since, then, the combatants in that deadly conflict are citizens of 
 one government, with a common interest and a common destiny, let 
 us kindly cherish that consideration and respect for the defeated 
 combatants that one brave man always entertains for another, and 
 show that consideration, respect and reconciliation by some appro- 
 priate word or action on the annual recurrence of these gatherings. 
 
 To love a friend and comrade is praiseworthy and human, but to 
 forgive a defeated foe is noble and divine. 
 
 " Sow love, and taste Its fruitage pure ; 
 Sow peace, and reap itsi harvest bright ; 
 Sow sunbeams on the rock and moor. 
 And find a harvest home of light."
 
 APPENDIX 429 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM "THE KANSAS CONFLICT." 
 
 Several lessons may be learned from tlie conllict in Kansas, and 
 the conduct of the War of the Rebellion in the West, that may be of 
 service to the oppressed, to philanthropists and statesmen. 
 
 It will be seen that the remedy for oppression in a republican 
 government is not the overthrow of that government, but resistance 
 of oppression within it. If a people with votes in their hands, with 
 power to replace every official, from President to constable; cannot 
 exercise that power for their relief from oppression, a forcible over- 
 throw of the Government would leave them at the mercy of designing 
 men, who would as readily control the new government as the one 
 destroyed. A republican government is what the people make it, 
 and if not what it should be, they only are to blame. The safety of 
 such a government depends upon the education of the voters; and 
 the remedy for injustice in any direction is exposure of the wrong 
 and agitation for the right. Defensive opposition to wrong and 
 oppression with prudence will succeed, while offensive oppression 
 to the Government itself will fail. Amos A. Lawrence once said: 
 " The Government may have many faults, but let it be assailed from 
 any quarter and the whole people will rally for its defense." In 
 resisting oppression no wrong or outrage must be committed by the 
 oppressed. They depend for relief upon the sympathy or sense of 
 justice of the people not directly interested ; and so long as oppression 
 only is resisted, this sympathy will be with the oppressed, but so 
 long as the oppressed or wronged turn oppressors and wrong innocent 
 parties, all sympathy ceases. 
 
 The Free-State party of Kansas retained the sympathy of the North 
 because it did nothing that could be called wrong in itself to any 
 man, but acted strictly on the defensive. [Chapter XVIII, pp. 461, 
 462, " The Kansas Conflict."] 
 
 It is not easy to conjecture what greater victory the Free-State 
 men could gain, or what greater defeat the Proslavery men could 
 suffer, than to have 1,900 men march from forty to one hundred 
 and fifty miles to serve a warrant issued by a justice of the peace, 
 and then return, after cursing, swearing, shivering and freezing for
 
 430 LIFE OF CHARLEd KOBINSON 
 
 two weeks, as they came, minus the whisky, without serving any 
 process whatever, legal or otherwise. If a more brilliant victory 
 has ever been gained it has not been recorded. How many such de- 
 feats could the Administration afford in enforcing " popular sov- 
 ereignty " where the people were to be left perfectly free to settle 
 their institutions in their own way, subject only to the Consti- 
 tution of the United States? 
 
 And what of the Free-State men called " dastards," who obeyed 
 orders and suffered wrong without doing wrong? It is safe to say an 
 equal number of men, with a more unflinching courage, both moral 
 and physical, has not been seen since the days of the Revolution. 
 
 A coward can give blow for blow, eye for eye, and tooth for tooth, 
 but it requires true courage to suffer wrong without retaliation that 
 a great cause may be advanced. The Free-State men believed that 
 every outrage inflicted strengthened their cause and correspondingly 
 weakened that of their opponents; that in their sufferings lay their 
 strength. In this respect, the Wakarusa War, while causing great 
 annoyance and suffering, had enlisted the sympathies and support of 
 the civilized world. [Chapter VIII, p. 209, " The Kansas Conflict."] 
 
 Something of the nature of the conflict in Kansas may be learned 
 from the characteristics of the contestants. Settlers fi-om the North 
 and East came from communities wheie person and property were 
 protected by law, and the carrying of weapons for self-defense was 
 unknown. Many had come to look upon war among nations as a 
 relic of barbarism. Xot a few of the Kansas emigrants had imbibed 
 something of the views and spirit of the non-resistant agitators, and 
 were sup^josed to interpret the teachings of the Nazarene literally: 
 to return good for evil; when one cheek should be smitten, to turn 
 the other to the smiter; and if compelled to part with their coats, to 
 give their cloaks also. As a rule, the Free-State settlers were averse 
 to a resort to physical force in the settlement of any conflict, much 
 less a conflict purely moral and political. 
 
 These were some of the characteristics of the Northern settlers 
 while at home, but they were found unsuited to a Southern and 
 Western climate. It was found that the precepts of Christianity, 
 including non-resistance, might work admirably where all were 
 Christians and non-resistants, but it was also discovered that the 
 devil would flee only when resisted, and that pearls were not suitable 
 diet for all animals and on ail occasions.
 
 APPENDIX 431 
 
 The South and Southwest were in many respects most unlike the 
 East and North. Where a large class was to be kept in servitude, 
 nothing but physical force would avail. Hence deadly weapons and 
 personal prowess were indispensable, and the man who would pass 
 current as a gentleman must be prepared at all times to protect his 
 person and his honor by force. Also in the new West, in the absence 
 of the civil code, every man was a law unto himself and constituted 
 in his own person judge, jury, and executioner. In such a com- 
 munity human life, instead of being sacred as in the North and East, 
 was cheap, and could be sacrificed at any time to respnt personal 
 insult and to protect peculiar institutions, if not for sordid gain. 
 At the same time the better class of the citizens of the South had 
 a high sense of honor, and could not be excelled in any part of the 
 country for civility, courtesy, hospitality, and business integrity." 
 [Chapter III, pp. 26, 27, " The Kansas Conflict."]
 
 432 
 
 LIFE OF CHAELES KOBINSON 
 
 IMPORTANT LETTERS. 
 
 [ The following is a draft of a letter sent by Amos A. Lawrence to be re-wrltten and 
 signed by Mrs. Robinson and addressed to Mrs. Lawrence, the mother of Amos A. Law- 
 rence. The letter was sent by Mrs. Lawrence to Mrs. Pierce, wife of the President, 
 who gave it to the President to read.] 
 
 FoBT Leavenworth, Kansas Tekeitoky. 
 
 My Deau Madam: I take the liberty of a wife brought into great 
 distress by the imprisomnent of him whom I most love, to ask for 
 your aid in obtaining for him that justice which will lead to his re- 
 lease. You will know something of me if you remember my father, 
 the late Myron Lawrence, of Belchertown, an acquaintance of your 
 lamented husband and his brothers, for all of whom he had a high 
 regard and with whom he often had intercourse during the many 
 winters that he remained in Boston serving his town in the Legisla- 
 ture, and afterward the county of Hampshire in the Senate, of which 
 he was the President. You will easily recall his personal appear- 
 ance, and in my partiality for him I believed that his heart was large 
 in proportion to his body. My husband is Dr. Charles Eobinson, 
 a friend of your son, to whom I was married three years since, and 
 to join whom I left my widowed mother last autumn and came to 
 this Territory. He is in every respect worthy of the confidence re- 
 posed in him; he has sacrificed ease and personal advantage to make 
 a home here for the thousands who emigrate from the old States, 
 and to secure this vast region from the evils of slavery. He is a 
 loyal citizen of the United States, whose laws he has always obeyed 
 and in whose defense he would at any time sacrifice his life. If he 
 has any fault, it is that he is bound less by his domestic ties than 
 by his love for liberty and his country. 
 
 You are aware that all this Territory was made forever sacred to 
 freedom by the law of the United States in 1820. Two years ago 
 this law was repealed at the instigation, in the first place, of in- 
 habitants of western Missouri, acting through David E. Atchison, 
 then Vice-President of the United States, and the question of its 
 being made a Free or a Slave State was to be left to the bona fide 
 settlers. It was believed that efforts had been making and would 
 be continued in Missouri to perpetuate in it the same institutions 
 as exist there; and to ascertain this, and to explore this country,
 
 APPENDIX 433 
 
 Dr. Robinson came out here at the request of your son and others. 
 He was well adapted for the enterprise, besides having previously 
 traveled through it, and his feelings revolted at the prospect of its 
 being given over to slavery. He executed the trust with alacrity, 
 and the information which he imparted induced settlers from all the 
 States to turn their eyes in this direction. At the same time he be- 
 came acquainted with the plans which had been made under the name 
 uf '• Self-Defensive " associations and "' Blue Lodges," to keep out 
 the citizens of the Free States, who were regarded as "Abolitionists," 
 and have been treated as such. After this he was employed to give 
 accurate information to the settlers who came out; to erect saw- 
 mills, school-houses, receiving and forwarding houses and one large 
 hotel. This is the only agency in which he has been employed, and 
 these afford the only advantages given to the settlers by those for 
 Avhom he as acted. He has never favored a resort to arms, except 
 for defense, and he has gone unarmed himself. In all his transac- 
 tions he retained the confidence of his friends in the other States, 
 and he won that of the real settlers, who looked to him as a safe ad- 
 viser and friend. After it was found by humiliating experience that 
 the real inhabitants were not allowed to elect their own represent- 
 atives nor to make their own laws, he was regarded as the most 
 t-uitable person to lead them in resisting their execution. This trust 
 he accepted with a deep feeling of his obligations to obey and uphold 
 the authority of the Federal Government. His resistance has been 
 to the Territorial Government, established by the inhabitants of 
 another State, and to the laws enacted by it, rei)ugnant as they are 
 to the sentiments of constitutional liberty and to the sentiments 
 of all honorable men. For this he and his associates are called 
 " rebels " and " traitors," and he is now in prison, and is to be tried 
 by those whose authority he has defied and who demand his sacri- 
 fice. All this is done with the sanction of the Executive of the 
 United States, and so deliberately that I tremble for the result. 
 Already the legally appointed representative of the United States 
 Government, Governor Shannon, has said and repeated that "He 
 is certain to be tried, and if tried he will be convicted, and if con- 
 victed he will be hung." God grant that this may not be so. Let them 
 take my poor life rather than his. They little know his worth, — or 
 rather, as I fear, they know it too well, and they know that by his 
 death they hope more readily to subjugate this Territory. 
 
 He endeavors to quiet my fears, and tells mc that such a result
 
 434 LIFE OF CHAKLES KOBINFON 
 
 is impossible. But ?o he said in regard to the election; he did not 
 believe that would be carried by an invading force which trampled 
 down the ballot-boxes and threatened the lives of the legall}' chosen 
 judges. So he said in regard to the first invasion, though it after- 
 ward required all his skill to avert a collision. So he told me in re- 
 gard to the last invasion — that our houses and property would not be 
 molested if there were no resistance; and yet they have burned the 
 most valuable buildings in the Territory and robbed and insulted 
 the inhabitants beyond forbearance; our own house rifled and 
 burned — a severe loss, and the more so because it contained the me- 
 mentoes of my father, who was very dear to me. My husband con- 
 fides too much in the generosity of his enemies, and it is this 
 which fills me with fear. I cannot but give weight to the assertions 
 of Gov. Shannon, publicly made, that he will he hung. 
 
 Pardon me, my dear Madam, for this long statement. 1 could say 
 a thousand things in addition, but forbear. The President of the 
 United States is your relative. lie will soon know, if he does not 
 already, that the real settlers have been allowed to take no part in 
 framing the Territorial lav/s, which he upholds with the authority 
 of the United States. I beg your good offices in behalf of my hus- 
 band. He has not resisted the authority of the United States Gov- 
 ernment, and he never will; he has not believed that it would be 
 exerted to support so odious an oppression. This Territory cannot 
 be made a slave State except with the assistance of the Executive. 
 Until recently the real settlers have been Free-State men, three to 
 one, and they are now driven away. 
 
 New York, June 26, '56. 
 
 My Deab Madam: I have had considerable conversation with 
 Messrs, Howard and Sherman, as well as Gov. Keeder, — with the 
 latter while in Boston, and now here; and as they are all lawyers 
 and good ones, as well as statesmen, the united opinion of all at this 
 time is better than that of any others. 
 
 The conclusion which I draw is, that Gov. Eobinson cannot be 
 harmed by any action of the law. Still, you had better send a letter 
 to my mother, unless you are averse to doing so, to be kept in re- 
 serve. I think her request in a certain quarter would not be refused 
 for anything, for reasons which need not be named here. 
 
 To-day I have testified before the Committee of Congress, who 
 summoned me here. Gov. Reedcr did the same.
 
 APPENDIX 435 
 
 The proof would condemn a legion of angels, and their united re- 
 port is excellent. It will put a different aspect on affairs; in fact, 
 the light has broke already in many dark places. 
 With kind regards to Gov. R., I remain, 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 [Amos A. Lawkekce.] 
 Having no seal, I will not sign. 
 
 Sex ATE Chamber, May 21st, 185G. 
 
 Mrs. Eobinsox: Your letter came duly to hand, and I have been 
 daily to the postofRee since I received it, but I find no letters for 
 your husband or yourself. If any come, I will forward them to you 
 as requested. It may be that letters sent to you have been plun- 
 dered from the mails. 
 
 I deeply regret the arrest of your husband; so do all our friends 
 here, especially those Avho have the honor to know him. God only 
 knows what will be the end of this conflict in Kansas, but whatever 
 may be the result, your husband has linked his name forever with 
 the cause of freedom in America. 
 
 If T can do anything for you or your friends, it will afl'oid me 
 the highest pleasure to do so at any time. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 Henry Wilson.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Abolitionist.", in early Kansas, 10 ; 
 
 oppose colonization 102 
 
 Adams, Sarah, wife of Robinson 40 
 
 Allen, "Old Man" 72 
 
 Amherst Academy 35 
 
 Barber , 153 
 
 Baldwin, John 117 
 
 Belchertown 385 
 
 B ig Springs Convention 174 
 
 Blanton Bridge Affair 140 
 
 Bogus Legislature 169 
 
 Border warfare 252 
 
 Boston Company 42, 43 
 
 Branson rescue 140 
 
 Branscomb, Charles H 110 
 
 Brown, John, 19 ; at Lawrence, 152, 
 205; Pottawatomie, 252; Contro- 
 versy 314 
 
 California 40, 43, 
 
 Carney, Governor 
 
 Chase, Salmon P 
 
 Chllds, Doctor 36, 
 
 Cholera 
 
 Clarke, Edward 
 
 Clay, Henry, Compromise of 1850 
 
 Congress 90, seq., 20, 234, 
 
 Connelley, W. E 
 
 Controversy, over fraudulent elec- 
 tion, 16; California lands, 52; 
 Brown-Lane-Robinson, 17, 20, 314 ; 
 
 temperance 308, 
 
 Cordley, Doctor 354, 
 
 Deltzler, George W 24, 
 
 Democrats f n early Kansas 
 
 Denver, Governor 238, 
 
 Douglas, Stephen A 
 
 Dow-Coleman Affair 
 
 Dwlght, ClarLssa 
 
 Election 
 
 Emigrant Aid Company 85, 100, 
 
 Excelsior 
 
 51 
 
 291 
 91 
 37 
 45 
 24 
 89 
 238 
 333 
 
 370 
 358 
 
 274 
 10 
 
 258 
 89 
 
 138 
 
 390 
 
 125 
 107 
 118 
 
 PAGR. 
 
 Farmers' Alliance 300 
 
 Fitchburg 83, 389, seq. 
 
 Free-State men, 10, 14, 15; Constitu- 
 tional struggle for liberty, 165 ; 
 convention, 16C, 191, 240, 245 ; win 
 election 232, 233 
 
 Fremont, John C, 80, 274 ; letter 161 
 
 Geary, Governor 207, 
 
 Glddlugs, Joshua R 
 
 Goldsbury, Mr 
 
 Goodin, J. K., 24 ; speaks of Robin- 
 son a58, 
 
 Grange 
 
 Grasshopper Falls Convention 
 
 Greeley, Horace, in New York Trib- 
 une 
 
 Gridley, Doctor 30, 
 
 Guadalupe Hidalgo treaty 
 
 360 
 299 
 231 
 
 93 
 39 
 
 Hadley Academy 34 
 
 Haskell Institute 351 
 
 " Higher Law," appealed to 61, 75, 76 
 
 HoUiday, Cyrus K 24 
 
 Holland, Doctor 40 
 
 Howland, Doctor 379 
 
 Independent, In early Kansas lo 
 
 Jones, Sheriff 141 
 
 Kansas, history, 9, 10, 11; early set- 
 tlers, 16; "Conflict," 87, se^.; bo- 
 gus legislature, 130, neq.; becomes 
 a State, 245, 268; railroad, 259; 
 
 " hard times," 296 
 
 Kansas University 342, 343 
 
 Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 14, 85,89, xeq.; 
 debate over, 91 ; passage 97 
 
 Lane, James H., politician, 18; sol- 
 dier, 147, 255 ; president of Topeka 
 
 Convention, 183; Senator 270, 272 
 
 Laughlln-CoIUns Affair 127 
 
 Lawrence, Amos A 104, 302, 336, 432 
 
 Lawrence, Myron 337 
 
 (437)
 
 438 
 
 INDEX 
 
 PAGK. 
 
 Lawrence, Sara T. D., meets Robin- 
 son, 39; letter, 64; marriage, 81. 
 (See Robinson, Mrs. T. D.) 
 
 Lawrence, Kansas, first settlement, 
 111 ; first newspaper, 124 ; threat- 
 ened, 146 ; destruction of, 197, 205 ; 
 invasion of by the 2700, 209; char- 
 ter, 22G ; Free-State Convention 233 
 
 Learnard, organization of Republican 
 Party •^'t 
 
 Leavenworth Convention 239, 241 
 
 Lecompton Constitution 16, 216, 217 
 
 233, 234 
 
 Legate, James F 24, 201 
 
 Maloney, CC ; death of 71 
 
 Manifesto 52 
 
 Martin, George W 320 
 
 McDougal, Lieutenant-Governor 71 
 
 Militia, in squatter riot.? 73 
 
 Mlnneola 239 
 
 Missouri, citizens of, in Kansas, 116, 
 
 320 ; rival claims 117, 125 
 
 Missouri Compromise 89 
 
 Noyes, John W., preacher 37 
 
 Osawatomie Convention 246 
 
 Parker, Theodore, speech 94 
 
 Pierce, President, message 195 
 
 Platte river adventure 50 
 
 Press influence 96 
 
 Quantrell Raid 84, 302 
 
 Quindaro 214, 2G3 
 
 Reeder, first Territorial Governor of 
 Kansas, 24, 123, 168, 181 ; contests 
 
 election of Whitfield 198 
 
 Republican Party 24, 246, 249, 284 
 
 Robinson, Charles, agent of Emigrant 
 Aid Company, 17 ; birth and ances- 
 cestry, 27, 29; religion, 30, 31, 367 ; 
 education, 3.3-35 ; medical studies 
 and practice, 36, seq. ; meets future 
 wife, 38 ; marriage, 40 ; en route 
 for California, 42, seq.; Sacramento 
 affairs, 51, seq.; quits California, 
 81 ; home again, 83 ; starts for Kan- 
 sas, 83 ; second marriage, 84 ; ar- 
 rives In Kansas, 110, seq.; letter 
 to Thayer, 130; Convention of 
 
 PAQE. 
 
 Free-State men, 166; arrest, 201; 
 in New York, 213 ; resignation, 214- 
 219 ; elected Governor, 260, 255, 268 ; 
 war, 272; impeachment, 285; "Oak- 
 ridge," 293 ; Senate, 301 ; quits Re- 
 publican party, 301, 375; author, 
 305 ; character of, 310, 356 ; educa- 
 tional worker, 22, 334, 349, 351; 
 death, 378 ; speeches and messages 
 of, 133, 397, seq.; 399, 402, 408, 412, 
 
 421, 424, 425, 426, 427, 429 
 Robinson, Mrs. Sara T. D . . . . 105, 158, 206 
 Royce, view of Robinson 74 
 
 Sacramento, 51 ; squatter riot 57 
 
 Scott, Charles F 347 
 
 Settlers' and Miners' Tribune 79 
 
 Seward 91 
 
 Shannon, Governor 137 
 
 Slavery, question In Kansas, 14, 87, 
 seg.; 128, seq.; Robinson's opin- 
 ion of 8" 
 
 Smith, S. C 24 
 
 Snow, Chancellor 346, 355, 376 
 
 Snow, Ben.iamin 83 
 
 Speer, John 24 
 
 Stanton, Fred P 219, seq. 
 
 Stone, William B 29, 33, 383 
 
 Sumner, Charles 91 
 
 Sunday traveling 48 
 
 Sutter, land troubles 54, seq., 76 
 
 Tappan, opinion of Robinson 361 
 
 Territorial Convention 165 
 
 Territorial Legislature, 169, 216, 234, 242 
 
 Thayer, Eli 100, 115 
 
 Topeka Constitution, 161, 183, 220, 229, 230 
 Trask, Josiah 84, 394 
 
 Voting, illegal voters 151, 125 
 
 Wade, Senator B.F 7, 91 
 
 Walker, Governor 219, 227, 282 
 
 Walker, Sam 24 
 
 Wakarusa War 138, 264 
 
 Whigs, In early Kansas 10 
 
 Whittier, poems 114, 154 
 
 Winn, A. W 67 
 
 Wood, S.N 24, 143 
 
 Woodward, B. W 24, 347 
 
 Wyandotte Constitutional Conven- 
 tion 16, 243
 
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