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A FRENCH AMBASSADOR AT THE COURT
OF CHARLES THE SECOND.
BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
ENGLISH WAYFARING LIFE IN THE
MIDDLE AGES (XlVth CENTURY).
Translated from the French by I. rev Toui.min
Smith. Revised and enlarged by the Author.
Fourth Edition. With one Heliogravure, and sixty
other Illustrations. Large Crown Svo. Cloth,
7s. 6d.
THE ENGLISH NOVEL IN THE TIME OF
SHAKESPEARE. Translated by Ei.i/.akktii
Li.K. Revised and Enlarged by the Author. With
six Heliogravures, and twenty-one full-page illus-
trations ; also main- smaller Illustrations in the text.
Second Edition. Demy Svo. Cloth gilt, and gilt
tops. 2IS.
omiox : T. FISHER UXWIX.
., <■„/,, .),;t;/,i,;i/ /,> ////'/_ 'Aftt.) A/I '
A
French Ambassador
AT THE
COURT OF CHARLES THE SECOND
Le Comte de Cominges
From his unpublished Correspondence
J. J. JUSSERAND
Conseiller d'Ambassade
WITH PORTRAITS
Ccmbcm
T. FISHER UN WIN
PATERNOSTER SQUARE
mdcccxcii
.b ol \J
CONTENTS.
l'AGE
INTRODUCTION n
CHAPTER 1.
HOW COMING ES'S PREDECESSOR HAD TO LEAVE
ENGLAND 17
Charles and Louis — Their character — Lionne — D'Es-
trades — Rivalry between the French and Spanish crowns
— The question of precedence — The entrees and their
importance — Coming to London of Venetian ambassadors
—Of a Swedish ambassador — The Wattevillc affair —
D'Estradcs leaves England — Sale of Dunkirk — D'Estrades
sent to the Hague... ... ... ... ... ... 17
CHAPTER II.
COMINGES 33
His ancestors and his family— -Epoisses— His youth-
War — Concerts — Marriage — La Belle Cominges— " Ce-
sonie " in the prccieuses group- Children ... ... 33
6 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER HI.
PAGE
TONE AND MANNER OF THE CORRESPOND-
ENCE 42
Cominges's public and private correspondence — Court
news — Louis's early attention to business — His working
hours — His dictation and correction of despatches — His
illness — His playful letters.
Cominges's style — His classical tastes.
Postal difficulties — Packets open — Secret correspon-
dence ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 42
CHAPTER IV.
ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE ... 52
Cominges's ignorance of English — French spelling of
English names — Interpreters — The "Journal des Sea-
vans" — Clarendon's bad French.
Louis asks for a report on litcrarv and scientific men
in England — Cominges's answer.
Cominges's literary dinners — Hobbes, Sorbieres, Huy-
gens- Gramont, St. Evremont, Buckingham, Temple, &c. 52
CHAPTER V.
ETIQUETTE AND COURT NEWS 66
I. Cominges's entree — The Muscovite precedent — The
event ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 66
II. At my Lord Mayor's — A grave breach of etiquette
— The matter composed.
The temper of Lord Holies, English envoy to
France ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 76
III. Cominges at home - Targe dinners— Small dinners
— Madame de Cominges ... ... ... ... ... 82
I\. Court news — Charles and Catherine — Lady
Castlemainc Miss Stuart — Monmouth- -Gramont--
Tunbridge, Whitehall, and University festivities and dis-
sipations ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 86
CONTENTS. 7
CHAPTER VI.
PAGE
THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND 98
Parliament- — Importance of the institution in the eyes
of Louis XIV. — Opening ceremony — Cominges's memoir
on Parliamentary institutions — Louis's approval of the
memoir.
Personal freedom — Bristol — A new commonwealth
still possible — Louis's opinion on Parliaments ... ... 98
CHAPTER VII.
RELIGIOUS MATTERS no
The English and the French point of view — French
quarrels with the Papal Court — The Crequi affair — Im-
pending war — The coming of the Legate — Comingcs'
sneers — Comingcs' seriousness.
Variety of beliefs in England — Quakers, Millenarists,
&c. — State of Ireland.
Prophets and soothsayers- -The Earl of Pembroke —
Cominges's chapel — The bishops of the Established
Church ... ... ... ... ... ... ... no
CHAPTER VIII.
LA GUERRE ET LA PAIX 121
The main object of Louis's policy, Spain — His attitude
towards the two naval powers, Holland and England — A
closer union with England recommended by Mazarin—
Poland.
Hostile attitude of the English nation — Protracted
negotiation -The London mob.
Cominges's health a difficulty— His temper -Scurvy,
fluxions, colds, fevers—- His impending death ■— Holles's
temper on a par with Cominges's- — Madame's influence
on the rise.
CONTENTS.
I'AGE
Minor questions — The far East — The Mediterranean
Corsairs — Purchase of slaves.
Impending war between England and Holland — Fleet-
building — Launching of vessels — Reprisals begin — Louis's
last effort to preserve peace ... ... ... ... 121
CHAPTER IX.
LA CELEBRE AMBJSSJDE 138
I. Business — Verneuil, Courtin, and Cominges —
Their instructions — Evil omens.
Courtin's conversations with Charles — His impressions
of the English nation and its sovereign.
Van Gogh and his sword — Dutch temper — The Duke
01 York's naval victory.
Bonfires and riots — Courtin and Cominges besieged —
Louis's discrimination in the matter of riots ... ... 138
II. Amusements — The Castlemainc again — Drinking
— Liquid blanc mange — Lionne's son- Love removes his
gauckerie — Miss Jennings — Chocolate ... ... ... 150
III. Fogs and the plague — Evelyn's " Fumifugium "
— Sufferings of the ambassadors — Verneuil's spleen — His
dogs.
The plague — Aspect of London — Removal to Kings-
ton — to Salisbury — to Oxford ... ... ... ... 158
IV. End of the negotiation — War inevitable ... 171
CHAPTER X.
HOME JGJIN 177
Leave-taking — Parting gifts- -Difficulties of the jour-
nev — Verneuil's dogs lost — The quarantine at Pande —
Paris again.
The end of Courtin, Verneuil, Cominges, and Ce-
sonie ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 177
APPENDIX 185
INDEX 253
LIST OF PORTRAITS.
Hugues de Lionne, Foreign Secretary to
King Louis XIV., engraved by De Larmessin in
1664 ... ... ... ... ... Frontispiece
Le Comte d'Estrades, Ambassador to Eng-
land, 1661, engraved by Etienne Picart To face p. 21
King Louis XIV., engraved by Nanteuil, from
life, 1664 ... ... ... ... To face p. 29
Le Comte de Cominges, Ambassador to
England, 1 662-1 665, from a drawing in the MS.
Clairambault, 1153, fol. 110, in the National
Library, Paris ... ... ... To face p. 42
Huygex.s, engraved by Edelink To face p. 61
The Lady Castlemaine, engraved by W.
Sherwin in 1670 ... ... ... To face p. 91
Elizabeth Hamilton, Countess of Gra-
mont, from the picture by Lely, preserved at
Hampton Court ... ... ... To face p. 95
io LIST OF PORTRAITS.
Honore Courtin, Ambassador to England,
1665, engraved by Nanteuil, from life, 1668
To face p. 138
Miss Jennings, from the picture by Verelst,
engraved by P. W. Tomkins ... To face p. 153
Le Due de Verneuil, Ambassador to England,
1665, engraved by Michel Lasne, from life, 1661
To face p. 161
A part of this work was published in the " Nineteenth
Century f and is here reprinted, by the kind permission
of Mr. James Knowles.
E ffrencb Embassador at tbc
Court of Gbavles tbe Second
INTRODUCTION.
WHEN Mr. Pepys went home, he secretly con-
fided to his note-book his impressions of what
he had seen in the day. Not less secretlv did
foreign Ambassadors in England write to their kings
from day to day of English manners, court festivities,
the British Parliament and navy, city banquets, matters
of etiquette, and also, at great length, of treaty negotia-
tions.
Both secrets now lie open : Mr. Pepys's manuscripts
have Jong been deciphered, and the dragons who kept
the gates of the silent temples of diplomacy have been
motioned away. Great use has been made by historians
of the stores of information thus thrown open ; the
venerable volumes, bound in red morocco, of the
" Correspondance d'Angleterre," at the French Foreign
Office, with the royal cypher and crown, and the adder
of the Colbert family on the back and sides, have been
handled by Mignet, by Macaulav, and several others.
Writers have taken from the wealthy depository the
scraps and quotations they wanted to further their
i2 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
particular object, were it the succession of Spain or the
English Revolution.
Another experiment is still to be tried, and the mass
of this correspondence may be put to a different use.
It remains to take it, so to say, as it is ; not to take one
side only, not to single out what refers to Spain, to
England, or to one or another question ; but to accept
it altogether as it stands, and see what ambassadors at
the time of Mr. Pepys and the Sun-king wrote about.
What did they consider worth mentioning? In what
way were they struck by the manners and the genius
of the country ? What did they consider specially
noticeable ? Matters which are no longer alluded to in
diplomatic correspondence filled then sheet after sheet
of official paper. What were these matters, and why
did they fill so much space ?
Most of the Ambassadors sent then to London had
travelled and made war in Europe, but mostly in the
South ; when they came as Ambassadors to England,
England was for them a terra incognita. They came
and made discoveries. Looking at a town from a
distance the houses appear a confused mass, above
which, much more clearly than on a nearer inspection,
emerge towers, steeples, and spires. The foreignness of
Ambassadors to their new surroundings acted as distance
does ; they did not plunge into ordinary life, they had
only general, and sometimes confused notions about it ;
but they observed a good many things that rose above
it, sign-posts which they tried to read and understand.
It is interesting to know whether, among the variety
of such signs rising above the common level, they were
more struck by the Tower of London or the old houses
INTRO D UCTIOX. 1 3
where Parliament sat, by Whitehall or by St. Paul's, by
the masts innumerable in the Chatham dockyards or by
the chapels innumerable, where a variety of creeds were
more or less openly taught. While considering from
this standpoint the ambassadorial correspondence of
those times, we may form an estimate of what foreigners
of education and with the best means for information,
wondered at when coming to London ; and at che same
time we get an insight into the tastes, the wants and the
curiosities of his Sun-like Majesty King Louis Quatorze.
With this object in view I chose the correspondence
concerning the years 1661 to 1666, mainly filled by the
Embassy to England of the Comte de Cominges. 1 His
correspondence may be taken as a good average sample
of the documents preserved at the French Foreign Office,
and though the value of the dispatches of Cominges was
well known, only a ftw extracts have been published. 2
Macaulay made scarcely any use of it ; and as for
Cominges himself, though he was a man "important
toute sa vie," according to St. Simon, it cannot be said
that he is too well known : the forty-five volumes of
Michaut, the forty-six of the " Nouvelle Biographie
Generale," have not a line, not a word about him.
What he wrote concerning England, what his master
Louis XIV. wanted him to write, is hereafter explained.
1 I used especially vols. lxxv. to lxxx\ iii. of the " Correspondance
d'Angleterre," preserved at the Ministere des Affaires Etrangcres,
Paris.
2 Especially by Lord Bravbrookc, at the end ot his edition of
Pepys (twenty-eight extracts, not from the originals, but from copies
preserved at the National Library) ; by the Comte de Baillon, in
his "Henriettc d'Angleterre,'' Paris, 1886; by Ravaisson, in his
"Archives de la Bastille," &c.
14 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
But first some few apologies for the hero of this work
will, perhaps, not be amiss. Bereft as he is now of his
diplomatic privilege, and exposed to censure, it is only
fair that his judges be reminded that the benefit of
extenuating circumstances may be equitably extended
to some of his worse faults.
First it must be confessed that he did not know
a word of English ; but scarcely anybody did in
his time; the savants of the "Journal des Scavans "
were not more learned in this respect, as we shall see,
than the very Ambassadors.
He had never heard of Shakespeare, and only knew
" Miltonius," which may come from the same cause ;
he did not know English- writing Shakespeare, but he
knew " Miltonius," because this was a Latin author.
For he knew Latin very well, as most educated people
did in his time, so much so that he and his colleagues
of 1665 offered, as will appear further, to conduct in
Latin the conferences for the treaty with England.
Beyond the classics, it must be admitted, he knew
nothing ; and to many, therefore, he may have appeared
ignorant and proud. " Rough and proud," he is called
in the " Memoires de Guiche." ' But it must be re-
membered that he was a soldier by profession, and a
good one too : this may account for some of his rough-
ness and pride. For the same reason, as will be seen,
when he bowed, he bowed very low, and according to
rule ; when he stood, he stood very stiff": men of tins
! Comingcs had "des manieres qui lui sont proprcs ct qu'on
pent dire etrc assez rudes et assez fiercs '' ("Memoires du Comte
de Guiche,'' London, 1743, 12", year 166;, p. 63).
INTR OD UCTION. 1 5
sort — a somewhat rare sort now — were then numerous ;
they wore ribbons on their cuirasses.
It will be found, lastly, that several of his judgments
are rather bitter. On this important point some excuse
is to be found in the fact that the country was at that
time unsettled ; that maladministration was breeding
discontent, and that, if the English people themselves
chose means different from those Cominges would have
recommended, they, at least, agreed with him on the
inconveniencies of the Stuart regime, and they put an
end to it.
If, lastly, any touch of ill-humour appears here and
there, let it be remembered that Ambassadors had good
reason now and again to be ill-humoured. Not to
speak of the fogs, which seem to have greatly irritated
Cominges, he could not ignore that he was very un-
popular ; contrary to custom, he was not bowed to in
the streets, and he keenly felt the want of bows ; he
was twice besieged in his house by the mob, and had
his windows broken; his predecessor, d'Estrades, had
been shot at, and had received a bullet in his hat.
Such were some of the unpleasant items ot ambassa-
dorial lite in those days.
But this one redeeming point he had : though usually
speaking first and foremost of King Charles to King
Eouis, and ot courtly affairs and intrigues, Cominges
felt that besides the king there was a nation, with
qualities ot its own, fickle (he thought) in religious
matters, stubborn in matters of foreign policv, endowed
with an indomitable courage, and with an irrepressible
fondness for liberty : at which last thought, it is true,
he crossed himself. It he sometimes misinterpreted
1 6 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
their meaning and misunderstood their manners, he
never misjudged their strength, he admired their navy,
nay, and even their Parliament, which he does not
hesitate to call " auguste." Out of temper as he
was with the fogs, and unpopular for being a subject
of the Sun-king, he was wise enough to disprove
the insulting rumours current in both countries on the
character of the other.
But it is time to let him speak for himself, and be
judged, as the French law permits, on his own testi-
mony.
CHAPTER I.
HOW COMINGEs's PREDECESSOR HAD TO LEAVE
ENGLAND.
AT the time when our story begins, if story it may
be called, Cardinal Mazarin had just died (March
9, 1 66 1 ) ; Louis XIV., aged twenty-two, had
assumed the reins of government ; Hugues de Lionne
was, not yet officially, but in practice, Foreign Secretary
to the King ; the Stuart dynasty had recently been
re-established in England. The French and English
kings were beginning their reigns at about the same
time ; both were young and intelligent, and enjoyed a
wide popularity among their subjects ; both had a
brilliant court of able men, fine courtiers and beautiful
ladies, and both delighted in worldly pleasures. But
while the one, from his very youth meant to be a king,
the other ncyer cared to be one. Louis was, eyen at this
time, writing of his privileges and his flag in the very
tone of deep-set resolution which Charles used when the
question was of the rank and privileges of the Lady
Castlemaine. "Whosoever I find endeavouring," wrote
Charles to Clarendon, " to hinder this resolution of
mine [to appoint the Castlemaine a lady of the Queen's
bedchamber] ... I will be his enemy to the last
1 8 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
moment of my life. You know how much a friend I
have been to you. If you will oblige me eternally,
make this business as easy to me as you can, of what
opinion you are of, for I am resolved to go through
with this matter let what will come on it, and whom-
soever I find to be my Lady Castlemaine's enemy in
this matter, I do promise upon my word to be his
enemy as long as I live." 1
In the same strain, but with a different object, Louis
was writing to his ambassador in England : " The
point I most especially noticed in vour dispatch is how
neither the King my brother, nor his advisers, do know
me well as yet ; else they would not assume a firmness
and hauteur in their attitude bordering upon threats.
There is no power under heaven that can make me
move one step on such a path. Evil may come to me,
but no feeling of fear ever will ; . . . the Kino; of
England and his Chancellor can of course make an
estimate of what my forces are ; but they do not see
my heart. And I, who feel and know both, wish that
you let them hear, for my only answer, as soon as this
courier reaches you, that I do not crave, nor look for,
any accommodation in the affair of the salute at sea,
because I will well find means to maintain my right,
whatever be the consequence. . . . All the Chancellor
has put forward is nothing for me as compared to a
1 T. H. Lister, "Life and Administration of Edward, Earl of
Clarendon." London, 1 838, 3 vols. 8vo., vol. iii. p. 202. Claren-
don writes to the Duke of Ormond : " The worst is the King
is as discomposed as ever, and looks as little after his business ;
•which breaks my heart, and makes me and other of vour friends
weary of our lives" (Sept. 9, 1662. Ibid. v. 222).
COMINGES 'S PREDE CESSOR. 1 9
point dhonneur, connected, were it ever so slightly, with
the fame of my crown. Far from taking into account,
in such a case as this, what may become of the States
of others, such as Portugal, I will be found ready to
put mine own in jeopardy, rather than tarnish by any
faint-heartedness the glory which I am seeking in all
things as the principal aim of all my actions." 1
All their life long, and though Louis was not without
his La Valliere and his Montespan, and though Charles
was not without his William Temple and his Triple
Alliance, they remained to the end such as they appear
at their dSut, in these two letters, both ready to put
their crowns in jeopardy, the one for a point d'honneur,
the other for a Castlemaine.
Louis's Foreign Secretary, Hugues de Lionne, was
not unworthy ot his master, as may be gathered from
the excellent sketch from life left to us bv the Abbe de
Choisy. " He had a genius of a superior order. His
mind, quick and keen from his birth, had been yet
sharpened in the affairs which Mazarin had early
entrusted to him. ... A wit and a scholar, he did not
write very well, but with great ease, and would never
take the trouble to do better. The very reverse of
avaricious, and considering riches onlv as a means for
satisfying his taste for pleasure, he was a gamester and
spendthrift, and never stopped even when his health
was at stake. In ordinary circumstances he would
remain idle, except when he had pleasure for his object.
1 To d'Estradcs, Jam 25, 1662. "CEuv. de Louis XIV.,'' 1S06,
v. 68. The original draft in the handwriting ot Lionne is preserved
in vol. lxxxi. of the " Correspondancc d'Angieterre," French
Foreign Office.
20 A FREiYCH AMBASSADOR.
When pressed by necessity he was found indefatigable,
and spent his days and nights at work ; this, however,
happened rarely. He expected no help from his clerks,
but drew all from himself, wrote with his own hand or
dictated all the dispatches ; giving, however, each day
only a few hours to the affairs of State, with the thought
that, thanks to his quickness, he could regain the time
his passions made him squander." l The numerous
volumes in the French archives filled with drafts of
dispatches and minutes of conversations, written in his
own excessively rapid and not very legible hand, testify
to the present day to the truth of Choisy's portrait.
Such was the King and such his minister. The first
ambassador they sent to England after the Restoration,
Godefroy Comte d'Estrades had his stay there curtailed
by an unexpected event. He was " a tall, cold person,
with a fine figure. Few men," wrote Tallemant des
Reaux in his " Historiettes," " are better endowed with
cold-blooded valour ; he has fought several fine duels.
One day, it is reported, he fought against a certain
bravado who placed himself on the brink of a little
ditch saying to d'Estrades, ' I won't pass the ditch.'
' And I,' answered d'Estrades, marking a line behind him
with his sword, ' I will not pass this line.' They fight ;
d'Estrades kills the other." He had been a page to
King Eouis XIII., and made war in Holland and Italy.
His taste for fighting, worthy of Merimce's " Chronique
de Charles IX.," had not prevented him from entering
the diplomatic service. He was entrusted with mis-
sions to England, to Piedmont, to the Dutch States,
1 " Mcmoircs " edited by dc Lescure. Paris, iSSS, 2 vols., vol. i.
P . 89.
LE COMTE D'ESTRADES
Ambassador to England 1661
From the engraving by Etienne Picart
COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 21
and he took part in the conferences at Minister,
1646. His mother was a Secondat of the family which
was to boast in after-times of the famous Montesquieu.
D'Estrades had reached England in July, 1661, and
had established himself at Chelsea. The instructions
with which he had been supplied prescribed to him to
prepare a treaty with England, and contained strict
intimations as to the care he ought to bestow on all
questions of etiquette and precedence. His Majesty
recommends his representative "jealously to preserve
the dignity of his Crown in the Court whither he
is going ; because any insult he may receive would in
reality fall on his master, who is bound to resent it
to the utmost. . . . The Sieur d'Estrades will in all
occasions preserve the pre-eminence to which the King
is entitled, allowing no ambassador to go before him,
except the Emperor's in case he were to send one to
England. He will allow to his left the Spanish ambas-
sador as well as the representatives of the other kings
who hold their crown direct from God alone. As for
those of Venice ... he will allow them only to go
behind. "' ]
No treaty at all was to be signed during d'Estrades'
stay, and all his ingenuity, valour, knowledge of the
world, of military tactics and diplomacy, were meant to
be used only, and not without some deep and lasting
consequence, in those same questions of precedence and
etiquette.
The main preoccupation of the FYench sovereign
then was Spain, a dreaded rival in the past, a possible
prey in the future. The Most Christian King was bent
1 Mar n, 1 66 1 .
22 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
upon asserting publicly, as he did privately in his
instructions, his right of precedence over his Catholic
brother. The fiction according to which an ambassa-
dor's person is, so to say, a duplicate of the king's person
was better attended to and believed in than it is now-
a-days, and it was of great importance to Louis that
Baron de Watteville, 1 the London duplicate of the King
of Spain, should not be allowed to go before his own
representative. Watteville lived brilliantly in York
House, not far from Whitehall, spent much money, and
was very popular in London. It was obvious from the
first that, both being resolved, and supplied with means
to maintain their pretensions, a light would ensue. As
in d'Estrades's duel, each had drawn an impassable line
behind his own heel.
In the month following the arrival of the French
Envoy, the fray was on the point of taking place,
but Charles intervened. It was then the custom
for ambassadors when they came to England, first to
establish themselves privately in their lodgings, and,
after they had spent some time and much money in
gilding their carriages and embroidering their servants,
to go back to Greenwich, to row up the Thames
opposite the Tower, and there to perform the ceremony
of a landing in state and an entrde into the town.
Venetian Ambassadors had just reached London, and
were to make their entree. But as large preparations
had been made by d'Estrades and Watteville to main-
tain their point to the bitter end, Charles had interposed
and persuaded the two not to send their carnages at all
1 From Wattcnvcil in Thurgovia ; his name is often spelt
Batevillc : he died in 1670.
COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 23
to the entree, and remain quietly at home. Hearing of
this pacific arrangement, young Louis angrily reminded
his Ambassador that such matters were no joke, and
that he was in earnest indeed :
" I confess that after what you had written in your
former dispatches concerning the entree of the
Venetian Ambassadors extraordinary in London, and
the preparations you were making to maintain in this
occasion the prerogatives due to my crown above all
the others, it could never have occurred to me that the
event would turn out and end as it has. I will not
conceal that I have been deeply impressed by two
things : the one that the King my brother has taken
part in this without necessity and in a rather unobliging
manner, as he seems to have been bent upon having
a complete equality established between me and my
brother the Catholic King. He cannot ignore however
the many reasons for which the pre-eminence belongs
to me, and how I have been in possession of it in all
times and places. The other is that you have consented
to what he has let you know he wanted." The English
king is free to give what orders he pleases to his
subjects, but not to a foreign ambassador ; and if he
had persisted, d' Estrades ought to have at once retired
from his Court. 1
With such instructions, our Ambassador, who was at
the same time a " Lieutenant general des armees du
Roi," could not fail to take the matter seriously, and
he wrote to Lionne : " I prepare to carry the thing the
next time to such a pitch that I am greatly mistaken it
the most difficult to please find anything to reproach
1 The King to d'Estradcs. August 22, 166 1.
24 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
me with." l Louis, on his part, remained on the watch,
and there are many letters in the volumes at the French
Foreign Office in which he, from day to day, fired the
zeal of his envoy. One day he informed d'Estrades of
taunts attributed to Watteville, and which had come to
his knowledge ; another day he had heard of the sending
to England of Count Strozzi as an Ambassador from
the Emperor, and wrote : ' f Whether the said Count
Strozzi has notified his entree to you, or whether, to
please Watteville, he has not, I mean you to send your
coaches to meet him, and so to arrange as to make sure
they keep the rank due to me, and go before the
carriages of all the other Ambassadors. ... I will
not speak of the measures you have to take beforehand,
to be secure that your people will be able to keep their
rank during the march, well believing that you will
omit nothing in it." ~
Strozzi's entrde does not take place, but a little later
news comes of the arrival of a Swedish Ambassador.
The King on the 7th of October is careful to put his
Ambassador on his guard, for he has received some
secret information : " The information purports that-
General Monk has promised the Baron de Watteville
to give him soldiers of his Scotch regiment with a few
Irish to strengthen the Spaniards and guard their
coach ; and, depending upon this help, the said Watte-
ville has resolved to be represented at the entree.
I know it for sure ; my information comes from the
house of Monk himself, and has been reported by one
of his most intimate confidants. The coach will go to
Tower Hill unattended, but the escort will be found
1 To Lionnc. August 22, 1661. 2 September 28, 1661.
COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 25
ready there or in some of the streets where you are to
pass. I deem, therefore, that when once your coach
has taken the place due to it immediately after the
Swedish Ambassador's, your men must not leave it
before it has reached the house of the said Ambassador,
for fear that at the crossing of some street these Scotch
and Irish rush in with might and main and stop you
and let Watteville go."
But d'Estrades was already wound up to the proper
degree, for before the King's letter could have reached
him, he was on his side writing to Brienne the younger :
" I am making the largest preparations possible ; the
Spanish Ambassador does his best to oppose me. The
event will take place on Monday." l Louis, on his
side, has nothing to add to what he has already
intimated, and no letter of his can possibly reach his
representative in time; still he writes again, because he
is so impatient to hear of the issue, and just to say
that he is so : "I have great impatience to know how
the ceremony will have gone, the more so as I can
scarcely doubt it will have been to your advantage and
to my satisfaction. For you have the word of the
King my brother, who has promised to second vour
intentions ; and, besides, being so near the French
coast, and having at hand the garrison of Gravel ines,
you will have been able to place yourself in such
a state as to prevent the Spaniards feeling any inclina-
tion to compete with you." D'Estrades was military
governor of Gravelines ; the idea suggested by the
King had already occurred to him, and he had caused
a troop of his own soldiers to be conveyed to London
1 October 6, i 66 1 .
26 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
with their .arms and equipage- — a thing scarcely con-
ceivable now — in order to take part in the expected
" ceremony."
The morning of the ioth of October came. On
that day Mr. Pepys rose very early. He had much
to do, business to transact and things various to
observe. The entree and the " fight for the pre-
cedence " were to take place on that day. Nothing
could better enliven the dull streets of the town than
such a fray, and therefore Mr. Pepys was all the day
long on tip-toe.
As soon as morning light came, there was a great
noise of " soldiers and people running up and down
the street ; " and Mr. Pepys hastened to and fro and
bustled about as best he could. He peered at " the
Spanish Ambassador's and at the French, and there
saw great preparations on both sides ; but the French
made the most noise and ranted most, but the other
made no stir almost at all; so that I was afraid the
other would have too great a conquest over them."
Bent upon making a day of it (as indeed it was in
the history of the French and Spanish kingdoms) he
ran to Cheapside, as soon as he had had his meal, there
to hear that " the Spanish hath got the best of it, and
kill three of the French coach-horses and several men,
and is gone through the city next to our King's coach :
at which it is strange to see how all the city did rejoice."
Not so strange, however, for " we do naturally all love
the Spanish, and hate the French."
" As I am in all things curious," Mr. Pepys con-
tinues, writing at a time of the day when it was not so
well known as it is now that he was, indeed, curious in
COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 27
all things, " I ran after them, through all the dirt and
the streets full of people, till at last, at the Mewes, I
saw the Spanish coach go, with fifty drawn swords at
least, to guard it, and our soldiers shouting for joy.
And so I followed the coach, and then met it at York
House, where the Ambassador lies ; and there it went
in with great state." After which this mouche du coche
ran to " the French house," to enjoy the discomfiture
of the hated ones ; and a treat it was to see them, " for
they all look like dead men, and not a word among
them but shake their heads." To make things com-
plete, Mr. Pepys gathers and notes with delight that
" the French were at least four to one in number, and
had neare 100 case of pistols among them, and the
Spaniards had not one gun among them ; which is for
their honour for ever and the others' disgrace." He
could now go home, " having been very much daubed
with dirt," and triumph upon his wife, silly thing, who
sided with the French — a result, probably, of her being
so well read in La Caprenede and Scudery.
The result was received with great applause through-
out the capital, and pamphlets were circulated giving a
humorous account of the detent suffered by the French.
" Many thousands of spectators came to behold this
strange and desperate conflict," we read in one of
those sheets, "it being variously rumoured several
ways, but more especially a single duel betwixt these
two persons of honour, the Ambassadors extraordinary
from the illustrious and Christian princes, Spain and
France." The Spaniards displayed the utmost valour :
' w Indeed it was the fortune ot the mounsiers to
receive the greatest loss, five being translated out of
2 S A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
this world into another, and above thirty wounded,
with the loss of one Spaniard and very few wounded.
For indeed through their aboundant fortitude and
magnanitude, they became triumphant that day, it
being worthy of observation that an ancient man of
the Spanish party disputed several passes with six
Frenchmen." l
But as " il n'est si beau jour qui ne meine sa nuit,"
what was to be Spain's honour for ever did not keep
long its lustre. While this rejoicing was taking place,
d'Estrades was mournfully writing to Lionne : " As it
was not a thing I could do, to go myself, I had sent
my son ; and of the fifty men who were there with
him five were killed and thirty-three wounded. They
have had to deal with more than two hundred, and
there and wherever they have been attacked they have
done their duty." The Ambassador goes on recounting
the various proofs he has had already of the small
degree of popularity he enjoys with the London
rabble : " In the course of eight days I was tw r ice in
danger of being assassinated and a musket ball went
through my hat; soldiers and a mob have come to
attack me in my own house." 2 Of bullets d'Estrades
had a right to speak, having in former times received
some, not in his hat only, but in his body also.
1 " A true relation of the manner of the dangerous dispute and
bloody conflict betwixt the Spaniards and the French at Tower
Wharfc and Tower Hill on Monday, September the 30th, 1661
[O. S.] . . . with the number killed and wounded on both sides . . .
published tor general satisfaction " (a copy at the French Foreign
Office, " Angleterre," vol. lxxvi.).
J October 13, I 66 1.
KING LOUIS XIV
From the engraving by Nanteuil
" Ad vivum, 1664 "
COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 29
Great was the anger of the sovereign who prided
himself upon " being the first King among Christians
and to be known as such in the courts of all the other
kings, even in the remotest countries." l He felt as if
he had read Mr. Pepys's own diary, and did not rest till
he had washed awav the memory of this " disgrace."
" I am in such a hurry," he wrote, " to let this gentle-
man start . . . that I will not, by far, tell you all
I want, concerning what has happened to you. Well
may you believe that I have deeply resented those
insults as their nature binds me to, and my honour
being at stake. I hope with the help of God, and
through the vigour of the resolutions I am taking, the
which I shall carry as far as people will make it
necessary, that those who have caused me this dis-
pleasure will soon be more sorry for it and anxious
than I ever was." 2
No vain threats. The elegant young prince, with
a flood of wavy hair round his beautiful face, scarcely
out of the keeping of his mother and of the late
Mazarin, was true to his word, and it was soon obvious
that Watteville had mistaken his own master and his
time. While Charles II. was asking another great
diarist of his day, John Evelyn, to draw up a " narra-
tive in vindication of his Majesty, and of the carriage
of his officers and standers-by," 3 King Louis the
Fourteenth, who had at once expelled the Spanish
Ambassador from his Court, got from his father-in-law
all the satisfaction he wanted. Watteville was recalled ;
' Instructions to d'Estrades, May 1^5, 1661.
2 October 16, 166 1.
! "Evelyn's Diary," under the date Oct. 1. 1661 (O.S.).
30 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
it was settled that henceforth Spanish Ambassadors
would cease to compete for precedence with the most
Christian King's envoys ; and a medal was struck, one
of the finest in the royal collection, to commemorate
the event. 1
Louis gave his full approbation to d'Estrades, who,
this time had not hesitated to leave the English Court ;
but he could not doubt that the continuation of the
same Ambassador's services in England, would not be
conducive to the close union with that kingdom which
was a part of his policy. He therefore, after having
sent him back for a short while to London, decided to
appoint him his ambassador to the States of Holland.
D'Estrades was staying in Paris when he received
the visit of Richard Bellings sent to him by the
English Chancellor on a special mission. " I am sorry,"
he wrote to Lionne, on the 17th of July, 1662,
" not to be able to go to St. Germains to speak of
an affair which will not displease his Majesty, nay,
and is verv advantageous to him. The Chancellor of
England has sent me a person in his confidence, with
a letter accrediting him. Were you to come to Paris
I would tell you what are the proposals." The pro-
posals were of the sale of Dunkirk ; the negotiation
was knottv and arduous. After a long bargaining on
both sides, in which Colbert had to say his word, and
several sham break-ofFs, the matter was arranged tor five
millions of livres. D'Estrades, after one last stay in
England, had the honour to take possession of the town
in the name of his master. The first two millions
T The die of which still exists at the Hotel des Monnaies,
Paris.
COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 3 1
were at once embarked on five boats, and taken to the
Tower, where they were honoured with a personal
visit from the King : ' c The money told at Calais for
the sale of Dunkirk has arrived, and has been located at
the Tower, where the King of England would go and
see it, when he was having his ride this morning
towards ' Ouleiks.' ' By which word, Secretary of
Embassy Batailler, means Woolwich. 1
D'Estrades, having thus redeemed his character as a
servant of the State, could now go to Holland, where,
however, the inimical fates were already preparing for
him another difficulty on the score of punctilio. This
time he stood his ground against the Prince of Orange,
and managed so as not to be worsted. He risked
nothing less than his life in it, but succeeded. " Tues-
day last," Sir George Downing, the English envoy,
reports to Clarendon, "there was another rencontre in
the Foreholt between the Prince of Orange and
Monsieur d'Estrades, the French Ambassador their
coaches, between four and five in the afternoon. . . .
No sword drawn on either side, nor a blow given ;
but the people began to flock in infinite numbers, . . .
and it was most evident that, had but one stroke been
given, d'Estrades and his coach and horses had been
buried upon the place and his house plundered and
pulled down to the ground." D'Estrades ''alleged,
which is true, that once before the Prince had yielded
to him ; but Monsieur Zulestein says, that at that time
the Prince had not his own coachman, but another who
was not experienced in those things, and that it was
1 To Louis, Dec. 4, 1662. A modal was struck, with the
motto : " Dunqucrca rccupcrata providentia principis," M.CLXII.
32 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
done unawares." " But, you see," Downing wisely
concludes, " how dangerous it is to make slips, he
having once unawares quitted the rail, the French
Ambassador stood upon it, that he ought to do it the
second time." l Thus did d'Estrades clear himself of
the aspersions of Mr. Pepys.
1 The Hague, April 29, 1664., O.S. Lister's "Life of Claren-
don." London, 1838, 3 vols. 8vo., vol. ii. p. 314. Concerning the
parts of d'Estrades's correspondence which were published in the
last century, and the spurious documents mixed with it, see Iaros-
lav Coil's two articles in the " Revue Historique," 1877.
CHAPTER II.
COMINGES.
D'ESTRADES being gone, Louis and his adviser,
Lionne, chose, to replace him at the British
Court, the Comte de Cominges, a well-known
diplomatist and soldier, who was, according to St.
Simon, " important toute sa vie." He was now in
the fiftieth year of his age, and hud done and seen
much.
Gaston Jean Baptiste de Cominges (or Comenge),
Seigneur of St. Fort, Fleac, and La Reole, born in
1613, was the son of Charles de Cominges, who died at
the siege of Pignerol. 1 His family prided itself upon
an immeasurable antiquity, the first of their ancestors
known by name being, according to Moreri, Anevius,
who is said to have flourished about the year 9C0. St.
Simon, who was not a man to adopt easily such views,
quietly says that " people do not know what thev
1 Cominges's arms form one of the plates of the " Armorial du
St. Esprit" (Chalcographie du Louvre) ; his monogram has been
reproduced by Bouvennc, " Les monogrammes historiques," Paris,
1870, p. 35.
3 n
34 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
were before the year 1440." Certain it is that at the
time we are speaking of they were solidly established
in the world with an uncle, the kindly irascible old
Guitaut, as Captain of the Bodyguards of Anne of
Austria, the Queen-mother, and with the splendid
chateau of Epoisses, not far from Semur, as the chief
place and, so to say, the capital of the family. A part
of the castle was since then raised to the ground during
the Great Revolution, but the largest part, with a
tower dating back from the tenth century, from the
time, in fact, of the misty Anevius, is still to be seer,
and still belongs to the family. Very fine it looks
with its tall mossy roofs, its thick walls, its sculptured
balconies and terraces, and the roses and chrysanthe-
mums that bloom on the declivity of the old dried-up
moat. Many remembrances are kept there of former
illustrious guests ; there is Conde's room and Madame
de Sevigne's chamber ; and in the precious well-kept
archives, a large bundle of the Marchioness's letters
with the seal and silk string still attached to them,
written in the large handwriting and with the free
thought orthography of the matchless lady. Anevius's
portrait is not there ; but there are countless Cominges
and Guitauts, periwigged warriors in cuirasses, knights
of the Holv Ghost, abbots and abbesses, ladies w r ith
powdered hair, marshals of France, and presidents of
Parliament. In the " chambre du roi " old Guitaut
stares at a pretty proud young person who may or
may not be the Montespan ; and on the painted walls
of the corridor Roman heroes and Arcadian shepherds
enjoy their glory and their loves according to the fashion
of the time. Cannon balls from a siege recall warlike
COMINGES. 35
times ; the old chapel remains untouched, but has
become the village church, and the little houses built
for canons have been allotted to retired gardeners and
other old servants of the family.
A descendant of warriors, Cominges went early to
the wars, took part in the sieges of St. Omer, Hesdin,
Arras, and Aire, and was made, in 1644, under his
uncle Guitaut, a lieutenant of the Bodyguards of the
Queen-mother. From this date he always enjoyed the
confidence of Anne of Austria, who entrusted to his
uncle and to him several missions not a little difficult
to perform, in which, however, they proved successful.
To him it was she applied to have the notorious and
popular Broussel, " the idol of the people," removed
from Paris in the midst of the Fronde agitation. He
stopped the old man " without allowing him to eat his
dinner or even to resume his shoes which he had just
taken off, but placed him in a coach and carried him
away. A strange thing happened. As they were
nearing the palace, the coach broke and Cominges
asked ladies who w r ere passing by ro lend him theirs,
offering his excuses, and assuring them that nothing
else than such a case would have induced him to show
so much incivility. So he took the quay and reached
the St. Honore Gate." 1 To the last we shall find
Cominges such as he appeared on this occasion ; he
will never allow any Broussel time to put on his shoes,
but while keeping his Broussels in hand, he will always
find time to fulfil the duties of etiquette. To both
the uncle and nephew was assigned the no less delicate
1 "Mcmoircs dc Nicolas Goulas,'' ed. C. Constant, Paris, 1^79,
3 vol. 8vo., vol. ii. p. 349.
36 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
task to remove from the very Louvre to the Donjon
de Vincennes, the Princes Conde and Conti, and the
Duke de Longueville (1650). 1 They severally "walked
to each of the Princes, and after having paid to them
their very respectful compliments, they stopped them
in the name of the King." 2
In the intervals of his military duties and of his
various missions Cominges found time to study ; he
enjoyed a reputation at Court for being a man of
thought and knowledge as well as a good swords-
man and a good guitarist. We find him fighting a
duel in 1639 : "And as this month was notable for
the number of nuptials that then happened, so was it
also," writes Bassompierre, " by the number of the
duels, such as those by d'Armentieres, de Savignac, de
Bouquant, de Roquelaure, de Chatelus, de Cominges,
and others." 5 Cominges's duel was as serious as
d'Lstrades's, for he, too, killed his man. The famous
Chapelain, the author of " La Pucelle,'' informed as
follows the Marchioness de Flamarens of what had
happened : " M. de Richefons has fought for the
second time against M. de Cominges, and this time
has received two mortal wounds. He has, however,
had four days' time to prepare himself to his death and
beg pardon to God for his sins. The quarrel was an
irreconcilable one, that could only be ended by the death
of one of the two. I think you will do well to express
1 Cominges wrote an account of it, and it has been published
with biographical notes by Tamizey de Larroque, " Revue des
questions historiques," October I, I 87 1.
2 Choisv's " Memoires," Leseure's edition, bk. vi. vol. i. p. 51.
3 "Memoires," Paris, 1870, 4 vols. 8vo., vol. iv. p. 293.
COMINGES. 37
your feelings of condolence to Madame de la Trousse
on this occasion."' *
As for the guitar, Cominges' skill on this instrument
is honourably mentioned by Madame de Motteville,
who relates how young Louis the Fourteenth, being
very fond of music, asked her own brother to play his
part with Cominges ' c in the guitar concerts which the
King had nearly every day." 2
Endowed with such accomplishments and an equally
acceptable companion in times of peace and war, Co-
minges found, as it seems, no great difficulty in pleasing
the beautiful Sibylie d'Amalbi, who had rejected several
other suitors, and whom he married in 1643. She, too,
became fiimous as the Cesonie of the Precieuses group,
and as " la belle Cominges " of the great monarch's
Court. " Cesonie," writes Somaize, in his " Diction-
naire des Precieuses," " is a Court Precieuse. She is very
witty ; she has a fine throat ; she sometimes uses
Hesperian produce [i.e., Spanish paint]. She likes the
play ; she does not keep a regular alcove, for Court
ladies do not follow rules in this matter. She lives in
the palace of Seneca " 3 [i.e., the Palais Royal, built by
Richelieu].
At a time when portraits were the fashion, when
Mdlle. de Scudery filled her novels with descriptions of
her friends, and Madame de Stwigne, Madame de la
Fayette, and all the rest of the fine witty ladies of the
day, rivalled one another in drawing portraits, Cesonie
1 "Lcttrcs," cd. Tamizey de Larroque, Paris, 1S80, 2 vols., _|_tc>,
vol. i. p. 405.
2 " Memoires," 1876, vol. iv. p. 90 (1057).
3 Livet's edition, 1856, vol. i. p. 55.
38 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
would not fail to be portrayed, and descriptions of her
in verse and prose abound. We gather from a portrait
made of her under the name of Emilie that she was
not tall, but so perfect in her proportions that it is not
possible to conceive how she could look better if taller.
" She has such a pretty childish look and touching little
ways that it is an impossibility not to love her." Her
nose is thin and straight ; her hair, somewhat loose,
' c of the finest colour in the world " (whatever that
may be). The whiteness of her complexion " mixes
so delicately with the pink of her cheeks that this
masterpiece of nature has sometimes been suspected ;
but as she reddens in society, it is easy to understand
that, if the red she has were of her own making, she
would arrange so as not to be troubled with it out of
time." The indiscreet author continues telling us how
she has the finest leg and foot in the world, so perfect
indeed "that there are few men who would not be
pleased to have such,'' a compliment which we need a
little history to make us understand, and which would
not be thus expressed in our sans-culottist days.
With so many public and private perfections, the
Belle Cominges, nevertheless, was modest ; " her eyes
have reigned over a thousand hearts, but she has never
given her own away. . . . She does as the gods who
accept prayers and sacrifices, and she considers that she
does enough in not scorning proffered homages." She
is a faithful friend, and a lively partner in conversation.
Her only fault is that she sometimes feels depressed
and melancholy without reason. She then retires from
the world, and remains whole days nursing her sorrow ;
she then appears again in societv, and shines with such
COMING ES. 39
splendour that it is impossible to conceive she knows
what sadness is. " She plays very well on the lute, and
sings like an angel." J
Versified gazettes of the time are full of her praise ;
whenever there is a splendid fete she is sure to be
named amongst the prettiest guests. 2
She turns the head of many, and works ravages in
the royal family itself. Of course people who pretended
that the pink on her cheeks came from " Hesperia "
were not slow in discovering, saying, and printing that
hers was a sham coldness, and that she overstepped more
than once the line which divides love and friendship ;
but, of course, too, they were slanderers, and the best
thing to do is not to believe them.
When she was with child the Court was troubled at
the idea her beauty would be impaired ; and the gazettes
informed the world at large of her gradual recovery and
the coming back of her incarnat : " Her sweet, laughing
eyes — had become less attractive — Cupid languished by
her side." But she is improving apace, and now she is
quite well ; let lovers look to themselves ! " Hearts
1 " Rccucil de portraits ct clogcs en vers et en prose, dedie a
S. A. R. Mademoiselle." Paris, 16^9, 2 vols.. Svo. (anonymous).
2 At a ball given at the Louvre, in September, 1655,
•' I,e beau Marquis de Villcroy . . .
Menait Comminge;"
While the King (then seventeen) danced with
" L'infantc Manciny,
Des phis sages et gracieuses
Et la perle des precieuses."
Loret, " La Mu/.e historique," 1650-1665, ed. Ravenel and de
la Pelouze, Paris, 1857 ct scq., vol. ii. p. 98.
40 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
that feel the allurements of charms divine- — and know
what it is to love — if vou want to remain free — believe
me, do not see her ! ... If you are wise — it will be
enough for your rest — that you mind this piece of
news: — La Belle Comhiges est guerie." l
Cominges had by her three sons and two daughters ;
the sons became soldiers, and fought in the King's wars,
one of them being killed in Germany ; of the daughters,
one married, and the other became a nun. The eldest
son was an aide-de-camp to Louis, and was held in
great esteem and friendship by the King ; he was re-
markable both by his height and size, and his bulk was
the occasion of constant jests, which he sometimes
allowed and sometimes did not. " The courtiers
during the campaigns of the King," says St. Simon,
" called, by joke, the bombs and mortars of the largest
size, des Cominges^ so that the word has become their
technical name in artillery. Cominges considered this
joke a very bad one, and could never get accustomed to
it " ; but people did, and the word is still in use :
" Cominges — sorte de grosse bombe," says Littre.
In 1653-4, Cominges followed the wars in Italy and
Spain; from 1657 to 1659 he was Ambassador to
1 " Cceurs aux divins atrairs sensibles
Qui d'amour etcs susccptihles,
Pour vous sauvcr dc ses apas,
Croycz moi, nc la voycz pas . . .
Bref, vous conscillant a propos,
11 suffit pour votrc repos
Dc dire a votrc Seigneurie :
La belle Comminge est guarie."
Loret, "La Muze historique," vol. i. p. 400 (1653).
COMINGES. 41
Portugal, 1 and not long after his return was appointed,
at the same time as his uncle Guitaut, a Knight of the
Holy Ghost (December, 1661). The following year
saw him Ambassador to England, where he was joined
by his wife and eldest son : this, his last mission, is the
one for which he especially deserves to be remembered.
1 On his Portuguese mission, see Tamizey de Larroque, "Lettres
du Comte de Comingcs, 1657-1659," Pons, 1885. Svo., and Vi-
comte de Caix de St. Aymour, "Recueil des instructions aux Am-
bassadeurs de France — Portugal." Paris, 1886, 1 vol. Svo.
CHAPTER III.
THE TONE AND MANNER OF THE CORRESPONDENCE.
COMIXGES reached London on the 23rd of
December, 1662 (O.S.), after having had a very
bad crossing " in the yacht of Monsieur le due
d'York." In his first letter to the King he thus de-
scribes his journey in his usual Court style : —
" Sire, I would not mention to your Majesty the
inconveniences I suffered in my journey on account of
the floods, if I were not bound to do so to explain the
length of the time I spent on the way. Not that I
failed to constrain, so to say, the very elements to sub-
mit to your Majesty's wishes ; but all I could do, after
having avoided two or three land-wrecks and escaped a
tempest by sea, was to reach this place on December
23, English style." l
From this day forth a double, not to say a treble,
correspondence begins : an official one with the King,
a more familiar one with Lionne, and we find frag-
ments of a third one, containing only Court news,
and destined again to the King, but not in his kingly
capacity, \oung Louis greatly appreciated those sepa-
1 To the King. January 4, 1663.
>/< >
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w
v# "■
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. j
- "Y ^
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■/,'<;,, //„■ /„.,■/,<,,/ ,;,./,;, ,«,-<> />,/ <>//,'•/•., v/,
ETIQUETTE AND COURT NEWS. 91
as an escort, by a maid and a little page. The party
are met suddenly " by three noblemen (so at least they
seemed from their garments) who wore masks and
addressed to her the harshest and bitterest reprimand
that can well be imagined. They even went so far as
to remind her that the mistress of Edward the Fourth
died on a dunghill, scorned and abandoned by everybody.
You can well imagine that the time seemed long to her,
for the park extends over a larger space than from
Regnard's to the Pavilion. As soon as she was in her
bedroom she fainted. The King being informed of
this ran to her, caused all the gates to be shut and all
the people found in the park to be arrested. Seven or
eight persons who happened thus to be caught were
brought in, but could not be identified. They have
told the tale ; it was wished to hush up the affair, but
I believe the secret will not easily be kept." '
The chain of the Whitehall amusements was as
follows : "There is a ball and a comedy every other
day ; the rest of the days are spent at play, either at the
Queen's or at the Lady Castlemaine's, where the com-
pany does not fail to be treated to a good supper. In
this way, Sire, is the time occupied in this country.
The impending Parliamentary session will soon turn the
thoughts to other objects ; the cleverest have already
begun their canvassing, and the others wait for the
occasion to display their talents in this so illustrious
assembly." 2
Ships came from the far-off countries of the sun, and
after a year's journey round the Cape brought news for
1 To Lionnc. Oct. 2, 1664.
•' To the King. January 2^, 1663.
92 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
the statesmen, goods for the merchants, presents for the
King, and trinkets for the ladies. Much noise was made
concerning gifts from India sent to Charles, and said to
be peerless. " But the King did me the honour to show
them, and laugh over them with me. They are
enclosed in a little purse of purple satin. There is a
yellow stone twice as big as the Sancy, of such a good
shape as to be worth a million ; it would, however, be
purchased dear for a crown. There is another stone, a
red one, called a carbuncle, which looks rather fine ;
but I have seen many such on reliquaries, from which I
doubt they be of great value. There is also a white
and blue sapphire, excellent to adorn a bishop's ring,
and a very large pearl which the King gave to the
Queen ; nature had meant to make it round and white,
but failed." r
When the Court goes to the waters, the Whitehall
amusements follow in its wake ; not so when the
Universities are the goal of the journey. Divertise-
ments are doubtless provided, but of a less attractive
sort, and Charles has to take part in festivities con-
cerning which Cominges, lover as he was of the
ancients, writes : 2 " The Court is not returned yet
from its ' progres,' to adopt the word in use here. They
will reach Oxford to-day, and stay four days there to
enjoy such amusements as a University can provide.
. . . There is a talk of a variety of plays and of a
number of harangues, panegyrics, and epithalamies ;
Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Arabic, and Syrian being the best
1 To the King. August 18, 1664.
-' To the King. Oct. 16, 1667.
E TIQ UE TTE AND CO UR T NE WS. 9 3
known among the languages resorted to. I doubt not
that, after these dull entertainments, they will return
with pleasure to more amusing ones at Whitehall."
As for Gramont, Cominges describes him as taking
in all these festivities the very same part allotted
to him by his brother-in-law Hamilton. The cheva-
lier had reached London nearly at the same time as the
Ambassador, and " had been received as kindly as
possible. He makes one in all the parties of the King,
and has his say at Madame de Castlemaine's." He
takes the part of that lady against Madame Jaret, who
revenges herself by certain ill-reports she spreads in
society, not sparing the King himself. The King, in
his turn, doss not spare " that madcap of a Jaret ; it is
even whispered that the English word he used means
something more." Nothing daunted by this or by
anything, Gramont " follows his usual style of life.
He sees the ladies at the lawful hours, and a little also
at the forbidden ones. . . . The King constantly asks
him to his entertainments." A few months later we
find him true to himself, "and continuing his gallantries
as is his wont — that is making much noise and little
progress." He has just managed to have a very ridi-
culous affair with Madame Middleton, whose maid he
bribed, but the maid kept to herself both the money
and the love declarations of the chevalier. When at
length the lady heard of what was meant for her, as it
was not conveyed, it seems, with all the eloquence
Gramont had meant, she was nothing moved, but
ordered him to keep quiet and look elsewhere.
Gramont did not fail to take her a: her word, and he
is now, six months after his coming, in a fairway to
94 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
marriage. This creates quite a sensation, and the pros
and cons are discussed at great length in the gilt halls
of the royal palace and in the ambassadorial dispatches.
Few marriages (except perhaps Panurge's own) have
been the cause of more discussions, and have elicited
a larger variety of opinions. Cominges was against it.
" The Chevalier de Gramont is so well pleased with
all the advantages accruing to him from his gallantries
that he means to build upon them what of his life he
has still to spend. But as he has noticed indeed that
his age is becoming a great obstacle to all his imaginary
pleasures, he has resolved to secure for himself more
solid ones by marrying. With this view he has cast
his eyes on a beautiful young demoiselle of the house
of Hamilton, niece to the Duke of Ormond, adorned
with all the grace of virtue and nobility, but so little
with mere material wealth that, according to those who
give her most, she has none.
" I think that at first the chevalier did not mean to
go so far in this business, but, be it that conversation has
completed what beauty began, or that the noise made
by two rather troublesome brothers may have had
something to do with it, certain it is that he has now
declared himself publicly. The King has given his
consent, and in consideration of the intended marriage
has given hopes of his providing for the board of the
lovers by means of some pension or other when he
can.
"As I saw that this marriage was the cause of endless
banter at Court, and that everybody talked of it
according to his humour, I took upon myself to try
and break it, or at least postpone it, but all without
( >/f 'ft /*<'//) . '( >ft///Y //()//
( y / '-
ETIQ UETTE AND CO UR T NE J VS. 95
success. I see now no remedy to an unavoidable evil,
recommended by a blind and performed by a disabled
man. He loaded me with a thousand false reasons,
which I would not entertain ; he received mine in the
same way ; and time will teach him which are the best.
I wish for his sake it may be his, but it does not seem
likely." >
The marriage being resolved, is publicly announced,
on the same day as the conversion of Madame de
Castlemaine. " The King has been asked by the rela-
tions of the lady to interfere and prevent her ; but he
answered that, as for the soul of the ladies, he did not
meddle with that." 2
The nuptial ceremonies take place, and Gramont
greatly enjoys the thought of some day carrying his
" belle Anglaise " to France. His happiness is in-
creased when, the following year, he becomes the father
of a son as " beautiful as the mother." All the Court
has rejoiced with him, and " he looks much the younger
for the event ; but I think the hope he entertains of
soon going back to France has had something to do
with the wiping away of the wrinkles about his eyes
and forehead, and the recalling of the roses and lilies." 3
His temper and character are unfortunately exactly
what they were before. Having signed one of his
dispatches, the body of which is written by his secre-
tary, Cominges adds in the margin with his own hand :
" M. le Chevalier de Gramont has come back two
months ago. He has not altered since he married,
1 Cominges' sheet of Court News, for the King. August, 1663.
To Lionnc. December 3 1, 1663.
! To Lionne. September X, 1664.
96 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
except in his having become such a downright liar as to
stand matchless in the world." J
Heroes of a different stamp also make their appear-
ance in the fly-leaves of Court news supplied to Louis
by his Ambassador, but they too do not always appear
there at their best. Noticeable among them is the
soldier usually called simply " le General." Monk
attracts the attention of Cominges by the unparalleled
splendour of his drinking capacities. In one of his
dispatches the Ambassador describes a little fashionable
fete, the style of which looks now very old-fashioned
indeed. " An amusing affair happened last week in
this Court. The Earl of Oxford, one of the first noble-
men of England, Knight of the Garter and an officer of
the Horse Guards, asked to dinner General Monk, the
High Chamberlain of the Kingdom, and some few other
Councillors of State. They were joined bv a number of
young men of quality. The entertainment rose to
such a pitch that every person happened to become
a party to quarrels, both as offended and offender ;
they came to blows and tore each other's hair ; two of
them drew their swords, which luckily had a cooling
effect on the company. Each then went away according
as he pleased. Those who followed the General wanted
some more drink, and it was given them. They con-
tinued there till evening, and therefore wanted food.
Having been warmed by their morning and after-
dinner doings each resolved to see his companion
1 To Lionne. January 28, 1664. Gramont had left for France
with his wife, shortly after the birth of his son, which had taken
place on September 7, 1664. He started on his journey on
November ~\.
ETIQUETTE AND COURT NEWS. 97
a-ground. The Genera], who is obviously endowed
with a strong head, struck a master stroke ; he presented
to each a goblet of the deepest. Some swallowed the
contents, and some not ; but all peaceably remained
where they were till the following morning, without
speaking to each other, though in the same room.
Only the General went to Parliament as usual, with
his mind and thoughts nothing impaired.
" There was much laughter at this." T
1 To the King. May 28, 1663.
CHAPTER VI.
THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND.
FOREMOST among the curiosities of the land
which attract the notice of the Ambassador is that
strange assembly whither Monk, as we have just
seen, repaired after his drinking bout, the Parliament.
The importance of this institution was well known in
France, where its working was the cause of unceasing
wonder. When d'Estrades was sent to England, the
instructions he was provided with drew his attention to
the Westminster assembly, and to its democratic
tendencies. The Royal dispatch supplied him, on the
subject of the English nation and its representatives,
with the following important particulars : —
" His Majesty thinks it proper to inform the said
Sieur d'Estrades that the English Monarchy is made up
of three kingdoms, the inhabitants of which vary in
their tempers and inclinations. In one only thing they
agree, namely, in working with strenuous care to
reduce the Royal authority, and to place it under the
dependence of their Parliaments ; which Parliaments are
the States-general of each kingdom, and not a body of
magistrates as here."
5 3
THE LIBERTIES OE ENGLAND. 99
Great attention was in consequence paid to the doings
of this extraordinary congregation, and the French
foreign office archives abound with accounts of its
sittings. The opening ceremony is several times
described —once, for example, by Secretary Batailler, in
charge of the Embassy when d'Estrades had had to
leave : —
" The King of England performed yesterday the
opening of Parliament in the Upper House. He was
adorned with the Royal cloak, and wore his crown ; he
was surrounded by his great officers of State ; he took
his seat ; the lords and bishops did the same, and then
he ordered the members of the Lower House to be
called. They rushed tumultuously (' tumultuaire-
ment ') into the Upper House, as the mob does in the
hall of audience at the Paris Parliament, when the
ushers have called. They remained on the other side
of a barrier which closes the pit where the lords sit,
their speaker standing in the middle. The King of
England then began his harangue," which is here
summarized. " This harangue, as I have said, lasted
nearly a quarter of an hour, and was very well delivered
by the King, near whom I happened to be, and was
translated to me by ' Milord Beleze ' [Bellasys]. One
thing I did not like : he had it all ready written in his
hand, and very often looked at his paper, almost as
it he had read it. I was informed that such was the
custom in England, the reason being that the King may
not expose himself to the laughter of the people by
stopping short through loss of memory. Preachers in
the pulpit do the same. If the Chancellor, whom his
gout prevented from being present, had been able to
ioo A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
perform his duty, the King would have been prompted
by him from behind." T
It will be noticed that if not all of the precedents
thus commemorated by Secretary of Embassy Batailler,
have been preserved to the present day, one at least has
been faithfully adhered to, and the rushing " tumultuaire-
ment " of the members of the one House to the bar of
the other has lost nothing in our days of its pristine
vigour and entrain.
All the explanations and descriptions Cominges had
received before his journey did not prevent him from
being deeplv astonished at what he saw when he
reached England. The working of the institutions
and the management of parties were so extraordinary to
the mind of a subject of the Sun-King, that he could
scarcely believe his eyes. " If Aristotle, who attempted
to define even the smallest things pertaining to politics,
were to come a^ain to this world, he could not find
words to explain the manner of this Government. It
has a monarchical appearance, as there is a King, but at
bottom it is very far from being a Monarchy. . . .
Whether this is caused by the fundamental laws of the
kingdom, or by the carelessness of the King, herein lies
the difficulty. . . . It is true that the disposition of the
laws of the country has limited in such a way the
power both of the King and his subjects that they
seem to be joined by indissoluble ties, in such a manner
that it one of the two parties were wanting, the other
would go to ruin." 2
This by no means unwise view of the English Con
1 To Lionnc (?). December I, 1 66 1.
2 To the King. February 4, 1664.
THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND. 101
stitution applies, Cominges thinks, to things as they
should be. As they are, the working of the institutions
is impeded by the abhorrence Charles feels for business
and trouble. His very Court " is divided into four
or five parties (' cabales'). The King, who ought to be
able to fuse them all into one, is at the head of the
weakest."' Some of the virtues he is endowed with
would better fit a private person than a King, for " all
the virtues of private individuals are not Royal ones." l
Women play too important a part, " so that it can be
said with truth that the English are slaves to their
wives and mistresses." 2
The Ambassador had not been a month at his post
when he set resolutely to work, and began, with the
help of books and friends and personal observation, to
draw up a report in which he tried to unravel the
mysteries of those same Parliamentary institutions which
were fit to puzzle Aristotle himself. At that news
young Louis was " greatly pleased," and Lionne
c ' wanted words to say how delighted he was at the
thought " of receiving trustworthy information on
such a subject ; 3 and Louis again dictated a dispatch to
the effect that he was anxious to receive the memoir,
" not doubting it would be a very curious piece of
work."
At the beginning of April the report was ready, and
Cominges sent it, not without apology for " the mistakes
that may be in it ; the cleverest would have made some
in such an obscure matter." Louis has scarcely got
1 To the King. January, 1663.
- To the King. February 4. 1664.
: February 28, 1 66^.
i o 2 A FRENCH A MBA SSAD OR.
the precious document in his hands, when, even before
reading it, he wants to acknowledge its receipt, and to
express his pleasure : " I shall greatly enjoy reading it ;
I mean to draw from it ideas that shall remain in my
mind for my better instruction on a matter of such deep
importance, a matter with which one has to deal every
day." And it must not be believed that the cause of his
haste was the same as with us the busy men of to-day,
who " will not wait " till we have read, to thank for
a book, fearing there might be long waiting. On the
same day Lionne was able to write : —
" Since the King has signed the letter he sends to
you, his Majesty has had time to hear read, with the
greatest attention, from beginning to end, the fine work
you have forwarded to him concerning the Parliaments
of England. I had always thought you, sir, a well-
informed and clever cavalier ; but I must beg your
pardon for the wrong I long did you, in not thinking
you equal to such a task. Anything better written,
wiser, and more curiously worked out I never saw."
As is often the case with reports which attract par-
ticular attention, the King kept it by him, or Lionne,
or somebody else. Certain it is that it is not at
its place in the archives, and the search I insti-
tuted there was frustrated. It happened luckily that
Cominges had caused a copy of his memoir to be
made for his predecessor and friend d'Estrades, and had
it forwarded to him at the Hague. D'Estrades left it
among his papers, and the text is to be found in a MS.
now preserved in the public library at Toulouse. 1
1 MS. ^26. I owe the finding of Cominges's report there to
M. Abel Lefranc, of the "Archives Nationalcs."
THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND. 103
It gives a fair account of the summoning of Parlia-
ments, the proceedings of the two Houses, their powers,
the privileges of the members, and the part allotted to
the King, the way in which votes are taken, the order
of precedence of the various classes of members of both
Houses, &c, &c. It is obviously the result of much
reading and much consulting, Cominges not being afraid
of plunging, when need be, into the mist of antiquity,
and bringing back from his tenebrous expedition the
queer information that was then available. He informs
us, for example, that the word " Parliament " means
" loqui ex mente ; for it is a privileged place for mem-
bers of both Houses freely to speak their mind there,
were it against the King himself' The origin of the
institution is wrapt in mystery ; some find it among
the old Britons and Saxons and Danes ; to the exertions
of these last, learned people attribute " the famous relic
called Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain," which is, accord-
ing to these savants, the earliest House of Parliament
built in England. Daniel the prophet, the Medes and
Persians, William the Conqueror, each in their turn are
called to bring their more or less unexpected testi-
mony. But more noticeable than all this is the general
tone of reverence with which Cominges speaks of the
institution itself and of this body which, according to
him, can well be called " auguste."
Thus provided with a safeguard for its liberties, the
nation and its members of whatever class offered a sight
unique in Europe. By degrees only the working of the
machinery came to be understood, and continental
statesmen ceased to pi t y a King so dependent upon the
goodwill of his people, and a nation so utterly deprived
of a sole and absolute guide.
io 4 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
" Poor Prince ! " exclaims Choisy in his " Memoires,"
thinking of the English sovereign, " who did not
remember that the thirty thousand men of his army
were Englishmen, ready to leave him as soon as he
attempted anything against their liberties. I well
remember having heard Savile, Envoy Extraordinary of
the English King to France, a man loaded with his
master's favours, say that he would be the first to take
up arms against him if he were to exceed his lawful
power and to attack, were it ever so little, the laws of
the kingdom." !
The personal liberty enjoyed by citizens in a town
unprovided with a Bastille was again for the Ambassador
a cause of endless wonder. Think of a Parliament
"the members of which are not only allowed to speak
their mind freely, but also to do a number of surprising,
extraordinary things, and even to call the highest people
(' les plus qualifies ') to the bar ! " Think of an Earl of
Bristol remaining free in the town, when he has accused
the Lord Chancellor of high treason !
Bristol had first begun by going, though a peer, to
the Lower House, to make a speech against the Minis-
ters. At this the House had been very pleased ; but
not so the King. Charles begged to see the harangue ;
Bristol refused, then consented, and the King having
expressed his opinion that the speech was a seditious one,
was sharply answered by the Earl. Charles " rather
smoothly retorted that he would be a poor King indeed
if he were not able to quiet an Earl of Bristol. May
God spare your Majesty such subjects and such a lack
of power ! The King of England will wait till the
' "Memoires." Lcscurc's edition, i. p. 209.
THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND. 105
end of the session, that is, about a fortnight, to notify
his will to the Earl of Bristol ; it will be probably
nothing more than an order not to appear at Court." I
Not at all " quieted " by his master, Bristol, a few-
days later, did the deed he had contemplated from the
first, and launched in the House of Lords his charge
against Clarendon. " Nothing can be more astonishing
and extraordinary," writes Cominges, utterly bewildered,
" than what I have to inform your Majesty of, and you
will be not a little surprised when you see that, to find
precedents for it, you must go back in your mind to the
times that saw the violence of Sylla, the outbursts of the
Gracchi, and the accusation of Caesar (then a private
citizen) against Dolabella, who was endowed at that
time with the highest magistrature." Bristol was till
now merely " a presumptuous fool, blinded by his
vanity" ; but he has become "a mad dog and bites all
round."
The sitting opened with a speech from the Duke of
York, who declared that his brother entirely disapproved
of the doings of Bristol. The Ear] none the less made
his harangue against Clarendon, feeling bound to do it,
as he said, by the interest of the State. He is in despair
to thus incur the displeasure of the King, but having
had no choice, " he is ready to give up his life at the
behest of his master, and to hold out his ' estomac ' to
the sword of M. le Due d'York." 1 le goes on speaking
at random in a scarcely intelligible fashion, and tries to
make the Lower House interfere. The Chancellor on
his part manages so as to have the accusation referred to
the ordinary judges : these men being all of them kC in
' To the Ivine. f ulv 1 6, i 66 ;.
106 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
his own appointment." A very natural move, says
Cominges, but all the rest is very strange. " Here we
have a regular suit between a private person and the
Chancellor, this last having his high rank, his past ser-
vices, the goodwill of the King, of the Oueen-mother,
of the Duke of York (whose wife gave birth yesterday
to a son), and of all the Court, to boast of ; but the
other walks about town as if nothing were the matter,
and does not in the least give up hope of success. I
confess to your Majesty that I am at my wits' end (je
perds la tramontane), and that it seems to me as if I
were transported beyond the sphere of the moon." [
So extraordinary is the case that Cominges recurs to
it in his private letters with fresh exclamations, and,
addressing de Lionne, writes again : " You will see in
my dispatch to his Majesty how the clouds which rose
in the evening gave birth on the Friday to storms and
thunderbolts. I must confess that nothing in the world
is more surprising than what is to be seen in this Court,
and less easily intelligible to a man who has been brought
up under a different Government arid different laws. It
seems to me, every moment, I have been transferred to
the antipodes, when I see a private gentleman walking
the streets, sitting as a judge in Parliament, receiving
the visits of his political friends, and leading no less
pleasant a lite than usual, when he has accused of capital
crimes the first officer of the State, a dignitary on the
best terms with his master, supported by the Oueen-
mother, and father-in-law to the heir of the crown." -
' To the King. July 23, 1663.
Jul\' 23, 1663. Clarendon himself is greatly dismayed, and
he fears he may lose what consideration he enjoyed abroad.
THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND. 107
To which Lionne answers, with a great appearance of
truth : ' c If anybody had attacked here M. le Chancelier
au Parlement, you may readily believe that he would not
be seen at play every day on the bowling-green, and
that there would be no great competition to marry into
his house."
The thing goes on for weeks and months. The
Chancellor is faithfully supported by his daughter,
" Madame la Duchesse d'York, who is as worthy a
woman (aussi brave femme) — the word ' honnete ' is not
strong enough — as I have met in my life ; and she up-
holds with as much courage, cleverness, and energy the
dignity to which she has been called, as if she were of
the blood of the kings, or of Guzman at the least, or
Mendoce." 1
Clarendon is cleared by his judges, but the agitation
in the country is great. One day the Duke of Bucking-
ham is seen ' c ready to get to horse and ride post-haste
towards the Duchy of York, this being his Govern-
ment " ; 2 other lords are about to do the same, and
leave the Whitehall amusements, so disquieting is the
intelligence received from the country. In the streets
of London the " insolence of the mob " is on the
increase, and they are seen to drink publicly the health
of Bristol as being " le champion de la patrie." 3
For this and sundry other reasons it does not seem
He causes Bcllings to write to Lionne on his behalf: " He hope;
you will form no ill opinion of him on account of" those charges."
Jul\- 24, 1663.
' To the King. August 7, 1664.
- To the King. August 9, 166^.
■■ To Leonne. October S, 1 66 3 .
ioS A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
impossible to Cominges that the English " may be
tempted again to try and taste a commonwealth." T For
they well remember the part they played in the world
when Cromwell ruled over them : a better reason for a
possible change than any trouble raised by Bristol.
All this the Sun-King read with great attention ; he
pondered over Cominges's accounts of parliamentary insti-
tutions and the way they worked, over the inconveniences
of houses where members could loqui ex mente and say
freely all that came into their heads. The result of his
meditations on this troublesome subject he caused to be
noted down, in his memoirs, for the instruction of his
son and of his descendants : " This subjection which
places the sovereign under a necessity to receive the law
from his people is the worst evil which can happen to a
man in our situation. ... I must now represent to
you the misery of those who are abandoned to the
indiscreet will of an assembled rabble (une populace
assemblee). ... A prince who wants to leave some
lasting tranquillity to his people and an unimpaired
prerogative to his successors cannot too carefully
suppress that tumultuous audacity.
"But," the Sun-King added, with a complacent smile,
" this is lingering too much on a subject which has no
persona] interest for you, and which may serve only to
enlighten you on the sad state of your neighbours. For
ir is not doubtful that when you reign after me, you
will find no authority that does not consider itself
honoured for deriving from you its origin and character ;
no constituted body which, in the matter of its suffrages,
will wander from the bounds of respect ; no company
1 To the King. Mav 5, 1664.
THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND. 109
which does not understand that its grandeur is Jinked to
the good of your service, and that its safety depends
upon its humble submission." T
So much for the prophesying power of Cominges, who
foresaw a republic established in England, and of Louis
Ouatorze, who foretold of an absolute monarchy finally
established in France for ever.
1 " Memoires dc Louis XIV," Drcyss's cd., Paris, 1868, 2 vols,,
8vo. vol. ii. ; ''Supplement aux Memoires de l'annee 1666," pp. 6,
ct scq.
CHAPTER VII.
RELIGIOUS MATTERS.
WHILE political institutions offered to a subject
of the Sun-King such a field for observation,
the situation of the Church and the manage-
ment of religious affairs was a scarcely smaller cause of
wonder.
In France there was only one source of political
authority, only one of religious power, only one literary
ideal, one art, and one philosophy ; so thought at least
the " gens bien pensants," Cominges among them. The
avenues to heaven were neatly cut, easily perceptible, as
straight and grand as were the avenues of Versailles, they
could not be mistaken ; few dared to stray out of them
into the brambles and bushes ; later in the reign sentries
with loaded muskets guarded the line to prevent any
wanderings into the forbidden lands ; and from the
windows of his palace old Louis Ouatorze, whose sun
was setting, could at least please himself with the
thought that all his subjects, without exception, had no
choice but to follow the right road to everlasting
felicity.
Not so in England: brambles spread themselves at the
RELIGIO US MA TTERS. 1 1 1
very gate of Whitehall ; the avenues were overgrown ;
sentries were derided ; their muskets missed fire, and
sharpshooters in disquieting numbers filled the under-
woods.
The variety of religions in England greatly puzzled
the French Ambassador ; his tone, when he speaks of
iC caquiers " and "millenaires," is not very respectful, and
he anticipates catastrophes from this want of uniformity
in creeds. It must be observed, however, that, though a
devout Christian himself, Cominges was no bigot, and he
spoke of the minor beliefs of his own co-religionists with
great freedom. The important point was not to wander
outside the avenues, but, so long as one kept within
them, much was allowed. The tone of Cominges's
correspondence with Lionne concerning the Roman
curia is remarkable for the liberty of the judgments
passed upon papal policy, indulgences, &c.
The Court of Rome, it is true, was not then in favour
with the grand Monarch. The French Ambassador,
the Marquis de Crequi, had been grossly insulted and
assaulted by the papal guards ; one of his wife's pages
had been killed by them (1662), and a negotiation was
pending demanding satisfaction on account of this rough
breach of etiquette. War was even contemplated ; the
Pope was levying recruits in Switzerland, and, much to
the disgust of Lionne, was using for it the monies left
to him as a legacy by Cardinal Mazarin, though the late
Eminence had stated that they should be used against
the Turk. His Holiness was mistaking for a Turk,
Lionne wrote, 1 the eldest son of the Church ! But a
fleet was making ready at Toulon, which would cool
1 Lionne to Cominges. February 28, 1 66 ^ ; August 12, 1 66^.
ii2 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
the military ardour of the Roman ecclesiastics. So much
temerity on the part of these men of peace is, Cominges
answers, a sign of the times ; things are greatly altered
since the centuries of faith and the Holy Ghost has
visibly withdrawn from the Roman curia. 1 The Pope
at length submits, and this creates a great impression
throughout Europe, in London as elsewhere. Cominges
congratulates his friend Lionne upon his success, recom-
mending to him, however, to be careful and to hold the
Roman diplomatists very tight : " I expect everything of
monks and bigots." -
A legate is sent by the Pope to arrange matters,
but he is long in coming, " he is so big and fat." 3
When he has reached France, endless difficulties arise,
the negotiation is interrupted and a rumour is spread
that he has placed Avignon under an interdict. But it
is not true, says Lionne, and even " had he had time to
cast this censure over the place it would have had no
effect and would have been badly executed." 4
In the meantime, the adversaries of Louis circulate
the most absurd news as to his designs. Me is at one
time reported to intend an occupation of Geneva, and
he begs his agents abroad to destroy this dangerous
legend, giving Cominges at the same time an indication
of his ideas as to his duty in religious matters, to which
ideas it is a pity he did not strictly adhere all his life.
" Do not omit anything in your power to destroy this
fable of a siege of Geneva which some, out of envy
towards me, spread, that I may lose the friendship of
1 To the King. November 26, 1663. - March 3, 1664.
■ '• Lionne to Cominges. April 3, 1663.
1 The King to Cominges. October 13, 1663.
RE L IGIO US MA TTERS. 1 1 3
all the Protestants, who have often been a very useful
help to France. My adversaries want to secure that
help to themselves. Never has this thought crossed my
mind, as the event will show. I have all the zeal I
ought for the true worship of God, but I do not believe
it is His will that it be established by arms and through
the invasion of foreign states." :
" Do, please, destroy, by sneers or good reasons,''
Lionne writes, on his part, " this newly-started ab-
surdity concerning Geneva. How could it be ? We
are at daggers and swords drawn with the Court ot
Rome — greatly to our regret — and they fancy the
storm that is brewing will explode on the Vatican's
bitterest enemies, who did no ill to us, and who would
have done anything rather than assassinate our Em-
bassador ! " -
The difference is at length composed : a Legate comes
to Paris to present the excuses of his master ; a pyramid
is raised in Rome and an exceedingly fine medal is
struck to commemorate the event. 3 Cominges is
delighted at the news, and again congratulates his
friend upon his success : " May you fully enjoy the
sight of Monseigneur the Legate, who will, I doubt
not, greet you in a most gracious manner, as he owes
his mission to you more than to any one else. He
cannot, without ingratitude, refuse to you a large
number ot indulgences and consecrated beads, given
that, not to speak of the madness of his family and
1 January 28, 1 66 ^ . -' January 2S, 1663.
; It represents the Legate reading the apology of the Pope to
Louis XIV.; the die is preserved at the Hotel des Moiinaies.
Paris.
ii4 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
the firmness of the King, you are the true cause of his
having been honoured with such a fine and magnificent
function. If any such fall into your hands — 1 do not
speak of functions ; I would have none of this sort —
I mean indulgences — send me a good deal of them, for
in this country opportunities for using them are not
scarce, though most of the men and women do not
hold such boons with sufficient consideration." The
other part of society, however, is in such a need of them
as to " exhaust the provision the Legate may have
carried with him when leaving the place from whence
they spring." l
Bitter quarrels all these, but family quarrels ; and the
point was that, quarrelling or not, the family remained
one. When the question was of the main problems of
our lives, Cominges's tone was quite different ; he did
not sneer any longer. Having been advised by Lionne
to take some diversion, because it would do good to his
mind and improve his health, he answers : " My age
does not allow of these useless occupations ; and what
I have left of life I will turn into account with regard
to my death, considering, in the past, my faults to detest
them, and, in the future, nothing else but eternity.
What do you think of these thoughts ? Are they not
Christian ones, and better than those of some who at
fifty still butterfly it (volent le papillon) and go and are
burnt by the smallest light that shines in their eyes.
Only too long did I follow such bad examples." 2 His
feelings were, in fact, similar to Montaigne's, who, in a
famous passage of his " Essays," declares that the great
thing in life is to "build one's death."
1 June 19, 1664. 2 December 24, 1663.
RELIGIO US MA TTERS. 1 1 5
Looking around him, Cominges was struck with the
multiplicity of beliefs entertained by the English nation,
and his forebodings were accordingly very sombre. He
shudders when thinking of "this nation so deeply
gnawed and ruined by false religions that nothing short
of a miracle "will be wanted to save it." 1 On another
occasion he informs Lionne of the burial of a dissenting
minister : " Six days ago they buried a minister belonging
to the third monarchy sect ; and his body was fol-
lowed by more than ten thousand men." What can
the third monarchy be ? Lionne inquires. " A most
proper question," Cominges; answers. "The third
monarch v sect claims no other author and adherent
than my secretary and myself, who, thanks to the ill-
pronouncing of the one or the ill-hearing of the other,
have given birth to it. But I smother it in its cradle
and place in its room the fifth monarchy, being the
monarch v of the just, under which the end of the
world will happen ; a creed not very different from the
tenets of the millenarists, to whom it is proper to join
the anabaptists, ' Kakers,' and a number of other
enthusiasts. . . . They it is who gave so much pomp
to the funeral of the late preacher." 2
More serious doings take place daily in the provinces.
Lanatics swarm everywhere " though the prisons be full
of them and soldiers constantly running after them." 3
Charles himself is greatly in favour of the Catholic
creed, tor political as well as religious causes : " I le
will do nothing against our religion, except under
■fa
1 To the King. September 13, 1663.
■' September 27 and October 5, 1663.
; To Lionne. September 29, 1664.
n6 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
pressure of his Parliament. I find he is well aware that
no other creed matches so well with the absolute
authority of kings." l Long dispatches are forwarded
to Louis to make him aware of the discontent created
in one or the other part of the population by the
various acts concerning religious questions, passed by
the King and Parliament. The Declaration of 1663
(concerning the " dispensing " power of the Crown)
has produced among the parties a variety of com-
motions, " according as they are moved by hate towards
their King, by love for the Republic, or scorn for the
ministry."- As for the Act of Uniformity (1662), it
has had " such baleful effects that conspiracies against
his Majesty have been discovered, and sentences of
death or exile have been passed. . . . But far from the
fanatics being overawed, they are the more ready to
attempt the life of members of the royal family, caring
so little for their own lives that they seem to run to
death as if there was no other remedy to their
wrongs." 3
Worse than all is the state of Catholics in Ireland.
They have been dispossessed of their lands, and the
King has pledged himself at the time of his accession
not to trouble the Protestant occupiers of them. The
Irish, in the meanwhile, are famished and get no pity.
The King, it is true, is kindly disposed towards them,
as he is towards everything and everybody, but his is
an empty kindness which has been followed by no acts
as yet : " The King of Great Britain, who is by nature
very kind and just, would like that each and all might
1 April 12, 1663. - To the King. [an nary 22, 1663.
• ; Same dispatch.
RELIGIO US MA TTERS. i 1 7
have only cause to be pleased and none to complain ;
but under whichever side the affair be looked into, it is
so thorny and has been obscured by so many Acts of
Parliament, and by the pledge taken by the King at his
accession, that it is impossible to discover means to
settle satisfactorily the affair, and to dispense justice to
the one and to leave untouched the rights of the
others. . . .
" The expelled ones are feeble, and the land-owners
powerful, which insures the total ruin for ever of that
unfortunate nation that grazes grass in the fields and
has no other place of abode but woods and caverns
— while their enemies, loaded with greater sins than
themselves, triumph over them and get rich from their
spoils." l
Economic laws are passed from time to time, and
make the situation worse : " Parliament has resolved
after a two davs discussion, to prohibit the importation
of cattle from Ireland into England. This will be a
new cause of ruin for the Irish, who had no other trade
left but that one." 2
Another sign of the times noted by Cominges, con-
sists in the increase of prophets and soothsayers as well
in society as out of it. Some foretell disasters, " thus
giving great pain and anxieties to people of the old
stamp, who still revere the memory or Merlin and King
Arthur." 3 Some pester Cominges himself in the hope
of converting him to their beliefs. Vain, however,
were their efforts, as this letter testifies : —
1 To Lionnc. func 23, 1664..
Cominges, Vcrncuil, and Courtin to the King. November 1,
1665. ; Cominges to Lionnc. January 19, 1665.
1 1 8 A FRENCH A MBA SSAD OR.
" To the inborn curiosity I have in getting informa-
tion concerning all that takes place in the world I owe
the visits of the Earl of Pembroke. . . . This noble-
man, as innocent as a lamb ... is so deeply convinced
of the truth of all the prophecies I mentioned to you of
late, and so earnestly desirous that everybody may
wander in his mind as much as he does, that he spends
his finest rhetoric to enlist me as a member of his party.
. . . He is convinced that you are a downright worthy
man, equal to the grandest things, but he asserts that
all those gifts are not enough, and that many excellent
people are to be seen endowed with such, who speak
contemptuously of prophecies. I did not conceal from
him that I was afraid you were somewhat tainted by
this disease and that it would be no easy task to curb
you to blind submission. . . .
" Such is now my only entertainment in England,
but if it lasts long I am resolved to leave town. . . .
These fools have got it into their head to pester me arid
to make a prophet of me, which in truth is a plain
matter enough, and consists in running about the streets,
making grimaces, answering out of purpose, and by
monosyllables, raising the eves to heaven, keeping one's
hat on, and being very dirty. . . .
" But this is enough of jesting while we are in the
Holy Week ; I must at least allow some interval of
time between this and the Tenebrse which I am going
to hear. The King has done me the honour to lend me
his French musicians, thanks to whom a number of
people in society come to my chapel, Madame de Castle-
maine especially, whom I mean to regale as well as I can." 1
1 To Lionnc. .April 17, 1664.
RELIGIO US MA TTERS. 1 1 9
Catholic worship was performed, by diplomatic privi-
lege, in the chapel annexed to Exeter House ; and there
Cominges had the pleasure, not only of " regaling "
Lady Castlemaine and the " beau monde " with good
music, but to secure every d ay a^large attendance to the
masses said there by his chaplain. His pleasure on this
score would have been unmixed but for the expense it
entailed; but he considered it unpolitical, as well as
unchristian, to retrench on this item. In one of his
numerous complaints concerning his insufficient salary
and the high prices one has to pay for everything in
London, we read : " This is, without comparison, the
place in the world where expenses are largest, and where
money is most freely squandered. We are, I think,
very lucky in the absence of an Ambassador of Spain ;
our master could not then refuse to open his purse. It
is an impossibility to live here upon two thousand
crowns (ecus) per month. Without speaking of extra-
ordinary expenses, only the hiring of houses, the change,
the carnage of letters absorb a third of what his Majesty
gives me. I would not complain if I had means to
defrav this expense, but the idea that I mav be shamed
in this puts me on the rack. ... I did not even men-
tion to you the costs of the maintenance of my chapel,
which pass all I had expected ; they are large, but so
indispensable that it would be better to retrench in
everything else rather than not show magnificence in
this. I have every day six masses, which are scarce! v
enough for the number of people who come to hear
them. There arc as many as sixty or eighty com-
munions each Sunday, and the number will largely
increase as soon as the chase is given to the priests." l
1 To Lionnc. April 19, 1665.
i2o A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
While orthodoxy is thus propagated with the help of
music and the support of Lady Castlemaine, prophets
continue to multiply. When they have not, as the
Earl of Pembroke, the privilege to belong to society,
they are summarily disposed of : " We are in the land
of prophets. We have here a new Jeremiah who speaks
only of fires and flames; he has been sent to gaol.
Another asserts that he has had a vision in which God
has declared to him the day and place of Judgment, the
number and quality of the elect. This one has accepted
six Jacobuses to go and disclose his revelations outside
London." '
As for the Established Church, its " bishops (not one
of whom is of noble extraction) are held in no con-
sideration ; and, to speak the truth, it appears very
strange to see in the stalls of the choir a bishop and
canons dressed in their pontifical robes, have by them
their wives and children. A Scotchman wrote some
time ago as to this : Yidi episcopum et episcopam,
episcopulos et episcopulas. I saw the bishop and
the bishopess, and the little bishops and little
bishopesses." 2
The avenues were overgrown with weeds, and the
sentries were derided.
1 To Lionne. December 10, 1665.
J To Lionne. August 15, 1665.
CHAPTER VIII.
LA GUERRE ET LA PAIX.
BUSINESS was also the subject of the Ambassador's
correspondence. An enormous number of dis-
patches of an appalling length bear testimony to
his diplomatic zeal — a zeal which, however, as it turned
out, was all spent in vain.
The key-stone to the foreign policy of Louis at that
time was, as we know, Spain. The pride of the
Spanish house was to be humbled down ; valuable spoils
were to be appropriated ; towards this object Lionne
was to provide reasons sufficient ; Conde and Turenne
men and guns. There were, however, difficulties in the
way.
The principal difficulty came from the fact that with
all its power, riches, expanse of sea-coasts, France had,
so to say, no navy. Not far from her territory, on the
north and east, two rival nations, England and Holland,
covered the sea with their ships. France was so far behind
them as not even to be admitted to the honour of the
contest. It was indispensable, in order that she might
act freely on land, that she should feel secure concerning
the attitude of the naval powers ; a result which she
122 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
might obtain either by binding the two naval countries
to keep the peace, or by entering into an alliance with
one of them against both the other and Spain too.
Louis tried both experiments, the peaceful and the
warlike one ; he tried also both alliances, the Dutch one
and the English too. For a number of reasons the
English alliance accorded more with his personal wishes;
the help of the English could be more effectual ; they
were a heretical nation, it is true, but the case was not
hopeless ; they had had a taste of Republic, but they
were not, as the Dutch, confirmed, irretrievable "repub-
liquains " ; lastly, a recommendation to court the
English alliance was the last legacy of dying Mazarin.
In the letter to his brother of England notifying the
death of his " cousin " the Cardinal, Louis puts forward
this last plea : " I feel assured that for the love of me,
and on account of the esteem and affection with which
you honoured my said cousin, you will give some
regrets to his memory, and especially when you know
that the advice he most ardent! v tried to impress upon
my mind during his last and most painful sufferings was
to bind myself to you in as straight a friendship and
union as I could, and so to arrange as to make the
interests of both our States similar." [
The lesson was not lost, and from that day, with an
ever-present persistence, Louis kept in view the line of
conduct thus drawn by Mazarin. For many years his
attempts to knit himself to the English King were
never given up. Even when at war with him he had
this plan before his eyes, hoping, when peace would be
restored, to be able to fulfil it. Drafts for a treaty of
1 Louis to Charles. March II, 1661.
LA GUERRE ET LA PALX. 123
intimate union 1 and for a restoration of the Catholic
religion abound in the French archives, some by French
and some by English hands.
Several obstacles lay in the way. The unsurmount-
able one proved to be the temper of the English nation.
In this case as in many similar circumstances it steadily
adhered to its own policy ; statesmen could be per-
suaded, courtiers won, kings put to sleep ; but the
nation remained as it was. That statesmanship which
never failed it in great crises, and which had in former
times so powerfully helped Elizabeth to be a great
queen, was a contrary element, the power of which
Louis was too clever to ignore, and over which he could
prevail only for short periods.
Spain was the enemy. She had given a daughter of
her house as a wife to Louis, while Portugal, with
whom she was at war, had given a wife to Charles ; but
the English hated the Portuguese, and the French
wanted to break the power of Spain. This made the
diplomatic game rather intricate, the more so as Spain
was at peace with France, and had exchanged with her
in the last treaties the most express assurances of friend-
ship. The two kings had bound themselves to love
and help one another " as good brothers." 2 It hail
1 "Art. 1. — II v aura liguc defensive contre tons generalement
avec lesquels l'un 011 l'autre des Seigneurs Rois se trouveront en
guerre, soit par des rebellions et brouilleries qui leur seront si/seitee.-
par leurs propres sujets ou guerre etrangere." Draft submitted to
Louis by the Earl of St. Albans, Fontaincblcau, July 10, 166 1.
-' "Art. 1. — -II est convent! et accordc que . . . les Rois Trc?
chretien et catholique . . . s'entr'aimeront comme buns freres,
procurants de tout leur pouvoir le bicn, 1'honneur et la reputation
l'un de l'autre." Treaty of the Pyrenees, November 7, 10^0.
i 2 a A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
been understood that Spain would have Portugal if she
could conquer it, and France Poland if the French
King could secure the crown for one of his family.
The pretext for a change of attitude towards Spain
arose from these arrangements.
" This letter shall be deciphered by the Comte
d'Estrades himself," Louis writes (July 1 6, 1661),
and in that letter he explains his grievance. The
Spaniard does not adhere closely to the peace arrange-
ments ; seeing which, Louis has taken counsel with his
advisers, and they have agreed that he is no longer
bound by his word. " It was considered on this occa-
sion that the opposition and the difficulties thrown in
the way by the Emperor, moved to this by the
Spaniards, in order to prevent the Polish crown railing,
according to my wish, to one of my family, were an
open breach of the first article of the treaty of peace.
The two Kings had bound themselves, by this article,
sincerely to procure, with all their might, and as good
brothers, the advantage the one of the other. I am,
therefore, no more bound to second my brother the
Catholic King in his attempts to recover the Portuguese
crown than he to help me to secure the Polish one for
my house."
The English and French interests, therefore, agree,
both countries being opposed to Spain. The English
King must hasten to conclude his Portuguese marriage,
which was then only in contemplation ; he will lend his
help to the house of Braganza against Spain. France
will provide the money.
But the Armada times were remote times ; the
English nation was very far from entertaining towards
LA GUE RRE E T LA PA IX. 1 2 5
the Spaniard the feelings it had in former times ; the
power it doubted most was not Spain, but France. Mr.
Pepys very exactly summarized the situation when he
wrote : " We do naturally love the Spanish and hate
the French." This love and this hate the French
Ambassadors had against them, and all their efforts
were bent upon foiling the effect of these feelings.
To obtain naval and military aid for Portugal, while
France would provide the money, and to arrange a
treaty of closer union between France and England,
were the two main objects assigned by Louis to his
representatives at the British Court. D'Estrades's
mission had been unexpectedly closed, and all he had
been able to report to his master was favourable
assurances from heedless Charles concerning the con-
templated union. Cominges had been despatched to
London with all speed to turn these assurances to
account before they had been forgotten. But he was
not long in discovering that his was no easy task.
Louis, who did not like much waiting, had been in
hopes the treatv would be arranged in a trice. Co-
minges found the English statesmen in a very different
mood. They were in business questions slow and
sleepy ; they put forth endless pretexts for delays, and
discovered objections and difficulties without number.
"We must have patience," Cominges wrote. "Men
here scarcely know themselves ; they have almost no
form of government ; the evils they have suffered are
vet so recent that all their efforts aim at preventing the
return of the same. . . . They are cold, slow, phleg-
matic, . . . motionless, frozen," eve. 1 The Chancellor
'I'd the King. February 12, 166 y
J 26 A FREXCIl AMBASSADOR.
argues that Cominges, having then not made his entree,
is not yet an ambassador proper, and cannot legitimately
negotiate. " An absurd reason this," observes the
Sun-King. " The entree has nothing to do with it,
provided the Ambassador has regular powers. The
Sieur de Lionne has treated even of the peace at
Madrid concealed in a hole of the Buen Retiro. . . .
May be the Chancellor thinks his master inclines rather
towards Spain than towards me." l Woe to him if he
does, and woe to the Grand Council of Spain — " that
Council of Spain which attributes to itself the qualifica-
tion of eternal by reason that it never alters its maxims,
but goes straight to its goal till it has reached it : so it
does, may be, with secondary Powers ; but with the
help of God I have succeeded somewhat in shaking
hese high maxims." 2
In vain. The English nation would not allow itself
to be reasoned out or its hatred of France. Cominges
could not doubt it, and he was soon to write, using word
for word the same language as Pepys : " Les Anglais
ha'izsent naturellement les Francais." 5 This reeling
displayed itself on all occasions ; the most absurd
rumours were circulated arid readily believed when
contrary to the French interest : " I must end with
a piece of news which will make you laugh. Two days
ago I presented to the Oueen-mother the calash which
the King has sent to her. Half the town, I believe,
ran to see it ; and they were saying the one to the other
that this was the tribute paid by France to England,
' The King to d'Estrades (then at the Hague). April 13, 1 66 ^.
J The King to Cominges. October 17, 166}.
3 To the King. May 10, 1663.
LA GUERRE ET LA PAIK. 127
and that to conceal this obligation I had been permitted
by the King of England to offer it to his mother.
After that, I hope you will not doubt my cleverness,
seeing how skilfully I have drawn a veil over the
misfortunes of my country." l The Exchange has
become such a fine place for the invention of false news
as to " rival the Piazza Navone or the Rialto," these
places being, as everybody knows, " the kingdom proper
of news- makers." 2
If an English Ambassador was sent to Spain, the
mob accompanied him in the streets with hurrahs
arid arranged a triumph for him : " Four davs ago M.
Fancho (Fanshaw) left for Spain, where he goes as an
Ambassador, in one of the finest vessels of th-i King his
master. I think that out of vanitv he purposely passed
my door tor me to see how he was escorted on board.
He was in one of the Royal coaches, accompanied by
twelve horsemen and followed bv twenty coaches
drawn bv six horses. His equipage is a match for
Jean de Paris's own, and a number of young noblemen
follow him out of curiositv. The King has lent him
four splendid pieces of tapestry and a number of vases
and utensils in gilt silver. . . . A large quantity of the
common people accompanied him, making loud vows
for his success in his mission." 3
Matters were not so easv when the question was of
French affairs. The unpopularity Clarendon had won
tor himself by the sale of Dunkirk (so great that the
To Lionnc. February 16, 166;.
To the King. Januarv 15, 1664.
To Lionnc. February 4, 1604.
128 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
people baptised his fine new house the New Dunkirk) '
made him shy of French Ambassadors and things. He
was not to be seen ; he had the gout ; he had been
ordered to the country ; when he could be met, his
inability to speak French was another difficulty, and he
scarcely concealed his regret not to have to do with
d'Estrades, whom he could address in English.
Ordinaire after ordinaire came and went, and still no
progress could be reported to Louis. If Cominges,
having nothing to say, chose to say nothing, his master,
as little inclined to wait as ever, caused Lionne to
inquire for the reason. The reason was, the English
were in no hurry, and the Chancellor had the gout.
The Ambassador was, however, reminded that no ordi-
naire should go without a dispatch of some sort, so that
something, anything, might be read to Louis. Hence
the number of reports beginning with descriptions of a
quiet and stillness as different as possible of the Louis
Ouatorze ideal. " Those great events by which the
face of nations is sometimes altered, which give speech
to the least eloquent and provide Ambassadors with
matter for their dispatches, are not the fruits of peace
nor of the idleness in which to all appearances this Court
lies buried. As it does not feel at present the spur of
any urgent affair outside the country, it takes interest
only into home things, forgetting that well watching
sentries allow the camp to sleep in peace. Nothing new
is to be seen, and scarcely does the sun, that is as old as
the world, allow its rays to be perceived here." -
1 " Yous saurez que Ton nomme deja par sobriquet le palais quo
fait batir M. le Chancclicr Hyde la nouvelle Dunkcrque "
Cominges to Lionne, October 9, 1664.
2 To the King. December 3, 1663.
LA GUERRE ET LA PAIX. 129
The difficulties arising out of Clarendon's reserve were
increased by Cominges's punctiliousness, stiffness, and
sometimes ill -humour. This last defect had been
greatly increased by the way in which the climate had
acted upon his health. While the Chancellor had to shut
his doors to all on account of his gout, Cominges had to
keep home owing to fluxions, scurvy, and a varietv of
other diseases : " Were there a kingdom to win, I must
to bed ; sleep will perhaps restore my faculties. I have
now a fluxion on the shoulder and chest. The climate
of this country does not suit me at all. ... I have
become nearly paralvtic, and I suffer especiallv from a
disease called scurvy, which is very frequent here. All
my teeth shake ; they say it will be nothing, and that I
will only lose rive or six this time. A pretty piece of
consolation, is it not ? All considered, if I have more
than tour attacks of this disease I shall go home without
one single tooth left.'' 1 He saw phvsicians, but with
little effect. He lacked one very necessarv item, which
ought always to be mixed with remedies tor them to be
of any use, namely, faith. He constantlv derides them,
even certain baths which he had praised at first, but
which did nothing in the end but to " flatter sa
douleur."
Fever appears from time to time, with the result that
Cominges is once given up. Under this trial the soldier
remains true to himself; he causes his secretary to write
and send his best compliments to the King and Oueen ;
tor, to his deathbed, he continues attentive to etiquette,
and has the recommendation conveyed to his wite not to
come, tor she would probably arrive too late, and suffer
1 To Lionnc. March 5 and 1 ;, 1 66 ^ ; April 17, 1664.
9
130 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
therefore unnecessary pain. Cominges, as many did in
his time, acted up to the recommendation of La Fon-
taine, who wanted men to go out of life " ainsi que d'un
banquet," with thanks and compliments to their host.
Cominges' secretary, Bruchet, explains in the same
letter l that, as for business, the Ambassador did not, on
account of impending death, abate one jot of his claims,
and that he was as stiff as ever. Far too stiff indeed,
for, unknown to him, his raideur was one difficulty
more on a road which was not of the easiest.
He was scarcely recovered and not vet out of danger,
when he was protesting of his intention to say his say
and keep the same tone to the last : " They are mightily
complaining of the dryness of my last memoir to the
King of England and to his Council. Well, if I die,
this will add little weight to my load ; and it I recover,
I shall know how to defend as well the manner as the
matter of my writing.'' 2
No wonder such an attitude could not please the easy-
going Charles, who hated to have trouble ; it greatly
helped Clarendon to protract business, imputing much to
" the capriciousness of [Cominges's] nature, which made
him hard to treat with and not always vacant at the
hours himself assigned, being hypochondriac and seldom
sleeping without opium." 3 Often and often Louis tried
ro smooth the temper of his envoy, and with great
lightness of touch, using the most carefully selected
words, in order not to give offence, attempted to per-
1 Bruchet to Lionne. March 30, 1665.
2 April 7, 1665.
- 5 "Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon . . . written by himself,''
Basil, 1798, 5 vols., 8vo, vol. iii. p. 298 (year 1665).
LA GUERRE ET LA PA1X. 131
suade him to negotiate " sans chaleur ni emportement."
Even while dying, Cominges persisted in his warmth.
In this as in many other things, Holies was his exact
counterpart in Paris, and wrote with great satisfaction
how he had snubbed the French King himself : "I was
yesterday at Colombe, to take my leave of the Queene,
who is gone allready towards Bourbon this very wett
morning. The King came thither, whilst I was there,
and at last gave me a little salute with his hand; and
trewly, my lord, I answered him with such a one,
because I knew his Ambassadors in England are accue-
illies (sic) in an other manner." l The result had been
that Holies did not learn a word of what he wanted, but
that did not matter much in his eyes. Another result
was that both Charles and Louis began to think of using
other means to come to an understanding, and the great
influence of Madame, the outcome of which was only to
be felt later, began during those years.
A variety ot minor questions were also the subject of
the official correspondence. Never forget, Louis had
written to Cominges, " that there is nothing in the
whole world that does not come under the cognizance
and fall within the sphere of an Ambassador." 2 Cominges
accordingly wrote about all sorts of political and com-
mercial subjects, and the range of his dispatches cover,
not only the whole of Europe, but Africa also, America,
the Indies, China, and Japan. News did not travel
then as it does now, and events were not known at the
same time all round the world ; they were always worth
1 August 22, 1665. Lister's "Life and Administration of
Clarendon," London, l8}8, ^ vols., Svo, vol. iii. p. ,92.
: February 22, 1 663.
132 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
the mentioning, and there was little fear of double emploi.
Thus the Ambassador sends to his master the latest
particulars he has been able to collect concerning the
doings of the Grand Duke of Muscovy, the anxieties of
Venice by reason of Turkish conquests, the impending
siege of Vienna, the apostacy of a number of mission-
aries owing to the witchery and allurements of the fair
" Japonaises," the arriving in the Downs of a ship from
Bantam " who has made the journey in one year : a
thing unparalleled till now." The name of the vessel
which thus succeeded in beating all previous records is
unfortunately not given. 1
Among the extraneous subjects which more constantly
reappear, a conspicuous place is allotted to the Algerine
and Tunisian corsairs. Weak as was his navy, Louis
did not lose sight of them ; he meant to be respected by
all, even by those infidels. He once describes with
delight, in a letter to Cominges, how his squadron has
run aground two corsair ships near La Goulette and has
burnt them. " The Turks in them to the number of
six hundred jumped into the water ; the loss incurred
by them is not the main result of the encounter, but it
demonstrates that, contrary to what was believed, the
vessels of these corsairs are not so swift that it be an
impossibility for us to overreach them. A small
capture has also been made of twenty-six Turks, who
have been conveyed to my galleys at Toulon." -
What steam now is for our navy, slaves were in those
times. They were the propelling power which allowed
1 To Lionnc. February 21, i66_p The ship brings news of the
burning of Manilla by Chinese pirates.
'-' To Cominges. .April 18, 1663.
LA GUERRE ET LA PALX. 133
to ply against the wind. Louis was ever anxious to
better provide himself with such an indispensable com-
modity. " We hear," writes Lionne, " of the capture
of three thousand Moors [by the English at Tangiers].
In case it were true, the King would greatly like you to
obtain from the King of England a gift of some part of
their number. If you fail, try at least to have them all
or most of them for money. Mind in any case that
they are not given to others." l The English Govern-
ment unfortunately turn out to want all their slaves.
The English will not even part with a number of convicts
which they had been asked kindly to sell.- Cominges
then bethinks himself of the Royal Company of the
Guinea coast, " the staple article of whose trade consists
in slaves." Their produce, however, is of doubtful
quality ; the men are tall and strong, but "so obstinate
that they often prefer to die rather than work. I will,
however, if you like, secure a hundred or so, as an
experiment." 3 He is allowed to try, but the price
happens to be enormous : " I have asked [the Syndic of
the company] for one hundred men between 27 and 35,
sound in their body and complete in their limbs, to be
delivered up at Toulon. They want two hundred
crowns (ecus) for each. ... I do not think the bargain
an acceptable one, as you can find much better men at
Leghorn tor one hundred ecus or four hundred francs. "•+
While slaves were not purchased, and the treaty was
not signed, and the Portuguese were very scantily
' To Cominges. .August 12, 1663.
Bataillcr to the King. November 30, i6nT
; To Lionne. October iS, 1663.
: To the King. December 3, 1663.
134 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
assisted, an event was preparing of a nature to
make even much more complicated the diplomatic game
that was being played. The same spirit of rivalry
which existed in England towards France on account of
the latter's territorial power, w r as entertained towards
Holland as a naval nation. The British Kingdom and
the Dutch Republic were both eager to increase their
colonial possessions, their trade and their fleets. Spain
of course had still its immense colonies, but her conquer-
ing propensities were spent ; both east and west she had
come to a standstill. Not so Holland ; not so England ;
the two were building their colonial empire, watching very
jealously over each other, and afraid the best countries
yet to be occupied as colonies might fall to the lot of
the rival nation. Trading and military fleets con-
stantly crossed and recrossed each other at sea, and
strange reports were circulated and greedily accepted on
the Change at Amsterdam and London as to the wealth
brought home by the last convoy, and as to the ill doings,
malpractices, unjust occupations and barbarities of the
agents of the other State. Greed and hate were thus
kept well alive and ready for instant use ; they too, great
propelling powers. War would ensue some day ; Louis
knew it ; Cominges had left him no doubt as to this :
the Dutch are hated, he wrote, " on meurt d'envie de
les attaquer." ' Louis made up his mind to prevent
hostilities, if that were possible : he did not want any of
the two to destroy the other and to remain the hence-
forth unopposed master of the sea. Cominges was in-
structed to speak and write and entreat accordingly ;
which he did as well as his scurvy, the Chancellor's
1 To Lionne, February 28, 1664. Same to the King.
LA GUERRE ET LA PA1X. 135
gout, Charles's dissipations, the Duke of York and the
people's wilfulness permitted.
War was becoming every day more threatening. 1
While Comingeswas discoursing and writing dispatches,
ships were building in the Thames, and the nation looked
with pride at the splendid fleets that were making
ready. It thought of the coming contest as of a sport:
there would be, of course, some important battles, but
they would be won ; besides this, most of the game
would consist in chasing the Dutch merchantmen ;
there would be a fine sport indeed, and spoils worth the
risks. " The Duke of York spends all his days and
part of his nights upon the river, seeing that his ships
are being armed and the stores filled. . . . The Duke
and his party act as if he were on the point of putting to
sea. On Saturday he ordered out of Chatham the
St. James, the best ship of England, bearing 80 pieces.
His upholsterer is furnishing his apartments there, and
his quartermaster marks the ' cabanes ' for the noblemen
who are to accompany him." 2
As for Charles himself, the sportive side of the venture
pleases him very much, and he takes a particular delight
in paving, he too, visits to the dockyards. I Ie indulges
in trips at sea, and when the weather is unpropitious,
he remains on board a little longer to sec his courtiers
look pale. "Yesterday the King of England did me
the honour to take me with him to see the launching of
a vessel of 1,200 tons burden ; a finer and more mag-
1 To the King, July 21, 1664. To Lionne, July 2S, \()G.{.
War will begin in Guinea and be continued in Europe. To Lionne,
September 15, [664.
2 To Lionne. November }, 1664.
136 A FftEA T CH A MBA SSA DOR.
nificent I never saw. While painters are busy em-
bellishing the outside and the rooms, masts are planted,
ropes and artillery provided. . . .
" We saw there all the old generals and captains of
Cromwell, who are very loyal and full of confidence on
account of their last successes against the Dutch. The
King told me before them, that they all had had the
plague, but that they were quite sound now and less acces-
sible to the disease than others. I must confess, sire, that
nothing finer than all this navy can well be imagined ;
nothing grander and more impressive than this large
number of ships ready made or being built, this vast
quantity of guns, masts, ropes, planks and other things
used in this sort of warfare. The King had an excellent
meal served to us on one of his yachts ; he drank the
health ot your Majesty and asked the company to
second him, and this was heartily done. I returned
thanks, and in your behalf I proposed the health of the
King of England. Both were honoured with so many
guns and so much noise that the weather changed.
" While we were thus carousing, the sea became rough
and completed what wine had begun. The Queen, who
was on the river with the ladies, escaped the sickness
but not the fear. All the rest were less lucky, as was
only too apparent. The squall being over, the sky
cleared, the ship was launched, and it was possible to
enjoy the sight without the inconvenience of the rain
and hail. The ceremony being finished, the Oueen
went home with the coaches prepared for the King ; but
he, who was greatly amused at seeing the others dis-
composed, did not care to allow us to do the same. It
proved, however, an impossibility to use barges to return
LA GUERRE ET LA PALX. 137
to town, and we had to hire coaches and carriages at
Greenwich to go back to Whitehall." !
Enchanted with this piece of wickedness, Charles did
not fail to begin again, and, fever or no fever, he would
have Cominges awakened before break of day and
invited to accompany him again on similar excursions :
" Last Monday, at five in the morning, the King of
England sent me a message to ask me to go with him to
Chatham to see six vessels, or rather six war machines,
the finest and largest to be seen at sea." The ship
meant for the Duke ot York, not after all the St. James,
but the Charles, is a splendid piece of joinery ; it has
80 guns, two of which, lodged on the forecastle, are
culverins of prodigious length. 2
War has not been declared vet, but reprisals have
begun on both sides ; the game has been opened ; more
serious play will soon follow. The French mediation
has been a first time reiected ; 3 " the Eng-]ish arc
intoxicated with their present state," 4- and with the state
of their navy; volunteers are being instructed — in the
summary rashion then considered sufficient : "Part ot
the volunteers will leave [the Thames] on Monday
with the fleet [and go by sea to Portsmouth] to inure
themselves. The Dukes ot Monmouth, Richmond,
Buckingham, Norfolk, and several other noblemen are
among them.'' 5
Disquieting news all this. Louis resolved to try
one last effort in order to have the peace preserved.
1 To the King. November 6, 1664.
To the King. November I 3, 1664.
; English note of the 16th of October, 1664..
; Ruvigny to Lionne. December 1 ;. [664.
■ To the King. November 16, [664.
CHAPTER IX.
LA CELEBRE AMBASSADE.
I. Business.
IF one Ambassador had failed, perhaps three would
do better. Louis resolved to appoint " une celebre
ambassade extraordinaire " to represent him in Eng-
land ; and he gave his commission accordingly to a
member of his own house, Henri de Bourbon, Due de
Verneuil, an illegitimate son of Henry the Fourth 1 and
Henrietta de Balzac, Marquise de Verneuil (" I saw,"
writes Evelyn in his Diary, "the Duke of Verneuille,
base-brother to the Queen-mother, a handsome old man
and a great hunter "), Honore Courtin, an intimate
friend of Lionne, chosen by the King because he would
have in England " a member of his council well versed
in judicial matters," 2 and then Cominges himself.
The necessitv for the presence of an Ambassador
with technical knowledge arose from the number of
captures made by the English, who, while they hated
' Born in 1601, legitimized 1603, endowed with the bishopric
of Metz 1 60S, which he kept, though not in holy orders, till
1652. He died at Verneuil in 1682.
' Instructions. April 4, 1665.
,,;,;„/
LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 139
the Dutch, did not like much, as we know, the French,
and who constantly stopped French boats and seized
French goods. The object assigned to the efforts of
the three was the same as before, namely to forward
the preparation of the treaty of closer union, and to
prevent war between England and the Dutch Republic.
This last item was the more urgent. If war is not
averted, the English will probably have the better of it,
and if they have, Louis not unwisely remarks, " it will
be very difficult to the other powers to deny to the
English that domination over the sea to which they
have always aspired. Of this empire they are now so
greedy, that it may be asserted that from this wish and
from their intention to secure to themselves the trade
of the whole world, arise all the difficulties and quarrels
they raise against the Dutch States." l
The three Ambassadors were recommended to pay a
particular attention to Parliament and to members of
the same, they being bent upon war, while Charles is
more quietly inclined, though not lacking personal
courage, " according to the testimony of Cromwell
himself" In their intercourse with deputies they must
show great tact, for members of Parliament are " very
proud," and Ambassadors must avoid any appearance
of pressure or interference. They must meddle with
the country's affairs and not seem to be meddling, a very
delicate task. They are allowed to distribute freely
assurances and remonstrances, and promises of friend-
ship, goodwill and eternal amity.
Loaded with as much com of this sort as could be
included in instructions of a remarkable length, Courtin
1 Instructions to the three Ambassadors. .April 4, 1665.
140 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
and Verneuil left Paris with ail speed to join Cominges,
not being allowed to wait for their equipage. They
found at Calais "two very fine yachts, gilt all over,
as well inside as outside. The rooms are wondrous
neat, with carpets and velvet beds." They belonged to
the Queen and King of England, who had sent them
to honour their uncle Verneuil.
At Dover horses and footmen and royal carriages
were in the same manner provided. On their way to
the capital, " many people, at Dover, Canterbury,
Rochester, kept inquiring from persons of our own suite
why we were going to London ; and being informed
that we meant to secure peace between England and
Holland, they without hesitation answered : If they
come for nothing else, they might as well go back." l
They continued none the less their journey, reached
London on the 16th of April, 1665, and saw on the
same day the King, who was " en un lieu nomme Chine "
(Sheen). They are very well received, and " Milord
Fichardin " (Fitzhardin) is particularly amiable.
They at once set to work, and at once discover
that what had proved too much for Cominges alone
would not be more easy for the three to obtain. The
new-comers might be more supple or eloquent or
persuasive ; but to persuade Charles was nothing ; the
nation it was, now as before, that had to be persuaded,
and the nation was entirely beyond their reach.
Exactly a week after his arrival Courtin was already
writing to Lionne that there was nothing to hope ; the
King wants peace, but Parliament wants war ; and
! The Three to the King. April 20, 1665.
LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 141
Parliament being the stronger party, war must be con-
sidered inevitable.
The three, none the less, began strenuously to fulfil
their instructions ; they proposed a delay of two months
before the fleets were allowed to weigh anchor, and they
offered their mediation. But the English answers were
long in coming, and when they came they were found to
be dilatory. One day the Chancellor has his usual and
opportune gout ; another day the audience is postponed
" on account of the Sunday, for which they have here
the greatest egards." l Courtin had long private con-
versations with Charles : he was in fact the real
Ambassador all the while ; the King delighted in his
talk, and found him a charmeur. " Short, with a
beauish face and a somewhat ridiculous figure, Courtin
was full of wit, good sense, judgment, maturity and
grace. . . . He pleased everybody evervwhere." So
wrote St. Simon, 2 no easy man to please.
Charles would allow him to plead for hours, and
fully to develop the assurances and remonstrances in his
instructions ; he would be delighted at his Excel lencv's
reasonings, ready wit, and clever retorts, but even he
would not allow himselt to be persuaded, because that
was an impossibilitv ; because Parliament was there, and
the country too. ct ' My fleet, Sir, is out of harbour
even now, and I cannot call it back with honour, and
then you must remember my people are in a rage
against the Dutch.' " 3 To this last reason, Courtin was
not slow to perceive, agreeing in this with Cominges,
The Three to
the King.
April 20,
106;.
•' Me'moires," c
ie Bohlile':
3 ed., vol. i
ii. p. 2
The Three to
the King.
April 23,
ir/» 5 .
142 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
that there was no answer. " There is this difference
between him [/.., Charles II.] and the King our
master, that his Majesty can order his subjects to go as
he pleases, but the King of England is bound to follow
his." i
Another difficulty came from the stubbornness ot the
Dutch. In the year 1662, Louis, foreseeing that the
union with England would be very difficult to conclude,
and unwilling to let one of the two great naval powers
of the world to be utterly ruined by the other, had
signed a treaty of alliance with Holland. 2 This con-
vention he thought would not prevent his arranging
a treaty with England ; but, on the contrary, give more
weight to his proposals, the refusal of which would
entail, not the status quo, but declared hostility. The
Dutch treaty in the meanwhile had kept all its force,
and the English one was yet in nublbus ; Louis was
bound to help the States, and depending upon this they
were the more aggressive, and proved scarcely less
difficult to quiet than the English. The three
Ambassadors did their best to win Van Gogh, the
Envoy of the Republic, to their pacific programme ;
for, though acts of hostility were of daily occurrence,
diplomatic relations had not yet been broken. To the
appeals made to him, Van Gogh used to answer —
" ' Ah, sir, it is a verv difficult thing you are asking !
All I caii say is our people are not more easy to govern
than the English, and thev would never approve of our
1 Courtin to Lionnc. April, 1665.
2 Treaty of Paris, April 22, 1662. In case one of the two
were attacked, the other was to declare war against the aggressor
within four months.
LA CELEBRE AMBASSADE. 143
making larger concessions than we have offered . . .
We are unjustly attacked ; I have been an homme
d' amies (he used those very terms), and I will well know
how to die with the others ? ' . . . We allowed him
time to recover from this furious fit, which had been
caused either by the excellence of his zeal, or maybe
by a very long sword which was dangling at his side." l
While the Ambassadors do their best to hurry on an
understanding, the King of England and his Ministers
formalize as much as they can. We are in Mav ;
nothing has been done ; the warlike preparations con-
tinue, and at the very time when a naval battle is daily
expected, Charles and Clarendon put forth the un-
expected demand to have the negotiations carried on in
writing : " ' Since I have come back to my kingdom,
(says Charles) I have nearly forgotten the French
language, and in truth the trouble I have in looking
for my words allows the escape of my thoughts.
I must needs have delay in order to be able to reflect
and meditate upon things proposed to me in that
language . . .' " All this ignorance and lightness of
thought the French Ambassadors politely deny.
" He added that his commissaries did not understand
French. I retorted that many in his council spoke
French as well as we did, and that we would use Latin
if these gentlemen liked.
" 'No, no, no,' said he, ' I assure vou thev will not
desist, and thev want to negotiate in writing.'
" ' This, Sire, I am very sorry we cannot do.'
"As we had come to this, the door was thrown open,
and the Queen-mother, who was retiring, passed us,
1 The Three to the Kins:. Mav 1 1 166;.
i44 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
saying : ' Dieu vous benisse ' ; as showing the wish she had
we might come to an understanding. The Earl of St.
Albans showed himself at the aperture, and the King
nodded to him, saying : ' Do come here ; here is a little
man I cannot convince or silence.' "
The King hereupon begins to talk English to
St. Albans, the outcome of which conversation is that,
as his ultima ratio, Charles puts forth the plea that it is
supper time, and he therefore hurries away not to have
his Castlemaine wait. 1
At the Castlemaine's the secret affairs of the State
are freely discussed, and France is loudly denounced.
Lauderdale is especially warm in his attacks ; not he
alone, however, " for the conclusion of his speech is on
the lips of all Englishmen. You have only to go to
the Exchange to hear it repeated every morning. For
in this country everybody thinks it his right to speak
of the affairs of State, and the verv boatmen want the
my lords to talk to them about such topics while they
row them to Parliament." 2 In this noticeable remark
the three forestalled, for many years, Montesquieu's
well-known observation concerning' the London tilers,
who were espied by him reading the Gazette while they
were at work on the roofs, so intent and so widely
spread was the passion for politics in England.
Days and weeks and months pass. The fine fleet
which Cominges had seen building is cruising in the
North Sea, under command of the Duke of York ; the
Dutch fleet is also at sea under the orders of Obdam.
A battle is imminent. One day of June while Cominges
1 The Three to the King. May 24, 1665.
2 The Three to Lionne. June 1, 1665.
LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 145
and Courtin were taking their walk in the park of
" St. Jemme," reports of guns are heard ; a rumour
comes that the Dutch fly ; ' the Ambassadors must wait,
however, to know the truth for sure, till they can see the
King, " who speaks always sincerely." They meet him
at his palace, and hear that seventeen Dutch men-of-war
have been taken, and nine burnt or sunk. The English
have lost the Earls of " Falmuth, Portlan, and Mal-
borout," besides " M. de Mousseri, Irlandois." 2 The
hostile fleet has been scattered to the winds and the
waters ; maybe they will congregate again.
" M. de Witt," Courtin observes with strange fore-
sight, " has such a strong will as to want another battle.
He will perhaps be torn to pieces by his own people." 3
The bloody tragedy foreshadowed in this last sentence
was, however, to be delayed till Saturday, 20th of August,
1672, when the Grand Pensionary was massacred by his
compatriots, and a finger torn from his bodv " sold for
two sous and a pot of beer." 4
Great were the rejoicings in London at the news of
the victory of the Duke of York off the Suffolk coast,
the blowing up of Obdam's ship, and the flight of the
Dutch. Bonfires were lighted in the streets. Owing
to their capacity as mediators, the French Envoys con-
sidered they had to abstain from taking part in them,
which angered the mob very much ; they were ac-
cordingly hooted each in turn, and their windows
'Courtin to Lionnc. June 15, 1665.
-The Three to the King. June 18, 166^.
-To Lionnc. June 22, 1665.
4 A. Lcfevrc Pontalis, " Jean de Witt," Paris i 8S4., 2 vols., Svo.,
vol. ii. p. 537.
1 o
146 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
broken. But while any breach of etiquette by officials
was resented to the extent, as we have seen, of bringing
nations to the verge of war, the doings of mobs were,
not unwisely, esteemed as of little import. Cominges had
taken almost no notice of a former emeute before his
house. The emeute had been caused by a servant
belonging to the Exeter family knocking a shop boy
on the head with his sword. The mob assembled ; the
servant withdrew into the Ambassadorial court vard,
where he was covered by the diplomatic immunity.
Cominges's men helped the fellow to escape by a side
door, while the rabble clamoured for him to be surren-
dered ; when they heard he had fled they broke
Comino-es's windows. " The noise reached me when
I had already ordered my coach, meaning to go out.
I walked at once towards the mob, which allowed me to
pass; I ordered all my men to withdraw, and caused the
door to be shut ; I had then my drive in the town as
I had resolved, with only one gentleman and a page.
So the rabble dispersed, the asylum was not violated,
and my person was not insulted." T
tl I am very glad," Louis answered, "you could
put an end to that fray without more trouble . . .
Incidents of this kind are such that no human wisdom
can foresee them. I greatly approve your presenting
yourself to the mob (thanks to which the tumult was
quieted) and your driving with one gentleman and
a page as you had resolved before." -
1 To the King. March 15, 1663.
-'March 25, 1663. D'Estradcs too (letter to Briennc the
younger, October 6, 1661) had had the excitement of similar
encounters. A Swedish baron pursued by the police having taken
LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 147
It is strange to compare the tone of the dispatches
concerning the Watteville affair and the letters in which
the Ambassadors report such frays as the above, or,
again, give an account of the siege laid to their houses
on the occasion of the victory.
The first part of the night had been spent very
gaily but quietly : " At the moment I am writing,
Monseigneur, that is, about eleven of the night," says
Secretary Bigorre, " I hear on all sides the shouts of the
people who flock in large numbers round the bonfires
in the streets. Coming home from Messrs. de Cominges
and Courtin, to whom I had brought dispatches for
them to sign, I saw a number of fires which were being
prepared. At the door of wealthy persons there was no
less than a full cartload of wood for each single fire ;
those who lack wood burn their old chairs and old
chests. ... A standard taken from the Dutch has been
placed on the top of the Tower; the Westminster bells
have been ringing as a sign of rejoicing." '
Later in the night things altered : lt It was one after
midnight, that is to say a time when the rabble had drunk
abundantly," when the absence of bonfires at the doors
of the French Ambassadors, " whose houses were in the
middle of the town," was noticed by the mob. The
rabble insisted upon fires being lighted, and obtaining
none they showed their displeasure, as usual, by breaking
the windows. " My tale will be short," writes Courtin
shelter in the house of d'Estrades at Chelsea, while he himself was
awav hunting, a fight took place between the police force and the
servants of" the Embassy, eight of these being wounded, while
two of" the mob were killed.
1 Bigorre to Lionnc. June IN, 166;.
148 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
to Lionne. " I have had a dozen glass panes broken in
the room occupied by your son. M. de Cominges has
been less lucky, and if we had not kept our temper well
you would have heard of a fine grilling of Ambassadors,
for the streets were full of ready burning coals.'' l
" If I were not afraid of Fame," writes on his part
classical Cominges, " of Fame that is wont to magnify
things, I would not even mention what has taken place.
But you will know, sir, and 1 hope forget a minute
after, that, in order that nothing should be done contrary
to our quality and obligations as mediators, I ordered my
people not to light fires before my door, but to give
wood to my neighbours if they wanted any to increase
their own fires. Whether the thing passed unobserved
at first, or that the fumes of the wine had not vet turned
their heads, certain it is that I remained untroubled
till midnight. But shortly after, it seemed proper to a
multitude of roughs, who evidently considered that they
had no better way of showing their patriotism and their
hatred towards France, to shower on my house first exe-
crations of the usual type, then stones in such a number
that I had to leave my bedroom to avoid being wounded
in so fine an encounter. My people, brave as chained
lions, were moved by so much insolence ; they instantly
armed themselves each according to his profession : spits
stood at the vanguard, pistols and muskets composed
the main bodv of the troops. Things having come to
this, I thought it advisable to cool so much military
ardour. I addressed them in a speech returning thanks,
and I ordered my army to withdraw. . . .
" The foes, availing themselves of my prudence, which
: J unc 22, [665.
LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 149
they interpreted as weakness, marked all the entrances to
my house with a number of white crosses and inscrip-
tions meaning, ' May the pity and misericord of God be
on this poor house,' as if the plague were in it, and its
inhabitants had been destroyed. They withdrew then in
their turn with much hooting." '
With a nation thus disposed, little could be hoped from
a negotiation, and the abundant stores of fine phrases
and assurances with which the instructions provided the
Ambassadors would be of little avail. Courtin, a shrewd,
practical man, for all his jollity, could not help sneering
at those treasures : a much more effectual argument
would have been a public declaration that Louis would,
according to the Treaty of 1662, help the Dutch with
his troops and money ; and even this, Courtin thought,
would be barely sufficient to quiet now the passions of
the people. As for the fine talk with which the
Ambassadors were expected by the men at home to
alter the bend and will of a great nation, he takes the
liberty to write plainly to Lionne :
" So long as I see that we and M. Van Gogh are
possessed of nothing better than certain common
places from which to draw fine words to persuade the
King of England — to whom we have by order delivered
three or four times over the same compliment — I will
believe that you laugh in your sleeve when for your
sins and out of sheer courtesy you feel bound to write
to us. You will allow me to say in justice to you, that
you are tar too enlightened not to know as well as I
do that the King of England, were he accessible to
all the fine things you have so delicately moulded in our
1 To Lionne. func 22, 1665.
150 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
instructions, and in two or three other dispatches, would
be quite unable to follow the promptings of his heart,
dependent as he is upon his Parliament and his people.
We must therefore examine whether testimonies of
tenderness on the part of our master, his prayers, and
our instant recommendations, can make some impression
on the Parliament of England and on the inhabitants of
London : that you will not readily believe." ] Charles
" can nothing except when he wills what his subjects
want." 2 Courtin is sorry to be only thirty-eight ; if
he had the authority which age gives he would quietly
go beyond his instructions. " I would take resolutions
and act upon them, and let vou know only afterwards."
Even in those pre-telegraphic times. Ambassadors, as
we see, felt not a little the impediment of too strict
instructions. As things stand, and as the task is hope-
less, Courtin resolves at least to make the best of his
stay among the English, and if he cannot be useful he
means at least not to be bored, and he will mix more
and more with the gay world. " As soon as I have done
with my cough, I will live as Ministers of State do in
this country, and, to begin, I have this very morning
named to the King of England the person who has
touched my heart ; he has already come to my help and
interposed his good offices in my favour." 3
II. Amusements.
The amusements of the English Court were famous
all over Europe, and the additional Ambassadors sent
; [imc 29, 1665. July 6, 1665.
; To Lionne. June S, 166;.
LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 151
to reinforce Cominges did not fail to turn the occa-
sion to account. They soon became acquainted with
the Stewart, the Castlemaine, and the other ladies
who played a part at Court, with the former especi-
ally, whose favour was in the ascendant, and who
was not averse to France. They report with pleasure
that the Castlemaine who favours Spain is running
great risks : " She has refused to sleep at Hampton
Court under pretence that her apartments are not
ready. His Britannic Majesty supped yesterday with
Mile. Stewart at Milord Arlington's, who had his
mistress with him. A Madame Scrope she is, first
lady of the chamber to the Queen, and a woman
not to content herself with a mere Secretary of State.
For you must know, sir, that ladies are not to be
won by fine dispatches, such as you draw every day.
. . . But to come back, Madame de Castlemaine
runs great risks, and if her anger lasts she may well
lose the finest rose on her hat. This comparison is
allowable in a country where all women wear such." T -
Flostile as they were bound to be towards Spain, the
three, none the less, entertained agreeable relations with
the Ambassador of his Catholic Majesty, Count de
Molina. They dined at his house, where a famous
cook prepared extraordinary Spanish dainties. " The
cheer is excellent, but Spanish fashion ; ollas make the
first course, fruit the second, and roast the third. He
has a butler who knows how to make a liquid blanc-
mange that is greatly esteemed, and is drunk as
lemonade." 2
1 Courtin to Lionne. [uly 16, 166^.
Bigorrc to Lionne. |ulv 6, 166;.
152 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
In such festivities, whether challenged by Monk or
not, our Ambassadors were in danger of losing their
heads somewhat. Drinking was a sport, and the first
of sports. A good drinker was held in as high esteem
as a good player at any fashionable game is held now :
Cl Pray excuse my style," Courtin quietly says, " I have
been writing all the night, and I drank more than I
ought." 1 Servants not unnaturally followed the ex-
ample of their masters, and as they had not the
drinking capacities of " the General " some little incon-
veniences sometimes ensued. The same Molina gives
a supper one Monday " to Madame de Castlemaine and
to a number of Englishmen and ladies. There was a
great feast. But his servants having allowed too much
liquor to the coachmen and lackeys, they happened to
be all drunk when there was a question of going. Their
masters and mistresses having noticed it, would not be
driven by men in that state, and borrowed from the
Spanish Ambassador his own coachmen and postilions.
But as some little capacity to understand was left to a
tew of the others, they became aware of the slight put
upon them. They stood up to prevent it, and a free
right ensued with the servants of M. de Molina. This
created the greatest and most amusing disturbance
imaginable.' 2
Being famous for its elegance and its gaiety, the
English Court was then a place of resort for fashion-
able people of all countries. They were very well
received there, were t 1 :y men or women, Gramonts or
Duchesses Mazarin. ionne, who felt his eldest son
1 Courtin to Lionnc. Mav 24, 1665.
-' Bigorrc to Lionnc. July 9, 166;.
SJSzr-dhnptfeZf
I n2^/K^-^u--JVte^v.
MISS JENNINGS
From the picture by Verclst formerly at Ditton Park
LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 153
was lacking in some of that varnish the recipe for which
Chesterfield was to lay down in later years, accepted
Courtin's offer, and allowed young " Marquis de Berni "
to follow the Ambassador to England. The Marquis
was then only nineteen ; he was still very gauche and
slow. London was, not without reason, considered the
place where he would lose his shyness. He was there-
fore permitted to stay there, very much in the same
manner as Chesterfield wanted his son in the next
century to live in France, in order to see the world, to
improve his conversation, and to rub off his timidity.
Very curious it is to see with what sort of fatherly care
Courtin and Cominges watched the young man's suc-
cesses. Their letters on the subject read very much
like Chesterfield's ; the difference of time and place is
scarcelv perceptible : so true to itself from the beginning
to the end was the worldly wisdom of "l'ancien
regime."
" Your son," Courtin writes, " begins as honest men
do ; he is a little abashed ; but we have given him
courage, and Mr. d'Irval [r] has so well seconded him
that he has at length "• — -he had been a month in
London — c ' made his declaration. It has been very
well received by one of the finest girls in England :
Mile. Genins (Jennings), of the household of the
Duchess of \ ork. She is small, but with a fine figure,
a splendid complexion, the hair such as you remember
Madame de Longueville's was, brilliant keen eyes, the
whitest and smoothest skin I ever saw. The Duchess,
who is generally severe on such things, finds the two so
well suited that she is the first to favour them. The
Oueen-mother, the Kin^, all the Court, act accordingly.
l 54 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
People laugh, but I assure you the thing goes on well,
and you must feel no anxiety about it ; for you may
readily believe that I would put, as the word is, les kolas,
if I saw our cavalier go beyond what he should. But
his intrigue is exactly at the point where it must be, to
make him a man of the world (honnete homme), and I
will let you know how it progresses." l
It progresses very well ; young Lionne arranges to
see his lady every day ; he sends her strawberries every
evening ; he wants, for good reasons, to follow the
Duchess of Y ork wherever she goes ; and Courtin has
soon to moderate him. 2 He tries to turn him to
sterner duties, viz., the drawing of dispatches, the
scheme for which is supplied to him. One such, the
object of which is to inform d'Estrades at the Hague of
all that goes on, is several times alluded to ; several
times, because it is never finished. M. le Marquis has
been ordered to do it ; he will do it, this day, or rather
to-morrovv ; it is not quite finished yet ; he will work at
it again by and by : so Ambassadors write from day to
day. D'Estrades luckily had other sources of informa-
tion. " I tell him all the truths I find necessary for
him to know ; and I am not content with treating with
him all the questions which seem to me of greattr
import, but I ask M. de Cominges to help me. We have
sometimes to contend with his timidity, and sometimes
with his presumption ; very often with his sloth, but
above all with his vanity, which is fed by all the
1 May 24, 1665.
2 The young man has also to be moderated in another way.
Cominges draws a mournful picture of Berni's sickness after he
had eaten too much cream. April 23, 1665.
LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 155
honours paid to him. I think you would do well to
destine him to the robe (to a judicial career). He will
then stay among people who, having no ambition to
rise at Court, will live with him in greater familiarity,
and will remove from his mind what comes into it by
reason of honours rendered to him and meant for you." l
Cominges, on his side, notices that since he is in love
with Miss Jennings he displays " more ease in his con-
versation, a greater care of his person, less shyness in
society. I hope that this voyage will have improved
him, and that you will find changes which will please
you. You are, it is true, a severe judge, and you
expect perfection in an age when reason scarcely begins
to bud."
As a sign that the teaching imparted to him was not
thrown away, young Lionne, to the great admiration of
his mentors, began to pretend he was not in love with
Miss Jennings only, and to act accordinp;lv. Quite
Chesterfieldian is Courtin's letter on this youthful feat ;
the respective merits of youth and age are there
compared as follows : "Your son has become faithless.
The King of England has discovered it. The
truth is he felt the point of what we said, and would
not be suspected of being such a man as to overstep
bounds. On this score, therefore, there is nothing to
fear. The pity is that he pretends he can love only-
young ladies ; people of his age must, however, be in-
structed by old ones, who cure them of the bashfulness
which makes them mute and prevents them from daring
anything. '' 2
1 Courtin to Lionne. May 28, 1665.
•' Courtin to Lionne. June S, 166;.
156 A FRENCH A MB A SSADOX.
" Women of fashion," writes Chesterfield — " I do
not mean absolutely unblemished — are a necessary in-
gredient in the composition of good society. ... In
company every woman . . . must be addressed with
respect ; nay, more, with flattery, and you need not fear
to make it too strong. Such flattery is not mean on your
part nor pernicious to them, for it can never give them
a greater opinion of their beauty or their sense than
they had before. Do not forget to pay your court to
the older ones, for if you do they never forgive it ; and
I could suppose cases in which you could desire their
friendship, or at least their neutrality." T
Thus wrote, in the eighteenth century, godfathers to
godsons, godson being in this case " aetatis sua?," ten.
A truer truth than Courtin's statement above is
disclosed in a later dispatch in which the Ambassador
confesses that the sham love-making of young Lionne
to " Mistris Bointon " (the Boynton of Gramont's
Memoirs, who had fainting-fits and was loved by
Talbot) had for its cause a refusal of Miss Jennings
(loved also by Talbot) to have her hands kissed. 2 The
Boynton stratagem succeeds very well, and. petite Genins
has to surrender her hands. In fact the young Marquis
de Berni remained faithful to the last- — to the last of
the three months he spent in England. With all his
defects, he seems to have pleased everybody about him :
" He will be greatly regretted at this Court, being, as he
is, appreciated by the King and the Queens, and dearly
loved by the prettiest young lady in England." 3 Do
' Oxford, 1890, p. 1 1 6.
2 Courtin to Lionne. August 23, 166:.
; The Three to Lionne. ]ulv 2, 166;.
LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 157
not, added Courtin, " give him up on account of his
youthful faults. If I spend the winter in Paris, I mean
to unfreeze you two, and breed such close familiarity
between you that you will take as much pleasure in
teaching him as he will in being taught." l
One last letter on the subject of the young Marquis
gives a curious side-light on the character and morals of
the father, and very strange it seems at the present day
that Lionne could leave such letters behind him to be
preserved and bound at the French Foreign Office with
the official correspondence concerning peace and war and
treaties.
The Court has retired to Kingston ; the Marquis de
Berni has been recalled to Paris, but he is remembered
at Court : " Thursday evening, the King of England
teased very much in my presence Mrs. ' Genius ' on the
subject of your son ; the young girl reddened ; she
never appeared more beautiful. His Majesty told me
that your son had asked M. Porter to let him know
how she looked on the day he was gone ; and at the
same time his Majesty assured me that he had never
seen such a picture of sadness and desolation as the
young gallant offered when on board the yacht of the
Queen-mother. He was right, I can tell you, for the
young lady loved him dearly, and if the one who
reduced you to the taking of certain waters flavouring
of turpentine had been as beautiful, your stomach would
not have been easily restored to health. But I have
what will give it a new vigour, and I wait only till
Persod," the King's messenger, "comes back, to send to
you two cakes of chocolate with which I have been
' I illy 9, 1665.
158 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
presented by the Spanish Ambassador." 1 This chocolate
is the best in the world, so good indeed that it
puts to shame by comparison even " the one the
recipe for which Madame de Lionne brought from
Madrid." 2
Lionne thereupon writes to have more particulars,
not about Miss Jennings at all, but about this curious
dainty, chocolate. How is it to be prepared ? Lionne
seems to have laboured under the delusion that eggs
ought to be mixed with it. Courtin answers : " I
am not quite sure as to the way it ought to be
managed ; I think, however, I have heard it said that
eggs were not to be added." The true recipe is then
secured from his Spanish Lxcellency, and dictated by
Courtin to Secretary Bigorre tor the benefit of Louis's
Minister : " I have written under dictation the follow-
ing lines, without either adding or omitting a word :
'You must first have the water to boil, and then
mix it with the chocolate and sugar, and not place
it again on the fire.' " 3 The same recipe, " without
addition or omission," is to be read to this day on the
boxes of all the varieties of our cocoas and cocoatinas.
III. The fogs and plague.
While the Ambassadors were talking chocolate, a
change had come over the capital ; signs of mourning
1 July 27, 1665.
-' Julv 16, 1665. Madame dc Lionne (Paule Payen) was " une
femme dc bcaucoup d'esprit, dc hauteur, dc magnificence ct de
depensc. Rile avait tout mange ct vivait dans la dernicre
indigence ct la memc hauteur " (St. Simon).
; Bigorre to Lionne. July 30, 1665.
LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 159
were to be seen everywhere ; the plague had made its
appearance. " The plague besieges us on all sides,"
writes Courtin in June, "and if nothing happens the Court
will leave town as soon as the Queen-mother is g-one.
M. de Verneuil intends to keep very few people with
him, and to send back the others to France. Tell me
what I should do. I have forty persons with me, and I
dare not leave any in London on account of the
increasing pestilence. " l
Great was the bustle and trouble in all the Embassies,
provided then with an army of servants and an immense
quantity of horses, carnages, and impediments of all
sorts. The three French envoys were the more dis-
pleased at this ill-timed occurrence, as they had already
suffered from the English climate, and were in a weak
state. The fog-complaint is not a recent one ; it was
then as strong as it is now ; it dates back in tact — an
ominous tact — from the time of Pytheas : in the few
lines preserved of this earliest traveller to Britain
mention is made of the remarkable togs of the country.
They cannot be said to have become since unworthy
of their tame, and Pytheas's testimony is there to show
that it rests on a more solid basis than the smoke of the
sea-coal. They are, in fact, a national thing, inherent
to the soil, adscript! gleb ml ion de rai
preeminence m'appartient, et que i'en suis de tout temp? et en
i 9 o A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
tous licux en possession. L'autre, que vous ayez defere a ce
qu'il vous a envoye dire, n'ayant meme ete qu'une priere de sa
part, de n'envoyer pas vos carrosses, vu que, quand meme
c'aurait ete un ordre expres, comme il lui est libre de les donncr
tels qu'il veut dans son Etat, vous auric/, du lui repondre que
vous n'en recevez que de moi, ct s'il cut apres ccla rcsolu
d'user de violence, lc parti que vous aviez a prendre ctait de vous
retirer de sa cour, attendant ma volentc sur cc qui se scrait passe.
8. The Entree. — D'Estrades to Lionne, Aug. 22, 1661. — Je me
preparerai dans la premiere occasion a porter 1'afFaire a une si
grande hauteur que je suis trompc si les plus severes trouvent
quelque chose a me reprochcr.
9. The Entree. — Louis to d'Estrades, Sept. 28, 1661. — Je
desire que, soit que ledit Comtc Strozzi [who was expected as
Imperial Ambassador to England] vous ait notifie son entree ou
qu'il vous l'ait celce pour complairc a Wattevillc, vous envoyez vos
carrosses au devant de lui, et que vous vous mettiez en etat qu'ils
conservent la preeminence qui m'est due, precedant ceux de tous
les autres Ambassadcurs dans la marche. . . . Je nc vous dis rien
des mesares que vous aurez du prendre auparavant pour etre bien
assure que vos gens seront en etat de sc conscrver dans la marebe ie
rang qui leur est du, me promettant que vous n'y omettrez rien de
possible, ct meme que la chose vous sera d'autant plus aisee que le
Baron de Wattevillc nc s'y attendra point.
10. The Entree. — Coming of a Swedish Ambassador. — Louis
to d'Estrades, Oct. 5, 1661. — L'avis est que le General Monk a
promis au baron de Watteville de lui donner des soldats de son regi-
ment Ecossais pour, avec quelqucs Irlandais, appuyer ses gens et
son carrosse et que sur cette espcrance ledit Watteville s'etait rcsolu
d'envoycr a la rencontre de l'Ambassadeur de Suede. Je le sais
de science ccrtaine, de la maison de Monk meme, par un de ses
plus intimes confidents, et que le carrosse partirait pour allcr a la
place de la Tour de Londres sans que cette escorte parut, mais
qu'ellc se trouverait ou dans ladite place ou dans d'autres rues par
ou Ton devra marcher : ce qui me fait jugcr que quand meme
votre carrosse aura pris d'abord dans ladite place le rang qui lui est
APPENDIX. 191
du immediatement apres cclui dc l'Ambassadcur, les gens qui
l'appuycront nc devront pas l'abandonner qu'on ne soit arrive au
logis dudit Ambassadcur, de crainte qu'au passage de quelque rue
qui traverse celle ou Ton marchera, les Ecossais ou Irlandais ne
viennent le couper avec main forte, pour faire passer celui de
Watteville.
11. The Entree. — D'Estrades to Brienne the younger, Oct.
6, 1 66 1. — Je fais les plus grands preparatifs pour cela [i.e., to
maintain his right of precedence], comme l'Ambassadcur d'Espagne
fait les siens pour s'y opposcr. C'est unc affaire remise a Lundi.
12. Right of Asylum. — D'Estrades's House Besieged. — D 1 Es-
trada to Brienne the younger, Oct. 6, 1661. — Mardi dernier lc baron
de Cronnenster Suedois, etant poursuivi par des sergents qui
avaient ordre dc l'arrcter pour quelques interets civils sc refugia
en mon logis dc Chelsea. . . . [The men of the police remove
him by force ; but the servants of D'Estrades re-take him ; then a
constable comes with about two hundred men :] Cet officier en
nombre de plus de deux cents homines vint pour forcer mon logis
et reprendre le prisonnier. Cc qui avait reste de ma maison dans
Chelsea ct qui ne m'avait pas suivi a la chassc ou je fus ce jour la
avec le Roi d'Anglcterre les repoussa fort vigoureusement. Le
prisonnier fut maintcnu et l'honncur de l'asilc conserve. II v a cu
environ huit dc mes gens blesses, beaucoup plus grand nombre de
la populace et deux de morts. [Charles thereupon sends a detach-
ment of his own life guards to keep the house of D'Estrades.] . . .
Trcntc soldats y coucherent la nuit suivante, ct depuis meme j'ai
etc oblige d'en retenir unc partic pour eviter un nouveau de'sordre
de la part du peuple insolent et scditieux, et qui est accoutume
de se scrvir dc ces pretextcs pour piller les maisons des Ambassa-
dcurs, ainsi qu'il est arrive a plusieurs ct nommement a M. le Comte
d'Harcourt.
13. The Entree. — Louis to d'Estrades, Oct. 7, 1661. — Je vous
ecrivis hier par l'ordinairc qui part dc Paris le mercrcdi pour vous
donncr un avis que je souhaite vous etre arrive assez a temps pour
vous en prevaloir dans l'occasion de l'cntree de l'Ambassadeur dc
Suede qui etait attendu a Londrcs. Je vous avouc que j'ai grande
impatience de savoir comment ccttc ccrcmonie se sera passec, ct
192 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
d'autant plus que jc nc puis prcsquc pas doutcr que ce n'ait etc a
votre avantage ct a ma satisfaction, apres les paroles que le Roi
mon frere vous avait donnees d'appuyer votre dessein et que, sans
cela meme, vous aurcz pu, par le moyen de la garnison de Grave-
lines et du voisinage de France vous mettre en etat par vous meme
d'oter aux Espagnols l'envie de vous rien disputer.
14. The Entree — The Defeat. — W Estradcs to Lionne , Oct. 13,
1 66 1. — Je nc pouvais pas mieux prendre mes postes et mes
mesures que j'avais pris pour n'avoir affaire qu'a Watteville ; mais
de joindre des soldats deguises et tout le peuple, quand j'aurais eu
mille homines, j'y aurais succombe. Ma satisfaction est que j'y ai
dc'pense tout cc que j'ai pu emprunter pour faire subsister les gens
que j'avais fait venir, que n'y pouvant etre moi-meme j'y ai envoye
mon fils et que Ton y a vu que dans le combat, de cinquante hom-
mes qui etaient avec lui, il y en a eu cinq de tues et trente trois de
blesses et qu'ils ont soutenu le choc de plus de deux cents hommes,
et dans les autres postes oil mes gens ont etc aussi attaques, ils ont
fait leur devoir de meme. . . .
En huit jours j'ai pense etre assassine deux fois et ai eu mon
chapcau perce d'un coup de mousqueton ; des soldats et le peuple
me sont venus attaquer i usque dans mon logis.
15. The Entree — After the Disaster. — Louis to d'Estradcs,
Oct. 16, 1 66 1. — j'ai tant de hate de faire partir ce gentilhomme
. . . que je nc vous dirai pas a beaucoup pres tout ce que je
voudrais bien vous dire sur les incidents qui vous sont arrives, vous
pouvez croire que jc les ai ressentis vivement, comme leur qualite
m'v oblige, mon honneur s'y trouvant considerablement inte'resse.
J'esperc avec l'aide de Dieu et par la vigueur des resolutions que
j'ai prises et que je pousserai aussi avail t qu'on m'en donncra
sujet, que ceux qui m'ont cause ce dcplaisir seront bientot plus
faches et plus en peine que moi.
16. Opening of Parliament. — Bataillcr to Lionnc, Dec. 1, 1661.
— Le roi d'Anglcterre fit hier 1'ouverture du Parlement dans la
chambre haute, oil apres avoir pris sa seance pare de son mantcau
roval et de sa couronne, accompagne de ses grands oiHciers, tons
les Seigneurs gentilshommes et evequcs etant assis dans leers places,
APPENDIX. 193
il fit appelcr les membrcs de la chambrc basse, qui entrerent
tumultuairement dans la chambre haute, comrae la foule du
peuple entre dans la chambre de l'audience du Parlemcnt de
Paris apres que les huissiers ont appele. lis demeurcrent au dela
d'une barriere qui ferme le parterre ou sont assis les Seigneurs, et
au milieu se placa l'orateur debout. F,n cet etat le Roi d'Angle-
terre commenca sa harangue [here follows an analysis of the royal
harangue]. Cette harangue a pen pres en ce sens dura un quart
d'heure, tut tort bien prononcee par le Roi d'Angleterre fort
proche duqucl je me trouvai ct me fut expliquee par ' Milord
BelezcV Ce qui m'en deplut, e'est qu 'il la tenait ecrite en sa main,
jetait tres souvent les yeux dessus, et presque comrae s'il l'eut lue.
L'on m'a dit que e'etait la maniere d'Angleterre pour eviter de sc
commettre a la risce du peuple, en cas que par un defaut de me-
moire le Roi vint a demeurer court. Les predicateurs en chaire
en usent de meme, et, si le chancelier que la goutte empecha de
se trouver a cette action avait fait sa charge, II aurait etc suggere
par derriere.
17. Clerks of the Post-office to be Hanged. — D' Esirades
to Louis, Chelsea^ Jan. 2c, 1662. — [The King of England] me dit
commc il avait fait arreter les deux commis de la poste de Londres,
qu il avait trouve les enveloppes de ses paquets qui avaient etc
ouvertes, qu'il avait decouvert que Watteville avait donnc mille
pistoles pour les corrompre, qu'il les aliait faire pendre et qu'a
1'avenir cela n'arriverait plus.
1 8. Sale of Dunkirk. — D 'Estrada to Lionne, July 17, 1662. —
Je suis bien marri de n'etre pas en e'tat d'aller a St. Germain pour
parler au Roi d'une affaire qui ne deplaira pas a Sa Majeste et qui
lui est tres avantageuse. M. le Chancelier d'Angleterre m'a
depeche expres une personne de confiance et m'a apporte une
lettre de creance dc sa part. Si \ous veniez a Paris, je vous dirais
l'afraire qui m'a etc proposee pour en rendre compte a Sa Majeste.
19. Sale of Dunkirk. ■—Bataillcr to Louis, Da. 4., 1662. —
L'argent compte a Calais pour le prix de Dunkerque est arrive ici
et a etc mis dans la Tour de Londres, ou le Roi d'Angleterre l'a
voulu voir ce matin en allant sc promener a ' Ouieiks.'
1 ^
i94 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
20. Cominges's Journey. — Cominges to Louis, Jan. 4, 1663. —
Sire, jc nc parlcrais pas a Votrc Majeste des incommodites que j'ai
soufFcrtcs dans 1c voyage, par le debordement des eaux, si je n'y
etais necessite pour excuser le pcu de diligence que j'ai faite. Ce
n'est pas que je n'aic quasi force les elements a se rendre favorable
a Ses desseins, mais tout ce que j'ai pu faire, apres avoir cvite deux
011 trois naufrages sur la terre et souffert la tourmente sur la mer,
c'a etc de me rendre ici le 23 Decembre, style d'Anglctcrre.
21. Entree of the Muscovite Envoys. — Cominges to Lio?ine,
Jan. 8, 1663. — Yous saurez done, Monsieur, que Ton lui a fait une
entree tout-a-fait extraordinaire ; tons les marchands out pris les
amies ; les aldermans, qui sont les echevins, ont etc le voir et le
congratuler de son arrivee ; le Roi de defrayc et le loge, et apres
1111 mois de sejour il a eu aujourd'hui son audience 011 quin/.e ou
seize cents hommes de pied se sont mis sous les armes. . . .
Son carrosse a entre dans Whitehall contre la coutume. II est vrai
qu'il nc s'est par convert en parlant au Roi de la Grande Bretagne,
mais pour moi, quoi que les Anglais disent, je nc crois pas que ce
soit tant par deference epic le Moscovitc rend a S. M. B. epic par
vanite, voulant par ce moyen exclure l'Ambassadeur d'Anglctcrre
de se couvrir parlant a lui. ]e crois que ce que nous pouvons
raisonnablement pretendre et demandcr, e'est l'entrce dans White-
hall, parceque pour l'entrce de la ville e'est une chose qui nc
regarde que le bien que tirent les marchands de Londrcs du com-
merce dc la Moscovie, qui, de leur propre mouvement, ont fait
toutc cettc fanfare.
22. Secret Correspondence. — Cominges to Lionne, Jan. 8, 1663.
- Si vous voulez quelquefois m'ecrire sous l'cnvcloppe d'un mar-
chand, vous pourrez adresser vos lettrcs, a Monsieur Avme, chirur-
gien 'Rue Rose Straet' au Commun Jardin, et moi j'adresserai
mes lettrcs a Mr. Simonnet, banquier a Paris.
23. The Entree — The Muscovite Precedent. — Louis to
Cominges, Jan. 21, 1663. — Ce que je vous dirai sur cettc matiere
nc scront epic des avis sur ce qu'on a pu juger de loin, ct 11011 pas des
ordres que vous soycz oblige dc suivrc.
Premieremcnt, j'estime qu'avant toutc chose, vous pourriez vous
APPENDIX. 195
enquerir confidcmmcnt du chevalier Bennet ou meme du Roi quelle
est la veritable raison pour laquelle il n'a pas fait covrir lesdits
ambassadeurs. Je vois que vous avezjugeque ce peut etre parce que
le Czar leur maitre ne fait pas couvrir les ambassadeurs des autres
Princes, que eux memes n'ont pas trop insiste a se couvrir, pour lui
conserver cette prerogative. Mais ce qu'a dit ici l'Ambassadeur
de Danemark semble detruire l'un et l'autre. car il a dit au Sieur
de Lionne . . .
S'ils n'ont que la qualite d'envoyes, quelque train qu'ils aient et
quelque honneur extraordinaire qui leur ait etc fait, vous ne devriez
pas leur donner la main chez vous, d'autant plus qu'ils ne se sont
pas couverts devant lc Roi, et en ce cas pour eviter cette contesta-
tion, si apres les avoir fait pressentir, vous trouvez qu'ils pretendent
la main sur vous en vous visitant, vous pourriez vous abstenir de
leur donner part de votre arrivee.
S'ils out la qualite d Ambassadeurs, il y a encore a considerer si,
ayant eux memes deroge en ne se couvrant pas, vous devez leur
donner la main dans la visite qu'ils vous feraient et qu'ils sont
obliges de vous rendre les premiers puisquc vous etes arrive le
dernier ; mais pour ce point je m'en remcts a votre prudence de le
resoudre apres que vous aurez bien examine la chose et su quel est
leur pouvoir et leur caractere et pour quelle raison on ne les a pas
fait couvrir.
En cas que vous jugicz a propos de leur accorder la main chez
vous, il reste encore a savoir si vous la devez accorder a tons trois.
Sur quoi je vous dirai que, pourvu qu'ils ne soient pas cntrc eux
d'une qualite fort inegale et qu'ils aient tons le meme caractere et
le meme pouvoir, vous n'en devez faire aucunc difficulte. . . .
Pour ce qui regarde maintenant le Roi d'Angleterre et l'avantage
que vous pouvcz tirer du traitement extraordinaire qui a etc tait a
ces Moscovites, ie crois que, sans pretendrc tout ce que le pcuple
principalement et les marchands qui font leur trafic en Moscovie
out fait dans ce rencontre pour les obliger, vous pouvcz vous res-
trcindrc a l'entree de votre carrosse dans 'Wital ' et quele regiment
des gardes soit en haie et tambour battant lorsque vous oasserez. . . .
Pour ce qui est d'evitcr, comme vous propose/, une entree publique
dans Londres, ie ne le puis approuver par diverges raisons, dont ie
ne vous marquerai que la principale, qui est que, si vous cvitez
196 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
ccttc ccremonie, commc 1'a deja fait Wattcvillc, cet exemple s'intro-
duirait bientot ctbicn facilement pour tons les autrcs ambassadeurs,
ct quand il y aurait a l'avcnir un ambassadeur d'Espagne a Londrcs
ct que l'occasion dc parcilles fonctions n'arriverait plus, je n'aurai?
plus dc moyens de faire voir an public qu'il cede la rang an mien
sans le contester ct ne concourt plus avec lui, en execution dc
l'accommodement qui a etc fait entre moi ct le Roi mon beau pere
sur 1'insulte dc Wattcvillc. Quant ,a l'inconvenient que vous
allcguez que votre entree nc se pourra faire si honorablcmcnt que
celle des Moscovitcs, je lc tiens de nulle consideration, eu egard a
l'autre plus grand qui en arriverait, de nc pouvoir plus trouvcr
d'occasion dc faire abstenir des fonctions publiques les ambassa-
deurs d'Espagne.
24.. The Act ok Uniformity. — The Declaration ok 1663. —
Cominges to the King, Jan. 22, 1663. — La declaration du Roi dc la
Grande Bretagnc, publicc ces jours passes dans la villc de Londres
me donnc suffisamment de la maticre d'ecrirc aV. M. pour lui faire
savoir les diffcrcnts mouvements qu'elle a produits dans l'csprit de
ces peuples, scion qu'ils sont pousses de haine contre le personnc
de leur roi, d'amour pour la republique et de mepris pour le
ministere.
L'acte d'uniformite ... a eu de si funestcs succes que Ton a
decouvert plusicurs conspirations contre S. M. dont s'est ensuivi des
cxemplcs de mort, de bannisscment . . . qui, bien loin d'apaiser
et de faire craindre ces fanatiques, leur inspire a toute heure des
attentats contre toute la famillc rovale, avec un tel mepris de leur
vie qu'ils scmblcnt courir a la mort comme a un rcmede a tons
leurs maux.
25. Charles's Character. — Cominges to Louis, Jan. 25, 1663. —
Toutcs les vertus des particulicrs ne sont pas royales et pent etre
celle de la bonte a trop d'empire sur l'csprit du Roi dc la Grande
Bretagnc qui, par exces, s'engage souvent plus avant qu'il ne vou-
drait on du moins qu'il ne serait convcnable.
26. Arrival of Gramont. — Cominges to Louis, Jan. 25, 1663. —
Le chevalier de Gramont arriva hier fort content de son voyage.
11 a etc recu lc plus agreablemcnt du monde. II est de toutcs
APPENDIX. 197
3es parties du Roi ct commando chez Madame de Castlemaine qui
fit hier un assez bon tour. Madame Jaret avec laquelle elle a ici
un grand demele devait donner a soupcr a Leurs Majestes. Toutes
choses preparees et la compagnie assemblee, le Roi en sortit et s'en
alia chez Madame de Castlemaine ou il passa l'apres-souper. Cela
a fait un grand bruit ; les cabales se remuent ; chacun songe a la
vengeance ; les unes sont pleines de jalousie, les autres de depit et
toutes en general d'etonnement. Le ballet est rompu manque de
moyens. . . .
27. Court Festivities. — Cominges to Louis, "Jan. 25, 1 66 3 . — II
y a bal de deux jours l'un ct comedie aussi ; les autres jours se
passent au jeu, les uns chez la Reine, les autres chez Madame de
Castlemaine oil la compagnie ne manque pas d'un bon souper.
Yoila, Sire, a quoi Ton passe ici le temps. L'approchedu terme du
Parlemcnt donnera bientot d'autres pensees. Les plus habiles ont
deja commence a faire leurs cabales, et les autres attendent
l'occasion pour faire valoir leurs talents dans une si celebre
assemblee.
28. Diplomatic Style. — Co?ninges to Louis, Jan. 25, 1663. — ■
[Cominges will begin at the beginning] pour donner quelque
forme a cette depeche et ne la pas presenter a V. M. comme un
monstre sans pieds et sans tetc.
29. Rumours Concerning the Siege of Geneva. — Lionnc to
Cominges, 'J'Ui. 2S, 1663. — Detruisez nous, je vous en pric, ou par
moqueric ou par bonnes raisons cette imposture qui prend cours
touchant Geneve. Elle n'est pas meme dans le bon sens ; nous
sommes aux epecs et couteaux tires avec la Cour de Rome, a notre
grand regret, et on veut que tout l'orage qui se prepare contrc le
Vatican n'aille fondre que sur ses mortcls ennemis qui ne nous
font point de mal et qui n'auraient eu garde d'assassiner nos
Ambassadeurs.
30. The Reported Siege ok Geneva. — Louis to Cominges, 'J, plupart des
248 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
domcstiques de l'Ambassadeur d'Espagnc qui, par bonhcur pour lui
nc logeaient pas dans sa maison, furcnt hicr enfermes.
1 8 1. The Plague at Salisbury. — Verneuil goes Hunting. —
Bigorre to Lionne, Aug. 21, 1665. — Ouelques gardes qu'on ait
mises aux portcs dc cette villc, un hommc ayant la peste n'a pas
laissc d'y cntrer. II a, quasi durant deux jours, frequente toute sorte
de personnes et enfin avant hier au soir, il tomba raide mort au milieu
de la rue, a deux cents pas de la maison du Roi d'Angleterre. On a
brule une tente sous laquclle il s'etait repose et on a ferme la
maison oil il avait couche et dans laquclle neuf domcstiques de
l'Ambassadeur d'Espagnc, ses chevaux ct ses carrosscs ont etc depuis
enfermes. . . . Monsieur lc Due dc Verneuil se divcrtit a la chassc ;
il a deja une mcute a lui avee laquclle il prend des daims ct si
quelque danger nous menace Dieu vcut pour le moins que nous ne
lc craignons pas.
182. COURTIN WOULD LIKE TO GO. To Liotl?lt\ Atlg. 21, 1 66 5.
— Car a vous dire la vcritc cc me scrait une chose fort douloureusc
de servir de fascine a votrc politique dans un pays oil tout lc
mondc tremble et oil nous voyons mourir tous les jours des gens
devant nos ycux. M. dc Verneuil approchc de son terme ; M. de
Comingcs n'est debout que quatre hcurcs pendant la journee, ct nc
vit que de poisson. Pour moi, qui n'ai pas encore trentc huit ans,
il me scmblc que jc hasarde ici plus que pas un dc la troupe et je
voudrais bien me voir auprcs dc vous dans la nouvelle maison de
M. lc Commandcur de Souvre oil jc mangerais plus volonticrs dc
ses potages que je nc prendrai ici des preservatifs que Madame dc
Sable m'a envoyes.
183. A Dream of Miss Stewart. — Courtin to Lionne, Aug. 23,
1665. — Pour vous cntrctcnir moins serieusement, il est bon que
vous sachiez que Mile. Stewart songea avant-hier, la unit, qu'elle
etait couchee avec les trois ambassadeurs de France. II est vrai
que, comme elle contait la chose au Roi d'Angleterre, il m'appela
en tiers et cela fut cause qu'elle dit en rougissant qu'elle etait du
cote dc M. dc Verneuil.
184. Miss Jennings and Miss Boynton. — Courtin to Lionne,
APPENDIX. 249
Aug. 23, 1665. — II y en a deux qui sont fort jolies ; j'en prends
a temoin M. votre fils qui vous dira ce que e'est que ' Mistris
Bointon.' II fit scmblant d'en etrc amoureux pour faire depit a
'Mistris Genins.' II est vrai que 'Mistris Genins ' avait grand
tort; elle ne voulait qu'il lui baisat les mains; et a la fin elle
comprit qu'il valait mieux abandonner ses mains que de perdre tin
galant, et l'accomodement fut bientot fait.
185. News of the Plague. — Courtin to Liomie, Aug. 30, 1665.
— II est encore mort ce matin un homme en pleine rue. C'est
une mechante habitude qui commence a prendre ici.
186. News of the Plague. — The Three to LioTine, Sept. 20,
1665. — II est mort pendant la semaine passee 8,250 personnes
dans Londres. On y allume des feux dans toutes les rues pour
chasser, s'il est possible, le mauvais air.
187. Impending Return of the Ambassadors. — Courti?! to Lion?ie,
Oct. 13, 1665.- — Nous attendrons avec impatience de vos nouvelles
pour savoir ce que nous deviendrons. Toute la grace que je vous
demande c'est que si vous voulcz livrer quclqu'un aux dogues de ce
pays, vous fassiez cet honneur-la a M. Dumas et que vous con-
sideriez un peu qu'un cadet d'une pauvre famille, charge de quatre
enfants a besoin de se conserver pour eux.
188. Arguing with the Duke of York. — The Three to Louis,
Oct. 13, 1665. — II nous repondit qu'il nous verrait toujours fort
volonticrs, mais que nous ne le ferions point changer de senti-
ments ; qu'il etait Anglais et par consequent fort opiniatre — Mais,
Monsieur, lui repartimes nous, vous etes Francais d'un cote. II
est juste que vous vous partagicz un peu.
Messieurs, rcprit-il, il est vrai. Mais lc? Anglais sont opiniatres
quand ils ont raison et, quand ils ne 1'ont pas, les Francais le sont
avec raison. Ainsi il n'v a rien a gagncr avec moi.
Et sur cela, il sortit de sa chambre et s'en alia aux pricres.
189. The Speech from the Throne translated into French.
— The Three to Liomie, Nov. 1, 1665. — -Nous vous envoyons une
traduction des harangues du Roi de la Grande Brctagnc et de son
250 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
Chancclicr. L'auteurnous assure qu'ellc est fort fidclc ; il s'excuse
seulemcnt sur cc qu'il a suivi le tour de la phrase Anglaise et sur
ce qu'il pretend que M. le Chancclicr est obscur dans scs expres-
sions. Nous nous en rapportons a ce qu'il en dit, ne sachant pas
ccttc languc ; et tout ce que nous pouvons faire, e'est de vous
repondre qu'il a eu bonne intention et qu'il s'est attache a inter-
preter veritablement les endroits les plus importants.
190. The Saardam Shipbuilders. — The Three to Louis, Nov.
I, 1665. — [Van Gogh said to Courtin] que, dans une autre con-
joncture, Messieurs les Etats seraicnt faches que la puissance de
V. M. s'augmentat sur la mer, mais qu'ils le souhaitaient a cette
heure ; que vous aviez assez de matclots, mais que vous manquiez
dc navires, et qu'en mettant la main a la bourse et donnant six
scmaines d'avance aux entrepreneurs du village de ' Serdam,' ils
vous batiraient trcnte vaisseaux qui seraient prets d'etre mis a la
mer au printemps.
191. Sufferings of the Irish. — The Three to Louis, Nov. 1, 1665.
— Le Parlement a resolu, apres une deliberation qui a dure deux
jours, de defendrc de transporter les bestiaux d'Irlande dans ce
royaume : e'est encore un nouveau sujet dc ruinc pour les
Irlandais qui n'avaient plus que ce seul commerce.
192. Animosity against the French. — The Three to Louis, Nov.
1, 1665. — La haine des Anglais en general est a present si grandc
contre la France, que le Parlement approuverait tous les traites qu'il
croirait etrc utiles pour miner vos desseins. C'est pourquoi V. M.
a plus de raison que jamais de veiller incessamment sur ce qui sc
passcra dans les pays etrangers ou, a l'avenir, tout conspirera contre
Sa grandeur, et ou les mesures qu'Elle aura prises seront aisees a
rompre.
193. Want-of better Information. — The Three to Louis, Nov.
1, 1665. — V. M. nous pcrmettra de Lui rcpresenter en cet endroit
qu'il serait necessaire que nous fussions un peu mieux instruits que
nous ne le sommes de tout ce qui a quelque rapport avec la nego-
ciation dont V. M. nous a fait l'honneur de nous charger. Nous
ne savons rien de ce qui se passe en Hollande, en Suede et en
Danemark.
APPENDIX. 251
194. Choosing a 'Pi.ace for the Quarantine. — Montausier to
Lionne, Nov. 16, 1665. — [There are the St. Marcou islets] ; il est
vrai qu'il n'y a point de logement, si ce n'est une petite maison-
nette ou un cordelier se retire Pete comme un ermite. Ainsi ces
Messieurs y seraient tres mal.
195. The Quarantine. — Courtin to Lionne, Nov. 25, 1665. —
On dit que dans les pays chauds [la quarantaine] n'est jamais dc
plus de dix-sept jours pour les personnes. Ainsi, j'espere que si
nous abordons heureusement et que nous soyons tous en bonne
sante, le Roi nous fera la grace de nous laisser glisser avec chacun
un valet de chambre du cote de Paris. . . . Nous sommes fort
embarrasses de nos personnes, et je dirais volontiers comme Don
Bertrand : pour deux cents coups de fbuet j'en voudrais etre quitte
et etre a la maison.
196. Parting gifts from Charles. — Courtin to Lionne, Dec. 13,
1665. — Mercredi vers les onze heures du soir, comme j'allais me
mettre au lit, le Maitre des ceremonies vint m'apportcr un diamant
accommode pour servir de poincon, de la part du Roi d'Angleterre.
Je lui demandai s'il avait etc chez Messieurs de Verneuil et de
Cominges. II me dit qu'il leur venait de porter, au premier une
boite de portrait et a l'autre une bague et des pendants d'oreille,
qu'ils avaient acceptes.
197. Holles' Street Difficulties. — Holies to Louis, Dee. 1665.
— [Holles goes to the Louvre, following the coach of Madame.
He is met by the coach of Madame de Carignan, which coach]
s'arrete et attend que celui de Madame fur. passe ; puis ses laquais
se jettent sur mes chevaux sans rien dire, les arretent a coups de-
baton et font passer leur carrosse devant le mien. Apres cela se
melent avee mes laquais une douzaine dit-on de ceux-la avec de
gros batons, prepares ce semble pour une telle affaire ; les miens
n'etaient que cinq ou six et n'avaient rien en leurs mains que
quclque petite baguette. . . .
Ensuite ils [the Carignan valets] se mirent a braver et a dire qu'il
y avait douze carrosses en France qui avaient droit de marcher
devant celui de l'Ambassadeur et que le leur en etait un.
198. The Journey. — Undergoing the Quarantine.— -Tie
25 2 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
Three to Louis, Dee. 25, 1665. — Cc que nous apprehendous a cettc
heure e'est 1'cxtreme froid qu'il fait depuis deux jours, dont nous
sentons deja la rigueur, etant loges dans une grande maison qui n'a
pas encore etc habitee et dont les dedans ne sont pas acheves.
Nous ne laisserons pas neanmoins de nous tenir dans les bornes de
notre quarantainc et, des aujourd'hui, nous avons fait dire la messe
dans lc lieu oil nous sommes loges sans pcrmettre a pas un de nos
gens d'allcr a l'eglise du village, afin qu'on ne nous puisse ricn
imputer. Apres cela nous attendrons en patience et avec toutc
sorte de soumission les ordres de S. M. dans l'csperance que le
vent et le froid nous ayant bien purines nous pourrons obtenir la
liberte d'etre delivres de l'incommodite que nous souffrons.
Un armateur anglais, nonobstant les passcports du Roi de la
Grande Bretagne a pris le maitre d'un vaisseau francais qui portrait
les chiens de moi, due de Vcrncuil, ct un de mes suisscs. Ce
vaisseau etait sorti un jour plus tot que nous du port de Douvrcs,
dont nous ne sortimes qu'a la troisicme tentative, dans la premiere
desquelles le vaisseau dans lequel nous ctions faillit a perir, ayant
heurte contre le mole et brise tout son chateau de poupe.
INDEX.
A. writes dispatches, 154 ; his
Algiers, 132 marriage, 182
Amalbi (Sibylle d'), 37 Besnac, Marquis de, 81
Amsterdam, 134. Bigorre, Secretary of Embassy?
Anne of Austria, 34, 35, 44 147, 158, 163, 164, 167
Armentieres, 36 Boatmen, oppose the building of
Aristotle, 58, 100, 101 a bridge, 83
Arlington {see Bonnet), 151, 176 Boileau 55
Arthur (King), 117 Bouquant, 36
Aumont (Due d'j, 161 Boynton, Miss, 136
Ayme isurgcon), 51 Breda, peace or, 181
Brienne, 25, 147
B. Bristol, Earl of, 53 ; accuses
Bacon, 58 Clarendon, 104 ct scq.
Bantam, 132 Broglie, Comte do, 53
Bassompierro, 36 Broussel, 35
Batailler, Secretary of Embassy, Bruchct, Cominges' secretary,
31 ; his account of the opening '3°
of Parliament, 99 ct scq. Buchanan, 58
Bedford, Earl of, 74 Buckingham, Duke of, 38, 6|
Bcllasys, Lord, 99 74, io 7> '37
Boilings, Richard, 107 Burleigh, 82
Bonnet, Sir H. (sec Arlington), Burnet, 80
54. 77
Bomi, Marquis do (Lionnc's son), ^-
his journey to England, 133 Carignan, Princess of, 82
ct scq. ; his loves, I 53 ct scq. : Castlemaino, I.:ul\, 1 7, 39, -2 ;
254
INDEX.
gives a fete in honour of
Madame de Cominges, 85, 88,
go • unpleasant adventure in
the park, 91, 93, 94; her con-
version, 95, 118, 119, 120;
sides with the Spaniards, 144,
151, 152, 172
Catherine of Braganza, Queen,
her illness, 88 ; goes to Tun-
bridge, 89 ; to Bath, 90, 92
Cesonie, nickname of Madame de
Cominges, 37
Chapelain, 36, 61, 62
Charles II. , King of England, 1 5 ;
interposes between Wattcville
and d'Estrades, 22; his corre-
spondence with Madame, 50;
dines at the French Embassy,
59 ; interferes in favour of
Sorbieres, 63 ; his decree con-
cerning the Ambassadors'
coaches, 70 ; dines with
Cominges, 83 ; his character
described, 87 ; his policy, 101 ;
attitude in the Bristol affair,
104 ; favours the Catholics,
115; goes to Chatham, 135
et scq. ; receives the " Celebre
Ambassadc," 140 ; pretended
ignorance of French, 142 ;
wants Parliament to pass a
bill against fogs, 160
Chatelus, 36
Chaulncs, Due de, 161
Chesterfield, 153, 182
Choisy, Abbe de, 19, 104
Clarendon, Edward Hvdc, Earl
of, 17; sells Dunkirk, 30;
does not speak French, 54, 62 ;
accused by Bristol, 104 et scq.;
his coldness towards France,
125 et scq. ; his unpopularity,
127; procrastination, 141, 143 ;
breaks the negotiation, 176
Clement, Nicolas, his note con-
cerning Shakespeare, 56
Colbert, 48
Comines, Philippe de, 172
Cominges, Comte de, plea in
favour of, 14 et scq. ; his origin
and life, 33 et seq. ; his son,
40 ; reaches London, 42 ; tone
and manner of his correspon-
dence, 42 et scq. ; ignorance of
English,
asked to send
a report on English men of
letters, 55 ; his entree, 66 et
scq. ; at my Lord Mayor's, 76
ct scq. ; at home, 82 et scq. ; de-
scribes the Court, 91 et scq. ;
the Parliament, 100 et scq. ;
gives an account of the Bristol
affair, 104 et scq. ; of religious
affairs, I 10 ct scq. ; his opinion
of indulgences, 113 ; of a
future life, 114; of prophets,
117; his expenses for his chapel,
119; his political dispatcher,
121 ; efforts to bring about a
union with England, 121 et
scq. ; his difficulties, 123 ; his
illness, 129; nearly dies, 130;
his temper, 130 ; bargains for
slaves, 133 ; a riot at his door,
146 et scq. ; gives his advice
to young Lionne, 154; his
troubles on account of the
plague, 160 ct scq. ; his journey
INDEX 255
home, 178 et seq.; his end, Devonshire, Earl of, 73
183 Downing, Sir George, 31, 32,
Cominges, Madame de, her por- 173
trait under the name of Emilie, Dumas, commercial agent, 175
38 et seq., 65 ; journey to Dunkirk, sale of, 30
England, 84 ; illness, 85 ;
journey home, 86, 1S3 E.
Conde, Prince of, 34, 36, 121 Elizabeth, Queen, 123
Conti, Prince of, 36 Ell wood, Milton's friend, 163
Corneille, 61 England, attitude towards France,
Courtin, Honore, 53, 138 ; jour- Holland, Portugal, and Spain,
ney to London, 140; considers 121 et seq.; at war with France
war inevitable, 140 ; pleases and Holland, 181
everybody, 141 ; his part in Epoisscs, castle of, 34
the negotiation, 141 et seq. ; Erasmus, 58
offers to negotiate in Latin, Estrades, Comte d', his duel, 20 ;
ibid; riot at his door. 146 .7 Ambassador to England, 21 ;
seq. ; sorry to have too strict his affair with Wattevillc, 23
instructions, 150; his amuse- ft seq.; Ambassador to Holland,
ments, i^oet seq. ; as a drinker, 3° ; negotiates the sale of
152 ; his views concerning Dunkirk, 30 ; claims prece-
youth and age, 155; sends dencc over the Prince of
chocolate to Lionne, 157; his Orange, 31, 44; his house
troubles on account of fogs, besieged, 146, 154, 182
the plague, &c, 159 et seq. ; Eugene, Prince, 174
reads Amadis, 163; dismisses Evelyn, 29, 59; his book on
his servants, 166; his difficulty fogs, 160, 162
in finding lodgings, 166 et seq. ; Exeter House, 82 et seq.
his views concerning war, 174 ;
anxious to go home, 175 ; F.
leave-taking, 178 ; journey Falmouth, Earl of, 14;
home, 178 ; quarantine at Fanshaw, Ambassador to Spain,
Pande, 179; his end, 182 127
Crequi, Ambassador to the Vati- Fitzhardin, 52, 140
can, 79, 111, 183 Flamarens, Marquise de, 36
Cromwell, 108, 136 bouquet, 35
France, her treaty with Holland,
D. 142; at war with England,
Detoe, 163 1S1
256 INDEX.
G. Jennings, Miss, 153 et seq., 170,
Gassendi, 64 182
Geneva, reported siege of, 112
Gogh, Van, Dutch envoy to K.
London, 142, 149, 174, 175 Keroualle, Louise de, Duchesse of
Goulas, Nicolas, 35 Portsmouth, 182
Goulette, La, 132 Kingston, removal to, on account
Gramont, Chevalier de, 53, 64, of the plague, 163 et seq.
87, 93 ; his marriage, 94 et
seq., 95, 152 L.
Gravelines, 25 La Calprenede, 27
Guiche, Comte de, 14 La Fayette, 37
Guildhall, banquet there, 77 La Trousse, 37
Guitaut, 34, 41 Lauderdale, 144
La Valliere, 19
H. Le Notre, 183
Hamilton, Anthony, 93 Le Tellier, 47
,, George, 182 Lionne, Hugues de, 17, 19, 33,
„ Mile, de, 87 43, 45, 46, 49 ; difficulties
Hampton Court, plague at, 167 with Holies, 80 ; praises
Heinsius, 61 Cominges for his report on
Henri IV. of France, 138 Parliament, 102 ; his views
Hobbes, dines at the French concerning religious affairs, 1 1 1
Embassy, 59, 60 et seq., 64 et seq. ; his fine dispatches,
Holland, 142, 181 149 ; sends hisson to England,
Holies, Lord, his temper, 80 ; 153, 157, 159
his ignorance of French, 81, Lionne, Madame de, 158
131 ; recommends war, 173 et Longueville, Duchess of, 36
seq., 182 Lord Mayor, 76 et seq.
Hugo, Victor, 56 Louis XIV assumes power, 17;
Huygens, 59 his policy, 18 ; his instructions
concerning precedence, 23 ;
L concerning d'Estrades's entree,
India, presents from, 92 25 et seq.; attitude in the
Ireland, I 16 et seq., 169 Watteville affair, 29 et seq.;
his guitar concerts, 37 ; his
). correspondence with Cominges,
Japan, 132 43 ; attention to business, 43 ;
Jaret, 9s has the measles, 46, 47 ; wants
INDEX.
357
a report on men of letters, 5 5 ;
his pensioners, 61 ; favours
Clarendon, 62 ; instructions
concerning Muscovite envoys,
68 et seq. ; thanks Cominges
for his report on Parliament,
101 et seq. ; his opinion of
parliaments, 108 ; his religious
opinions, IIO; his attitude
towards Spain, 121 et seq.;
towards England, Holland, and
Poland, 121 ; wants slaves for
his galleys, 132 et seq.; his
views concerning the naval
power of England, 139, 142;
at war with England, 181
Louis XV., 53
M.
Macaulay, 11, 13, 182
Mane in i, 39
Marlborough, Earl of, 145
Mazarin, Cardinal, 17, 19, 29,
111, 122
Mazarin, Duchess, 65, 152
Merlin, 1 1 7
Middleton, Mrs., 87, 93
Mignard, 183
Mignet, 1 1
Milton, 14, 58, 163
Moliere, 56
Molina, Count of, Spanish Am-
bassador to England, his dinners,
131, 152; fray at his door,
152 ; his servants shut in on
account of the plague, 170 et
seq., 172 ; his expenses, 172
Monk, General, 24, 96
Monmouth, Duke of, 53, 59, 13 -
Montagu, Abbe' de, 78, 81
Montaigne, 1 14
Montausier, Due de, 177
Montespan, Madame de, 19, 34
Montesquieu, 144
More, Sir Thomas, 58
Motteville, Madame de, 37
Munster, Bishop of, 176
Muscovite envoys, 65 et seq.
Muscovy, 132
Norfolk, 137
\.
O.
Obdam, 144
Orange, Prince of, 31, 60
Orleans, Madame, Duchess of,
50, 131, 182
Ormond, Duke of, 18, 94
Oxford, Earl of, 96
Oxford, Parliament meets at, 172
Pande, ambassadors undergo quar-
antine at, 1 78 et seq.
Parliament, Louis XIV. anxious
to receive a report concerning,
98 et seq. ; opening of, (j:) ;
account of, 102 et seq.
Pembroke, Earl of, I 18
Pepys, 11, 12, 26, 27, 68, 70, 72,
76, 87, 12;, 126
Pepys, Mrs., 27
Persod, King's messenger, 137
Peterborough, 33
Philip IV'., of Spain, 1 76
Plato, 38
Poland, 124
258
INDEX.
Pope, difficulties with the, 79, 1 1 1
et seq.
Porter, 157
Portland, Earl of, 145
Portsmouth, fleet goes to, 137
Portugal, 19; at war with Spain,
assisted by France and England,
123^/ seq
Pytheas, 1 59, 160
O.
Quakers, 1 1 5
Oueen-mother (Henrietta Maria),
75, H3
Ouinctilian, 49
R.
Racine, 55, 61
Richcfons, his duel with Cominges,
36
Richelieu, Cardinal de, 37
Richmond, Duke of, 137
Roquelaure, 36
Ruvigny, Marquis de, 50, 64
Ruyter, 181
S.
Saardam, shipbuilders of, 175
Sable, Madame de, 170
St. Albans, Earl of, 78, 123, 14.4
St. Evremont, 64, 65
St. Simon, 13, 33, 40
Salisbury, removal to, on account
of the plague, 168 et seq.
Sandwich, Earl of, 175
Savignac, 36
Savile, English Ambassador to
France, 104
Scrope, Mrs., 1 5 1
Scudery, 37
Sevignc, Marquise de, 34, 37
Shakespeare, 54, 55, 56
Simonnet, banker, 51
Sorbicres, Samuel de, 60, 61 ; his
book on England, 62 ; his
banishment, 63 ; answered by
Sprat, 63
Somaize, 37
Souvre, Commandcur de, 1 70
Spain, 21, 121 et seq., 126
Sprat, Thomas, answers Sorbicres,
63
Stewart, Miss, 87, 88, 151, 170
Strozzi, Count, 24
T.
Talbot, later Duke of Tyrconnel,
156, 182
Tale of a tub, 54
Temple, Sir William, 19, 64, 174
Torcy, Marquis de, 161
Trevor, Sir John, 71 et seq.
Tunis, 132
Turenne, 121, 176
Tuscan envoy, 75
V.
Venice, 23, 132
Verneuil, Henri de Bourbon, Due
de, 53, 138, 1^9; his love of
dogs, 162, 168 ; loses his dogs,
180; dies, 182
Verneuil, Henrietta de Balzac,
Marquise de, I 38
Vienna, 132
Villeroy, 39
Vossius, 61
INDEX.
259
W.
Watteville, 22, 2}, 29, 50
West Indies, 169
William the Conqueror, 103
Witt, John de, 145
Woolwich, 3 1
Y.
York, James, Duke of, 7+, 83, 89, | Zulestein, 31
105, 106, 135 et seq., 144 ; his
naval victory, 145, 171, 172
York, Duchess of, 74, 107, 153,
1 54
York House, 83
Z.
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