CO S ^ $ u * OH S~U x; 4-Nfl £ 0( 03 x 1 H v v S ^OJO I N ^ a JQ 3 < l\ 2 3 o ) o a CCL A FRENCH AMBASSADOR AT THE COURT OF CHARLES THE SECOND. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. ENGLISH WAYFARING LIFE IN THE MIDDLE AGES (XlVth CENTURY). Translated from the French by I. rev Toui.min Smith. Revised and enlarged by the Author. Fourth Edition. With one Heliogravure, and sixty other Illustrations. Large Crown Svo. Cloth, 7s. 6d. THE ENGLISH NOVEL IN THE TIME OF SHAKESPEARE. Translated by Ei.i/.akktii Li.K. Revised and Enlarged by the Author. With six Heliogravures, and twenty-one full-page illus- trations ; also main- smaller Illustrations in the text. Second Edition. Demy Svo. Cloth gilt, and gilt tops. 2IS. omiox : T. FISHER UXWIX. ., <■„/,, .),;t;/,i,;i/ /,> ////'/_ 'Aftt.) A/I ' A French Ambassador AT THE COURT OF CHARLES THE SECOND Le Comte de Cominges From his unpublished Correspondence J. J. JUSSERAND Conseiller d'Ambassade WITH PORTRAITS Ccmbcm T. FISHER UN WIN PATERNOSTER SQUARE mdcccxcii .b ol \J CONTENTS. l'AGE INTRODUCTION n CHAPTER 1. HOW COMING ES'S PREDECESSOR HAD TO LEAVE ENGLAND 17 Charles and Louis — Their character — Lionne — D'Es- trades — Rivalry between the French and Spanish crowns — The question of precedence — The entrees and their importance — Coming to London of Venetian ambassadors —Of a Swedish ambassador — The Wattevillc affair — D'Estradcs leaves England — Sale of Dunkirk — D'Estrades sent to the Hague... ... ... ... ... ... 17 CHAPTER II. COMINGES 33 His ancestors and his family— -Epoisses— His youth- War — Concerts — Marriage — La Belle Cominges— " Ce- sonie " in the prccieuses group- Children ... ... 33 6 CONTENTS. CHAPTER HI. PAGE TONE AND MANNER OF THE CORRESPOND- ENCE 42 Cominges's public and private correspondence — Court news — Louis's early attention to business — His working hours — His dictation and correction of despatches — His illness — His playful letters. Cominges's style — His classical tastes. Postal difficulties — Packets open — Secret correspon- dence ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 42 CHAPTER IV. ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE ... 52 Cominges's ignorance of English — French spelling of English names — Interpreters — The "Journal des Sea- vans" — Clarendon's bad French. Louis asks for a report on litcrarv and scientific men in England — Cominges's answer. Cominges's literary dinners — Hobbes, Sorbieres, Huy- gens- Gramont, St. Evremont, Buckingham, Temple, &c. 52 CHAPTER V. ETIQUETTE AND COURT NEWS 66 I. Cominges's entree — The Muscovite precedent — The event ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 66 II. At my Lord Mayor's — A grave breach of etiquette — The matter composed. The temper of Lord Holies, English envoy to France ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 76 III. Cominges at home - Targe dinners— Small dinners — Madame de Cominges ... ... ... ... ... 82 I\. Court news — Charles and Catherine — Lady Castlemainc Miss Stuart — Monmouth- -Gramont-- Tunbridge, Whitehall, and University festivities and dis- sipations ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 86 CONTENTS. 7 CHAPTER VI. PAGE THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND 98 Parliament- — Importance of the institution in the eyes of Louis XIV. — Opening ceremony — Cominges's memoir on Parliamentary institutions — Louis's approval of the memoir. Personal freedom — Bristol — A new commonwealth still possible — Louis's opinion on Parliaments ... ... 98 CHAPTER VII. RELIGIOUS MATTERS no The English and the French point of view — French quarrels with the Papal Court — The Crequi affair — Im- pending war — The coming of the Legate — Comingcs' sneers — Comingcs' seriousness. Variety of beliefs in England — Quakers, Millenarists, &c. — State of Ireland. Prophets and soothsayers- -The Earl of Pembroke — Cominges's chapel — The bishops of the Established Church ... ... ... ... ... ... ... no CHAPTER VIII. LA GUERRE ET LA PAIX 121 The main object of Louis's policy, Spain — His attitude towards the two naval powers, Holland and England — A closer union with England recommended by Mazarin— Poland. Hostile attitude of the English nation — Protracted negotiation -The London mob. Cominges's health a difficulty— His temper -Scurvy, fluxions, colds, fevers—- His impending death ■— Holles's temper on a par with Cominges's- — Madame's influence on the rise. CONTENTS. I'AGE Minor questions — The far East — The Mediterranean Corsairs — Purchase of slaves. Impending war between England and Holland — Fleet- building — Launching of vessels — Reprisals begin — Louis's last effort to preserve peace ... ... ... ... 121 CHAPTER IX. LA CELEBRE AMBJSSJDE 138 I. Business — Verneuil, Courtin, and Cominges — Their instructions — Evil omens. Courtin's conversations with Charles — His impressions of the English nation and its sovereign. Van Gogh and his sword — Dutch temper — The Duke 01 York's naval victory. Bonfires and riots — Courtin and Cominges besieged — Louis's discrimination in the matter of riots ... ... 138 II. Amusements — The Castlemainc again — Drinking — Liquid blanc mange — Lionne's son- Love removes his gauckerie — Miss Jennings — Chocolate ... ... ... 150 III. Fogs and the plague — Evelyn's " Fumifugium " — Sufferings of the ambassadors — Verneuil's spleen — His dogs. The plague — Aspect of London — Removal to Kings- ton — to Salisbury — to Oxford ... ... ... ... 158 IV. End of the negotiation — War inevitable ... 171 CHAPTER X. HOME JGJIN 177 Leave-taking — Parting gifts- -Difficulties of the jour- nev — Verneuil's dogs lost — The quarantine at Pande — Paris again. The end of Courtin, Verneuil, Cominges, and Ce- sonie ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 177 APPENDIX 185 INDEX 253 LIST OF PORTRAITS. Hugues de Lionne, Foreign Secretary to King Louis XIV., engraved by De Larmessin in 1664 ... ... ... ... ... Frontispiece Le Comte d'Estrades, Ambassador to Eng- land, 1661, engraved by Etienne Picart To face p. 21 King Louis XIV., engraved by Nanteuil, from life, 1664 ... ... ... ... To face p. 29 Le Comte de Cominges, Ambassador to England, 1 662-1 665, from a drawing in the MS. Clairambault, 1153, fol. 110, in the National Library, Paris ... ... ... To face p. 42 Huygex.s, engraved by Edelink To face p. 61 The Lady Castlemaine, engraved by W. Sherwin in 1670 ... ... ... To face p. 91 Elizabeth Hamilton, Countess of Gra- mont, from the picture by Lely, preserved at Hampton Court ... ... ... To face p. 95 io LIST OF PORTRAITS. Honore Courtin, Ambassador to England, 1665, engraved by Nanteuil, from life, 1668 To face p. 138 Miss Jennings, from the picture by Verelst, engraved by P. W. Tomkins ... To face p. 153 Le Due de Verneuil, Ambassador to England, 1665, engraved by Michel Lasne, from life, 1661 To face p. 161 A part of this work was published in the " Nineteenth Century f and is here reprinted, by the kind permission of Mr. James Knowles. E ffrencb Embassador at tbc Court of Gbavles tbe Second INTRODUCTION. WHEN Mr. Pepys went home, he secretly con- fided to his note-book his impressions of what he had seen in the day. Not less secretlv did foreign Ambassadors in England write to their kings from day to day of English manners, court festivities, the British Parliament and navy, city banquets, matters of etiquette, and also, at great length, of treaty negotia- tions. Both secrets now lie open : Mr. Pepys's manuscripts have Jong been deciphered, and the dragons who kept the gates of the silent temples of diplomacy have been motioned away. Great use has been made by historians of the stores of information thus thrown open ; the venerable volumes, bound in red morocco, of the " Correspondance d'Angleterre," at the French Foreign Office, with the royal cypher and crown, and the adder of the Colbert family on the back and sides, have been handled by Mignet, by Macaulav, and several others. Writers have taken from the wealthy depository the scraps and quotations they wanted to further their i2 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. particular object, were it the succession of Spain or the English Revolution. Another experiment is still to be tried, and the mass of this correspondence may be put to a different use. It remains to take it, so to say, as it is ; not to take one side only, not to single out what refers to Spain, to England, or to one or another question ; but to accept it altogether as it stands, and see what ambassadors at the time of Mr. Pepys and the Sun-king wrote about. What did they consider worth mentioning? In what way were they struck by the manners and the genius of the country ? What did they consider specially noticeable ? Matters which are no longer alluded to in diplomatic correspondence filled then sheet after sheet of official paper. What were these matters, and why did they fill so much space ? Most of the Ambassadors sent then to London had travelled and made war in Europe, but mostly in the South ; when they came as Ambassadors to England, England was for them a terra incognita. They came and made discoveries. Looking at a town from a distance the houses appear a confused mass, above which, much more clearly than on a nearer inspection, emerge towers, steeples, and spires. The foreignness of Ambassadors to their new surroundings acted as distance does ; they did not plunge into ordinary life, they had only general, and sometimes confused notions about it ; but they observed a good many things that rose above it, sign-posts which they tried to read and understand. It is interesting to know whether, among the variety of such signs rising above the common level, they were more struck by the Tower of London or the old houses INTRO D UCTIOX. 1 3 where Parliament sat, by Whitehall or by St. Paul's, by the masts innumerable in the Chatham dockyards or by the chapels innumerable, where a variety of creeds were more or less openly taught. While considering from this standpoint the ambassadorial correspondence of those times, we may form an estimate of what foreigners of education and with the best means for information, wondered at when coming to London ; and at che same time we get an insight into the tastes, the wants and the curiosities of his Sun-like Majesty King Louis Quatorze. With this object in view I chose the correspondence concerning the years 1661 to 1666, mainly filled by the Embassy to England of the Comte de Cominges. 1 His correspondence may be taken as a good average sample of the documents preserved at the French Foreign Office, and though the value of the dispatches of Cominges was well known, only a ftw extracts have been published. 2 Macaulay made scarcely any use of it ; and as for Cominges himself, though he was a man "important toute sa vie," according to St. Simon, it cannot be said that he is too well known : the forty-five volumes of Michaut, the forty-six of the " Nouvelle Biographie Generale," have not a line, not a word about him. What he wrote concerning England, what his master Louis XIV. wanted him to write, is hereafter explained. 1 I used especially vols. lxxv. to lxxx\ iii. of the " Correspondance d'Angleterre," preserved at the Ministere des Affaires Etrangcres, Paris. 2 Especially by Lord Bravbrookc, at the end ot his edition of Pepys (twenty-eight extracts, not from the originals, but from copies preserved at the National Library) ; by the Comte de Baillon, in his "Henriettc d'Angleterre,'' Paris, 1886; by Ravaisson, in his "Archives de la Bastille," &c. 14 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. But first some few apologies for the hero of this work will, perhaps, not be amiss. Bereft as he is now of his diplomatic privilege, and exposed to censure, it is only fair that his judges be reminded that the benefit of extenuating circumstances may be equitably extended to some of his worse faults. First it must be confessed that he did not know a word of English ; but scarcely anybody did in his time; the savants of the "Journal des Scavans " were not more learned in this respect, as we shall see, than the very Ambassadors. He had never heard of Shakespeare, and only knew " Miltonius," which may come from the same cause ; he did not know English- writing Shakespeare, but he knew " Miltonius," because this was a Latin author. For he knew Latin very well, as most educated people did in his time, so much so that he and his colleagues of 1665 offered, as will appear further, to conduct in Latin the conferences for the treaty with England. Beyond the classics, it must be admitted, he knew nothing ; and to many, therefore, he may have appeared ignorant and proud. " Rough and proud," he is called in the " Memoires de Guiche." ' But it must be re- membered that he was a soldier by profession, and a good one too : this may account for some of his rough- ness and pride. For the same reason, as will be seen, when he bowed, he bowed very low, and according to rule ; when he stood, he stood very stiff": men of tins ! Comingcs had "des manieres qui lui sont proprcs ct qu'on pent dire etrc assez rudes et assez fiercs '' ("Memoires du Comte de Guiche,'' London, 1743, 12", year 166;, p. 63). INTR OD UCTION. 1 5 sort — a somewhat rare sort now — were then numerous ; they wore ribbons on their cuirasses. It will be found, lastly, that several of his judgments are rather bitter. On this important point some excuse is to be found in the fact that the country was at that time unsettled ; that maladministration was breeding discontent, and that, if the English people themselves chose means different from those Cominges would have recommended, they, at least, agreed with him on the inconveniencies of the Stuart regime, and they put an end to it. If, lastly, any touch of ill-humour appears here and there, let it be remembered that Ambassadors had good reason now and again to be ill-humoured. Not to speak of the fogs, which seem to have greatly irritated Cominges, he could not ignore that he was very un- popular ; contrary to custom, he was not bowed to in the streets, and he keenly felt the want of bows ; he was twice besieged in his house by the mob, and had his windows broken; his predecessor, d'Estrades, had been shot at, and had received a bullet in his hat. Such were some of the unpleasant items ot ambassa- dorial lite in those days. But this one redeeming point he had : though usually speaking first and foremost of King Charles to King Eouis, and ot courtly affairs and intrigues, Cominges felt that besides the king there was a nation, with qualities ot its own, fickle (he thought) in religious matters, stubborn in matters of foreign policv, endowed with an indomitable courage, and with an irrepressible fondness for liberty : at which last thought, it is true, he crossed himself. It he sometimes misinterpreted 1 6 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. their meaning and misunderstood their manners, he never misjudged their strength, he admired their navy, nay, and even their Parliament, which he does not hesitate to call " auguste." Out of temper as he was with the fogs, and unpopular for being a subject of the Sun-king, he was wise enough to disprove the insulting rumours current in both countries on the character of the other. But it is time to let him speak for himself, and be judged, as the French law permits, on his own testi- mony. CHAPTER I. HOW COMINGEs's PREDECESSOR HAD TO LEAVE ENGLAND. AT the time when our story begins, if story it may be called, Cardinal Mazarin had just died (March 9, 1 66 1 ) ; Louis XIV., aged twenty-two, had assumed the reins of government ; Hugues de Lionne was, not yet officially, but in practice, Foreign Secretary to the King ; the Stuart dynasty had recently been re-established in England. The French and English kings were beginning their reigns at about the same time ; both were young and intelligent, and enjoyed a wide popularity among their subjects ; both had a brilliant court of able men, fine courtiers and beautiful ladies, and both delighted in worldly pleasures. But while the one, from his very youth meant to be a king, the other ncyer cared to be one. Louis was, eyen at this time, writing of his privileges and his flag in the very tone of deep-set resolution which Charles used when the question was of the rank and privileges of the Lady Castlemaine. "Whosoever I find endeavouring," wrote Charles to Clarendon, " to hinder this resolution of mine [to appoint the Castlemaine a lady of the Queen's bedchamber] ... I will be his enemy to the last 1 8 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. moment of my life. You know how much a friend I have been to you. If you will oblige me eternally, make this business as easy to me as you can, of what opinion you are of, for I am resolved to go through with this matter let what will come on it, and whom- soever I find to be my Lady Castlemaine's enemy in this matter, I do promise upon my word to be his enemy as long as I live." 1 In the same strain, but with a different object, Louis was writing to his ambassador in England : " The point I most especially noticed in vour dispatch is how neither the King my brother, nor his advisers, do know me well as yet ; else they would not assume a firmness and hauteur in their attitude bordering upon threats. There is no power under heaven that can make me move one step on such a path. Evil may come to me, but no feeling of fear ever will ; . . . the Kino; of England and his Chancellor can of course make an estimate of what my forces are ; but they do not see my heart. And I, who feel and know both, wish that you let them hear, for my only answer, as soon as this courier reaches you, that I do not crave, nor look for, any accommodation in the affair of the salute at sea, because I will well find means to maintain my right, whatever be the consequence. . . . All the Chancellor has put forward is nothing for me as compared to a 1 T. H. Lister, "Life and Administration of Edward, Earl of Clarendon." London, 1 838, 3 vols. 8vo., vol. iii. p. 202. Claren- don writes to the Duke of Ormond : " The worst is the King is as discomposed as ever, and looks as little after his business ; •which breaks my heart, and makes me and other of vour friends weary of our lives" (Sept. 9, 1662. Ibid. v. 222). COMINGES 'S PREDE CESSOR. 1 9 point dhonneur, connected, were it ever so slightly, with the fame of my crown. Far from taking into account, in such a case as this, what may become of the States of others, such as Portugal, I will be found ready to put mine own in jeopardy, rather than tarnish by any faint-heartedness the glory which I am seeking in all things as the principal aim of all my actions." 1 All their life long, and though Louis was not without his La Valliere and his Montespan, and though Charles was not without his William Temple and his Triple Alliance, they remained to the end such as they appear at their dSut, in these two letters, both ready to put their crowns in jeopardy, the one for a point d'honneur, the other for a Castlemaine. Louis's Foreign Secretary, Hugues de Lionne, was not unworthy ot his master, as may be gathered from the excellent sketch from life left to us bv the Abbe de Choisy. " He had a genius of a superior order. His mind, quick and keen from his birth, had been yet sharpened in the affairs which Mazarin had early entrusted to him. ... A wit and a scholar, he did not write very well, but with great ease, and would never take the trouble to do better. The very reverse of avaricious, and considering riches onlv as a means for satisfying his taste for pleasure, he was a gamester and spendthrift, and never stopped even when his health was at stake. In ordinary circumstances he would remain idle, except when he had pleasure for his object. 1 To d'Estradcs, Jam 25, 1662. "CEuv. de Louis XIV.,'' 1S06, v. 68. The original draft in the handwriting ot Lionne is preserved in vol. lxxxi. of the " Correspondancc d'Angieterre," French Foreign Office. 20 A FREiYCH AMBASSADOR. When pressed by necessity he was found indefatigable, and spent his days and nights at work ; this, however, happened rarely. He expected no help from his clerks, but drew all from himself, wrote with his own hand or dictated all the dispatches ; giving, however, each day only a few hours to the affairs of State, with the thought that, thanks to his quickness, he could regain the time his passions made him squander." l The numerous volumes in the French archives filled with drafts of dispatches and minutes of conversations, written in his own excessively rapid and not very legible hand, testify to the present day to the truth of Choisy's portrait. Such was the King and such his minister. The first ambassador they sent to England after the Restoration, Godefroy Comte d'Estrades had his stay there curtailed by an unexpected event. He was " a tall, cold person, with a fine figure. Few men," wrote Tallemant des Reaux in his " Historiettes," " are better endowed with cold-blooded valour ; he has fought several fine duels. One day, it is reported, he fought against a certain bravado who placed himself on the brink of a little ditch saying to d'Estrades, ' I won't pass the ditch.' ' And I,' answered d'Estrades, marking a line behind him with his sword, ' I will not pass this line.' They fight ; d'Estrades kills the other." He had been a page to King Eouis XIII., and made war in Holland and Italy. His taste for fighting, worthy of Merimce's " Chronique de Charles IX.," had not prevented him from entering the diplomatic service. He was entrusted with mis- sions to England, to Piedmont, to the Dutch States, 1 " Mcmoircs " edited by dc Lescure. Paris, iSSS, 2 vols., vol. i. P . 89. LE COMTE D'ESTRADES Ambassador to England 1661 From the engraving by Etienne Picart COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 21 and he took part in the conferences at Minister, 1646. His mother was a Secondat of the family which was to boast in after-times of the famous Montesquieu. D'Estrades had reached England in July, 1661, and had established himself at Chelsea. The instructions with which he had been supplied prescribed to him to prepare a treaty with England, and contained strict intimations as to the care he ought to bestow on all questions of etiquette and precedence. His Majesty recommends his representative "jealously to preserve the dignity of his Crown in the Court whither he is going ; because any insult he may receive would in reality fall on his master, who is bound to resent it to the utmost. . . . The Sieur d'Estrades will in all occasions preserve the pre-eminence to which the King is entitled, allowing no ambassador to go before him, except the Emperor's in case he were to send one to England. He will allow to his left the Spanish ambas- sador as well as the representatives of the other kings who hold their crown direct from God alone. As for those of Venice ... he will allow them only to go behind. "' ] No treaty at all was to be signed during d'Estrades' stay, and all his ingenuity, valour, knowledge of the world, of military tactics and diplomacy, were meant to be used only, and not without some deep and lasting consequence, in those same questions of precedence and etiquette. The main preoccupation of the FYench sovereign then was Spain, a dreaded rival in the past, a possible prey in the future. The Most Christian King was bent 1 Mar n, 1 66 1 . 22 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. upon asserting publicly, as he did privately in his instructions, his right of precedence over his Catholic brother. The fiction according to which an ambassa- dor's person is, so to say, a duplicate of the king's person was better attended to and believed in than it is now- a-days, and it was of great importance to Louis that Baron de Watteville, 1 the London duplicate of the King of Spain, should not be allowed to go before his own representative. Watteville lived brilliantly in York House, not far from Whitehall, spent much money, and was very popular in London. It was obvious from the first that, both being resolved, and supplied with means to maintain their pretensions, a light would ensue. As in d'Estrades's duel, each had drawn an impassable line behind his own heel. In the month following the arrival of the French Envoy, the fray was on the point of taking place, but Charles intervened. It was then the custom for ambassadors when they came to England, first to establish themselves privately in their lodgings, and, after they had spent some time and much money in gilding their carriages and embroidering their servants, to go back to Greenwich, to row up the Thames opposite the Tower, and there to perform the ceremony of a landing in state and an entrde into the town. Venetian Ambassadors had just reached London, and were to make their entree. But as large preparations had been made by d'Estrades and Watteville to main- tain their point to the bitter end, Charles had interposed and persuaded the two not to send their carnages at all 1 From Wattcnvcil in Thurgovia ; his name is often spelt Batevillc : he died in 1670. COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 23 to the entree, and remain quietly at home. Hearing of this pacific arrangement, young Louis angrily reminded his Ambassador that such matters were no joke, and that he was in earnest indeed : " I confess that after what you had written in your former dispatches concerning the entree of the Venetian Ambassadors extraordinary in London, and the preparations you were making to maintain in this occasion the prerogatives due to my crown above all the others, it could never have occurred to me that the event would turn out and end as it has. I will not conceal that I have been deeply impressed by two things : the one that the King my brother has taken part in this without necessity and in a rather unobliging manner, as he seems to have been bent upon having a complete equality established between me and my brother the Catholic King. He cannot ignore however the many reasons for which the pre-eminence belongs to me, and how I have been in possession of it in all times and places. The other is that you have consented to what he has let you know he wanted." The English king is free to give what orders he pleases to his subjects, but not to a foreign ambassador ; and if he had persisted, d' Estrades ought to have at once retired from his Court. 1 With such instructions, our Ambassador, who was at the same time a " Lieutenant general des armees du Roi," could not fail to take the matter seriously, and he wrote to Lionne : " I prepare to carry the thing the next time to such a pitch that I am greatly mistaken it the most difficult to please find anything to reproach 1 The King to d'Estradcs. August 22, 166 1. 24 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. me with." l Louis, on his part, remained on the watch, and there are many letters in the volumes at the French Foreign Office in which he, from day to day, fired the zeal of his envoy. One day he informed d'Estrades of taunts attributed to Watteville, and which had come to his knowledge ; another day he had heard of the sending to England of Count Strozzi as an Ambassador from the Emperor, and wrote : ' f Whether the said Count Strozzi has notified his entree to you, or whether, to please Watteville, he has not, I mean you to send your coaches to meet him, and so to arrange as to make sure they keep the rank due to me, and go before the carriages of all the other Ambassadors. ... I will not speak of the measures you have to take beforehand, to be secure that your people will be able to keep their rank during the march, well believing that you will omit nothing in it." ~ Strozzi's entrde does not take place, but a little later news comes of the arrival of a Swedish Ambassador. The King on the 7th of October is careful to put his Ambassador on his guard, for he has received some secret information : " The information purports that- General Monk has promised the Baron de Watteville to give him soldiers of his Scotch regiment with a few Irish to strengthen the Spaniards and guard their coach ; and, depending upon this help, the said Watte- ville has resolved to be represented at the entree. I know it for sure ; my information comes from the house of Monk himself, and has been reported by one of his most intimate confidants. The coach will go to Tower Hill unattended, but the escort will be found 1 To Lionnc. August 22, 1661. 2 September 28, 1661. COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 25 ready there or in some of the streets where you are to pass. I deem, therefore, that when once your coach has taken the place due to it immediately after the Swedish Ambassador's, your men must not leave it before it has reached the house of the said Ambassador, for fear that at the crossing of some street these Scotch and Irish rush in with might and main and stop you and let Watteville go." But d'Estrades was already wound up to the proper degree, for before the King's letter could have reached him, he was on his side writing to Brienne the younger : " I am making the largest preparations possible ; the Spanish Ambassador does his best to oppose me. The event will take place on Monday." l Louis, on his side, has nothing to add to what he has already intimated, and no letter of his can possibly reach his representative in time; still he writes again, because he is so impatient to hear of the issue, and just to say that he is so : "I have great impatience to know how the ceremony will have gone, the more so as I can scarcely doubt it will have been to your advantage and to my satisfaction. For you have the word of the King my brother, who has promised to second vour intentions ; and, besides, being so near the French coast, and having at hand the garrison of Gravel ines, you will have been able to place yourself in such a state as to prevent the Spaniards feeling any inclina- tion to compete with you." D'Estrades was military governor of Gravelines ; the idea suggested by the King had already occurred to him, and he had caused a troop of his own soldiers to be conveyed to London 1 October 6, i 66 1 . 26 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. with their .arms and equipage- — a thing scarcely con- ceivable now — in order to take part in the expected " ceremony." The morning of the ioth of October came. On that day Mr. Pepys rose very early. He had much to do, business to transact and things various to observe. The entree and the " fight for the pre- cedence " were to take place on that day. Nothing could better enliven the dull streets of the town than such a fray, and therefore Mr. Pepys was all the day long on tip-toe. As soon as morning light came, there was a great noise of " soldiers and people running up and down the street ; " and Mr. Pepys hastened to and fro and bustled about as best he could. He peered at " the Spanish Ambassador's and at the French, and there saw great preparations on both sides ; but the French made the most noise and ranted most, but the other made no stir almost at all; so that I was afraid the other would have too great a conquest over them." Bent upon making a day of it (as indeed it was in the history of the French and Spanish kingdoms) he ran to Cheapside, as soon as he had had his meal, there to hear that " the Spanish hath got the best of it, and kill three of the French coach-horses and several men, and is gone through the city next to our King's coach : at which it is strange to see how all the city did rejoice." Not so strange, however, for " we do naturally all love the Spanish, and hate the French." " As I am in all things curious," Mr. Pepys con- tinues, writing at a time of the day when it was not so well known as it is now that he was, indeed, curious in COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 27 all things, " I ran after them, through all the dirt and the streets full of people, till at last, at the Mewes, I saw the Spanish coach go, with fifty drawn swords at least, to guard it, and our soldiers shouting for joy. And so I followed the coach, and then met it at York House, where the Ambassador lies ; and there it went in with great state." After which this mouche du coche ran to " the French house," to enjoy the discomfiture of the hated ones ; and a treat it was to see them, " for they all look like dead men, and not a word among them but shake their heads." To make things com- plete, Mr. Pepys gathers and notes with delight that " the French were at least four to one in number, and had neare 100 case of pistols among them, and the Spaniards had not one gun among them ; which is for their honour for ever and the others' disgrace." He could now go home, " having been very much daubed with dirt," and triumph upon his wife, silly thing, who sided with the French — a result, probably, of her being so well read in La Caprenede and Scudery. The result was received with great applause through- out the capital, and pamphlets were circulated giving a humorous account of the detent suffered by the French. " Many thousands of spectators came to behold this strange and desperate conflict," we read in one of those sheets, "it being variously rumoured several ways, but more especially a single duel betwixt these two persons of honour, the Ambassadors extraordinary from the illustrious and Christian princes, Spain and France." The Spaniards displayed the utmost valour : ' w Indeed it was the fortune ot the mounsiers to receive the greatest loss, five being translated out of 2 S A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. this world into another, and above thirty wounded, with the loss of one Spaniard and very few wounded. For indeed through their aboundant fortitude and magnanitude, they became triumphant that day, it being worthy of observation that an ancient man of the Spanish party disputed several passes with six Frenchmen." l But as " il n'est si beau jour qui ne meine sa nuit," what was to be Spain's honour for ever did not keep long its lustre. While this rejoicing was taking place, d'Estrades was mournfully writing to Lionne : " As it was not a thing I could do, to go myself, I had sent my son ; and of the fifty men who were there with him five were killed and thirty-three wounded. They have had to deal with more than two hundred, and there and wherever they have been attacked they have done their duty." The Ambassador goes on recounting the various proofs he has had already of the small degree of popularity he enjoys with the London rabble : " In the course of eight days I was tw r ice in danger of being assassinated and a musket ball went through my hat; soldiers and a mob have come to attack me in my own house." 2 Of bullets d'Estrades had a right to speak, having in former times received some, not in his hat only, but in his body also. 1 " A true relation of the manner of the dangerous dispute and bloody conflict betwixt the Spaniards and the French at Tower Wharfc and Tower Hill on Monday, September the 30th, 1661 [O. S.] . . . with the number killed and wounded on both sides . . . published tor general satisfaction " (a copy at the French Foreign Office, " Angleterre," vol. lxxvi.). J October 13, I 66 1. KING LOUIS XIV From the engraving by Nanteuil " Ad vivum, 1664 " COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 29 Great was the anger of the sovereign who prided himself upon " being the first King among Christians and to be known as such in the courts of all the other kings, even in the remotest countries." l He felt as if he had read Mr. Pepys's own diary, and did not rest till he had washed awav the memory of this " disgrace." " I am in such a hurry," he wrote, " to let this gentle- man start . . . that I will not, by far, tell you all I want, concerning what has happened to you. Well may you believe that I have deeply resented those insults as their nature binds me to, and my honour being at stake. I hope with the help of God, and through the vigour of the resolutions I am taking, the which I shall carry as far as people will make it necessary, that those who have caused me this dis- pleasure will soon be more sorry for it and anxious than I ever was." 2 No vain threats. The elegant young prince, with a flood of wavy hair round his beautiful face, scarcely out of the keeping of his mother and of the late Mazarin, was true to his word, and it was soon obvious that Watteville had mistaken his own master and his time. While Charles II. was asking another great diarist of his day, John Evelyn, to draw up a " narra- tive in vindication of his Majesty, and of the carriage of his officers and standers-by," 3 King Louis the Fourteenth, who had at once expelled the Spanish Ambassador from his Court, got from his father-in-law all the satisfaction he wanted. Watteville was recalled ; ' Instructions to d'Estrades, May 1^5, 1661. 2 October 16, 166 1. ! "Evelyn's Diary," under the date Oct. 1. 1661 (O.S.). 30 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. it was settled that henceforth Spanish Ambassadors would cease to compete for precedence with the most Christian King's envoys ; and a medal was struck, one of the finest in the royal collection, to commemorate the event. 1 Louis gave his full approbation to d'Estrades, who, this time had not hesitated to leave the English Court ; but he could not doubt that the continuation of the same Ambassador's services in England, would not be conducive to the close union with that kingdom which was a part of his policy. He therefore, after having sent him back for a short while to London, decided to appoint him his ambassador to the States of Holland. D'Estrades was staying in Paris when he received the visit of Richard Bellings sent to him by the English Chancellor on a special mission. " I am sorry," he wrote to Lionne, on the 17th of July, 1662, " not to be able to go to St. Germains to speak of an affair which will not displease his Majesty, nay, and is verv advantageous to him. The Chancellor of England has sent me a person in his confidence, with a letter accrediting him. Were you to come to Paris I would tell you what are the proposals." The pro- posals were of the sale of Dunkirk ; the negotiation was knottv and arduous. After a long bargaining on both sides, in which Colbert had to say his word, and several sham break-ofFs, the matter was arranged tor five millions of livres. D'Estrades, after one last stay in England, had the honour to take possession of the town in the name of his master. The first two millions T The die of which still exists at the Hotel des Monnaies, Paris. COMINGES'S PREDECESSOR. 3 1 were at once embarked on five boats, and taken to the Tower, where they were honoured with a personal visit from the King : ' c The money told at Calais for the sale of Dunkirk has arrived, and has been located at the Tower, where the King of England would go and see it, when he was having his ride this morning towards ' Ouleiks.' ' By which word, Secretary of Embassy Batailler, means Woolwich. 1 D'Estrades, having thus redeemed his character as a servant of the State, could now go to Holland, where, however, the inimical fates were already preparing for him another difficulty on the score of punctilio. This time he stood his ground against the Prince of Orange, and managed so as not to be worsted. He risked nothing less than his life in it, but succeeded. " Tues- day last," Sir George Downing, the English envoy, reports to Clarendon, "there was another rencontre in the Foreholt between the Prince of Orange and Monsieur d'Estrades, the French Ambassador their coaches, between four and five in the afternoon. . . . No sword drawn on either side, nor a blow given ; but the people began to flock in infinite numbers, . . . and it was most evident that, had but one stroke been given, d'Estrades and his coach and horses had been buried upon the place and his house plundered and pulled down to the ground." D'Estrades ''alleged, which is true, that once before the Prince had yielded to him ; but Monsieur Zulestein says, that at that time the Prince had not his own coachman, but another who was not experienced in those things, and that it was 1 To Louis, Dec. 4, 1662. A modal was struck, with the motto : " Dunqucrca rccupcrata providentia principis," M.CLXII. 32 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. done unawares." " But, you see," Downing wisely concludes, " how dangerous it is to make slips, he having once unawares quitted the rail, the French Ambassador stood upon it, that he ought to do it the second time." l Thus did d'Estrades clear himself of the aspersions of Mr. Pepys. 1 The Hague, April 29, 1664., O.S. Lister's "Life of Claren- don." London, 1838, 3 vols. 8vo., vol. ii. p. 314. Concerning the parts of d'Estrades's correspondence which were published in the last century, and the spurious documents mixed with it, see Iaros- lav Coil's two articles in the " Revue Historique," 1877. CHAPTER II. COMINGES. D'ESTRADES being gone, Louis and his adviser, Lionne, chose, to replace him at the British Court, the Comte de Cominges, a well-known diplomatist and soldier, who was, according to St. Simon, " important toute sa vie." He was now in the fiftieth year of his age, and hud done and seen much. Gaston Jean Baptiste de Cominges (or Comenge), Seigneur of St. Fort, Fleac, and La Reole, born in 1613, was the son of Charles de Cominges, who died at the siege of Pignerol. 1 His family prided itself upon an immeasurable antiquity, the first of their ancestors known by name being, according to Moreri, Anevius, who is said to have flourished about the year 9C0. St. Simon, who was not a man to adopt easily such views, quietly says that " people do not know what thev 1 Cominges's arms form one of the plates of the " Armorial du St. Esprit" (Chalcographie du Louvre) ; his monogram has been reproduced by Bouvennc, " Les monogrammes historiques," Paris, 1870, p. 35. 3 n 34 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. were before the year 1440." Certain it is that at the time we are speaking of they were solidly established in the world with an uncle, the kindly irascible old Guitaut, as Captain of the Bodyguards of Anne of Austria, the Queen-mother, and with the splendid chateau of Epoisses, not far from Semur, as the chief place and, so to say, the capital of the family. A part of the castle was since then raised to the ground during the Great Revolution, but the largest part, with a tower dating back from the tenth century, from the time, in fact, of the misty Anevius, is still to be seer, and still belongs to the family. Very fine it looks with its tall mossy roofs, its thick walls, its sculptured balconies and terraces, and the roses and chrysanthe- mums that bloom on the declivity of the old dried-up moat. Many remembrances are kept there of former illustrious guests ; there is Conde's room and Madame de Sevigne's chamber ; and in the precious well-kept archives, a large bundle of the Marchioness's letters with the seal and silk string still attached to them, written in the large handwriting and with the free thought orthography of the matchless lady. Anevius's portrait is not there ; but there are countless Cominges and Guitauts, periwigged warriors in cuirasses, knights of the Holv Ghost, abbots and abbesses, ladies w r ith powdered hair, marshals of France, and presidents of Parliament. In the " chambre du roi " old Guitaut stares at a pretty proud young person who may or may not be the Montespan ; and on the painted walls of the corridor Roman heroes and Arcadian shepherds enjoy their glory and their loves according to the fashion of the time. Cannon balls from a siege recall warlike COMINGES. 35 times ; the old chapel remains untouched, but has become the village church, and the little houses built for canons have been allotted to retired gardeners and other old servants of the family. A descendant of warriors, Cominges went early to the wars, took part in the sieges of St. Omer, Hesdin, Arras, and Aire, and was made, in 1644, under his uncle Guitaut, a lieutenant of the Bodyguards of the Queen-mother. From this date he always enjoyed the confidence of Anne of Austria, who entrusted to his uncle and to him several missions not a little difficult to perform, in which, however, they proved successful. To him it was she applied to have the notorious and popular Broussel, " the idol of the people," removed from Paris in the midst of the Fronde agitation. He stopped the old man " without allowing him to eat his dinner or even to resume his shoes which he had just taken off, but placed him in a coach and carried him away. A strange thing happened. As they were nearing the palace, the coach broke and Cominges asked ladies who w r ere passing by ro lend him theirs, offering his excuses, and assuring them that nothing else than such a case would have induced him to show so much incivility. So he took the quay and reached the St. Honore Gate." 1 To the last we shall find Cominges such as he appeared on this occasion ; he will never allow any Broussel time to put on his shoes, but while keeping his Broussels in hand, he will always find time to fulfil the duties of etiquette. To both the uncle and nephew was assigned the no less delicate 1 "Mcmoircs dc Nicolas Goulas,'' ed. C. Constant, Paris, 1^79, 3 vol. 8vo., vol. ii. p. 349. 36 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. task to remove from the very Louvre to the Donjon de Vincennes, the Princes Conde and Conti, and the Duke de Longueville (1650). 1 They severally "walked to each of the Princes, and after having paid to them their very respectful compliments, they stopped them in the name of the King." 2 In the intervals of his military duties and of his various missions Cominges found time to study ; he enjoyed a reputation at Court for being a man of thought and knowledge as well as a good swords- man and a good guitarist. We find him fighting a duel in 1639 : "And as this month was notable for the number of nuptials that then happened, so was it also," writes Bassompierre, " by the number of the duels, such as those by d'Armentieres, de Savignac, de Bouquant, de Roquelaure, de Chatelus, de Cominges, and others." 5 Cominges's duel was as serious as d'Lstrades's, for he, too, killed his man. The famous Chapelain, the author of " La Pucelle,'' informed as follows the Marchioness de Flamarens of what had happened : " M. de Richefons has fought for the second time against M. de Cominges, and this time has received two mortal wounds. He has, however, had four days' time to prepare himself to his death and beg pardon to God for his sins. The quarrel was an irreconcilable one, that could only be ended by the death of one of the two. I think you will do well to express 1 Cominges wrote an account of it, and it has been published with biographical notes by Tamizey de Larroque, " Revue des questions historiques," October I, I 87 1. 2 Choisv's " Memoires," Leseure's edition, bk. vi. vol. i. p. 51. 3 "Memoires," Paris, 1870, 4 vols. 8vo., vol. iv. p. 293. COMINGES. 37 your feelings of condolence to Madame de la Trousse on this occasion."' * As for the guitar, Cominges' skill on this instrument is honourably mentioned by Madame de Motteville, who relates how young Louis the Fourteenth, being very fond of music, asked her own brother to play his part with Cominges ' c in the guitar concerts which the King had nearly every day." 2 Endowed with such accomplishments and an equally acceptable companion in times of peace and war, Co- minges found, as it seems, no great difficulty in pleasing the beautiful Sibylie d'Amalbi, who had rejected several other suitors, and whom he married in 1643. She, too, became fiimous as the Cesonie of the Precieuses group, and as " la belle Cominges " of the great monarch's Court. " Cesonie," writes Somaize, in his " Diction- naire des Precieuses," " is a Court Precieuse. She is very witty ; she has a fine throat ; she sometimes uses Hesperian produce [i.e., Spanish paint]. She likes the play ; she does not keep a regular alcove, for Court ladies do not follow rules in this matter. She lives in the palace of Seneca " 3 [i.e., the Palais Royal, built by Richelieu]. At a time when portraits were the fashion, when Mdlle. de Scudery filled her novels with descriptions of her friends, and Madame de Stwigne, Madame de la Fayette, and all the rest of the fine witty ladies of the day, rivalled one another in drawing portraits, Cesonie 1 "Lcttrcs," cd. Tamizey de Larroque, Paris, 1S80, 2 vols., _|_tc>, vol. i. p. 405. 2 " Memoires," 1876, vol. iv. p. 90 (1057). 3 Livet's edition, 1856, vol. i. p. 55. 38 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. would not fail to be portrayed, and descriptions of her in verse and prose abound. We gather from a portrait made of her under the name of Emilie that she was not tall, but so perfect in her proportions that it is not possible to conceive how she could look better if taller. " She has such a pretty childish look and touching little ways that it is an impossibility not to love her." Her nose is thin and straight ; her hair, somewhat loose, ' c of the finest colour in the world " (whatever that may be). The whiteness of her complexion " mixes so delicately with the pink of her cheeks that this masterpiece of nature has sometimes been suspected ; but as she reddens in society, it is easy to understand that, if the red she has were of her own making, she would arrange so as not to be troubled with it out of time." The indiscreet author continues telling us how she has the finest leg and foot in the world, so perfect indeed "that there are few men who would not be pleased to have such,'' a compliment which we need a little history to make us understand, and which would not be thus expressed in our sans-culottist days. With so many public and private perfections, the Belle Cominges, nevertheless, was modest ; " her eyes have reigned over a thousand hearts, but she has never given her own away. . . . She does as the gods who accept prayers and sacrifices, and she considers that she does enough in not scorning proffered homages." She is a faithful friend, and a lively partner in conversation. Her only fault is that she sometimes feels depressed and melancholy without reason. She then retires from the world, and remains whole days nursing her sorrow ; she then appears again in societv, and shines with such COMING ES. 39 splendour that it is impossible to conceive she knows what sadness is. " She plays very well on the lute, and sings like an angel." J Versified gazettes of the time are full of her praise ; whenever there is a splendid fete she is sure to be named amongst the prettiest guests. 2 She turns the head of many, and works ravages in the royal family itself. Of course people who pretended that the pink on her cheeks came from " Hesperia " were not slow in discovering, saying, and printing that hers was a sham coldness, and that she overstepped more than once the line which divides love and friendship ; but, of course, too, they were slanderers, and the best thing to do is not to believe them. When she was with child the Court was troubled at the idea her beauty would be impaired ; and the gazettes informed the world at large of her gradual recovery and the coming back of her incarnat : " Her sweet, laughing eyes — had become less attractive — Cupid languished by her side." But she is improving apace, and now she is quite well ; let lovers look to themselves ! " Hearts 1 " Rccucil de portraits ct clogcs en vers et en prose, dedie a S. A. R. Mademoiselle." Paris, 16^9, 2 vols.. Svo. (anonymous). 2 At a ball given at the Louvre, in September, 1655, •' I,e beau Marquis de Villcroy . . . Menait Comminge;" While the King (then seventeen) danced with " L'infantc Manciny, Des phis sages et gracieuses Et la perle des precieuses." Loret, " La Mu/.e historique," 1650-1665, ed. Ravenel and de la Pelouze, Paris, 1857 ct scq., vol. ii. p. 98. 40 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. that feel the allurements of charms divine- — and know what it is to love — if vou want to remain free — believe me, do not see her ! ... If you are wise — it will be enough for your rest — that you mind this piece of news: — La Belle Comhiges est guerie." l Cominges had by her three sons and two daughters ; the sons became soldiers, and fought in the King's wars, one of them being killed in Germany ; of the daughters, one married, and the other became a nun. The eldest son was an aide-de-camp to Louis, and was held in great esteem and friendship by the King ; he was re- markable both by his height and size, and his bulk was the occasion of constant jests, which he sometimes allowed and sometimes did not. " The courtiers during the campaigns of the King," says St. Simon, " called, by joke, the bombs and mortars of the largest size, des Cominges^ so that the word has become their technical name in artillery. Cominges considered this joke a very bad one, and could never get accustomed to it " ; but people did, and the word is still in use : " Cominges — sorte de grosse bombe," says Littre. In 1653-4, Cominges followed the wars in Italy and Spain; from 1657 to 1659 he was Ambassador to 1 " Cceurs aux divins atrairs sensibles Qui d'amour etcs susccptihles, Pour vous sauvcr dc ses apas, Croycz moi, nc la voycz pas . . . Bref, vous conscillant a propos, 11 suffit pour votrc repos Dc dire a votrc Seigneurie : La belle Comminge est guarie." Loret, "La Muze historique," vol. i. p. 400 (1653). COMINGES. 41 Portugal, 1 and not long after his return was appointed, at the same time as his uncle Guitaut, a Knight of the Holy Ghost (December, 1661). The following year saw him Ambassador to England, where he was joined by his wife and eldest son : this, his last mission, is the one for which he especially deserves to be remembered. 1 On his Portuguese mission, see Tamizey de Larroque, "Lettres du Comte de Comingcs, 1657-1659," Pons, 1885. Svo., and Vi- comte de Caix de St. Aymour, "Recueil des instructions aux Am- bassadeurs de France — Portugal." Paris, 1886, 1 vol. Svo. CHAPTER III. THE TONE AND MANNER OF THE CORRESPONDENCE. COMIXGES reached London on the 23rd of December, 1662 (O.S.), after having had a very bad crossing " in the yacht of Monsieur le due d'York." In his first letter to the King he thus de- scribes his journey in his usual Court style : — " Sire, I would not mention to your Majesty the inconveniences I suffered in my journey on account of the floods, if I were not bound to do so to explain the length of the time I spent on the way. Not that I failed to constrain, so to say, the very elements to sub- mit to your Majesty's wishes ; but all I could do, after having avoided two or three land-wrecks and escaped a tempest by sea, was to reach this place on December 23, English style." l From this day forth a double, not to say a treble, correspondence begins : an official one with the King, a more familiar one with Lionne, and we find frag- ments of a third one, containing only Court news, and destined again to the King, but not in his kingly capacity, \oung Louis greatly appreciated those sepa- 1 To the King. January 4, 1663. >/< > () — A' ( <>////<• ( 'c C (>//t f/t ■*■ y ^^Su w v# "■ - '"' §\ ■ • \ M I, % , V **" . j - "Y ^ /' ■/,'<;,, //„■ /„.,■/,<,,/ ,;,./,;, ,«,-<> />,/ <>//,'•/•., v/, ETIQUETTE AND COURT NEWS. 91 as an escort, by a maid and a little page. The party are met suddenly " by three noblemen (so at least they seemed from their garments) who wore masks and addressed to her the harshest and bitterest reprimand that can well be imagined. They even went so far as to remind her that the mistress of Edward the Fourth died on a dunghill, scorned and abandoned by everybody. You can well imagine that the time seemed long to her, for the park extends over a larger space than from Regnard's to the Pavilion. As soon as she was in her bedroom she fainted. The King being informed of this ran to her, caused all the gates to be shut and all the people found in the park to be arrested. Seven or eight persons who happened thus to be caught were brought in, but could not be identified. They have told the tale ; it was wished to hush up the affair, but I believe the secret will not easily be kept." ' The chain of the Whitehall amusements was as follows : "There is a ball and a comedy every other day ; the rest of the days are spent at play, either at the Queen's or at the Lady Castlemaine's, where the com- pany does not fail to be treated to a good supper. In this way, Sire, is the time occupied in this country. The impending Parliamentary session will soon turn the thoughts to other objects ; the cleverest have already begun their canvassing, and the others wait for the occasion to display their talents in this so illustrious assembly." 2 Ships came from the far-off countries of the sun, and after a year's journey round the Cape brought news for 1 To Lionnc. Oct. 2, 1664. •' To the King. January 2^, 1663. 92 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. the statesmen, goods for the merchants, presents for the King, and trinkets for the ladies. Much noise was made concerning gifts from India sent to Charles, and said to be peerless. " But the King did me the honour to show them, and laugh over them with me. They are enclosed in a little purse of purple satin. There is a yellow stone twice as big as the Sancy, of such a good shape as to be worth a million ; it would, however, be purchased dear for a crown. There is another stone, a red one, called a carbuncle, which looks rather fine ; but I have seen many such on reliquaries, from which I doubt they be of great value. There is also a white and blue sapphire, excellent to adorn a bishop's ring, and a very large pearl which the King gave to the Queen ; nature had meant to make it round and white, but failed." r When the Court goes to the waters, the Whitehall amusements follow in its wake ; not so when the Universities are the goal of the journey. Divertise- ments are doubtless provided, but of a less attractive sort, and Charles has to take part in festivities con- cerning which Cominges, lover as he was of the ancients, writes : 2 " The Court is not returned yet from its ' progres,' to adopt the word in use here. They will reach Oxford to-day, and stay four days there to enjoy such amusements as a University can provide. . . . There is a talk of a variety of plays and of a number of harangues, panegyrics, and epithalamies ; Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Arabic, and Syrian being the best 1 To the King. August 18, 1664. -' To the King. Oct. 16, 1667. E TIQ UE TTE AND CO UR T NE WS. 9 3 known among the languages resorted to. I doubt not that, after these dull entertainments, they will return with pleasure to more amusing ones at Whitehall." As for Gramont, Cominges describes him as taking in all these festivities the very same part allotted to him by his brother-in-law Hamilton. The cheva- lier had reached London nearly at the same time as the Ambassador, and " had been received as kindly as possible. He makes one in all the parties of the King, and has his say at Madame de Castlemaine's." He takes the part of that lady against Madame Jaret, who revenges herself by certain ill-reports she spreads in society, not sparing the King himself. The King, in his turn, doss not spare " that madcap of a Jaret ; it is even whispered that the English word he used means something more." Nothing daunted by this or by anything, Gramont " follows his usual style of life. He sees the ladies at the lawful hours, and a little also at the forbidden ones. . . . The King constantly asks him to his entertainments." A few months later we find him true to himself, "and continuing his gallantries as is his wont — that is making much noise and little progress." He has just managed to have a very ridi- culous affair with Madame Middleton, whose maid he bribed, but the maid kept to herself both the money and the love declarations of the chevalier. When at length the lady heard of what was meant for her, as it was not conveyed, it seems, with all the eloquence Gramont had meant, she was nothing moved, but ordered him to keep quiet and look elsewhere. Gramont did not fail to take her a: her word, and he is now, six months after his coming, in a fairway to 94 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. marriage. This creates quite a sensation, and the pros and cons are discussed at great length in the gilt halls of the royal palace and in the ambassadorial dispatches. Few marriages (except perhaps Panurge's own) have been the cause of more discussions, and have elicited a larger variety of opinions. Cominges was against it. " The Chevalier de Gramont is so well pleased with all the advantages accruing to him from his gallantries that he means to build upon them what of his life he has still to spend. But as he has noticed indeed that his age is becoming a great obstacle to all his imaginary pleasures, he has resolved to secure for himself more solid ones by marrying. With this view he has cast his eyes on a beautiful young demoiselle of the house of Hamilton, niece to the Duke of Ormond, adorned with all the grace of virtue and nobility, but so little with mere material wealth that, according to those who give her most, she has none. " I think that at first the chevalier did not mean to go so far in this business, but, be it that conversation has completed what beauty began, or that the noise made by two rather troublesome brothers may have had something to do with it, certain it is that he has now declared himself publicly. The King has given his consent, and in consideration of the intended marriage has given hopes of his providing for the board of the lovers by means of some pension or other when he can. "As I saw that this marriage was the cause of endless banter at Court, and that everybody talked of it according to his humour, I took upon myself to try and break it, or at least postpone it, but all without ( >/f 'ft /*<'//) . '( >ft///Y //()// ( y / '- ETIQ UETTE AND CO UR T NE J VS. 95 success. I see now no remedy to an unavoidable evil, recommended by a blind and performed by a disabled man. He loaded me with a thousand false reasons, which I would not entertain ; he received mine in the same way ; and time will teach him which are the best. I wish for his sake it may be his, but it does not seem likely." > The marriage being resolved, is publicly announced, on the same day as the conversion of Madame de Castlemaine. " The King has been asked by the rela- tions of the lady to interfere and prevent her ; but he answered that, as for the soul of the ladies, he did not meddle with that." 2 The nuptial ceremonies take place, and Gramont greatly enjoys the thought of some day carrying his " belle Anglaise " to France. His happiness is in- creased when, the following year, he becomes the father of a son as " beautiful as the mother." All the Court has rejoiced with him, and " he looks much the younger for the event ; but I think the hope he entertains of soon going back to France has had something to do with the wiping away of the wrinkles about his eyes and forehead, and the recalling of the roses and lilies." 3 His temper and character are unfortunately exactly what they were before. Having signed one of his dispatches, the body of which is written by his secre- tary, Cominges adds in the margin with his own hand : " M. le Chevalier de Gramont has come back two months ago. He has not altered since he married, 1 Cominges' sheet of Court News, for the King. August, 1663. To Lionnc. December 3 1, 1663. ! To Lionne. September X, 1664. 96 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. except in his having become such a downright liar as to stand matchless in the world." J Heroes of a different stamp also make their appear- ance in the fly-leaves of Court news supplied to Louis by his Ambassador, but they too do not always appear there at their best. Noticeable among them is the soldier usually called simply " le General." Monk attracts the attention of Cominges by the unparalleled splendour of his drinking capacities. In one of his dispatches the Ambassador describes a little fashionable fete, the style of which looks now very old-fashioned indeed. " An amusing affair happened last week in this Court. The Earl of Oxford, one of the first noble- men of England, Knight of the Garter and an officer of the Horse Guards, asked to dinner General Monk, the High Chamberlain of the Kingdom, and some few other Councillors of State. They were joined bv a number of young men of quality. The entertainment rose to such a pitch that every person happened to become a party to quarrels, both as offended and offender ; they came to blows and tore each other's hair ; two of them drew their swords, which luckily had a cooling effect on the company. Each then went away according as he pleased. Those who followed the General wanted some more drink, and it was given them. They con- tinued there till evening, and therefore wanted food. Having been warmed by their morning and after- dinner doings each resolved to see his companion 1 To Lionne. January 28, 1664. Gramont had left for France with his wife, shortly after the birth of his son, which had taken place on September 7, 1664. He started on his journey on November ~\. ETIQUETTE AND COURT NEWS. 97 a-ground. The Genera], who is obviously endowed with a strong head, struck a master stroke ; he presented to each a goblet of the deepest. Some swallowed the contents, and some not ; but all peaceably remained where they were till the following morning, without speaking to each other, though in the same room. Only the General went to Parliament as usual, with his mind and thoughts nothing impaired. " There was much laughter at this." T 1 To the King. May 28, 1663. CHAPTER VI. THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND. FOREMOST among the curiosities of the land which attract the notice of the Ambassador is that strange assembly whither Monk, as we have just seen, repaired after his drinking bout, the Parliament. The importance of this institution was well known in France, where its working was the cause of unceasing wonder. When d'Estrades was sent to England, the instructions he was provided with drew his attention to the Westminster assembly, and to its democratic tendencies. The Royal dispatch supplied him, on the subject of the English nation and its representatives, with the following important particulars : — " His Majesty thinks it proper to inform the said Sieur d'Estrades that the English Monarchy is made up of three kingdoms, the inhabitants of which vary in their tempers and inclinations. In one only thing they agree, namely, in working with strenuous care to reduce the Royal authority, and to place it under the dependence of their Parliaments ; which Parliaments are the States-general of each kingdom, and not a body of magistrates as here." 5 3 THE LIBERTIES OE ENGLAND. 99 Great attention was in consequence paid to the doings of this extraordinary congregation, and the French foreign office archives abound with accounts of its sittings. The opening ceremony is several times described —once, for example, by Secretary Batailler, in charge of the Embassy when d'Estrades had had to leave : — " The King of England performed yesterday the opening of Parliament in the Upper House. He was adorned with the Royal cloak, and wore his crown ; he was surrounded by his great officers of State ; he took his seat ; the lords and bishops did the same, and then he ordered the members of the Lower House to be called. They rushed tumultuously (' tumultuaire- ment ') into the Upper House, as the mob does in the hall of audience at the Paris Parliament, when the ushers have called. They remained on the other side of a barrier which closes the pit where the lords sit, their speaker standing in the middle. The King of England then began his harangue," which is here summarized. " This harangue, as I have said, lasted nearly a quarter of an hour, and was very well delivered by the King, near whom I happened to be, and was translated to me by ' Milord Beleze ' [Bellasys]. One thing I did not like : he had it all ready written in his hand, and very often looked at his paper, almost as it he had read it. I was informed that such was the custom in England, the reason being that the King may not expose himself to the laughter of the people by stopping short through loss of memory. Preachers in the pulpit do the same. If the Chancellor, whom his gout prevented from being present, had been able to ioo A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. perform his duty, the King would have been prompted by him from behind." T It will be noticed that if not all of the precedents thus commemorated by Secretary of Embassy Batailler, have been preserved to the present day, one at least has been faithfully adhered to, and the rushing " tumultuaire- ment " of the members of the one House to the bar of the other has lost nothing in our days of its pristine vigour and entrain. All the explanations and descriptions Cominges had received before his journey did not prevent him from being deeplv astonished at what he saw when he reached England. The working of the institutions and the management of parties were so extraordinary to the mind of a subject of the Sun-King, that he could scarcely believe his eyes. " If Aristotle, who attempted to define even the smallest things pertaining to politics, were to come a^ain to this world, he could not find words to explain the manner of this Government. It has a monarchical appearance, as there is a King, but at bottom it is very far from being a Monarchy. . . . Whether this is caused by the fundamental laws of the kingdom, or by the carelessness of the King, herein lies the difficulty. . . . It is true that the disposition of the laws of the country has limited in such a way the power both of the King and his subjects that they seem to be joined by indissoluble ties, in such a manner that it one of the two parties were wanting, the other would go to ruin." 2 This by no means unwise view of the English Con 1 To Lionnc (?). December I, 1 66 1. 2 To the King. February 4, 1664. THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND. 101 stitution applies, Cominges thinks, to things as they should be. As they are, the working of the institutions is impeded by the abhorrence Charles feels for business and trouble. His very Court " is divided into four or five parties (' cabales'). The King, who ought to be able to fuse them all into one, is at the head of the weakest."' Some of the virtues he is endowed with would better fit a private person than a King, for " all the virtues of private individuals are not Royal ones." l Women play too important a part, " so that it can be said with truth that the English are slaves to their wives and mistresses." 2 The Ambassador had not been a month at his post when he set resolutely to work, and began, with the help of books and friends and personal observation, to draw up a report in which he tried to unravel the mysteries of those same Parliamentary institutions which were fit to puzzle Aristotle himself. At that news young Louis was " greatly pleased," and Lionne c ' wanted words to say how delighted he was at the thought " of receiving trustworthy information on such a subject ; 3 and Louis again dictated a dispatch to the effect that he was anxious to receive the memoir, " not doubting it would be a very curious piece of work." At the beginning of April the report was ready, and Cominges sent it, not without apology for " the mistakes that may be in it ; the cleverest would have made some in such an obscure matter." Louis has scarcely got 1 To the King. January, 1663. - To the King. February 4. 1664. : February 28, 1 66^. i o 2 A FRENCH A MBA SSAD OR. the precious document in his hands, when, even before reading it, he wants to acknowledge its receipt, and to express his pleasure : " I shall greatly enjoy reading it ; I mean to draw from it ideas that shall remain in my mind for my better instruction on a matter of such deep importance, a matter with which one has to deal every day." And it must not be believed that the cause of his haste was the same as with us the busy men of to-day, who " will not wait " till we have read, to thank for a book, fearing there might be long waiting. On the same day Lionne was able to write : — " Since the King has signed the letter he sends to you, his Majesty has had time to hear read, with the greatest attention, from beginning to end, the fine work you have forwarded to him concerning the Parliaments of England. I had always thought you, sir, a well- informed and clever cavalier ; but I must beg your pardon for the wrong I long did you, in not thinking you equal to such a task. Anything better written, wiser, and more curiously worked out I never saw." As is often the case with reports which attract par- ticular attention, the King kept it by him, or Lionne, or somebody else. Certain it is that it is not at its place in the archives, and the search I insti- tuted there was frustrated. It happened luckily that Cominges had caused a copy of his memoir to be made for his predecessor and friend d'Estrades, and had it forwarded to him at the Hague. D'Estrades left it among his papers, and the text is to be found in a MS. now preserved in the public library at Toulouse. 1 1 MS. ^26. I owe the finding of Cominges's report there to M. Abel Lefranc, of the "Archives Nationalcs." THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND. 103 It gives a fair account of the summoning of Parlia- ments, the proceedings of the two Houses, their powers, the privileges of the members, and the part allotted to the King, the way in which votes are taken, the order of precedence of the various classes of members of both Houses, &c, &c. It is obviously the result of much reading and much consulting, Cominges not being afraid of plunging, when need be, into the mist of antiquity, and bringing back from his tenebrous expedition the queer information that was then available. He informs us, for example, that the word " Parliament " means " loqui ex mente ; for it is a privileged place for mem- bers of both Houses freely to speak their mind there, were it against the King himself' The origin of the institution is wrapt in mystery ; some find it among the old Britons and Saxons and Danes ; to the exertions of these last, learned people attribute " the famous relic called Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain," which is, accord- ing to these savants, the earliest House of Parliament built in England. Daniel the prophet, the Medes and Persians, William the Conqueror, each in their turn are called to bring their more or less unexpected testi- mony. But more noticeable than all this is the general tone of reverence with which Cominges speaks of the institution itself and of this body which, according to him, can well be called " auguste." Thus provided with a safeguard for its liberties, the nation and its members of whatever class offered a sight unique in Europe. By degrees only the working of the machinery came to be understood, and continental statesmen ceased to pi t y a King so dependent upon the goodwill of his people, and a nation so utterly deprived of a sole and absolute guide. io 4 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. " Poor Prince ! " exclaims Choisy in his " Memoires," thinking of the English sovereign, " who did not remember that the thirty thousand men of his army were Englishmen, ready to leave him as soon as he attempted anything against their liberties. I well remember having heard Savile, Envoy Extraordinary of the English King to France, a man loaded with his master's favours, say that he would be the first to take up arms against him if he were to exceed his lawful power and to attack, were it ever so little, the laws of the kingdom." ! The personal liberty enjoyed by citizens in a town unprovided with a Bastille was again for the Ambassador a cause of endless wonder. Think of a Parliament "the members of which are not only allowed to speak their mind freely, but also to do a number of surprising, extraordinary things, and even to call the highest people (' les plus qualifies ') to the bar ! " Think of an Earl of Bristol remaining free in the town, when he has accused the Lord Chancellor of high treason ! Bristol had first begun by going, though a peer, to the Lower House, to make a speech against the Minis- ters. At this the House had been very pleased ; but not so the King. Charles begged to see the harangue ; Bristol refused, then consented, and the King having expressed his opinion that the speech was a seditious one, was sharply answered by the Earl. Charles " rather smoothly retorted that he would be a poor King indeed if he were not able to quiet an Earl of Bristol. May God spare your Majesty such subjects and such a lack of power ! The King of England will wait till the ' "Memoires." Lcscurc's edition, i. p. 209. THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND. 105 end of the session, that is, about a fortnight, to notify his will to the Earl of Bristol ; it will be probably nothing more than an order not to appear at Court." I Not at all " quieted " by his master, Bristol, a few- days later, did the deed he had contemplated from the first, and launched in the House of Lords his charge against Clarendon. " Nothing can be more astonishing and extraordinary," writes Cominges, utterly bewildered, " than what I have to inform your Majesty of, and you will be not a little surprised when you see that, to find precedents for it, you must go back in your mind to the times that saw the violence of Sylla, the outbursts of the Gracchi, and the accusation of Caesar (then a private citizen) against Dolabella, who was endowed at that time with the highest magistrature." Bristol was till now merely " a presumptuous fool, blinded by his vanity" ; but he has become "a mad dog and bites all round." The sitting opened with a speech from the Duke of York, who declared that his brother entirely disapproved of the doings of Bristol. The Ear] none the less made his harangue against Clarendon, feeling bound to do it, as he said, by the interest of the State. He is in despair to thus incur the displeasure of the King, but having had no choice, " he is ready to give up his life at the behest of his master, and to hold out his ' estomac ' to the sword of M. le Due d'York." 1 le goes on speaking at random in a scarcely intelligible fashion, and tries to make the Lower House interfere. The Chancellor on his part manages so as to have the accusation referred to the ordinary judges : these men being all of them kC in ' To the Ivine. f ulv 1 6, i 66 ;. 106 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. his own appointment." A very natural move, says Cominges, but all the rest is very strange. " Here we have a regular suit between a private person and the Chancellor, this last having his high rank, his past ser- vices, the goodwill of the King, of the Oueen-mother, of the Duke of York (whose wife gave birth yesterday to a son), and of all the Court, to boast of ; but the other walks about town as if nothing were the matter, and does not in the least give up hope of success. I confess to your Majesty that I am at my wits' end (je perds la tramontane), and that it seems to me as if I were transported beyond the sphere of the moon." [ So extraordinary is the case that Cominges recurs to it in his private letters with fresh exclamations, and, addressing de Lionne, writes again : " You will see in my dispatch to his Majesty how the clouds which rose in the evening gave birth on the Friday to storms and thunderbolts. I must confess that nothing in the world is more surprising than what is to be seen in this Court, and less easily intelligible to a man who has been brought up under a different Government arid different laws. It seems to me, every moment, I have been transferred to the antipodes, when I see a private gentleman walking the streets, sitting as a judge in Parliament, receiving the visits of his political friends, and leading no less pleasant a lite than usual, when he has accused of capital crimes the first officer of the State, a dignitary on the best terms with his master, supported by the Oueen- mother, and father-in-law to the heir of the crown." - ' To the King. July 23, 1663. Jul\' 23, 1663. Clarendon himself is greatly dismayed, and he fears he may lose what consideration he enjoyed abroad. THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND. 107 To which Lionne answers, with a great appearance of truth : ' c If anybody had attacked here M. le Chancelier au Parlement, you may readily believe that he would not be seen at play every day on the bowling-green, and that there would be no great competition to marry into his house." The thing goes on for weeks and months. The Chancellor is faithfully supported by his daughter, " Madame la Duchesse d'York, who is as worthy a woman (aussi brave femme) — the word ' honnete ' is not strong enough — as I have met in my life ; and she up- holds with as much courage, cleverness, and energy the dignity to which she has been called, as if she were of the blood of the kings, or of Guzman at the least, or Mendoce." 1 Clarendon is cleared by his judges, but the agitation in the country is great. One day the Duke of Bucking- ham is seen ' c ready to get to horse and ride post-haste towards the Duchy of York, this being his Govern- ment " ; 2 other lords are about to do the same, and leave the Whitehall amusements, so disquieting is the intelligence received from the country. In the streets of London the " insolence of the mob " is on the increase, and they are seen to drink publicly the health of Bristol as being " le champion de la patrie." 3 For this and sundry other reasons it does not seem He causes Bcllings to write to Lionne on his behalf: " He hope; you will form no ill opinion of him on account of" those charges." Jul\- 24, 1663. ' To the King. August 7, 1664. - To the King. August 9, 166^. ■■ To Leonne. October S, 1 66 3 . ioS A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. impossible to Cominges that the English " may be tempted again to try and taste a commonwealth." T For they well remember the part they played in the world when Cromwell ruled over them : a better reason for a possible change than any trouble raised by Bristol. All this the Sun-King read with great attention ; he pondered over Cominges's accounts of parliamentary insti- tutions and the way they worked, over the inconveniences of houses where members could loqui ex mente and say freely all that came into their heads. The result of his meditations on this troublesome subject he caused to be noted down, in his memoirs, for the instruction of his son and of his descendants : " This subjection which places the sovereign under a necessity to receive the law from his people is the worst evil which can happen to a man in our situation. ... I must now represent to you the misery of those who are abandoned to the indiscreet will of an assembled rabble (une populace assemblee). ... A prince who wants to leave some lasting tranquillity to his people and an unimpaired prerogative to his successors cannot too carefully suppress that tumultuous audacity. "But," the Sun-King added, with a complacent smile, " this is lingering too much on a subject which has no persona] interest for you, and which may serve only to enlighten you on the sad state of your neighbours. For ir is not doubtful that when you reign after me, you will find no authority that does not consider itself honoured for deriving from you its origin and character ; no constituted body which, in the matter of its suffrages, will wander from the bounds of respect ; no company 1 To the King. Mav 5, 1664. THE LIBERTIES OF ENGLAND. 109 which does not understand that its grandeur is Jinked to the good of your service, and that its safety depends upon its humble submission." T So much for the prophesying power of Cominges, who foresaw a republic established in England, and of Louis Ouatorze, who foretold of an absolute monarchy finally established in France for ever. 1 " Memoires dc Louis XIV," Drcyss's cd., Paris, 1868, 2 vols,, 8vo. vol. ii. ; ''Supplement aux Memoires de l'annee 1666," pp. 6, ct scq. CHAPTER VII. RELIGIOUS MATTERS. WHILE political institutions offered to a subject of the Sun-King such a field for observation, the situation of the Church and the manage- ment of religious affairs was a scarcely smaller cause of wonder. In France there was only one source of political authority, only one of religious power, only one literary ideal, one art, and one philosophy ; so thought at least the " gens bien pensants," Cominges among them. The avenues to heaven were neatly cut, easily perceptible, as straight and grand as were the avenues of Versailles, they could not be mistaken ; few dared to stray out of them into the brambles and bushes ; later in the reign sentries with loaded muskets guarded the line to prevent any wanderings into the forbidden lands ; and from the windows of his palace old Louis Ouatorze, whose sun was setting, could at least please himself with the thought that all his subjects, without exception, had no choice but to follow the right road to everlasting felicity. Not so in England: brambles spread themselves at the RELIGIO US MA TTERS. 1 1 1 very gate of Whitehall ; the avenues were overgrown ; sentries were derided ; their muskets missed fire, and sharpshooters in disquieting numbers filled the under- woods. The variety of religions in England greatly puzzled the French Ambassador ; his tone, when he speaks of iC caquiers " and "millenaires," is not very respectful, and he anticipates catastrophes from this want of uniformity in creeds. It must be observed, however, that, though a devout Christian himself, Cominges was no bigot, and he spoke of the minor beliefs of his own co-religionists with great freedom. The important point was not to wander outside the avenues, but, so long as one kept within them, much was allowed. The tone of Cominges's correspondence with Lionne concerning the Roman curia is remarkable for the liberty of the judgments passed upon papal policy, indulgences, &c. The Court of Rome, it is true, was not then in favour with the grand Monarch. The French Ambassador, the Marquis de Crequi, had been grossly insulted and assaulted by the papal guards ; one of his wife's pages had been killed by them (1662), and a negotiation was pending demanding satisfaction on account of this rough breach of etiquette. War was even contemplated ; the Pope was levying recruits in Switzerland, and, much to the disgust of Lionne, was using for it the monies left to him as a legacy by Cardinal Mazarin, though the late Eminence had stated that they should be used against the Turk. His Holiness was mistaking for a Turk, Lionne wrote, 1 the eldest son of the Church ! But a fleet was making ready at Toulon, which would cool 1 Lionne to Cominges. February 28, 1 66 ^ ; August 12, 1 66^. ii2 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. the military ardour of the Roman ecclesiastics. So much temerity on the part of these men of peace is, Cominges answers, a sign of the times ; things are greatly altered since the centuries of faith and the Holy Ghost has visibly withdrawn from the Roman curia. 1 The Pope at length submits, and this creates a great impression throughout Europe, in London as elsewhere. Cominges congratulates his friend Lionne upon his success, recom- mending to him, however, to be careful and to hold the Roman diplomatists very tight : " I expect everything of monks and bigots." - A legate is sent by the Pope to arrange matters, but he is long in coming, " he is so big and fat." 3 When he has reached France, endless difficulties arise, the negotiation is interrupted and a rumour is spread that he has placed Avignon under an interdict. But it is not true, says Lionne, and even " had he had time to cast this censure over the place it would have had no effect and would have been badly executed." 4 In the meantime, the adversaries of Louis circulate the most absurd news as to his designs. Me is at one time reported to intend an occupation of Geneva, and he begs his agents abroad to destroy this dangerous legend, giving Cominges at the same time an indication of his ideas as to his duty in religious matters, to which ideas it is a pity he did not strictly adhere all his life. " Do not omit anything in your power to destroy this fable of a siege of Geneva which some, out of envy towards me, spread, that I may lose the friendship of 1 To the King. November 26, 1663. - March 3, 1664. ■ '• Lionne to Cominges. April 3, 1663. 1 The King to Cominges. October 13, 1663. RE L IGIO US MA TTERS. 1 1 3 all the Protestants, who have often been a very useful help to France. My adversaries want to secure that help to themselves. Never has this thought crossed my mind, as the event will show. I have all the zeal I ought for the true worship of God, but I do not believe it is His will that it be established by arms and through the invasion of foreign states." : " Do, please, destroy, by sneers or good reasons,'' Lionne writes, on his part, " this newly-started ab- surdity concerning Geneva. How could it be ? We are at daggers and swords drawn with the Court ot Rome — greatly to our regret — and they fancy the storm that is brewing will explode on the Vatican's bitterest enemies, who did no ill to us, and who would have done anything rather than assassinate our Em- bassador ! " - The difference is at length composed : a Legate comes to Paris to present the excuses of his master ; a pyramid is raised in Rome and an exceedingly fine medal is struck to commemorate the event. 3 Cominges is delighted at the news, and again congratulates his friend upon his success : " May you fully enjoy the sight of Monseigneur the Legate, who will, I doubt not, greet you in a most gracious manner, as he owes his mission to you more than to any one else. He cannot, without ingratitude, refuse to you a large number ot indulgences and consecrated beads, given that, not to speak of the madness of his family and 1 January 28, 1 66 ^ . -' January 2S, 1663. ; It represents the Legate reading the apology of the Pope to Louis XIV.; the die is preserved at the Hotel des Moiinaies. Paris. ii4 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. the firmness of the King, you are the true cause of his having been honoured with such a fine and magnificent function. If any such fall into your hands — 1 do not speak of functions ; I would have none of this sort — I mean indulgences — send me a good deal of them, for in this country opportunities for using them are not scarce, though most of the men and women do not hold such boons with sufficient consideration." The other part of society, however, is in such a need of them as to " exhaust the provision the Legate may have carried with him when leaving the place from whence they spring." l Bitter quarrels all these, but family quarrels ; and the point was that, quarrelling or not, the family remained one. When the question was of the main problems of our lives, Cominges's tone was quite different ; he did not sneer any longer. Having been advised by Lionne to take some diversion, because it would do good to his mind and improve his health, he answers : " My age does not allow of these useless occupations ; and what I have left of life I will turn into account with regard to my death, considering, in the past, my faults to detest them, and, in the future, nothing else but eternity. What do you think of these thoughts ? Are they not Christian ones, and better than those of some who at fifty still butterfly it (volent le papillon) and go and are burnt by the smallest light that shines in their eyes. Only too long did I follow such bad examples." 2 His feelings were, in fact, similar to Montaigne's, who, in a famous passage of his " Essays," declares that the great thing in life is to "build one's death." 1 June 19, 1664. 2 December 24, 1663. RELIGIO US MA TTERS. 1 1 5 Looking around him, Cominges was struck with the multiplicity of beliefs entertained by the English nation, and his forebodings were accordingly very sombre. He shudders when thinking of "this nation so deeply gnawed and ruined by false religions that nothing short of a miracle "will be wanted to save it." 1 On another occasion he informs Lionne of the burial of a dissenting minister : " Six days ago they buried a minister belonging to the third monarchy sect ; and his body was fol- lowed by more than ten thousand men." What can the third monarchy be ? Lionne inquires. " A most proper question," Cominges; answers. "The third monarch v sect claims no other author and adherent than my secretary and myself, who, thanks to the ill- pronouncing of the one or the ill-hearing of the other, have given birth to it. But I smother it in its cradle and place in its room the fifth monarchy, being the monarch v of the just, under which the end of the world will happen ; a creed not very different from the tenets of the millenarists, to whom it is proper to join the anabaptists, ' Kakers,' and a number of other enthusiasts. . . . They it is who gave so much pomp to the funeral of the late preacher." 2 More serious doings take place daily in the provinces. Lanatics swarm everywhere " though the prisons be full of them and soldiers constantly running after them." 3 Charles himself is greatly in favour of the Catholic creed, tor political as well as religious causes : " I le will do nothing against our religion, except under ■fa 1 To the King. September 13, 1663. ■' September 27 and October 5, 1663. ; To Lionne. September 29, 1664. n6 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. pressure of his Parliament. I find he is well aware that no other creed matches so well with the absolute authority of kings." l Long dispatches are forwarded to Louis to make him aware of the discontent created in one or the other part of the population by the various acts concerning religious questions, passed by the King and Parliament. The Declaration of 1663 (concerning the " dispensing " power of the Crown) has produced among the parties a variety of com- motions, " according as they are moved by hate towards their King, by love for the Republic, or scorn for the ministry."- As for the Act of Uniformity (1662), it has had " such baleful effects that conspiracies against his Majesty have been discovered, and sentences of death or exile have been passed. . . . But far from the fanatics being overawed, they are the more ready to attempt the life of members of the royal family, caring so little for their own lives that they seem to run to death as if there was no other remedy to their wrongs." 3 Worse than all is the state of Catholics in Ireland. They have been dispossessed of their lands, and the King has pledged himself at the time of his accession not to trouble the Protestant occupiers of them. The Irish, in the meanwhile, are famished and get no pity. The King, it is true, is kindly disposed towards them, as he is towards everything and everybody, but his is an empty kindness which has been followed by no acts as yet : " The King of Great Britain, who is by nature very kind and just, would like that each and all might 1 April 12, 1663. - To the King. [an nary 22, 1663. • ; Same dispatch. RELIGIO US MA TTERS. i 1 7 have only cause to be pleased and none to complain ; but under whichever side the affair be looked into, it is so thorny and has been obscured by so many Acts of Parliament, and by the pledge taken by the King at his accession, that it is impossible to discover means to settle satisfactorily the affair, and to dispense justice to the one and to leave untouched the rights of the others. . . . " The expelled ones are feeble, and the land-owners powerful, which insures the total ruin for ever of that unfortunate nation that grazes grass in the fields and has no other place of abode but woods and caverns — while their enemies, loaded with greater sins than themselves, triumph over them and get rich from their spoils." l Economic laws are passed from time to time, and make the situation worse : " Parliament has resolved after a two davs discussion, to prohibit the importation of cattle from Ireland into England. This will be a new cause of ruin for the Irish, who had no other trade left but that one." 2 Another sign of the times noted by Cominges, con- sists in the increase of prophets and soothsayers as well in society as out of it. Some foretell disasters, " thus giving great pain and anxieties to people of the old stamp, who still revere the memory or Merlin and King Arthur." 3 Some pester Cominges himself in the hope of converting him to their beliefs. Vain, however, were their efforts, as this letter testifies : — 1 To Lionnc. func 23, 1664.. Cominges, Vcrncuil, and Courtin to the King. November 1, 1665. ; Cominges to Lionnc. January 19, 1665. 1 1 8 A FRENCH A MBA SSAD OR. " To the inborn curiosity I have in getting informa- tion concerning all that takes place in the world I owe the visits of the Earl of Pembroke. . . . This noble- man, as innocent as a lamb ... is so deeply convinced of the truth of all the prophecies I mentioned to you of late, and so earnestly desirous that everybody may wander in his mind as much as he does, that he spends his finest rhetoric to enlist me as a member of his party. . . . He is convinced that you are a downright worthy man, equal to the grandest things, but he asserts that all those gifts are not enough, and that many excellent people are to be seen endowed with such, who speak contemptuously of prophecies. I did not conceal from him that I was afraid you were somewhat tainted by this disease and that it would be no easy task to curb you to blind submission. . . . " Such is now my only entertainment in England, but if it lasts long I am resolved to leave town. . . . These fools have got it into their head to pester me arid to make a prophet of me, which in truth is a plain matter enough, and consists in running about the streets, making grimaces, answering out of purpose, and by monosyllables, raising the eves to heaven, keeping one's hat on, and being very dirty. . . . " But this is enough of jesting while we are in the Holy Week ; I must at least allow some interval of time between this and the Tenebrse which I am going to hear. The King has done me the honour to lend me his French musicians, thanks to whom a number of people in society come to my chapel, Madame de Castle- maine especially, whom I mean to regale as well as I can." 1 1 To Lionnc. .April 17, 1664. RELIGIO US MA TTERS. 1 1 9 Catholic worship was performed, by diplomatic privi- lege, in the chapel annexed to Exeter House ; and there Cominges had the pleasure, not only of " regaling " Lady Castlemaine and the " beau monde " with good music, but to secure every d ay a^large attendance to the masses said there by his chaplain. His pleasure on this score would have been unmixed but for the expense it entailed; but he considered it unpolitical, as well as unchristian, to retrench on this item. In one of his numerous complaints concerning his insufficient salary and the high prices one has to pay for everything in London, we read : " This is, without comparison, the place in the world where expenses are largest, and where money is most freely squandered. We are, I think, very lucky in the absence of an Ambassador of Spain ; our master could not then refuse to open his purse. It is an impossibility to live here upon two thousand crowns (ecus) per month. Without speaking of extra- ordinary expenses, only the hiring of houses, the change, the carnage of letters absorb a third of what his Majesty gives me. I would not complain if I had means to defrav this expense, but the idea that I mav be shamed in this puts me on the rack. ... I did not even men- tion to you the costs of the maintenance of my chapel, which pass all I had expected ; they are large, but so indispensable that it would be better to retrench in everything else rather than not show magnificence in this. I have every day six masses, which are scarce! v enough for the number of people who come to hear them. There arc as many as sixty or eighty com- munions each Sunday, and the number will largely increase as soon as the chase is given to the priests." l 1 To Lionnc. April 19, 1665. i2o A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. While orthodoxy is thus propagated with the help of music and the support of Lady Castlemaine, prophets continue to multiply. When they have not, as the Earl of Pembroke, the privilege to belong to society, they are summarily disposed of : " We are in the land of prophets. We have here a new Jeremiah who speaks only of fires and flames; he has been sent to gaol. Another asserts that he has had a vision in which God has declared to him the day and place of Judgment, the number and quality of the elect. This one has accepted six Jacobuses to go and disclose his revelations outside London." ' As for the Established Church, its " bishops (not one of whom is of noble extraction) are held in no con- sideration ; and, to speak the truth, it appears very strange to see in the stalls of the choir a bishop and canons dressed in their pontifical robes, have by them their wives and children. A Scotchman wrote some time ago as to this : Yidi episcopum et episcopam, episcopulos et episcopulas. I saw the bishop and the bishopess, and the little bishops and little bishopesses." 2 The avenues were overgrown with weeds, and the sentries were derided. 1 To Lionne. December 10, 1665. J To Lionne. August 15, 1665. CHAPTER VIII. LA GUERRE ET LA PAIX. BUSINESS was also the subject of the Ambassador's correspondence. An enormous number of dis- patches of an appalling length bear testimony to his diplomatic zeal — a zeal which, however, as it turned out, was all spent in vain. The key-stone to the foreign policy of Louis at that time was, as we know, Spain. The pride of the Spanish house was to be humbled down ; valuable spoils were to be appropriated ; towards this object Lionne was to provide reasons sufficient ; Conde and Turenne men and guns. There were, however, difficulties in the way. The principal difficulty came from the fact that with all its power, riches, expanse of sea-coasts, France had, so to say, no navy. Not far from her territory, on the north and east, two rival nations, England and Holland, covered the sea with their ships. France was so far behind them as not even to be admitted to the honour of the contest. It was indispensable, in order that she might act freely on land, that she should feel secure concerning the attitude of the naval powers ; a result which she 122 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. might obtain either by binding the two naval countries to keep the peace, or by entering into an alliance with one of them against both the other and Spain too. Louis tried both experiments, the peaceful and the warlike one ; he tried also both alliances, the Dutch one and the English too. For a number of reasons the English alliance accorded more with his personal wishes; the help of the English could be more effectual ; they were a heretical nation, it is true, but the case was not hopeless ; they had had a taste of Republic, but they were not, as the Dutch, confirmed, irretrievable "repub- liquains " ; lastly, a recommendation to court the English alliance was the last legacy of dying Mazarin. In the letter to his brother of England notifying the death of his " cousin " the Cardinal, Louis puts forward this last plea : " I feel assured that for the love of me, and on account of the esteem and affection with which you honoured my said cousin, you will give some regrets to his memory, and especially when you know that the advice he most ardent! v tried to impress upon my mind during his last and most painful sufferings was to bind myself to you in as straight a friendship and union as I could, and so to arrange as to make the interests of both our States similar." [ The lesson was not lost, and from that day, with an ever-present persistence, Louis kept in view the line of conduct thus drawn by Mazarin. For many years his attempts to knit himself to the English King were never given up. Even when at war with him he had this plan before his eyes, hoping, when peace would be restored, to be able to fulfil it. Drafts for a treaty of 1 Louis to Charles. March II, 1661. LA GUERRE ET LA PALX. 123 intimate union 1 and for a restoration of the Catholic religion abound in the French archives, some by French and some by English hands. Several obstacles lay in the way. The unsurmount- able one proved to be the temper of the English nation. In this case as in many similar circumstances it steadily adhered to its own policy ; statesmen could be per- suaded, courtiers won, kings put to sleep ; but the nation remained as it was. That statesmanship which never failed it in great crises, and which had in former times so powerfully helped Elizabeth to be a great queen, was a contrary element, the power of which Louis was too clever to ignore, and over which he could prevail only for short periods. Spain was the enemy. She had given a daughter of her house as a wife to Louis, while Portugal, with whom she was at war, had given a wife to Charles ; but the English hated the Portuguese, and the French wanted to break the power of Spain. This made the diplomatic game rather intricate, the more so as Spain was at peace with France, and had exchanged with her in the last treaties the most express assurances of friend- ship. The two kings had bound themselves to love and help one another " as good brothers." 2 It hail 1 "Art. 1. — II v aura liguc defensive contre tons generalement avec lesquels l'un 011 l'autre des Seigneurs Rois se trouveront en guerre, soit par des rebellions et brouilleries qui leur seront si/seitee.- par leurs propres sujets ou guerre etrangere." Draft submitted to Louis by the Earl of St. Albans, Fontaincblcau, July 10, 166 1. -' "Art. 1. — -II est convent! et accordc que . . . les Rois Trc? chretien et catholique . . . s'entr'aimeront comme buns freres, procurants de tout leur pouvoir le bicn, 1'honneur et la reputation l'un de l'autre." Treaty of the Pyrenees, November 7, 10^0. i 2 a A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. been understood that Spain would have Portugal if she could conquer it, and France Poland if the French King could secure the crown for one of his family. The pretext for a change of attitude towards Spain arose from these arrangements. " This letter shall be deciphered by the Comte d'Estrades himself," Louis writes (July 1 6, 1661), and in that letter he explains his grievance. The Spaniard does not adhere closely to the peace arrange- ments ; seeing which, Louis has taken counsel with his advisers, and they have agreed that he is no longer bound by his word. " It was considered on this occa- sion that the opposition and the difficulties thrown in the way by the Emperor, moved to this by the Spaniards, in order to prevent the Polish crown railing, according to my wish, to one of my family, were an open breach of the first article of the treaty of peace. The two Kings had bound themselves, by this article, sincerely to procure, with all their might, and as good brothers, the advantage the one of the other. I am, therefore, no more bound to second my brother the Catholic King in his attempts to recover the Portuguese crown than he to help me to secure the Polish one for my house." The English and French interests, therefore, agree, both countries being opposed to Spain. The English King must hasten to conclude his Portuguese marriage, which was then only in contemplation ; he will lend his help to the house of Braganza against Spain. France will provide the money. But the Armada times were remote times ; the English nation was very far from entertaining towards LA GUE RRE E T LA PA IX. 1 2 5 the Spaniard the feelings it had in former times ; the power it doubted most was not Spain, but France. Mr. Pepys very exactly summarized the situation when he wrote : " We do naturally love the Spanish and hate the French." This love and this hate the French Ambassadors had against them, and all their efforts were bent upon foiling the effect of these feelings. To obtain naval and military aid for Portugal, while France would provide the money, and to arrange a treaty of closer union between France and England, were the two main objects assigned by Louis to his representatives at the British Court. D'Estrades's mission had been unexpectedly closed, and all he had been able to report to his master was favourable assurances from heedless Charles concerning the con- templated union. Cominges had been despatched to London with all speed to turn these assurances to account before they had been forgotten. But he was not long in discovering that his was no easy task. Louis, who did not like much waiting, had been in hopes the treatv would be arranged in a trice. Co- minges found the English statesmen in a very different mood. They were in business questions slow and sleepy ; they put forth endless pretexts for delays, and discovered objections and difficulties without number. "We must have patience," Cominges wrote. "Men here scarcely know themselves ; they have almost no form of government ; the evils they have suffered are vet so recent that all their efforts aim at preventing the return of the same. . . . They are cold, slow, phleg- matic, . . . motionless, frozen," eve. 1 The Chancellor 'I'd the King. February 12, 166 y J 26 A FREXCIl AMBASSADOR. argues that Cominges, having then not made his entree, is not yet an ambassador proper, and cannot legitimately negotiate. " An absurd reason this," observes the Sun-King. " The entree has nothing to do with it, provided the Ambassador has regular powers. The Sieur de Lionne has treated even of the peace at Madrid concealed in a hole of the Buen Retiro. . . . May be the Chancellor thinks his master inclines rather towards Spain than towards me." l Woe to him if he does, and woe to the Grand Council of Spain — " that Council of Spain which attributes to itself the qualifica- tion of eternal by reason that it never alters its maxims, but goes straight to its goal till it has reached it : so it does, may be, with secondary Powers ; but with the help of God I have succeeded somewhat in shaking hese high maxims." 2 In vain. The English nation would not allow itself to be reasoned out or its hatred of France. Cominges could not doubt it, and he was soon to write, using word for word the same language as Pepys : " Les Anglais ha'izsent naturellement les Francais." 5 This reeling displayed itself on all occasions ; the most absurd rumours were circulated arid readily believed when contrary to the French interest : " I must end with a piece of news which will make you laugh. Two days ago I presented to the Oueen-mother the calash which the King has sent to her. Half the town, I believe, ran to see it ; and they were saying the one to the other that this was the tribute paid by France to England, ' The King to d'Estrades (then at the Hague). April 13, 1 66 ^. J The King to Cominges. October 17, 166}. 3 To the King. May 10, 1663. LA GUERRE ET LA PAIK. 127 and that to conceal this obligation I had been permitted by the King of England to offer it to his mother. After that, I hope you will not doubt my cleverness, seeing how skilfully I have drawn a veil over the misfortunes of my country." l The Exchange has become such a fine place for the invention of false news as to " rival the Piazza Navone or the Rialto," these places being, as everybody knows, " the kingdom proper of news- makers." 2 If an English Ambassador was sent to Spain, the mob accompanied him in the streets with hurrahs arid arranged a triumph for him : " Four davs ago M. Fancho (Fanshaw) left for Spain, where he goes as an Ambassador, in one of the finest vessels of th-i King his master. I think that out of vanitv he purposely passed my door tor me to see how he was escorted on board. He was in one of the Royal coaches, accompanied by twelve horsemen and followed bv twenty coaches drawn bv six horses. His equipage is a match for Jean de Paris's own, and a number of young noblemen follow him out of curiositv. The King has lent him four splendid pieces of tapestry and a number of vases and utensils in gilt silver. . . . A large quantity of the common people accompanied him, making loud vows for his success in his mission." 3 Matters were not so easv when the question was of French affairs. The unpopularity Clarendon had won tor himself by the sale of Dunkirk (so great that the To Lionnc. February 16, 166;. To the King. Januarv 15, 1664. To Lionnc. February 4, 1604. 128 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. people baptised his fine new house the New Dunkirk) ' made him shy of French Ambassadors and things. He was not to be seen ; he had the gout ; he had been ordered to the country ; when he could be met, his inability to speak French was another difficulty, and he scarcely concealed his regret not to have to do with d'Estrades, whom he could address in English. Ordinaire after ordinaire came and went, and still no progress could be reported to Louis. If Cominges, having nothing to say, chose to say nothing, his master, as little inclined to wait as ever, caused Lionne to inquire for the reason. The reason was, the English were in no hurry, and the Chancellor had the gout. The Ambassador was, however, reminded that no ordi- naire should go without a dispatch of some sort, so that something, anything, might be read to Louis. Hence the number of reports beginning with descriptions of a quiet and stillness as different as possible of the Louis Ouatorze ideal. " Those great events by which the face of nations is sometimes altered, which give speech to the least eloquent and provide Ambassadors with matter for their dispatches, are not the fruits of peace nor of the idleness in which to all appearances this Court lies buried. As it does not feel at present the spur of any urgent affair outside the country, it takes interest only into home things, forgetting that well watching sentries allow the camp to sleep in peace. Nothing new is to be seen, and scarcely does the sun, that is as old as the world, allow its rays to be perceived here." - 1 " Yous saurez que Ton nomme deja par sobriquet le palais quo fait batir M. le Chancclicr Hyde la nouvelle Dunkcrque " Cominges to Lionne, October 9, 1664. 2 To the King. December 3, 1663. LA GUERRE ET LA PAIX. 129 The difficulties arising out of Clarendon's reserve were increased by Cominges's punctiliousness, stiffness, and sometimes ill -humour. This last defect had been greatly increased by the way in which the climate had acted upon his health. While the Chancellor had to shut his doors to all on account of his gout, Cominges had to keep home owing to fluxions, scurvy, and a varietv of other diseases : " Were there a kingdom to win, I must to bed ; sleep will perhaps restore my faculties. I have now a fluxion on the shoulder and chest. The climate of this country does not suit me at all. ... I have become nearly paralvtic, and I suffer especiallv from a disease called scurvy, which is very frequent here. All my teeth shake ; they say it will be nothing, and that I will only lose rive or six this time. A pretty piece of consolation, is it not ? All considered, if I have more than tour attacks of this disease I shall go home without one single tooth left.'' 1 He saw phvsicians, but with little effect. He lacked one very necessarv item, which ought always to be mixed with remedies tor them to be of any use, namely, faith. He constantlv derides them, even certain baths which he had praised at first, but which did nothing in the end but to " flatter sa douleur." Fever appears from time to time, with the result that Cominges is once given up. Under this trial the soldier remains true to himself; he causes his secretary to write and send his best compliments to the King and Oueen ; tor, to his deathbed, he continues attentive to etiquette, and has the recommendation conveyed to his wite not to come, tor she would probably arrive too late, and suffer 1 To Lionnc. March 5 and 1 ;, 1 66 ^ ; April 17, 1664. 9 130 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. therefore unnecessary pain. Cominges, as many did in his time, acted up to the recommendation of La Fon- taine, who wanted men to go out of life " ainsi que d'un banquet," with thanks and compliments to their host. Cominges' secretary, Bruchet, explains in the same letter l that, as for business, the Ambassador did not, on account of impending death, abate one jot of his claims, and that he was as stiff as ever. Far too stiff indeed, for, unknown to him, his raideur was one difficulty more on a road which was not of the easiest. He was scarcely recovered and not vet out of danger, when he was protesting of his intention to say his say and keep the same tone to the last : " They are mightily complaining of the dryness of my last memoir to the King of England and to his Council. Well, if I die, this will add little weight to my load ; and it I recover, I shall know how to defend as well the manner as the matter of my writing.'' 2 No wonder such an attitude could not please the easy- going Charles, who hated to have trouble ; it greatly helped Clarendon to protract business, imputing much to " the capriciousness of [Cominges's] nature, which made him hard to treat with and not always vacant at the hours himself assigned, being hypochondriac and seldom sleeping without opium." 3 Often and often Louis tried ro smooth the temper of his envoy, and with great lightness of touch, using the most carefully selected words, in order not to give offence, attempted to per- 1 Bruchet to Lionne. March 30, 1665. 2 April 7, 1665. - 5 "Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon . . . written by himself,'' Basil, 1798, 5 vols., 8vo, vol. iii. p. 298 (year 1665). LA GUERRE ET LA PA1X. 131 suade him to negotiate " sans chaleur ni emportement." Even while dying, Cominges persisted in his warmth. In this as in many other things, Holies was his exact counterpart in Paris, and wrote with great satisfaction how he had snubbed the French King himself : "I was yesterday at Colombe, to take my leave of the Queene, who is gone allready towards Bourbon this very wett morning. The King came thither, whilst I was there, and at last gave me a little salute with his hand; and trewly, my lord, I answered him with such a one, because I knew his Ambassadors in England are accue- illies (sic) in an other manner." l The result had been that Holies did not learn a word of what he wanted, but that did not matter much in his eyes. Another result was that both Charles and Louis began to think of using other means to come to an understanding, and the great influence of Madame, the outcome of which was only to be felt later, began during those years. A variety ot minor questions were also the subject of the official correspondence. Never forget, Louis had written to Cominges, " that there is nothing in the whole world that does not come under the cognizance and fall within the sphere of an Ambassador." 2 Cominges accordingly wrote about all sorts of political and com- mercial subjects, and the range of his dispatches cover, not only the whole of Europe, but Africa also, America, the Indies, China, and Japan. News did not travel then as it does now, and events were not known at the same time all round the world ; they were always worth 1 August 22, 1665. Lister's "Life and Administration of Clarendon," London, l8}8, ^ vols., Svo, vol. iii. p. ,92. : February 22, 1 663. 132 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. the mentioning, and there was little fear of double emploi. Thus the Ambassador sends to his master the latest particulars he has been able to collect concerning the doings of the Grand Duke of Muscovy, the anxieties of Venice by reason of Turkish conquests, the impending siege of Vienna, the apostacy of a number of mission- aries owing to the witchery and allurements of the fair " Japonaises," the arriving in the Downs of a ship from Bantam " who has made the journey in one year : a thing unparalleled till now." The name of the vessel which thus succeeded in beating all previous records is unfortunately not given. 1 Among the extraneous subjects which more constantly reappear, a conspicuous place is allotted to the Algerine and Tunisian corsairs. Weak as was his navy, Louis did not lose sight of them ; he meant to be respected by all, even by those infidels. He once describes with delight, in a letter to Cominges, how his squadron has run aground two corsair ships near La Goulette and has burnt them. " The Turks in them to the number of six hundred jumped into the water ; the loss incurred by them is not the main result of the encounter, but it demonstrates that, contrary to what was believed, the vessels of these corsairs are not so swift that it be an impossibility for us to overreach them. A small capture has also been made of twenty-six Turks, who have been conveyed to my galleys at Toulon." - What steam now is for our navy, slaves were in those times. They were the propelling power which allowed 1 To Lionnc. February 21, i66_p The ship brings news of the burning of Manilla by Chinese pirates. '-' To Cominges. .April 18, 1663. LA GUERRE ET LA PALX. 133 to ply against the wind. Louis was ever anxious to better provide himself with such an indispensable com- modity. " We hear," writes Lionne, " of the capture of three thousand Moors [by the English at Tangiers]. In case it were true, the King would greatly like you to obtain from the King of England a gift of some part of their number. If you fail, try at least to have them all or most of them for money. Mind in any case that they are not given to others." l The English Govern- ment unfortunately turn out to want all their slaves. The English will not even part with a number of convicts which they had been asked kindly to sell.- Cominges then bethinks himself of the Royal Company of the Guinea coast, " the staple article of whose trade consists in slaves." Their produce, however, is of doubtful quality ; the men are tall and strong, but "so obstinate that they often prefer to die rather than work. I will, however, if you like, secure a hundred or so, as an experiment." 3 He is allowed to try, but the price happens to be enormous : " I have asked [the Syndic of the company] for one hundred men between 27 and 35, sound in their body and complete in their limbs, to be delivered up at Toulon. They want two hundred crowns (ecus) for each. ... I do not think the bargain an acceptable one, as you can find much better men at Leghorn tor one hundred ecus or four hundred francs. "•+ While slaves were not purchased, and the treaty was not signed, and the Portuguese were very scantily ' To Cominges. .August 12, 1663. Bataillcr to the King. November 30, i6nT ; To Lionne. October iS, 1663. : To the King. December 3, 1663. 134 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. assisted, an event was preparing of a nature to make even much more complicated the diplomatic game that was being played. The same spirit of rivalry which existed in England towards France on account of the latter's territorial power, w r as entertained towards Holland as a naval nation. The British Kingdom and the Dutch Republic were both eager to increase their colonial possessions, their trade and their fleets. Spain of course had still its immense colonies, but her conquer- ing propensities were spent ; both east and west she had come to a standstill. Not so Holland ; not so England ; the two were building their colonial empire, watching very jealously over each other, and afraid the best countries yet to be occupied as colonies might fall to the lot of the rival nation. Trading and military fleets con- stantly crossed and recrossed each other at sea, and strange reports were circulated and greedily accepted on the Change at Amsterdam and London as to the wealth brought home by the last convoy, and as to the ill doings, malpractices, unjust occupations and barbarities of the agents of the other State. Greed and hate were thus kept well alive and ready for instant use ; they too, great propelling powers. War would ensue some day ; Louis knew it ; Cominges had left him no doubt as to this : the Dutch are hated, he wrote, " on meurt d'envie de les attaquer." ' Louis made up his mind to prevent hostilities, if that were possible : he did not want any of the two to destroy the other and to remain the hence- forth unopposed master of the sea. Cominges was in- structed to speak and write and entreat accordingly ; which he did as well as his scurvy, the Chancellor's 1 To Lionne, February 28, 1664. Same to the King. LA GUERRE ET LA PA1X. 135 gout, Charles's dissipations, the Duke of York and the people's wilfulness permitted. War was becoming every day more threatening. 1 While Comingeswas discoursing and writing dispatches, ships were building in the Thames, and the nation looked with pride at the splendid fleets that were making ready. It thought of the coming contest as of a sport: there would be, of course, some important battles, but they would be won ; besides this, most of the game would consist in chasing the Dutch merchantmen ; there would be a fine sport indeed, and spoils worth the risks. " The Duke of York spends all his days and part of his nights upon the river, seeing that his ships are being armed and the stores filled. . . . The Duke and his party act as if he were on the point of putting to sea. On Saturday he ordered out of Chatham the St. James, the best ship of England, bearing 80 pieces. His upholsterer is furnishing his apartments there, and his quartermaster marks the ' cabanes ' for the noblemen who are to accompany him." 2 As for Charles himself, the sportive side of the venture pleases him very much, and he takes a particular delight in paving, he too, visits to the dockyards. I Ie indulges in trips at sea, and when the weather is unpropitious, he remains on board a little longer to sec his courtiers look pale. "Yesterday the King of England did me the honour to take me with him to see the launching of a vessel of 1,200 tons burden ; a finer and more mag- 1 To the King, July 21, 1664. To Lionne, July 2S, \()G.{. War will begin in Guinea and be continued in Europe. To Lionne, September 15, [664. 2 To Lionne. November }, 1664. 136 A FftEA T CH A MBA SSA DOR. nificent I never saw. While painters are busy em- bellishing the outside and the rooms, masts are planted, ropes and artillery provided. . . . " We saw there all the old generals and captains of Cromwell, who are very loyal and full of confidence on account of their last successes against the Dutch. The King told me before them, that they all had had the plague, but that they were quite sound now and less acces- sible to the disease than others. I must confess, sire, that nothing finer than all this navy can well be imagined ; nothing grander and more impressive than this large number of ships ready made or being built, this vast quantity of guns, masts, ropes, planks and other things used in this sort of warfare. The King had an excellent meal served to us on one of his yachts ; he drank the health ot your Majesty and asked the company to second him, and this was heartily done. I returned thanks, and in your behalf I proposed the health of the King of England. Both were honoured with so many guns and so much noise that the weather changed. " While we were thus carousing, the sea became rough and completed what wine had begun. The Queen, who was on the river with the ladies, escaped the sickness but not the fear. All the rest were less lucky, as was only too apparent. The squall being over, the sky cleared, the ship was launched, and it was possible to enjoy the sight without the inconvenience of the rain and hail. The ceremony being finished, the Oueen went home with the coaches prepared for the King ; but he, who was greatly amused at seeing the others dis- composed, did not care to allow us to do the same. It proved, however, an impossibility to use barges to return LA GUERRE ET LA PALX. 137 to town, and we had to hire coaches and carriages at Greenwich to go back to Whitehall." ! Enchanted with this piece of wickedness, Charles did not fail to begin again, and, fever or no fever, he would have Cominges awakened before break of day and invited to accompany him again on similar excursions : " Last Monday, at five in the morning, the King of England sent me a message to ask me to go with him to Chatham to see six vessels, or rather six war machines, the finest and largest to be seen at sea." The ship meant for the Duke ot York, not after all the St. James, but the Charles, is a splendid piece of joinery ; it has 80 guns, two of which, lodged on the forecastle, are culverins of prodigious length. 2 War has not been declared vet, but reprisals have begun on both sides ; the game has been opened ; more serious play will soon follow. The French mediation has been a first time reiected ; 3 " the Eng-]ish arc intoxicated with their present state," 4- and with the state of their navy; volunteers are being instructed — in the summary rashion then considered sufficient : "Part ot the volunteers will leave [the Thames] on Monday with the fleet [and go by sea to Portsmouth] to inure themselves. The Dukes ot Monmouth, Richmond, Buckingham, Norfolk, and several other noblemen are among them.'' 5 Disquieting news all this. Louis resolved to try one last effort in order to have the peace preserved. 1 To the King. November 6, 1664. To the King. November I 3, 1664. ; English note of the 16th of October, 1664.. ; Ruvigny to Lionne. December 1 ;. [664. ■ To the King. November 16, [664. CHAPTER IX. LA CELEBRE AMBASSADE. I. Business. IF one Ambassador had failed, perhaps three would do better. Louis resolved to appoint " une celebre ambassade extraordinaire " to represent him in Eng- land ; and he gave his commission accordingly to a member of his own house, Henri de Bourbon, Due de Verneuil, an illegitimate son of Henry the Fourth 1 and Henrietta de Balzac, Marquise de Verneuil (" I saw," writes Evelyn in his Diary, "the Duke of Verneuille, base-brother to the Queen-mother, a handsome old man and a great hunter "), Honore Courtin, an intimate friend of Lionne, chosen by the King because he would have in England " a member of his council well versed in judicial matters," 2 and then Cominges himself. The necessitv for the presence of an Ambassador with technical knowledge arose from the number of captures made by the English, who, while they hated ' Born in 1601, legitimized 1603, endowed with the bishopric of Metz 1 60S, which he kept, though not in holy orders, till 1652. He died at Verneuil in 1682. ' Instructions. April 4, 1665. ,,;,;„/ LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 139 the Dutch, did not like much, as we know, the French, and who constantly stopped French boats and seized French goods. The object assigned to the efforts of the three was the same as before, namely to forward the preparation of the treaty of closer union, and to prevent war between England and the Dutch Republic. This last item was the more urgent. If war is not averted, the English will probably have the better of it, and if they have, Louis not unwisely remarks, " it will be very difficult to the other powers to deny to the English that domination over the sea to which they have always aspired. Of this empire they are now so greedy, that it may be asserted that from this wish and from their intention to secure to themselves the trade of the whole world, arise all the difficulties and quarrels they raise against the Dutch States." l The three Ambassadors were recommended to pay a particular attention to Parliament and to members of the same, they being bent upon war, while Charles is more quietly inclined, though not lacking personal courage, " according to the testimony of Cromwell himself" In their intercourse with deputies they must show great tact, for members of Parliament are " very proud," and Ambassadors must avoid any appearance of pressure or interference. They must meddle with the country's affairs and not seem to be meddling, a very delicate task. They are allowed to distribute freely assurances and remonstrances, and promises of friend- ship, goodwill and eternal amity. Loaded with as much com of this sort as could be included in instructions of a remarkable length, Courtin 1 Instructions to the three Ambassadors. .April 4, 1665. 140 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. and Verneuil left Paris with ail speed to join Cominges, not being allowed to wait for their equipage. They found at Calais "two very fine yachts, gilt all over, as well inside as outside. The rooms are wondrous neat, with carpets and velvet beds." They belonged to the Queen and King of England, who had sent them to honour their uncle Verneuil. At Dover horses and footmen and royal carriages were in the same manner provided. On their way to the capital, " many people, at Dover, Canterbury, Rochester, kept inquiring from persons of our own suite why we were going to London ; and being informed that we meant to secure peace between England and Holland, they without hesitation answered : If they come for nothing else, they might as well go back." l They continued none the less their journey, reached London on the 16th of April, 1665, and saw on the same day the King, who was " en un lieu nomme Chine " (Sheen). They are very well received, and " Milord Fichardin " (Fitzhardin) is particularly amiable. They at once set to work, and at once discover that what had proved too much for Cominges alone would not be more easy for the three to obtain. The new-comers might be more supple or eloquent or persuasive ; but to persuade Charles was nothing ; the nation it was, now as before, that had to be persuaded, and the nation was entirely beyond their reach. Exactly a week after his arrival Courtin was already writing to Lionne that there was nothing to hope ; the King wants peace, but Parliament wants war ; and ! The Three to the King. April 20, 1665. LA CELEB RE AMBASSADE. 141 Parliament being the stronger party, war must be con- sidered inevitable. The three, none the less, began strenuously to fulfil their instructions ; they proposed a delay of two months before the fleets were allowed to weigh anchor, and they offered their mediation. But the English answers were long in coming, and when they came they were found to be dilatory. One day the Chancellor has his usual and opportune gout ; another day the audience is postponed " on account of the Sunday, for which they have here the greatest egards." l Courtin had long private con- versations with Charles : he was in fact the real Ambassador all the while ; the King delighted in his talk, and found him a charmeur. " Short, with a beauish face and a somewhat ridiculous figure, Courtin was full of wit, good sense, judgment, maturity and grace. . . . He pleased everybody evervwhere." So wrote St. Simon, 2 no easy man to please. Charles would allow him to plead for hours, and fully to develop the assurances and remonstrances in his instructions ; he would be delighted at his Excel lencv's reasonings, ready wit, and clever retorts, but even he would not allow himselt to be persuaded, because that was an impossibilitv ; because Parliament was there, and the country too. ct ' My fleet, Sir, is out of harbour even now, and I cannot call it back with honour, and then you must remember my people are in a rage against the Dutch.' " 3 To this last reason, Courtin was not slow to perceive, agreeing in this with Cominges, The Three to the King. April 20, 106;. •' Me'moires," c ie Bohlile': 3 ed., vol. i ii. p. 2 The Three to the King. April 23, ir/» 5 . 142 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. that there was no answer. " There is this difference between him [/. ml ion de rai preeminence m'appartient, et que i'en suis de tout temp? et en i 9 o A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. tous licux en possession. L'autre, que vous ayez defere a ce qu'il vous a envoye dire, n'ayant meme ete qu'une priere de sa part, de n'envoyer pas vos carrosses, vu que, quand meme c'aurait ete un ordre expres, comme il lui est libre de les donncr tels qu'il veut dans son Etat, vous auric/, du lui repondre que vous n'en recevez que de moi, ct s'il cut apres ccla rcsolu d'user de violence, lc parti que vous aviez a prendre ctait de vous retirer de sa cour, attendant ma volentc sur cc qui se scrait passe. 8. The Entree. — D'Estrades to Lionne, Aug. 22, 1661. — Je me preparerai dans la premiere occasion a porter 1'afFaire a une si grande hauteur que je suis trompc si les plus severes trouvent quelque chose a me reprochcr. 9. The Entree. — Louis to d'Estrades, Sept. 28, 1661. — Je desire que, soit que ledit Comtc Strozzi [who was expected as Imperial Ambassador to England] vous ait notifie son entree ou qu'il vous l'ait celce pour complairc a Wattevillc, vous envoyez vos carrosses au devant de lui, et que vous vous mettiez en etat qu'ils conservent la preeminence qui m'est due, precedant ceux de tous les autres Ambassadcurs dans la marche. . . . Je nc vous dis rien des mesares que vous aurez du prendre auparavant pour etre bien assure que vos gens seront en etat de sc conscrver dans la marebe ie rang qui leur est du, me promettant que vous n'y omettrez rien de possible, ct meme que la chose vous sera d'autant plus aisee que le Baron de Wattevillc nc s'y attendra point. 10. The Entree. — Coming of a Swedish Ambassador. — Louis to d'Estrades, Oct. 5, 1661. — L'avis est que le General Monk a promis au baron de Watteville de lui donner des soldats de son regi- ment Ecossais pour, avec quelqucs Irlandais, appuyer ses gens et son carrosse et que sur cette espcrance ledit Watteville s'etait rcsolu d'envoycr a la rencontre de l'Ambassadeur de Suede. Je le sais de science ccrtaine, de la maison de Monk meme, par un de ses plus intimes confidents, et que le carrosse partirait pour allcr a la place de la Tour de Londres sans que cette escorte parut, mais qu'ellc se trouverait ou dans ladite place ou dans d'autres rues par ou Ton devra marcher : ce qui me fait jugcr que quand meme votre carrosse aura pris d'abord dans ladite place le rang qui lui est APPENDIX. 191 du immediatement apres cclui dc l'Ambassadcur, les gens qui l'appuycront nc devront pas l'abandonner qu'on ne soit arrive au logis dudit Ambassadcur, de crainte qu'au passage de quelque rue qui traverse celle ou Ton marchera, les Ecossais ou Irlandais ne viennent le couper avec main forte, pour faire passer celui de Watteville. 11. The Entree. — D'Estrades to Brienne the younger, Oct. 6, 1 66 1. — Je fais les plus grands preparatifs pour cela [i.e., to maintain his right of precedence], comme l'Ambassadcur d'Espagne fait les siens pour s'y opposcr. C'est unc affaire remise a Lundi. 12. Right of Asylum. — D'Estrades's House Besieged. — D 1 Es- trada to Brienne the younger, Oct. 6, 1661. — Mardi dernier lc baron de Cronnenster Suedois, etant poursuivi par des sergents qui avaient ordre dc l'arrcter pour quelques interets civils sc refugia en mon logis dc Chelsea. . . . [The men of the police remove him by force ; but the servants of D'Estrades re-take him ; then a constable comes with about two hundred men :] Cet officier en nombre de plus de deux cents homines vint pour forcer mon logis et reprendre le prisonnier. Cc qui avait reste de ma maison dans Chelsea ct qui ne m'avait pas suivi a la chassc ou je fus ce jour la avec le Roi d'Anglcterre les repoussa fort vigoureusement. Le prisonnier fut maintcnu et l'honncur de l'asilc conserve. II v a cu environ huit dc mes gens blesses, beaucoup plus grand nombre de la populace et deux de morts. [Charles thereupon sends a detach- ment of his own life guards to keep the house of D'Estrades.] . . . Trcntc soldats y coucherent la nuit suivante, ct depuis meme j'ai etc oblige d'en retenir unc partic pour eviter un nouveau de'sordre de la part du peuple insolent et scditieux, et qui est accoutume de se scrvir dc ces pretextcs pour piller les maisons des Ambassa- dcurs, ainsi qu'il est arrive a plusieurs ct nommement a M. le Comte d'Harcourt. 13. The Entree. — Louis to d'Estrades, Oct. 7, 1661. — Je vous ecrivis hier par l'ordinairc qui part dc Paris le mercrcdi pour vous donncr un avis que je souhaite vous etre arrive assez a temps pour vous en prevaloir dans l'occasion de l'cntree de l'Ambassadeur dc Suede qui etait attendu a Londrcs. Je vous avouc que j'ai grande impatience de savoir comment ccttc ccrcmonie se sera passec, ct 192 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. d'autant plus que jc nc puis prcsquc pas doutcr que ce n'ait etc a votre avantage ct a ma satisfaction, apres les paroles que le Roi mon frere vous avait donnees d'appuyer votre dessein et que, sans cela meme, vous aurcz pu, par le moyen de la garnison de Grave- lines et du voisinage de France vous mettre en etat par vous meme d'oter aux Espagnols l'envie de vous rien disputer. 14. The Entree — The Defeat. — W Estradcs to Lionne , Oct. 13, 1 66 1. — Je nc pouvais pas mieux prendre mes postes et mes mesures que j'avais pris pour n'avoir affaire qu'a Watteville ; mais de joindre des soldats deguises et tout le peuple, quand j'aurais eu mille homines, j'y aurais succombe. Ma satisfaction est que j'y ai dc'pense tout cc que j'ai pu emprunter pour faire subsister les gens que j'avais fait venir, que n'y pouvant etre moi-meme j'y ai envoye mon fils et que Ton y a vu que dans le combat, de cinquante hom- mes qui etaient avec lui, il y en a eu cinq de tues et trente trois de blesses et qu'ils ont soutenu le choc de plus de deux cents hommes, et dans les autres postes oil mes gens ont etc aussi attaques, ils ont fait leur devoir de meme. . . . En huit jours j'ai pense etre assassine deux fois et ai eu mon chapcau perce d'un coup de mousqueton ; des soldats et le peuple me sont venus attaquer i usque dans mon logis. 15. The Entree — After the Disaster. — Louis to d'Estradcs, Oct. 16, 1 66 1. — j'ai tant de hate de faire partir ce gentilhomme . . . que je nc vous dirai pas a beaucoup pres tout ce que je voudrais bien vous dire sur les incidents qui vous sont arrives, vous pouvez croire que jc les ai ressentis vivement, comme leur qualite m'v oblige, mon honneur s'y trouvant considerablement inte'resse. J'esperc avec l'aide de Dieu et par la vigueur des resolutions que j'ai prises et que je pousserai aussi avail t qu'on m'en donncra sujet, que ceux qui m'ont cause ce dcplaisir seront bientot plus faches et plus en peine que moi. 16. Opening of Parliament. — Bataillcr to Lionnc, Dec. 1, 1661. — Le roi d'Anglcterre fit hier 1'ouverture du Parlement dans la chambre haute, oil apres avoir pris sa seance pare de son mantcau roval et de sa couronne, accompagne de ses grands oiHciers, tons les Seigneurs gentilshommes et evequcs etant assis dans leers places, APPENDIX. 193 il fit appelcr les membrcs de la chambrc basse, qui entrerent tumultuairement dans la chambre haute, comrae la foule du peuple entre dans la chambre de l'audience du Parlemcnt de Paris apres que les huissiers ont appele. lis demeurcrent au dela d'une barriere qui ferme le parterre ou sont assis les Seigneurs, et au milieu se placa l'orateur debout. F,n cet etat le Roi d'Angle- terre commenca sa harangue [here follows an analysis of the royal harangue]. Cette harangue a pen pres en ce sens dura un quart d'heure, tut tort bien prononcee par le Roi d'Angleterre fort proche duqucl je me trouvai ct me fut expliquee par ' Milord BelezcV Ce qui m'en deplut, e'est qu 'il la tenait ecrite en sa main, jetait tres souvent les yeux dessus, et presque comrae s'il l'eut lue. L'on m'a dit que e'etait la maniere d'Angleterre pour eviter de sc commettre a la risce du peuple, en cas que par un defaut de me- moire le Roi vint a demeurer court. Les predicateurs en chaire en usent de meme, et, si le chancelier que la goutte empecha de se trouver a cette action avait fait sa charge, II aurait etc suggere par derriere. 17. Clerks of the Post-office to be Hanged. — D' Esirades to Louis, Chelsea^ Jan. 2c, 1662. — [The King of England] me dit commc il avait fait arreter les deux commis de la poste de Londres, qu il avait trouve les enveloppes de ses paquets qui avaient etc ouvertes, qu'il avait decouvert que Watteville avait donnc mille pistoles pour les corrompre, qu'il les aliait faire pendre et qu'a 1'avenir cela n'arriverait plus. 1 8. Sale of Dunkirk. — D 'Estrada to Lionne, July 17, 1662. — Je suis bien marri de n'etre pas en e'tat d'aller a St. Germain pour parler au Roi d'une affaire qui ne deplaira pas a Sa Majeste et qui lui est tres avantageuse. M. le Chancelier d'Angleterre m'a depeche expres une personne de confiance et m'a apporte une lettre de creance dc sa part. Si \ous veniez a Paris, je vous dirais l'afraire qui m'a etc proposee pour en rendre compte a Sa Majeste. 19. Sale of Dunkirk. ■—Bataillcr to Louis, Da. 4., 1662. — L'argent compte a Calais pour le prix de Dunkerque est arrive ici et a etc mis dans la Tour de Londres, ou le Roi d'Angleterre l'a voulu voir ce matin en allant sc promener a ' Ouieiks.' 1 ^ i94 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. 20. Cominges's Journey. — Cominges to Louis, Jan. 4, 1663. — Sire, jc nc parlcrais pas a Votrc Majeste des incommodites que j'ai soufFcrtcs dans 1c voyage, par le debordement des eaux, si je n'y etais necessite pour excuser le pcu de diligence que j'ai faite. Ce n'est pas que je n'aic quasi force les elements a se rendre favorable a Ses desseins, mais tout ce que j'ai pu faire, apres avoir cvite deux 011 trois naufrages sur la terre et souffert la tourmente sur la mer, c'a etc de me rendre ici le 23 Decembre, style d'Anglctcrre. 21. Entree of the Muscovite Envoys. — Cominges to Lio?ine, Jan. 8, 1663. — Yous saurez done, Monsieur, que Ton lui a fait une entree tout-a-fait extraordinaire ; tons les marchands out pris les amies ; les aldermans, qui sont les echevins, ont etc le voir et le congratuler de son arrivee ; le Roi de defrayc et le loge, et apres 1111 mois de sejour il a eu aujourd'hui son audience 011 quin/.e ou seize cents hommes de pied se sont mis sous les armes. . . . Son carrosse a entre dans Whitehall contre la coutume. II est vrai qu'il nc s'est par convert en parlant au Roi de la Grande Bretagne, mais pour moi, quoi que les Anglais disent, je nc crois pas que ce soit tant par deference epic le Moscovitc rend a S. M. B. epic par vanite, voulant par ce moyen exclure l'Ambassadeur d'Anglctcrre de se couvrir parlant a lui. ]e crois que ce que nous pouvons raisonnablement pretendre et demandcr, e'est l'entrce dans White- hall, parceque pour l'entrce de la ville e'est une chose qui nc regarde que le bien que tirent les marchands de Londrcs du com- merce dc la Moscovie, qui, de leur propre mouvement, ont fait toutc cettc fanfare. 22. Secret Correspondence. — Cominges to Lionne, Jan. 8, 1663. - Si vous voulez quelquefois m'ecrire sous l'cnvcloppe d'un mar- chand, vous pourrez adresser vos lettrcs, a Monsieur Avme, chirur- gien 'Rue Rose Straet' au Commun Jardin, et moi j'adresserai mes lettrcs a Mr. Simonnet, banquier a Paris. 23. The Entree — The Muscovite Precedent. — Louis to Cominges, Jan. 21, 1663. — Ce que je vous dirai sur cettc matiere nc scront epic des avis sur ce qu'on a pu juger de loin, ct 11011 pas des ordres que vous soycz oblige dc suivrc. Premieremcnt, j'estime qu'avant toutc chose, vous pourriez vous APPENDIX. 195 enquerir confidcmmcnt du chevalier Bennet ou meme du Roi quelle est la veritable raison pour laquelle il n'a pas fait covrir lesdits ambassadeurs. Je vois que vous avezjugeque ce peut etre parce que le Czar leur maitre ne fait pas couvrir les ambassadeurs des autres Princes, que eux memes n'ont pas trop insiste a se couvrir, pour lui conserver cette prerogative. Mais ce qu'a dit ici l'Ambassadeur de Danemark semble detruire l'un et l'autre. car il a dit au Sieur de Lionne . . . S'ils n'ont que la qualite d'envoyes, quelque train qu'ils aient et quelque honneur extraordinaire qui leur ait etc fait, vous ne devriez pas leur donner la main chez vous, d'autant plus qu'ils ne se sont pas couverts devant lc Roi, et en ce cas pour eviter cette contesta- tion, si apres les avoir fait pressentir, vous trouvez qu'ils pretendent la main sur vous en vous visitant, vous pourriez vous abstenir de leur donner part de votre arrivee. S'ils out la qualite d Ambassadeurs, il y a encore a considerer si, ayant eux memes deroge en ne se couvrant pas, vous devez leur donner la main dans la visite qu'ils vous feraient et qu'ils sont obliges de vous rendre les premiers puisquc vous etes arrive le dernier ; mais pour ce point je m'en remcts a votre prudence de le resoudre apres que vous aurez bien examine la chose et su quel est leur pouvoir et leur caractere et pour quelle raison on ne les a pas fait couvrir. En cas que vous jugicz a propos de leur accorder la main chez vous, il reste encore a savoir si vous la devez accorder a tons trois. Sur quoi je vous dirai que, pourvu qu'ils ne soient pas cntrc eux d'une qualite fort inegale et qu'ils aient tons le meme caractere et le meme pouvoir, vous n'en devez faire aucunc difficulte. . . . Pour ce qui regarde maintenant le Roi d'Angleterre et l'avantage que vous pouvcz tirer du traitement extraordinaire qui a etc tait a ces Moscovites, ie crois que, sans pretendrc tout ce que le pcuple principalement et les marchands qui font leur trafic en Moscovie out fait dans ce rencontre pour les obliger, vous pouvcz vous res- trcindrc a l'entree de votre carrosse dans 'Wital ' et quele regiment des gardes soit en haie et tambour battant lorsque vous oasserez. . . . Pour ce qui est d'evitcr, comme vous propose/, une entree publique dans Londres, ie ne le puis approuver par diverges raisons, dont ie ne vous marquerai que la principale, qui est que, si vous cvitez 196 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. ccttc ccremonie, commc 1'a deja fait Wattcvillc, cet exemple s'intro- duirait bientot ctbicn facilement pour tons les autrcs ambassadeurs, ct quand il y aurait a l'avcnir un ambassadeur d'Espagne a Londrcs ct que l'occasion dc parcilles fonctions n'arriverait plus, je n'aurai? plus dc moyens de faire voir an public qu'il cede la rang an mien sans le contester ct ne concourt plus avec lui, en execution dc l'accommodement qui a etc fait entre moi ct le Roi mon beau pere sur 1'insulte dc Wattcvillc. Quant ,a l'inconvenient que vous allcguez que votre entree nc se pourra faire si honorablcmcnt que celle des Moscovitcs, je lc tiens de nulle consideration, eu egard a l'autre plus grand qui en arriverait, de nc pouvoir plus trouvcr d'occasion dc faire abstenir des fonctions publiques les ambassa- deurs d'Espagne. 24.. The Act ok Uniformity. — The Declaration ok 1663. — Cominges to the King, Jan. 22, 1663. — La declaration du Roi dc la Grande Bretagnc, publicc ces jours passes dans la villc de Londres me donnc suffisamment de la maticre d'ecrirc aV. M. pour lui faire savoir les diffcrcnts mouvements qu'elle a produits dans l'csprit de ces peuples, scion qu'ils sont pousses de haine contre le personnc de leur roi, d'amour pour la republique et de mepris pour le ministere. L'acte d'uniformite ... a eu de si funestcs succes que Ton a decouvert plusicurs conspirations contre S. M. dont s'est ensuivi des cxemplcs de mort, de bannisscment . . . qui, bien loin d'apaiser et de faire craindre ces fanatiques, leur inspire a toute heure des attentats contre toute la famillc rovale, avec un tel mepris de leur vie qu'ils scmblcnt courir a la mort comme a un rcmede a tons leurs maux. 25. Charles's Character. — Cominges to Louis, Jan. 25, 1663. — Toutcs les vertus des particulicrs ne sont pas royales et pent etre celle de la bonte a trop d'empire sur l'csprit du Roi dc la Grande Bretagnc qui, par exces, s'engage souvent plus avant qu'il ne vou- drait on du moins qu'il ne serait convcnable. 26. Arrival of Gramont. — Cominges to Louis, Jan. 25, 1663. — Le chevalier de Gramont arriva hier fort content de son voyage. 11 a etc recu lc plus agreablemcnt du monde. II est de toutcs APPENDIX. 197 3es parties du Roi ct commando chez Madame de Castlemaine qui fit hier un assez bon tour. Madame Jaret avec laquelle elle a ici un grand demele devait donner a soupcr a Leurs Majestes. Toutes choses preparees et la compagnie assemblee, le Roi en sortit et s'en alia chez Madame de Castlemaine ou il passa l'apres-souper. Cela a fait un grand bruit ; les cabales se remuent ; chacun songe a la vengeance ; les unes sont pleines de jalousie, les autres de depit et toutes en general d'etonnement. Le ballet est rompu manque de moyens. . . . 27. Court Festivities. — Cominges to Louis, "Jan. 25, 1 66 3 . — II y a bal de deux jours l'un ct comedie aussi ; les autres jours se passent au jeu, les uns chez la Reine, les autres chez Madame de Castlemaine oil la compagnie ne manque pas d'un bon souper. Yoila, Sire, a quoi Ton passe ici le temps. L'approchedu terme du Parlemcnt donnera bientot d'autres pensees. Les plus habiles ont deja commence a faire leurs cabales, et les autres attendent l'occasion pour faire valoir leurs talents dans une si celebre assemblee. 28. Diplomatic Style. — Co?ninges to Louis, Jan. 25, 1663. — ■ [Cominges will begin at the beginning] pour donner quelque forme a cette depeche et ne la pas presenter a V. M. comme un monstre sans pieds et sans tetc. 29. Rumours Concerning the Siege of Geneva. — Lionnc to Cominges, 'J'Ui. 2S, 1663. — Detruisez nous, je vous en pric, ou par moqueric ou par bonnes raisons cette imposture qui prend cours touchant Geneve. Elle n'est pas meme dans le bon sens ; nous sommes aux epecs et couteaux tires avec la Cour de Rome, a notre grand regret, et on veut que tout l'orage qui se prepare contrc le Vatican n'aille fondre que sur ses mortcls ennemis qui ne nous font point de mal et qui n'auraient eu garde d'assassiner nos Ambassadeurs. 30. The Reported Siege ok Geneva. — Louis to Cominges, 'J, plupart des 248 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. domcstiques de l'Ambassadeur d'Espagnc qui, par bonhcur pour lui nc logeaient pas dans sa maison, furcnt hicr enfermes. 1 8 1. The Plague at Salisbury. — Verneuil goes Hunting. — Bigorre to Lionne, Aug. 21, 1665. — Ouelques gardes qu'on ait mises aux portcs dc cette villc, un hommc ayant la peste n'a pas laissc d'y cntrer. II a, quasi durant deux jours, frequente toute sorte de personnes et enfin avant hier au soir, il tomba raide mort au milieu de la rue, a deux cents pas de la maison du Roi d'Angleterre. On a brule une tente sous laquclle il s'etait repose et on a ferme la maison oil il avait couche et dans laquclle neuf domcstiques de l'Ambassadeur d'Espagnc, ses chevaux ct ses carrosscs ont etc depuis enfermes. . . . Monsieur lc Due dc Verneuil se divcrtit a la chassc ; il a deja une mcute a lui avee laquclle il prend des daims ct si quelque danger nous menace Dieu vcut pour le moins que nous ne lc craignons pas. 182. COURTIN WOULD LIKE TO GO. To Liotl?lt\ Atlg. 21, 1 66 5. — Car a vous dire la vcritc cc me scrait une chose fort douloureusc de servir de fascine a votrc politique dans un pays oil tout lc mondc tremble et oil nous voyons mourir tous les jours des gens devant nos ycux. M. dc Verneuil approchc de son terme ; M. de Comingcs n'est debout que quatre hcurcs pendant la journee, ct nc vit que de poisson. Pour moi, qui n'ai pas encore trentc huit ans, il me scmblc que jc hasarde ici plus que pas un dc la troupe et je voudrais bien me voir auprcs dc vous dans la nouvelle maison de M. lc Commandcur de Souvre oil jc mangerais plus volonticrs dc ses potages que je nc prendrai ici des preservatifs que Madame dc Sable m'a envoyes. 183. A Dream of Miss Stewart. — Courtin to Lionne, Aug. 23, 1665. — Pour vous cntrctcnir moins serieusement, il est bon que vous sachiez que Mile. Stewart songea avant-hier, la unit, qu'elle etait couchee avec les trois ambassadeurs de France. II est vrai que, comme elle contait la chose au Roi d'Angleterre, il m'appela en tiers et cela fut cause qu'elle dit en rougissant qu'elle etait du cote dc M. dc Verneuil. 184. Miss Jennings and Miss Boynton. — Courtin to Lionne, APPENDIX. 249 Aug. 23, 1665. — II y en a deux qui sont fort jolies ; j'en prends a temoin M. votre fils qui vous dira ce que e'est que ' Mistris Bointon.' II fit scmblant d'en etrc amoureux pour faire depit a 'Mistris Genins.' II est vrai que 'Mistris Genins ' avait grand tort; elle ne voulait qu'il lui baisat les mains; et a la fin elle comprit qu'il valait mieux abandonner ses mains que de perdre tin galant, et l'accomodement fut bientot fait. 185. News of the Plague. — Courtin to Liomie, Aug. 30, 1665. — II est encore mort ce matin un homme en pleine rue. C'est une mechante habitude qui commence a prendre ici. 186. News of the Plague. — The Three to LioTine, Sept. 20, 1665. — II est mort pendant la semaine passee 8,250 personnes dans Londres. On y allume des feux dans toutes les rues pour chasser, s'il est possible, le mauvais air. 187. Impending Return of the Ambassadors. — Courti?! to Lion?ie, Oct. 13, 1665.- — Nous attendrons avec impatience de vos nouvelles pour savoir ce que nous deviendrons. Toute la grace que je vous demande c'est que si vous voulcz livrer quclqu'un aux dogues de ce pays, vous fassiez cet honneur-la a M. Dumas et que vous con- sideriez un peu qu'un cadet d'une pauvre famille, charge de quatre enfants a besoin de se conserver pour eux. 188. Arguing with the Duke of York. — The Three to Louis, Oct. 13, 1665. — II nous repondit qu'il nous verrait toujours fort volonticrs, mais que nous ne le ferions point changer de senti- ments ; qu'il etait Anglais et par consequent fort opiniatre — Mais, Monsieur, lui repartimes nous, vous etes Francais d'un cote. II est juste que vous vous partagicz un peu. Messieurs, rcprit-il, il est vrai. Mais lc? Anglais sont opiniatres quand ils ont raison et, quand ils ne 1'ont pas, les Francais le sont avec raison. Ainsi il n'v a rien a gagncr avec moi. Et sur cela, il sortit de sa chambre et s'en alia aux pricres. 189. The Speech from the Throne translated into French. — The Three to Liomie, Nov. 1, 1665. — -Nous vous envoyons une traduction des harangues du Roi de la Grande Brctagnc et de son 250 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. Chancclicr. L'auteurnous assure qu'ellc est fort fidclc ; il s'excuse seulemcnt sur cc qu'il a suivi le tour de la phrase Anglaise et sur ce qu'il pretend que M. le Chancclicr est obscur dans scs expres- sions. Nous nous en rapportons a ce qu'il en dit, ne sachant pas ccttc languc ; et tout ce que nous pouvons faire, e'est de vous repondre qu'il a eu bonne intention et qu'il s'est attache a inter- preter veritablement les endroits les plus importants. 190. The Saardam Shipbuilders. — The Three to Louis, Nov. I, 1665. — [Van Gogh said to Courtin] que, dans une autre con- joncture, Messieurs les Etats seraicnt faches que la puissance de V. M. s'augmentat sur la mer, mais qu'ils le souhaitaient a cette heure ; que vous aviez assez de matclots, mais que vous manquiez dc navires, et qu'en mettant la main a la bourse et donnant six scmaines d'avance aux entrepreneurs du village de ' Serdam,' ils vous batiraient trcnte vaisseaux qui seraient prets d'etre mis a la mer au printemps. 191. Sufferings of the Irish. — The Three to Louis, Nov. 1, 1665. — Le Parlement a resolu, apres une deliberation qui a dure deux jours, de defendrc de transporter les bestiaux d'Irlande dans ce royaume : e'est encore un nouveau sujet dc ruinc pour les Irlandais qui n'avaient plus que ce seul commerce. 192. Animosity against the French. — The Three to Louis, Nov. 1, 1665. — La haine des Anglais en general est a present si grandc contre la France, que le Parlement approuverait tous les traites qu'il croirait etrc utiles pour miner vos desseins. C'est pourquoi V. M. a plus de raison que jamais de veiller incessamment sur ce qui sc passcra dans les pays etrangers ou, a l'avenir, tout conspirera contre Sa grandeur, et ou les mesures qu'Elle aura prises seront aisees a rompre. 193. Want-of better Information. — The Three to Louis, Nov. 1, 1665. — V. M. nous pcrmettra de Lui rcpresenter en cet endroit qu'il serait necessaire que nous fussions un peu mieux instruits que nous ne le sommes de tout ce qui a quelque rapport avec la nego- ciation dont V. M. nous a fait l'honneur de nous charger. Nous ne savons rien de ce qui se passe en Hollande, en Suede et en Danemark. APPENDIX. 251 194. Choosing a 'Pi.ace for the Quarantine. — Montausier to Lionne, Nov. 16, 1665. — [There are the St. Marcou islets] ; il est vrai qu'il n'y a point de logement, si ce n'est une petite maison- nette ou un cordelier se retire Pete comme un ermite. Ainsi ces Messieurs y seraient tres mal. 195. The Quarantine. — Courtin to Lionne, Nov. 25, 1665. — On dit que dans les pays chauds [la quarantaine] n'est jamais dc plus de dix-sept jours pour les personnes. Ainsi, j'espere que si nous abordons heureusement et que nous soyons tous en bonne sante, le Roi nous fera la grace de nous laisser glisser avec chacun un valet de chambre du cote de Paris. . . . Nous sommes fort embarrasses de nos personnes, et je dirais volontiers comme Don Bertrand : pour deux cents coups de fbuet j'en voudrais etre quitte et etre a la maison. 196. Parting gifts from Charles. — Courtin to Lionne, Dec. 13, 1665. — Mercredi vers les onze heures du soir, comme j'allais me mettre au lit, le Maitre des ceremonies vint m'apportcr un diamant accommode pour servir de poincon, de la part du Roi d'Angleterre. Je lui demandai s'il avait etc chez Messieurs de Verneuil et de Cominges. II me dit qu'il leur venait de porter, au premier une boite de portrait et a l'autre une bague et des pendants d'oreille, qu'ils avaient acceptes. 197. Holles' Street Difficulties. — Holies to Louis, Dee. 1665. — [Holles goes to the Louvre, following the coach of Madame. He is met by the coach of Madame de Carignan, which coach] s'arrete et attend que celui de Madame fur. passe ; puis ses laquais se jettent sur mes chevaux sans rien dire, les arretent a coups de- baton et font passer leur carrosse devant le mien. Apres cela se melent avee mes laquais une douzaine dit-on de ceux-la avec de gros batons, prepares ce semble pour une telle affaire ; les miens n'etaient que cinq ou six et n'avaient rien en leurs mains que quclque petite baguette. . . . Ensuite ils [the Carignan valets] se mirent a braver et a dire qu'il y avait douze carrosses en France qui avaient droit de marcher devant celui de l'Ambassadeur et que le leur en etait un. 198. The Journey. — Undergoing the Quarantine.— -Tie 25 2 A FRENCH AMBASSADOR. Three to Louis, Dee. 25, 1665. — Cc que nous apprehendous a cettc heure e'est 1'cxtreme froid qu'il fait depuis deux jours, dont nous sentons deja la rigueur, etant loges dans une grande maison qui n'a pas encore etc habitee et dont les dedans ne sont pas acheves. Nous ne laisserons pas neanmoins de nous tenir dans les bornes de notre quarantainc et, des aujourd'hui, nous avons fait dire la messe dans lc lieu oil nous sommes loges sans pcrmettre a pas un de nos gens d'allcr a l'eglise du village, afin qu'on ne nous puisse ricn imputer. Apres cela nous attendrons en patience et avec toutc sorte de soumission les ordres de S. M. dans l'csperance que le vent et le froid nous ayant bien purines nous pourrons obtenir la liberte d'etre delivres de l'incommodite que nous souffrons. Un armateur anglais, nonobstant les passcports du Roi de la Grande Bretagne a pris le maitre d'un vaisseau francais qui portrait les chiens de moi, due de Vcrncuil, ct un de mes suisscs. Ce vaisseau etait sorti un jour plus tot que nous du port de Douvrcs, dont nous ne sortimes qu'a la troisicme tentative, dans la premiere desquelles le vaisseau dans lequel nous ctions faillit a perir, ayant heurte contre le mole et brise tout son chateau de poupe. INDEX. A. writes dispatches, 154 ; his Algiers, 132 marriage, 182 Amalbi (Sibylle d'), 37 Besnac, Marquis de, 81 Amsterdam, 134. Bigorre, Secretary of Embassy? Anne of Austria, 34, 35, 44 147, 158, 163, 164, 167 Armentieres, 36 Boatmen, oppose the building of Aristotle, 58, 100, 101 a bridge, 83 Arlington {see Bonnet), 151, 176 Boileau 55 Arthur (King), 117 Bouquant, 36 Aumont (Due d'j, 161 Boynton, Miss, 136 Ayme isurgcon), 51 Breda, peace or, 181 Brienne, 25, 147 B. Bristol, Earl of, 53 ; accuses Bacon, 58 Clarendon, 104 ct scq. Bantam, 132 Broglie, Comte do, 53 Bassompierro, 36 Broussel, 35 Batailler, Secretary of Embassy, Bruchct, Cominges' secretary, 31 ; his account of the opening '3° of Parliament, 99 ct scq. Buchanan, 58 Bedford, Earl of, 74 Buckingham, Duke of, 38, 6| Bcllasys, Lord, 99 74, io 7> '37 Boilings, Richard, 107 Burleigh, 82 Bonnet, Sir H. (sec Arlington), Burnet, 80 54. 77 Bomi, Marquis do (Lionnc's son), ^- his journey to England, 133 Carignan, Princess of, 82 ct scq. ; his loves, I 53 ct scq. : Castlemaino, I.:ul\, 1 7, 39, -2 ; 254 INDEX. gives a fete in honour of Madame de Cominges, 85, 88, go • unpleasant adventure in the park, 91, 93, 94; her con- version, 95, 118, 119, 120; sides with the Spaniards, 144, 151, 152, 172 Catherine of Braganza, Queen, her illness, 88 ; goes to Tun- bridge, 89 ; to Bath, 90, 92 Cesonie, nickname of Madame de Cominges, 37 Chapelain, 36, 61, 62 Charles II. , King of England, 1 5 ; interposes between Wattcville and d'Estrades, 22; his corre- spondence with Madame, 50; dines at the French Embassy, 59 ; interferes in favour of Sorbieres, 63 ; his decree con- cerning the Ambassadors' coaches, 70 ; dines with Cominges, 83 ; his character described, 87 ; his policy, 101 ; attitude in the Bristol affair, 104 ; favours the Catholics, 115; goes to Chatham, 135 et scq. ; receives the " Celebre Ambassadc," 140 ; pretended ignorance of French, 142 ; wants Parliament to pass a bill against fogs, 160 Chatelus, 36 Chaulncs, Due de, 161 Chesterfield, 153, 182 Choisy, Abbe de, 19, 104 Clarendon, Edward Hvdc, Earl of, 17; sells Dunkirk, 30; does not speak French, 54, 62 ; accused by Bristol, 104 et scq.; his coldness towards France, 125 et scq. ; his unpopularity, 127; procrastination, 141, 143 ; breaks the negotiation, 176 Clement, Nicolas, his note con- cerning Shakespeare, 56 Colbert, 48 Comines, Philippe de, 172 Cominges, Comte de, plea in favour of, 14 et scq. ; his origin and life, 33 et seq. ; his son, 40 ; reaches London, 42 ; tone and manner of his correspon- dence, 42 et scq. ; ignorance of English, asked to send a report on English men of letters, 55 ; his entree, 66 et scq. ; at my Lord Mayor's, 76 ct scq. ; at home, 82 et scq. ; de- scribes the Court, 91 et scq. ; the Parliament, 100 et scq. ; gives an account of the Bristol affair, 104 et scq. ; of religious affairs, I 10 ct scq. ; his opinion of indulgences, 113 ; of a future life, 114; of prophets, 117; his expenses for his chapel, 119; his political dispatcher, 121 ; efforts to bring about a union with England, 121 et scq. ; his difficulties, 123 ; his illness, 129; nearly dies, 130; his temper, 130 ; bargains for slaves, 133 ; a riot at his door, 146 et scq. ; gives his advice to young Lionne, 154; his troubles on account of the plague, 160 ct scq. ; his journey INDEX 255 home, 178 et seq.; his end, Devonshire, Earl of, 73 183 Downing, Sir George, 31, 32, Cominges, Madame de, her por- 173 trait under the name of Emilie, Dumas, commercial agent, 175 38 et seq., 65 ; journey to Dunkirk, sale of, 30 England, 84 ; illness, 85 ; journey home, 86, 1S3 E. Conde, Prince of, 34, 36, 121 Elizabeth, Queen, 123 Conti, Prince of, 36 Ell wood, Milton's friend, 163 Corneille, 61 England, attitude towards France, Courtin, Honore, 53, 138 ; jour- Holland, Portugal, and Spain, ney to London, 140; considers 121 et seq.; at war with France war inevitable, 140 ; pleases and Holland, 181 everybody, 141 ; his part in Epoisscs, castle of, 34 the negotiation, 141 et seq. ; Erasmus, 58 offers to negotiate in Latin, Estrades, Comte d', his duel, 20 ; ibid; riot at his door. 146 .7 Ambassador to England, 21 ; seq. ; sorry to have too strict his affair with Wattevillc, 23 instructions, 150; his amuse- ft seq.; Ambassador to Holland, ments, i^oet seq. ; as a drinker, 3° ; negotiates the sale of 152 ; his views concerning Dunkirk, 30 ; claims prece- youth and age, 155; sends dencc over the Prince of chocolate to Lionne, 157; his Orange, 31, 44; his house troubles on account of fogs, besieged, 146, 154, 182 the plague, &c, 159 et seq. ; Eugene, Prince, 174 reads Amadis, 163; dismisses Evelyn, 29, 59; his book on his servants, 166; his difficulty fogs, 160, 162 in finding lodgings, 166 et seq. ; Exeter House, 82 et seq. his views concerning war, 174 ; anxious to go home, 175 ; F. leave-taking, 178 ; journey Falmouth, Earl of, 14; home, 178 ; quarantine at Fanshaw, Ambassador to Spain, Pande, 179; his end, 182 127 Crequi, Ambassador to the Vati- Fitzhardin, 52, 140 can, 79, 111, 183 Flamarens, Marquise de, 36 Cromwell, 108, 136 bouquet, 35 France, her treaty with Holland, D. 142; at war with England, Detoe, 163 1S1 256 INDEX. G. Jennings, Miss, 153 et seq., 170, Gassendi, 64 182 Geneva, reported siege of, 112 Gogh, Van, Dutch envoy to K. London, 142, 149, 174, 175 Keroualle, Louise de, Duchesse of Goulas, Nicolas, 35 Portsmouth, 182 Goulette, La, 132 Kingston, removal to, on account Gramont, Chevalier de, 53, 64, of the plague, 163 et seq. 87, 93 ; his marriage, 94 et seq., 95, 152 L. Gravelines, 25 La Calprenede, 27 Guiche, Comte de, 14 La Fayette, 37 Guildhall, banquet there, 77 La Trousse, 37 Guitaut, 34, 41 Lauderdale, 144 La Valliere, 19 H. Le Notre, 183 Hamilton, Anthony, 93 Le Tellier, 47 ,, George, 182 Lionne, Hugues de, 17, 19, 33, „ Mile, de, 87 43, 45, 46, 49 ; difficulties Hampton Court, plague at, 167 with Holies, 80 ; praises Heinsius, 61 Cominges for his report on Henri IV. of France, 138 Parliament, 102 ; his views Hobbes, dines at the French concerning religious affairs, 1 1 1 Embassy, 59, 60 et seq., 64 et seq. ; his fine dispatches, Holland, 142, 181 149 ; sends hisson to England, Holies, Lord, his temper, 80 ; 153, 157, 159 his ignorance of French, 81, Lionne, Madame de, 158 131 ; recommends war, 173 et Longueville, Duchess of, 36 seq., 182 Lord Mayor, 76 et seq. Hugo, Victor, 56 Louis XIV assumes power, 17; Huygens, 59 his policy, 18 ; his instructions concerning precedence, 23 ; L concerning d'Estrades's entree, India, presents from, 92 25 et seq.; attitude in the Ireland, I 16 et seq., 169 Watteville affair, 29 et seq.; his guitar concerts, 37 ; his ). correspondence with Cominges, Japan, 132 43 ; attention to business, 43 ; Jaret, 9s has the measles, 46, 47 ; wants INDEX. 357 a report on men of letters, 5 5 ; his pensioners, 61 ; favours Clarendon, 62 ; instructions concerning Muscovite envoys, 68 et seq. ; thanks Cominges for his report on Parliament, 101 et seq. ; his opinion of parliaments, 108 ; his religious opinions, IIO; his attitude towards Spain, 121 et seq.; towards England, Holland, and Poland, 121 ; wants slaves for his galleys, 132 et seq.; his views concerning the naval power of England, 139, 142; at war with England, 181 Louis XV., 53 M. Macaulay, 11, 13, 182 Mane in i, 39 Marlborough, Earl of, 145 Mazarin, Cardinal, 17, 19, 29, 111, 122 Mazarin, Duchess, 65, 152 Merlin, 1 1 7 Middleton, Mrs., 87, 93 Mignard, 183 Mignet, 1 1 Milton, 14, 58, 163 Moliere, 56 Molina, Count of, Spanish Am- bassador to England, his dinners, 131, 152; fray at his door, 152 ; his servants shut in on account of the plague, 170 et seq., 172 ; his expenses, 172 Monk, General, 24, 96 Monmouth, Duke of, 53, 59, 13 - Montagu, Abbe' de, 78, 81 Montaigne, 1 14 Montausier, Due de, 177 Montespan, Madame de, 19, 34 Montesquieu, 144 More, Sir Thomas, 58 Motteville, Madame de, 37 Munster, Bishop of, 176 Muscovite envoys, 65 et seq. Muscovy, 132 Norfolk, 137 \. O. Obdam, 144 Orange, Prince of, 31, 60 Orleans, Madame, Duchess of, 50, 131, 182 Ormond, Duke of, 18, 94 Oxford, Earl of, 96 Oxford, Parliament meets at, 172 Pande, ambassadors undergo quar- antine at, 1 78 et seq. Parliament, Louis XIV. anxious to receive a report concerning, 98 et seq. ; opening of, (j:) ; account of, 102 et seq. Pembroke, Earl of, I 18 Pepys, 11, 12, 26, 27, 68, 70, 72, 76, 87, 12;, 126 Pepys, Mrs., 27 Persod, King's messenger, 137 Peterborough, 33 Philip IV'., of Spain, 1 76 Plato, 38 Poland, 124 258 INDEX. Pope, difficulties with the, 79, 1 1 1 et seq. Porter, 157 Portland, Earl of, 145 Portsmouth, fleet goes to, 137 Portugal, 19; at war with Spain, assisted by France and England, 123^/ seq Pytheas, 1 59, 160 O. Quakers, 1 1 5 Oueen-mother (Henrietta Maria), 75, H3 Ouinctilian, 49 R. Racine, 55, 61 Richcfons, his duel with Cominges, 36 Richelieu, Cardinal de, 37 Richmond, Duke of, 137 Roquelaure, 36 Ruvigny, Marquis de, 50, 64 Ruyter, 181 S. Saardam, shipbuilders of, 175 Sable, Madame de, 170 St. Albans, Earl of, 78, 123, 14.4 St. Evremont, 64, 65 St. Simon, 13, 33, 40 Salisbury, removal to, on account of the plague, 168 et seq. Sandwich, Earl of, 175 Savignac, 36 Savile, English Ambassador to France, 104 Scrope, Mrs., 1 5 1 Scudery, 37 Sevignc, Marquise de, 34, 37 Shakespeare, 54, 55, 56 Simonnet, banker, 51 Sorbicres, Samuel de, 60, 61 ; his book on England, 62 ; his banishment, 63 ; answered by Sprat, 63 Somaize, 37 Souvre, Commandcur de, 1 70 Spain, 21, 121 et seq., 126 Sprat, Thomas, answers Sorbicres, 63 Stewart, Miss, 87, 88, 151, 170 Strozzi, Count, 24 T. Talbot, later Duke of Tyrconnel, 156, 182 Tale of a tub, 54 Temple, Sir William, 19, 64, 174 Torcy, Marquis de, 161 Trevor, Sir John, 71 et seq. Tunis, 132 Turenne, 121, 176 Tuscan envoy, 75 V. Venice, 23, 132 Verneuil, Henri de Bourbon, Due de, 53, 138, 1^9; his love of dogs, 162, 168 ; loses his dogs, 180; dies, 182 Verneuil, Henrietta de Balzac, Marquise de, I 38 Vienna, 132 Villeroy, 39 Vossius, 61 INDEX. 259 W. Watteville, 22, 2}, 29, 50 West Indies, 169 William the Conqueror, 103 Witt, John de, 145 Woolwich, 3 1 Y. York, James, Duke of, 7+, 83, 89, | Zulestein, 31 105, 106, 135 et seq., 144 ; his naval victory, 145, 171, 172 York, Duchess of, 74, 107, 153, 1 54 York House, 83 Z. 5EIje ©resfjam Press, L'NWIN BROTHERS, CHILWORTII AM) LONDON 75 (L 110 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara College Library Santa Barbara, California Return to desk from which borrowed. This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. [G§£p§y- 20m-8,'54(6472s4)476