~ gBgS^ -. -^V..^ > . H I S T O R Y OF THE UNITED STATES, FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO Till] ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON. BY J. A. SPENCER, D. D., MEMBER OF THE AUKKICAN KTHXOLOGICAL SOCIETY AUTHOR OF "EGYPT AN I) THE HOLY LAND," ETC., ETC., ETC . illustrate toitlj btcjblij Jfhibfjcb tecl <ngrafainjg3, IXCLUDIXO HISTORICAL SCENES AND FULL-LENGTH PORTRAITS, FROM ORIGINAL ] A I X T 1 N G S Jl Y LEUTZE, WEIR, POWELL, C 11 A P P F. I. AM.S 7 , AM) OTHSR AMERICA* ARTISTS. VOLUME I. Stfo fork: JOHNSON, FRY AND COMPANY" 27 BEE KM AX STREET. Entered, recording to Act of Congress, in tlie year one thousnnd eigTu hundred and sixty-dx, UT JOHNSON, F K, Y A COMPANY, It the Clerk s Office ot the District Court of the United States, for the Southern District cf New Y ,rk. .Add to Lib. & v r^ Gli-T v.l TO THt PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN MEMORY OF fCoftjj sgruuipUiS aatl OH THE MEN WHO FOUNDED THE UNION, ONE AND FOREVER, THE INDISSOLUBLE BOND OF OUR FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE, &bis Jpistorn IS RESPECTFULLY AND EARNESTLY DEDICATED. M80956; PREFACE. IN presenting to the public a new HISTORY OP THE UNITED STATES, the indulgence of the reader is asked to a few preliminary remarks respecting the object had in view in these volumes, and the claims whtch they have upon the attention of the American people. The one great object ever before me has been to present a truthful, impartial, and readable narrative of the origin, rise, and progress of that mighty Republic which, extending from ocean to ocean, is destined to assume yet higher rank, and to wield larger and larger influence among the family of nations. Having an entire and thorough conviction of the superintending care and control of Divine Providence in our country s affairs ; having no ends to gain but those of truth and right ; having no theories to establish, no partisan views or wishes to gratify ; I have honestly endeavored to ascertain what the truth is, and then to set it forth as clearly, and as fully, as was possible within the limits to which I was restricted. Mere speculations on historic points, I have avoided ; attempts to penetrate or pronounce upon the motives of men and nations, beyond what may be regarded as plainly and fairly deducible from their acts, I have deemed of little value ; and, in general, I have preferred to leave the intelligent reader to draw his own con clusion from an impartial presentation of the facts and circumstances of the case. At the same time, in cases of difficulty or doubt, I have carefully and conscientiously sought to compare and sift conflicting accounts, and to arrive at that which seemed to be the nearest approximation to the truth which, probably, under the circumstances, can now be attained. CONTENTS OF VOL. I. BOOK FIRST. FROM THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA TO THE ACCESSION OF WILLIAM III. CHAPTER I. 1492-1609. EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. Voyages of the Northmen Vinland 1 Knowledge on this subject in the 15th century .... 2 Christopher Columbus 2 His early life, genius, labors, etc 2, 8 Discovery of America Origin of the name 3, 4 Amerigo Vespucci 4 Sebastian Cabot s voyages 5 Cortereal Ponce de Leon Verrazzani 6, 7 Cartier Robertval De Soto 8 Ribault Melendez De Gourgues 9, 10 Champlain Canada Acadie 11, 12 CHAPTER II. 1492-1600. THE ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. Origin of the name INDIANS 13 American antiquities 14 General characteristics of the Indian tribes 14 Manners, customs, government, laws, etc 14, 15 War the Indian s great business 15 Females Numbers Dialects 16 Intimation of prophecy 17 European views of the rights of Indians 18 Origin of difficulties 19 CHAPTER III. 1553-1606. ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION BY THE ENGLISH. Willoughby and Chancellor 20 Reign of Elizabeth 21 Frobbher and Drake 22 Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Raleigh . . 22, 23 Roanoke and VIRGINIA 25, 26 Lane, the governor Harriot 26, 27 Abandonment of the colony 27 New one sent out White, the governor 28 Virginia Dare Colony lost entirely 28, 29 Assignment of Raleigh s patent 29 Gosnold James L 29, 30 London company Plymouth company 30 Charter Instructions issued by the king 31, 32 CHAPTER IV. 1606-1625. COLONIZATION OF VIRGINIA. The London company 32 Members of the council and emigrants 83 Jamestown John Smith 83 His eminent value to the colony 33 Sickness Smith taken prisoner 24 Saved by Pocahontas 34 Smith explores the Chesapeake 35 New charter Lord Delaware captain-general 35 Smith returns to England 36 The " starving-time" Return of better days 37, 38 Enlargement of grant 39 Marriage of Pocahontas 39 Argall Yeardley 40 First colonial assembly 4] Introduction of Negro slavery 4] Massacre by the Indians Retaliation 42 Dissolution of the company 43 Death of King James 43 CHAPTER V. 1609-1640. SETTLEMENT OF NEW NETHERLAND. Henry Hudson 44 Discovers and explores the Hudson River 44 His conduct to the natives His fate 44 45 Dutch East India company 45 New Netherland The Walloons 45 Purchase of Manhattan Island 46 Vlll CONTENTS OF VOL. I. Plan of colonization 46 The patroons and their purchases 46 Difficulties of this plan 47 llinuit recalled Van Twiller, governor 47 Disputes with the English 47 The Swedes on the Delaware 48 CHAPTER VI. 1620-1631. FOUNDATION OF NEW ENGLAND. Interest and importance of New England history. . 49 The Reformation Its effects 49 The English Reformation 60 Progress under Henry VIII., Mary, etc 50 James I. His education, etc 50 The Puritans and the Church of England 51 Internal dissensions J The Brownists or Independents 52 Elders Brewster and Robinson 52 Emigration to Holland Removal to Leyden. ... 52, 53 Reasons for leaving Holland 53 Determination to colonize in America 54 Stormy voyage Reach the coast 54, 55 Social compact Plymouth rock 55, 56 Sufferings during the winter 56 Plantation at Wissagusset 57 State of the colony in 1630 59 Massachusetts Bay colony 59 Charter and company transferred to New England. 60 Foundation of Boston Severe trials 62 Theocratic basis of the government 68 Position and influence of the ministers 63 CHAPTER VII. 1631-1640. PROGRESS OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES. Emigration in 1632 Arrivals in 1633 64 Rights of the freemen under the charter 64 Dudley, governor 64 Progress of the colony under Winthrop 64 Royal colonial commission 65 Alarm in Massachusetts Measures taken 65 Case of Roger Williams Flight to Providence . . 65, 66 Mrs. Hutchinson s heresies and fate 67, 68 Settlements in Connecticut 68 Origin and result of the Pequod war 69-72 Religious dissensions Effects 73 Coast of Maine Nova Scotia and Canada 73 Estimated cost of colonization up to 1 640 74 CHAPTER VIII. 1625-1660. PROGRESS OF VIRGINIA. Wyatt, governor of Virginia Yeardley West ... 74 Harvey, governor Revisal of the laws 74, 75 Jealousy of Maryland 76 Complaints against Harvey 75 Harvey s administration Wyatt s administration . . 76 Sir William Berkeley His character 76 Second revisal of laws Colony firm in loyalty. ... 76 War with the Indians 75 Independence of Virginia 75 Authority of Parliament enforced 77 Sir William Berkeley, re-elected 77 Principles of popular liberty 78 CHAPTER IX. 1632-1660. ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MARYLAND. Peculiarity in the origin of Maryland 78 Calvert, Lord Baltimore His character 78 The Charter Boundary of the colony 79 Opposition of Olayborne 79 Leonard Calvert in command of the expedition .... 80 First settlers St. Mary s 80 Lord Baltimore s expenditure on the colony 80 First colonial assembly Its acts Disputes 81 Second and third assemblies Statutes 81 Lord Baltimore s policy Act of toleration 81 Maryland claimed by different parties 82 Fendal s troubles and the result 82 Population and growth of Maryland in 1660 83 CHAPTER X. 1638-1685. NEW NETHERLAND : NEW TORK AND NEW JERSEY. Kieft, governor of New Netherland 88 Encroachments of Connecticut people 83 Indian War Bitter fruits 84, 85 Petrus Stuyvesant, governor 85 Kieft a death Stuyvesant s efforts 85, 86 Convention of delegates Dissolved 87 Reduction of the Swedes Dispute with Maryland. 87 New England restiveness 87 New Amsterdam surrenders to the English 88 NEW YORK Albany Banks of the Delaware 89 NEW JERSEY Origin Carteret, governor 90 Dutch attack Attempt on Connecticut 90, 91 The Quakers The Presbyterians from Scotland ... 91 Chartered liberties granted to New York 92 CHAPTER XI. 1640-1660. NEW ENGLAND DURING THE COMMONWEALTH. Condition of the New England colonies in 1640. ... 93 Fundamental?, or Body of Liberties 94 Annexation of New Hampshire. . . , 94 Articles of Confederation of United Colonies ...... 94 Religions troubles in Massachusetts 90 Gorton s heresy Death of Miantonimoh 96 Sympathy with the Parliament party 97 Roger Williams s voyage to England 97 CONTENTS OF VOL. I. Obtains a charter Providence plantations. ..... 97 Intolerant spirit of the theocratic party 98 First execution for witchcraft 98 Death of Winthrop Persecution of Quakers 98, 99 The magistrates defence End of the troubles. 101, 102 Eliot and his labors 102 Progress in morals, social life, etc 103 CHAPTER XII. 1660-1688. NEW ENGLAND UNDER CHARLES II. AND JAMES II. Restoration of Charles II. 104 Course adopted by the colonists 105 Internal difficulties and trials 105 Consequences of the restoration in England 106 Massachusetts commission The king s reply 106 Charter of Connecticut Its principles 107 Charter of Rhode Island Toleration 107 Massachusetts reply to the king s requisitions 108 Commissioners sent out Their course 108 The king s summons His probable designs 109 King Philip s war Its fearful details 110 New Hampshire 112 Massachusetts charter declared to be forfeited 112 Andros appointed governor Connecticut 113 Saving of the charter of Connecticut 113 CHAPTER XIII. 1660-1688. VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. Changes in Virginia 114 Causes of these changes Classes of settlers 114 Aristocracy Navigation act 115 Intolerance of the ruling party 115 Culpepper and Arlington Charter solicited 116 Causes which led to Bacon s rebellion Til 6 Course pursued by Berkeley 117 Progress of the contest Success of Bacon 117 Bacon s sudden death " Bacon s laws" 117 Subsequent suffering of the colony 119 Affairs in Maryland General prosperity 120 Efforts in favor of church establishment 120 Insurrection stirred up by Fendal 121 Writ issued against the charter 121 Downfall of James II. . , .121 CHAPTER XIV. 1630-1690. ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OK THE C AROLINAS. PA Heath s patent in 1 630 Settlements about 1 660 . 121,122 Measures adopted towards the settlers 122 Albemarle Clarendon Second charter 123 The " Grand Model" of John Locke 124 Spanish intrigues Discontents Emigration 126 Proprietaries dissatisfied Increase in population . . 127 The buccaneers Favored by the Carolinians 1 27 James II. and the Quo Warranto troubles 128 Progress of North and South Carolina 128 CHAPTER XV. 1661-1688. PENN AND PENNSYLVANIA. "William Penn His education, character, etc. . .129, 130 PENNSYLVANIA Terms of the charter 130 Course pursued towards the Indians 131 Frame of government Provisions 131 Quit-claim from the Duke of York 132 Penn s voyage to New York Freemen assembled. 132 Code of laws Boundary question 132, 133 Penn s intercourse with the natives 133 Meeting of the legislative body Its acts 134 Penn s trials and difficulties with the colonists 135 The result Lower counties on the Delaware 135 Penn deprived of his administration 135 CHAPTER XVI. 1626-1689. FRENCH COLONIAL ENTERPRISE. New France Labors of Franciscans and Jesuits,. . . 136 Their explorations Charlevoix s account 137 War with the Five Nations A truce 138 Company of New France given up 138 Marquette and the Mississippi 139 La Salle Enterprise and activity 139 LOUISIANA La Salle goes to France Expedition. . . 140 Descends the Mississippi to its mouth 140 Fatal termination Affairs in Canada 141 De la Barre Denonville 141, 142 War with the Five Nations 142 French attempts at colonization English attempts. 143 Accession of William III. War in consequence. . . 143 BOOK SECOND. FROM THE ACCESSION OF WILLIAM III. TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. CHAPTER I. 1689-1697. KEW ENGLAND AND NEW YORK : FIRST INTERCOLONIAL WAR. Accession of William III. Its effects 147 War with France Intercolonial War 148 Course pursued by Massachusetts, Virginia, Mary land, and New York 146 " Protestant Revolution" in Maryland 150 Jacob Leisler His career and fate 160 Opening of the War Attack on Dover 151 CONTENTS OF VOL. I. Frontenac Destruction of Schenectady 152 War party sent against Salmon Falls 153 Attempt at conquest of Canada unsuccessful 154 New charter of Massachusetts 156 Witchcraft delusion Development and progress. . . 156 Salem the principal scene Strange history . . . 157-160 Oj ster River PemaquidFort Haverhill disasters. 161 Brave Mrs. Dustin Peace of Ryswick 161, 162 CHAPTER II. 1696-1748. NEW ENGLAND: SECOND AND THIRD INTERCOLONIAL WARS. Board of Trade and Plantations f . . . . 163 Lord Bellamont governor of Massachusetts 163 His address and popularity Piracy 164 Bellamont s death Dudley his successor 165 Second intercolonial war Preparations 166 Indians under De Rouville 166 Deerfield and Haverhill massacres 166 Expedition against Canada unsuccessful 167 Combined attack projected Failure and loss 167 Results of the peace of Utrecht 168 Parties on the subject of currency and commerce . . 168 Shute, governor Disputes Piracy suppressed .... 169 Small-pox and inoculation 170 Burnet, governor Dispute about the salary 170 Belcher successor of Burnet 171 Troubles on the frontier Retaliation 171 The New England Courant Franklin 172 Belcher displaced Shirley, governor 172 Boundary disputes settled 172 Third intercolonial war 173 Capture of Louisburg Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle 174, 175 CHAPTER III. 1691-1748. NEW YORK NEW JERSEY PENNSYLVANIA. Party feuds in New York 176 Fletcher s administration Schuyler and the Indians 176 Fletcher s efforts in Pennsylvania and Connecticut . 178 Barbarities of Indian warfare 179 Lord Bellamont, governor His administration. . . . 179 Lord Cornbury appointed His character and acts. 180 Lovelace, governor His death 181 Expedition again Canada 181 Hunter, governor German emigrants 181 Burnet appointed 182 Cosby, governor Trial of Zenger 182 Gov. Clarke s disputes with the Assembly 183 The " Negro plot" in New York 184 Clinton, governor 184 Efforts against the French and Indians 184 Affairs of New Jersey at this date 185 Trouble in Pennsylvania 185 William Penn in America 186 " Charter of privileges" Penn s return to England . 186 Evans removed Gookin, governor 187 Sir William Keith his successor 187 Governor Thomas and the controversy between the proprietaries and the Assembly 188 CHAPTER IV. 1690-1748. VIRGINIA MARYLAND THE CAROUNAS. Nicholson, governor Dr. Blair, commissary 188 Administration of Andros 189 Founding of Williamsburg 190 Powers of the governor Spirit of liberty 190 Office of governor made a sinecure 191 Spotswood s administration His acts 191 Gouch s administration Progress of Virginia 192 Affairs in Maryland Dr. Bray, commissary 192 " Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in For eign Parts" 192 Persecution of the Roman Catholics 192 Lord Baltimore becomes a Protestant 192 Question of boundary Progress of Maryland 193 Affairs in Carolina : Feuds, etc 193 " Grand Model" abrogated Archdale s labors 193 Introduction of rice 194 Dissenters disfranchised 194 Church of England established by law 194 Mr. Bancroft on North Carolina 194 War with the Tuscaroras 194 Attack on St. Augustine unsuccessful 195 Paper money issued War with the Indians. ... 195,196 Craven victorious Heavy loss and debt 197 Revolution in South Carolina 197 Proprietaries sell out to the king , , . 197 Treaty of peace and amity with the Cherokees. . . . 197 Advance of the colony despite its trials 198 CHAPTER V. 1732-1754. FOUNDING AND PROGRESS OF GEORGIA. Origin of Georgia 199 James Edward Oglethorpe: Character, etc 199 Object of the colony Error of Judgment 199 Oglethorpe at the head of the colony 200 Founding of Savannah 200 Emigration of Lutherans from Salzburg 200 Moravians Jews Highlanders 200, 201 Charles and John Wesley in Georgia 201 Slavery desired When introduced 201 Spanish claims to the territory 201 Oglethorpe s plans Resists Spanish pretensions . . . 202 Attack on St. Augustine unsuccessful 202 Spanish hostile expedition 202 Oglethorpe s trial Charges against him 202 His complete vindication 202 Whitfield in America The great revival 202, 203 Changes Slow progress of Georgia 205 Expensiveness of the colony 205 Royal governor appointed The people hospitable. 206 CONTENTS OF VOL. I. CHAPTER VI. 1698-1753. COLONIZATION AND PROGRESS OF LOUISIANA. MM D Iberville Colonists led by him 206 Enters the Mississippi 207 English jealousy Outwitted by Bienville 207 D Iberville ascends the Mississippi Losses 207 D lberville s death Settlement at Mobile 208 Colonists kept alive by help from abroad 208 Grant to Crozat Cadillac, governor 208 Depressed state of the colony 208 The Mississippi company John Law and his career 209 Colonists sent out New Orleans founded 210 War with Spain Population in 1727 210, 211 Massacre by the Natchez Indians Retaliation 211 War with the Chickasaws 211 Difficult to subdue this brave tribe 211 Bienville leaves Louisiana 211 Administration of the Marquis de Vaudreuil 211 Kerlerec appointed governor 211 CHAPTER VII. 1700-1750. GENERAL CONDITION OF THE COLONIES. A brief survey of the condition of the colonies 212 Population of Virginia 212 State of manners, etc Trade and commerce 213 Report to the Board of Trade 213 Complaints by the Virginians of the royal officers . 213 Population of Massachusetts Trade, etc 213 Connecticut and Rhode Island 214 Progress of New Hampshire 214 Earthquake in New England 215 Religion in New England 215 Improvement in manners Mode of living Fashions 215 The colonists and the subject of independence 216 Progress of Maryland Trade, etc., of the Carolinas 217 New York Tea Contraband trade 218 Manners, etc., in New York Albany and its people 218 New Jersey Pennsylvania Its trade, etc 219 Final struggle approaching between the English and French in America 219 CHAPTER VIII 1749-1755. THE FOURTH INTERCOLONIAL WAR. Designs and claims of the French 220 Counter claims of the English 220 The Ohio company Its policy and efforts 221 GEORGE WASHINGTON Early life and training 222 His father s death The mother of Washington 222, 223 Method, orderly habUs, activity, spirit, etc 223 Becomes a surveyor Military appointment 224 His brother Lawrence s death 224 Bent to visit the French post on the Ohio 225 His ad venturous mission Return His journal. 225, 226 A {(pointed lieutenant-colonel 226 The affair with Jumonville True account 227 Obliged to capitulate at Fort Necessity 228 Thanks of the Assembly to Washington 228 Plan of union and confederation 228 Levy of troops called for Dieskau s force 229 111 usage of colonial officers 229 Braddock commander-in-chief 229 Braddock s character and conduct 230 Franklin s conversation with Braddock 230 Washington serves as aid-de-camp 231 His urgent advice rejected by Braddock 231 Troops routed by Indians and French in ambush. . . 232 Death of Braddock 232 Washington s preservation Panic of the army .... 232 CHAPTER IX. 1755-1763. PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION OF THE WAR. Expedition up the Bay of Fundy 233 Acadie and the French neutrals Expatriation .... 234 Shirley s expedition against Oswego 234 William Johnson Influence with the Indians 235 Battle of Lake George Dieskau s death 235, 236 Fort William Henry Indians on the frontier 236 Washington made colonel Devotion to duty . 236, 237 War declared by England 237 London, commander-in-chief Bradstreet 237 Montcalm takes Oswego His activity 237 Loudon against Louisburg Too late 238 Montcalm assaults Fort William Henry 238 Slaughter of the troops after surrender 239 Montcalm s share in this act of treachery 239 Complaints and discontent general 239 Pitt prime minister His energetic course 239 Attack on Louisburg This stronghold taken 240 Abercrombie against Ticonderoga 240 Lord Howe s death 240 Abercrombie repulsed Superseded by Amherst ... 241 Conquest of Canada determined upon 242 Amherst s expedition Capture of Ticonderoga. . . . 242 Prideaux and Johnson take Niagara 243 Attack on Quebec Wolfe sand Montcalm s death 243, 244 Canada subdued Views of French statesmen 246 Washington s marriage 246 Member of the House of Burgesses 246 Great exultation in the colonies at success 247 Cherokee war at the south Conclusion 247 Otis against " writs of assistance" 249 English against the French in the West Indies 250 The English masters on the continent 250 The conspiracy of Poiitiac End of the contest. . . . 250 CHAPTER X. 1764-1766. ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTENT. Progress of settlements Advance in wealth, etc. 251, 252 Recuperative energies of the colonies 263 Xll CONTENTS OF VOL. I. Causes which led to the contest 254 M. Guizot s philosophical remarks 254 Policy of the English government in having ten thousand troops in America 256 Walpole s view as to taxation Grenville s plan . . . 257 How the news was received in America 258 Resolution of the General Court in Massachusetts . . 258 Instructions to the agent in England 259 Otis s bold pamphlet Action in the other colonies. 259 Reasons for delaying the passage of the stamp act. . 259 View of the colonists on this point 259 Excitement in regard to it; but urged forward .... 260 Ignorance in England of America 260 Taxation and representation inseparable 260 Townshend s inquiry Barrels eloquent rejoinder . . 261 Franklin s letter to Thompson The " quartering act" 262 Patrick Henry and the Virginia Assembly 262 Henry s speech COLONIAL CONGRESS recommended . 263 Popular outbreaks in various places 264 Assembling of the Colonial Congress in New York . 265 No stamps allowed to be used 265, 266 Riot in New York Stamp act treated with contempt 266 " Sons of Liberty" Parliament of 1766 267 Pitt s great speech Grenville s speech Pitt s reply 268 Franklin s evidence before the House of Commons. . 270 Repeal of the stamp act carried 271 Camden s views The king s assent 272 General joy in England at this result 272 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER X. I. Franklin s letter to "W. Alexander, Esq 273 IL The Stamp Act 274-278 CHAPTER XI. 1766-1774. PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. Repeal of the stamp act acceptable 279 Conway s circular letter 279 Governor Bernard s offensive course 280 Change of feeling in America 280 Eminent statesmen and orators of the day 281 Pendleton, Bland, Wythe, R. H. Lee, Jefferson 281 S. Adams, Hancock, Gushing, Bowdoin, Quincy, etc 282 Rutledge, Gadsden, Laurens, Ramsay 285 Change in the English ministry 285 Townshend urged on by Grenville to tax America . 286 M. Guizot s statements "Letters of a Farmer" 286, 287 Petition to the king 287 Bernard s course Spirit of the Assembly 288, 289 Case of the sloop Liberty 289 Excitement in Boston caused by impressment 290 Arrival of the troops Indignation of the Bostonians 291 The general court refuse to act 292 Progress of the dispute with Bernard 292 Course pursued by other colonies 293 Right of taxation still maintained 293 Vacillating course of the English ministry 294 Reconciliation hardly possible 294 The " Boston massacre" Trial of Preston, etc. 295, 296 Noble course of Quincy and Adams 296 Lord North s proposal Pownall s views 297 Salaries of the governor and judges to be paid by the crown 297 Very offensive to the people Case of the Gaspe 297, 298 Hutchinson s letters Excitement 298 Franklin s share in the matter 298 Action in Virginia A crisis at hand 299 Determination that the tea should not be landed. . . 299 The famous " Boston Tea Party" 801 Insurrection in North Carolina 303 Daniel Boone Emigration to America 304, 305 Ohio Indians Speech of Logan 307 Religious sects and influence Colleges 307, 308 CHAPTER XII. 1774-1775. AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. Collision inevitable 308 Ignorance in England of the spirit and energy of Americans The king s message 309 The Boston port bill Boston to be punished 310 Bill for regulating government of Massachusetts . . . 310 Chatham s and Burke s opposition 311 Gage, governor of Massachusetts 311 Views of a town meeting held in Boston 312 Quincy s " Observations on the Boston Port Bill" . . 312 Action of the Virginia House of Burgesses 31 "Washington s views and course 313 A general congress recommended 313 Delegates to general congress appointed 315 Port of Boston closed on the 1st of June 316 " Solemn League and Covenant" 316 Other coercive measures put in force 316 Preparation for probable collision 317 Gage fortifies Boston Neck 317 Recent acts virtually nullified 318 Meeting of the FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS 318 Illustrious men among its members 319 Henry s and Lee s speeches Prayers daily 319 The " Declaration of Colonial Rights" 320 Measures resolved upon by Congress 324 Ability of the papers issued by Congress 325 Preparation for war Boston at this time 326 Proceedings of Congress generally approved 327 Lord North s course Silly braggadocio 328 The king s feelings Chatham s eloquent speech . . . 329 Course pursued by Parliament 333 North s conciliatory plan Burke s and Hartley s 333, 334 Gage s course His force in Boston 384 His rash procedure Battle of Lexington 335 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. L An Association signed by eighty-nine mem bers of the late House of Burgesses .... 337 II. Address to the People of Great Britain 388 IIL Address to the Inhabitants of the Anglo-Amer ican Colonies 342 IV. Petition to the King 848 CONTENTS OF VOL. I. xni CHAPTER XIII. 1775. THE LAST TEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. MM Spirit roused by the battle of Lexington 352 Troops raised Boston besieged 853 Ethan Allen and Green Mountain Boys 853 Ticonderoga and Crown Point taken 354 Second Continental Congress Difficulties, etc. 354, 355 Congress authorize $3,000,000 in paper money .... 356 Provincial Congress in New York. 856 Appointment of a commander-in-cliief 356 Washington unanimously chosen His acceptance. . 357 Four major-generals and eight brigadier-generals . . 357 Arrival of reinforcements at Boston 358 Gage proposes active measures 358 Breed s Hill fortified by mistake 358 Battle of Bunker Hill Royal troops routed. . . 359-361 Washington finds the army sadly in want 361 Vigorous efforts to organize and discipline the army 362 Further issue of paper money by Congress 362 Efforts as respected the Indians 363 Colonel Guy Johnson s course 865 Georgia joins the other colonies 365 TUB THIRTEEN UNITED COLONIES 365 "Washington s trials Necessity of & regular army . . 365 Correspondence with General Gage 366 Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence 369 Expedition into Canada Montreal taken 370-372 Quebec assaulted Montgomery killed 372, 373 Americans finally driven out of Canada 374 Washington confers with Congress as to the troops. 375 Outrages by English vessels 377 Congress lay the foundation of the navy 378 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIIL L A Declaration setting forth the causes and ne cessity of the colonies taking up arms . . . 378 IL Second Petition to the King 381 CHAPTER XIV. 1775-1776. THE BIRTH-YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. rtat Course of Parliament looked to with anxiety 384 Debates in Parliament 385 Act prohibiting trade with colonies 385 The crisis at hand Paine s "Common Sense". . 386, 387 Norfolk bombarded Conolly a Indian scheme 389 State of feeling in New York 389 Press of Rivington s Gazette destroyed 389 Lee in command in New York 390 Tory influence predominant 390 Washington and the " round jackets and rifle shirts" 391 Singular aspect of affairs 392 The alternative, submission or independence 392 Washington before Boston 393 Scarcity of provisions in the city 393 Dorchester Heights occupied 394 Thanks of Congress to Washington 398 Putnam sent on to New York Lee goes south .... 399 Washington meets Congress 399 Attempt to seize Washington s person 399 Proceedings with respect to colonial governments. . 400 Clinton s attack on Charleston 401 Sergeant Jasper s heroic conduct 402 Declaration of Independence necessary 402 Instructions to the delegates 403 Proceedings and debates in Congress 403 THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 406 Importance of the ground then taken 409 The jubilee day 409 Moral force of our fathers position 410 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIV. I. Draft of the Declaration of Independence and the amendments made by Congress 410 IL Extract from John Quincy Adams s Fourth of July Oration, 1831 .416 BOOK THIRD. FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE TO THE TREATY OF PEACE. CHAPTER I. 1776. EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776w The Declaration of Independence read to the army. 421 How received -in New York 422 Course pursued by Congress 422 Necessity of some articles of confederation 423 Defence of New York to be provided for 423 Arrival of the British under the Howes 423 Proclamation of the English commissioners 428 Attempt at communication with Washington 424 American operations in Canada 425 Naval battle on Lake Champlain 426 Carleton s failure to advance southwardly 427 Jealousies and quarrels Washington s rebuke 428 Howe s force Exploits of Captain Talbot 429, 430 The battle of Long Island, disastrous 432 Retreat from Brooklyn Encampment at Harlem. . 434 Washington s letter to Congress 434 Depression of the Americans 435 Hale s self-sacrificing expedition Death as a spy . . 436 Howe s plan of operation 436 Conduct of the militia Washington s danger. . 436, 437 Retreat from New York Narrow escape 437 Sickness in the camp, desertions, etc 438 Washington s letter to Congress 438 Army to be reorganized 438 Howe s change of plan Washington s retreat 439 Battle of White Plains Fort Washington lost . 440, 441 Retreat through the Jerseys begun 441 T1V CONTENTS OF VOL. I. Retreat continued Lee s capture 442, 443 British movements in Rhode Island 444 Washington s nobleness of character 445 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER L Judge Drayton s remarks on Lord and General Howe s Declaration 446 CHAPTER II. 1776-1777. PROGRESS OF THE WAR. Committee on foreign relations 451 Franklin s letter to Dumas Deane in Paris . . . 451, 452 Extent to which France was willing to go 453 Progress of negotiations Position of Congress. 454, 455 Washington s letter to the president of Congress. . . 455 Vast powers conferred on him 456 Action of Parliament. 457 Surprise and capture of the Hessians at Trenton . . . 459 Effects of this success 460 Washington s retreat and attack on Princeton 461 General Mercer s death Proclamation 462, 463 Botta s eulogy on Washington 464 Excesses and abominations of war 464 Similar excesses on the side of the Americans 466 Sufferings of the prisoners in New York 466 British attack on Peekskill and on Danbury 469 General Wooster s death Success at Sag Harbor . . 469 Washington s arrangements to meet Howe 470 Howe attempts to surprise Washington 471 Nsw Jersey evacuated by the British 471 Preparations in New York for a naval expedition. . 471 Washington s first interview with Lafayette 471 Seizure of General Prescott 47 2 British fleet enter the Chesapeake 472 Washington determines to defend Philadelphia .... 473 Battle of the Brandywine Wayne surprised. . 473-475 Fresh powers conferred on Washington 475 Hamilton s activity Philadelphia abandoned 475 Battle of Germantown 476 British efforts to clear the Delaware 478 Howe s offer of battle declined Approach of winter 479 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II. L Letter from General Robertson, and Governor Livingston s Reply 480 II. Charge of John Jay, Esq., to the Grand Jury. 481 CHAPTER III. 1777. THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. Burgoyne s appointment His force 484, 485 Burgoyne s speech to the Indians 485 His grandiloquent proclamation 486 St. Clair at Ticonderoga 486 St. Glair s retreat Pursued by the British. . . . 487, 488 Severe loss to the Americans 488 Consternation throughout the colonies 489 Schuyler s efforts to retard Burgoyne s advance. . . 490 Reinforcements sent to the north 491 Burgoyne s slow progress Difficulties in his way. . 491 Sends an expedition against Bennington 492 Zeal of Langdon Stark in command 492. 493 Baum defeated St. Leger on the Mohawk 494, 495 Invests Fort Stanwix Battle near Oriskany 496 Arnold s stratagem British retreat 496, 497 Gates appointed over Schuyler 498 Gates s correspondence with Burgoyne 498 Death of Miss McCrea 499 Burgoyne crosses the Hudson Battle atStillwater. 500 Crisis in affairs Second battle Sharp contest .... 501 Fraser s death Lady Ackland s heroism 502 Burgoyne attempts to retreat Capitulation. . . 503, 504 Clinton on the Hudson Vandalism of Vaughan 505, 506 Botta s remarks Americans kind to the foe. . . 507, 508 Congress refuse to allow British troops to embark . . 508 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IIL L Burgoyne s Proclamation, etc 509 Poetic version of the proclamation 511 II. Extract from Gates s and Burgoyne s corres pondence 513 CHAPTER IV. 1777-1778. PROGRESS OF THE WAR DURING 1777-8. Effect of the victory of Saratoga 515 Need of confederation and union 516 Circular letter of Congress 5lt} Winter quarters at Valley Forge 518 Intense sufferings of the army 518 Distresses among the officers 521 Washington advocates the half-pay system 521 Washington s trials His reputation assailed 522 Conway s cabal Persons connected with it 522 Washington s letter to Laurens 524 Party in Congress Board of War 525 Gates s and Mifflin s asseverations 525 Conway s confession 526 Magnanimity of Washington s conduct 526 Course of the French ministry 526 Effect of Gates s victory upon the French court. . . . 527 Lord North s conciliatory bills 528 Beaumarchais s connection with American affairs. . 528 Treaty with France 529 Notice of it to the English court 529 Conciliatory plans sent to America 529 Rejoicings at the treaty with France 530 Address by Congress to the people 530 Royal commissioners attempt negotiation 531 Reply of Congress 532 British foraging expeditions 533 Lafayette at Barren Hill 533 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV. I. Articles of Confederation 535 IL The Battle of the Kegs 689 Jfirst FROM THE DISCOYEET OF AMERICA TO THE ACCESSION OF WILLIAM III. 1492-1689. HISTORY OP THB UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. CHAPTEE I. 14921609. EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES, . Voyages of the Northmen Vinland State of Knowledge on this Subject in the 15th century Christopher Columbus His early life, his genius, labors and success Discovery of America Origin of the namo Ajierigo Vespucci Sebastian Cabot s voyages Cortereal Ponce de Leon Verrazzani Cartier Ro bertval De Soto Ribault, Melendez, De Gourges Champlain Canada, Acadie, New France. 1492. IT is not unlikely that the Western Continent had been visited by some chance adventurers before the period when it was made known to Europe by COLUMBUS. The researches of modern days into American an tiquities seem to have established, with tolerable certainty, the fact, that about the year of our Lord 1000, some of those daring navigators known as the "NORTHMEN," did acciden tally di/J30ver a part of the Continent of America, which they named "Vin land ;" and it may be that repeated voyages were made, and even colonies planted in the new world. But this discovery, and the many or few visits VOL. I.-3 1000. which were made to the region "Yin- land," produced no impression upon the old world, and ere long everything connected with the Northmen and their voyages was buried in oblivion; moreover, as Mr. Wheaton justly ob serves, " there is not the slightest reason to believe that the illustrious Genoese was acquainted with the Dis covery of North America by the Nor mans five centuries before his time, however well authenticated that fact now appears to be by the Icelandic records to which we have referred."* * " History of the Northmen, or Danes and Nor mans, from the Earliest Times to the Conquest of England by William of Normandy :" By Henry EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. [B K . L 1400. It is certain, as Mr. Irving states, " that at the becfmniri^ of the fif- O o teenth century, when the most intel ligent rninds were seeking in every direction for the scattered lights of geographical knowledge, a profound ignorance prevailed among the learned as to the western regions of the Atlantic ; its vast waters were regarded with awe and wonder, seem ing to bound the world as with a chaos, into which conjecture could not pene trate, and enterprise feared to adven ture."* Few, at that time, dared, even in dreams, to think of venturing forth upon the great and stormy ocean, and no man living probably ever imagined the existence of those vast regions which lay beyond the Atlantic. Doubt less many a one thought, and thought deeply and earnestly, upon these things, and we may well believe that many a one desired much to know what it was deemed almost presumption to suppose could ever be known by mortal man. But there was no man who determined resolutely, and with unflinching intre pidity, which we at this day cannot at all adequately appreciate, to launch forth upon the unknown and trackless waste of waters, before the illustrious, enthusiastic, and noble-hearted CHRIS TOPHER COLUMBUS arose to set his face Wheaton, L.L.D., p. 31? The reader who wishes further information may consult Wheaton s volume to advantage; also the " Antiquitaies Americana" edited by Prof. Rafn, 1837. * Irving s " Life and Voyages of Columbus" vol. i., p. 20. In proof of the statement made above, the au thor cites a passage from Xerif al Edrisi, a distin guished Arabian writer, which is a curious illustra tion of the views and feelings of even well-informed and intelligent men of that day. 1 135. 1470. westward, and open for ever after the pathway to the New World. This truly great man was born in the city of Genoa about the year 1435, and had two brothers and one sister younger than himself. His parents were poor, but they were able to give him, at the University of Pavia, the advantage of instruction in the Latin language, geometry, cosmography, as tronomy, and drawing. His progress was rapid and successful. Strongly bent upon becoming a sailor, at the early age of fourteen, he made his first voyage in company with a hardy old sea captain of the same name as his father. After many years of adven ture and various fortunes Columbus, in 1470, removed to Lisbon, which city, at that time, owing to the ability and sagacity of Prince Henry of Portugal, was the most busy port in Europe for commercial enterprise. He shortly after was married to the daughter of a distinguished navigator recently deceased. The active and ardent spirit of Co lumbus was deeply stirred within him by reflection and study, respecting the possibility of reaching the rich and attractive East Indies by sailing di rectly across tke Western Ocean. Heretofore the commodities of the far East had been brought overland by a long, tedious and expensive jour ney ; if a new route could be struck out, especially by water, and if the distance could be shortened as was then currently believed to be possible in a westerly direction it was certain to bring untold wealth into the hands of that nation which first succeeded in CH. I.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. opening the pathway to the Indies. Columbus was sure that, as the earth was spherical, if one sailed directly West he must in due time reach the lands of the East, and discover also any islands or lands which might lie between Europe and Asia. The more he thought of the matter the more sure he became, and when once he had reached a conclusion, it was with him a fixed and unalterable conclusion. Henceforth his only aim was how to get the means to prove the truth of his convictions, by actually sailing over the Atlantic Ocean to find the land of Cathay, or the easternmost regions of Asia. " It is singular," as Mr. Irving remarks in this connection, " how much the success of this great undertaking depended upon two happy errors, the imaginary extent of Asia to the East, and the supposed smallness of the earth ; both, errors of the most learned and profound philosophers, but with out which Columbus would hardly have ventured upon his enterprise."* He offered his services first to John II., king of Portugal ; but having been deceived and very unhandsomely treat ed by the king and his advisers, and also having, some time before, lost his wife, he took his sqn Diego, and in 1484, bade adieu to Portugal. Columbus next repaired to Spain, and made his suit at the court of Fer dinand and Isabella. The weary years of waiting upon the court of the im passive, calculating Ferdinand, the cold ness, the repulses, the neglect, the Biieers of contempt, the absurd preju- * Irving s " Life and Voyages of Columbus," vol. i., p. 53. 141. dice and conceited ignorance which he encountered, might well have worn out a man less resolute and determined than was Columbus ; but he never fal tered in his course ; he never gave up his great plan and purpose ; and his constancy and courage finally obtained thei^ just reward. "Let those, thenj who are disposed to faint under diffi culties, in the prosecution of any great and worthy undertaking, remember that eighteen years elapsed after the time that Columbus conceived his enter prise, before he was enabled to carry it into effect ; that the greater part of that time was passed in almost hope less solicitation, amidst poverty, neglect, and taunting ridicule ; that the prime of his life had wasted away in tho struggle, and that when his persever ance was finally crowned with success, he was about his fifty-sixth year. His example should encourage the enter prising never to despair." "" At last, through the generous im pulses of the noble-hearted Isabella, and the substantial seconding of the family of the Pinzons, Columbus was enabled, on Friday, August 3d, 1492, to embark on his adventurous voyage. His expedition consisted of only three caravels or small vessels, the Santa Maria, the Pinta, and the Nina. Happily preserved from the vio lence of storms, on Friday, the 12th of October, 1492, the eyes of Columbus were gladdened by the full view of land : the great mystery of the ocean lay revealed before him ; the theory which wise and learned men had scoffed * Irving s " Life and Voyages of Columbia? TO- i. p. 118. EARLY fOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. [Bu. I at was now triumphantly established ; and Columbus had secured to himself a glory as lasting as the world itself. The land thus reached proved to be the island Guanahani now called Cat Island, one of the Bahamas* which Columbus named SAN SALVADOR, in token of his devout gratitude to t God our Saviour. Of the further and important voyages and discoveries of Columbus, and to of the varied fortune which it 1503. , . , was his lot to meet with, it is not our present purpose to speak. Envy, detraction, injustice and cruelty embittered his latter days. Deprived of the honor, which was only his just due, of giving his name to the newly discovered world, and rendered hope less of all redress by the death, in 1504, of his patron and fast friend, the good queen Isabella, Columbus died at Valladolid, May 20th, 1506, at peace with the world, and sustained in his last hours by the hopes and consola tions of the Christian religion. The O selfish Ferdinand did indeed order a monument to his memory, with the motto taken from Columbus s coat of arms A CASTILLA Y A LEON NUEVO MUNDO DIO COLON : To Castile and Leon Columbus gave a new world but it could add nothing to the fame of Co lumbus; it simply serves to stamp the character and conduct of Ferdinand as one who was an unfeeling, ungene rous, ungrateful king. * Mr. George Gibbs, in an interesting paper read before the New York Historical Society, Oct. 6th, 1846, presents several cogent reasons for believing that the Grand Turk Island was the one which Co lumbus first touched at : his paper is worth ex amining. 1499. The name AMERICA which was ap plied to a portion of the Western Con tinent soon after its discovery, and which has now become its unal terable title, took its rise from a voyage made in 1499* by Amerigo Vespucci, a distinguished Florentine navigator. Vespucci wrote several let ters in Latin to Lorenzo de Medici, one of which was printed in 1505, being the first of his narratives that was pub lished. He also wrote a letter, dated Lisbon, September 4th, 1504, addressed to Rene, duke of Lorraine, in which it is claimed that he discovered the main land in 1497. Now, as he was a man of superior learning and intelligence, and as his name was thus publicly con nected with the New World as the Dis coverer of the Continent although he was not the first to reach Terra Firma. Columbus, and Cabot, and others hav ing preceded him it happened that a famous cosmographer, Martin Wald- seemiiller, of Fribourg, patronized by Rene, thought good, in 1507, to apply this name AMERICA to the New World The geographical works of Waldsee- miiller, who styled himself by the Grecianized title, Hylacomylas, went through repeated editions, and thus the name America became familiarized to the larger part of the civilized world. And so must it remain, though there / O can hardly be any one who can repress a sigh of regret at the injustice which has thus been done to Columbus. * Mr. C. E. Lester ("Life and Voyages of Ameri- cus Vespucius" pp. 93 108,) argues in favor of an earlier voyage, said to have been made in 1497 : Mi Irving has, however, successfully controverted this view, and his authority is followed in the text. (See "Life of Columbus? vol. iii., pp. 330315.) CH. I.] SEBASTIAN CABOT S VOYAGES. The marvellous discovery of a new world aroused the spirit of maritime enterprise in England, and to one of her sons indisputably belongs the glory of having first reached the Continent of NOKTII AMERICA. England had not yet assumed that position of preemi nence in naval affairs which she after wards acquired. Long and exhausting civil wars had prevented the develop ment of that active energy and hardy endurance which have since character ized the natives of England on the ocean. Yet when the news of what Columbus had done reached England, Henry VII., a shrewd and thrifty mon arch, was ready at once to enter into competition for the prizes which the new world might disclose. Accord ingly he availed himself with eager ness of the offer of John Cabot, a Ve netian* merchant, residing in Bristol, to fit out several vessels for discovery which might be made any where north of the route originally taken by Co lumbus. In a patent obtained from the king, and signed at Westminster, March 5th, 1496, Cabot was au thorized, with his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian and Sancius, " to saile to all parts, countreys and seas of the East, of the West, and of the North, under our banners and ensisrns, with * Charlevoix (" Travels, &c., in 1720,") notices a point connected with early discoveries in America well worth remembering : " I cannot dispense with a passing remark. It is very glorious to Italy, that the three powers which now divide between them al most the whole of America, owe their first discove ries* to Italians the Spanish to Columbus, a Genoese, the English to John Cabot and his sons, Venetians, and the French to Verrazzani, a citizen of Florence." Robastian Cabot, however, as noted above, was a na tive of England. 149C. 1497. five ships, of what burden or quantitie soever they may be, and as many mari ners and men as they will have with them in the said ships, upon their own proper cost and charges, to seeke out, discover and find whatsoever isles, coun treys, regions or provinces of the hea then and infidels, whatsoever they may be, and in what part of the world so ever they may be, which before this time have been unknown to all Chris tians."* The expedition sailed under the command of Sebastian Cabot, who was born in Bristol, England, a youth ful but sagacious mariner, and on June 24th, 149V, they discov ered land, which was a part of the coast of Labrador, and which they named Prima Vista : they saw also an island, which they called St. John s Island, from the day on which it was discov ered : it was " full of white bears, and stagges, far greater than the English."f Disappointed in his expectation of find ing a north-west passage to the land of Cathay, or the Indies, with its marvels and wonders, as old Marco Polo tells them, Cabot returned to England. He made a second voyage to America, the particulars of which have been but scantily preserved. On a third voyage, in 1517, Hudson s Bay was undoubt edly entered, and Cabot penetrated to about the sixty-seventh degree of north latitude ; but his crew, terrified by the fields of ice, in the month of July, clamored for a return, and Cabot re luctantly sailed back to England. This eminent navigator, having lived to a * Hakluyt s " Voyages and Discoveries" vol. m., p. 6. t See Hay ward s "Life of Sebastian Cabot" p. 8. EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. [B K . I. 149. 1501. good old age, after many and various adventures, died in the city of London. It is an instructive lesson of the uncer tainty of human distinction, that al though he gave a continent to England, neither the date of his death is known, nor does the humblest monument show where his remains lie interred. In 1498, Vasco de Gania, under the patronage of Emanuel, king of Portugal, an able and enter prising monarch, doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and opened to the Portu guese a new and most important route to the Indies. The same king sent Gaspar Cortereal with two ves sels to explore the north-western ocean. This navigator sailed some seven hundred miles along the shores of North America. His only exploit was the kidnapping a number of the natives, and carrying them to Portugal as slaves. Juan Ponce de Leon, a hardy old Spanish warrior, and one of the com panions of Columbus, having conquered Porto Rico, greatly enriched himself by the compulsory labor of the un happy natives. But, growing in years, and ill content to let go his grasp upon the possessions for which he had fought and toiled, he listened to the romantic story of that miraculous fountain fabled to restore to youth and vigor all who bathed in its waters. He actually set out to find this wonder of nature. In the course of his voyage, on Easter Sunday, March 27th, which the Spaniards call Pascua de Flores, he discovered that peninsula which sepa rates the Gulf of Mexico from the At lantic. It was the beautiful season of 1512. 1521 1513. flowers, and from this as well as the day on which he saw the land, he gave to the new region the name of FLORIDA. On his return from Spain some years after, he was unable to ef fect a settlement in consequence of the hostility excited among the natives by previous injustice and ill usage. It was about this date that another famous Spanish captain, Yasco Nunez de Balboa, discovered the Pacific Ocean. This memorable event took place on the 26th September, 1513. It certainly was one of the most sublime discoveries that had yet been made in the New World, and must, as Mr. Irving says, have opened a boundless field of conjecture to the wondering Spanish adventurers who from the mountain summit gazed down upon the vast ocean, with its waters glittering in the morning sun. The hardy English and French mari ners had engaged with zeal and suc cess in the productive fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland at the begin ning of the century. Fishermen from Brittany discovered and named CAPE BRETON in 1504. "This fishery," says Hildreth, "on the coast and bank of NEWFOUNDLAND formed the first link between Europe and North America, and, for a century, al most the only one."* Francis I. of France, although busily occupied in his contests with the astute and powerful Charles V. of Spain and Germany, was not wholly unaware of the importance of giving due attention to discoveries and settlements in the New * Hildreth s "History of the United States," vol. L, p. 37. CH. 1.] VERRAZZANI S DISCOVERIES. 1524. World. Accordingly, he engaged Juan Verrazzani, a Florentine, to explore, on his behalf, new regions in the un known West. With a single vessel, the Dolphin, this mariner left Madeira, and wrote to the king a description of his discoveries, which was the earliest ever penned, and which is remarkable for its freshness and graphic clearness. After "as sharp and terrible a tempest as ever sailors suffered, whereof with the Divine help and merciful assistance of Almighty God, and the goodness of our ship, accompanied with the good-hap of lier fortunate name the Dolphin we were delivered, and with a prosperous wind followed our course west by north, and in other twenty-five days we made above 400 leagues more, when we dis covered a new land, never before seen of any, either ancient or modern." This was the low, level coast of North Caro lina, along which, illumined at night by great fires, they sailed fifty leagues in search of a harbor; at length they cast anchor and sent a boat on shore. The wandering natives at first fled to the woods, yet still would stand and look back, beholding the ship and sailors " with great admiration," and at the friendly signs of the latter, came down to the shore, " marvelling greatly at their apparel, shape, and whiteness." Beyond the sandy coast, intersected " with rivers and arms of the sea," they saw " the open country rising in height with many fair fields and plains, full of mightie great woods," some dense and others more open, replenished with dif ferent trees, " as pleasant and delectable to behold as it is possible to imagine. And your Majesty may not think," says Verrazzani, "that these are like the woods of Hercynia, or the wild deserts of Tartar} -, and the northern coasts, full of fruitless trees ; but they are full of palm trees, bay trees, and high cypress trees, and many other sorts un known in Europe, which yield most sweet savors far from the shore." The land he represents as " not void of drugs or spicery, and of other riches of gold, seeing that the color of the land doth so much argue it." He dwells upon the luxury of the vegetation, the wild vines which clustered upon the ground or trailed in rich festoons from tree to tree, the tangled roses, violets, and lilies, and sweet and odoriferous flowers, different from those of Europe. He speaks of the wild deer in the woods, and of the birds that haunt the pools and lagoons of the coast. But, after his rude tossing on the stormy Atlantic, he is beyond measure transported with the calmness of the sea, the gentleness of the waves, the summer beauty of the climate, the pure and wholesome and temperate air, and the serenity and purity of the blue sky, which, " if cov ered for a while with clouds brought by the southern wind, they are soon dissolved, and all is clear and fair again." Verrazzani also entered the harbors of New York and Newport, and coasted northwardly to the fiftieth degree of north latitude. No settlement, how ever, resulted from this voyage of Ver razzani to America. The first attempt at colonization by the English was disastrous in 4 T , 1536. the extreme. A London mer chant, named Hore, with others who joined him, undertook to found a set- EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. IB*, i 1534. 1535. tlement in Newfoundland. But they hardly escaped from starvation, and seizing a French fishing vessel which had just arrived, they returned again to England. "While the Spaniards were engrossed with plans and efforts for conquest in South America, Chabot, admiral of France, dispatched Jacques Cartier, an able mariner of St. Malo, on an exploring expedition to the north-west coast of America. After a rapid passage over the Atlantic, he sailed across the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and entered a bay which he called Des Clialeurs, from the extreme sum mer heat then prevailing ; but he soon after returned to France. The next year, with three large ships and a number of colonists, Cartier re visited the scene of his former discove ries, entered the Gulf on St. Lawrence s Day, and so gave it that name which it now bears, ascended the river to the isle of Bacchus, now Orleans, and thence advanced to Hochelaga or Montreal. Cartier wintered on the isle of Orleans ; but his company suffering much from the scurvy, they took a disgust at the prospects of colonization, and Cartier was compelled to return home. With that too common disregard for the rights of others, he also must needs carry off some of the natives to France. Some years afterwards, Francis de la Roque, lord of Robertval, in Picardy, attempted to colonize the same 1540. . . to region. Cartier was furnished by the king with five vessels, and had associated with him Robertval to act as governor in Canada and Hochelaga. Delays and misunderstanding prevented this effort likewise from beins^ success- O ful, and France gave up for a long time all farther attempts at founding colonies in North America. What had been done, however, served in later days as a basis for claims, on the part of France, to the northern portion of the American Continent. The disastrous attempt of Narvaez, in 1528, to conquer and otrtain posses sion of Florida did not deter other bold spirits from efforts of a like character. Ferdinand de Soto had been one of the most distinguished companions of Pi- zarro, and a main instrument in annex ing to Spain the golden regions of Peru ; but in the conquest of Peru his part had been secondary the first prize had been carried off by another ; and he now sought to find a country, the glory of conquering which should be wholly his ; and Charles V. was quite willing to gratify his desires. He was created Adelantado of Florida, combining the offices of governor general and commander-in-chief. 1 519 In May, 1539, Soto sailed from Havana with six hundred men in the bloom of life, a number of priests, be sides sailors, more than two hundred horses, and a herd of swine. Arriving on the 30th of May at the bay of Spiritu Santo, on the western coast of Florida, he landed three hundred men, and pitched his camp ; but, about the break of day the next morning, they were attacked by a numerous body of natives, and obliged to retire. Having marched several hundred miles, he passed through a number of Indian towns, to Mavila, a village enclosed with wooden walls, standing near the Ca. L] FERDINAND DE SOTO : JEAN K1BAULT. 1540. 1541. mouth of the Mobile River. The in habitants, disgusted with the strangers, and provoked by an outrage committed on one of their chiefs, brought on a severe conflict, in which two thousand of the natives and about twenty Spaniards were slain. A con siderable number of Spaniards died af terwards of their wounds ; they also lost about forty horses. The village was burnt in the action. After this en gagement, Soto retreated to Chica9a, a small town in the country of the Chickasaws, where he remained until March, 1541. His army now resumed its march through the Indian territory, and after many mishaps and very grievous discouragements, in the latter part of April Soto first beheld the Mississippi : this was proba bly not far from the thirty-fifth paral lel of latitude. The river was crossed by Soto, and still further attempts were made to discover the wealth and magnificence which they had set out to find in Florida. But it was all in vain : chagrined by a conviction of total fail ure, Soto sank under his disappoint ment, and died May 25th, 1542. " To conceal his death, his body was wrapped in a mantle, and, in the stillness of midnight, was silently sunk into the middle of the stream. The discoverer of the Mississippi slept be neath its waters. He had crossed a large part of the continent in search of gold, and found nothing so remarkable as his burial place."* The remains of this vaunted expedition, in number not * Bancroft s "History of the United States," vol. I, p. 57. VOL. L 4 1542. 1543. half that with which they embarked, floated down the Mississippi to its mouth, and in September, 1543, reached a Spanish settlement near the present site of Tampico. Florida was thenceforth abandoned. Not a settlement was made ; not a sin gle site occupied by the Spaniards ; yet Spain, under the name of Florida, laid claim to the entire sea-coast of America, as far even as Newfoundland. Their first actual settlement arose out of that bitter hatred and fierce perse cuting zeal which characterized at that time, on the Continent, both Roman Catholics and Protestants. The illustrious and excellent Admiral de Coligny, one of the ablest of the French Protestant leaders, was desirous of finding a home in America for the persecuted Huguenots. Accordingly an expedition to Brazil in 1555 having failed he fitted out an expedition, sanctioned by the bigotted but feeble Charles IX., and gave the command to Jean Ribault of Dieppe, an ex perienced mariner and decided Protestant. The expedition consisted of two ships, with a goodly company who went out as colonists. Ribault reached the coast of Florida in May, entered a spacious inlet which he named Port Royal, and built a fort called CAROLINA, a name which still remains to us, although the early colony per ished. Twenty-six were left to found a settlement, while Ribault returned to France for supplies ; but becoming disheartened, they hastily resolved to abandon the settlement; the commandant was killed hi a mu tiny ; and well-nigh starved, they were 1569. 10 EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. [Biz. L 1564. picked up by an English vessel, and land ed part in France, the rest in England. Bibault found the fires of civil war burning throughout France, so that he could not obtain the needed supplies at once. A sort of peace having been patched up, in 1564 Coligny again re newed his efforts. Three ships were sent out, under command of Laudonniere, a companion of Ribault. They landed in June at the River of May, now the St. Joliris, and built a fort. Mutinies occurred, and some of the colonists set out on piratical expe ditions, and took two Spanish vessels, thus becoming the first aggressors in the New World. In great distress for provisions, they were about to abandon the settlement when the notorious Sir John Hawkins, the slave-merchant, re lieved them. Ribault arrived in August with an abundant supply of all kinds. But the colony was by no means as yet in security. A fierce and unsparing soldier, Pedro Melendez, obtained per mission from Philip II. of Spain, to con quer and occupy Florida, and also to drive out the French as both intruders and heretics. "Death to the Hugue nots !" was the cry ; and with some three hundred soldiers and over two thousand volunteers, the expedi tion left Spain in July ; although weak ened by the violence of a storm, Me lendez did not delay in Porto Rico ; but anxious to make quick work of his enemies, he sailed to the coast of Flor ida, Land was seen on St. Augustine s day, August 28th, and Melendez named the inlet and haven which he entered two days after, St. Augustine. The town here founded by this name still 1565. remains, and though not a place of much size, is by more than forty years the oldest town in the United States. Melendez was not long in finding the French colony. Ribault s vessels cut their cables and put to sea; a violent storm arose, and the French vessels which had set out to attack the Span iards, were scattered and cast on shore Melendez marched overland from St. Augustine through the forests and swamps, surprised the French fort, and indiscriminately butchered men, women, and children. A few escaped to the woods, and having found two small ves sels in the harbor, after severe suffering ultimately reached Bristol. But Ri bault and his shipwrecked companions, half famished, reached the fort to find it in the hands of the Spaniards. Re lying on the word, of honor of the per fidious Melendez, they gave themselves up, and were massacred, near St. Au gustine, with circumstances of most shocking barbarity. A number of the mangled limbs of the victims were then suspended to a tree, to which was at tached the following inscription : " Not because they are Frenchmen, but be cause they are heretics and enemies of God." When intelligence of this horrible outrage reached France, it excited an almost universal feeling of grief and rage, and a strong desire for vengeance. Charles IX. was invoked in vain, by the prayers of the widows and orphans of the slain, to require of the Spanish monarch that justice should be awarded against his murderous subjects. An avenger, however, was speedily found. Dominic de Gourgues, a brave Gascon, CH. 1.] FRENCH ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION. 11 1567. determined to devote himself, his for tune, and his whole being, to the achievement of some signal and terrible retribution. He found means to equip three small vessels, and to put on board of them eighty sailors, and one hundred and fifty troops. Having crossed the Atlantic, he sailed along the coast of Florida, and landed at a river about fifteen leagues distance from the river May. The Spaniards, to the number of four hundred, were well fortified, principally at the great fort, begun by the French, and after wards repaired by themselves. Two leagues lower, towards the river s mouth, they had made two smaller forts, which were defended by a hun dred and twenty soldiers, w r ell sup plied with artillery and ammunition. Gourgues, though informed of their strength, proceeded resolutely forward, and, with the assistance of the natives, made a vigorous and desperate assault. Of sixty Spaniards in the first fort, there escaped but fifteen; and all in the second fort were slain. After a company of Spaniards, sallying out from the third fort, had been intercepted, and killed on the spot, this last fortress was easily taken. All the surviving Spaniards were led away prisoners, with the fifteen who escaped the massacre at the first fort; and were hung on the boughs of the same trees on which the Frenchmen had been previously sus pended. Gourgues, in retaliation for the label Melendez had attached to the bodies of the French, placed over the corpses of the Spaniards the fol lowing declaration: "I do not this as unto Spaniards or mariners, but as 1568. unto traitors, robbers and murderers." Having razed the three forts, and not being strong enough to remain in the country, he returned to France in May, 1568. Such was the end of the efforts made by the French Prot estants to found settlements in Florida. Had France been wise enough to have O protected her sons in this attempt, she might easily have obtained a flourish ing empire in the south, before England had planted a single spot on the Conti nent. But she did not, and Spain con sequently retained her claim such as it was to Florida undisputed. The long and bloody struggles be tween Protestants and Roman Catholics in France during the latter half of the 16th century, effectually prevented all attempts at colonization by that nation in the New World. The accession of Henry IV., his abjuration of Protestant ism, and especially the issue of the Edict of Nantes, which secured civil and religious freedom to the Huguenots, restored peace and prosper ity to France ; and the wise and skil ful administration of Sully fostered the arts of peaceful industry and trade. A commission was obtained in 1598, by the Marquis de la Roche, of Brittany, to take possession of CANADA and other neighboring countries "not possessed by any Christian prince ;" the attempt, however, failed entirely. On the death of La Roche, Chauvin, a naval officer, and Pontgrave, a merchant of St. Malo, entered profitably into the fur trade, without, however, doing any thing of moment towards colonization. In 1603, a company of merchants was formed at Rouen, and Samuel Chaui- 159. 1600. EARLY VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES. [BK. 1. 1603. 1GO4. plain, an able and scientific officer, was sent out in command of an expedition. This celebrated man, after care ful exploration and examination, selected the site of Quebec as a suitable place for a fort. This same year a patent was issued to De Monts, a Huguenot gentleman of the king s bedchamber, and the sovereignty of ACADIE, from the fortieth to the forty-sixth degree of north latitude i. e., from about the latitude of Philadelphia as far northerly as Cape Breton was granted to him, together with a monopoly of the fur trade, etc. In 1604, the expedi tion, consisting of four ships, sailed for its destination. Poutrin- court, an officer of the expedition, ob tained permission to remain in the har bor, which he called Port Royal, now Annapolis. Champlain explored the Bay of Fundy, discovered and named the River St. John s, and selected a site for a settlement on the island St. Croix, in the river of the same name. But the spot was not well chosen, and in the spring of the following year the colony removed to Port Royal. Here the first actual settlement on the American Continent by the French was made. The hostility of the natives along the coast rendered it dangerous to attempt settlements in the vicinity of Cape Cod. During the following ten years, numerous and successful ef forts were made by Jesuit priests to convert the natives. The monopoly of De Monts having been revoked, a company of merchants of Dieppe and St. Malo founded Quebec. This was principally due to Champlain, who not only laid the 16O5. 160*. foundation of the city of Quebec, but also the next year explored and was the first of white men to en ter the beautiful lake which bears his name and perpetuates his memory. This persevering and energetic man lived through many and severe trials and afflictions which beset his efforts in establishing the authority of his coun trymen on the St. Lawrence. He died in 1635. Consequent upon the explora tions of Champlain and others, the French laid claim to that vast tract of interior America, which, together with Canada and Acadie, was denominated NEW FKANCE. In concluding the present chapter, in which has been attempted a brief sketch of some of the early voyagers and discoverers, to whom succeeding generations owe so large a debt of grati tude, the language of Mr. Bancroft may very appropriately be quoted : " Such were the voyages which led the way to the colonization of the United States. The daring and skill of these earliest adventurers upon the ocean deserve the highest admiration. The difficulties of crossing the Atlantic were new, and it required the greater courage to encoun ter hazards which ignorance exaggera ted. The character of the prevalent winds and currents was unknown. The possibility of making a direct passage was but gradually discovered. The imagined dangers were infinite; the real dangers exceedingly great. The ships at first employed for discovery were generally of less than one hun dred tons burden ; Frobisher sailed in a vessel of but twenty-five tons ; two of those of Columbus were without a CH. II.] THE AMERICAN INDIANS 13 deck ; and so perilous were the voyages deemed, that the sailors were accus tomed, before embarking, to perform solemn acts of devotion, as if to pre pare for eternity. The anticipation of disasters was not visionary ; Columbus was shipwrecked twice, and once re mained for eight months on an island, without any communication with the civilized world; Hudson was turned adrift in a small boat by a crew whom suffering had rendered mutinous ; Wil- loughby perished in the cold ; Robert" val, Parmenius, Gilbert and how many others? went down at sea; and such was the state of the art, of navigation, that intrepidity and skill were unavail ing against the elements without the favor of heaven."* * Bancroft s "History of the United States ," vol. i. p. 115. CHAPTER II. 14921600, THE ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. Origin of the name INDIANS Preceding Races American Antiquities General characteristics of the Indian tribes Columbus s Letter Manners and customs Government, laws, chiefs, priests Law of retaliation War the Indian s great business Females Numbers Dialects spoken Mr. Schoolcraft s paper Intima tions of prophecy View of Europeans as to the rights of Indians Decision of the Supreme Court Origin of difficulties. 1492. WHEN Columbus had succeeded in demonstrating the truth of his long and anxiously advocated views respecting the existence of land to be discovered by sailing to the west, he supposed that he had reached the far- famed Cathay, or the East Indies. This natural error was one which the great navigator did not li ve to correct, and it led to the name INDIANS being applied to the inhabitants of the islands and main land of America. It is a name which time and custom have sanctioned as the designation of the natives of the soil when Columbus and his successors reached the New World, as also of their descendants ; and how ever inappropriate, it is now too late to seek to change it. Before proceeding with the history of the gradual colo nization of America, and the many and severe contests between the new-comers and those whom they found in posses sion of the country, it may be well to devote a brief space to some account of the aborigines of the Western Conti nent, more especially of North America. Without entering into a discussion of the question, whence came the peo ple who first settled America a ques tion more curious than profitable it is quite certain that the Indian tribes scattered over the face of the country were the successors of a race or races 14 THE ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. . 1. which had passed away entirely, ages before the discovery of the New World by Columbus. The numerous and well authenticated antiquities found in va rious parts of our country clearly de monstrate that there "was once a peo ple civilized, and even highly cultiva ted, occupying the broad surface of our Continent ; but the date of their occu pancy is so remote that all traces of their history, progress, and decay, lie buried in the deepest obscurity. Na ture, at the time that Columbus came, had asserted her original dominion over the earth ; the forests were all in their full luxuriance, the growth of many centuries ; and nought existed to point out who and what they were who for merly lived, and loved, and labored, and died, on the Continent of America. The Indian tribes could give no account of their predecessors ; they knew noth ing whatever on the subject; and so, probably, as respects these the question must ever remain doubtful, if not wholly inexplicable. As to the Indians themselves it will be sufficient, for the present, to note, that in some points there was soon dis covered to be a very general resem blance among all the various tribes. They all partook of the same reddish hue of the skin, their hair was found to be black, lank, and straight, with lit tle or no beard ; the cheek-bones were high, the jaw-bone prominent, and the forehead narrow and sloping. Their figure, untrammeled in every move ment, was lithe, agile, and often grace ful, but they were inferior in muscular strength to the European. Their intel lectual faculties were also more limited, and their moral sensibilities, from want of cultivation, less lively. They seemed to be characterized by an inflexibility of organization, which rendered them almost incapable of receiving foreign ideas, or amalgamating with more civi lized nations constituting them, in short, a people that might be broken, but could not be bent. This peculiar organization, too, together with the cir cumstances in which they were placed, moulded the character of their domes tic and social condition. Columbus, in a letter sent to Ferdi nand and Isabella, spoke enthusiasti cally of those natives whom he encoun tered on his first voyage. " I swear to your majesties," said he, " that there is not a better people in the world than these, more affectionate, affable, or mild. They love their neighbours as them selves : their language is the sweetest, the softest, and the most cheerful ; for they always speak smiling ; and al though they go naked, let your majes ties believe me, their customs are very becoming ; and their king, who is served with great majesty, has such engaging manners, that it gives great pleasure to see him, and also to consider the great retentive faculty of that people, and their desire of knowledge, which in cites them to ask the causes and the effects of things." A larger acquaint ance with the Indians showed that their dwellings were of the simplest and rudest character. On some pleasant spot by the banks of a river, or near a sweet spring, they raised their groups of wigwams, constructed of the bark of trees, and easily taken down and removed to another spot. The abodes CH. II.] GOVERNMENT AND CUSTOMS OF THE INDIANS. 15 of the chiefs were sometimes more spacious, and constructed with care, but of the same materials. Their villages were sometimes surrounded by defen sive palisades. Skins, taken in the chase, served them for repose. Though principally dependent upon the hunt ing and fishing, its uncertain supply had led them to cultivate around their dwellings some patches of maize, but their exertions were desultory, and they were often exposed to the severity of famine. Every family did everything necessary within itself ; and inter change of articles of commerce was hardly at all known among them. In strictness of speech, the Indians could not be said to have either govern ment or laws. Questions of public in terest relating to war, peace, change of hunting grounds, and the like, were dis cussed in a meeting of the whole tribe, where old and young participated, and the most plausible speaker, or the most energetic and daring warrior, general ly carried the day. The chiefs among them were such by superior merit, or superior skill or cunning, not on any principle of appointment recognized among civilized communities ; and they exercised their authority as best they might, without being able to compel obedience. The most powerful influ ences, however, under which the In dians were brought was that exercised by those who had the skill to work upon their ignorance and credulity to establish a claim to their obedience. Like all rude and barbarous tribes, they were very superstitious, and the priests, or "medicine men," were equal ly feared and observed by the Indians generally. As a consequence of this, the tribes varied in their apparent forms of government. Some were the slaves of a spiritual despotism; some resembled a limited monarchy ; others an oligarchy; and others yet a de mocracy, in which the principal war riors stood nearly on a level. In cases of dispute and dissension, each Indian held to the right of retali ation, and relied on himself almost al ways to effect his revenge for injuries received. Blood for blood was the rule, and the relations of the slain man were bound to obtain bloody re venge for his death. This principle gave rise, as a matter of course, to in numerable and bitter feuds, and wars of extermination where that was possi ble. War, indeed, rather than peace and the arts of peace, was the Indian s glory and delight ; war, not conducted on the grand scale of more civilized, if not more Christian-like, people, but war where individual skill, endurance, gal lantry and cruelty were prime requi sites. For such a purpose as revenge the Indian was capable of making vast sacrifices, and displayed a patience and perseverance truly heroic; but when the excitement was over, he sank back into a listless, unoccupied, well nigh useless savage. The intervals of his more exciting pursuits the Indian filled up in the decoration of his person with all the refinements of paint and feathers, with the manufacture of his arms the club, and the bow and arrows and of canoes of bark, so light, that they could easily be carried on the shoulder from stream to stream. His amusements were the war-dance and song, and ath- 16 THE ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. [B*. 1. letic games, the narration of his ex ploits, and the listening to the oratory of the chiefs. But, during long pe riods of his existence, he remained in a state of torpor, gazing listlessly upon the trees of the forests, and the clouds that sailed far above his head; and this vacancy imprinted an habitual gravity and even melancholy upon his aspect and general deportment. As in all uncivilized communities, the main labor and drudgery fell upon the females ; planting, tending and gather ing the crops ; making mats and bas kets ; carrying burdens ; in fact, every thing of the kind ; so that their con dition was little better than that of slaves. For marriage was principally a matter of bargain and sale, the hus band giving presents to the father of his bride; and sooner or later, as ca price or any other excuse moved him, degrading her to the place of a mere servant in his house. In general, they had but few children ; and were sub jected to many and severe attacks of sickness : famine and pestilence at times swept away whole tribes. From their migratory habits, their continual wars and battles, their slow ness of increase, and their liability to famine and fatal diseases, Mr. Hildreth is inclined to conclude that at no time since the discovery of America did the total Indian population east of the Rocky Mountains exceed, if it equalled, three hundred thousand. The dialects of the various tribes in North America are generally reduced to five heads or subdivisions. "The most widely diffused of these five lan guages, called the Algonquin, after one of the tribes of Canada, from whom the French missionaries first learned it, is exceedingly harsh and guttural, with few vowels, and words often of intolerable length, occasioned by com plicated grammatical forms a whole sentence, by means of suffixes and af fixes, being often expressed in a single word. This character, indeed, is com mon, in a greater or less degree, to all the American languages, serving to dis tinguish them, in a remarkable manner from the dialects of the Old World. Tribes of Algonquin speech extended from Hudson s Bay south-east beyond the Chesapeake, and south-west to the Mississippi and Ohio. They inclosed, however, several formidable confedera cies, the fluronj, the Iroquois, the Eries^ and others settled around Lakes Erie and Ontario, and occupying all the up per waters of the western tributaries of the Chesapeake, who spoke a differ ent language, less guttural and far more sonorous, called the Wyandot, after a tribe inhabiting the north shore of Lake Erie. The Cherokee is peculiar to a confederacy of that name, occupants for centuries of the southern valleys of the great Allegany Chain, from whence they have been but very lately ex pelled. The common name of MobHian includes the kindred dialects of the Choctaws, the Chickasaws, the Creeks or Muscogees, the Appalachees, and Yamassees, ancient inhabitants of the valley of the Lower Mississippi, and thence, by the southern foot of the Al- leganies, to the Savannah and beyond it. Compared with the northern lan guages, the Cherokee and Mobilian are soft and musical, abounding with vow- Cn. II.] INDIAN LANGUAGES AND TRIBES. 17 eb, thus indicating the long continued influence of a southern climate. The number of syllables in the Cherokee is very limited a circumstance of which an uninstructed but ingenious member of that tribe recently availed himself to invent a syllabic alphabet, by means of which the Cherokee is written and read with great facility. Of the an cient state of the wandering tribes of the prairies west of the Mississippi little is known ; but the Dacotak or Sioux, still spoken in a great variety of dia lects, has been probably for centuries the prevailing language of that region. The Catawbas, who have left their name to a river of Carolina, and who once occupied a wide adjacent terri tory; the lichees, on the Savannah, subjects of the Creeks ; the Natchez, a small confederacy on the Lower Mississippi, in the midst of the Choc- taws, appear to have spoken peculiar languages ; and no doubt, there were other similar cases. Of the dialects west of the Rocky Mountains hardly anything is known. * Mr. Schoolcraft, in a very interesting paper read before the " New York His torical Society," November, 1846, at tributes to the Red Race who inhab ited the Continent of America, in the equinoctial latitudes, a very great an tiquity, so great indeed, as to be inclined to think that they might have reached the Continent within five hundred years of the original dispersion. That they were of the Shemitic stock, too, can hardly be questioned. Civilization, gov- * Hildreth s " History of the United States? vol. i. p. 52. VOL. I. 5 eminent, and arts, began to develop themselves in the tropical regions of Mexico and Central America. Mexico, like Rome of old, seems to have been invaded by one tribe of barbarians af ter another, who in the end, as in the case of Rome, were meliorated and modified by that civilization which they came to destroy. Such was probably the origin of the Toltecs, and the Aztecs, whom Cortez subdued. Turning our view from this ancient centre of power, to the latitudes of the American Republic, we find there, at the opening of the sixteenth century, various tribes, of divers languages, ex isting in the mere hunter state, or at most, with some habits of horticulture supera^dded. They had neither cattle nor arts. They were bowmen and spearmen roving and predatory, with very little, if anything, in their tradi tions, to link them to these prior cen tral families of man, but with nearly everything in their physical and intel lectual type, to favor such a generic affiliation. They erected groups of mounds, to sacrifice to the sun, moon, and stars. They were, originally, fire- worshippers. They spoke ONE general class of transpositive languages. They had instruments of copper, as well as of silex, and porphyries. They made cooking-vessels of tempered clay. They cultivated the most important of all the ancient Mexican grains, the zea mays. They raised the tobacco plant, and used the Aztec drum in religious ceremonies and war-dances. They be lieved in the oriental doctrines of trans formation, and the power of necro mancy, and they were largely in sub 18 THE ABORIGINES OF AMERICA. |BK. jection to an influential and powerful order of priesthood. There can be little doubt that this race dwelt on the Continent of Amer ica many centuries before the Christian era, and also that it is anterior in age to the various groups who inhabit the Polynesian Islands. Probably they de rived their character and mental pecu liarities from the early tribes of West ern Asia, which was originally peopled, to a great extent, by the descendants of Shern. In this connection, Mr. Schoolcraft adduces the following as the fulfillment of a very ancient pro phecy. "Assuming the Indian tribes to be of Shemitic origin, which is gen erally conceded, they were met on this Continent, in 1492, by the Japhetic race, after the two stocks had passed around the globe by directly different routes. Within a few years subsequent to this event, as is well attested, the humane influence of an eminent Span ish ecclesiastic, led to the calling over from the coast of Africa, of the Hamitic branch. As a mere historical question, and without mingling it in the slightest degree with any other, the result of three centuries of occupancy has been a series of movements in all the colo nial stocks, south and north, by which Japhet has been immeasurably enlarged on the Continent, while the called and not voluntary sons of Ham, have en dured a servitude, in the wide-stretch ing valleys of the tents of Shem. Gen. ix., 27."* They who came from civilized Eu- * Proceedings of the New Tori; Historical Society, 1846, pp. 33 38. See, also, the "North American Review," No. L., January, 1826. rope in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries found the American Conti nent peopled by tribes without cultiva tion, refinement, literature, fixed habi tations, or anything which could give them consideration and respect in the eyes of Europeans. They looked upon the Indians as mere savages, having no rightful claim to the country of which they were in possession. They inflicted upon the unhappy natives injuries of various descriptions, as caprice, cruelty, lust, or rapine dictated, and where a different course was pursued it was not so much because the Indians had a right to just treatment, but simply be cause it pleased here and there liberal- minded persons to deal justly and kindly by them. Every European na tion deemed that it had acquired a lawful and just claim to the possession of that part of the Continent which any one of its subjects might have dis covered or visited, without any refer ence to the prior occupation and claims of the Indian tribes. In later times, too, the Supreme Court of the United States, (1810) Chief Justice Marshall delivering the opinion of the Court has held, that the Indian title to the soil is not of such a character or validity as to interfere with the possession in fee, and disposal, of the land as the State may see fit.* Mr. Justice Story, in speaking of this matter, justly remarks: "As to coun tries in the possession of native inhabi tants and tribes at the time of the dis covery, it seems difficult to perceive what ground of right any discovery * See Cranch s Reports, vol. vi., p. 142. CH. II.l RIGHTS OF THE INDIANS. 19 could confer. It would seem strange to us, if, in the present times, the natives of the South Sea Islands, or of Cochin China, should, by making a voyage to, and discovery of, the United States, on that account set up a right to the soil within our boundaries. The truth is, that the European nations paid not the slightest regard to the rights of the native tribes. They treated them as mere barbarians and heathens, whom, if they were not at liberty to extir pate, they were entitled to deem mere temporary occupants of the soil. They might convert them to Christianity ; and, if they refused conversion, they might drive them from the soil, as un worthy to inhabit it. They affected to be governed by the desire to promote the cause of Christianity, and were aided in this ostensible object by the whole influence of the papal power. But their real object was to extend their own power and increase their own wealth, by acquiring the treasures, as well as the territory, of the New World. Avarice and ambition were at the bottom of all their original en terprises."* It must, we think, be admitted, that it was right in principle for our fore fathers to seek to cultivate the soil of a country situate as this of America was, and to open a new pathway to the en terprise and energy of the human race ; yet, seeing that their intercourse with the natives was not always marked by either fairness or due regard to the nat ural sentiments of those who had lonor O held undisputed possession of the Con tinent, it is no wonder that dissensions and collisions soon occurred, and that all the fierce passions of the Indians were aroused into savage and unpitying ac tivity. Neither need it occasion any surprise that ere long the Indians per suaded themselves that the white man was, with here and there an exception, their necessary and perpetual foe. The facts of history, as hereinafter related, will too sadly verify the correctness of this general statement. * " Familiar Exposition of the Constitution? $. 13. 20 ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION BY THE ENGLISH. CHAPTEE III. 15531606, ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION BY THE ENGLISH. Enterprise of Englishmen Willoughby and Chancellor Reign of Elizabeth Frobisher Drake Sir Hum phrey Gilbert Sir Walter Raleigh Amidas and Barlow s Letter Roanoke VIRGINIA Lane, governor Hariot Indian hostility Abandonment of the colony New one sent out White, governor Virginia Dare Political agitations in England Colony lost entirely Assignment of Raleigh s patent Gosnold James I. Hakluyt Pring Weymouth London Company Plymouth Company Charter In structions issued by the king. THE enterprising spirit of English men led them, from the earliest period, to enter earnestly and vigorously into the work of discovery, and to engage with equal zeal and energy in attempts at settlement and colonization. The fame of Sebastian Cabot s efforts, and his undoubted skill and sagacity in respect to naval affairs, were very in fluential during the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. Although the attempt to find a north-ma^ passage to the Indies had failed, still the idea of there being such a passage yet to be discovered was ever uppermost in the minds of navigators of that age. By Cabot s advice and urgency a new path was sought. He presented various reasons for thinking it probable that there was a passage to the eagerly sought Cathay by the wtf/ accordingly a company of merchants was formed, at the head of which Cabot was placed, and an expe dition was fitted out with special in structions and directions drawn up by the celebrated navigator himself. The command of the expedition was en trusted to Sir Hugh AVilloughby. " At 1553. the first setting forth of these north eastern discoverers," observes the ex cellent Hakluyt, " they were almost al together destitute of clear lights and inducements, or if they had an inkling at all, it was misty as they found the northern seas, and so obscure and am biguous, that it was meet rather to de ter than to give them encouragement. Into what dangers and difficulties they plunged themselves, animus meminisse horret, I tremble to relate. For, first they were to expose themselves unto the rigor of the stern and uncouth northern seas, and to make trial of the swelling waves and boisterous winds which there commonly do surge and blow." The "driftes of snow and mountains of ice, even in the summer the hideous overfalls, uncertaine cur rents, darke mistes and fogs, and other fearful inconveniences," which the ex pedition had to encounter, he contrasts with " the milde, lightsome, and tempe rate Atlantick Ocean, over which the Spaniards and Portuguese have made so many pleasant, prosperous, and golden voyages, to the satisfaction of their fame-thirsty and gold-thirsty minds CH. III.] WILLOUGHBY, CHANCELLOR, FROBISHER. 21 1554. with that reputation and wealth which made all misadventures seem tolerable unto them." Willoughby and Chancel lor were divided by storms, and after doubling the " dreadful and mistie North Cape," the terrors of a polar winter surprised them, but with very different issue. The former sought shelter in an obscure harbor of Lap land, to die a fearful and a lingering death. In the following spring his re treat was discovered, the corpses of the frozen sailors lay about the ship, Willoughby was found dead in his cabin, his journal detailing the horrible sufferings to which they had been reduced. Chancellor, more for tunate, entered the White Sea, and found a secure shelter in the harbor of Archangel. Here the Muscovites re ceived their first foreign visitors with great hospitality, and Chancellor, on learning the vastness of the empire he had discovered, repaired to Moscow, and presented to the czar, John Vasi- lowitz, a letter with which each ship had been furnished by Edward VI, The czar, who was not deficient in saga city, saw the advantages likely to ac crue from opening a trade with the western nations of Europe, and accord ingly treated Chancellor with courtesy and attention. He, also, by a letter to the king, invited the trade of England, under promises of ample protection and favor. The spirit of maritime adventure, though not so active during the reign of Mary, was still on the increase. The accession and reign of Elizabeth af forded full opportunity for its large development. " The domestic tran quillity of the kingdom," says Dr. Robertson, "maintained almost with out interruption, during the course of a long and prosperous reign ; the peace with foreign nations, that subsisted more than twenty years after Eliza beth was seated on the throne ; the queen s attentive economy, which ex empted her subjects from the burden of taxes oppressive to trade ; the popu larity of her administration; were all favorable to commercial enterprise, and called it forth into vigorous exertion. The discerning eye of Elizabeth having early perceived that the security of a kingdom environed by the sea depend ed on its naval force, she began her government with adding to the num ber and strength of the royal navy; she filled her arsenals with naval stores ; she built several ships of great force, according to the ideas of that age, and encouraged her subjects to imitate her example, that they might no longer depend on foreigners, from whom the English had hitherto purchased all ves sels of any considerable burden. By those efforts the skill of the English artificers was improved, the numbers of sailors increased, and the attention of the public turned to the navy, as the most important national object."* Tho queen gave every encourage ment to her subjects to trade to with Russia, to seek to pene trate into Persia by land, and in any and every way to open new paths to commercial enterprise and activity. The attempt to discover a north- Robertson s "History of America, " Book ix., p. 207. 22 ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION BY THE ENGLISH. [B K . I 1576. 157. east passage having failed, a new effort was made to find an opening to the north-west. Three small ves sels were placed under the com mand of Martin Frobisher, an eminent mariner of that day ; but although he made three successive voyages, and ex plored to some extent the coast of La brador, he did not succeed in accom plishing the object of his expedition. It was about this same date that Sir Francis Drake entered upon his voyage of fortune, which by its success added a kind of lustre to his name, without producing any essential benefit to legitimate trade and com merce. Drake had the boldness to follow in the track of Magellan, and, crossing the equator, he ranged the Pacific coast of America to the latitude of forty- three degrees north, in hope of discovering the north-west passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific ; but without accomplishing that object. In the same year that Frobisher s third voyage terminated so fruitlessly, an attempt was made by Englishmen, under the queen s patronage, to plant a colony in America. It was mainly due to Sir Humphrey Gil bert, a gentleman of distinction and marked ability, as a soldier and a writer on navigation. Without diffi culty he obtained a patent from the queen which empowered him to pro ceed at once with every hope of suc cess in carrying out his designs. Six years were allowed for the establish ment of the colony. As this is the first charter to a colony granted by the crown of England, the articles in it merit especial attention, as they unfold the ideas of that age with respect to the nature of such settlements. Eliza beth authorizes Sir Humphrey Gilbert to discover and take possession of all remote and barbarous lands, unoccu pied by any Christian prince or peo ple ; invests in him the full right of property in the soil of those countries whereof he shall take possession ; em powers him, his heirs and assigns, to dispose of whatever portion of those lands he shall judge meet, to persons settled there, in fee simple, according to the laws of England ; and ordains that all the lands granted to Gilbert shall hold of the crown of England by homage, on payment of the fifth part of the gold or silver ore found there. The charter also gave Gilbert, his heirs and assigns, full power to convict, pun ish, pardon, govern, and rule, by their good discretion and policy, as well in causes capital or criminal as civil, both marine and other, all persons who shall, from time to time, settle within the said countries ; and declared, that all who settled there should have and en joy all the privileges of free denizens and natives of England, any law, cus tom, or usage to the contrary notwith standing. And finally, it prohibited all persons from attempting to settle within two hundred leagues of any place which Sir Humphrey Gilbert, or his associates, shall have occupied dur ing the period named for the perma nent founding of the colony.* Sir Humphrey Gilbert embarked a large part of his fortune in this pro jected expedition, but dissensions and * Hakluyt, vol. iii., p. 135. Cn. III.] GILBERT S VOYAGES AND FATE. 23 1579. disputes among those who had volun teered to go with him, rendered it vir tually a failure before it set out. With only a few tried and fast friends he put to sea ; one of his ships was lost in a storm, and it is probable, also, that he had an encounter with a Spanish squadron ; so that, disheart ened to a great extent, he was com pelled to return. The step-brother of Gilbert was the illustrious Sir Walter Raleigh, a man of surpassing genius, wonderful acquire ments, and lofty aspirations. He was a soldier under Coligny, eminent for gallantry and skill: he was a states man, a patriot, a devoted lover of his country and his country s fame. Ra leigh readily came to the aid of his brother ; it is even thought that he ac companied Gilbert in his first voyage, in 1579 ; by his influence he enlisted the queen s special favor in behalf of the expedition; he furnished a vessel of two hundred tons, which bore his name ; and did everything that could be done except go in person with the expedition. With a fleet of five ships and barks, the Delight, Raleigh, Golden Hind, Swallow, and Squirrel, in which a large body of men were embarked, Gilbert set sail in June on his second voyage. On reach ing Newfoundland, early in August, he took possession of it in the name of Elizabeth ; a pillar with the arms of England was raised, and, after the feudal custom, the royal charter was read, and a sod and turf of the soil delivered to the admiral. The muti nous and disorderly conduct of many of his sailors had already been a trying 15S3. obstacle. As they steered towards the south, to " bring the whole land within compass of the patent," the principal ship, owing to their carelessness, struck upon a shoal and was totally lost ; near ly a hundred men perishing with her, among whom were Parmenius the Hun garian called Budaeus, from his native city who was to have been the chroni cler of the expedition, as well as " their Saxon refiner and discoverer of inesti mable riches," and the valuable papers of the admiral. They now decided on returning home; the autumnal gales were already beginning to render the navigation perilous for such small ves sels ; yet Sir Humphrey, who had sailed in the Squirrel, their " frigate of ten tons," contrary to all remonstrance, persisted in remaining with his brave shipmates, rather than go on board the larger vessel. The two ships sailed in company, Gilbert from, time to time repairing on board the Hind, and en couraging his companions with pros pects of future success. The weather now became frightful ; and the oldest sailors never remembered more moun tainous and terrific surges. On Mon day, the 9th of September, in the afternoon, the Squirrel, which was over charged with artillery and deck ham per, was nearly ingulfed by a heavy sea, from which she escaped as by mir acle. As she emerged from the watery abyss, a shout of surprise and thanks giving burst from her decks ; and Gil bert, seated on the stern with a book in his hand, calmly exclaimed, when the roll of the waves brought them within hearing of those on board the other vessel, " We are as near to heaven 24 ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION BY THE ENGLISH [BK. t by. sea as by land" the last words lie was ever heard to utter. At midnight, the Squirrel being somewhat ahead, those on the watch on board the Hind, observing her lights to disappear in an instant amidst the blackness of the swell, cried out that the general was lost : the miniature frigate had sudden ly foundered. The Hind, after narrow ly escaping the tempestuous weather, at length reached Falmouth in safety, bearing the heavy tidings of loss and disaster. The sad fate of his step-brother did not deter Raleigh from endeavoring to carry out his favorite plan of coloniza tion and discovery in America. De sirous, if possible, to secure a milder climate for his colony, he sought and obtained from Elizabeth a patent fully as ample as that which had been be stowed upon Gilbert. He was consti tuted lord proprietary, with powers al most unlimited, on condition of reserving to the crown a fifth part of the gold or silver ore which might be found. In April, two ships set sail under the command of Philip Amidas and Arthur Barlow, and early in July they reached the shores of Caro lina. Ranging the coast for a hundred and twenty miles, they landed and took possession, in the name of the queen, of the island of Wococon, the southernmost of the islands that form Ocracock Inlet. Hakluyt has preserved the glowing description which Amidas and Barlow gave to Raleigh on their return to England, in September of the same year. Their language is graphic and well worth quoting : " The soile," say 154. they, " is the most plentiful!, sweete, fruitful! and wholesome of all the worlde ; there are above fourteene seve- rall sweete smelling timber trees, and the most part of their underwoods are bayes and such like ; they have those okes that we have, but farre greater and better. After they had bene divers times aboord our shippes, rnyselfe, with seven more, went twentie mile into the river that runneth towarde the citie of Skicoak, which river they call Occam ; and the evening following, we came to an island, which they call Roanoke, distant from the harbour by which we entered seven leagues; and at the north end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of cedar, and for tified round about with sharpe trees to keep out their enemies, and the en trance into it made like a turnepike, very artificially ; when we came to- wardes it, standing neere unto the waters side, the wife of Granganimo, the king s brother, came running out to meete us very cheerfully and friendly ; her husband was not then in the vil lage ; some of her people shee com manded to drawe our boate on shore for the beating of the billoe, others she appointed to cary us on their backes to the dry ground, and others to bring our oares into the house for feare of stealing. When we were come into the utter roorne, having five roomes in her house, she caused us to sit down by a great fire, and after tooke off our clothes and washed them, and dried them againe ; some of the women plucked off our stockings, and washed them, some washed our feete in warm water, and she herself tooke CH. III.] AMIDAS AND BARLOW S LETTER. 25 great paines to see all things ordered in the best manner she could, making great haste to dresse some nieate for us to eate. After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us into this inner roome, where shee set on the boord standing along the house, some wheate like furmentie ; sodden venison and roasted ; fish, sodden, boyled, and roasted ; melons, rawe and sodden ; rootes of divers kinds ; and divers fruites. Their drinke is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they drinke wine, and for want of caskes to keepe it, all the yere after they drink water, but it is sodden with ginger in it, and black sinarnon, and sometimes sassaphras, and divers other wholesome and medicinable hearbes and trees. We were entertained with oil love and kindnesse, and with as nitich bountie, after their manner, as they could possibly devise. We found the people mofet gentle, loving, and faithfull, voide of all guile and treason, and such as live after the maner of the golden age. The people onely care howe to defend themselves from the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such meat as the soile afforeth ; their meat is very well sod den, and they make broth very sweet and savorie ; their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white, and sweete ; their dishes are wooden platters of sweet timber. Within the place where they feede was their lodging, and within that their idoll, which they wor ship, of whom they speake incredible things. While we wfire at meate, there came in at the gates two or three men with their bowes and arrowes from VOL. I. 6 hunting, whom, when we espied, we beganne to looke one towardes an other, and offered to reach our weap ons ; but as soone as shee espied our mistrust, she was very much moved, and caused some of her men to runne out, and take away their bowes and arrowes and breake them, and withall, beate the poore fellowes out of the gate againe. When we departed in the evening, and would not tarry all night, she was very sory, and gave us into our boate our supper half dressed, pottes and all, and brought us to our boate side, in which we lay all night, removing the same a prettie distance from the shoare ; shee perceiving our jelousie, was much grieved, and sent divers men and thirtie women to sit all night on the banke-side by us, and sent; us into our boates five mattes, to cover us from the raine, using very many wordes to intreate us to rest in their houses ; but because we were fewe men, and if we had miscarried the voy age had bene in very great danger, we durst not adventure any thing, although there was no cause of doubt, for a more kinde and loving people there cannot be found in the worlde, as far as we have hitherto had triall."* Charmed with the beauty of every thing they saw, and quite willing to believe that no change could ever mar the loveliness of a scene so enchanting, Amidas and Barlow contented them selves with very limited explorations, and taking with them two of the na tives, Wanchese and Manteo, they re turned to England. Raleigh was in * Hakluyt, vol. iu., p. 301. 26 ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION BY THE ENGLISH. . L raptures with the prospect before him, and Elizabeth expressed her desire that the new region should be called VIR GINIA, in honor of the virgin queen of England. Raleigh soon after received the honor of knighthood, and by special favor had granted to him a lu crative monopoly of wines, which en abled him to carry on vigorously his efforts at colonization. It was not dif ficult, under so many favoring circum stances, to fit out a new and strong ex pedition. Seven vessels, which carried out one hundred and eight colonists, sailed from Plymouth in April, under the command of Sir Richard Grenville, one of the bravest men of his age. Ralph Lane was ap pointed governor ; and Hariot, an emi nent mathematician, and With, an in genious painter, were included in the expedition. Proceeding by way of the West Indies, on the 20th of June they fell in with the main land of Florida, and having narrowly escaped shipwreck at Cape Fear, they came to anchor, on the 26th, at Wococon. Ralph Lane was a gallant officer, knighted subsequently by the queen for his valor, but he possessed rather the qualities of the ardent soldier than of the patient and judicious colonist. Hasty in resolve, and " sudden and quick in quarrel," his rash and hostile conduct towards the Indians was the source of very great tribulation to this and other succeeding expeditions. But the first deadly offence was given by (rrenville himself. A party was sent on shore, accompanied by Manteo, and all might have gone well, but for an act of hasty revenge, the first probably which tended to arouse uneasy and sus picious thoughts in the breasts of the confiding Indians. One of these had been tempted to steal a silver cup ; its promised restoration was delayed ; upon which the English " burnt and spoiled their corn and towne, all the people being fled." The colonists being landed, Gren ville, after a short stay, and the col lection of a cargo of pearls and skins, returned to England, capturing on the way a Spanish ship richly laden, "board ing her with a boat made with boards of chests, which fell asunder and sank at the ship s side, as soon as ever he and his men were out of it." With this prize he returned to Plymouth, and was warmly welcomed. After this first experience of unprovoked cru elty, the Indians, anxious to get rid of the settlers, whom they now learned both to hate and fear, began to form se cret combinations against them. Lane, who was evidently but little qualified for his post, being alternately severe and credulous, received such informa tion from one of the chiefs, as induced him to ascend the Roanoke, partly in quest of pearls, mineral treasures, and partly to explore the interior. The ad venture was disastrous ; the boats made slow progress against the rapidity of the current ; the banks were desert- ed, and no provisions to be ob tained ; yet all agreed not to abandon the enterprise while a half-pint of corn remained for each man ; moreover they determined that they would kill their " two mastites, upon the pottage of which, with sassafras leaves if the worst fell out they would make shi ft to CH. III.] ROANOKE ABANDONED BY LANE. 27 live two dayes." Having been treach erously attacked by the Indians, and having consumed the " dogge s por ridge that they had bespoken for them selves," and returned to the river s mouth, and their boats being unable to cross the sound on account of a storm " on Easter Eve, which was fasted very truly," they were reduced to the sassa fras without the animal seasoning, "the like whereof," observes Lane, "was never before used for a meate as I thinke." The next morning they arrived at Roanoke famished and dispirited. Thomas Hariot was undoubtedly the most acute observer in the colony, and his efforts at obtaining a correct knowl edge of the country, the people, pro ductions, etc., were unusually success ful. He labored especially among the simple natives, and endeavored to lead them to a knowledge of the truths of Christianity. To use his own language, " Most things they saw with us, as ma- thematicall instruments, sea-compasses, the vertue of the loadstone, perspective glasses, burning glasses, clocks to goe of themselves, bookes, writing, guns, and such like, so far exceeded their ca pacities, that they thought they were rather the workes of gods than men, or at least the gods had taught us how to make them, which loved us so much better than them ; and caused many of them to give credit to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my best to make His irnmortall glory knowne ; and L told them, although the Bible I shewed them contained all, yet of itselfe, it was not of any such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding, many would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and embrace it, to hold it to their breasts and heads, and stroke all their body over with it."* "Unhappily, however, the majority of the colonists were less distinguished by marks of piety and prudence than by an eager and vehement desire of gaining sudden and great wealth. Fail ing in this, and in their vexation deal ing harshly with the Indians, the na tives sought to rid themselves of their visitors, willing even to abandon their fields without planting, if famine would drive away the English. Lane, appre hensive of a conspiracy to destroy the colony, sought an interview with "Win- gina, the most active of the chiefs, and treacherously murdered all within his reach. The stock of provision? which they had brought from England was exhausted ; and the colony, reduced to very great straits, was about to dis solve ; when unexpectedly Sir Francis Drake appeared with his fleet, on his return from a successful expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies. He supplied to the full the wants of Lane ; gave him a bark of seventy tons, with suitable boats, and arranged everything for the prosperous continuance of the colony. A sudden storm, however, destroyed the vessel which Drake had provided; and not only the colonists themselves, but Lane also, in great despondency, begged to be permitted to return with Drake s ships to England. The privilege was freely given, and in June, 1586, the settlement at Koauoke was abandoned. * Hakluyt, vol. iii., p. 324. 28 ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION BY THE ENGLISH. Their desertion of the colony was quite too precipitate; for only a few days after their departure, a vessel ar rived laden with stores. It had been sent by Raleigh ; but finding the col ony broken up, the ship returned home again. Within less than two weeks, Sir Richard Grenville, too, appeared off the coast with three ships well fur nished, in search of the colony. Leav ing fifty men* on the island of Roanoke, with two years provisions, he also re turned home. "The Paradise of the World" thus far had been little else than expense and disappointment.f Raleigh, however, was not the man to yield to disappointment. The valu able descriptions which Hariot gave of the country and its productions, the soil, climate, etc., rendered it comparatively easy to collect a new colony for America ; and it was deter mined to found if possible an enduring state. Emigrants with their wives and 1587. * Mr. Bancroft says fifteen ; but Smith, and others, fifty. The latter seerns the more probable number. f It is asserted by Camden, that tobacco was now for the first time brought into England by these set tlers ; and there can be little doubt that Lane had been directed to import it by Raleigh, who must have seen it used in France during his residence there. There is a well-known tradition, that Sir Walter first began to smoke it privately in his study, and that his servant coming in with his tankard of ale and nutmeg, as he was intent upon his book, see ing the smoke issuing from his mouth, threw all the liquor in his face by way of extinguishing the fire, and running down stairs, alarmed the family with piercing cries, that his master, before they could get up, would be burned to ashes. From its being deemed a fashionable acquirement, and from the favorable opinion of its salutary qualities entertained by several physicians, the practice of smoking spread rapidly among the English; and by a singular ca price of the human species, no less inexplicable than unexampled, it has happened that tobacco has come into almost universal use. families were sent out to make their homes in the New World ; municipal regulations were established ; Mr. John White was appointed governor, and a charter of incorporation was granted for the " City of Raleigh." Leaving Portsmouth on the 26th of April, they anchored off the coast on the 22d of July. An immediate search was made for the men left the year before on the island of Roanoke ; but in vain. The Indians had easily wreaked their ven geance upon them. Desolation and ruin brooded over the scene. According to the instructions of Raleigh, Chesapeake Bay was marked out for the new settlement ; but dissen sion speedily arising, White was unable to proceed farther, and the foundations of the proposed city were laid on the island of Roanoke. Manteo, with his kindred, joyfully welcomed the Eng lish ; but the Indians in general were decidedly hostile. As little progress could be made under so many discour aging circumstances, the united voices of the colonists begged White to re turn with the ship to England to se cure prompt and abundant supplies and reinforcements. Only a few days before sailing, the daughter of the Governor, Mrs. Eleanor Dare August 8th gave birth to a daughter, who was the first child born of English parentage on the soil of the United States. She was appropriately named VIRGINIA DARE. Reluctantly leaving his family and the colony, which now numbered eighty-nine men, seventeen women, and eleven children, White re turned home. He was never privi leged to look upon them again. CH. III.] SLOW PROGRESS OF COLONIZATION. 29 15. On reaching England, White found O O / the whole country aroused to prepare for the great invasion threatened by Philip of Spain and his Invincible Armada. Yet Raleigh was not forgetful of his colony; even amidst his engrossing cares at home, he managed to fit out, in April, two vessels with sup plies; but the ships company, eager after prize-money, sought the gains of privateering rather than the path of duty. Worsted in an engage ment, they were compelled to put back, and thus they virtually abandoned the colony to ruin. The delay proved fa tal ; nothing further could be done at the time ; Raleigh was nearly bank rupt by the heavy outlays to which he had been subjected ; and it was not till 1590 that White was en abled to return and search for his family and the colony he had left. Roanoke was literally a desert ; the ruins of desolate habitations, and the word " Croatan," on the bark of a tree, were all the traces that remained of the ill-fated colony. It was thought possible that they might have taken refuge with Manteo and his people ; but nothing transpired ever after to point out what had been their lot. Raleigh, who had spent nearly $200- 000 in his noble efforts, was unable to do anything more. Accordingly he as signed his rights as proprietary to Sir Thomas Smith and a company of merchants in London, and engaged in other schemes, especially that of penetrating into the heart of Guiana, where he fondly hoped to re pair his shattered fortunes. The Lon don company did not succeed in in- 159. ducing colonists to go to Virginia ; they simply carried on a traffic of no great moment, by the agency of a few vessels, without being able to effect any settlements in the New World. Hence, in 1603, after a period of more than a hundred years from the time that Cabot discovered the Continent of North America, and twenty from the time that Raleigh sent out his first colony, not a single Englishman remained in the New World. Thus slowly did the work of colonization go on ! In the last year of the reign of Elizabeth, Bartholomew Gos- uold set out in a small vessel to make a more direct course to Virginia than that which was usual by way of the Canaries and West Indies. In seven weeks he reached the coast of Massachusetts, near Nahant. Keeping to the south in search of a harbor, he discovered the promontory which he called Cape Cod ; this was the first spot in New England ever trod by Englishmen. Doubling the cape, and passing Nantucket, they entered Buz zard s Bay, which they called Gosnold s Hope. On the westernmost of the islands in the Bay they determined to settle, and named it Elizabeth, after the queen. They built a fort and store-house, on a rocky islet in the centre of a small lake of fresh water, traces of which were seen by Dr. Belknap in 1797. They were delight ed with the luxuriant vegetation of early summer, the fragrance of the scented shrubs, the abundance of the wild grapes and strawberries ; and the natural impulse was to wish to remain ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION BY THE ENGLISH. . J. 1603. there. But the smallness of their num ber, surrounded as they were with the Indians, the want of provisions, and the recollection of what had befallen the hapless settlers in Virginia, with the dissensions that sprung up, induced them, shortly after, to return to Eng land. They arrived in less than four months from the time of their depart ure, without having suifered from any sickness ; and spread on all sides most favorable reports of the soil and climate of the new-discovered lands, while the new course they had held was shorter by one third than any by which the shores of America had been previously visited. The accession of James I. was speedi ly followed by peace between England and Spain. Many act ive and energetic men who had been engaged in the struggle, were desirous of new fields of labor and enterprise, and nothing* promised so well as the New "World. Merchants and others became deeply interested in the re ports of Gosnold and his companions, and it was not found difficult to induce them to undertake the following up the discoveries already made. These projects were powerfully aided by the judicious counsel and zealous encour agement of Richard Hakluyt, a pre bendary of Westminster, a man of eminent attainments in naval and com mercial knowledge, the patron and counsellor of many of the English ex peditions of discovery, and the histo rian of their exploits. By his per suasion, two vessels were fitted out by the merchants of Bristol, under com mand of Martin Pring, to examine the discoveries of Gosnold, and ascertain the correctness of his statements. They returned w r ith an ample confirmation of his veracity. A similar expedition, commanded by Captain Wey- mouth, equipped and despatched by Lord Arundel, not only produced additional testimony to the same effect, but reported so many further particu lars in favor of the country, that all doubts were removed; and an associa tion sufficiently numerous, wealthy, and powerful, to attempt a settlement, be ing soon formed, a petition was pre sented to the king for the sanction of his authority to its being carried into effect. James listened with a favorable ear to the application. But as the extent as well as value of the American con tinent began now to be better know r n, a grant of the whole of such a vast region to any one body of men, how ever reputable, appeared to him an act of impolitic and profuse liberal ity. For this reason he divided -k-r T A 1606. that portion of North America, which stretches from the thirty-fourth to the forty-fifth degree of latitude, into two districts nearly equal ; the one called the First or South Colony of Vir ginia, the other, the Second or North <D Colony. He authorized Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Richard Hakluyt, and their associates in the London Company, being mostly resi dent in London, to plant anywhere be tween thirty-four and forty-one degrees of north latitude, or between Cape Fear and the east end of Long Island. The Plymouth Company, composed of residents in the west of England, CH. III.] CHARTER OF THE LONDON COMPANY. 31 might plant anywhere between the thirty-eighth and forty-fifth degrees of north latitude, or between Delaware Bay and Halifax ; but neither company were to begin its settlement within a hundred miles of any spot previously occupied by the other. Each colony was to extend along the coast fifty miles either way from the point first occupied, and from the same point in land a hundred miles, embracing ten thousand square miles of continental territory. The supreme government of the colonies that were to be settled, was vested in a council, resident in England, named by the king, with laws and ordinances given under his sign manual ; and the subordinate jurisdic tion was committed to a council, resi dent in America, which was also nomi nated by the king, and to act conforma bly to his instructions. The charter, while it thus restricted the emigrants in the important article of internal regulations, secured to them and their descendants all the rights of denizens, in the same manner as if they had re mained or had been born in England ; and granted them the privilege of hold ing their lands in America by the freest and least burdensome tenure. The kins: o permitted whatever was necessary for the sustenance or commerce of the new colonies to be exported from England, during the space of seven years, with out paying any duty ; and, as a farther incitement to industry, he granted them liberty of trade with other nations; and appropriated the duty to be levied on foreign commodities, as a fund for the benefit of the colonies, for the pe riod of twenty-one years. He also granted them liberty of coining money, of repelling enemies, and of detaining ships trading there without their leave " In this singular charter," says Dr. Ro bertson, "the contents of which have been little attended to by the historians of America, some articles are as unfa vorable to the rights of the colonists as others are to the interest of the parent state. By placing the legislative and executive powers in a council nomina ted by the crown, and guided by its instructions, every person settling in America seems to be bereaved of the noblest privilege of a free man ; by the unlimited permission of trade with for eigners, the parent state is deprived of that exclusive commerce which has been deemed the chief advantage resulting from the establishment of colonies. But in the infancy of colonization, and without the guidance of observation or experience, the ideas of men, with re spect to the mode of forming new set tlements, were not fully unfolded or properly arranged. At a period when they could not foresee the future gran deur and importance of the communi ties which they were about to call into existence, they were ill qualified to concert the best plan for governing them. Besides, the English of that age, accustomed to the high preroga tive and arbitrary rule of their mon- archs, were* not animated with such liberal sentiments, either concerning their own personal or political rights, as have become familiar in the more mature and improved state of their constitution."* * Robertson s "History of America" book ix p. 212. COLONIZATION OF VIRGINIA. [BK. 1. 16O6. Not long after the grant of this charter, James issued " Instructions for the Government of Virginia," in which he appointed a council, as pro vided for in the charter, to be increased or altered at the king s plea sure, and authorized to nominate and superintend the local councils, reduced by these instructions to seven mem bers each. These seven were to choose a president from their own number, with power to suspend him or any counsellor for good cause, and to fill vacancies till new appointments came from England; the president to have a double vote. It was made the espec ial duty of these councils to provide that "the true Word and service of God, according to the rites and service of the Church of England, be preached, planted, and used in the colonies and among the neighboring savages." Tu mults, rebellion, conspiracy, mutiny and sedition, along with seven other of fences, all triable by jury, were de clared capital ; lesser offences were to be tried summarily, and punished by the local councils at their discretion ; all laws enacted by these councils not touching life or limb, to remain in force till set aside by the king or the council for Virginia. For five years after their first plantation, the trade and industry of the colonists were to remain a com mon stock, or " two or three stocks at the most," to be managed, in each colony, by a factor selected annually by the local council, and in England, by committees appointed for that pur pose. A knowledge of these provisions is quite necessary to make the early history of Virginia intelligible. Under such a state of things as this, and under auspices of this nature, was the first permanent settlement effected by Englishmen in the New World. CH APTEK IV. 16061625, COLONIZATION OF VIRGINIA. The London Company Members of the council and emigrants Dissensions Enter Chesapeake Bay James town John Smith His eminent value to the colony Sickness Smith takes the lead Explorations Taken prisoner Saved by Pocahontas New arrivals Smith explores the Chesapeake Made president of the council New charter Lord Delaware captain-general Character of emigrants Smith returns to England The "starving-time" Timely arrival of Gates, Somers, and Lord Delaware Return of better days Dale Enlargement of grant Marriage of Pocahontas Rights of private property Argall Yeardley First Colonial Assembly Introduction of Negro slavery Tobacco, cotton, etc. Colony not profitable to the Company Massacre by the Indians Retaliation Dissolution of the Company Death of King James. THE London Company consisted of Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Richard Hakluyt, Edward Maria Wing- field, and others, especially Sir Thomas Smith, one of the assignees of Raleigh s patent. Every contributor of about Cii. IV.] SETTLEMENT OF JAMESTOWN. S3 16OO. sixty dollars was entitled to a hundred acres of land, and every person emigrating to the colony, or carrying others there at his own ex pense, was allowed a hundred acres for each person. On all grants of lands a quit-rent was reserved. Three vessels were fitted out by the Company, un der command of Christopher Newport, and together with Wingfield, Gosnold, Hunt, the chaplain, and the famous John Smith, a hundred and five men embarked this was on the 19th of December, 1606. Unfortunately, less than twenty of these were practical mechanics and workmen, the large pro portion being in no sense possessed of the qualifications necessary in laying the foundations of a colony in a new and unknown world. Dissensions arose on the voyage, al most of necessity, for the king, by a refinement of folly, had sealed up in a tin box, the names and instructions of those who were to form the council. The evident superiority of Smith for the present undertaking excited envy and jealousy, and on a frivolous charge he was put in confinement on the voyage. The prudent and judicious conduct and exhortations of the excellent chaplain served, however, greatly tc allay the feelings of jealousy and animosity which had been aroused. Newport took the old route by the Canaries, so that he did not reach the coast of Vir ginia till April, 1607. By what may be termed a fortunate gale, he was driven quite past the site of the old colony, into the mouth of the noble Chesapeake Bay. The headlands were called Cape Henry and Cape Charles, VOL. 1. 7 1607 and the deep water for anchorage led to the name of Point Comfort. De lighted with this noble inlet, they sailed up and explored James River for fifty miles, and there fixed upon the site for the colony. The name JAMES TOWN was adopted, and it is the old est town founded by the English in America. Smith was found named as one of the council, when the box came to be opened, yet so great was the jealousy of Wingfield that he succeeded in having the only competent man among them excluded from the council, and put upon his trial for sedition. He was honorably acquitted, and by the good offices of Hunt, the chaplain, was restored to his seat in the council. In deed, had it not been for this coura geous, energetic, and ever ready man, the whole colony would probably soon have shared the like disastrous fate with that at Roanoke. In company with Newport, Smith ascended James River, and visited Pow- hatan, who received them with cere mony, but with little cordiality. In June, Newport returned to England with the ships, and the colonists be came speedily sensible of their true position. Weak in numbers, reduced by sickness, without suitable provisions, suffering from the summer heats, ex posed to the hostility of the natives, their condition was truly deplorable ; half of the whole died before autumn, one of whom was Gosnold. The presi dent of the council, Wingfield, was de posed for avarice and endeavoring meanly to desert the colony in its trouble ; Ratclilfe, his successor, wa<j 34 COLONIZATION OF VIRGINIA. [B K . quite incompetent ; so that, in fact, the whole care and management of aifairs fell into the hands of Smith. And we ll was it for the colony that so it was. The fortifications were repaired ; con spiracies set on foot by Wingfield and others were crushed ; and winter, as it approached, furnished plenty of game and wild fowl. Smith now set out to explore the Chickahominy, a tributary which entered James River a little above Jamestown. This was in obe dience to a command which required, with singular ignorance as to the breadth of the continent, that a com munication should be sought with the South Sea, by ascending some stream that flowed from the north-west. Sur prised by the Indians while on this ex pedition, Smith was made prisoner : his presence of mind did not forsake him : he so astonished the Indians with a pocket compass, and with accounts of its marvellous powers, that he was con ducted by them with mingled triumph and fear from tribe to tribe, as a re markable being, whose character and designs they were unable to penetrate, in spite of all the incantations of their seers. At length he was brought in to the presence of the aged Powhatan. The politic chief, seated in the midst of his women, received him with a dis play of barbaric ceremony ; and whilst he was feasted they proceeded to de liberate upon his fate. Their fears dic tated the policy of his destruction ; he was suddenly dragged forward, his head placed upon a Iarg3 stone, and the club already uplifted to dash out Lis brains, when Pocahontas, " the king s most deare and well-beloved daughter a child of tenne or twelve years of age," after unavailing and passionate entreaties for the life of the white man, so noble a being to her youthful imagi nation, ran forward and clung to him with her arms, and laying her head upon his own, disarmed the savage fury of his executioners. The life of the wondrous stranger was preserved, and his open and generous character won the heart of the youthful Poca hontas. By the promise of " life, liberty, land, and women," they now sought to engage Smith in an attack upon the colonists, but his address and influence turned them from the project, and he was, after seven weeks 1 captiv ity, dismissed with promises of support and amity. Like a tutelary genius, the loving Indian girl, after saving the life of their chief, "revived the dead spirits" of the colonists by her atten tion to their wants, bringing every day with her attendants, baskets of pro visions, so that, the enmity of the sav ages disarmed, and a supply of food obtained, " all men s fear was now aban doned." On his return to Jamestown, Smith found the colony on the brink of ruin and only at the risk of his life suc ceeded in preventing the cle- sertion of the forty persons yet remaining. Newport soon after ar rived with supplies and a hundred and twenty emigrants. These, howevei, proved not only of no service to the colony, but positively injurious, foi, being chiefly vagabond gentlemen and goldsmiths, they stirred up the old thirst for gold ; and Newport was CH. IV.J SMITH S LABORS AND SERVICES. 35 foolish enough to carry back to Eng land a cargo of worthless earth which covetous and greedy eyes had magnified into sands full of gold. Little satis fied with such egregious folly, Smith now undertook, in an open barge of three tons burden, the exploration of the vast Bay of the Chesapeake. The event was more answerable to his an ticipations, than to the very limited means at his command. During three months he visited all the countries on the eastern and western shores, ex plored the Patapsco, the Potomac, and others of the great tributaries that swell that magnificent basin, trading with friendly tribes, fighting with those hostile, observing the nature and pro ductions of their territories, and leav ing behind him, by the exercise of ready tact and dauntless intrepidity, unstained by a single act of cruelty, a high im pression of the valor and nobleness of the English character. After sailing in two successive cruises above three thousand miles, in contending with hardship and peril, and the discourage ment of his companions, whose com plaints he humorously silenced by a reference to the expedition of Lane, and the " dogge s porridge" to which he had been reduced, he succeeded in bringing back to Jamestown an account of the regions bordering on the Chesa peake, with a map that long served as the basis of. subsequent delineations. A few days after his return, Smith was made president of the council, and speedily infused vigor and activity into the whole administration of the colony. Seventy new emigrants, two of them females, arrived, but as before, they 16O. 16O9. were quite unsuitable in character for the benefit of the settlement : " When you send again," Smith wrote home, "I entreat you rather send but thirty carpenters, husband men, gardeners, fishermen, blacksmiths, masons, and diggers up of trees roots, well provided, than a thousand of such as we have." But he was equal to the emergency, and his firm ness never gave way ; despite all diffi culties, he enforced order and industry among the colonists. The London Company, chagrined at its failure of acquiring sudden wealth, readily agreed to a change in its con stitution. The king made over to the Company the powers which he had re served to himself ; the supreme council was to be chosen by the stockholders themselves, and in the exercise of the powers of legislation and government was independent of the king. The lim its of the colony were extended, and many of the nobility and gentry, as well as tradesmen of London, became associates in the Company. The Coun cil thus empowered to establish what laws they deemed best for the colony, and to send out a governor to execute them, obtained absolute control over the lives, liberty, and fortunes of the colonists. There seemed now reason able hope of at least a firm, and effect ive administration of the affairs of the colony. The first act of the new coun cil- was to appoint Lord Delaware, whose virtues adorned his rank, as Governor and Captain-general of the colony. Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Somers were authorized to ad minister its affairs until his arrival 36 COLONIZATION OF VIRGINIA, [B*. 1. Under such auspices, an expedition of unusual magnitude might have been expected ; and nine vessels, under the command of Newport, containing more than five hundred emigrants, were soon on their way out. The prosperity of Virginia seemed placed at length be yond the reach of danger. An un foreseen accident interrupted their san guine expectations; a violent storm arose; the vessel on board of which were Gates, Sorners, and Newport, was separated from the rest, and after a narrow escape from foundering, was stranded on the coast of the Bermudas, but without loss of life. The rest of the ships, with the exception of one small ketch, succeeded in reaching Jamestown in safety. Smith meanwhile had been zealously occupied in maintaining order and se curity among the little band of colo nists. The sudden arrival of so con siderable a reinforcement disconcerted all his arrangements. The new emi grants were "unruly gallants, packed off to escape ill destinies at home," men of broken fortunes and unsteady habits ; the actual government was void, the fate of the new governor un certain, the provisional authority of Smith doubtful and contested, and everything tended to the speedy disso lution of their little society. Union alone could insure their defence against the Indians, whose jealousy of their encroachments was steadily gaining ground; but every day their dissen sions increased. Powhatan, checked at times by the ascendancy of Smith, at others formed plans for cutting them all off. In these distresses and perils Pocahontas still proved herself the guardian angel of the unruly colonists ; and, " under God," as Smith declared in a letter to the queen of James I., "the instrument for preserving them from death, famine, and utter confusion. When her father," he observes, " with policy sought to surprise me, having but eighteen men with me, the dark night could not affright her from com ing through the irksome woods, and with watery eyes gave me intelligence, with her best advice, to escape his fury, which, had he known, he had surely slain her." While disunion thus exposed the settlers to Indian treach ery, the want of concerted industry, and the rapid consumption of their stores, soon threatened them with all the horrors of famine. Although his authority had been superseded, Smith still continued, from a feeling of pub lic spirit, to wrestle with the factious colonists, and to hold the helm until the arrival of his successor. But at this critical period, when every thing seemed to be rapidly tending to an archy and ruin, an accidental explosion of gunpowder inflicted upon him a dangerous wound which the surgical skill of Virginia could not relieve. " Delegating his authority to Percy, he embarked for England. Extreme suf fering from his wounds, and the ingrati tude of his employers were the fruits of his services. He received for his sacrifices and his perilous exertions, not one foot of land, not the house he him self had built, not the field his own hands had planted, nor any reward but the applause of his conscience and the world. He was the Father of Vir- Ca. IV.] THE "STARVING TIME." 37 ginia, the true leader who first planted the Saxon race within the borders of the United States. His judgment had been ever clear in the midst of general despondency. He united the highest spirit of adventure with consummate powers of action. His courage and self-possession accomplished what others esteemed desperate. Fruitful in ex pedients, he was prompt in execution. Though he had been harassed by the persecutions of malignant envy, he never revived the memory of the faults of his enemies. He was accustomed to lead, not to send, his men to danger ; would suffer want rather than borrow, and starve sooner than not pay. He had nothing counterfeit in his nature ; but was open, honest, and sincere. He clearly discerned that it was the true interest of England not to seek in Vir ginia for gold and sudden wealth, but to enforce regular industry. Nothing, said he, is to be expected thence but by labor. "* This illustrious man never revisited Virginia, although he was several times in New England in the service of the Plymouth Company. His death oc curred in 1631, at London, in the fifty- second year of his age. Mr. Hillard, in his well-written biography of Cap tain Smith, thus sums up the obliga tions which America owes to him: " The debt of gratitude due to him is national and American, and so should his glory be. Wherever upon this con tinent the English language is spoken, his deeds should be recounted, and his memory hallowed. His services should * Bancroft s c History of the United States," vol. i., p. 138. not only be not forgotten, but should be freshly remembered. His name should not only be honored by the silent canvass, and the cold marble, but his praises should dwell living upon the lips of men, and should be handed down by fathers to their chil dren. Poetry has imagined nothing more stirring and romantic than his life and adventures, and history, upon her ample page, has recorded few more honorable and spotless names."* On the departure of Smith the col ony speedily plunged into misery and wretchedness. Their supply of pro visions soon failed ; the Indians refused further aid, and murdered numbers ; in less than six months a horrible famine, remembered long after in Vir ginia, as the "starving time" brought the colony to the last point ; out of five hundred persons left by Smith in the colony, only sixty remained ; and indo lence, vice, and famine had st> reduced these, that had relief been delayed ten days longer they also must have per ished. But succor arrived in season to pre vent so sad a catastrophe. Gates and Soniers, who had been shipwrecked on the Bermudas, but without losing a single life, had fortunately succeeded in preserving their provisions and stores ; and while the colonists of Virginia had suffered the pinchings of want, the spontaneous bounties of nature had richly supported them for many months. Anxious to rejoin their companions, they constructed two crazy * "Life of Captain John Smith" p. 143. Soo also Mr. \V. G. Simms s picturesque and pleasantly written Life of the same brave adventurer. 1610. 38 COLONIZATION OF VIRGINIA. [B K . vessels, and were fortunate enough, May 24th, to reach Virginia in safety. They were horror-struck at the appear ance of the few surviving colonists, and, finding that their stores would last but for sixteen days longer, they resolved to abandon Virginia, the scene of so many and prolonged mis eries, and even to consume the town on their departure; an act of insane folly which was happily prevented by Gates. On the 7th of June, at noon, they embarked in four pinnaces, and fell down the river with the tide. Next morning, before they had reached the sea, they wer-i startled with the sudden appearance of the long boat of Lord Delaware, who had just arrived at the mouth of the river with ships and reinforcements. By persuasion and authority he prevailed upon the melan choly band to return. The first act of Lord Delaware was, on the 10th of June, to publish his commission, and to consecrate his functions by the solem nities of prayer and supplication to God. The hearts of the colonists were full ; the arrival of the governor seemed to them like a special deliverance of Divine Providence. They took cour age to grapple with the difficulties of their situation, and ere long found them to yield to determined energy. The mingled firmness and gentleness of the new governor restrained the factious, and won over the dissolute and refrac tory. A regular system of daily labor was established, and every one submit ted to his appointed work, which was regularly preceded by public worship. The colony now began to put forth some promise of permanent establish ment ; but scarcely had Lord Del a wart- brought about this gratifying result, when his health failed, and he was compelled to return to England, leav ing George Percy as his deputy. Dui ing his short stay, he had not only re duced the colonists, now numbering about two hundred, to some degree of order, but had repressed the encroach ments of the Indians, by the erection of new forts, and by attacking some of their villages. Sir George Somers was dispatched for provisions to the Ber mudas, but he did not live to return. Captain Samuel Argall, who accompa nied him in another vessel, succeeded at last in obtaining supplies of corn on the shores of the Potomac. In May, soon after the departure of Lord Delaware, Sir Thomas Dale arrived in Virginia with three ships, three hundred emigrants, and a supply of cattle, provisions, and other articles needful for the colony. He was empowered to administer summary justice upon any and all classes of of fenders. In the latter part of August, Sir Thomas Gates also arrived with six ships, two hundred and eighty men, and twenty women, a considerable quantity of cattle and hogs, military stores, and other necessaries ; and as sumed the government amid the thanks givings of the colony, and with daily prayers for England, their much loved native land. The colony now began to extend itself up James River, where several new settlements were eifected, and a town built, enclosed with a pali sade, which, in honor of prince Henry, was called Henrico. Yet the rights of the Indians were not sufficiently re- OH. IV. MARRIAGE AND DEATH OF POCAIIONTAS 1612. garded, and in general scant justice was meted out to them. In the following year the Adven turers in England obtained from the king an enlargement of their grants. The Bermudas were included within the limits of their third patent, but were soon after transferred to a separate Company, and named, in hon or of Sir George Somers, the Somers Islands. The supreme power which heretofore resided in the Council was now transferred to the Company, and frequent meetings were held for the transaction of business, thus giving to the corporation something of a demo cratic form. The colony continued steadily to increase in prosperity, and <vas especially favored at this period in its history by a firm alliance being effected between the English and Pow- hatan and the Indians, in consequence of the marriage of the gentle and af fectionate Pocahontas. A foraging party, headed by Argall, had succeeded in carrying off this no ble maiden, and when her father indig nantly demanded her return it was re fused. Hostilities were about to break out, when a worthy young Englishman, named John Rolfe, winning the O favor of Pocahontas, asked her in marriage. Powhatan was delighted; his daughter, docile and gentle, was soon instructed in the Christian faith, and received baptism at the hands of that good man and minister of Christ, the Rev. Alexander Whitaker. The marriage was solemnized by the same clergyman,* according to the usages of * T>r. Hawks s " Protestant Episcopal Church in Virginia" p. 28. 1613. the Episcopal Church. The powerful Chickahominies sought the friendship of the English, and it was earnestly hoped that intermarriages might be come frequent ; but no such result fol lowed. The colonists seemed to have eschewed all alliances of the kind ; and the Indians nursed their vexation and wrath for a fitting revenge. A few words seem to be only due to the fate of Pocahontas. About three years after her marriage she accompanied her husband to Eng land, where she was much caressed for her gentle, modest behavior, and her great sendees to the colony. Here she fell in again with the gal lant Smith, whom from report she sup posed to have been long dead, and who has left us an interesting account of his interview with her, and of the circumstances of her untimely death: "Being about this time preparing to set sail for New England, I could not stay to do her that service I desired and she well deserved ; but hearing shee was at Branford with divers of my friends, I went to see her. After a modest salutation, without any word, she turned about, obscured her face, as not seeming well contented; and in that humour, her husband with divers others, we all left her two or three houres, repenting niyselfe to have writ she could speake English ; but not long after, she began to talke, and remem bered mee well what courtesies she had done, saying, You did promise Pow hatan what was yours should bee his. and he the like to you ; you called him father, being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason so must I doe you ; to COLONIZATION OF VIRGINIA. [B K . I. which though I would have excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a king s daughter ; with a well- set countenance, she said, Were you not afraid to come into my father s countrie, and caused feare in him and all his people but mee, and feare you here I should call you father ? I tell you, then, I will, and you shall call mee child, and so I will bee for ever and ever your countrieman. They did tell us alwais you were dead, and I knew no other till I came to Plimoth; yet Powhatan did command Uttamatomak- kin to seeke you and know the truth, because your countriemen will lie much. "The treasurer, councell, and coni- panie having well furnished Captaine Samuel Argall, the Lady Pocahontas, alias Rebecca, with her husband and others, in the good ship called the George, it pleased God, at Gravesend, to take this young lady to his mercie, where shee made not more sorrow for her unexpected death, than joy to the beholders to hear and see her make so religious and godly an end."* This sad event occurred in 161*7, when Pocahon tas was about twenty-two years of age. She left an infant son, who was educated in England, and through whom several families in Virginia claim direct de scent from the daughter of Powhatan. The stability of the colony was much promoted by the establishment of a right of private property, and the addition of a number of respectable young women from England. Sir Thomas Dale, though empowered to Smith * " History of Virginia," p. 121. exercise martial law, was yet so dis creet and just withal, that no oppres sion was felt during the five years that he remained in the colony from 1611 to 1616. Argall, in 1613, fell upon a colony which the French were just planting on the Penobscot, and com pletely destroyed it : subsequently he sailed north again, on a sort of pirati cal expedition, and threw down the fortifications of De Monts on the isle of St. Croix, and set fire to the desert ed settlement of Port Royal. On his return, in November, it is said that he entered the mouth of the Hudson and compelled the Dutch traders on the island of Manhattan to make an ac knowledgment of the authority and claims of England. But the statement is unsupported, and probably fictitious.* Gates returned to England in 1614, and Dale two years later, leav ing George Yeardley as deputy- governor. Through the efforts of r. faction he was displaced, and Argall, an active, but coarse and tyrannical man, was appointed deputy-governor, and also admi ral of the country and the neigh boring seas. His rapacity and tyranny soon occasioned loud complaints, and the Company solicited Lord Delaware to resume his former office: he left England, but died on the passage off the entrance of the bay which bears his name. After a struggle, Yeardley, the former deputy, was appoint ed governor, and the honor of knighthood was conferred upon him. 1614. 1C16. 1017 1619. * Mr. Brodhead positively asserts its falsity. See his " History of the State of New York," First Po- riod, p. 54. CH. IV . INTRODUCTION OF SLAVERY. 41 Argall made a hasty departure to the West Indies. Yeardley, soon after his arrival, called together the first Colo nial Assembly of Virginia, composed of the governor, the council, and depu ties from the eleven plantations. These deputies were called burgesses, a name of note in the history of Virginia. Two years later, when Sir Francis Wyatt succeeded Yeardley, the Com pany issued a Charter or Ordinance, which gave a constitution and perma nent government to the colony. At the same time the plantations were di vided into parishes, a glebe of a hun dred acres was allowed to each clergy man, and public worship according to the usages of the Church of England was positively enjoined. Sir Edwin Sandys, whose integrity and energy were of the highest value, had succeeded Sir Thomas Smith, as tieasurer During the year that he held office he sent out to Virginia twelve hundred emigrants, among whom were ninety young women, who became wives of the planters on the payment to the Company of a hundred pounds of tobacco, equal to about $75. The introduction of these into the colony, sanctioned by marriage and domestic ties, was in every point of view a decided advantage, and proved in the result a blessing. The king also did the colony the great injustice to send out a hundred dissolute vaga bonds, picked out of the jails and sold to be servants for a term of years a practice, by the way, which was long continued, though earnestly protested against by the colonists. At this date, a Dutch trading vessel brought into VOL. I. 8 Jamestown a cargo of twenty negroes, who were purchased by the planters for slaves : at intervals others were brought and purchased in the same way, and for the same pur pose. Whatever may have since been thought and said of the practice of buying and selling negroes, it is but simple justice to state, that neither the Virginians of that day, nor any one else, supposed that there was the slight est moral wrong in condemning to per petual slavery that part of the human race whose skin is black. The Earl of Southampton succeeded Sandys as treasurer, and, during the two years following, twenty-three hun dred emigrants were sent to Virginia. New plantations were established on James and York Rivers; and an es tate of ten thousand acres near the falls of James River was assigned as an endowment for a College in which the Indians, as well as colonists, wero to be educated. "The cultivation of tobacco had given a sudden impulse to Virginia; but the use of it was still quite limited, and the English market was soon overstocked. The price be gan to fall, and great anxiety was evinced by the enlightened treasurer for the introduction into the colony of other staples flax, silk, wine, and the preparation of lumber. New attempts were made at the manufacture of glass, pitch, tar, and potashes, and some Italians and Dutch were sent out to instruct the colonists in these opera tions."* The colony thus far, on the whole, * Hildreth s "History f the United States,- vol i., p. 121 COLONIZATION OF VIRGINIA. BK. 1. had not proved profitable to the Com pany ; although it had taken deep root, and promised great results in the fu ture.* Sir Francis Wyatt superseded Yeardley as governor, and was instructed, beside restricting the amount of tobacco which each planter might raise, to cultivate the good will of the natives. But unhappily it was too late, and a fearful visitation fell upon the colony in consequence. The aged Powhatan was dead. Ope- chancanough, his successor, a bold and cunning chief, had bided his time, and in profound secrecy he arranged and matured a scheme for an universal massacre of the whites. The Indians had been treated with contempt, as enemies of no moment ; military exer cises had gone into desuetude ; and the Indians had gradually become as dexterous as the colonists in the use of fire-arms. On the 22d of March, at a given signal, in the midst of apparent security, they fell upon every settlement; men, women, and children were slaughtered without mercy ; and had not a converted In dian, named Clianco, given warning the night before, the extent of the massacre must have been nearly uni versal. As it was, three hundred and fifty persons perished, including six of the Council. " And thus," says a con temporary, quoted by old Purchas, " the rest of the colony, that had warn ing given them, by this means was * " The first culture of cotton in the United States deserves commemoration. This year (1621) the seeds were planted as an experiment ; and their plentiful coming up was, at that early day, a sub ject of interest in America and England." Ban croft s "History of the United, States" vol. i., p. 179. 1622. saved. Such was God be thanked for it the good fruit of an infill el converted to Christianity; for though three hundred and more of ours died by many of these pagan infidels, yet thousands of ours were saved by the means of one of them alone, which was made a Christian." A savage war of retaliation and ex termination ensued. Sickness and fam ine, too, came upon them, and within a brief period the colonists were re duced from four thousand to twenty- five hundred. But the white men soon regained their wonted superiority over the red race, and the Indians, en trapped by lying promises of security and immunity, were slain without mercy : this state of warfare continued for about fourteen years. The colonists, by the terms of the charter, were not much better than in dented servants to the Company, who, notwithstanding the privileges they had granted, still retained the supreme direction of affairs. Their policy was narrow, timid, and fluctuating ; and its unfortunate result led to dis sensions, in which political, even more than commercial, questions, soon became the subject of eager dispute. In England the ministerial faction eagerly endeavored to fortify itself by gaining adherents among the Virginia Company, but the great majority were determined to assert the rights and liberties of the subject at home, as well as of the colonists abroad. A freedom of discussion on political matters in general was thus generated, which was regarded by the asserters of royal pre rogative, as being of highly dangerous 1623. Cu. IV.] FALL OF THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. 1624. tendency. King James, who had taken the alarm, was appealed to as arbiter by the minority, and, furnished with a pretext in the ill-success and presumed mismanagement of the Company s af fairs, determined upon a summary method of reforming them after his own standard. Without legal right, by the exercise of his prerogative alone, he ordered the records of the Company in London to be taken possession of, and appointed a commission to sit in judgment upon its proceedings, while another body was sent to Virginia to inquire into the condition and management of the colony. The first inquiry brought, it was confessed, much mismanagement to light, upon which the king, by an order in council, declared his own intention to assume in future the appointment of the officers of the colony, and the supreme direc tion of its affairs. The directors were invited to accede to this arrangement, on pain of the forfeiture of their char ter. Paralysed by the suddenness of this attack upon their privileges, they begged that they might be allowed time for consideration. An answer in three days time was peremptorily in sisted on. Thus merfaced, they deter mined to stand upon their rights, and to surrender them only to force. Upon their decided refusal, a writ of Qi^o Warranto was issued by the king against the Company, in order that the validity of its charter might be tried in the court of King s Bench. Parliament having assembled, a last appeal was made ; little sympathy, however, had that body for their exclusive privileges. At length the commissioners returned from Virginia with accumulated evi dences of misgovernment, and an earnest recommendation to the mon arch to recur to the original constitu tion of 1606, and to abrogate the demo cratic element which, it was asserted, had occasioned so much dissension and misrule. This afforded additional ground for a decision, which, as usual in that age, says Robertson, was " per fectly consonant to the wishes of the monarch. The charter was forfeited, the Company was dissolved, and all the rights and privileges conferred on it re turned to the king, from whom they flowed." Thus fell the Virginia Company, in 1625, after spend ing nearly $700,000 in their efforts to establish the colony. An agent was sent to England by the colonists praying that no change might take place in their acquired franchises and privileges; he, however, died on the passage. James continued AVyatt in office to exercise his authority on the precedent of the last five years, i. e., from the time that the Company estab lished the Colonial Assembly. The king had further plans in view, but his death on the 27th of March, 1625, finally closed his career with all its good and all its evil. 1C25. 44 SETTLEMENT OF NEW WETHERLAND. CHAPTER Y. 16091640, SETTLEMENT OF NEW NETHEKL AND. Henry Hudson Enters the service of the Dutch Discovers and explores the River now called by hie name His conduct to the natives His fate Dutch East India Company Block s explorations New Netherland The Walloons Purchase of Manhattan Island Trade the principal object Plan of Colo nization The patroons and their purchases Swaanendael Difficulties of this plan Minuit recalled Van Twiller governor Disputes with the English Attempts of the Swedes at colonization on the Delaware Their success. 1609. ABOUT two years after the settlement of Jamestown, and nearly at the same point of time that Champlain was ma king explorations in northern New York, a famous navigator, named Henry Hudson, entered the service of the Dutch East India Com pany. He was by birth an English man, and an intimate friend of the illustrious Captain John Smith. He had already made two voyages in the employ of London merchants, in search of a north-west passage to India, but not meeting sufficient encouragement at home, he went to Holland, and, early in April, 1609, was placed in command of a small vessel of eighty tons burden, called the Half-Moon, for a third voy age. Impeded by the ice in the north ern seas, he ran along the coast of Acadie, entered Penobscot Bay, made the land of Cape Cod, entered the Chesapeake and Delaware Bays, and on the 2d of September discovered and entered Sandy Hook Bay. On the llth, he passed through the Narrows, and on the 12th began his voyage up that noble river which now justly per petuates his fame, pronouncing the country along the river s banks "as beautiful a land as one can tread upon." Hudson ascended the river with his ship as far as where the present city of Albany stands, and thence sent a boat which probably explored somewhat be yond Waterford. Mr. Hildreth stig matizes Hudson s conduct towards the natives on several occasions, as marked by " reckless cruelty," which is hardly borne out, we- think, by the facts on record.* Descending the river, Hud- sou, on the 4th of October, set sail for home,f and in little more than a month * Sec Cleveland s "Life of Henry Hudson," ch. iv. f Mr. Bancroft s language, after narrating Hudson s departure for Europe, will interest those who would like to know something about " New York as it was :" " Sombre forests shed a melancholy grandeur over the useless magnificence of nature, and hid in their deep shades the rich soil which the sun had never warmed. No axe had levelled the giant progeny of the crowded groves, in which the fantastic forms of withered limbs, that had been blasted and riven by lightning, contrasted strangely with the verdant fresh ness of a younger growth of -branches. The wanton grape vine, seeming by its own power to have sprung from the earth and to have fastened its leafy coils on the top of the tallest forest tree, swung in the air with every breeze like the loosened shrouds of a ship . . . . . Reptiles sported in stagnant pools, or crawled un harmed over piles of mouldering trees. The spotted deer crouched among the thickets ; but not to hide, CH V.] MANHATTAN ISLAND FIRST OCCUPIED. 45 1610. 1613. arrived safely at Dartmouth in England. The ship, after some eight months de lay, was allowed to continue its voyage to Holland, but Hudson was detained by a royal order, and soon after fitted out for a fourth voyage. From that voyage he never returned, but, set adrift in an open boat with his young son and eight others, he perished in the frozen regions of that Bay which still bears his name and re minds us of his fearful fate. The Dutch East India Company claimed a right to the new lands dis covered by their agent; and vessels \vere immediately despatched to open a trade with the natives. A few fortified trading houses were erected for this purpose on the island of Manhattan, the nucleus of the future city of New York. Argall, it is said, returning to Virginia from his at tack on the French settlements, entered the harbor, and claimed the right of possession for England. Too weak to dispute his claim, the Dutch affected submission, but only till his vessels were out of sight. But this statement lacks confirmation, and is positively de nied by the best authorities.* The States-general had meanwhile granted a four years monopoly to any enter prising traders, and an Amsterdam company sent out five ships. One of these adventurers, Adriaen Block, ex tended the sphere of discovery by way for there was no pursuer ; and there were none but wild animals to crop the uncut herbage of the pro ductive prairies. Silence reigned," etc., etc. Ban croft s "History of the United States," vol. ii.,pp. 2668. * See Brodhead s "History of the State of New York, 1 1 First Period, p. 54. 1615. of the East River, ran through the formidable "Hellegat," or Hell Gate, and traced the shores of Long Island and the coasts of Connecticut as far as Cape Cod. A few years later, Captain Thomas Dermer was the first English man who visited the Dutch at Manhat tan and sailed through Long Island Sound. A fort was erected on Manhat tan Island, and another a few miles below Albany, more, how ever, as centres of traffic with the In dians, than with the view of permanent colonization. After a further duration of three years, during which they were first brought into contact with the Mo hawks, the easternmost of the Iroquois or Five Nations, and succeeded in open ing friendly relations with different tribes of Indians, the trading monopoly passed into the hands of the Dutch West India Company, who were endowed with the exclusive privilege of trafficking and colonizing on the coasts of Africa and America.* This wealthy and important corpora tion, combining military with commer cial operations, was divided into five chambers, established in five of the principal Dutch cities. Its affairs were managed by a Board of Directors called the Assembly of Nineteen; and its attention was devoted more espe cially to making reprisals on Spanish commerce, purchasing slaves, the con quest of Brazil, etc. New Netherland was committed to the charge of the * It deserves to be put on record here, to the credit of a Dutch navigator, that, in the year 1616, William Cornells S^houten, a merchant of Hoorn, in North Holland, first sailed around the southernmost point of South America : in honor of his native city, he called it " Cape Hoorn" 1621. 46 SETTLEMENT OF NEW NETHERLAND. 1623. 1621. Amsterdam Chamber. Two vessels were sent out under command of Cornells Jacobsen May, the companion of Block, who became the first Director of New Netherland. Du ring his brief administration of one year, a fort was built on the Delaware called Nassau: there was also built, on the Hudson, where Albany now stands, a fort named Fort Orange. A number of Walloons, who had been denied the privilege of settlement within the territory of the Virginia Company, came out in the vessel under command of May: these, who were, properly so called, the first colonists, settled on the north-west corner of Lone: Island, at Waal-Bo^t " "Wai- O O loon s Bay" now, Wallabout. In May, 1626, Peter Minuit arrived at Manhattan as Director-general of New Netherland, and entered vigor ously upon the duties of his office. Manhattan Island was purchased of the Indians for sixty gilders about $24 and a block-house, surrounded by a palisade, was built at the southernmost point: this was called J?urt Amsterdam. Staten Island was also purchased of the Indians, and the Dutch sent over to Holland specimens of wheat, rye, barley, flax, etc., as evi dence of the fertility and goodness of the soil. Although the fur trade had already reached, in the value of the exports, about $20,000 per annum, the Dutch had not as yet enter tained seriously the project of actual colonization and settlement on the banks of the Hudson. They were content to enjoy the profits of trade, and to have friendly intercourse with 1626. 1627. 1629. the English at New Plymouth, who, however, with characteristic feeling on the subject, did not fail to remind them that England- claimed the region of country they were occupying ; and when England claimed any thing, she was not likely very soon or easily to give it up. The States-general were induced, however, the next year, to approve a plan for colonization which the Assembly of Nineteen had drawn up. " Any member of the Com pany, who might establish in any part of New Netherland, within four years after the notice of his intention, a colony of fifty persons upwards of fif teen years of age, was to be entitled, by the name of Patroon, to a grant of territory so occupied, sixteen miles in extent alonsr the sea shore, or the bank O of some navigable river, or eight miles where both banks were occupied, with an indefinite extent inland. The islaim of Manhattan and the fur trade with the Indians were -expressly reserved to the Company ; and upon all trade carried on by the patroons, an ac knowledgment of five per cent, was to be paid. These patroons were to ex tinguish the Indian title, and were to <~> settle their lands with tenants, farmers having indented servants the same with O those of Virginia ; but the feudal privi leges reserved to the patroons, some traces of which still exist, present a marked difference between this Dutch scheme of settlement, and the free ten ure of lands adopted in Virginia. Free settlers who emigrated at their own ex pense, were to be allowed as much land as they could cultivate, and settlers of CH. V.] THE PATROONS PRIVILEGES. 47 every description were to be free of taxes for ten years. The colonists were forbidden to make any woolen, linen or cotton cloth, or to weave any other stuffs, on pain of being banished, and arbitrarily punished as perjurers, a regulation in the spirit of that colonial system adopted by all the nations of Europe, who sought to confine the colonists to the production of articles of export, and to keep them dependent on the mother country for the most necessary manufactures. 7 * The scheme met with favor : several members of the Company selected and purchased the most desirable locations on the Delaware Bay, and on the west bank of the Hudson opposite Manhat tan Island. The former was called Swaanendad, or Swansdale ; and the latter, to which Staten Island and other tracts were added, was entitled Pavo- iiia. The agents of Van Rensselaer purchased the lands in the vicinity of Fort Orange : the name Rensselaer wyck was given to this tract, twenty-four miles long and forty-eight broad. De Vries went to Swansdale and settled there with a small colony, where the town of Lewiston now stands ; 1G30. i i and some beginnings were made in colonizing Rensselaerwyck and Pavo- nia. Difficulties soon occurred between the patroons and the Company in re spect to trading privileges, and Minuit, who was accused of favoring the claims of the patroons, was recalled. 1039 On his return to Holland with a cargo of furs, he was compelled by * Hildreth s "History of the United States," vol. p. 142. 1633. stress of weather, to put into Plymouth harbor, where he was detained and threatened with being treated as an interloper. The Dutch title to New Netherland was discussed between the governments of England and Holland, the former insisting upon her right to the territory. De Vries, in December of this year, brought supplies to the little colony at Swansdale ; but sad to relate, not a living being was to be found there ; the Indians had com pletely destroyed every thing. De Vries subsequently settled on Staten Island. "Wouter Van Twiller, who succeeded Minuit, appears to have been appointed through family in fluence, and had few or no qualifications for the post of Director-general. He brought out with him over a hundred O soldiers, a school-master, and a clergy man named Bogardus. Trade, however, was still the prevailing object with the Dutch. Nearly twenty years before, Block had ascended the Fresh or Con necticut River, where a profitable trade had commenced with the Indians, and continued to increase in importance. In order to secure this valuable traffic, the Dutch purchased of the Pequods, a tract on the west bank of the Con necticut, near where the city of Hart ford now stands, and built a trading- house which was fortified with two cannon, and named the House of Good Hope. Soon after, a small vessel came from Boston with a letter to Van Twil ler, from Winthrop, the governor, as serting anew the claims of England, and expressing surprise that the Dutch had taken possession on the Connect!- 48 SETTLEMENT OF NEW NETHERLAND. cut. The people of Plymouth, mean while, had taken steps to establish a post on the Connecticut, which they did. and when Van Twiller sent a com pany of soldiers to drive them out, they stood on their defence, and the Dutch withdrew without making trial of force. The new governor was zealous in his efforts to improve New Amsterdam : a church was erected, as were barracks foi the soldiers, mills, etc. But the disputes with the pa- troons proved a serious hindrance to the progress of the colony ; to get rid of these controversies, it was proposed to buy up the patroonships, and Swans- dale was sold back to the Company for about $6,000. On the Connecticut the Massachusetts people were gradually crowding the Dutch out, and Fort Nassau, on the Delaware, was attempted to be surprised by a party from Plymouth. Van Twiller, with an eye to his own interests,; se cured several valuable tracts on Long Island and other smaller islands near by. Complaints having been made against him at home by Van Dinckla- gen, late Schout-fiscal at New Amster dam and an able and upright man, he was soon after recalled, and "William Kieft was sent out as his successor, in March of the next year. While the people of New England were steadily advancing towards pos session of the country claimed by the Dutch on the Connecticut, new com petitors also appeared in Delaware Bay, in the persons of hardy and en ergetic Swedes. The illustrious Gus- tavus Adolphus had early perceived 1635. 1637. 1633 163S. the advantages which would ensue from colonization in America, and uu- 1627 der his auspices a commercial company was formed for this purpose. The untimely death of Gustavus, at the battle of Lutzen, in 1632, and the breaking out of the German war, prevented any decisive action for some years. The chancellor Oxenstiern fa.- vored the plan of the company, and renewed their patent ; but it was not till the close of 1637 that an expedition was actually fitted out. Under the command of Minuit, who had been previously Director of New T Netherland, two vessels with fifty men entered the Delaware ; lands were purchased of the natives near the head of the Bay, and a foil was built, called Christina, in honor of the queen of Sweden. The Dutch gov ernor, Kieft, protested against this in trusion, but to little purpose: it was unwise to attempt hostilities against the Swedes, and he desisted. Emigra tion continued to increase for several years, and Printz, the governor, estab lished a residence, and built a fort near Philadelphia : thus Pennsylvania was occupied by the Swedes long be fore Penn became proprietary, and the banks of the Delaware, from the ocean to the falls near Princeton, were known as NEW SWEDEN. At enmity with the Dutch in all other things, the Swedes, nevertheless, joined with them i -n v l l 1040. in keeping out the English, who occasionally attempted to settle within the limits which they claimed as their own: all who came were either driven out by force or rigidly compelled to submit to Swedish authority. VI.] NEW ENGLAND FATHERS CHAPTER VI. 16201631. FOUNDATION OF NEW ENGLAND. Interest and importance ol New England History The Reformation Its effects The English Reformation Progress under Henry "V III., Edward VL, Mary, and Elizabeth James I. Ilia education and conduct Points of variance between the Puritans and the Church of England The king s feelings toward the Puritan party Internal dissensions The Brownists or Independents Elders Brewster and Robinson Emigration to Hol land Disputes in Amsterdam Removal to Leyden Reasons for desiring to leave Holland Determination to colonize in America Set sail Stormy voyage Reach the coast near Cape Cod Social compact Ply mouth Rock Sufferings during the winter Intercourse with the Indians Apprehensions Plantation at Wissagusset State of the colony in 1630 Massachusetts Bay colony Question of Religion Charter and Company transferred to New England Foundation of Boston Organization of churches Severe trials Theocratic basis of the Government Position and influence of the ministers. PECULIAR interest and importance belong to the early history and pro gress of New England. Its position anicr^ the English colonies in America; the influence which it has always ex erted in American affairs ; the persons by whom it was settled ; the specialities of opinion and practice among the Pu ritan colonists ; the reasons which led to their adoption of views in regard to religious and civil duties and obliga tions such as they held, maintained, and earnestly endeavored to carry into full effect, these, and the like points, seem to render it necessary to inquire with some care into several matters antecedent to the landing of the Pil grims on the rock-bound coast of New England. It will be our effort to do this as briefly and impartially as pos sible. It was but natural that the great Reformation in the 16th century should have given rise to many varieties of opinions, and even very serious differ ences and disputes among ^hose who re- VOL. J. 9 nounced the corruptions in doctrine and practice of the Church of Rome. When one considers what an astonish ing change was wrought by the preach ing and labors of such men as Luther, Zuingle, Calvin, and other eminent Re formers, among a people who had for centuries been in absolute subjection, mentally and morally, to papal domi nation and tyranny ; when one calls to mind the vast and incalculable effect produced throughout the civilized world by the art of printing, the revival of learning in Europe, the free use of the Scriptures in the vernacular language of the people, and free discussion of all religious subjects; and further, when one remembers that there is always a tendency among men to push matters of reform to an extreme ; it need not surprise us that good men, and honest and conscientious men, held sentiments not altogether accordant on many re ligious topics, even topics of vital im portance, and adopted practices and views of the meaning of Holy Scrip- 50 FOUNDATION OF NEW ENGLAND. IB*. V ture which produced dissension and dif ficulty in the very earliest days of Pro testantism. But beside considerations of this kind, there were marked peculiarities in the origin and progress of the Re formation in England, which were al most certain to produce strong feeling on both sides, and lead to the formation of religious parties and sects within the realm, f Henry VIII., as every student of history knows, was not much in fluenced by love for truth and purity in what he did towards setting England free from papal tyranny and supersti tion. On the contrary, he had his own ends to serve, and he looked out for that in all the steps which he took. If he did no good to Protestantism, if he were a tyrant, and a beastly tyrant too, he certainly crushed under his heel the insolent pretensions of the pope to rule over and draw revenue from Eng land ; and in so far, at least, he was an instrument in God s hand for beginning o o the good work in England. Edward VI. died young, and unhappily before much could be done for reformation. Mary succeeded him, and very soon gave the English people a bitter draught of that chalice which Rome has always made her victims quaff, when she has had them quite in her power. Elizabeth came to the throne with a large share of her father s im- periousness, and with energy and ability probably unsurpassed by any monarch that has ever, as yet, guided the desti nies of England. Fond of show and display in religious things, she deter mined that the Established Church should have all the advantage and disr- O O nity which these could afford. Con scientiously opposed to popery, she yet did not mean to alienate her Roman Catholic subjects, if that were possible, by any undue severity against the re ligion which they professed; equally indisposed to the bald, stern simplicity of the Puritanical worship, and saga cious enough to see the inevitable ten dency of the doctrines which the Puri tans set forth and maintained, she held a tiorht hand, all through her rei^n, O t O O / over the heads of those who pleaded further reformation and larger liberty than the Church of England has ever, thus far, been willing to allow. She had no liking for those who opposed her views, and she was not at all dis posed to tolerate non-conformity to what seemed to her and her principal advisers, good and proper in Church and State. Such a man as Whitjrift, O 7 archbishop of Canterbury, was both able and willing to aid the queen in her efforts to enforce conformity under I severe penalties, a course not likely, jpcertamly, to produce harmony and con cord and brotherly love among the contending parties. O James I. was bred up in early life in strict Presbyterian views ; but when, by that strange turn of affairs which brought the son of the murdered Mary to the throne of her who had so cruel ly pursued even to the death the ill- fated Queen of Scots, James was in possession of the crown, he adopted at once the high notions of prerogative which characterized, as well as finally ruined, the Stuart dynasty, and he was disposed to go to any length against dissenters from his wishes and opinions, THE PURITANS AND THE CHURCH. 51 whether in Church or State. He mis- liked the Puritans especially, because he had capacity enough to understand, that if their free opinions prevailed, they would interfere most materially with those prerogatives of absolute ir responsible exercise of power in Church and State, which he so eagerly coveted, and which he claimed as his by what lie termed "divine right." At all times, too, and sincerely, we believe, both James, and Charles, his immediate successor, opposed every attempt to make the English Church conform to O the pattern of that which Calvin had established in Geneva. The two parties were at variance in several particulars. The Puritans planted themselves upon the open, naked Bible, as the only safe chart and guide in religious and civil duties and obligations. The defenders of the Church of England, while they freely and fully declared that Holy Scripture contains all things necessary to salva tion, and that nothing was to be held % o a matter of faith but what is contained in or proved from it, claimed that def erence was due to tb^ testimony and practice of the primitive Church, and the decisions of the first four or six General Councils. Th Puritans scout ed at all tradition without exception, as certainly the remnants of popery and superstition : the Church of England men were willing to yield respect to That they deemed primitive tradition and the unanimous consent of the fathers and doctors of the first ao;es. O The Puritans liked well the extent to which reformation liad been carried on the Continent; and many of the exiles in Queen Mary s reign came back, on the accession of Elizabeth, full of zeal and determination to try to effect in the English Church a similar thoroughness of reform, and a closer O and more perfect union and concord in doctrine and practice with the Calvin- istic Churches abroad. The bishops and clergy of the Established Church, steadily opposed all this, for they held Episcopacy to be of divine origin and perpetual obligation ; and they counted ceremonies, such as were retained in the Church, as calculated to help for ward the cause of truth and godliness. These complained of all ceremonies, as marring the simplicity and purity of the Gospel ; those advocated ceremonies as useful and edifying. These denied the need of ordination by a bishop in order to preach the Gospel and administer the sacraments ; those refused then, and have always refused, to allow any one to officiate in the Church of England unless he first receive orders by the laying on of a bishop s hands. As might have been expected, sharp contentions ensued, and the breach was widened. King James, counting the Establishment to be his special ally, and the doctrines set forth by the clergy peculiarly adapted to further his pretensions to kingly prerogative, it soon came to be understood that the Puritans were the party opposed to all his extravagant claims to irresponsible supremacy in civil and religious mat ters. The Puritans were loyal sub jects, and devoted to the sustaining the crown and royalty in the regular line of succession. Yet they could not, and did not, deny the tendency of *heir 52 FOUNDATION OF NEW ENGLAND. . I. opinions to larger liberty, and more extended toleration, than tlie age was prepared for ; and as time passed on and the way was gradually opened, they developped their views more and more, particularly as the government end javored, both unwisely and unfair ly, to force conformity by stringent arid oppressive legislation.* Notwithstanding the hardships of their position, antagonistic to the gov ernment and the Established Church, the Puritans were divided among them selves. Some desired to remain in the Church of England, and endeavor to effect more complete reformation. But there were many who, repudiating alike Episcopal and Presbyterian gov ernment, contended for the absolute independence of every separate con gregation of believers, and their right to frame for themselves, unrestricted by human authority, such a form of church government and discipline as they could derive from the study of Scripture. This section of the Puritan party who called themselves Independ- * To use the language of one of the New Eng land Society orators : " There was gradually de velopped among the Puritans a sect or division which boldly pushed the questions at issue to their ultimate and legitimate solutions; which threw off all con nection with the Established Church, rejected alike the surplice and the bishops, the Prayer-Book and the ceremonies, and, resting upon the Bible, sought no less than to restore the constitution of the Chris tian Church to the primitive simplicity in which it was first instituted. These Separatists, as they were called, put in. practice their theoretical opinions by the formation of churches in which the members were the source of all power, and controlled its ad ministration, and, in a word, applied to ecclesiasti cal organizations principles, which, if introduced into civil governments, would produce a pure de mocracy." Mr. W. M. Evart s Heritage of the Pilgrim*, p. 16 ; the Oretion for 1854. ents, but had obtained the appellation, at once distinctive and contemptuous, of Brownists, from the name of one of their leaders, a man whose intemperate zeal was speedily succeeded by his ig nominious recantation, still continued to exist, in the north of England, and was subjected to the severest measures on the part of the government. Many of them had fled for refuse to the O States of Holland, and established a Congregational church in the city of Amsterdam. Of those who remained in England a church was gradually formed through the influence of " Elder Brewster," the occupant of a large mansion-house at Scrooby, in Yorkshire, belonging to the bishop of York. Bradford, after wards governor of New Plymouth, was one of this congregation ; and Robin son was invited to be their pastor. This latter was a man of high charac ter, and universally respected and be loved by his congregation, whose in terests, both temporal and spiritual, were ever near his heart. Greatly distressed at the discomforts of their position, the congregation over which Robinson presided, earnestly meditated upon following the example of the other refugees of their persuasion, who had emigrated to Holland. It was in the autumn or early winter of 1607, that the church at Scrooby began to put into execution the intention, which must have been forming months before, of leaving their O O native country, and settling in a land of which they k:ie\v little more than that there they should find the tolera tion denied them at home. Bradford 16OT. CH VI.] THE PURITANS IN HOLLAND. 53 says much in his general way of writ ing, of the oppression to which they were subjected, both ministers and people; and there cannot be a doubt that attempts would be made to put down the church, and those attempts, whatever they were, would be construed into acts of ecclesiastical oppression by those who deemed the maintenance of such a church an act of religious duty. And controversy, as it was in those days conducted, was likely to set neigh bor against neighbor, and to roughen the whole surface of society. Much that Bradford speaks of, was probably this kind of collision, or at most acts of the neighboring justices of the peace in enforcing what was then the law. Brad ford speaks of the excitement of the neighborhood w r hen they saw so many persons of all ranks and conditions parting with their possessions, and go ing simultaneously to another country, of whose very language they were ig norant. Some carried with them por tions of their household goods ; and it is mentioned that some of them carried with them looms which they had used at home. They were not, however, allowed to go without some opposition. The principal party of them, in which w T ere Brewster and Bradford, intended to embark at Boston, and thev made a / secret bargain with a Dutch captain of a vessel, to receive them on board in that port as privately as might be. The captain acted perfidiously. He gave secret information to the magis trates of Boston, and when they were embarked, and, as they thought, just upon the point of sailing, they were surprised by finding officers of the port come on board, who removed them from the vessel and carried them to prison in the town, not without circum stances of contumely. Some were sent back to their homes ; others, among whom appears to have been Brewster, were kept for many months in confine ment at Boston. Some were disheart ened and remained in England ; but the greater part persevered and met together in Amsterdam. During the twelve years of their stay in Holland, a constant stream of disaffected persons from England set towards that country where all were permitted to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences. Winslow and Captain Miles Standish were amon^ those who O joined the church of Eobinson after it had left England. It was not long before disputes and controversies arose among the non-con formists in Amsterdam. This induced Robinson, a lover of peace, to remove his congregation to Leyden, where they lived in amity and concord for a number of years. Still they were not at ease. Exiles for con science sake, they still felt that they were Englishmen, and they had a natural aversion to losing their birth right, and allowing their children to O O become absorbed among the friendly Dutch. With an eye, too, to the tem poral advantages that might accrue, they turned their thoughts towards the New World, and its promise of success to enterprising and hardy emigrants " Well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange land," as they express themselves in a letter to 1G09. 54 FOUNDATION OF NEW ENGLAND. [Bit. I. Sir Edwin Sandys, it did not require Ions: to bring them to the fixed deter- O O ruination to embark for America. Having failed in an application to the Dutch government to allow them to emigrate to New Netherland, * the Pu ritans debated for some time between Guiana, famed for its wealth, and Vir ginia ; at length they decided on the latter colony. As it had, however, been settled by Episcopalians, and the public profession of adherence to the Church of England was required and enforced by penalties, they sent over agents to England, to endeavor to make terms with the Virginia Company, and to insure for themselves liberty of con science in case of their removal to their colony. The Company, desirous of at taching to the soil so valuable a body of emigrants, whose steadiness and charac ter they appreciated, endeavored to ob tain, through their influence with the heads of Church and Btate, an assurance of toleration; but without success. Brewster soon after proceeded to England to obtain as favorable a patent as possible. This was readily granted by the Virginia Company, although the patent taken out was never of any practical use. The next difficulty was to procure means, which could only be done by entering into an arrangement with some London merchants, whose terms were not very favorable to the emi grants. The whole property acquired in the colony was to belong to a joint- stock for seven years ; and the services * See Brodhead s History of the State of New Tori," First Period, pp. 124, 5. 1619. of each emigrant were only to be held equivalent to every ten pounds fur nished by the capitalists. Upon these rather hard terms they now prepaied to set out for the New World. It was thought best that Robinson should remain with such of the consrre- O gation as were deemed unfit for pioneers, or were unable to find room in the vessels. A small ship, the Speedwell had been purchased in Holland, and was now ready to convey the emigrants to Southampton. Those appointed to go accordingly left Leyden, accom panied by their brethren to Delft Haven, where they were joined by members of the church at Amsterdam. The night was spent in mutual en couragement and Christian converse and next day, July 22d, the wind being fair, they got ready to go on board. The parting with Robinson and their brethren was very affecting. A fair breeze soon carried them to Southamp ton, where they remained a few days, and were joined by the larger vessel, the Mayflower. They here received a touching letter from Robinson, which was read to the assembled company. The passengers were distributed be. tween the two vessels, which soon got under way ; but the Speedwell, prov ing to be unseaworthy in every respect, they were obliged to put into Dart mouth, and then into Plymouth. Leav ing there a portion of their company, and crowding as many into the May flower as could be accommodated, they again, early in September, launched forth upon the trackless ocean. The voyage was tedious and full of danger, owing to the equinoctial gales, CH. VI.] LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS. 65 fury the Mayflower encountered; and it was not till the 9th of November that they came in sight of the coast of Now England, at no great distance from Cape Cod. As their object had been to settle near the Hudson River, the course of the ship was turned to the south ; getting entangled, however, among the shoals, they bore up again, and came to anchor in Cape Cod harbor.* Weary of the discomforts of the crowded Mayflower, they were all eager to land ; but as they were out of the limits of the Virginia Company, and as there were some signs of insub ordination among a portion of the emi grants, it was judged best to enter into a voluntary compact as a basis of social polity, and to appoint a governor. John Carver was chosen to act as gov ernor for the term of one year, and the whole company of the men who, with their wives and children, amounted to one hundred and one souls affixed their signatures to the following docu ment : " In the name of God. Amen. We, whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, etc., * The story which has often been told, to the in jury of the Dutch, that they bribed the master of the Mayflower not to land the company on the Hudson, is without solid foundation. It seems to have origi nated in the ill feeling which sprung up at a subse quent date between the New England colonists and the Dutch. Grahame (History, vol. i., p. 144,) re peats the story as if it were undoubtedly true. Ban croft (History, & c ., vol. i., p. 309,) loaves the matter somewhat in doubt " Having undertaken, for the glory of God, and the advancement of the Chris tian faith, and the honour ol our king and country, a voyage to plant the fh st colony in the northern parts of Vir ginia, do, by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and one of another, covenant and com bine ourselves together into a civil body-politic, for our better order and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and con venient for the general good of the colony ; unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names. Cape Cod, llth Novem ber, in the reign of our sovereign lord, King James, of England, France, and Ireland, 18, and of Scotland, 54. Anno Domini 1620." An exploring party was sent out di rectly. The country was covered with pine forests, and here and there a de serted wigwam was found, but rarely did they get sight of any of the na tives. A quantity of Indian corn was discovered buried in the sand in bas kets, which proved a very timely sup ply of seed for the following spring. Winter came upon them in all its se verity ; and as it was absolutely neces sary to fix upon some spot for a settle ment, the hardiest of the company, despite the cold and the fatal exposure, undertook the labor of searching out a good harbor and convenient place where they might begin to lay the 56 FOUNDATION OF NEW ENGLAND. [Be. I. 162O. foundations of the colony. Five weeks were thus spent, and it was not till Monday, December llth, O. S., or more correctly, the 21st of December, that this band of pioneers set foot on the far-famed Plymouth Rock. Remembering the kindness which they had received at Plymouth, in England, the name NEW PLYMOUTH was bestowed upon the infant settlement. The whole company were landed at this point, on the report of the explor ing party, and they immediately set about erecting habitations to shelter them from the weather. A bold hill, commanding a look-out over the bay, offered a vantage ground for their fort, which was garnished with a few small pieces of ordnance ; at its foot two rows of huts were laid out and staked the habitations of nineteen families. The winter had now set in, with se verity and sternness, and their labors at felling trees and constructing their rude habitations were carried on in the midst of constant storms of rain and sleet ; already had the seeds of mortal disease been implanted ; by privations and exposure to the rigor of the season, by wading through the icy water from the ship to the land, the strong man became weak as a child, and the deli cate frame of woman sunk under the double pressure of mental anxiety and physical exhaustion. During this first winter they faded gradually away ; and one of the first entries was the following : " January 29, dies Hose, the wife of Captain Standish." Bradford s wife had perished by drown ing. But not to follow the melancholy chronicle of bereavements, suffice it to 1621. say, that during these three dreary months one half their number were cut off. That winter they had to form seven times more graves for the dead than habitations for the living. They were buried on the bank not far from the landing a spot still to be venera ted and, lest the Indians should take courage to attack the survivors from their weakened state, the soil which covered the graves of their beloved relatives was carefully beaten down and planted with a crop of corn. During the winter the colonists saw O but little of the Indians, although they were not without occasional alarm. Early in the spring, when they were beginning again to have hope of suc cess, an Indian one morning walked boldly into the village, and saluted them in tolerable English, ""Welcome, Englishmen !" He was a sagamore or O O petty chief, named Samoset, and in formed them that a great plague had recently raged among the Indians on these shores; this circumstance, leav ing the country entirely open to settle ment, is noted by the early New Eng land historians, as a special providence in behalf of the infant colonjr. By means of Samoset and other friendly Indians, intercourse was opened, and finally a treaty of amity agreed upon with Massasoit, head chief of the Po- kanokets or Wampanoags, who were immediate neighbors of the colonists. Carver was reflected governor, but died a few weeks after. Bradford was chosen his successor. The May flower set sail for England in April of this year ; and the colonists, taking heart as the mild weather ap CH. VI,] PROGRESS OF NEW PLYMOUTH, 57 pro ached, sent oat a party to explore Massachusetts Bay, some forty miles to the northward : they then, for the first time, beheld the three-crested penin sula of Shawmut, site of the present city of Boston. In November, the Fortune arrived, bringing thirty-five new colonists, together with Cush- man, who had obtained a patent from the Council of New England, chiefly through the good offices of Sir Ferdi- nando Gorges. Cushman returned to England shortly after. The Fortune had brought over new mouths, and no provisions; the result was a famine of several months dura tion ; all had to be put on half allow ance ; the corn was all eaten, and the colonists were reduced to the scantiest rations chiefly of fish, or to such pre carious supplies as were occasionally obtained from passing vessels at an ex orbitant cost. No cattle had been yet imported; their agricultural instru ments were scanty and rude, and they were almost destitute of boats and tackle to enable them to profit by the shoals of fish which abounded on the coasts. Mortality and distress had pre vented them from subduing the soil men, toiling at < the rude labors of a first settlement, "often staggered for want of food." Nor were they without ap prehensions of attack from the In dians. On one occasion, Canonicus, sachem of the powerful Narragansetts, who were enemies of the Wanipanoags, sent, by way of defiance, to New Plymouth, a bundle of arrows, tied up with the skin of a rattlesnake. Brad ford lost no time in returning the same skin, stuffed with powder and ball a VOL. I. 10 significant hint of what the whites would do whereat the Indians were not a little frightened, esteeming it somo fatal charm. It was iudored prudent by the colonists to sur round the village with a palisade of timbers driven into the ground, a mile in circuit, with three gates. Weston, who had taken an active part in fitting out the Plymouth colony, was dissatisfied with the pecuniary re sults of that undertaking, and accord ingly resolved to found a separate plan tation for his own advantage. He sent out some sixty men, chiefly indented ser vants, to begin the settlement. They were fellows of indifferent character at best, who, after intruding upon the people of Plymouth for two or three months, and eating or stealing half O D their provisions, attempted a settle ment at Wissagusset, now Weymouth, on the south shore of Massachusetts Bay. Having soon exhausted their own stock, they began to plunder the Indians, who formed a conspiracy to cut them off. The plot was revealed by the dying sachem Massasoit. Here there was fresh cause to deplore that hasty spirit of revenge which had, in almost every instance, sown the seeds of lasting hatred and hostility in the In dian breast. Captain Standish, brave but greatly wanting in discretion, sur prised Wituwamot, the chief of this conspiracy, and put him to death on the spot, together with several of his Indians. When Eobinson heard of this, he wrote back to the colonists, " Oh how happy a thing had it been, had you converted some, before you had killed any !" The jiantation at 58 FOUNDATION OF NEW ENGLAND. [B K . I. 1G23. Wissagusset was then speedily, aban doned. The energetic Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in connection with an able partner named Mason, had obtained a grant of territory from Naumkeag, now Salem, to the Kennebec, and thence to Canada. This grant was named Laconia. Ports mouth and Dover, in New Hamp shire, were now founded; but the " Company of Laconia" did not prosper, and these towns long re mained mere fishing stations. Robert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinaudo, obtained at this time a grant of ten miles on the northern shore of Massachusetts Bay ; he was also appointed- lieuten ant-general of New Englan of Francis West being the admiral sent out to prohibit disorderly trading within tfifc limits of the patent held by the Coun cil for New England. Gorges brought with him a clergyman of the Church of England, named Morreil, who was appointed, by the archbishop of Can terbury, commissary of ecclesiastical af fairs. His mission was looked on with no favor by the stern Puritans, and in the course of a year or so he returned to England without having attempted any interference with the colonists or their religious views and practices. The following year, another clergyman, by name Lyford, was recommended by the partners in London, to supply the pastoral office vacant at New Plymouth: he was as little acceptable as Morreil, and soon after, under charge of practising against the colony, he and a few adherents were expelled. Migrating to Nantas- ket, at the entrance of Boston harbor, the expelled colonists formed a new settlement at that point. The colony of New Plymouth, though still feeble, gave encouraging signs of life and energy, for though there were no luxuries as yet to be met with, there was wholesome food and a good supply of pure water to drink. "The non- existence of private property, the dis content and unwillingness to labor thence arising, and the exorbitant interest, as high as forty-five per cent, paid for money borrowed in London, were, however, serious drawbacks to the prosperity of the colony. It was ^und necessary, indeed, to enter into an agreement that each family should plant 3for itself; and an acre of land was accordingly assigned to each per son in fee. Under this stimulus, the production of corn soon became so great, that, from buyers, the colonists became sellers to the Indians. At the end of the fourth year after its settle ment, Plymouth had thirty-two dwell ing houses, and a hundred and eighty- four inhabitants. The general stock, or whole amount of the investment, personal services included, amounted to 7,000, or $34,000. The London part ners were very unwilling to make any further advances. John Robinson died in Holland, and several years elapsed before his family, and the rest of the Leyden congregation could find means to transport themselves to New Plym outh. Those already there passengers by the Mayflower, the Fortune, the Anne, and the Little James were after ward distinguished as the old comers, or forefathers. Six or seven years elapsed before tl e colony received any CH. VI.J MASSACHUSETTS BAY COMPANY. 59 1627. considerable addition to its numbers."* In 1627, at which date the agree ment between the Plymouth colonists and the London merchants came to an end, the latter agreed to sell out their interest for $9,000. The joint-stock principle was aban doned, and some twenty acres of land nearest the town, were donated to each colonist. Although the number of the colonists at New Plymouth in 1630, did not amount to three hundred, yet they considered -themselves per manently established. "It was , not with them as with other men," was their language, " whom small things could discourage, or small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again. 7 By degrees, too, as distance from the mother country favored the assumption of responsibility, they ex ercised all the prerogatives of govern ment, even to capital punishment. All laws were enacted in a general assem bly of the colonists; and in religious matters the same freedom of speech prevailed. Every one who chose, ad dressed the congregation on Sundays, and for many years they had no settled pastor or minister among them. The settlement at New Plymouth was soon after followed by another and more extensive one of the Puri tans on the shores of Massachusetts Bay. Their position at home was be coming less and less satisfactory, and it was but natural that their minds should turn to America as a place of * Hildreth s " History of the United States," vol. u p. 171. refuge from trial and persecution. A grant was obtained from the New England Company of Plymouth, em bracing Massachusetts Bay and the country to the westward. John En- dicott, a Puritan of the sttrnest and severest sort, first established himself at Naumkeag, and soon after, a strong body, chiefly from Bos ton, in Lincolnshire, followed. A pa tent was obtained, but not without considerable difficulty, from Charles I., incorporating the adventurers as the " Governor and Company of Massa chusetts Bay in New England," the stockholders to elect annually a gov ernor, deputy -governor, and eighteen assistants, who were to administer the affairs of the colony in monthly court meetings. Four great and general courts of the whole body of freemen were to be held for the transaction of public affairs. Nothing was to be en acted contrary to the rights of English men, but the supreme power resided with the Company in England. It was regarded as a patent for a trading cor poration, and no specific provision was made on the subject of religion. A large number of the proprietors were attached to the Church of England ; Endicott, however, having visited Ply mouth, desired to establish an Inde pendent church, and to renounce the use of the Liturgy; hence he became involved in a dispute with two brothers of the name of Browne who were among the original patentees, and who desired to have the services of the Church of England fully car ried out in the colony and he shipped them off to England as "fac- 1629. (50 FOUNDATION OF NEW ENGLAND. [Bx. I. tious and evil conditioned." Endicoft was reprimanded by the Company for this stretch of authority, but the com plaints of the Brownes were unheeded. "This transaction," as Mr. Bartlett re marks, in his " Pilgrim Fathers" " not merely illustrates the character of En- dicott, but exposes the secret principle upon which the new commonwealth was founded, the open avowal of which would have certainly prevented the concession of a royal charter. It was, while nomi nally subject to the authority of the Church of England, to establish a totally different system, in which all that was really vital to that system,, such as its Episcopal government and appointed formularies, should be entirely set aside and no toleration granted to any other form of worship but that agreed upon by themselves. The expulsion of the Brownes was only the first of that series of oppressive actions which ended in the judicial murder of the quakers." A plan to transfer the charter and the Company from England to the colony itself was next formed, which led to a very important increase in the number and distinction of the emi grants. The principal of these were, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Isaac Johnson, (brother-in-law of the Earl of Lincoln,) Thomas Dudley, and John Winthrop. Winthrop was chosen governor, and, by his admirable conduct, fully justi fied the general confidence. He was indeed a noble specimen of the Eng lish gentleman loyal, yet no less firm ly bent upon the assertion of public liberty, and, by old association, attached to the Church, which he nevertheless 1630. desired to see reformed upon what the Puritans deemed the pure basis of Scripture. The emigrants included many persons of high character, wealth, and learning. Their attachment to the mother country was manifested in a protestation against certain calumnious reports which had gone forth against them, wherein they declare their un dying attachment, both to the Church that had nursed them in her bosom, and to the land, from which they were now voluntarily expatriating them selves.* The expedition was by far the most important that had ever left the shores of England for the wilds of America, consisting of fif teen ships conveying about a thousand emigrants, amonsr whom were four o / o * We quote a striking paragraph from the letter ad dressed by them to " the rest of their brethren in and of the Church of England." It was dated from Yar mouth, aboard the Arbella, April 7th, 1630. " We desire you would be pleased to take notice of the prin cipals and body of our company, as those who esteem it our honor to call the Church of England, from whence we rise, our dear mother ; and cannot part from our native country, where she specially resideth, without much sadness of heart, and many tears in our eyes; ever acknowledging that such hope and part as we have obtained in the common salvation, we have received in her bosom, and sucked it from her breasts. We leave it not, therefore, as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished there, but, blessing God for the parentage and education, as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good, and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow that shall ever betide her ; and while we have breath, sincerely desire and endeavor the continuance and abundance of her welfare, with the enlargement of her bounds in the kingdom of Christ Jesus." They also ask, further on in the letter, of their brethren ir England, that they may not be despised nor deserted " in their prayers and affections." See Hubbard s New England, pp. 126, 7. Consult, also, the famous Dr. Cotton Mather s " Magnolia," vol. i., pp. 74, 5, for some curious and edifying remarks on this letter and its purport. CH. VI.] COMl-ANTt TRANSFERRED TO NEW ENGLAND. 01 non-conformist ministers. Every neces sary for the foundation of a permanent colony was carried out by the settlers. In regard to this important move ment of transferring the government of the colony from England to Amer ica, the observations of Dr. Robert son are worthy attention : " In this singular transaction," he says, "to which there is nothing similar in the history of English colonization, two circumstances merit particular atten tion: one is the power of the Com pany to make this transference ; the other is the silent acquiescence with which the king permitted it to take place. If the validity of this deter mination of the Company be tried by the charter which constituted it a body politic, and conveyed to it all the cor porate powers with which it was in vested, it is evident that it could neither exercise those powers in any mode differ ent from what the charter prescribed, nor alienate fhem in such a manner as to convert the jurisdiction of a trad ing corporation in England into a pro vincial government in America. But from the first institution of the Com pany of Massachusetts Bay, its mem bers seem to have been animated with a spirit of innovation in civil policy, as well as in religion ; and by the habit of rejecting established usages in the one, they were prepared for deviating from them in the other. They had ap plied for a royal charter in order to give legal effect to their operations in England as acts of a body politic ; but the persons whom they sent out to America, as soon as they landed there, considered themselves as individuals united together by voluntary associa tion, possessing the natural right of men who form a society, to adopt what mode of government, and to enact what laws, they deemed most conducive to the general felicity. Upon this prin ciple of being entitled to judge and decide for themselves, they established their church in Salem, without regard to the institutions of the Church of England, of which the charter sup posed them to be members, and bound, of consequence, to conformity with its ritual. Suitably to the same ideas, we shall observe them framing all their fu- O ture plans of civil and ecclesiastical policy. The king, though abundantly vigilant in observing and checking slighter encroachments on his prero gative, was either so much occupied with other cares, occasioned by his fatal breach with his parliament, that he could not attend to the proceedings of the Company, or he was so much pleased with the proposal of removing a body of turbulent subjects to a dis tant country, where they might be use ful, and could not prove dangerous, that he was disposed to connive at the irre gularity of a measure which facilitated their departure."* Winthrop, Dudley, and others had embarked on board the Arbella, so named after the Lady Arbella Johnson, who, with her husband, was also a pas senger. They arrived in the Bay in June, and found Endicott at Charles- town, where, at first, they contemplated forming a settlement. The opposite * Robertson s "History of America," book x., p. 230. See also, Chalmers s " Introduction to History of Revolt of American Colonies" vol. i., pp. 42, 3. 62 FOUNDATION OF NEW ENGLAND. . 4 peninsula, however, as was natural, speedily attracted their attention: it was then in a state of nature, and in the undisturbed possession of the soli tary occupant, by name Blackstone. Here Winthrop and his people deter mined to fix themselves, and begin a settlement, which, after the English town in Lincolnshire, they called BOS TON. Other parties of emigrants, as they arrived, settled at various points in the vicinity of Boston, and gave names to the various towns and villages which they then and there founded. " Each settlement," says Mr. Hil- dreth, " at once assumed that township authority which has ever formed so marked a feature in the political or ganization of New England. The peo ple assembled in town meeting, voted taxes for local purposes, and chose three, five, or seven of the principal inhabitants, at first under other names, but early known as selectmen, who had the expenditure of this money, and the executive management of town af fairs. A treasurer and a town clerk were also chosen, and a constable was soon added for the service of civil and criminal processes. Each town consti tuted, in fact, a little republic, almost complete in itself."* The warmth of their attachment to home had led to the expression of strong feeling of affection for their "dear mother," the Church of Eng land; but when they set foot on the soil of the New World, they did not hesi tate to arrange and organize churches * Hildreth s "History of the United States," vol. i., p. 180. 163O. according to their own views of right and propriety ; but, as they were in clined to a temporizing policy, at least for the present, they acted prudently, so as not needlessly to provoke collision on such nice points as the value and ne cessity of Episcopal ordination, the ob ligation of ceremonies, and the like. Although the new settlers were not subjected to hardships so severe as those which had fallen upon the New Plymouth colony, yet owing to various circumstances of an unfavorable cha racter, shortness of provision, debility, severity of the winter, etc., more than two hundred died before De cember, among them the Lady Arbella Johnson and her husband.* * Cotton Mather bestows this somewhat quaint tribute to their character. " Of those who soon dyed after their first arrival, not the least considerable was the Lady Arbella, who left an earthly paradise in the family of an Earldom, to encounter the sorrows of a wilderness, for the entertainments of a pure worship in the house of God ; and then immediately left that wilderness for the Heavenly partulise, whereto tho compassionate Jesus, of whom she was a follower, called her. We have read concerning a noble wo man of Bohemia, who forsook her friends, her plate, her house, and all ; and because the gates of the city were guarded, crept through the common sewer, that she might enjoy the institutions of our Lord at another place where they might be had. The spirit which acted that noble woman, \ve may suppose, carried this blessed lady thus to and through the hardships of an American desert. But as for her virtuous husband, Isaac Johnson, Esq., He try d To live without her, lik d it not, and dy d. His mourning for the death of his honorable consort was too bitter to be extended a year ; about a month after her death, his ensued, unto the extream loss of the whole plantation. But at the end of this perfect and upright man, there was not only peace, but joy ; and his joy particularly expressed itself, that God had kept his eyes open so long as to see one church of the Lord Jesus Christ gathered in these ends of the earth, before his own going away to Heaven." Ma ther s " Magnalia," vol. i., p. 77. CH. VI.] BASIS OF GOVERNMENT. 1631. Before winter was over, the infant colony was threatened with famine ; but the seasonable return of a vessel from England with provisions revived their drooping spirits, and instead of the fast, they observed a day of thanks giving. Many of the emigrants, dis couraged, and in some degree terrified, returned home and spread various re ports injurious to the colony. The second General Court, held in May, 1631, enacted a remarkable law, which clearly points out the basis on which, for the next half century, the government of Mas sachusetts continued to rest. " To the cud that the body of commons may be preserved of good and honest men, it is ordered and agreed, that, for the time to come, no man shall be admitted io the freedom of the body politic, but such as are members of some of the churches within the limits of the same." This enactment narrowed down the number of citizens and voters very materially, since, in consequence of the difficulties attendant on becoming a member of one of the churches, not one fourth of the adult population were ever church-members. It was an attempt to establish a theocracy, a reign of the saints on the earth, and as every religious party in power thought it light to require conformity to the established order, so the Puritan set tlers were persuaded that it was a duty to enforce their regulations by aid of the civil magistrate. "The same experi ment of a theocratic form of govern ment was tried at a later date in Eng land, with what result every reader of history knows. Not only were a larger proportion of the people deprived of political rights, under this arbitrary system, but the legislation of this self-constituted body was characterized by a spirit of puritanical severity within themselves, and a harsh and rigid exclusiveness towards those without, which were not long in producing the same bitter fruits of persecution by which they had them selves suffered. The ministers acquired an undue degree of influence; minute enactments interfered with individual freedom of action ; amusements, which, though innocent in themselves, were supposed to be inconsistent with the gravity of professing Christians, were studiously discouraged, and devotional exercises substituted in their room. " It was attempted, in fact," to use Mr. Hil- dreth s words, " to make the colony, as it were, a convent of Puritan devotees except in the allowance of marriage and money-making subjected to all the rules of the stricter monastic or ders." <J4 PROGRESS OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES. CHAPTEE VII. 1631 1640, PROGRESS OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES. Vkaigration in 1632 Question of levying taxes Arrivals in 1633 Rights of the freemen under the charter Dudliy governor Progress of the colony under "Winthrop s four years administration Royal colonial com mission Alarm in Massachusetts Measures taken Case of Roger "Williams His sentiments and charac ter Flight to Providence Mrs. Hutchinson s heresies Vane s course Sad fate of Mrs. Hutchinson Settlements in Connecticut Pequod war Origin and result Extermination of the Pequod tribe Emigra tion in consequence of religious dissensions Coast of Maine Nova Scotia and Canada Progress of the colony in strength and extent Estimated cost of colonization up to 1640. THE unfavorable report carried back by those who returned from the first emigration, operated for a while greatly to discourage others. The number of new-corners consequent ly, in 1632, was comparatively small. Among them, however, was the son of Winthrop the governor, and John Eliot, afterwards the celebrated mis sionary to the Indians. In virtue of the authoiity which they supposed was vested in them, the magis trates had, on several occasions. 1632. -,.-,, r . ., -, levied taxes. Ihis soon excited attention and complaint, and the next General Court, in May, 1632, took the matter in hand. Two deputies were chosen from each plantation to agree upon " raising a common stock." The tenure of office of the assistants was expressly limited to one year, and the choice of governor and deputy-gov ernor was reassumed by the freemen. Boston was determined to be the best place for public meetings of the colo nists, and a fort and house of correc tion were ordered to be built there. In 1633, several hundred settlers ar- 1631. rived ; among them were John Haynes, and those ministers so distinguished in New England history, Cotton, 1633. Hooker, and Stone. Cotton settled in Boston, as colleague with Wilson, and Hooker and Stone settled at Newtown. Difficulties having occurred in con sequence of some stringent acts of the magistrates, two delegates from each town met and requested a sight of the charter, on examining which they concluded, that the legisla tive authority rested with the freemen, and not with the magistrates. When the General Court met, in May, 1634, that body claimed for itself, under the charter, the admission of freemen, choosing officers, raising money, etc. Notwithstanding a pulpit appeal from Cotton against the rash changing of those- in office, Dudley was chosen gov ernor, in place of Winthrop, though this latter was retained as an assistant. During Winthrop s four years admin istration, the infant colony had taken firm root. Theie were already seven churches, eight principal plantations, CH. VII.] WILLIAMS S VIEWS. 65 and some smaller ones. Ferries had been established between Boston and Charlestown ; .a fort had been built ; water and wind-mills had been brought into use ; a flourishing trade with the \~irginians, and the Dutch had gradu ally grown up, etc. While the Court was in session, six large vessels arrived with a large num ber of passengers and a goodly supply of cattle ; and about a month later, fifteen more vessels entered the harbor. John Humphrey came out in one of these ships, and brought with him a supply of ordnance, muskets, powder, and other things of value to the col ony. He brought, also, propositions from some "persons of great quality and estate," to join the Massachusetts colonists if certain points could be con ceded to them. In consequence of complaints made in England against Massachusetts, a O O Royal Colonial Commission was ap pointed with full power over the Amer ican plantations to revise the laws, regu late the Church, and revoke charters. The news of this measure produced great alarm in Massachusetts, and steps were directly taken to provide for the defence of Boston harbor. Dudley, Winthrop, Haynes, Humphrey, and Endicott were appointed commission ers "to consult, direct, and give com mand for the managing and ordering of any war that might befall for the space of a year next ensuing." In the midst of these difficulties, the coarse pursued by the celebrated Roger Williams was not calculated to render matters more easy of adjustment. This active and energetic young Puritan VOL. I. 11 minister very early gave trouble to the Massachusetts brethren, by setting forth novelties and heresies, as they esteemed them, which led to his removal to Ply mouth, where he remained two years. On returning to Massachusetts, he soon became involved in trouble, not only by denying the validity of royal pa tents to give title to land in America, but also by a fantastical scruple ,, J -, - ,, T-/ 1634. as to the red cross in the Eng lish colors, which cross, being a relic of popery and abomination, he got Endicott, the commander at Salein, to cut out from the national flag. Beside this, denying the lawfulness of an oath imposed on the non-freemen, and the enactment compelling attendance on public worship, he gave great offence to the magistrates and ministers. Amid all his vagaries, and what we can not but deem puerile seizing upon trifles, he appears to have grasped firm ly one grand idea, and to have held and acted upon it at all times with en tire sincerity: this was what he called "soul-liberty," meaning by the expres sion, the most perfect and complete right of every man to enjoy freedom of opinion on the subject of religion. The idea, however familiar to us at the present day, was then wholly new, and startling indeed in a colony like Massa chusetts, and no wonder that it seemed to those in authority as a most alarm ing heresy. For, in truth, these princi ples struck at the very root of the theocracy which had become estab lished in the colony. Alarmed by their dangerous tendency, the Court at Boston was led earnestly to desire the removal of one whom they regarded as 1635. 66 PROGRESS OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES. [BK. L unsettled in judgment, and a trembler of the public peace. It was certainly unfortunate that the scruples of Wil liams were such as tended to divide and weaken the colony, struggling as it was for independent existence, amid all the difficulties by which it was en compassed. His agitations even served to paralyse resistance against aggres sions which they were calculated to brine: about : and it must be confessed o that, however excellent the principles he had espoused, his conduct bears some tinge of factious opposition, or, to say the least, of an ill-timed and narrow-minded scrupulosity. But his piety was so genuine, and his character so noble and disinterested, that the people of Salem, who knew and loved him, reflected him for their pastor, in spite of the censure of his doctrines by the Court at Boston, an act of contu macy for which they were reprimanded and punished by the withholding a certain portion of lands. Such harsh ness aroused Williams to retort by a spirited protest, and he engaged the Salem church to join with him in a general appeal to the other churches against the injustice of which the ma gistrates had been guilty a daring proceeding, for which the council sus pended their franchise, and they shrunk from their leader, who Avas thus left absolutely alone. Upon this he openly renounced allegiance to what he deemed a persecuting church. His opinions and conduct were condemned by the council, who pronounced against him a sentence of banishment, but on account of the dangerous feeling of sympa thy it awakened, decided shortly af- ter on sending him back to England. In the depth of a New England winter, Williams fled into the wilder ness, and took refuge among the Nar ragansett Indians, with whom he had become acquainted at Plymouth. He wandered for fourteen weeks through the snow-buried forests, before he reached their wigwams, where he was received and sheltered with the utmost kindness. In the spring he departed in quest of some spot where he could found an asylum for those who, like himself, were persecuted for conscience sake. He first attempted a settlement at Seekonk, but afterwards, at the friendly suggestion of Winslow, the governor of Plymouth, re moved to Narragansett Bay, where he received from the Indians a free grant of a considerable tract of country, and in June, 1636, fixed upon the site of a town, which he named "PROVIDENCE," as being a refuge from persecution and wanderings. Many of his friends from Salem joined him here, and he freely distributed his lands among them. This was the beginning of the State of Rhode Island, one of the most free and liberal in its institutions of any ever founded in America. It was not lon<? before fresh troubles O sprang up, in great measure having their origin in the same claim to the right of private judgment in all mat ters of religious truth and obligation. Hugh Peters, chaplain to Oliver Crom well, and Henry Vane, a young man of superior ability and acquirements, came over to join the Massachusetts colony. The emigration of a man of Vane s distinction and family created Cn. VII.] MRS. IIUTCIIINSON S CAREER. C7 1636. considerable stir, and it was even pro posed, to meet the desires of those among the aristocracy who might be expected to make New England their home, to establish, an order of Jieredi- iary magistracy, but the proposition was nev r er carried into effect. Soon af ter, Vane was elected chief ma gistrate of the colony, and on the occasion of a new religious fermen tation arising, he became a prominent actor in it. We can not do better, in speaking of this matter, than use the language of Dr. Robertson: " It was the custom at that time in New England, among the chief men in every congregation, to meet once a week, in order to repeat the sermons which they had heard, and to hold re ligious conference with respect to the doctrines contained in them. Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, wliose husband was among the most respectable members of the colony, regretting that persons of her sex were excluded from the benefit of those meetings, assembLed statedly in her house a number of women, who employed themselves in pious exercises similar to those of the men. At first she satisfied herself with repeating what she could recollect of the discourses delivered by their teach ers. She began afterwards to add il lustrations, and at length proceeded to censure some of the clergy as unsound, and to vent opinions and fancies of her own. These were all founded on the system which is denominated Antino- inian by divines, and tinged with the deepest enthusiasm. She taught that sanctity of life is no evidence of justifi cation, or of a state of favor with God ; and that such as inculcated the neces sity of manifesting the reality of our faith by obedience, preached only a covenant of works ; she contended that the Spirit of God dwelt personally in good men, and by inward revelations and impressions they received the full est discoveries of the Divine will. The fluency and confidence with which she delivered these notions, gained her many admirers and proselytes, not only among the vulgar, but among the prin cipal inhabitants. The whole colony was interested and agitated. Vane, whose sagacity and acuteness 1C3T seemed to forsake him when ever they were turned towards religion 7 espoused and defended her wildest tenets. Many conferences were held, days of fasting and humiliation were appointed, a general synod was called ; and, after dissensions which threatened the dissolution of the colony, Mrs. Hutchinson s opinions were condemned as erroneous, and she herself banished. Several of her disciples withdrew from the province of their own accord. Vane quitted America in disgust, un- lamented even by those who had late ly admired him ; some of whom now regarded him as a mere visionary, and others, as one of those dark, turbulent spirits doomed to embroil every society into which they enter."* The fate of Mrs. Hutchinson was as unhappy as her life was restless. Af ter her retirement to Aquiday, or the Isle of Rhodes, where she participated in all the toils and privations of a new * Robertson s " History of America" bo; k is. p. 232. 68 PROGRESS OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES. [BK. 1. settlement, she continued to promul gate her doctrines with the utmost ardor. Her sons, openly arraigning the justice of her banishment, were seized and thrown into prison. To fly beyond the reach of persecution, the whole family passed over into the ter ritory of the Dutch, at the time when Iieft, the governor, had aroused by his rashness and cruelty vindictive reprisals on the part of the Indians. The dwelling of Mrs. Hutchinson was set on fire, and she either perished with her children except a little grand daughter amidst the flames, or was murdered by the infuriated savages. This sad event occurred in October, 1643. A permanent settlement had been formed in the valley of the Connecticut some years before.* A large body now prepared to push through the forest to the desired spot where the towns of Hartford, Windsor, and Wethersfield were founded. The expedition was attended with many hardships, being undertaken too late in the year. The cattle perished, pro visions failed, and many returned through the snows to the place whence they had set out. Next year a larger body, consisting of the members of the two churches, with their ministers, one of whom was Hooker, made their way through the wilderness, by aid of the compass, driv ing their cattle before them through the tangled thickets.f The Commis- * The Indian name Connecticoota, signifies " Lon<* River." t Mr. Hollister thus pleasantly enlarges upon this ventful journey: "About the beginning of June, 1635. 1630. sioners also sent a party by water to found a port at the mouth of the river which, since Lord Say and Sele, and Lord Brooke, were proprietaries, was called Saybrook. Exposed to trouble in consequence of the jealousy mani fested by the Dutch towards the col ony, it was besides placed in great the first soft, warm month of the Ne\v England year, Mr. Hooker, with his assistant, Mr. Stone, and fol lowed by about one hundred men, women, and chil dren, set out upon the long contemplated journey, Over mountains, through swamps, across rivers, ford ing, or upon rafts, with the compass to point out their irregular way, slowly they moved westward ; now in the open spaces of the forest, where the sun looked in ; now under the shade of the old trees ; now struggling through the entanglement of bushes and vines driving their flocks and herds before them the strong supporting the weak, the old caring for the young, with hearts cheerful as the month, slowly they moved on. Mrs. Hooker was ill, p.nd wns borne gently upon a litter. A stately, well-ordered journey it was, for gentlemen of fortune and rank were ?f the company, and ladies who had been delicately bred, and who had known little of toil or hardship until now. But they endured it with the sweet ala crity that belongs alone to woman, high-toned and gentle, when summoned by a voice whose call can not be resisted, to lay aside the trappings of ease, antf to step from a fortune that she once adorned, to a level that her presence ennobles. The howl of the wolf, his stealthy step among the rustling leaves, the sighing of the pines, the roar of the mountain tor rent, losing itself in echoes sent back from rock and hill, the smoking ruins of the Indian council-fire all forcing upon the mind the oppressive sense of solita riness and danger, the more dreaded because unseen all these the wife, the mother, the daughter, en countered, with a calm trust that they should one day see the wilderness blossom as the rose. At the end of about two weeks, they reached the land al most fabulous to them so long had hope and fancy been shaping to their minds pictures of an ideal love liness the valley of the Connecticut. It lay at their feet, beneath the shadow of the low-browed hills, that tossed the foliage of their trees in billows, heaving for miles away to the east and west, as the breath of June touched them with life. It lay, hold ing its silvery river in its embrace, like a strong bow half bent in the hands of the swarthy hunter, who still called himself lord of its rich acres." Hols ter s " History of Connecticut " vol. i., p. 29 Ca. VII.] ORIGIN OF THE PEQUOD WAR. peril from the hostility of the neigh boring Indians. The Pequod war was, perhaps, the inevitable result of the suspicions and fears of the Indians, and the apprehen sions of the colonists of sudden attack and massacre similar to that to which the settlers in Virginia had been sub jected. It was but natural that the na- ti v es should dislike the progress of the white men s settlements, and meditate, at least, upon measures for arresting their advance ; on the other hand, the colonists were constantly on their guard, and determined to punish relentlessly the first symptoms of aggression. The Pequods were, at this date, the most powerful confederacy in the neighbor hood of Narragansett Bay, and held authority over twenty-six petty tribes. A band of them had murdered one Stone, a drunken and dis solute master of a Virginia trading vessel, which, exciting some alarm in Massachusetts, the Pequods sent to Bos ton and stated that the deed had been hastily committed, in revenge for some provocation on the part of Stone and his crew. Beside offering to give up the murderers, they begged the inter vention of the magistrates to effect a reconciliation with their enemies the Narragansetts, and desired to open a traffic. The apology was accepted, and the mediation asked for accomplished ; but the murderers, from inability or some other cause, were not delivered up. Not long after, an old settler on Block Island, named Oldham, was mur- f dered by a party of Indians, probably in revenge for his opening a trade with the Pequods. Canonic us, the sachem 1636. 1636. of the Narragansetts, offered ample apology for a crime committed with out his knowledge ; but the magistrates and ministers thought something fur- O O ther was required at their hands. Ac cordingly, an expedition, under com mand of Endicott, consisting of ninety men, was sent to punish the Block Islanders, and thence to go to the Pe quods to demand the delivery of the murderers of Stone, and a thousand fathoms of wampum for damages equivalent to from three to five thou sand dollars. After burning the WIG;- o o warns, and destroying the standing corn of the Indians on Block Island, Endicott sailed to Fort Saybrook, and marched thence to the Pequod River. The Indians refusing his demands, he burned their villages, both there and on the Connecticut, and returned to Boston without the loss of a single man. The Pequods, enraged at what they deemed an unprovoked attack, retal iated in every way in their power, kill ing, during the winter, about thirty in all, and endeavored to engage the Narragansetts in an alliance to cut off every white man from the soil. Hap pily, through the intervention of Roger Williams, who had sent timely infor mation to the Massachusetts magis trates, this dreaded coalition was pre vented, and the good will, or at least, the neutrality, of the Narragansetts was secured. At a special session of the General Court, held early in December, 1636, the militia were organized into three regiments, and officers were appointed in the respective grades. Watches 70 PROGRESS OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES. [Bn. l were ordered to be kept, and travel lers were to go armed. No active measures were taken until the spring of 1637, in consequence main ly of the ferment and trouble arisinf out of Mrs. Hutchinson s case, O of which we have spoken on a previous page. Orthodoxy having triumphed, vigorous attention was directed to the O Pequod war, and a considerable force was raised to send into the field. But the decisive battle had been fought be fore the arrival of the Massachusetts troops. The Connecticut towns, early in May, having obtained the alliance of Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans, the greater part of the able-bodied men, ninety in number under the com mand of John Mason, who had been a soldier in Flanders, prepared for their departure. It was a perilous crisis; should they fail in the enterprise, the infant settlement, left without defend ers, would fall into the power of their vindictive enemies their wives and children would be ruthlessly scalped. The night of May 10th was spent in sol emn prayer. On the morrow the mi litia embarked at Hartford, and be ing joined by twenty men, sent some time before from Boston, under the command of Underbill, sailed past the Thames, and entered, unobserved, a harbor in the vicinity of the Pequod fort. They rested on the following Lord s Day, and early in the week en deavored to engage the assistance of the Narragansetts, whose sachem, Mian- tonimoh, at first joined them with two hundred warriors, who, on learning that the intention of the English was to at tack the Pequod forts with so small a body, were panic-struck, and most of them retreated. The catastrophe can not be better described than in the words of an early historian of Con necticut: " After marching under the guidance of a revolted Pequod to the vicinity of the principal fort, they pitched their little camp between, or near, two large rocks, in Groton, since called Porter s rocks. The men were faint and weary, and though the rocks were their pil lows, their rest was sweet. The guards and sentinels were considerably ad vanced in front of the army, and heard the enemy singing at the fort, w r ho con tinued their rejoicings even until mid night. They had seen the vessels pass the harbor some days before, and had concluded that the English were afraid, and had no courage to attack them. The night was serene, and towards morning the moon shone clear. The important crisis was now come, when the very existence of Connecticut, un der Providence, was to be determined by the sword in a single action, and to be decided by the good conduct of less than eighty brave men. The Indiana who remained were now sorely dis mayed, and though at first they had led the van, and boasted of great feats, yet were now fallen back in the rear. About two hours before day. the men were roused with all expedition, and, briefly commending themselves and their cause to God, advanced imme diately to the fort, and sent for the In dians in the rear to come up. Uncas and Obequash at length appeared. The captain demanded of them where the fort was. They answered, on the CH. Vlf.] DESTRUCTION OF THE PEQUODS. 71 top of the hill. He demanded of them where were the other Indians. They answered that they were much afraid. The captain sent to them not to fly, but to surround the fort at any distance they pleased, and see whether Englishmen would fight. The day was nearly dawning, and no time was now to be lost. The men pressed on in two divisions, Captain Mason to the north eastern, and Underhill to the western entrance. As the object which they had been so long seeking came into view, and while they reflected that they were to fight not only for them selves, but their parents, wives, chil dren, and the whole colony, the martial spirit kindled in their bosoms, and they were wonderfully animated and assisted. As Captain Mason advanced within a rod or two of the fort, a dog barked, and an Indian roared out, Owanux ! Owanux ! that is, Englishmen! English- / O O men ! The troops pressed on, and as the Indians were rallying, poured in upon them through the palisadoes, a general discharge of their muskets, and then wheeling off to the principal entrance, entered the fort sword in hand. Not withstanding the suddenness of the at tack, and the blaze and thunder of the arms, the enemy made a manly and des perate resistance. Captain Mason and his party drove the Indians in the main street towards the west part of the fort, where some bold men, who had forced their way, met them, and made such slaughter among them, that the street was soon clear of the enemy. They secreted themselves in and behind their wigwams, and, taking advantage of every covert, maintained an obstinate defence. The captain and his men entered the wigwams, where they were beset with many Indians, who took every advantage to shoot them, and lay hands upon them, so that it was with great difficulty that they could defend themselves with their swords. After a severe conflict, in which many of the Indians were slain, some of the English killed, and others sorely wound ed, the victory still hung in suspense. The captain, finding himself much ex hausted, and out of breath, as well as his men, by the extraordinary exertions which they had made in this critical state of action, had recourse to a suc cessful expedient. He cries out to his men, We must burn them ! He im mediately, entering a wigwam, took fire and put it into the mats with which the wigwams were covered. The fire instantly kindling, spread with such violence, that all the Indian houses were soon wrapped in one general flame. As the fire increased, the Eng lish retired without the fort, and com passed it on every side. Uncas and his Indians, with such of the Narragansetts as yet remained, took courage from the example of the English, and formed another circle in the rear of them. The enemy were now seized with as tonishment ; and, forced by the flames from their lurking-places into open light, became a fair mark for the Eng lish soldiers. Some climbed the pali sadoes, and were instantly brought down by the fire of English muskets. Others, desperately sallying forth from their burning cells, were shot, or cut to pieces with the sword. Such terror fell upon them, that they would run PROGRESS OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES. [Ex. back from the English into the very flames. Great numbers perished in the conflagration. The greatness and vio- o o lence of the fire, the reflection of the light, the flashing and the roar of the arms, the shrieks and veilings of the men, women, and children, in the fort, and the shouting of the Indians with out, just at the dawning of the morn ing, exhibited a grand and awful scene. In little more than an hour, this whole work of destruction was finished. Se venty wigwams were burnt, and five or six hundred Indians perished, either by the sword, or in the flames. A hun dred and fifty warriors had been sent on the evening before, who, that very morning, were to have gone forth against the English. Of these and all who belonged to the fort, seven only escaped, and seven were made prison ers. It had been previously concluded not to burn the fort, but to destroy the enemy, and take the plunder ; but the captain afterwards found it the only expedient, to obtain the victory and save his men. Thus parents and chil dren, the sannap and squaw, the old man and the babe, perished in promis cuous ruin." 35 At the close of this unrelenting mas sacre, a new body of the Pequods from the other villages, were found to be fast approaching. Filled with rage at the sight of their ruined habitations and slaughtered companions, they rushed furiously upon the white men ; but it was in vain ; the destructive fire arms soon checked them, and Mason and his 84. * Trumbull s " History of Connecticut," vol. i., p. 1C37. party easily made good their retreat to Pequod harbor, now New London. The wounded were sent by water, and Ma son marched his troops to Saybrook, where he was received with a discharge of artillery. The work of extermination thus be^ gun by the Connecticut soldiers was, in conjunction with the Massachu setts forces, carried forward to its completion during the summer. The Pequods were hunted from their hiding places in the swamps ; their forts were destroyed ; the warriors were killed ; the women and children were distri buted as slaves among the colonists ; Sassacus, their head sachem, having fled to the Mohawks, was murdered by them, at the instigation of the Narra- gansetts ; and the adult male prisoners were sold into slavery in the West In dies. It was reckoned that about nine hundred of the Pequods had been killed or taken ; and the few that had escaped and were scattered among the Narragansetts and Mohegans, were for ever forbidden to call themselves Pe quods. The colonists regarded their successes in this war of destruction of the " bloody heathen" as ample proof of Divine approbation ; and with charac teristic self-complacency, they furnished numerous quotations out of the Old Testament to justify every thing which they had done. Truly, one might well here repeat the wish of pious Robin son, " Would that you had converted some to the truth before you had killed any !" The Pequods having been exter minated, the attention of the ministers and magistrates was next turned to the CH. VII.] VARIOUS SETTLEMENTS EFFECTED. 1038. rooting out of heretical pravity, a spe cies of work which they were con stantly called upon to undertake, but which, however well done, seemed very frequently to require to be done over again. One beneficial effect resulted certainly from the stringent regulations in Massachusetts, and that was the causing emigrations in different direc tions. Koger Williams, as before re lated, had laid the foundation of Rhode Island, and Davenport, in 1638, desi rous of enjoying a separate com munity, which should be for ever free from the innovations of error and licentiousness, established the col ony of New Haven. Wheelwright, banished for his participation in the heresies of Mrs. Hutchinson, went forth and planted Exeter. Captain Under- hill, involved in the same quarrel, and charged moreover with a license in re gard to creature comforts quite unbe coming in austere Massachusetts, was expelled,, notwithstanding his services in the field ; upon which he retired to Dover. Others also departed as occa sion demanded, and thus separate con gregations and settlements were sprin kled over the face of the country. Among these, was that of Rowley, in Massachusetts, formed by a company of Yorkshire clothiers, under the pas toral care of Ezekiel Rogers. In the spring of 1637, a proclama tion was issued in England to put a stop to the emigration of Puritans ; and a year afterwards, when a squadron of eight ships, which were in the Thames, was preparing to embark for New England, the privy council interfered to prevent its sailing. It has been VOL. 112 asserted that Hampden and Cromwell were on board this fleet ; but there seems no good ground for the assertion, neither of them being likely to take such a step in the then position of af fairs at home. The ships were delayed only a few days, when the king removed the restraint, and the vessels arrived in safety in Massachusetts Bay. The coast of Maine had also, here and there, a few settlements, but their progress was for some time extremely slow. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who, during thirty years had persevered in his efforts at colonization, and had sunk in these efforts nearly $100,000, ob tained a royal charter for his American provinces, in 1639. On the receipt of this charter, Gorges drew up an elabo rate scheme for the government of Maine, and sent out Thomas Gorges, as deputy, with subordi nates, to administer it. A Scotchman, Sir William Alexander, had obtained from James I. the territory of Acadie? in 1627, and given to it the name of Nova Scotia. During the war between France and England he had taken forcible possession of the province j under the treaty of peace, however, Canada, Cape Breton, and Acadie were restored again, in 1632, to the French. These were rivals to the English colo nists in trade, and worse than all, were papists, a fact which led the Massachu setts people to apprehend that they might prove " ill neighbors." The progress of the colony, in spite of internal dissensions and troubles, was, on the whole, steady and rapid. Trade continued to increase, vessels were built, mills were erected, and 1610. 74 PROGRESS OF VIRGINIA. [Bit. i. towns and villages gradually began to assume a settled appearance. Inter course, however, between the settle ments, was mostly carried on by coast ing, in consequence of the forests and uninhabited regions intervening. Pro bably no plantation in America had made as safe and substantial progress as this, during the time that the ener getic sons of England had been on the soil of the New World. 1610, The cost of New England coloniza tion thus far, according to Mr. Hil- dreth, has been estimated at a million of dollars, which, al though a great sum, is probably short of the truth. There were now east of the Hudson twelve independent com munities, comprising some fifty towns or settlements ; soon after, however, the separate jurisdictions were reduced to six. CH APTEE VIII. 16251660 PROGRESS OF VIRGINIA. Wyatt governor of Virginia Yeardley West Letter to the king Harvey governor Kevisal of the laws Various regulations Division into counties Jealousy of Maryland Complaints against Harvey Goec to England Returns to Virginia Harvey s administration Wyatt s administration Sir William Berkeley His character Second revisal of laws Parliamentary commissioners efforts Colony firm in loyalty War with the Indians Independence of Virginia Authority of Parliament enforced Bennet, Diggs, Matthews, governors Sir William Berkeley reflected Desire for restoration of monarchy Principles of popular liberty. 1C25. ON the accession of Charles I., in 1625, although Sir Francis Wyatt s commission as governor of Vir ginia, was renewed in the same terms as under James, he soon after returned to England, and Yeardley was appointed his successor. Yeardley died the next year, much lamented by the colonists, and the Council elected Francis West governor pro tern- IG 47. pore. From a letter addressed to the king by West and the Council, we learn that the industry and energy of the colony were hardly equal to what might have been expected. War against the Indians was still existing ; there was but little enterprise and cap ital ; and, in fact, the staple product was that " nauseous, unpalatable weed, tobacco, neither of necessity nor orna ment to human life." Notwithstand ing, however, these and similar disad vantages to which Virginia was sub- o o jected, the population continued to increase with rapidity, and in 1628, more than a thousand emigrants ar rived from Europe. Dr. John Potts was elected by the Council, in 1629, in place of West, which office he held for a short time, until the arrival of John Harvey, who had recently been appointed to the CH. VIII.] REVISAL OF THE VIRGINIA CODE. 75 1629. 1632. government of the colony. Potts fell into trouble under charge of no very creditable character, viz., that of cattle-stealing ; but nothing of moment grew out of it. Harvey built a new fort at Point Comfort, at the entrance of James River, and a fee, in powder and ball, was demanded of every ship that passed. Salt-works were also established on the eastern shore of Chesapeake Bay. In 1632, a revisal of the laws took place, by which they were consolidated into a single statute, a process which it was found expedient to repeat on several subsequent occa sions. The regulations in regard to religion and morals were numerous, and evince the care and concern of the authorities to promote godliness among the people. These regulations covered such points as the publishing bans of marriage, catechizing children, the num ber of times the ministers should preach, during the year, and administer the communion, the tithes for the support of religion, punishments for drunken ness, profane swearing, adultery, slan der, etc. Attempts were made to limit the amount of tobacco produced, and thus increase its price in the English market. The price had fallen to six pence per pound, and very serious com petition had arisen from the English planters in the Island of Barbadoes, and other settlers in the Leeward Isles. The colonists were required to cultivate a certain portion of the soil in corn, and to plant and rear vines. Military exercises were to be kept up ; no parley was to be held with Indians ; no emigratiop to New England was to 1631. take place without lea/e of the gov ernor. This revised code was read at the beginning of every monthly court, and a manuscript copy was furnished, open to public inspection. Two years subsequently, in 1684, the colony was divided into eight counties, the governor appointing the lieutenants for each county, and the people choosing the sheriff; so that after many trials, and many ob stacles in the way of its growth, Vir ginia at that date may be regarded as having taken deep and abiding root in the soil of the new empire fast rising into importance in the western hemi sphere. The new colony of Maryland was not looked on with much favor by the Virginians, and they generally felt that it was an encroachment on their just rights. Harvey had rendered himself very unpopular by the adoption of measures obnoxious to the feelings of a large party in Virginia ; the conse quence of which was, that he was sus pended by the Council. An assembly was called to receive complaints against Harvey, and he took his departure for England, to answer there any charges which might be preferred against him. The charges were not even heard, and the deposed Harvey returned, in 1636, with a new commis sion, and with a spirit not improved in kindliness towards the colonists. He remained several years in office, and, according to some writers, exercised his powers with much severity, and even tyranny, until at length he was super seded by Sir Francis Wyatt, in 1639. It is but justice, however, to state that 1636. PROGRESS OF VIRGINIA. . t. 1611. 1613. great allowance is to be made in Har vey s coe for tlie violence of political excitement, since it does not appear that he attempted any unlawful inter ference with the rights and privileges of the colonists. The administration of "Wyatt was peaceful, and quite acceptable to the people. In 1641, however, Sir William Berkeley was appointed governor, and the year following ar rived in Virginia. He was a man of high and honorable character and prin ciples, and proved himself well adapted to the station to which he had been elevated. Shortly after the commence ment of the civil war in En^- O land, the laws of Virginia un derwent a second revision. Most of the former laws were continued, but with some modifications and additions, among which were the requiring all in the colony to use the liturgy of ^ffe Church of England, non-conformists to depart out of Virginia, the monthly courts to be changed into county courts, and held six times a year, certain taxes necessary to public advantage, to tye levied, etc., etc. The Parliamentary Commissioners for Plantations endeavored to obtain from the Virginians an acknowledg ment of their authority, offering them the choice of their own governor ; but Governor Berkeley, who was a firm royalist, persuaded the majority of the Council to adhere to the king ; so that Virginia, retaining its attachment to loyalty, and in a measure left to it self, had an opportunity of legislating for the general good, independent of European control. 1611. The hostility of the Indians, which had been only partially suppressed, was ready to break out on any favor able occasion. Opechancanough, the ancient enemy of the colonists, wag now advanced in years, and still meditating upon revenge. A favorable opportunity having presented itself, arising out of the dissensions oc casioned by the civil war in England, and its general effect upon the col ony, a sudden and furious assault was made under Opechancanough s direction, which resulted in the slaughter of some five hundred of the colonists. A gene ral war against the Indians ensued, and the aged chief was taken prisoner, and died soon after of wounds inflicted by a brutal soldier, His successor was willing to make peace, and all the lands between James and York Rivers were ceded to the Virginians. Thus did it happen, to use the words of Mr. Bancroft, that " the colony of Virginia acquired the management of all its concerns ; war was levied and peace concluded, and territory acquired, in conformity to the acts of the repre sentatives of the people. Possessed of security and quiet, abundance of land, a free market for their staple, and practically all the rights of an inde pendent State, having England for its guardian against foreign oppression, rather than its ruler, the colonists en joyed all the prosperity which a virgin soil, equal laws, and general uniformity of condition and industry could be stow. Their numbers increased; the cottages were filled with children, as the ports were with ships and emi grants. At Christmas, 1648, there CH. VIII. J LOYALTY OF VIRGINIA. 77 1619. were trading in Virginia ten ships from London, two from Bristol, twelve Hol landers, and seven from New England. The number of the colonists was al ready twenty thousand ; and they who had sustained no griefs, were not tempt ed to engage in the feuds by which the mother country was divided. They were attached to the cause of Charles, not because they loved monarchy, but because they cherished the liberties of which he had left them in the undis turbed possession ; and after his execution, though there were / o not wanting some who, from ignorance, as the royalists affirmed, favored re publicanism, the government recognized his son without dispute The faithfulness of the Virginians did aot escape the attention of the royal exile ; from his retreat in Breda, he transmitted to Berkeley a new commission ; he still con trolled the distribution of affairs, and amidst his defeats in Scotland, still re membered with favor the faithful cava liers in the western world. Charles the Second, a fugitive from England, was still the sovereign of England. 1 Virginia was whole for monarchy, and the last country belonging to England, that submitted to obedience of the Commonwealth. "* The Parliament, however, determined to enforce its claims to authority over the colonies. Sir George Ayscue was sent with a fleet to compel the obedience of Barbadoes. A separate expedition, to reduce Virginia, * BaLcroft s "History of the United States," vol. i., p. 209 1650. 1652. 1655. 165. joined Ayscue, and together, in 1652, they reached the Chesapeake. The colony yielded without resistance, their rights and privileges being secured to them. Berkeley s commission was de clared /oid, and Richard Bennet, one of the Parliamentary Commissioners, was elected governor. Cromwell did not interfere with the appointments of governors in Virginia, so that on the retirement of Bennet, Edward Diggs, in 1655, and Samuel Matthews, in 1658, were successively chosen to fill the office of chief magis trate. Matthews having fallen into a dispute with the House of Burgesses, claiming powers which were denied, endeavored to have the question submitted to the Protector ; but the Virginians, jealous of their liberties, determined not to permit this, and to assert their independent powers. A declaration of popular sovereignty was made, the former election declared void, and then, to show their regard for Matthews, he himself was reflected to the very office from which he had just been removed. The governor sub mitted, and thus the spirit of popular liberty established its claims. Matthews died in 1660, just at the time when Richard Cromwell s resig nation had left England free to desire the return of the Stuart dynasty. The burgesses convened, de clared afresh their inherent powers of sovereignty, and elected Sir William Berkeley governor, while waiting the settlement of affairs in England. Thus steadily intent upon securing the liberty which they enjoyed, the Virginians es- | tablished the supremacy of the popu- 78 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MARYLAND. lar branch, the freedom of trade, re- ligious toleration, exemption from for- taxation, and the universal elective franchise. Whenever, at any subse quent time, there was deviatioi from these principles, it was the result of foreign authority and compulsion, not of the people s free will and consent. CHAPTER IX. 16321660, ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MARYLAND. Peculiarity in the origin of Maryland George Calvert, Lord Baltimore His character The charter Ita ndvantages Boundary of the colony Opposition of Clayborne Leonard Calvert in command of the expe dition First settlers St. Mary s Suspiciousness of Massachusetts Clayborne s further efforts to do injury Lord Baltimore s expenditure on the colony First colonial assembly Its acts Dispute about initiative in legislation Second and third assemblies The first statutes enacted Lord Baltimore s policy Act of toleration Its limits Insurrection of Ingle and Clayborne Temporizing policy of the proprietary Mary land claimed by different parties Contest ensuing Stone and his lot Fendal s troubles and the result Fhilip Calvert governor Population and growth of Maryland in 1660. THE settlement of Maryland was in several respects different from that of Virginia or Massachusetts. The former had many perilous struggles before its existence and liberties were secured. The latter put forth many sincere but fruitless efforts, to establish itself on a foundation of theocracy, where private judgment and religious toleration should obtain no resting-place. In the case of Maryland, however, the advantages of a government in which the freemen of the colony were to bear a part, and where toleration in matters of con science was to be allowed, were wisely provided for by its founder; so that its origin was peaceful, and its course .prosperous from the beginning. And this deserves to be noted the rather, because the founder of Maryland was a sincere and liberal-spirited member of the Roman Catholic Church, a church whose principles, as is well known, are totally opposed to all toleration in re ligion, and when opportunity serves to carry them out, lead necessarily to per secution. The Romanists, at this pe riod, from a variety of causes, found their position uncomfortable in Eng land, for the Puritans, equally with others, were bent upon the full execu tion of the penal statutes against them ; consequently they had even greater reason than the Puritans to desire to escape from their trials at home, by emigrating to the New World. About the be<nnnin^ of James First s O o reign, George Calvert, a native of York shire, and a graduate of Ox- f -. i i lord, was so popular in his own county, by far the largest in England, as to be chosen its representative in CH. IX.] ;HARTER AND BOUNDARY OF THE COLONY. 79 1619. 1622. Parliament, and was so great a favorite at Court as to have become one of the Secretaries of State. Calvert, however, had, some time pre viously, become a convert to the Rom ish Church. With honorable candor he avowed his opinions, and tendered the resignation of his office. Far, how ever, from losing the influence he had obtained, he was loaded with fresh favors, and soon after created an Irish peer, by the title of Lord Baltimore. He had been one of the original asso ciates of the Virginia Company, and had tried an experimental colony of his own at Avalon, on the island of Newfoundland ; after having twice visited it, and expended in the attempt at colonization more than $100,000, he at length resolved to abandon it. He then turned his at tention to Virginia, where he met with little encouragement to engage in a set tlement, the oath of allegiance, framed so as that no Roman Catholic could conscientiously subscribe it, being ex pressly tendered for his adoption. He thus became desirous of obtaining a O settlement to which these of like faith with himself might repair unmolested ; and on his return to England he had little difficulty in obtaining from Charles I. a grant of a considerable tract on the river Potomac, which, in compli ment to the queen, Henrietta Maria, he denominated MARYLAND. Lord Baltimore was a man of clear and comprehensive mind, and of high and generous character ; he ap preciated the necessity of a popular government, as well as of its independence of the despotism of the 1632. crown ; and thus the charter which, gave to him, and to his heirs, the ab solute proprietorship in the soil, to gether with the power of making neces sary laws, was coupled with the condi tion that nothing should be enacted without the advice, consent, and appro bation of the freemen of the province, or their representatives convoked in general assembly, and nothing enacted but what was in spirit, if not in letter, consonant with the laws of England. Maryland, too, furnishes the first in stance in which the local proprietary was exempted from the control of the crown, and from the power of parlia mentary taxation. The Potomac, with a line due east from its mouth, across the Chesapeake Bay, and the peninsula called the eastern shore, formed the southern boundary of the new prov ince ; on the east it had the ocean and Delaware Bay ; on the north the for tieth degree of latitude, the southern boundary of the great New England patent; and on the west, a line due north from the westernmost head of the Potomac. Before the patent had passed through all the necessary formalities, Lord Bal timore died ; but the charter was issued and confirmed to his son, Cecilius Cal vert, whose zealous energies were de voted to the carrying out his father s purposes. Considerable opposition was excited against the charter and its privileges, by William Clay- borne, secretary, and one of the Council of Virginia. An acute and enterprising man, he had entered intrf speculations and trade with the Indiana under a royal license. Consequently, 60 UKIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MARYLAND. J634. having established a post on the Isle of Kent, and another at the mouth of the Susquehanna, he and his associates were little disposed to look with favor upon any grant or charter likely to in terfere with their license. Clayborne s appeal to the Privy Council was set aside, and orders were sent to Virginia, insisting upon a good understanding being maintained, and forbidding that either should entertain fugitives from the other. Leonard Calvert, a natural son of the first Lord Baltimore, was appointed by his brother Cecil, to the command of the company destined to found the colony of Maryland. They embarked in the Ark and Dove, in November, 1633, proceeded by way of the West Indies, and early the next year arrived in the Chesapeake. The number of the new settlers was about two hundred, mostly of the Roman Cath olic persuasion, and many of them rank ing amongst gentry. They were cour teously received by Governor Harvey, and had no difficulty in fixing upon a site for a settlement. Calvert entered the Potomac, and upon a spot partly occupied, which was about to be aban doned by the Indians, and was ceded by them the next year in full to the emigrants, he built the little village of o St. Mary s. The liberal provisions of the charter, and the unusual readiness with which the Indians were willing to give them a peaceful footing upon the soil, were all in favor of the establish ment and rapid progress of the colony ; and had it not been for the unfriendly acts and vindictive spirit of Clayborne, hardly a difficulty or trial worth men tion would have disturbed the steady growth and prosperity of Maryland. In August of the present year (1634) Calvert sent the Dove to Massachusetts with a cargo of corn, to exchange for fish. But notwithstanding the friendly advances of Calvert, backed by Har vey of Virginia, the suspiciousness of the Puritans was too strong to admit of any thing like cordiality ; some sharp words passed between the ship s people and the inhabitants ; and when the Dove was allowed to depart, the mas ter was charged "to bring no more such disordered persons." Clayborne s hostility did not sleep. Beside endeavoring to injure the colo nists with the Indians, he even ven tured to fit out a small vessel, under color of his exclusive right to trade, and gave orders to capture all the water craft of the colonists. Two armed boats from St. Mary s pursued the vessel ; an engagement took place ; several lives were lost, and the officers made prisoners. Clayborue escaped to Virginia, and was demanded by Cal vert as a fugitive from justice ; but Harvey declined giving him up, and he was sent to Eng land. Colonization proceeded steadily, though not rapidly. The proprietary offered very liberal terms to settlers. in the expectation that his own heavy outlays might to some extent at least, be reimbursed : during the first two years he expended nearly $200,000 on the colony. But in no respect, probably, was the wisdom of Lord Baltimore more evident than in his yielding to the wishes of the colo- 1635. 1636 CH. IX.] FIRST STATUTES OF MARYLAND. 81 1639. nists on a point where tliey were very sensitive. The first colonial Assembly, in 1635, had passed a body of laws, which the proprietary rejected on the ground, that the initiative of legisla tion belonged to him. Soon after, he sent over a collection of statutes which he had drawn up, to be laid be fore a second Assembly; that body, however, refused to admit the proprietary s claim to the initiative, or to adopt the laws proposed by "him. Lord Baltimore, with great good sense, yielded the point, and a third Assembly was held, at which the first statutes of Maryland were en acted. This Assembly was composed of depu ties from the several hundreds into vvhich the colony had been divided; AM act was passed, "establishing the House of Assembly;" and a number of bills on the subject of municipal law were proposed for the approval of the House, but for some unexplained cause were not finally adopted. Trial by jury, conformity to the laws of Eng land, provisions for the probate of wills, obligation not to neglect the cultiva tion of corn, and the like, were estab lished ; and it was declared, in the words of Magna Charta, that "Holy Church within this province shall have all her rights and liberties." Though o o it is tolerably certain, that by this term the Roman Catholic Church was meant, yet the proprietary does not seem ever to have contemplated the establishment of a colony solely for those of like faith w r ith himself; on the contrary, he endeavored by proclama tion, to repress disputations on the sub- VOL. I. 13 ject of religion, because thereby the public peace and quiet were likely to be disturbed ; and practically, whether necessity or policy, or more honorable reasons, led to this result, toleration was established in Maryland. The As semblies of the three following years O / maintained this principle of toleration firmly and steadily, and in 1649, "an act of toleration" was enacted by both the upper and lower House. Liberty of opinion was not indeed, nor could it well have been, as absolute as in our own times. A profession of belief in the doctrine of the Trinity was re quired, and blasphemy was severely punished ; but with this limitation the terms of the statute forbade any inter ference in, or even reproachful censure of, the private opinions or modes of worship, already sufficiently numerous and eccentric, established among the citizens. " Whereas," it states, " the en forcing of the conscience in matters of religion hath frequently fallen out to be of dangerous consequence in those commonwealths where it hath been practised, and for the more quiet and peaceable government of this province, and the better to preserve mutual love and amity among the inhabitants, no person within this province professing to believe in Jesus Christ, shall be any ways troubled, molested, or discounte nanced, for his or her religion, nor in the free exercise thereof; nor any way compelled to the belief or exercise of any religion against his or her consent, so that they be not unfaithful to the lord proprietary, or molest or conspire against the civil government estab lished" 82 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF MARYLAND. . I. 1013. 1616. During the civil war in England Clayborne, urged by a desire for re venge, stirred up rebellion in the province. Repossessing him self of the Isle of Kent, while Calvert was in England, and Giles Bent in charge of the administration, Clay- borne, in conjunction with one Ingle, endeavored to profit by their present success. Early in 1645 the rebels were triumphant ; but Calver.t obtaining assistance from Virginia, suppressed the rebellion, though not with out bloodshed. Clayborne and Ingle managed to destroy or carry off a large part of the records, and were guilty of other acts of disorder and misrule ; yet it was judged wise to pass a general amnesty for all offences, and rightful authority resumed its sway. Calvert died in 1647, and Thomas Greene succeeded him. But the pro prietary deemed it expedient to dis place him, in 1648, and appoint William Stone, a zealous Pro testant and parliamentarian, as gover nor of Maryland. On receipt of the news of Charles First s execution, quite a burst of loy alty was stirred up by Greene, at the time temporarily in charge of the gov ernment, Stone being absent in Virginia : ^ o Lord Baltimore, who wished to avoid collision with the dominant party, does not seem to have approved this step, by which he gave offence to Charles II., who appointed Sir William Da- 1650 venant governor, without re gard to the chartered rights of the proprietary. Maryland was now claimed by four separate aspirants; Virginia, who had never looked upon 1618. 1652. 1655. the colony with favor, Charles II., be cause of his displeasure against the time-serving policy of Lord Baltimore, Stone, who was the active deputy of the proprietary, and the victorious Par liament, who, as before related, were not disposed to allow disaffection or re bellion in the colonies. A noisy and vexatious contest en sued, into the details of which we need not enter. Stone was deposed by the Commissioners, but rein stated on submission. On the dissolu tion of the Long Parliament, Stone re established Lord Baltimore s authority in full, which brought Clayborne again into the field : the government was taken away from Stone, and retaliat ory ordinances passed against the " pa pists ;" Stone, next year, finding himself blamed by Lord Balti more, engaged in an attempt to put down his opponents, but without any success, himself being taken prisoner, and narrowly escaping the death to which his principal adherents were condemned. Cromwell was appealed to, but he was too busy with other and weightier things, to give much heed to this matter. In 1656, Josias Feudal was appointed by Lord Baltimore as governor, and for a time the colony was divided between two ruling; au- o thorities. the Romanist at St. Mary s, and the Puritan at St. Leonard s. In March, 1658, a compromise was effected, and Fendal acknowl edged. Just before the restoration of Charles II., the Assembly of Maryland, as in the case of Virginia, took , ., % ... 160O. occasion to assert its legitimate and paramount authority; and Philip 165. Cn. X.] KIEFT GOVERNOR OF NEW NETHERLAND. 83 Calvert was established firmly in the position, of governor. The population of Maryland at this date, is estimated at about ten thou sand; and despite the various trials and troubles which marked its earlier history, the colony gradually increased in wealth and strength. CHAPTER X. 1638 1685, NEW NETHERLAND I NEW YOKE AND NEW JERSEY. Kieft, governor of New Nethei land His administration Encroachments of Connecticut people Attempts on the Delaware Indian war Bitter fruits Reduced state of the colony Petrus Stuyvesant governor Kieft s death by shipwreck Stuyvesant s efforts to settle difficulties Convention of delegates Dissolved by the governor Reduction of the Swedes Dispute with Maryland New England restiveness Expedi tion against New Amsterdam Its surrender to the English NEW YORK Albany Banks of the Delaware NEW JERSEY Its origin Carteret governor Disputes Measures adopted in New York Dutch attack Andros governor Attempt on Connecticut East and West Jersey The Quakers The Presbyterians from Scotland Arbitrary measures Chartere/1 liberties granted to New York Accession of James II. WILLIAM KIEFT, who is described by Winthrop as " a sober and discreet man," wgs the very opposite of Van Twiller in most respects; yet his ap pointment does not seem to have been a judicious step. Active, zealous, ra pacious, quick-tempered, he entered upon the duties of his post with en ergy and spirit, and endeavored in many ways to remedy the difficulties into which New Netherland had fallen under the administration of Van Twiller. His protest against Swedish colonization on the Delaware was unsuccessful ; nor was he able bet ter to make headway in opposition to the encroachments of the New Eng land people on the Connecticut. Valu able privileges were offered to settlers, the patroonships were limited, the mo nopoly of the Indian trade was relin quished, the Dutch Reformed Church was declared to be the established re ligion, which was publicly to be taught, etc. By these and similar efforts, the Director hoped to promote the pros perity of the colony. In addition to the settlements at Wallabout and Flat- lands on Long Island, another at Breukelen was commenced. New boweries were established in every direction, annual fairs were set up at New Amsterdam, a new stone church was erected, and various like measures adopted to advance the welfare of the community. The English settlement at Red Hill, or New Haven, was considered by the Dutch an alarming encroachment on their territorial rights. The traders at the House of Good Hope on the Con necticut were subjected to various an noyances, and it seemed evident that there was a settled purpose to drive NEW NETHERLAND: NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY. [BK. I- 1610. 1611. the Dutch away altogether. Long Island was claimed by Lord Sterling s a.f cut, and under that claim insult was O offered by a party from Lynn, Massachusetts, who attempted to settle on the western end of the island. They pulled down the Dutch arms, and put up in its place an in decent caricature. The Dutch made prisoners of them, and on their apolo gizing allowed them to retire to the eastern barren end of the island, where they founded Southamp ton, and put themselves under the juris diction of Connecticut. Various other active efforts were made by the New England colonists, which resulted in the founding of Stratford, Stamford, and Greenwich. Indeed the English inhabitants had increased so rapidly, even in the territory acknowledging the jurisdiction of the Dutch, that an English Secretary was found necessary, and George Baxter was appointed to that office. The people of New Haven were de sirous of founding a settlement on Delaware Bay, and some fifty families set out for this purpose. On touching at New Amsterdam, Kieft protested warmly against these encroachments ; but they did not heed his words. Ac cordingly, in May, 1641, Kieft sent two sloops to break up the settlement, an enterprise into which the commander of the Swedish fort heartily entered ; Lamberton, the leader of the party, was obliged to pay a ransom ; the rest were compelled to swear allegiance to Sweden; and the Director insisted upon duties being paid at New Amsterdam, on the fur-trade in the Delaware. Natu- 1612. rally enough, the New Haven people took offence at all this, and the quarrel proceeded to that length, that Kieft proclaimed a non-intercourse with the colony on the Connecticut. About the same date, serious difficul ties be^an to arise with the Indians. o Several murders had been committed, and it was judged necessary to take steps to meet the emergency. A board of "T\velve Men" was appoint ed ; and eighty men were .sent against the hostile Indians; but with O out result, the guide having missed the way. Soon after, a Dutchman was murdered out of revenge, by a Hack- ensack Indian, who had been made drunk and robbed. Kieft would have no redress but that of blood, although full reparation was offered, according to the Indian idea of justice in such cases. While this dispute was yet un settled, the Tappan Indians fled 1643. to the Dutch on being attacked by the Mohawks; and it was while they were thus trusting to the hospi tality of white men that the detestable plan w r as hastily and wickedly formed to cut them off. In spite of the re monstrances of the best men in the colony, the cry for blood prevailed ; and in February, 1643, the shrieks of the victims were heard even across the icy river. Warriors, old men, women, and children were slain without mercy, to the number of eighty or more. In fants with their mothers perished in the river, the wounded were killed the next morning: in cold blood, and about o thirty prisoners were taken to New Amsterdam. Retaliation followed as a matter of CH. X.] WAR WITH THE INDIANS. course. Eleven of the smaller tribes in the vicinity joined together to make war on the Dutch. The scattered boweries, extending twenty and thirty miles to the north and east, were fu riously attacked ; houses were burned ; men, women, and children killed and carried into captivity. The colonists fled in terror to New Amsterdam ; Kieft was bitterly reproached and as sailed for what had happened ; and a fast was proclaimed. The Indians, their revenge satiated for the time, soon after made advances for peace, and a treaty was arranged early in the spring of the same year (1643) ; but war broke out again in the autumn. Great distress was the result ; and in an appeal from the board of "Eight Men," sent to Holland in October, there is an aifecting account of the wretched condition of the colony. It was at this date that "a good solid fence," or palisade, was erected as a protection to New Amsterdam, where the far-famed Wall Street now stands. In July of this year, Kieft wrote a letter of congratulation to the Com missioners for the United Colonies of New England. At the same time, he took occasion to complain of the "in sufferable wrongs" which the people of Connecticut had been guilty of towards the Dutch residents at the fort of Good Hope. The Commissioners, at their meeting in September, were not a whit behind the Director in making com plaints, which led, as was natural, to a rejoinder on the part of Kieft. Various expeditions against the In dians were undertaken during 1643, and 1644; and with ultimate success. The horrors of the Pequod massacre were to some extent acted over . T .. A , , 1644. again. Kieft 8 conduct was warm ly complained of by the " Eight Men," in an appeal to Holland respecting the war; and it was not till August, 1645, that a treaty of peace was agreed upon, and a day of thanksgiving appointed. The settlements about New Amster dam were almost ruined by the late war, and hardly a hundred men could be mustered. Only five or six re mained out of some thirty nourishing boweries ; and it appeared, on exami nation, that New Netherland, up to this time (1638), had cost the West India Company more than $200,000 over and above all receipts. Kieft became more and more un popular, and the people complained of his tyranny, exaction, and arbitrary exercise of lawful authority. He fell into several violent disputes with min isters of churches, as well as individu als in the community ; and altogether, matters came to such a pass, that it was evidently high time to supersede him and appoint a new Director. Ac cordingly, Petrus Stuyvesant, f n , i governor of Curacoa, a staunch. old soldier, but very haughty and im perious in his bearing, was appointed Director General of New Netherland, with a nominal jurisdiction over his former field of service. Some remain ing restrictions on imports and exports were removed ; but New Amsterdam still continued the sole port of entry. Poor Kieft, having freighted a vessel with a valuable cargo of furs, worth, it was said, $100,000, and set sail for home, was wrecked on the coast of 86 NEW NETHERLAND: NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY. c. I. Wales, and himself, with some eighty others, were lost. The general 1647. . . v -,., opinion was, 11 we may credit Winthrop, that this calamity was a mark of divine displeasure against such as had opposed or injured God s "poor people of New England," so prone are men to pronounce harsh and un charitable judgments respecting calami ties which it pleases God to send upon individuals. On Stuyvesant s assuming the gov ernment, in May, 1647, the colony was far from being in a prosperous con dition, as compared with Virginia and Maryland on the south, and New Eng land on the north. The former num bered some twenty thousand inhabi tants, and New England about as many ; while New Netherland had hardly three thousand, including the Swedes on the Delaware. Bevers- wyck the site of the present city of Albany was a hamlet of ten houses ; New Amsterdam was a village of wooden huts, with roofs of straw, and chimneys of mud and sticks, and a large proportion of rum-shops, and shops for the sale of tobacco and beer. On the western end of Long Island there were several plantations, but a considerable part of the inhabitants were English. The United Colonies of New Eng land sent to Stuyvesant a congratula- 1647. tory letter on k is arriva l? but wound up with numerous com plaints. The old soldier had been charged with the settling these dis putes and differences, if possible, and he accordingly undertook with vigor to accomplish the difficult task. Mat ters did not advance rapidly or easily ; 1650. and it was not till September, 1650, that any award was effected by the arbitrators appointed by the respective litigants in the case. " By their award, all th-3 eastern part of Long Island, composing the present county of Suffolk, was assigned to New England. The boundary betveen New Haven and New Netherland was to begin at Greenwich Bay, to run northerly twenty miles into the coun try, and beyond as it shall be agreed, but nowhere to approach the Hudson nearer than ten miles. The Dutch re tained their fort of Good Hope, with the lands appertaining to it; but all the rest of the territory on the river was assigned to Connecticut. Fu<ri- O tives were to be mutually given up." * Adventurers from New Haven un dertook a fresh expedition to the Dela ware, the question respecting which had unfortunately been left unsettled. Stuyvesant resisted this attempt, . / ., -, 1651. instantly, seized upon the ship, detained the emigrants, and proceeded to build a fort Fort Casirnir on the present site of Newcastle. This ener getic conduct was denounced at New Haven as a violation of the Iqte treaty, and fresh troubles sprang up in conse quence. It was even contemplated to attempt the conquest of New Nether land, especially as at the time war had broken out between Cromwell and the Dutch, and inasmuch as it was alleged that there was a plot between the Dutch and the Narragansetts to mur der the entire body of English colo nists. Massachusetts refusing to join * Hildreth s "History of the United States," voL L, p. 438 Cxi. X.] STUYVESANT S ADMINISTRATION. 87 1652. 1653. in any such scheme, it came to nought. The inhabitants of New Amsterdam, having obtained by petition to the au thorities at home, certain mu nicipal privileges, were desirous of proceeding still further in the path of popular liberty. A convention of two delegates from each village as sembled, and were disposed to demand for the people a share in legislation and the appointment of magistrates. Sturdy old Stuyvesant dissolved the convention, rejected their de mand as absurd and presump tuous, and gave them to understand that he needed no help from the igno ble crowd to sustain his authority, or aid him in the discharge of his duties. His conduct and bearing were highly approved by the Company in Holland. The Swedes by a stratagem, got pos session of Fort Casimir ; but as Sweden no longer held the rank of a formidable power, the Company directed Stuyvesant to subdue the Swedes and take possession of the South Bay and Kiver. The year following, the Director embarked for the Dela ware with a force of six hun dred men, and without difficulty ac complished his object, so that New Sweden became again a part of New Netherland. The affairs of New Netherland seemed to be now decidedly on the improvement. Amicable rela tions were kept up with Vir ginia, and a mutually profitable trade was carried on. With Maryland, how ever, there was a dispute as to the oc cupancy of the western bank of the Delaware, the governor of Maryland 1651. 1655. 1656. 1659. claiming the territory as within the limits of that colony, and the Dutch stoutly denying the Mary land claim, and insisting upon their right of prior occupancy. Further difficulties, too, occurred this year (1659) with the Indians, whose thirst for blood was stimulated by selling or giving to them the poisonous "fire water." Murders on their part were followed by retaliatory steps on the part of the Dutch, and many lives were lost in consequence. A peace was made the next year; but in 1663, the savages, who had been waiting an op portunity to revenge the sending away some Indians by Stuyvesant to the West Indies, attacked the settlers at Esopus with unpitying fury. Late in that year the Indians were r .early all subdued, and tranquillity was restored for the time. The dispute with Maryland was vexatious and troublesome, but, com paratively, was of small moment : it was the restless New England spirit which seemed destined to be the plague of Stuyvesant s life. Connecticut was eager in the pursuit of territory, and on obtaining a royal charter, began to press a claim to Long Island, Westchester, and in fact, all the land east of the Hudson. Stuyvesant went to Boston, and sent agents to Hartford : the New Englanders spoke fairly, but their actions still excited the suspicions of the old soldier; and de spite his contempt for popular assem blies, he was fain to ask the advice of the people in the emergen cy. Unfortunately the Assembly could not yield him any assistance : the 1662. 1663. NAW NETHERLAND: NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY. . I days of New Xetherland were num bered. The English claim, such as it was, to the territory occupied by the Dutch, it will be remembered, had never been given up ; it was now determined to enforce that claim by something more cogent than words.* The Duke of York had bought up the claims of Lord Stirling, under grants 1C6-4 which he had received frp^i the -v^ extinct Council of New England ; ami in March, 1G64, he had received from his brother, Charles II, a charter for a large and valuable tract between the Connecticut and the Delaware princi pally, and swallowing up entirely New Netherland. NEW YOKE: was the name bestowed upon this new province. Prompt measures were adopted. Three ships, with six hundred soldiers, having on board Colonel Richard Nich ols, Colonel George Cartwright, Sir Rob- ert Carr, and Samuel Maverick as com missioners, were dispatched in August, 1664, to seize upon New Netherland for the Duke of York. Rumors of their design had indeed reached that city, but no effectual defence had been, or in deed could be, attempted by the Dutch. Stuyvesant endeavored to awaken the spirit of the inhabitants to a gallant de fence, by recalling to them the recent heroic struggle of the fatherland against the Spaniards, but he met but with a feeble response. Determined at least to put a bold front upon the matter, * Chalmers, who writes with strong English feel ing and prejudices, goes so far as to state that the settlement of New Netherland was in violation of the law of nations! See his "Introduction to the Re volt of the American Colonies? vol. i., p. 116. he sent, in concert with the deputies, to request of the English commander the reason of his hostile appearance. Nichols replied by asserting the claims of England, and demanding an imme diate surrender of New Amsterdam on condition that the lives, liberties, and property of the inhabitants should be respected. Stuyvesant retorted by a spirited protest, detailing the manner in which the Dutch had obtained a lawful possession of the country, affect ing to doubt whether, " if his Majesty of Great Britain were well informed of such passages, he would not be too judicious to grant such an order" as that by which he was summoned, espe cially in a time of profound peace ; and reminding the commissioners, that it was "a very considerable thing to af front so mighty a state as Holland, al though it were not against an ally and confederate." Neither argument nor threats produced, however, any effect upon the English commander, who re fused to protract the negotiation, and threatened an immediate attack up on the city. Mortifying as it was to an old soldier to surrender without a struggle, Stuyvesant was compelled to submit to circumstances ; the majority of the inhabitants were unwilling to run the risk of an assault to which they could not hope to offer any effectual opposition, in defence of a government with which they were discontented, and against another which many among them were secretly disposed to wel come. A liberal capitulation was ar ranged ; the rights and privileges of the inhabitants were guaranteed ; and New Amsterdam quietly passed into CH. X.J CLAIM OF JUSTICE FOR THE DUTCH. 89 166-1. the possession of the bold invaders. A few days after, Fort Orange, on the Hudson, capitulated, and the name Albany was bestowed upon it. A treaty was here concluded with the chiefs of the Five Nations, whose hostilities had occasioned so much distress to the Dutch. Sir Robert Can- meanwhile entered the Delaware, and plundering and ill using the Dutch, soon reduced them to sub mission. Thus it was that, by a claim firmly persisted in, and enforced with out the shedding of a single drop of blood, New Netherland became an in tegral part of the growing and im portant colonial empire of England. The Dutch inhabitants readily acqui esced in the change of rulers, and even the sturdy Governor Stuyvesant, at tached to the country, spent the re mainder of his life in New York. It seems but fair, at this point in the history of New York, to quote the words of Mr. Brodhead, who claims that the Dutch have hardly received justice at the hands of American his torians. "The reduction of NEW NE- TIIEHLAND was now accomplished. All that could be further done was to change its name; and, to glorify one of the most bigotted princes in Eng lish history, the royal province was or dered to be called NEW YOEK The flasr of England was at length tri- o o o umphantly displayed, where, for half a century, that of Holland had rightfully waved ; and, from Virginia to Canada the King of Great Britain was acknow ledged as sovereign This treacherous and violent seizure of the territory and possessions of an unsus- Voi, l.U pecting ally was no less a breach of private justice than of public faith. It may, indeed, be affirmed, that among all the acts of selfish perfidy which royal ingratitude conceived and exe cuted, there have been few more char- acteristic, and none more base. . . . . . . *. The emigrants who first explored the coasts and reclaimed the soil of New Netherland, and bore the flag of Holland to the wigwams of the Iroquois, were generally bluff, plain- spoken, earnest, yet unpresumptuous men, who spontaneously left their na tive land to better their condition, and bind another province to the United Netherlands. They brought over with them the liberal ideas, and honest max ims, and homely virtues of their coun try They came with no loud-sounding pretensions to grandeur in purpose, eminence in holiness, or superiority in character. They were more accustomed to do than to boast ; nor have their descendants been am bitious to invite and appropriate exces sive praise for the services their ances tors rendered in extending the limits of Christendom, and in stamping upon America its distinguishing features of freedom in religion, and liberality in political faith . ; Much of what has been written of American history has been written by those who, from habit or prejudice, have been inclined to magnify the influ ence, and extol the merit of the Anglo- Saxon race, at the expense of every other element which has assisted to form the national greatness. In nc particular has this been more remark able than in the unjust view which has 90 NEW NETIIERI.AND : NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY. [B K . I. 1664. so often been taken of the founders of New York. Holland has long been a theme for the ridicule of British writers ; and even in this country, the character and manners of the Dutch have been made the subjects of an unworthy de preciation, caused, perhaps, in some in stances, by too ready an imitation of those provincial chroniclers who could see little good in their noxious neigh bors of New Netherland."* New Jersey was established at this date. The country between the Hud son and the Delaware had been con veyed by the Duke of York to Lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret. This latter had been gov ernor of the Island of Jersey during the civil war, and thus the name of the new province was derived. As this ex tensive tract was thinly inhabited, the policy of the proprietaries led them to offer the most favorable terms to settlers. Absolute freedom of wor ship, and a colonial Assembly, having the sole power of taxation, and a share in the legislation of the province, were among the principal inducements. Many were attracted to New Jersey, and it was thought to be almost a paradise, on account of the liberality of its institu tions and the beauty of the climate. Philip Carteret had been appointed governor, much to the discontent of Nichols, who protested in vain against this encroachment upon his jurisdiction. Carteret s attempt to collect the quit-rents for the proprie taries in 16*70, caused much discontent, * Brodhead s "History of the State of New Yorle? First Period, p. 745750. 16TO. which finally broke out into open in surrection. The Assembly convened at Elizabethtown, deposed Philip Carteret, who was compelled to fly, and elected James Carteret in his place. The latter had been active in encouraging the agi tation and insurrection. One of the earliest measures adopted by the Duke of York, in behalf of the new State called by his name, was the passing a code embodying many valu able privileges and customs derived from local experience, and adapted to the wants of the colonists, trial by jury being among them. That democratic spirit, however, which had led the in habitants of the colony to rebel against the severe government of Stuyvesant, and to welcome the English rule as pro mising a more liberal policy, dissatisfied and disappointed with these concessions alone, vented itself in angry and bitter remonstrances against a system no less despotic than the former. The mer chants felt themselves oppressed by fresh duties, which, to swell the coffers of the Duke of York, were levied upon their imports and exports. Thus at the moment when, war having been de clared between England and Holland, in 1673, through the artifices of Louis XIV., a Dutch fleet suddenly appeared before the city, a general disaffection prevailed amongst the citizens, and Col onel Manning, who, in the absence of the governor, Lovelace, held possession of the fort with a small body of Eng lish soldiers, surrendered without re- sistance. He was afterwards adjudged guilty by a court martial of cowardice and treachery. For awhile New York again became a Dutch city, and wag CH. X.] EAST AND WEST JERSEY. 91 under a Dutch governor ; but by the treaty of Westminster, concluded the following year, it was agreed that all conquests were to be mutually restored : New York consequently again passed into the hands 01 the English. The Duke of York obtained a new grant, which both increased his territo rial pretensions and gave him authority " to govern the inhabitants by such or dinances as he and his assigns should establish." Accordingly he sent over Major Edmund Andros, to assume the office of governor, to assert his proprie tary rights, and consolidate his scattered territories under one uniform system of administration. With this view, one of the first proceedings of Andros was an expedition to Fort Saybrook, with a small force, in order to enforce the claim of the Duke to all such territory between the Hudson and the Connecti cut, as had been settled by the citi zens of the latter State. He was as tonished at the sturdy resolution of the Connecticut men, who refused even to listen to the reading of his commission, and without violence, but by a display of power which he was unable to resist, compelled him to return disconcerted to New York. There, too, he soon found that there was quite as little disposition quietly to submit to the levying taxes by irresponsible authority, and a clear determination to obtain, if possible, the advantages possessed by the other Eng lish colonies under their chartered pri vileges. The dissension that had taken place in New Jersey on the subject of the quit-rents, has been spoken of above. Garteret., the governor, who had been 1676. compelled to leave the province, had gone to England, whence he shortly returned, invested with fresh powers. Soon after the taking of the pro- 1672. vinc e from the Dutch, Berkeley, one of the proprietors, disposed of his share of New Jersey to John Fenwick, in trust for Edward Byllinge, of whom William Penn became one of the as signees. A dispute between the pro prietors was settled by the arbitration of Penn, whose name now first appears in connection with American history, and Carteret soon after consented to a formal partition of the province into two parts, called East and West Jersey. The latter became a colony of Quakers, and together with liberty of conscience, democratic equality was established. Lovers of peace them selves, they readily obtained the friend ly regard of the Delaware Indians ; large numbers of the Quakers emi grated ; and the colony soon gave evi dence of growth and prosperity. In 1682, East Jersey was purchased from the heirs of Carteret, by twelve Quakers, under the auspices of Penn ; and in 1683, the proprietors hav ing increased their number to twenty- four, obtained a new patent from the Duke of York. During the two fol lowing years, East Jersey afforded re fuge to numbers of Scotch Pres byterians, who had escaped for their lives from the fierce onslaught and proscription to which they had been subjected at home. Freedom of trade had been estab lished in New Jersey : this was, how ever, quite obnoxious to Andros, the governor of New York, and he at- 1682. 92 NEW NETHERLAND: NEW" YORK AND NEW JERSEY. tempted to put a stop to it. He de manded payment of customs, asserted jurisdiction over New Jersey, seized and tried Carteret, and kept him in confinement until the matter could be referred to England. These hisrh- o o handed measures roused even the pa cific Quakers to remonstrance. Penn drew up a document, mild in tone, yet firm in asserting constitutional rights. By mutual consent, the disputed ques tion was referred to the decision of Sir William Jones, one of the most eminent lawyers of the time. His opinion was unfavorable to the pretensions of the Duke of York, who thereupon, by a fresh instrument, resigned all claim to both West and East Jersey, which, left to develop the resources of the pro vince freely, continued steadily to in crease, and gave promise of its future rank in the colonial family. Andros. on his first visit to England, had endeavored to convince the Duke of York that it would be necessary to concede a system of self-government to the discontented colonists. On a sub sequent occasion his request was power fully seconded by symptoms of deter mined opposition to the arbitrary levy of taxes under the sole authority of the Duke. A jury in New York had by their verdict, declared that they deemed this measure illegal, and the same opin ion was expressed by the lawyers in England. Overwhelmed with fresh pe titions from the council, court of assize, and corporation, praying that they might "participate in the government, a request reinforced by Penn, whose influence with him was considerable, the Duke of York was at length com pelled to yield, and Dongan, a Roman Catholic, was sent out as governor, em powered to accede to the wishes of the colonists, and to summon the free holders to choose their representa tives. Accordingly, on the 17th of October, 1683, a meeting was held of the first popular assembly in the State of New York consisting of the governor and ten counsellors, with seventeen deputies elected by the freeholders. A declara tion of rights was passed ; trial by jury was confirmed; and taxes henceforth were to be levied only with the consent of the Assembly. Every freeholder was entitled to a vote for the repre sentatives; and religious liberty was declared. Such Tras the spirit in which the As sembly proceeded to exercise their new ly acquired powers. One of their acts was entitled " The Charter of Liberties and Privileges granted by his Royal Highness to the Inhabitants of New York and its Dependencies." The following year (1684) another session was held, to the great satisfaction of the colonists; but soon afterwards the flattering prospect thus opened to them of redressing their own grievances, and of managing their own affairs, was interrupted by the accession of the Duke of York to the throne of England, u_ider the title of James II. Dongan had a new commission granted him, by which he was authorized, with his council, to enact laws, to continue the taxes already imposed, and if he saw fit, to impose additional taxes. As in the case of Effingham in Virginia, he was specially charged to 161. Ca. XI] NEW ENGLAND DURING THE COMMONWEALTH. 93 allow no printing, the press being re garded as rather a dangerous element among a people situated as the colonists mostly were. Dongan also gave a char ter to the city of Albany, and bestowed upon Robert Livingston a sort of feu dal principality on the Hudson River, known as Livingston Manor. CHAPTER XI. 16401660, NEW ENGLAND DURING THE COMMONWEALTH. Condition of the New England colonies in 1640 Fundamentals, or Body of Liberties Its provisions Annexa tion of New Hampshire Articles of Confederation of United Colonies of New England Religious troubles in Massachusetts Anabaptist sect Gorton s heresy Death of Miantonimoh Sympathy with the Parlia ment party Resistance to interference Roger Williams s voyage to England Obtains a charter Provi dence Plantations Intolerant spirit of the theocratic party First execution for witchcraft Deatli of Win- throp Rise of Quakers Persecution Execution of Quakers The magistrates defence End of tke troubles Eliot and his labors Prosperity of the colonies Progress in morals, social life, education, etc. 1610. THE political changes in England, consequent upon the success of the Parliament in its contest with Charles I., put a sudden stop to emigration, and for a time had a serious effect upon the fortunes of the New England colonies.* There was a great o o * " Now that fountain began to be dried, and the stream turned another way, and many that intended to have followed their neighbors and friends into a land not sown, hoping by the turn of the times, and the great changes that were then afoot, to enjoy that at their own doors and homes, which the other had travelled so far to seek abroad, there happened a total cessation of any passengers coming over ; yea, rather, as at the turn of a tide, mo,ny came back with the help of the same stream, or sea, that carried them thither ; insomuch, that now the country of New England was to seek of a way to provide themselves of clothing, which they could not attain by selling of their cattle as before ; which now were fallen from tnat huge price forernentioned, 25, first to JCM, and <lO, an head, and presently after (at least within a year) to JC5 a piece ; nor was there at that rate ready vent for them neither." Hubbard, p. 238. fall in the prices of the main articles on which the colonists depended, espe cially in the articles of cattle and corn ; and the difficulty of settling accounts and defraying debts was correspond ingly great. Several provisions were made by the authorities to meet tlje emergency, and beavers skins, wam pum,* etc., were used as currency in place of coin. New kinds of industry were also attempted under the pressure of this state of affairs, such as fisheries, ship-building, cultivation of hemp and flax, manufactures of linen, cotton and woolen cloths, etc. A call on the part of the freemen, jealous of the arbitrary, undefined powers and prerogatives of the inagi- * Wampum: the wampum, or peage, consisted of cylindrical beads half an inch long, of two colors, white and bluish black, made by the Indians from parts of certain sea shells. 94 NEW ENGLAND DURING THE COMMONWEALTH. [B*. 1. strates, lesulted in the preparation of a collection of laws, known as ll * "Fundamentals," or "Body of Liberties." Of these, the rough draft, having been prepared by the council, was sent round and submitted, first to the local magistrates and elders, then to the freemen at large, for due considera tion and improvement ; and having been thus decided upon, they were at length formally adopted. After three years trial they were to be revised, and final ly established. These laws, about a hundred in number, are characteristic and curious. The supreme power was still to reside in the hands of the church members alone ; universal suffrage was not conceded, but every citizen was al lowed to take a certain share in the business of any public meeting. Some degree of liberty was granted to private churches, and assemblies of different Christians, but the power of veto was still vested in the supreme council, who might arbitrarily put down any proceed ings which they deemed heterodox and dangerous, and punish or expel their authors. Strangers and refugees pro fessing the true Christian religion were to be received and sheltered. Bond- slavery, villanage, or captivity, except in the case of laioful captives taken in war, or any who should either sell themselves or le sold ly others, were to be abolished. Injurious monopolies were not to be allowed. Idolatry, witchcraft, and blasphemy, or wilful disturbing of the established order of the state, were punishable with death. All torture was prohibited, unless whip ping, ear-cropping, and the pillory, which were retained as wholesome and 1643. necessary punishments, might be so con sidered. The liberties of women, chil dren, and servants, are defined in a more benevolent spirit, in harmony with the milder provisions of the Mosaic code, so constantly referred to by those who framed the body of Fundamentals. New Hampshire, still in its infancy, sought and obtained annexation, on favorable terms, to its powerful neigh bor Massachusetts. Not long after, in 1643, the various settlements and col onies in New England, feeling the need of mutual aid and support, determined to enter into arrangements by which this end could be effectually attained. Accordingly a.confederation was formed, under the name of " The United Colonies of New England." It consisted of the colonies of Massachu setts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven. By the articles of con federation, these colonies entered into a firm and perpetual bond of friendship and amity, for offence and defence, mu tual advice and succor, upon all just oc casions, both for preserving and propa gating the truth and liberties of the Gos pel, as they interpreted it, and for their own mutual safety and welfare. Each colony was to retain its own jurisdiction and government ; and no other planta tion or colony was to be received as a confederate, nor any of the two confed erates to be united into one jurisdiction, without the consent of the rest. The affairs of the United Colonies were to be managed by a legislature, to con sist of two persons, styled commission ers, chosen from each colony. The commissioners were to meet annually in the colonies, in succession, and when CH. Xl.J THE UNITED COLONIES OF NEW ENGLAND. 95 met, to choose a president, and the de termination of any six was to be bind ing on all.* This confederacy, which was declared to be perpetual, continued essentially the same until the time when James II. deprived the New England colonies of their charters. * " These commissioners had power to hear, ex amine, weigh, and determine, all affairs of war or peace, leagues, aids, charges, and number of men for war, divisions of spoils, and whatsoever is gotten by conquest, receiving of more confederates for planta tions into combination with any of the confederates, and all things of a like nature, which are the proper concomitants and consequences of such a confedera tion for amity, offence and defence, not intermeddling with the government of any of the jurisdictions, which, by the third article, is preserved entirely to them selves. The expenses of all just wars to be borne by each colony, in proportion to its number of male in habitants, of whatever quality or condition, between the ages of sixteen and sixty. In case any colony should be suddenly invaded, on motion and request of three magistrates of such colony, the other con federates were immediately to send aid to the colony invaded, in men, Massachusetts one hundred, and the other colonies forty-five each, or for a less num ber, in the same proportion. The commissioners, however, were very properly directed, afterwards, to take into consideration the cause of such war or inva sion, and if it should appear that the fault was in the colony invaded, such colony was not only to make satisfaction to the invaders, but to bear all the ex penses of the war. The commissioners were also authorized to frame and establish agreements and orders in general cases of a civil nature, wherein all the plantations were interested, for preserving peace among themselves, and preventing, as much as may be, all occasions of war, or difference with others, as about the free and speedy passage of justice, in every jurisdiction, to all the confederates equally as to their own, receiving those that remove from one plantation to another, without due certificates. It was also very wisely provided in the articles, that runaway ser vant, and fugitives from justice, should be returned to uie colonies where they belonged, or from which they had fled. If any of the confederates should vio late any of the articles, or in any way injure any one of the other colonies, such breach of agreement, or injury, was to be considered and ordered by the com missioners of the other colonies." Pitkin s "Political History " vol. i., p. 51. In this connection, the language of Chalmers deserves to be quoted : " The principles upon which this famous as sociation was formed were altogether those of independency, and it cannot easily be supported upon any other. The colonies of Connecticut and New Haven had at that time enjoyed no charter, and derived their title to their soil from mere occupancy, and their powers of government from voluntary agreement. New Plymouth had ac quired a right to their lands from a grant of a company in England, which conferred, however, no jurisdiction. And no other authority, with regard to the making of peace, or war, or leagues, did the charter of Massachusetts convey, than that of defending itself, by force of arms, against all invaders. But, if no patent legalized the confederacy, neither was it confirmed by the appro bation of the governing powers in Eng land. Their consent was never applied for, and was never given. The various colonies, of which that celebrated league was composed, being perfectly inde pendent of one another, and having no other connection than as subjects of the same crown, and as territories of the same state, might, with equal propriety and consistency, have entered into a similar compact with alien colonies or a foreign nation. They did make trea ties with the neighboring plantations of the French and Dutch ; and in this liovht was their conduct seen in England, O ^ and at a subsequent period did not fail to attract the attention of Charles II."* * Chalmers s "Political Annals," book i., chap, viii., p. 178. See also the same writer s "Introduction to NEW ENGLAND DURING THE COMMONWEALTH. [BK. 1. Massachusetts was not destined to re main long at any one time undisturbed by religious dissensions. Clark and Holmes, two leaders of the Anabaptist sectaries, were very active in their ef forts to propagate their favorite tenets; and Clark, on one occasion, when in a church, having put on his hat to insult the minister as well as the people, was subjected to a severe flagellation. Quite a number of his followers were expelled from the colony. At this time, too, one Samuel Gorton, a religionist of rather 7 O an unusual stamp, afforded the authori ties additional work in theii endeavors to repress heterodoxy. Gorton enter tained, it appears, certain mystical views of the doctrines of Scripture pe culiar to himself ; to him there was " no heaven but in the heart of a good man, no hell but in the conscience of the wicked ;" he looked upon the doctrinal formulas and church ordinances of the orthodox Puritans as human inventions, alike unauthorized and mischievous, and regarded their assumed authority as an intolerable yoke of bondage, which he was daring enough to defy or ridicule. The "soul-tyranny" of the Massachu setts theocracy seems indeed, as a natural result, invariably to have stim ulated to opposition and defiance. Gor- 1637 ton, expelled from Plymouth, retired to the neighborhood of Providence, where he became involved in further dispute with some of the in habitants, who invited the interference of Massachusetts. He was cited to ap pear before the magistrates of Boston, the History of the Revolt of the American Colonies, 1 1 vol. i., pp. 86, 87. but he preferred to retire still farther from their reach, and haying purchased some land at Shawomet, of Miantoni- moh, the Narragansett chief, and the ally of the colonists in the Pequod war, commenced an independent settlement. The rightfulness of this grant of Mian- tonimoh s was denied by two inferior sachems; their appeal was confirmed by the Boston magistrates, to whom they now made over the disputed ter ritory. Gorton was summoned to ap pear before the court at Boston ; he replied with a denial of the jurisdiction of the " men of Massachusetts" in which he was clearly in the right and offered to submit the case to the arbi tration of the other colonists. A strong party was sent out to seize him and his adherents, and being taken and con veyed to Boston, he was shortly after brought before the court on the charge o o of being a blasphemous subverter of " true religion and civil government." He vainly endeavored to explain away the obnoxious imputations, but was convicted, and together with many of his adherents, sentenced to death. This sentence was commuted, in 1644, and Gorton and his followers, subjected to imprisonment and hard labor du ring the winter, and mercilessly deprived of their cattle and stores, were finally released and expelled. Gorton returned to England, but though he <j / o tried hard for many years, he was never able to obtain redress. Miantonimoh, the Narraimnsett chief. 7 O / was deadly hostile to Uncas, the sachem of the Mohegans. Hav ing fallen into the hands of Uucas, he was, by advice of the Colonial Comniis- 1644. Cn. XL] ROGER WILLIAMS AND RHODE ISLAND. 97 sioners, put to death with circumstances of savage barbarity. The war, pro tracted for some time between the In dians, was finally brought to a close by the vigorous interposition of the colonists. Although the Massachusetts people fully sympathized with the " Godly Parliament," yet they were very wary not to commit themselves too fkr in any measures from which it might not be easy to draw back. The Board of Control, appointed by Parliament, was possessed of very extensive pow ers ; there was, however, no attempt for awhile at interference with Massa chusetts and her privileges ; and her exports and imports were exempted from taxation. Some two years later, when Parliament endeavored to assert its jurisdiction over the colonies, Mas sachusetts made a spirited protest and remonstrance, which, being warmly sup ported by Sir Henry Vane and others, prevented matters proceeding further in the way of interfering with the pri vileges of the colonists. It was in March of this year (1043), that the venerated Roger Williams, alarmed at the evident purpose of Mas sachusetts to interfere with his lawful rights, resolved to proceed to England and solicit a charter. As he was not allowed to visit Boston, he went to Manhattan, and proceeded to his desti nation by way of Holland. While in England, he published his " Key to the Language of America," which contained interesting notices of O Indian manners. He also attacked the principle of religious despotism in his " Bloody Tenet of Persecution for the Yor.. T. 15 Cause of Conscience ;" to which Cotton replied in a tract, the "Bloody Tenet washed and made white in the Blood of the Lamb." Williams was entirely successful in the object for which he had visited England. Vane favored his wishes and added his influence. The charter obtained included the shores and islands of Narragansett Bay, west of Plymouth and south of Massachu setts, as far as the Pequod river and country. The name of PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS was adopted, and the inhabitants were empowered to rule themselves as they might choose.* * " The first legislator who fully recognized the rights of conscience, was ROGER WILLIAMS, a name less illustrious than it deserves to be ; for, although his eccentricities of conduct and opinion may some times provoke a smile, he was a man of genius and of virtue, of admirable firmness, courage, and disin terestedness, and of unbounded benevolence. After some wanderings, he pitched his tent at a place, to which he gave the name of Providence, and there be came the founder and legislator of the colony of Rhode Island. There he continued to rule, some times as the governor, and always as the guide and father of the settlement, for forty-eight years, employ ing himself in acts of kindness to his former enemies, affording relief to the distressed, and offering ar. asylum to the persecuted. The government of his colony was formed on his favorite principle, that in matters of faith and worship, every citizen should walk according to the light of his own conscience, without restraint or interference from the civil ma gistrate. During a visit which Williams made to England, in 1613, for the purpose of procuring a co lonial charter, he published a formal and labored vindication of this doctrine, under the title of The Bloody Tenet, or a Dialogue between Truth and Peace. In this work, which was written with Inn usual boldness and decision, he anticipated most of the arguments, which, fifty years after, attracted so much attention, when they were brought forward by Locke. His own conduct in power was in perfect accordance with his speculative opinions ; and when, in his old age, the order of his little community was disturbed by an irruption of Quaker preachers, ho combated them only in pamphlets and public dispu tations;, and contented himself with overwhelming 98 NEW ENGLAND DURING THE COMMONWEALTH. After many difficulties, arising out of claims on the part of Massachusetts and Plymouth to portions of territory within the limits of Williams s charter, the government of the new State was firmly and peacefully established in 1647. Constant efforts were made by the opponents of the rigid theocracy of Massachusetts to obtain a relaxation of its severity. The authorities conse quently had to choose between yield ing, or proceeding to even greater lengths in support of their claims to virtual infallibility. Toleration was not once to be thought of; antinomian and anabaptist notions were to be crushed unrelentingly ; and latitudinarianism was to meet with instant punishment. Some verses which that stern old gov ernor, Dudley, who died in 1650, left behind him, express very fairly his own and the usual Puritan principles : " Let men of God, in courts and churches watch O er such as do a toleration hatch, Lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice, To poison all with heresy and vice. If men be left, and otherwise combine, My epitaph s I died no libertine ! " As will be seen, it was not O before an occasion offered to test how far the authorities were willing to pro ceed in maintaining their supremacy. It deserves to be put on record, that, in 1648, Massachusetts set the first example of an execution for 161S. their doctrines with a torrent of learning, invective, syllogisms, and puns. It should also be remembered, to the honor of Roger Williams, that no one of the early colonists, without excepting William Penn himself, equalled him in justice and benevolence towards the Indians." Mr. G. C. Verplanck s "An niversary Discourse lefire the New York Historical Society, 18 18," p. 23. witchcraft. The unhappy victim was a woman, named Margaret Jones, who was charged with having " a malignant touch." In March, 1649, in his tenth term of office, Winthrop died, widely and justly lamented. His best- efforts were ever put forth in behalf of the colony, which he served with a faithfulness and zeal rarely equalled. He died poor, and the General Court, as a testimony to worth, unanimously voted 200 to his surviving family. The journal which he left behind is an invaluable document for our early history. The increasing trade with the West Indies brought into New England O O a considerable quantity of bullion ; in order to put a stop to its exportation to England in payment for goods, Mas sachusetts undertook to erect a mint for the coinage of money, an act which has been denounced by some writers as an express assumption of sovereignty. The mint was set up at Boston, and in it were " coined shillings, sixpences, and threepences, with a pine tree on one side, and NEW ENGLAND on the othei. These pieces were alloyed one-fourth below the British standard an experi ment often tried elsewhere, under the fallacious idea that, thus debased, they would not be exported. Thus it hap pened that the pound currency of New England came to be one-fourth less valuable than the pound sterling of the mother country a standard afterwards adopted by the English Parliament for all the North American colonies. Hildreth s "History f the United, States." vol i., p. 385. On. XL] RISE AND TENETS OF THE QUAKERS. 9S 1651. War having been declared between Holland and England in 1651, fresh O 7 attempts were made upon New Netherland, as noted in a pre- vions chapter. Peace was proclaimed in 1654, and the troops were disband ed. The fleet, however, having no chance to invade the Dutch, turned their attention to Acadie, of which they took forcible possession, although France and England were at peace. Another execution for witchcraft took place in 1655 : the sufferer was a widow named Anne Hibbius, sister of Bellinsr- O ham ; soured by losses and disappoint ments, she became offensive and trou blesome to the neighbors. Notwith standing her influential connections, she was easily disposed of as guilty of witchcraft. The remonstrances of men like Sir Richard Salstonstall in England, and the complaints of many in the colony, as was said above, had no effect upon the views and principles of the magis trates. They were now called upon to carry them out to an extent which probably they had not contemplated. The Quakers were a sect which took its rise in England about 1644, under the preaching of George Fox. Their tenets and practices were peculiar and novel to an extreme. As their funda mental principle was that of an inward revelation of God to man, an indwelling of the Divine Spirit in the human soul, and as by this unerring voice, and not by the creeds and formularies of man, tLe Holy Scriptures were to be inter preted to every individual believer, so any interference with the consciences of men was expressly denounced as anti- Christian and intolerable. While Crom well had declared that "he that prays best, and preaches best, will flght best," a doctrine religiously carried out in Massachusetts, the Quakers denied the lawfulness of even defensive warfare, and refused to bear arms when com manded by the civil magistrate. Their " yea was yea, and their nay was nay," and believing that " whatsoever was more than this cometh of evil," they insisted upon observing the letter of Scripture, which commands the believer to "swear not at all," and refused to take oaths when required by authority. They abhorred titles ; declined to use the ordinary civilities and courtesies of life ; believed every man and woman at liberty to preach if he or she thought herself moved thereto ; and regarded a settled ministry as hirelings and wolves amid the flock. Beside all this they denounced the most simple and inno cent pleasures, and especially the ty ranny of rulers in high places, whether temporal or spiritual. Filled to the full and running over with zeal, they sought the propagation of their peculiar tenets every where, and seemed to de light in nothing more than courting persecution and outrage. A contest with the New England theocracy was a thing rather to be coveted by zealots of this sort. Accordingly, in July, 1656, two wo men came from Barbadoes, Mary Fisher and Ann Austin. Looked upon as possessed by the devil, they were speedily arrested, imprisoned for five weeks, and their trunks having been rifled, and their books burnt, they were sent out of the colony. Heavy 1656. 100 NEW ENGLAND DURING THE COMMONWEALTH. [BE. I. fines were imposed upon any who should introduce Quakers into Massa chusetts or spread abroad Quaker tracts and books. N> one was to harbor a Quaker under any pretence, and if one were found, whipping was the mildest punishment inflicted ; and this, too, up on females equally with males. On the first conviction they were to lose one ear, on the second the other one, and, although the law proscribed torture, on the third were to have their tongues bored through with a hot iron. m (1-iy O But the zeal of this sect amount ed almost to insanity; they insulted and defied the magistrates disturbed the public worship with contemptuous clamor nay, instances afterwards oc curred in which women, to testify after prophetic fashion against the spiritual nakedness of the land, and regarding the violence thus done to their natural modesty as " a cross" which it behooved them to bear, displayed themselves, without a particle of clothing, in the public streets. Many of them had repaired to Ehode Island, where the free toleration af forded to all sects indiscriminately, allowed them to propagate their tenets undisturbed. But they were not con tent with this; they preferred perse cution to every thing else ; so Boston became the centre of attraction. It was war to the knife between ecclesiastical bigotry and insane fanaticism. The Puiitans, as we may well believe, did not desire to take the lives of the Qua kers, but they were determined to put them down. Hitherto all had been in vain; fines, whippings, croppings, and imprisonments ; and now, by a decree of the council, as a last resource, though not without the strenuous resis tance of a portion of the deputies, banishment was enforced on pain of death. But the indomitable Quakers gloried in the opportunity of suffering martyrdom. Robinson, Stephensou, and Mary Dyer, persisting in braving the penalty denounced against them, were tried and condemned. The young er Winthrop earnestly sought to pre vent their execution, and Colonel Tem ple offered to carry them away, and, if they returned, fetch them off a second time. There was a struggle among the council, many regarding them as mere lunatics, against whom it would be as foolish as cruel to proceed to extremi ties ; but the majority prevailed, and Stephenson and Robinson were brought to the scaffold. " I die for Christ," said Robinson. " We suffer not as evil doers, but for conscience sake," said Stephenson. Mary Dyer, with the rope round her neck, after witnessing the execution of her two companions, ex claimed, "Let me suffer as iny brethren, unless you will annul your wicked law." At the intercession of her son, she was almost forced from the scaffold, on condition of leaving the colony in eight and forty hours, but the spirit of the wretched woman was excited almost to insanity by inward enthusiasm and the horrible scenes she had witnessed, and after the trial she addressed from her prison an energetic remonstrance against the cruelty of the council. " Woe is me for you ! ye are disobedient and deceived," she urged to the magistrates who had condemned O her. "You will not repent that you 1659. CH. XI." DEFENCE OF PERSECUTION OF THE QUAKERS. 101 were kept from shedding blood, though it was by a woman." With a courage that would be sublime were it not tinc tured with insanity, she returned to defy the tyrants of " the bloody town," and to seal her testimony against them with her life. She was taken and hanged on Boston Common in June, 1660. The discontent caused by such shocking scenes compelled the magis trates to enter upon a formal defence of their action. The lan^uasre "Mi" "" O of it is worth noticing. "Al though the justice of our proceedings against William Robinson, Marrn^- duke Stephenson, and Mary Dyer sup ported by the authority of this Court, the laws of the country, and the law of God, may rather persuade us to expect encouragement and commendation from all prudent and pious men than con vince us of any necessity to apologize for the same ; yet, forasmuch as men of weaker parts, out of pity and commise ration a commendable and Christian virtue, yet easily abused, and suscepti ble of sinister and dangerous impres sions for want of full information, may be less satisfied, and men of perverser principles may take occasion hereby to calumniate us and render us bloody persecutors to satisfy the one and stop the mouths of the other, we thought it requisite to declare, That about three years since, divers persons, professing themselves Quakers of whose pernici ous opinions and practices we had re ceived intelligence from, good hands, both from Barbadoes and England arrived at Boston, whose persons were only secured to be sent away by the first opportunity, without censure or punishment. AKliough their professed tenets, turbulent and contemptuous be haviour to authority, would have justi fied a severer animadversion, yet the prudence of this Court was exercised only to make provision to secure the peace and order here established, against their attempts, whose design we were well assured of by our own experience, as well as by the example of their predecessors in Munster was to undermine and ruin the same. And accordingly a law was made and pub lished, prohibiting all masters of ships to bring any Quakers into this jurisdic tion, and themselves from coming in, on penalty of the house of correction until they should be sent away. Notwith standing which, by a back door, they found entrance, and the penalty inflict ed upon themselves, proving insufficient to restrain their impudent and insolent intrusions, was increased by the loss of the ears of those that offended the second time ; which also being too weak a defence against their impetuous fa natic fury, necessitated us to endeavor our security ; and upon serious conside ration, after the former experiment, by their incessant assaults, a law was made, that such persons should be banished on pain of death, according to the ex ample of England in their provision against Jesuits, which sentence being regularly pronounced at the last Court of assistants against the parties above- named, and they either returning or continuing presumptuously in this juris diction after the time limited, were ap prehended, and owning themselves to be the persons banished, were sentenced 102 NEW ENGLAND DURING THE COMMONWEALTH. [B K . I. by the Court to death, according to the law aforesaid, which hath been executed upon two of them. Mary Dyer, upon the petition of her son, and the mercy and clemency of this Court, had liberty to depart within two days, which she hath accepted of. The consideration of our gradual proceedings will vindi cate us from the clamorous accusations of severity ; our own just and necessary defence calling upon us other means failing to offer the point which these persons have violently and wilfully rushed upon, and thereby become f clones de se, which might have been prevented, and the sovereign law, solus populi, been preserved. Our former proceedings, as well as the sparing of Mary Dyer upon an inconsiderable in tercession, will manifestly evince we ow- sire their lives, absent, rather than their deaths, present. Matters, however, had now gone too far for the magistrates to draw back. William Leddra was put to 1 &* f* 1 -*- trial and sentenced, but was offered pardon on condition of leaving the colony. He refused, and was con sequently put to death ; but he was the last victim. Another Quaker, Wenlock Christison, who had been banished, re turned, and courted death. " What do you gain," he cried boldly to them, " by taking Quakers lives? For the last man that ye put to death, here are five come in his room. If ye have power to take my life, God can raise up ten of his servants in my stead." It was true, that persecution only increased the number who would become martyrs. The magistrates were not able to with stand the tide of popular sympathy, and the conviction that they were scan dalizing themselves before the world. They gave up all attempts to carry out their former plans ; the prisoners were discharged; they were ordered to be whipped beyond the colony s bounds, if ever they returned ; and so, treating them in this wise, the mania, in due time, died out a natural death. The labors of John Eliot, the Indian missionary, deserve a passing notice. He was born in England in 1604, was educated at Cambridge, and emigra ted to New England in 1631. Earn estly desiring the spiritual improve ment of the Indians, Eliot, though discharging the duties of a minister over a church at Eoxbury, added to hi regular charge the toil of learning the dialect spoken in New England, so as to translate the Bible for the benefit of the natives. He began his efforts as far back as 1645 preaching his first sermon to the Indians on the 28th of October, 1646 and by his zeal, tem pered with prudence, his never failing kindness and gentleness, and his perse verance in his labor of love, he really wrought wonders; a consider- O able sum of money was remitted from England to carry on the work ; converts were made ; churches were founded, and a sort of Indian college was established. No per manent impression, however, seems to have been made upon the great body of the natives. Most of the sterner Puri tans looked coldly upon the project, and the Indian sachems and priests were very difficult persons to be in any wise changed from savage life and its en. joyments. All this, however, ought not 1661. 1663. CH. XI.J ELIOT S LABORS AMONG THE INDIANS. 103 to, and does not, detract from the mer its of Eliot. "It is a remarkable fea ture," to use the words of Grahame, "in Eliot s long and arduous career, that the energy by which he was actu ated never sustained the slightest abate ment, but, on the contrary, evinced a steady and vigorous increase. As his bodily strength decayed, the energy of his being seemed to retreat into his soul, and at length, all his faculties, he said, seemed absorbed in holy love. Being asked, shortly before his depar ture, how he did, he replied, I have lost every thing ; my understanding leaves me, my memory fails me, my utterance fails me but I thank God, my charity holds out still : I find that rather grows than fails. " Eliot died ui 1090, full of years and honors.* During the time that Cromwell was at the head of affairs in England, the O i affairs of Massachusetts and her im mediate neighbors were on the whole very prosperous. Cromwell favored them all he could, and, freed from out side interference, the New Englanders advanced steadily in their progress to wards wealth and power. Every thing tended to the rearing of hardy, upright, self-reliant men. The fisheries nurtured a race of expert, daring fishermen ; ship building became active ; commerce in creased ; and trades of various sorts were in active operation. The Puritan legislators frowned upon every thing that tended to laxity of manners ; they * The learned Dr. Cotton Mather, in his " Life of the Renowned John Eliot," enters largely, and with a profoundly admiring spirit, into the history of Eliot s labors among the Indians. See Mather s " Magnalia" vol. i., pp. 521V-583. sternly watched over the morals of the community ; wisely considering preven tion as better than cure, they counte nanced early unions ; and although courtship carried on without permission of the girl s parents, or of "the next magistrate," was punishable with im prisonment, the magistrates might re dress "wilful and unreasonable denial of timely marriage" on the part of pa rents. Adultery was a capital offence, and incontinence was punished with a severe discipline. Underhill, who, unit ing, as he did, the gallantry of the sol dier with his proverbial love of license, and of " bravery of apparel," having been accused of a backsliding of this nature, was summoned into the presence of the magistrates ; and then, " after sermon, in presence of the congregation, standing on a form, and in his worst clothes, without his band, and in a dirty night cap, confessed the sin with which he had been charged ;" and " while his blubberings interrupted him," says Winthrop, he dolefully lamented the loss of his "assurance," which, as he said, had been vouchsafed while enjoy ing a pipe of tobacco. The whole population were trained as militia, and a martial spirit was readily kept up. Several forts, and a good supply of artillery and ammunition, showed the determination of the people to maintain their rights at the price of blood if need be. Material prosperity was very much increased, and there was no lack of comforts and enjoyments of the good things of this life. The founders of New England, to O / their credit be it observed, were sin cerely anxious for the promotion of 104 NEW ENGLAND UNDER CHARLES II. AND JAMES II. [En. I. sound learning. Several of them had enjoyed a university education in Eng land, and were men of considerable acquirements. Their literary taste was of course in accordance with their re ligious views. We find Josselyn car rying with him from England to " Mr. Cotton, the teacher of Boston Church," the same who defended the cause of Massachusetts intolerance against the attacks of Roger Williams, " the trans lation of several Psalms in English me tre for his approbation, as a present from Mr. Francis Quarles, the poet." Controversial divinity was extensively cultivated. Free schools and grammar schools were provided. A sort of train ing college had been established at Newtown, a suburb of Boston, which Mr. John Harvard, at his death in 1638, endowed with his library and half his estate. It was now styled by the name of the generous benefactor, and the place was called Cambridge af ter the famous University in England. By annual grants, donations of individ uals, etc., the new college was enabled to lay the foundation of its future strength and influence. It was at Cam- O bridge about 1640 that the first printing press in America, was set up. Who could then have dreamed what less than two hundred years has brought forth, or have predicted the mighty power of the press in the nineteenth century ? CHAPTEE XII. 16601688, NEW ENGLAND UNDER CHARLES II. AND JAMES II. Restoration of Charles II. Course adopted by the colonists Declaration of Rights Internal difficulties and trials Majority in favor of resisting royal supremacy Consequences of the Restoration in England Mas sachusetts commission The king s reply Winthrop s and Clarke s mission for Connecticut and Rhode Island Charter of Connecticut Its principles Charter of Rhode Island Toleration according to Rhode Island laws Massachusetts reply to king s requisitions Commissioners sent out Their course and ill success The king s summons His probable designs King Philip s war Its fearful details Philip s death Results Peace New Hampshire Randolph collector of royal customs Charter declared to be forfeited Androa appointed governor Connecticut Saving of her charter Revolution in England of 1688. IT was with no little anxiety that the New England colonists watched the rapid progress of that revolution in the mother country which led to the re storation of Charles II. to the throne of England; and it seemed a curious coincidence that the same vessel which brought the news to Boston, in July, 1660. 1660, brought also two of the regicide judges, Whalley and Goife, who had fled to the New World to escape the vengeance of the son of Charles I. These were well received by Endicott the governor, and for a time they lived without disguise or con cealment. The news having been con- CH. XII.": DECLARATION OF RIGHTS. 105 firmed by later arrivals, the General Court, in December, adopted an apolo- getical address to the king, petitioning for the preservation of their civil and religious liberties, making excuse for the capital punishments inflicted on the Quakers, etc. The king s answer was prompt and favorable. Soon after, however, early in 1661, an or der arrived for the arrest of Whalley and Goffe ; but they had re tired to New Haven, and though vari ous efforts were made they were never apprehended, most probably because the authorities at no time seriously pur posed bringing them to punishment. Further to make show of their loyal ty, the authorities condemned Eliot s " Christian Commonwealth," which had been drawn up for the converted In dians, and incautiously published in England. Eliot also himself recanted the anti-nionarchical principles con tained in his book. In the struggle which it was evident was approaching, the leaders in New England felt that they must trust, un der Providence, mainly to their own determined energies. Their first mea sure was to draw up and publish a de claration of what they held to be their rights. These were defined to be " the power to choose their own governor, deputy governor, magistrates, and re presentatives ; to prescribe terms for the admissior of additional freemen ; to set up all sorts of officers, superior and inferior, with such powers and duties as they might appoint ; to exercise, by their annually-elected magistrates and deputies, all authority, legislative, execu tive, and judicial ; to defend themselves VOL I. 1G by force of arms against every aggres sion ; and to reject any and every in terposition which they might judge prejudicial to the colony." At length, after more than a year s delay, Charles II. was formally pro claimed, but all demonstrations usual on such occasions were strictly forbidden, under the ingenious but rather queer pretence that rejoicing was contrary to the orders issued by the king himself! Beside the enemies of the colonists in England, there were many active opponents of the ruling party at home. Those in favor of liberal measures, as Episcopalians, Baptists, and others, who were excluded from a share in the government, had largely increased, and, encouraged by the posture of affairs, urgently called for a relaxation of the unjust restrictions under which they labored. Even among the theocratic freemen themselves there was a division of opinion. The greater part adhered to their original principles, but many finding them too rigorous, a " half-way covenant" had been adopted, by which those who strictly conformed to the established worship, but without pro fessing themselves regenerate and elect, were admitted to the civil prerogatives of church membership. There were also many who deemed it the wisest policy to bend to necessity, and not to risk the loss of every thing by refusing to make reasonable and timely conces sions. But the majority sternly re solved to maintain their independence of English supremacy, whatever might be the issue. To avert, however, if possible, the necessity of a recourse to armed resistance, Norton and Brad- 106 NEW ENGLAND UNDER CHARLES II. AND JAMES IT. [BK. I. street, two confidential envoys, were sent over to attempt, if possible, to amuse the English ministry, but i <*<* * they were at the same time in structed to deprecate its interference, or, if it came to the worst, openly to disclaim its authority. It was a mission by no means without hazard, under all the circumstances; for when Norton and his colleague arrived in England they found various and important changes had already taken place, changes, too, which were well calcu lated to alarm the New England col onists. Weary of the unsettled state of things in the last days of the Common wealth, all classes had welcomed the Restoration. Charles promised every thing, but his promises were very soon forgotten. There was besides a general reaction against all parties concerned in overturning the monarchy, which tended to fortify the prerogative of the king, and to abet the arbitrary pro ceedings of his advisers. The Church of England was a^ain in the ascendant, O O / the Act of Uniformity had been passed, and Presbyterians and Independents were compelled to submit. The royal ist party had to the utmost gratified their thirst for revenge. Such of the regicides as could be taken were hung, drawn, and quartered among them Hustfi Peters, father-in-law of the O / younger Winthrop, and formerly min ister of Salem. A more illustrious vic tim, Sir Henry Vane, was soon after conducted to the block. Though op posed to the intolerance of the Massa chusetts theocracy, he had ever been a firm friend to New England, and his influence had procured a charter for Rhode Island from the Long Parlia ment. When charged with treason he was " not afraid to bear witness to tho glorious cause" of popular liberty, nor to "seal it with his blood," and his con duct on the scaffold won the admira tion of even his enemies. The Massachusetts commission were only partially successful in their object. The confirmation of the charter was conceded, together with a conditional O amnesty for all recent offences ; but the king, firmly insisting upon the main tenance of his prerogative, demanded the repeal of all laws derogatory to his authority, the imposition of an oath of allegiance, and the administration of O justice in his own name. He also re quired complete toleration for the Church of England, and the repeal of the law confining the privilege of voting to church members alone, with the con cession of the franchise to every inhab itant possessing a certain amount of property. In one respect, indeed, he responded cordially to the wishes of the Massachusetts council : they were freely allowed to punish the pertina cious Quakers in any way they might see fit. Connecticut and Rhode Island were more prompt than Massachusetts to ac knowledge the authority of Charles II. The younger Winthrop for Connecticut, and Clarke for Rhode Island, went to England in quest of charters. Their ar rival was timely. Winthrop, a scholar and a man of high standing, easily so- cured to himself influential friends at court. He was also possessed of a va luable ring, which had been given by CH. XII.] CHARTERS OF CONNECTICUT AND RHODE ISLAND. 107 Charles I. to his grandfather ; this, on his audience with the king, he present ed to his majesty, which is said to have materially influenced the kini* 1662. in his favor. On the 23d of April, 1662, he obtained a patent un der the great seal, granting the most ample privileges, and confirming to the freemen of the Connecticut colony, and such as should be admitted free men, all the lands which had been formerly granted to the Earl of War wick, and by him transferred to Lord Saye and Sele, and his associates. This charter established over the colony a form of government of the most popu lar kind, and continued the fundamental law of Connecticut for the space of one hundred and fifty-eight years. "It is remarkable," says an able writer in the North American Review, "that, al though it was granted at a period of the world when the rights of the people were little understood and little regard ed, and by a sovereign who governed England with a more arbitrary sway than any of his successors, the form of government established by this char ter was of a more popular descrip tion, and placed all power within the more immediate reach of the people, than the constitution for which it has been deliberately exchanged, in these modern days of popular jealousy and republican freedom." The colony of New Haven was included in the new charter of Connecticut ; but the inhab itants for several years refused to con sent to the union, till the apprehension of the appointment of a general gov ernor, and of their beinsr united with O some other colony, with a charter less favorable to liberty, induced them to yield a reluctant assent. Clarke, the agent for Rhode Island, having secured the favor of Lord Clarendon, the prime minister, was successful in obtaining the ratification of the charter for Rhode Island. How this little State was originated and in creased by refugees from the intoler ance of Massachusetts has been already described. Freedom of conscience, and liberty of discussion, had only, upon further experiment, become more dear to its citizens ; they had been exempt ed from the theological disputes and bloody persecutions that had disgraced Massachusetts, and in their petition to Charles II. they declare " how much it is in their hearts to hold forth a lively experiment, that a most flourishing civil state may stand, and best be maintained with a full liberty of religious concern ments." The general terms of the charter differed but little from that of Connecticut, but it contained the espe cial provision, that "no person within the said colony shall be molested, pun ished, disquieted, or called in question, for any differences of opinion in matters of religion, who does not actually dis turb the civil peace ; but that all per sons may, at all times, freely enjoy their own consciences in matters of religious concernment, they behaving themselves peaceably and quietly, and not using this liberty to licentiousness and profaneness, nor to the civil injury and outward disturbance of others." A very considerable part of Providence Plantation having been included in the charter of Connecticut, Clarke and Winthrop entered into an agreement 108 NEW ENGLAND UNDER CHARLES II. AND JAMES If. 1663. by which the Pawcatuck was fixed up on for the limit between the two col onies. This agreement, as Mr. Hildreth says, was specially set forth in the charter of RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS. The founder and people of Rhode Island were, beyond doubt, sincerely desirous of entire freedom and tolera tion in religious matters. "Yet how difficult it is to act up to a principle in the face of prevailing prejudice and opposing example ! The Rhode Island laws, as first printed, many years poste rior to the charter, contain an express exclusion from the privileges of freedom of Roman Catholics, and of all persons not professing Christianity. These laws had undergone repeated revisals, and it is now impossible to tell when these restrictions were first introduced, though probably not till after the English re volution of 1G88. While Connecticut and Rhode Island were rejoicing in the privileges just con ferred upon them by their new charters, Massachusetts remained uneasy and un willing to make any submission. Their answer to the king s requisitions, spoken of above, was couched in respectful but evasive language. " For the repealing of all laws here established since the late changes contrary and derogatory to his majesty s authority, we, having con sidered thereof, are not conscious to any of that tendency ; concerning the oath of allegiance, we are ready to attend to it as formerly, according to the charter ; concerning liberty to use the Common Hildroth s " History of the United States," vol. i., p. 459. 1661. Prayer Book, none as yet among ua have appeared to desire it; touching administration of the sacraments, this matter hath been under consideration of a synod, orderly called, the result whereof our last General Court com mended to the several congregations, and we hope will have a tendency to general satisfaction." Such a reply, it may be well conceived, gave but little satisfaction; and as fresh com plaints against the government of Massachusetts continued to pour in, the king declared his intention of pres ently sending out commissioners, armed with authority to inquire into and de cide upon the matters in dispute. The commissioners, Nichols, Carr, Cartwright, and Maverick, arrived in Boston about the end of J iily, pre pared to enter upon their work; but they were met with icy coldness and most steadfast and determined oppo sition. The leaders of Massachusetts were well aware of the vast importance of the contest, and while they never for a moment failed in profuse professions of loyalty, they on the other hand never at any time yielded to the demands of the commissioners. The demands which these made, and the measures they pur posed to adopt, were considered by the colonists as a violation of their charters. The first session of the commissioners was held at Plymouth, where but little business was transacted; the next in Rhode Island, where they heard com plaints from the Indians, and all who were discontented, and made several de cisions respecting titles to land, which were but little regarded. In Massa chusetts, the General Court complied CH. XII.] ACTS OF THE ROYAL COMMISSIONERS. 103 with such of their requisitions as they thought proper; but, professing sincere loyalty to his majesty, declined acknowl edging their authority, and protested against the exercise of it within their limits. In consequence of this asser tion of their rights, an angry corres pondence took place between them, at the close of which the commissioners informed the General Court, that they would lose no more of their labors upon them, but would represent their con duct to his majesty. From Boston, the commissioners proceeded to New Hamp shire, where they exercised several acts of government, and offered to release the inhabitants from the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. This offer was almost unanimously declined. In Maine, they excited more disturbance. They en couraged the people to declare them selves independent, and found many disposed to listen to their suggestions; but Massachusetts, by a prompt and vigorous exertion of power, constrained the disaffected to submission to her au thority. Connecticut appears to have been the favorite of the commissioners. She treated them with respect, and complied with their requisitions. In return they made such a representation of her mer its to the king, as to draw from him a letter of thanks : " Although," says he, " your carriage doth of itself most justly deserve our praise and approbation, yet it seems to be set off with more lustre by the contrary behavior of the colony of Massachusetts." The commissioners were recalled in 1666. Under the influence of morti fied feelings, they had made such a 16G6. report, that the king issued an order that Bellincrham, the governor, O O / and some others, should pro ceed to England to answer for their defiance of his majesty s authority. The summons created no little excite ment, and it was earnestly debated whether to obey or not. They who advocated seeming obedience without really giving up the points at issue, prevailed; and, fortunately, just at this juncture, by sending a timely supply of provisions for the fleet in the West Indies, and also a present of masts for the English navy, they were able to put off the immediate danger. The king s designs upon the liberty of the colonies were suspended, if not aban doned ; the great plague and the fire in London intervened, and for several years after this New England remained undisturbed in the enjoyment of her ancient rights and privileges. At the end of fifty years from the arrival of the emigrants at Plymouth, the New England colonies were sup posed to contain one hundred and twenty towns, and probably some six ty or seventy thousand inhabitants. The acts of Parliament not beins Hor. O O idly enforced, their trade had become extensive and profitable. The habits of industry and economy, which had been formed in less happy times, con tinued to prevail, and gave a compe tency to those who had nothing, and wealth to those who had a competency The wilderness receded before adven turous and hardy laborers, and its savage inhabitants found their game dispersed, and their favorite haunts in vaded. This was the natural const* 110 NEW ENGLAND UNDER CHARLES II. AND JAMES quence of the sales of land which, were at all times readily made to the whites. But this consequence the Indians did not foresee ; and when they felt it in all its force, the strongest passions of the savage nature were aroused to seek revenge. A leader only was wanting to concentrate and direct their exertions, and Philip, of Pokanoket, sachem of the Wampanoags, a tribe living within the boundaries of Plymouth and Rhode Island, assumed that honorable but dan gerous station. His father, Massasoit, was the friend, but he had ever been the enemy, of the whites ; and this en mity, arising from causes of national concern, had been embittered to vin dictive hatred by their conduct towards his elder brother. This brother, being suspected of plotting against them, was seized by a detachment of soldiers and confined ; and the indignity so wrought upon his proud spirit as to produce a fever that put an end to his life. Philip inherited the authority and proud spirit of his brother. He exerted all the arts of intrigue and powers of persuasion of which he was master, to induce the Indians, in all parts of New England, to unite their efforts for the destruction of the whites. He succeeded in form ing a confederacy able to send into ac tion between three and four thousand warriors. The bloody struggle commenced sooner than was intended by Philip. A hasty act of revenge placed him in open defiance of the colonists, and he had no alternative but to yield in absolute submission, or to persist and endeavor bravely to car ry out his plans. Philip plundered the 1675. houses nearest Mount Hope, his resi dence. Soon after, he attacked Swan- zey, and killed a number of the inhab itants. This was in the latter part of June, 1675. The troops of the colony inarched immediately to Swanzey, and were soon joined by a detachment from Massachu setts. The Indians fled, and marked the course of their flight by burning the buildings, and fixing on poles, by the way side, the hands, scalps, and heads of the whites whom they had killed. The troops pursued, but un able to overtake them, returned to Swanzey. The whole country was alarmed, and the number of troops augmented. By this array of force, Philip was induced to quit his residence at Mount Hope, and take post near a swamp at Pocasset. At that place the English attacked him, but were re pulsed. Sixteen were killed, and the Indians by this success were made bolder. Panic prevailed throughout the col ony. Dismal portents of still heavier calamities were fancied in the air and sky ; shadowy troops of careering horses, Indian scalps, and bows im printed upon the sun and moon, even the sigh of the wind through the forest, and the dismal howling of wolves, ter- O rified the excited imagination of the colonists. The out-settlers fled for se curity to the towns, where they spread abroad fearful accounts of the cruel atrocities of the Indians. Meanwhile, the war spread along the whole exposed frontier of Connecti cut, Massachusetts, and even of New Hampshire. The villages were isola- CH. XI L] DESTRUCTION OF THE INDIANS. Ill ted, large uncultivated tracts lying be tween. The Indians lived intermixed with the whites, and as every brake and lurking place was well known to them, they were able to fall suddenly apon any village or settlement they might mark for destruction. Many were shot dead as they opened their doors in the morning for the Indians had both learned the use and acquired possession of firearms ; many were killed in the same way while in the fields, or while travelling, or while going to the places of the public worship of God. Unable also to cultivate the fields, the settlers were exposed to famine, while the convoys of provisions sent to their assistance were waylaid and seized, and their escort cut off in ambush. Such was the fate of the brave Lathrop, at the spot which still retains the name of " Bloody Brook." On one occasion, at Hadley, while the people were engaged in divine service, the Indians burst in upon the village ; panic and confusion were at their height, when suddenly there appeared a man of very venerable aspect, who rallied the terrified inhab itants, formed them into military order, led them to the attack, routed the In dians, saved the village, and then dis appeared as marvellously as he had come upon the scene. The excited and grateful inhabitants, unable to dis cover any trace of their preserver, sup posed him to be an angel sent from God. It was no angel, but one of Cromwell s generals, old Goffe the regi cide, who, compelled by the vigilant search made after him by order of the English government, to fly from place to place, had espied from an elevated cavern in the neighborhood the mur- O derous approach of the savages, and hurried down to aid the affrighted colo nists in this extremity. During the summer, the Indians, having the advantage of concealment in the woods and forests, were able tc carry on this very harassing and de structive warfare ; but when winter came, and the forests were more open, the colonists, by a vigorous effort, suc ceeded in raising a force of a thousand men, and determined to strike a deci sive blow. Josiah Winslow, of Ply mouth, was appointed commander-in- chief. On the 18th of December, the troops formed a junction in the terri tory of the Narragansetts, Avho had given shelter to the enemy, and after a long march through the snow, and a night spent in the woods, they ap proached the stronghold of the tribe. This was about one o clock. The In dians had entrenched themselves on a rising ground, in the midst of a swamp surrounded by a palisade. The leaders were all shot down as they advanced to the charge ; but this only excited to the highest pitch the desperate deter mination of the colonists, who, after having once forced an entrance, and being again repulsed, after a fierce struggle protracted for two hours, burst infuriated into the Indian fort. Revenge for the blood of their mur dered brethren was alone thought of; mercy was implored in vain ; the fort was fired, and hundreds of Indian wives and children perished in the midst of the conflagration; while their provisions gathered to.irether for the long winter, being consumed, and their wigwams 112 NEW ENGLAND UNDER CHARLES II. AND JAMES II. [B*. 1. 1677. burned, those who escaped from fire and sword wandered miserably through the forests to perish with cold and hunger. This was the most desperate battle re corded in the early annals of the coun try. But the victory was decisive. One thousand Indian warriors were killed ; three hundred more, and as many wo men and children, were made prisoners. Yet the price of victory was dear, in deed. Six captains and eighty men were killed, and one hundred and fifty men were wounded. The Indians, rendered desperate, vented their fury upon all who came within their reach. But their power was broken, and ere long they began to fade away out of sight. The leaders alone, Philip, and Canonchet, sachem of the Narra- gansetts, refused to yield. The lat ter died rather than attempt to make a peace with the whites. The un happy Philip, the author of the war, wandered from tribe to tribe, assailed by recriminations and reproaches for the misery he had brought upon his brethren, and with a heart full of the bitterest anguish. Compelled at length to return to his old haunts, where he was yet sustained by Witamo, a female chief and relative, he was presently at tacked by the English, who carried off his wife and child as captives ; shortly after, he was treacherously shot by one of his own adherents who deserted to the English. Thus perished Philip of Pokanoket, who, in many respects, was worthy of a better fate. His child was sent to Bermuda, and sold into slavery. Peace was welcome indeed, for nearly 16SO. a thousand houses had been burned, and goods and cattle of great value had been plundered or destroyed. The colonies had also contracted a heavy debt, which, with characteristic pride of independence, they forbore to apply to the mother country to lighten. In 1680, New Hampshire, at the so licitation of John Mason, to whose an cestor a part of the territory had been granted, was consti tuted a separate colony. Massachu setts, apprehending the loss of Maine also, purchased of the heirs of Gorges their claim to the soil and jurisdiction, for about $6,000. The colonists continuing to evade the acts of trade, on the ground that they were violations of their rights, Edward Randolph was sent over in July, 1680, as collector of the royal customs, and inspector for enforcing the acts of trade The magistrates ignored his commission. O O * and refused to allow him to act, so that he was compelled to go back to Eng land. He speedily returned, however, in February, 1682, with a royal letter, peremptorily de manding that agents be sent at once O O fully empowered to act for the colonies. Resistance became useless, although there was no flinching on the part of the leaders. Every effort was made, even to bribery, to propitiate the king with out yielding the point of their rights; but to no purpose. A scire facias was issued in England, and, in 1684, the charter was declared to be forfeited ; thus the rights and liberties of Massachusetts, so long and so dearly cherished, lay at the mercy of Charles II., who was known to meditate the 1CS2. CH. Xll.J \NDROS AND THE CONNECTICUT CHARTER. 113 166. most serious and fundamental innova tions, but who died before any of them could be carried into effect. A temporary government was estab lished by the appointment of Joseph Dudley, son of the former gov ernor. Soon after, however, in 1686, James II. placed Sir Edmund Andros over the colonies. He came out fully prepared to forward the ar bitrary and tyrannical designs of the last of the Stuarts, and brought with him, in the royal frigate in which he came, two companies of troops to en force his authority, if need be. He was empowered to remove and appoint the members of the council at his pleasure, and, with the consent of a body thus under his control, to levy taxes, make laws, and call out the militia. His subordinates were entirely devoted to him. Dudley was made chief justice, and Randolph, that old antagonist of the theocracy, who had spent years of persevering hostility, and had done every thing he could to humble the pride of his enemies, was appointed as colonial secretary. The press, previ ously placed under his control, had already been thoroughly gagged ; it was now entirely suppressed. Connecticut and Rhode Island suf fered from the same spirit of arbitrary exercise of power. A writ of quo war- ranto hail been issued, and Andros re paired to Hartford and demanded the charter of the Assembly then in ses sion. That body, says Trumbull, was 11 extremely reluctant and slow with re spect to any resolve to surrender the charter, or with respect to any motion to bring it forth. The tra- VOL. I. 17 I68T. dition is, that Governor Treat strongly represented the great expense and hard ships of the colonists in planting the country ; the blood and treasure which they had expended in defending it, both against the savages and foreigners ; to O O O 7 what hardships and dangers he himself had been exposed for that purpose ; and that it was like giving up his life, now to surrender the patent and privi leges so dearly bought, and so long en joyed. The important affair was de bated and kept in suspense until the evening, when the charter was brought and laid upon the table where the As sembly were sitting. By this time, great numbers of people were assem bled, and men sufficiently bold to enter prise whatever might be necessary or expedient. The lights were instantly extinguished, and Captain Wadsworth, of Hartford, in the most silent and se cret manner, carried off the charter, and secreted it in a large hollow tree, fronting the house of the Honorable Samuel Wyllys, then one of the magis trates of the colony. The people ap peared all peaceable and orderly. The candles were officiously relighted, but the patent was gone, and no discovery could be made of it, or of the person who had conveyed it away."* Andros, however, declared the charter forfeited, and at the end of the records inscribed the expressive word FINIS. The arbitrary proceedings of Andros were not permitted to continue for any great length of time. The infatuated James II. was rapidly bringing on that crisis in England which resulted in his O * " History of Connecticut^ pp. 371, 372. 114 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [BK. 1. detliroiiernent, and the Revolution of 1G88 unlike other revolutions, with out bloodshed effected a complete change in affairs, not only at home, but also in the colonial dependencies of England. The fate of Andros was wrapped up in that of the weak tyrant his master, and his fall, so far as Mas sachusetts was concerned, was sudden and complete. CH APTEE XIII. 16GO 1688, VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. Changes in Virginia in the course of years Causes of these changes Classes of settlers Aristocracy predomi nant Navigation Act Intolerance of the ruling party Popular discontent Culpepper and Arlington Charter solicited Causes which led to Bacon s Rebellion Course pursued by Berkeley Progress of the con test Success of Bacon His sudden death Sanguinary revenge of the governor "Bacon s Laws " Subsequent suffering of the colony under Culpepper and Lord Howard of Effingham Affairs in Maryland General prosperity Efforts in favor of church establishment Insurrection stirred up by Feudal James II. no favorer of the proprietary Writ issued against the charter James s downfall English Revolution of 1088. 1660. IN resuming the history of Virginia from Chapter VIIL, (p. 78,) it will be borne in mind that Sir William Berkeley, a staunch royalist, had been elected governor by the burgesses, in 1660. At that date, popular liberty and privileges were, to all appearance, well established, as before noted: du ring the twenty-five years or so follow ing, important changes took place, by which the powers of the governor and counsellors were increased in the exact proportion that those of the Assembly and freemen were curtailed. Several causes helped to bring about this result. A brief glance at them is all that our space admits. Originally settled by offshoots or ad herents of the English nobility, Virginia had received a more decidedly aristo cratic cast from the influx of Cavaliers during the civil war in England, who carried with them to the New AVorld their hereditary prejudices in favor of the privileges conferred by birth and rank, and a contemptuous disregard of popular rights and pretensions. Under lying this class was another, consisting of free descendants of the first settlers of inferior rank, and also of indented servants who had been brought over by the planters, and who, bound to labor for a certain number of years, were, du ring that period, virtually in a state of serfdom. Negro slaves, as we have pre viously stated, had also been introduced into the colony ; and partly from the supposed necessity of the case in the cultivation of tobacco and the general work on plantations, negroes had large ly increased in Virginia : these were destitute of all the privileges and op- CH. XIII. j COURSE OF THE ASSEMBLY. 115 portunities for improvement which the freemen enjoyed. The aristocratic class very naturally obtained a controlling ascendancy in the management of public affairs. Sir William Berkeley had been put for ward by them as especially devoted to their interests. Warmly attached to the soil of Virginia, Berkeley s views accorded well with those of the As sembly by whom he had been chosen, and their influence was united to per petuate the tenure of that power already .n their hands. The term for which they were authorized to hold office was two years, when a fresh election, ac cording to previous usage, ought to have taken place. They continued, nevertheless, quietly to retain posses sion of their seats, to obtain the reap- pointment of Berkeley, and to legislate in a spirit entirely favorable to their own interests. Furthermore, in order to insure the continuance of aristocratic influence, they disfranchised, by their own act, a large proportion of the peo ple who had chosen them, confining in future the exercise of the elective privi lege to freeholders and householders a principle maintained in Virginia to this day. The taxes became exorbitant, the governor and Assembly were over paid, while all power of checking these disorders was taken out of the hands of the people. The navigation act, which was warm ly opposed by Massachusetts, met with equally earnest and strong opposition in. Virginia. It bore very severely up on their trade by restricting the market to England and English vessels alone. O O Berkeley was sent to England to en deavor to obtain relief, but without success; though he did succeed ,,. f , . ,, icei. m getting lor himselt a share in the newly-erected province of North Carolina. Meanwhile the proceedings of the Virginia Assembly were very much like those of the government in England. Intolerance obtained the ascendancy, old edicts were revived and sharpened, and fresh ones enacted against Puritans, Baptists, and Quakers, who were visited with fines and banish ment; although it is but fair to say, that Virginia did not, like Massachu setts, hang and put to death the un fortunate followers of George Fox. O With the remembrance of what had happened during the civil Avar, even the pulpit itself was feared, Berkeley expressing a wish that the established ministry "should pray often er and preach less." Education, too, was stu diously discouraged.- "I thank God," are the words of the governor, some years later, " that there are no free schools, nor printing, and I hope we shall not have these hundred years; for learning has brought dis- */ O O obedience, and heresy, and sects into the world, and printing has divulged them, and libels against the best gov ernment : God keep us from both ! ; he piously concludes. Such was the aim of the party in power, to maintain the domination of a body of wealthy aristocratic planters, over a submissive and ignorant commonalty, and a still lower class of indented white servants and neoro slaves. O The popular discontent was certainly not allayed "by the news that the prodi gal Charles II. had granted away the ICTI. 110 YIKGINIA AND MARYLAND. . 1. 107:5. 1675. whole colony to Lord Culpepper and Lord Arlington, two rapacious cour tiers whom it was necessary to satisfy. Fresh taxes and levies were the conse quence of measures taken to see if these new claimants could not be bought oif. Colonel Moryson, Secretary Ludwell, and General Smith were dis patched to England on this business, and the governor and Assem bly took the opportunity to solicit a royal charter. Their petition was granted, but delays having occurred in the charter passing the seals, its progress was finally cut short by news of a rebellion which had broken out in Virginia. The immediate occasion of this popu lar outbreak was an Indian war: the man who presented himself as a leader was Nathaniel Bacon. Virginia, it will be remembered, had suffered too deeply from the treacherous outbreaks of the Indians, not to be predisposed, even after an interval of thirty years peace, to take the worst view of their char acter and intentions, which the war with Philip of Pokanoket, then raging in Massachusetts, could not fail to strengthen. The Senecas had attacked O and driven the Susquehannahs upon the frontiers of Maryland, with which */ State a war had arisen, in which the neighboring Virginians became in- o o o volved. Certain outrages of the In dians had been resented by the plant ers, among others by one named John Washington, who had emigrated some years back from the north of England, arid became the founder of that family from which, a century later, sprung the illustrious father of his country. He 1C7G. had collected a body of his neighbors, besieged an Indian fort, and unhappily put to death six envoys sent forth to treat of a reconciliation ; an outrage met on the part of the savages by the usual retaliation of murder, pillage, and incendiarism. The Assembly undertook to provide for the present emergency by a very elaborate but ruinously ex pensive system of forts and levies of troops to protect the country. Addition al dissatisfaction was the consequence ; the whole arrangement was stigmatized as absurd and oppressive; and active and energetic operations were loudly demanded. Bacon was among the most earnest complainants. In the vigor of early manhood, educa ted in the Temple, of good address, and influential connections, he declared his determination to act on his own author ity should a commission, which he had requested, be denied him. The people generally were in a high state of excitement, when the news ar rived that the Indians had broken in upon Bacon s plantation and murdered some of his servants. He instantly ilew to arms ; and, being joined by some five or six hundred men, set off in pursuit of the enemy. The governor looking upon this proceeding as an insult to his authority, proclaimed Bacon as a rel >el, deprived him of his seat in the council, and called upon all those who respected his own authority to disperse immedi ately. Some of the less zealous of the insurgents obeyed the summons and re turned to their homes ; but this defec tion did not restrain their leader, who pushed forward in hot pursuit of the Indians. Some bodies of these were CH. XIII.] BACON AND GOVERNOR BERKELEY. 117 still on a friendly footing, although suspected; and when nearly out of provisions, Bacon and his company ap proached one of their forts and re quested a supply. Having been kept waiting for three days, until their ne cessity became extreme, the English waded the stream in order to compel their acquiescence : a shot was dis charged from the shore they had just left, which induced Bacon to attack the fort, and put a hundred and fifty Indians to the sword. This, at least, is said to be his own account. Governor Berkeley, having gathered a body of troops, proceeded to march after Bacon and his men, but his pro gress was arrested by disturbances in the lower counties. His own authority in the capital passed out of his hands ; the old Assembly was dissolved ; and Bacon was one anion^ the newlv elect- O t/ ed burgesses ; but, having ventured to approach Jamestown in a sloop with armed followers, he was apprehended and compelled very humbly to beg pardon for his mutinous conduct. The Assembly proceeded directly, so soon as possible, to restore the franchise to the freemen, and to endeavor to effect needed reforms in almost every de partment. Bacon, though pardoned and restored to his seat in the council, soon after se cretly left Jamestown, and in a few days, having got together some four hundr-ed of his adherents from the up per counties, suddenly made his ap pearance in the town. His demands had to be listened to, although the tiery old governor, it is said, tore open his dress, and exposing his naked breast, exclaimed, "Here, shoot me! Fore God ! fair mark ! shoot !" But Bacon, not giving way to excitement, replied, " No, may it please your honor, we will not hurt a hair of your head, nor of any other man s we are come for a com mission to save our lives from the In dians, which you have so often prom ised, and now we ll have it before we go." The insurgents also made the same demand, accompanied by men aces in case of refusal, asrainst the As- i O sembly itself, who, thus threatened, and with many among them the warm partisans of Bacon, were content enough to give way before the popular movement, and to compel the governor, though sorely against his will, to yield, and also to appoint Bacon to the com mand of the forces sent against the In dians. This point being settled, the Assembly proceeded to enact many salutary reforms, popularly known as "Bacon s Laws," all tending to abate the exorbitant pretensions of the aris tocratic party, and to restore to the mass of the people the privileges of which they had been deprived. These laws, though afterwards abrogated in a mass by the government at home, were, the most important of them, reenacted, in nearly the same words, by succeeding Assemblies. But there was yet a further struggle between the contending parties. Hard ly had Bacon set out on his work of subduing the Indians, before Berkeley issued a proclamation denouncing Ba con as a rebel, setting a price on his head, and commanding his followers to disperse. Indignant at this treatment, Bacon immediately retraced his steps, VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. [BR. i. and the governor fled in dismay from the capital. Steps were taken directly to reorganize the government. The people were called together ; a public declaration was issued; and writs is sued for a new election of burgesses in October. Bacon set out again to carry on the war against the Indians, which led Berkeley to contrive by promises of pay and plunder to recover his lost authority. Quite unexpectedly he suc ceeded ; but it was only a passing tri umph. Bacon made a rapid descent from the upper country, with an army that had just gained the victory at the Bloody Run. Jamestown was invested and speedily retaken, and further, to prevent its again being occupied by Berkeley, it was, by Bacon s orders, burned to the ground. A large body of troops under Colonel Brent were marching to attack Bacon, but, terrified by his promptitude and success, they dispersed without venturing a battle. Bacon was now completely victori ous, and at liberty to carry out his de signs to their fullest extent. Precisely what he purposed, however, can never be known ; for just at this juncture he was suddenly stricken down by 1677. . the hand of death. This was in January, 16Y7 ; and as he was the mas ter spirit of the whole popular move ment, with him died also all systematic effort to obtain redress of grievances.* * Mr. Ware, in his discriminating " Memoir of Nathaniel Bacon," says that "there seems no good reason to doubt the purity of his motives, and the singleness and simplicity of his character." Mr. Ware also doubts the correctness of the opinion ad vanced by Hening that Bacon was taken off by poi- Bon. See Sparks "American Biography," vol. xiii., pp. 239 306. Bacon s supporters were mostly taken, and Berkeley, again restored to power, pursued a course of malignant revenge utterly disgraceful to his name and po sition. No less than twenty-five per sons were executed during the few suc ceeding months. Horsford was hanged, and Drummond, formerly a governor of the colony of South Carolina, shared the same fate. So furious had Berkeley be come, that the Assembly strongly pro tested, and the king s commissioners, who had arrived to inquire into the rebellion, were shocked, and endea vored to put a stop to this wholesale slaughter. His conduct excited great indignation in England, and Charles is reported to have exclaimed, on hearing of his doings, " The old fool has taken away more lives in that naked country than I did here in England for the mur der of my father." Berkeley, not long after, returned to the mother country, and in a brief space ended his days there. The issue of Bacon s rebellion was injurious to the interests of the colon ists. Some trifling concessions were O indeed made to their complaints, but the majority of those abuses by which they had been provoked into a rising, remained in full force. The whole of " Bacon s Laws" enacted by the popu lar Assembly were annulled, the fran chise, as just before, and not as origin ally, was restricted to freeholders alone, and the Assembly chosen by it was only to meet once in two years, nor, except on special occasions, to remain in session for more than a fortnight. Oppressed with the still stricter enforcement of the navigation laws, which ruinously On. XIli.J EXTORTIONS OF ROYAL GOVERNORS. 119 160. reduced tlie price of their staple, to bacco, saddled with the additional bur den of supporting a body of English soldiers, forbidden even to set up a printing press, the Virginians had to bear their trials as best they might, in hope that a day of redress would sooner or later arrive. For a number of years subsequent the government of Virginia resembled much that of the mother country in the reckless profligacy and rapacity of those in authority. The grant of the colony to Arlington and Culpepper has been already mentioned. The latter noble man had obtained the cession of his partner s share in 1680, and had been invested besides with the of fice of governor for life, as the succes sor of Berkeley. The spirit of sordid avarice which had infected the English court had alone dictated the request of these privileges, and in the same spirit was the administration of Culpepper conducted. Compelled to repair with reluctance from the delights of the court to the government of a distant province, his only indemnification was to make the best use of the period of his banishment. He carried out with him a general amnesty for the recent political offences, and an act for increas ing the royal revenue by additional du ties. He obtained a salary of $8,000, double that of Berkeley s, and still fur ther contrived to swell his emoluments, and to satisfy his greediness, by means of perquisites and peculations. The pinch began to be severely felt even by the most ardent loyalists, and symp toms of opposition arose in the Assembly itself. The misery of the planters had led them to solicit the enforcement of a year s cessation from the planting of tobacco : the Assembly could but refer it to "the pleasure of the king," and in the mean time the exasperated sufferers proceeded to cut up the tobacco plants. These outrages, dictated by despair, led to several executions, and laws were passed for their future suppression. Af ter thus conducting his administration for three years, he was glad to surren der his patent and take in its place a pension of about $2,400. In 1684, Lord Howard, of Effingham, succeeded Culpepper as governor. He quite surpassed his predecessor . . -.-r- ft lOS fi. in extorting money. JN ew fees were multiplied, and, in 1687, a court of chancery was established, of which the governor declared himself the sole judge. Despotism, was rapidly attain ing its climax. A frigate was stationed to enforce the stricter observation of the navigation laws, and an additional excise duty in England on the import of tobacco still further discouraged trade. The conduct of the governor towards the Assembly became more and more arbitrary, until scarcely the shadow of popular liberty was left. Such was the condition of affairs in Virginia at the accession of the last of the Stuarts. Alarming symptoms of insubordination having appeared, not only among the body of the people, but even in the Assembly itself, who presumed to question the veto of the governor, that body, by order of the arbitrary monarch, was summarily dis solved. But the same spirit that was about to hurl James II. from the Eng lish throne was now fully awakened 120 VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND. also in the breast of the Virginians, once so loyal, but whose loyalty had been too cruelly abused by an infatua ted race of kings, and the next Assem bly, in 1688, was imbued with 16. , , . ,. such a determination to mam- tain its privileges, that the governor, counting upon the royal support, deter mined, after a brief experience of its temper, to dissolve it upon his own authority ; upon which they deputed Ludwell, formerly conspicuous among the most influential loyalists, to proceed to England and complain of his con duct. Philip Calvert, as before stated, (p. 83), had become firmly established in the government of Maryland in 1660. For some years subsequent to this everything went on prosperously ai\d harmoniously. The settlements gradually extended, and the prospect of increase in wealth and population was bright and cheering. Lord Balti more endeavored to establish his claim to jurisdiction even to the banks of the Delaware ; but he found the officers of the Duke of York quite as unwilling to yield to him in this, as the Dutch had been when they were in possession of New Netheiiand. As in Virginia, the cultivation of to bacco was the principal staple ; a great impulse was given to its increase by the introduction of slave labor, and a proportionable discouragement was the result of the navigation act, which cut off a valuable revenue to the colony from the impost on to bacco exported in Dutch vessels. Fol lowing the example of Virginia, a tax of two shillings per hogshead was laid 1661. 1671. 1676. upon all tobacco exported, one half of which went to defray colonial expenses, the other half was a personal revenue to the proprietary. Lord Baltimore s wise and prudent measures had rendered Maryland more successful to the proprietary, than any other of the American colonies. In his old age he obtained a handsome return for his heavy outlays. At his death the province had ten counties, with about 16,000 inhabit ants, the largest part of whom were Protestants. This fact led to the ad dressing of a letter, by the Rev. Mr. Yeo of Patuxent, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, complaining as well of the low state of morals in the colony, as of the fact that the clergy of the Church of England had no settled in comes like their Virginia brethren ; consequently their position was neither so respectable, nor so well calculated to effect good, as it ought to be. When, after Lord Baltimore s death, his suc cessor repaired to England, earnest at tempts were made by the Bishop of London under whose jurisdic tion the colonies were placed to induce Lord Baltimore to provide maintenance for the Church of England clergy, a claim which he was enabled with some difficulty to resist. The popular feeling of the time was, how ever, so unfavorable to Roman Catho lics, both in England and in the colony itself, that an order was sent out by Charles II. to confine the possession of office to Protestants alone, a stretch of authority evidently unauthorized by the terms of the charter granted to his father, which exempted the proprietary 1678. CH. XIV.] PROGRESS OF MARYLAND. 121 from any control on the part of the crown. This requisition of the king met with little attention in Maryland. It was while Lord Baltimore was in England that a Protestant excitement was raised in the colony against the proprietary on the ground of his being a Papist. Fendal, the former gover nor, took the lead in this matter, he being experienced in managing in times of civil commotion. The proprietary, however, hastened his return, and soon succeeded in putting an end to 168 ! the insurrection. Fendal was arrested, tried, found guilty of sedition, and banished. Although James II. was an avowed, O / as Charles II. was a secret, Romanist, yet his accession was by no means favorable to the Roman Catholic pro- 1685. prietary of Maryland. On the contrary, he was disposed to favor the Quaker William Penn, far more, and in the disputes about the bound aries, Lord Baltimore was compelled to yield to his neighbor s claims. Even the charter of Maryland, like other charters at the time, was not safe ; and despite Lord Baltimore s remon strances and appeals, a writ of Quo Warranto was issued against it. He hastened to England to de fend his rights, but before the question was settled, the abandonment of the throne by James II. placed this and all other matters of the kind on an en tirely new footing. We shall see, as we proceed, the effect of the political changes in England upon the American colonies. 16. CHAPTER XIV. 16301690. ORIGIN AND PEOGEESS OF THE CAEOLINAS. Heath s patent in 1630 Settlements about 1660 The proprietaries Provisions of the charter Measures adopted towards the settlers Albemarle Clarendon Second charter George Fox s preaching The " Grand Model" of John Locke Outline of its plan Emigrants under Sayle Spanish intrigues Dis contents Emigration under Yeamans s governorship Proprietaries dissatisfied Increase in population North Carolina affairs Disturbances for some years Seth Sothel s career The buccaneers Favored by the Carolinians James II. and the Quo Warranto Further troubles in South Carolina Sothel again Progress of North and South Carolina. THE disastrous results of the attempts on the part of the French to found a colony on the shores of Florida have already been narrated. Spain had never relinquished her title to that region, yet she had made no progress in colonization beyond here and there TOL. I. 13 a settlement on the coast. The efforts made by Raleigh and Gilbert had been productive of no permanent result ; and even the patent granted by Charles I. to Sir Robert Heath, his Attorney General, in 1630, for a tract to the southward of Virginia, to be 1630. 122 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE CAROLINAS. [B K . I. 1060. 1065. called Carolana, does not appear to have led to any settlement. Heath s patent was subsequently declared void, the conditions on which it was granted not having been fulfilled. Different points, however, in this fertile region, were, during the following fifteen or twenty years, occupied by bands of emigrants. Certain persons, suffering from religious difficulties in Virginia, fled beyond her limits and occupied a portion of the country on the banks of the Chowan, north of Albemarle Sound. A small party of adventurers from New Eng land settled near the mouth of Cape Fear River, about 1660; but as the land was not found to be productive, and the neighboring In dians were not well disposed, the greater part of the emigrants soon after returned home ; to the honor of Massachusetts it must be stated, that contributions were for warded, in 1667, to the relief of those who remained, and who had fallen into great distress. Soon after the Restoration, a body of noblemen of the highest rank, the Earl of Clarendon, Monk, Duke of Albemarle, Lords Berkeley, Craven, and Ashley, Sir George Cartaret, Sir John Colleton, and Sir William Berke ley, governor of Virginia, "excited," as they declared, "by a laudable and pious zeal for the propagation of the Gospel, begged a certain country in the parts of America not yet cultivated and planted, and only inhabited by some barbarous people, who have no knowledge of God." Charles II. readily granted their peti tion, and erected out of the territory south of the Chesapeake the new pro vince of CAROLINA, embracing the O region from Albemarle Sound, south ward to the River St. John s, and west ward to the Pacific. The charter em powered the eight joint proprietaries, named above, to enact and publish any laws which they should judge ne cessary, with the assent, advice, and approbation of the freemen of the colony; to erect courts of judicature, and appoint civil judges, magistrates, and officers ; to erect forts, castles, cities, and towns; to make war, and, in cases of necessity, to exercise martial law; to build harbors, make ports, and en joy customs and subsidies, imposed with the consent of the freemen, on goods loaded and unloaded. One of the provisions of this charter deserves particular notice. The king authorized the proprietaries to allow the inhabit ants of the province such indulgences and dispensations in religions affairs, as they, i a i*;heir discretion, should think proper and reasonable : and no person, to whom such liberty should be granted, was to be molested, punished, or called in question, for any differences in specu lative opinions with respect to religion, provided he disturbed not the civil or der and peace of the community. The first object of the proprietaries naturally was to conciliate the settlers from New England and Virginia, who were already on the ground. Very liberal terms were offered to the former of these, such as a hundred acres of land to each free settler, liberty of conscience, a distinct and recognized share in the government, etc. ; but for reasons just now stated, the colony at Cu. XIV.] SETTLEMENTS AT ALBEMARLE AND CLARENDON. 123 1664. Cape Fear did not prove successful, and fresh emigrants from New England were not attracted to the new province. Towards the Virginia settlers on the Sound, which, with the surrounding district, now received the name of Albemarle, and who were supposed hy the proprietaries to be " a more fa cile people" than the New Englanders, Berkeley, upon whom the juris diction had been conferred, was instructed to be somewhat less liberal AM his concessions. But to a body, ma ny of whom had fled malcontent from Virginia, and with whose temper he was well acquainted, he judged it ex pedient to behave with caution. Mak ing therefore the tenure of land as easy as possible, and appointing as governor the popular William Drummond, the same who afterwards shared and suf fered death in Bacon s rebellion, he made no attempt at further interfer ence in the concerns of the settlers. We are sorry to say that the noble proprietaries made no provision for the spiritual interests of the colonists, or for the conversion of the Indians, al though the spread of the Gospel had been one of their professed objects in asking a grant of the territory. Some planters from Barbadoes, hav ing examined the coast of Carolina, entered into an agreement with the proprietaries to remove to the neigh borhood of Cape Fear River, near the neglected settlement of the New En^- o landers, Sir John Yeamans, one of their number, was appointed . governor of the new district, which received the name of Clarendon. He was especially directed to " make things easy to the people of New Eng land, from which the greatest emigra tions were expected ;" an instruction which he carried out so wisely, as soon to incorporate the remains of the old settlement. He also opened a profit able trade in boards and shingles with the island whence he had emigrated, and arranged the general affairs of the little colony with great prudence and a fair measure of success. The proprietaries of Carolina, on fur ther acquaintance with the geography of that region, were desirous of mak ing still larger additions to their ter ritory. Accordingly, in June, 1665, they obtained a second charter which extended the limits of Carolina both northwardly and southwardly ; and by an additional grant in 1667, the Bahama Islands were also con veyed to the same proprietaries. Ac cessions from Virginia and New Eng land continued to be made to the settlement at Albemarle ; and under Stevens, who succeeded Drummond as governor, the first laws were enacted by an Assembly com posed of the governor and council, with twelve delegates chosen by the settlers. A few years afterwards, the proprie taries, by a solemn grant, confirmed the settlers in the possession of their lands, and a*ave them the riirht to nominate O o six councillors in addition to the six named by the proprietaries. About the same date, the famous George Fox, the founder of the Quaker sect, visited the settlement at Albemarle, and by his preaching and efforts, he gave a strong impulse to Quakerism in that vicinity. 1669. 124 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE CAROLlNAS. A settled form of government for the vast extent of territory put in charge of the proprietaries, was every way desirable. They entrusted the drawing up of the scheme to Shaftes- bury, who called to his aid the well known John Locke. This emi nent metaphysician elaborated a " Grand Model," which affords a singu lar proof of how little practical value are theoretical attempts to arrange and regulate satisfactorily the position and claims respectively of the governors and governed. It was never carried into effect, and indeed could not be in an infant colony. For the sake of the estimable author, however, we subjoin a brief outline of its provisions : " The eldest of the eight proprietors was always to be palatine, and at his decease was to be succeeded by the eldest of the seven survivors. This palatine was to sit as president of the palatine s court, of which he and three more of the proprietors made a quorum, and had the management and execution of all the powers in their charter. This palatine s court was to stand in room of the king, and give their assent or dissent to all laws made by the legis lature of the colony. The palatine was to have power to nominate and appoint the governor, who, after obtaining the royal approbation, became his represen tative in Carolina. Each of the seven proprietors was to have the privilege of appointing a deputy, to sit as his representative in parliament, and to act agreeably to his instructions. Be sides a governor, two other branches, somewhat similar to the old Saxon con stitution, were to be established an [B K . upper and lower House of Assembly ; which three branches were to be called a parliament, and to constitute the legislature of the coantry. The par liament was to be chosen every two years. No act of the legislature was to have any force unless ratified in open parliament during the same ses sion, and even then to continue no longer in force than the next biennial O parliament, unless in the mean time it be ratified by the hands and seal of the palatine and three proprietors. The upper House was to consist of the seven deputies, seven of the oldest landgraves and caciques and seven chosen by the Assembly. As in the other provinces, the lower House was to be composed of the representatives from the different counties and towns. Several officers were also to be ap pointed, such as an admiral, a secretary. a chief justice, a surveyor, a treasurer, a marshal, and register; and besides these each county was to have a sheriff, and four justices of the peace. Three classes of nobility were to be estab lished, called barons, caciques and landgraves ; the first to possess twelve, the second twenty-four, and the third forty-eight thousand acres of land, and their possessions were to be unalienable. Military officers were also to be nomi nated, and all inhabitants from sixteen to sixty years of age, as in the times of feudal government, when summoned by the governor and grand council, were to appear under arms, and, in time of war, to take the field. With re- pect to religion, three terms of com munion were fixed ; first, to belie ve that there is a God ; secondly r that he CH. XIV.] LOCKE S "GRAND MODEL." 125 is to be worshipped ; and thirdly, that it is lawful, and the duty of every man, when called upon by those in authority, to bear witness to the truth, without acknowledging which no man was to be permitted to be a freeman, or to have any estate or habitation in Caro lina. But persecution for observing different modes and ways of worship was expressly forbidden, and every man was to be left full liberty of con science, and might worship God in that manner which lie in his private judg ment thought most conformable to the Divine will and revealed Word. Every freeman of Carolina was declared to pos sess absolute power and authority over his negro slaves, of what opinion or religion soever." Such, in brief, was the complicated scheme of government proposed by John Locke, a scheme which, as Mr. Hildreth justly remarks, " included and even exaggerated some of the worst features of the feudal system," and which, when attempted to be carried out, was found to be wholly impracti cable. The colonists, meanwhile, were doing for themselves all that their ne cessities required in the way of legisla tion, and were little disposed to favor any action which they could dispense with on the part of the proprietaries. After long delay three vessels were sent out with a body of emigrants, under the command of Captain William Sayle, who had some years previously been employed in a preliminary explor ation. An expense of 12,000 was in curred in providing necessaries for the plantation of the colony. Touching at Port Royal, where they found traces 1C72. of the fort erected by the Huguenots, they finally settled at a spot between two rivers, which they called the Ash ley and the Cooper, the family names of Lord Shaftesbury, and where they laid the original foundations of Charles ton, whence they removed, however, some years afterwards, to the more commodious situation occupied by the present city. Before this removal took place, Sayle died, and was suc ceeded by Sir John Yeamans, governor of Clarendon, who introduced a body of negroes from Barbadoes, afterwards recruited so largely that they were twice as numerous as the whites. Slave labor soon became thus established in Carolina, to the soil and climate of which it was peculiarly adapted. In consequence of the con siderable distance at which the new settlement was from Albemarle, the proprietaries established a separate government over it ; and in this way arose the distinctive appellations of North and South Carolina. The trials and distress which attended the first efforts of the colonists were aggravated by the intrigues and assaults of the Spaniards at Fort Augustine They sent emissaries among the settlers at Ashley River, in the hope of moving them to revolt; they encouraged in dentured servants to abandon their masters, and fly to the Spanish terri tory ; and they labored so successfully to instil into the savage tribes the most unfavorable notions of the English, whom they hated as heretics, that these deluded Indians took up arms to en deavor to extirpate a race who neither wished nor had ever done them any 126 ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE CAROLINAS. injury. Discontent and insubordina tion, as was but natural, were produced by the trials and hardships to which the colonists were exposed ; and as might be expected, it led to various insur rectionary movements soon after ; but these were easily suppressed by the gov ernor. The Spanish garrison at Augus tine receiving intelligence of their 1672. dissensions, a party advanced from that fortress under arms, as far as the island of St. Helena, to dislodge or destroy the settlers; but fifty volun teers, under the command of Colonel Godfrey, marching against them, they evacuated the island, and retreated to their fort. During the governorship of Sir John Yeamans, two ship loads of Dutch emigrants from New York arrived, and many other Dutch colon ists soon after determined to remove. The proprietaries encouraged them in this determination, and made them liberal offers of land and other pri vileges. The colonists in Carolina were for several years dependent on the proprie taries in England for considerable sup plies of provisions and stores, and were by them liberally assisted to the extent of several thousand pounds; but the proprietaries finding, instead of any indications of repayment with a corre sponding profit, only demands for fur ther supplies, became discouraged with a result so contrary to their sanguine expectations. Mutual dissatis faction commenced, which em bittered all future intercourse between the parties, although it afforded in struction to the colonists which was very beneficial, as it led them t^ de- 1677. pend solely on their own resources. The proprietaries ascribed their dis appointment, in a great measure to the mismanagement of Sir John Yeamans, who, early in this year, was compelled by the state of his health to lay aside the duties of governor, a relief that was ineffectual for the desired purpose, as he did not Ions; survive. The factions O and confusion in which the colony was shortly after involved, have rendered the annals of this period extremely per plexing, and have very considerably obscured the order and connection of events. Yeamans abdicated his office, and the council appointed Joseph West as his successor ; several changes oc curred within a few years, in the office of governor. Between 1C 80 and 1685, it had changed hands five times, There, was, however, a steady increase in the population. Quite a number of emi grants from England came to Carolina. o o and in 1679. a ship load of 1679. foreign Protestants was sent out o by Charles II. to introduce the culture of the grape and olive, and the breed ing of silk worms. Some Scotchmen also emigrated, and manv of the Hu^ue- O ^ nots, who migrated to America after the Edict of Nantes, settled along the banks of the Santee. After the death of Stevens, the gov ernor of Albemarle, or North Caro lina, the Assembly, in 16*74, elected their speaker, Cartwright, to the vacant office, the limits of which* bling doubt ful under the " grand model," he sailed for England, accompanied by the new speaker, East-church, to submit the case to the proprietaries. Millar, a person of eminence in the col- On. XIV.] DISTURBANCES AMONG THE COLONISTS. 127 oiiy, had been accused of sedition, but being acquitted, had also repaired to London with complaints, and his treat ment being disapproved of, he was re warded for his troubles with the office cf secretary to the colony. Eastchurch being appointed governor, was, on his return, delayed in the "West Indies by a wealthy marriage ; while Millar pro ceeded to execute his functions, and to enforce the obnoxious provisions of the navigation act, which pressed heavily upon the rising commerce of the plant ers. The public discontent broke out into an insurrection, headed by John C ulpepper ; Millar was imprisoned ; a popular assembly established ; and when Eastchurch appeared to assume his gov ernment, the people refused their sub mission. Confident in the justice of their cause, they sent Culpepper, who had been appointed by them collec tor of customs, to England, to obtain the consent of the proprietaries to the recent changes ; but Millar, hav- 160. . . . ing in the mean time made his o escape, charged Culpepper as he, having effected his object, was about to em bark, with " treason," for collecting the revenue without the authority of the king. It may seem strange, but he was defended from this charge by no other than Shaftesbury himself then aiming at popularity on the ground that the offence was not towards the crown, but the planters ; a plea so successfully urged that Culpepper was acquitted by the jury. The proprietaries finding it useless to attempt to carry out the " model" by force, agreed to a compromise with the settlers, pro mised an amnesty, and appointed a 16S3. 10SS. new governor, Seth Sothel, a man of sordid character, who, during an ad ministration of five years, pillaged both the proprietaries and the colon ists, until the Assembly deposed him, banished him for a twelvemonth, and compelled him finally to abjure the government for ever. During -he period when the changes in the office of governor were so frequent in South Carolina (1680-85), the far- famed buccaneers appeared at Charles ton to purchase provisions, and whether from fear or interest, the people, and even the governor himself, seemed to have connived at and even encouraged their visits. This dreaded body of free booters had sprung up in the West India seas, where the Spaniards had once destroyed their haunts, but during the war with Spain they appeared anew, and obtained privateering commissions to harass the commerce and attack the cities of that country in America; armed with which power they so in creased their numbers by desperadoes from every clime, and entered upon such daring and successful enterprises, that their exploits inspired an admira tion, with which, hoAvever, a feeling of terror was largely mingled. One J.G8-A. of their leaders had even been knighted by Charles II., and another created governor of Jamaica, But the horrible abuses of such a system of li censed outrage and plunder had sur vived the occasion which led to its permission, and the peace with Spain had withdrawn from them the coun tenance of the English government, who now desired their suppression. But connivance at piracy was not the 128 ORIGIN A^D PROGRESS OF THE CAROLINAS. [B*. I. only indication of a loose code of mo rality among the settlers. They per sisted in carrying on a border warfare with the Indians, and selling the cap tives in the West Indies, in spite of the remonstrances of the proprietaries, who found the breach between them selves and the colonists becoming every year wider. The proprietaries of Carolina were naturally anxious to conciliate James [I. in regard to their charter ; but in asmuch as the colonists mani fested quite as little willingness as the New Englanders to submit to the collection of revenue and the en forcing the acts of trade, the king or dered a Quo Warranto to issue against the proprietaries. Amid the contending parties, the one in favor of the absolute control of the proprietaries, the other contending for a local and independent legislation, Governor Morton, unable to satisfy either, was shortly su perseded by Colleton, under whose ad- 1G6. ministration the dispute broke out into an open quarrel. In vain did he pro duce a copy of the "grand model," with its numerous titles and elaborate pro visions, for the acceptance of the As sembly ; they insisted that they had only accepted that modification of it originally proposed to them, and drew up another body of laws in substitution. In vain did he attempt to enforce the payment of the quit-rents due to the proprietaries, and issue, as a last expe dient, a proclamation of martial law. In the midst of these disturbances, the noted Sothel, lately banished from Al- bemarle, appeared on the field. He put himself at the head of the opposition ; a new Assembly was called ; Colleton was deposed and ban ished ; and Sothel was installed in his place. Notwithstanding these difficul ties, the progress of the Carolines was steady and effective, and both the Nor thern and Southern settlements were securely planted, with the reasonable prospect of a prospei ous future. 1690. Cu. XV.] THE YOUTH OF WILLIAM PENN. 129 CHAPTEE XV. 1661 1688, PENN AND PENNSYLVANIA. William Penn His education and early career Points in his character PENNSYLVANIA Terms of he charter Settlers on the ground Proposals to emigrants Course pursued towards the Indians Frame of govern ment Provisions Quit-claim from the Duke of York Penn s voyage to New York Freemen called to gether Regulations agreed upon Code of laws Boundary question Interview with the Indians Penn s intercourse with the natives Philadelphia founded Meeting of the legislative body Its acts Revenue voted the proprietary Prosperity of the colony Penn returns to England Enjoys favor of James II. Vexatious trials and difficulties with the colonists The result Printing press High school The lower counties on the Delaware Penn deprived of his administration. THE name of WILLIAM PENN is one of the most eminent in American co lonial history, and well deserves the esteem and respect with which it has been, and is, regarded by philanthro pists and patriots. This remarkable man was the only son of Admiral Penn, distinguished during the protectorate of Cromwell by the conquest of the Island of Jamaica, and afterwards by his conduct and courage during the war with Holland, in the reign of Charles II., with whom and his brother, the Duke of York, he was a great favorite. Young Penn was en tered as a gentleman commoner at Ox ford at the period when the Quakers, in the midst of dislike and opposition from all sects and parties, persisted in the propagation of their offensive tenets. Through the earnestness of one of their itinerant preachers, the son of the admi ral became converted to the doctrines of the new sect, and entering upon an enthusiastic advocacy of his new views, he was fined and expelled from the University. The exasperated old ad- Vor.. I. 19 1001. miral, his father, at first beat him and turned him out of doors, but afterwards sent him to make the tour of Europe, in the hope that mingling more freely with the great world might effect the cure of his eccentric enthusiasm. His travels undoubtedly tended both to en large his mind and to give additional suavity to his mariners. On his return to London for the purpose of studying the law at Lincoln s Inn, he was considered quite " a mod ish fine gentleman." "The glory of the world," he says, "overtook mo, and I was even ready to give up my self unto it ," but his deep sense of the vanity of the world, and the "irre- ligiousness of its religions," which the preaching of the itinerant Quaker had produced, was aroused from temporary slumber by his providential encounter with the same individual, on the oc casion of a journey to Ireland, and he determined to cast in his lot with these advocates of brotherly love and im partial toleration. "God in his ever lasting kindness," thus he declares, 130 PENN AND PENNSYLVANIA. [B K . " guided my feet into this path in the flower of my youth, when about two and twenty years of age." At once he entered upon that career of preaching his beloved doctrines, which, in the face of many trials, he long continued to follow both at home and abroad. Im prisoned in Ireland, he was enlarged only to be received on his return to England with animosity and derision, and a fresh ebullition of rage from his indignant father, who, for the sec ond time, expelled him from his home. But the spirit of Penn was too high and calm to be intimidated or exasperated. Menaces and promises were alike em ployed in vain. " Tell my father," he said, after having been sent to the Tower, "that my prison shall be my grave before I will budge a jot, for I owe my conscience to no mortal man. I have no need to fear. God will make amends for all." He remained many months in confinement, from which he was at length released through the influence of the Duke of York, the friend of his father as well as himself. The high spirited old admiral was, on his death bed, fully reconciled to his son, and committed him and his claims on the government to the good offices of the Duke of York, with whom Penn was quite a favorite, and on terms of the closest intimacy. Some years before Penn entered directly upon the great work with which his name is indissolubly unit ed, he had been called upon to take 1674 an act ^ ve mt erest in the affairs of his fellow Quakers in New Jersey. He had done this with so much prudeuc.p.. and had on various occasions ICSl. shown so much wisdom, and discretion that it is not surprising that he was Booked up to with unusual deference and respect both at home and in Amer ica. His father had bequeathed to him a claim against the government for .16,000. As it was almost hopeless to expect the liquidation of this debt from a king like Charles II., Penn be came desirous of obtaining in lieu of it a grant of American territory ; a wish that his influence with the Duke of York and the leading courtiers at length enabled him to realize. "This day," he observes, in a letter dated Janu ary 5th, 1681, "after many wait ings, watchings, solicitings, and disputes, my country was confirmed to me under the great seal of England, with large powers and privileges, by the name of PENNSYLVANIA, a name the king gave it in honor of my father. I chose New Wales, being a hilly country, and when the secretary, a Welshman, refused to call it New Wales, I proposed Sylvania, and they added Penn to it, though I much opposed him, and went to the king to have it struck out. He said twas past, and he would take it upon him ; nor could twenty guineas move the under secretary to alter the name, for I feared it should be looked on as a vanity in me, and not as a respect in the king to my father, as it really was. Thou mayst communicate my grant," he adds, "to my friends, and expect shortly my proposals. Tis a dear arid just thing, and my God, that has giver; it me through many difficulties, will, J believe, bless and make it the seed of a nation. I shall have a tender care to the government, that it be well laid at first." CH. XV.J PENN S FRAME OF GOVERNMENT. 131 The charter differed but little from that of Maryland : it created Perm "true and absolute lord" of Pennsyl vania, with ample powers of govern ment ; but " the advice and consent of the freemen of the province" were ne cessary to the enactment of laws. A veto was reserved to the crown, and to Parliament the right of levying du ties and taxes. There were already within the limits of Pennsylvania a considerable number of Dutch and Swedish settlers. Penn accordingly, in April of this year (1681,) sent out the royal proclamation, con stituting him lord proprietor, by the hands of his kinsman, William Mark- ham ; and to engage the good will of these, he tells them " that they are now fixed at the mercy of no governor that comes to make his fortune great ; that they shall be governed by laws of their own making, and live free, and, if they will, a sober and industrious people." " I shall not usurp the right of any," he continues, " nor oppress his person. God has furnished me with a better resolution, and has given me His grace to keep it." Markham was also autho rized to arrange the question of boun daries with the proprietary of Mary land. In England, meanwhile, (May, 1G81), there were proposals issued for the sale of the lands, at the rate of forty shillings, or about $10 the hundred acres, subject, however, to a per petual quit-rent of one shilling for every hundred acres. A company was formed, and three vessels set sail in July, with a body of emigrants for the shores of the Delaware carrying out instructions for building the new city, which Penn desired might resemble a green and open country town. For the first time, probably, the Indians found themselves addressed in the lanoruafje O O of genuine philanthropy and good will, as brethren of the great family of man, not as heathen. "The great God," thus he wrote to their sachems, " had been pleased to make him concerned in their part of the world, and the king of the country where he lived had given him a great province therein ; but he did not desire to enjoy it with out their consent ; he was a man of peace, and the people whom he sent were of the same disposition, and if any difference should happen between them, it might be adjusted by an equal number of men chosen on both sides." Early in 1682, Penn issued his "Frame of Government," wherein he purposed to leave to himself and his suc cessors " no power of doing mis chief that the will of one man may not hinder the good of the whole coun try; for liberty without obedience is confusion, obedience without liberty is slavery." The Assembly, which was to consist, first, of all the freemen, after wards, of delegates, never more than five hundred nor less than two hundred free men, were to elect a council of seventy- two members, one third to go out arid be replaced annually, over whom the pro prietary or his deputy was to preside and enjoy a triple vote. This council was not only invested with tbo ex ecutive power, but was also authorized to prepare bills for presentation to the Assembly. In addition, a body of forty "fundamental laws," was agreed 16S2. 132 PENN AND PENNSYLVANIA. upon by Penn and the emigrants, who proposed to settle in Pennsylvania. In order to prevent all future pre tence of claim on the part of the Duke of York, or his heirs, Penn obtained of the Duke his deed of release for it ; and, as an additional territory, he pro cured of hini also his right and interest in that tract of land, which was at first called the territories of Pennsylvania, afterwards "the three lower counties on the Delaware." Every preliminary arrangement hav ing been completed, Penn set sail, ac companied by a hundred emigrants, and during the year was followed by more than twenty ships, all of which arrived in safety. His own voyage was long and disastrous ; the small pox broke out on board, and cut off thirty of the passengers. At length, toward the end of October, the ship entered the broad and majestic Del aware, and came to an anchor at Newcastle. As soon as the news of Penn s arrival was spread abroad, the magistrates and settlers nocked to^e- o O ther, to greet him at the court-house ; his title-deeds were produced ; and he conciliated the assembled multitude with promises of civil and religious freedom. Continuing his ascent of the river, he landed at Upland, or Chester, where he found a plain, simple, in dustrious population, composed of Swe dish Lutherans and Quakers, who had established themselves in a country which, from the purity of the air and water, the freshness and beauty of the landscape, and the rich abundance of all sorts of provisions, he declared, in his enthusiasm, that "an Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob would be well con tented with." Markham had already commenced the erection of a mansion house for Penn some distance further up the river, nearly opposite the pres ent city of Burlington. Early in the month of December, 1682, having paid a visit to his friends in New Jersey, and on Long Island, Penn returned to Chester to give his earnest attention to the set tling the government, arranging the question of boundaries, and propitiating the good will of the natives. Instead of all the freemen, as Penn s writ of summons had requested, only twelve delegates from each of the six counties appeared : eighteen of these were con stituted a council and the remainder an Assembly. In future, too, the As sembly was to consist of thirty-six members only, six from each county, to be chosen annually, with a council composed of three members for each county, to hold their seats for three years, one being chosen each year. The restriction of the governor to three votes was dropped, and the governor and council were to possess jointly the right of proposing laws. This enlarge ment of the proprietary s power, ac cording to Penn s account of the matter, was the spontaneous movement of the freemen themselves ; hence he was not guilty, as some twenty years later it was charged upon him, of using undue influence and violating his original pro mise. A code of laws was enacted nearly resembling those already agreed upon in England between the emi grants and Penn. Its broad outlines were on the whole worthy of his phi CH. XV.] THE BOUNDARY QUESTION. 133 lanthropic professions. Universal tol eration was proclaimed ; each sect was to support itself. Every freeman had the right of voting and holding office the only reservation being the ne cessity of a belief in God and absti nence from labor on the Lord s Day. Trial by jury was established. Murder alone was punishable with death. Pri mogeniture, with a trifling reservation, was abrogated. Marriage was regarded as a civil contract. Two wise and im portant provisions, must not be over looked every child was to be taught some useful trade, thus tending to prevent future vagabondage and crime while the prisons were to be also workhouses, where the offender might be not only punished, but if possible, reclaimed again to the community. Penn having proceeded to New castle, found the question of boundaries to be a very difficult and perplex ing subject. Many of the charters had been granted in ignorance of the pre cise geography of the country, an am biguity which occasioned, naturally enough, serious disputes. Such was partly the case with that of Penn s, who earnestly contended for his de sired line of boundary, as being of the last importance to the future welfare of his colonists. " It was not the love or need of the land, but the water," and the facility of access* and harbor ing, that induced him to press his claims, and, as Lord Baltimore af firmed, to encroach within the limits of his own grant. Of the merits of this dispute, which is in truth somewhat ob scure, different views have been taken by different historians. Very possibly both parties believed themselves to be in the right, and after a warm and unsatisfactory debate, the negotiation was for the present broken off; it was afterwards, in the following year, re sumed in England with considerable acrimony, and terminated in the as signment to Penn of half the territory between the banks of the Delaware and the Chesapeake. The famous traditionary interview with the Indians under the great elm of Shakamaxon, commemorated by the pencil of West, was held probably not long after Penn and Lord Baltimore had met with reference to the bound ary question. It was a scene of deep and touching interest ; and though it is true that Penn enjoyed advantages over the older States in that the Del- awares were a feeble tribe, yet his sin cerity and good will cannot be doubt ed, and we know that no Quaker blood was ever shed in contests with the ab origines of that region. The good understanding produced by this interview was carefully kept up. During his stay in the country Penn often met the Indians in friendly inter course. He partook of their simple fere, and mingled in their athletic games. On one occasion, as he himself informed Oldmixon, he was involved in an awkward dilemma, from which he escaped by the exercise of his usual prudence. Having visited an Indian sachem, he had retired for the night, when he was startled by the entry of the daughter of his host, who, thus O instructed by her father, came and placed herself by his side, in com pliance w th certain ideas Df hospital- 134 PENN AND PENNSYLVANIA. [Bic. 1. ity, found also among other uncivil ized tribes. Shocked and embarrassed though he was, Penn wisely refrained from rebuke, but quietly taking no notice of his visitor, she after a while returned to her own place of rest. The tract at the confluence of the Schuylkill and the Delaware having appeared to Penn very desirable for the location of his capital city, that locality was fixed upon early in * 3 1683. It was entitled Phila delphia, to show forth to men the brotherly love which the Quakers ad vocated and endeavored to practice. Its buUdings rapidly increased, and by the end of the year eighty houses were erected. In the midst of active preparation for the future growth of the new city, iii March of this year (1683), Penn summoned his newly constituted legis lature to meet him in Philadelphia. This Assembly accepted a frame of go vernment modelled after the late act of settlement, with a proviso that no changes should be made except by the joint consent of the proprietary and six parts in seven of the freemen of the province. By this frame it was ordained, beside the provisions on these points before named, that to prevent lawsuits, three arbitrators, to be called peace-makers, should be chosen by the county courts, to hear and determine small differences between man and man ; that factors wronging their employers should make satisfaction, and one third over ; that every thing which excites the people to rudeness, cruelty, and irrelig- ion should be discouraged, and severely punished ; that no one, acknowledging 164. one God, and living peaceably in society, should be molested for his opinions or his practice, or compelled to frequent or maintain any ministry whatever. A revenue was also voted to the pro prietary, to be raised by a duty on imports and exports ; unfortunately, however, Penn having consented to suspend the receipt of it for a year or two, it was presently lost altogether. The Assembly of the next year (1684) voted 2,000 towards the expenses of the government, to be raised by a tax on spirits. At his mansion on Pennsbury manor, about twenty miles above Philadelphia, Penn enjoyed for a season, the sooth ing tranquillity and beauty of nature, and had the gratification of beholding < - ? O the unexampled increase of his colony. The news of its prosperity had been carried to Europe, and many settlers from Germany and Holland, of whom he and Barclay had made converts during his tour in those countries, came to seek an asylum from the storms of Europe, while numerous Quakers con tinued to arrive from England. He might well boast that he "had led the greatest colony into America that ever any man did upon a private credit, and the most prosperous beginnings that ever were in it, are to be found amon" O us." But the active spirit of Penn prompt ed him to return, for a while at least, to England. Accordingly, in August, 1684, he set sail for home, having firmly planted and organized his pro vince ; and leaving judicial affairs in the hands of five judges chosen from the council, with Nicholas Moore for Cu. X.V.1 TROUBLES IN THE GOVERNMENT. 135 chief justice. The executive adminis tration was committed to the council, Lloyd being president, and Markham secretary. So rapid had been the in crease of Pennsylvania that when Penn returned to England, it contained al ready twenty settlements and seven thousand inhabitants. James II. ascended the throne soon after Penn s arrival, and he continued to enjoy the same favor at the hands of the king which he had received from the Duke of York. It may be worth noting, that the charter of Pennsylvania was the only one in America against which a Quo War- ranto was not issued. While Penn was in England, he was subjected to a great deal of vex ation and disappointment. The same scene of contention was renewed in Pennsylvania that had often before taken place between distant proprie taries and popular bodies dissatisfied with the limited authority that they were constantly aiming to enlarge. Dis puted questions arose between the go vernor and council on the one hand, and the Assembly on the other, in which Penn necessarily became involved. Besides being subject to continual encroachments upon his authority, he complained with reason, that the quit-rents to which he looked as a return for his heavy outlays in founding the colony, were appropriated in part to the public service, for which the Assembly refused to vote a 168, . . J . . suitable provision. He was also dissatisfied with the conduct of !. the council, which he superseded by five commissioners, charged with executive functions, but soon after appointed Blackwell, an old officer of Cromwell, and at the time resident in New Eng land, who sternly insisted upon the maintenance of proprietary rights ; yet to so little purpose, that after another period of dissension, Penn, anxious, to use his own words, "to settle the go vernment so as to please the gene rality," determined " to throw all into their hands, that they might see the confidence he had in them, and his desire to give them all possible con tentment." Thus did the council, at that time entirely popular in its consti tution, become, early in 1690, invested with the chief authority, subject to the sole proviso of a veto on the part of the proprietary. Meanwhile, a printing press, the third in America, was, about 1687, set up at Philadelphia, Penn also in 1689 gave a charter to a public high school. The downfall of James was fatal to Penn s favor at court, and subjected him to severe trials. The old settlers on the Delaware became jealous of the newly-created colony ; dissensions and quarrels arose ; and ended in the esta blishment of the three lower counties, by Penn s consent, under a separate government of their own, of which Markharn became the head. Penn himself, however, was very soon de- pri ved, by an order of the Privy Coun cil, of the administration of colonial affairs in both the Delaware counties and also in Pennsylvania. 136 FRENCH COLONIAL ENTERPRISE. fttt L CHAPTER X VI. 16261689, FRENCH COLONIAL ENTERPRISE. New France Missionary abors of Franciscans and Jesuits Extent of their explorations in the west and east Charlevoix s account ISTo success with the Iroquois War with the Five Nations A truce Labors of the Jesuits War again Company of New France given up Marquette and the Mississippi La Salle En terprise and activity Proceeds to the Mississippi Various fortune Descends the Mississippi to its mouth LOUISIANA La Salle goes to France Expedition Fatal termination Affairs in Canada De la Barre Denonville War with the Five Nations French attempts at colonization on the whole unsuccessful Con trast with English colonies Accession of William III. War in consequence. TOWAKDS the close of our first chap ter, we gave a brief account of the pro gress of navigation and settlement by the French in Canada and its contiguous waters. Resuming the narrative from that point, we call the attention of the reader to some interesting facts in con nection with the efforts of those enter prising Frenchmen by whose energy and perseverance their country was enabled to lay claim to that vast region of interior America known in general terms as NEW FRANCE. The determined hostility of the Mohawks having prevented the French from occupying the upper waters of the Hudson, and cut off all progress towards the south, the Franciscan missionaries who had accompanied ,,. Champlain to Canada were led 1G2C. to penetrate along the nor thern shore of Lake Ontario till they reached the rivers flowing into Lake Huron. When Canada was restored to the French in 1632, the Jesuits ob tained the privilege of occupying the vast missionary ground which New France laid open to their efforts ; and it must be confessed by even the stern est Protestant that their labors for the cause which they had in hand have rarely been surpassed by missionaries in any age or in any part of the world. Two Jesuit missionaries, Brebeuf and Daniel, guided by a party of Huron Indians, set out for the far-distant wigwams of their tribe. Paddling up the St. Lawrence, they ascended its great tributary, the Ottawa, surmount ing its numerous falls and rapids, and by carrying their canoes through tan gled pathways in the forest, as do the "voyageurs" of the present day, and enduring every species of hardship, they reached, after a journey of three hundred miles, the eastern projection of Lake Huron, converted one of the leading chiefs, and succeeded in esta blishing six missions among the rude but impressible savages on its borders. "Now and then," says Mr. Hildreth, "one of these fathers would make a voyage to Quebec in a canoe, with two or three savages, paddle in hand, exhausted with rowing, his feet naked, his breviary hanging about his neck, CH. XVI.] MISSIONARY EFFORTS. 137 his shirt unwashed, his cassock half- torn from his lean body, but with a face full of content, charmed with the life he led, and inspiring by his air and his words a strong desire to join him in the mission." The news of these re markable successes being transmitted to France created great excitement, and led to many efforts in behalf of the Roman Catholic religion in Canada. A Jesuit college was estab lished at Quebec, as was soon after a hospital for the benefit of both French and Indians, and a convent of Ursuline nuns. Montreal, which was in the highway to the newly established missions, was solemnly consecrated to the Virgin Ma ry, grew up into a religious station, and became the nucleus of a future city. Fresh bodies of Jesuit mission aries continued to arrive, and emulate the zeal of their predecessors. Among these Raymbault, and his com panion Jogues, coasting the shore of Lake Huron, reached the dis tant country of the Chippewas, at the foot of the falls of St. Mary. Worn out with hardships, Raynibault again reached Quebec, but only to die ; while his companion, descending the St. Law rence with his Huron converts, was beset by a party of the hostile Mohawks, and forced to run the gauntlet three succes sive times, between rows of tormentors, his Indian companions perishing in his sight by the tomahawk or the flames. Jogues, having escaped, made his way to the Mohawk valley, where he was hospitably received by the Dutch commandant at Rensselaerwyck. Similar sufferings were inflicted upon VOL. I. 20 1641. 1613. 1640. such of the missionaries as fell into the power of this savage tribe. A like success attended the missionary efforts toward the east, where, at a very early period, before the landing of the pil grim fathers, the French had labored to convert the natives to Chris tianity. Dreuillettes, the mis sionary explorer, having reported fa vorably, measures were taken by the Jesuits to establish a permanent mission. "It is certain," says Charlevoix as quoted by Hildreth in speaking on this subject, " as well from the annual relations of those happy times, as from the constant tradition of that country, that a peculiar unction attached to this savage mission, giving it a preference over many others far more brilliant and more fruitful. The reason no doubt was, that nature, finding nothing there to gratify the senses or to flatter vanity stumbling blocks too common even to the holiest grace worked without obstacle. The Lord, who never allows himself to be outdone, communicates himself without measure to those who sacrifice themselves without reserve ; who, dead to all, detached entirely from themselves and the world, possess their souls in unalterable peace, perfectly es tablished in that child-like spirituality which Jesus Christ has recommended to his disciples as that which ought to be the most marked trait of their cha racter." "Such is the portrait," adds Charlevoix, "drawn of the missiona ries of New France by those who knew them best. I myself knew some of them in my youth, and I found them such as I have painted f \iem, bending under the labor of a long apostleship, 138 FRENCH COLONIAL ENTERPRISE. [UK. i. with bodies exhausted by fatigues and broken with age, but stiU preserving all the vigor of the apostolic spirit, and I have thought it but right to do them here the same justice universally done them in the country of their labors."* The French missionaries were not, however, favored with any success among the Iroquois or Five Nations, but met with unyielding and fierce op position. These Five Nations or allied communities, comprising the Senecas, the Cayugas, the Onondagas, the Onei- das, and the Mohawks, occupied the country between the banks of the St. Lawrence and the Hudson. Against these tribes, soon after his arrival in Canada, Champlain had joined the Al- gonquins and Hurons in a warlike expedition, an impolitic interference, which was punished by these implaca ble savages with an inveterate hostility to his country and their allies. They menaced the infant settlement of Que bec, and waylaid, as we have seen, the Jesuit missionaries, until the French were compelled to sue for peace. No thing therefore was so much desired as their conversion. During a temporary pacification, Jogues set out again on this perilous mission, from which he never again returned, being put to death soon after his arrival among the Mohawks. The Dutch having supplied the Iro quois with fire-arms, the war broke out with increased ferocitv; the mission- / aries were cruelly tortured and put to death, and the terrified colonists lived in daily dread of mas- *Hildreth s "History of the United States? voL ii., p. 86. sacre. Even Quebec itself was not safe. The Huron missions were entirely bro ken up, and the French became so dis pirited as to ask aid from New Eng land against the Indians ; but we are sorry to say it was denied. After J . J . 1651. two or three years, the Iroquois consented to a peace (1654). The oc casion was embraced for fresh efforts by the Jesuits to plant the cross among their vengeful adversaries, and this time, happily, with somewhat better success. Some Christian Hurons, who had become captives to the Mohawks, paved the way for the reception of Le Moyne, while Mesnard repaired to the Cayugas, and Chaumont and Dablon visited the other tribes. At first, their success seemed to be great, but they soon discovered that they had only lulled, not subdued, the passions of these ferocious warriors, and that their lives hung by a single thread. Some Frenchmen had ventur ed to establish a colony on the banks of the Oswego ; collisions took place with Indians ; and a third time war again burst forth. The dis tress was now so extreme, that the Com pany of New France, reduced to a mere handful, resigned in 1662, to the king, a colony which they were unable to defend, by whom it was transferred to the new "West India Company, just then formed by Colbert. The protec tion implored by the Jesuits was im mediately afforded, and a French regi ment commanded by Tracy, who was appointed viceroy, repaired to Quebec, a measure which at length effectually restrained the per severing hostility of the Five Nations 1656. 1665. CH. XVI.] MARQUETTE AND THE MISSISSIPPI. 139 Under this favorable change of af fairs, missionary efforts were renewed. Allouez coasted Lake Superior, and cwo years afterward, in company with Dablon and Marquette, established the mission of St. Mary, the first settlement of white men within the limits of our north western States. Va rious missions were established and ex plorations made. Fired by the rumors of a great river in the west, Mar quette was presently sent by the inten- dant Talon to search it out. Accompa nied by Joliet, a merchant of Quebec, with five Frenchmen, and two Al^on- O quin guides, they ascended on the 10th of June, 1673. to the head of Fox River, and carrying their canoes across the intervening ground which separates the eastern from the western streams, they launched them again upon the waters of the Wisconsin, where their Indian conductors, fearful of advancing any farther, left them to make their way alone. For seven days they floated down the stream, when at length, to / O / their great joy, they emerged upon the mighty waters of the MISSISSIPPI, that " great river" for so its name imports rolling through vast verdant prairies dotted with herds of buffalo, and its banks overhung with primitive forests. With the feelings of men who have discovered a new world, they passed the mouths of the Des Moines, the Illinois, the Missouri, and the Ohio, keeping on as far as the Arkansas. They landed to visit the as tonished Indians upon the shores, who received them with hospitality, and invited them to form a permanent set tlement. As they floated on day after 1674. day, they were greeted by richer sce nery and by a different climate; they were fanned by the soft breezes and delighted by the luxuriant vegetation of the south ; the sombre pines of the Canadian forests were exchanged for the cotton wood and palmetto of the tropics, and they began to suffer from the heat and the mosquitoes. Mar quette, satisfied that the river must empty into the Gulf of Mexico, and fear ful of falling into the hands of the Spaniards, reluctantly turned his steps back again towards Canada. Leaving Marquette at Green Bay, at his missionary work, Joliet carried the news to Quebec. Marquette s health soon after gave way, and while en gaged in missionary efforts among the Illinois, he died, May 18th, 1675, at the early age of thirty-eight.* Robert Cavalier De La Salle, an en ergetic young French adventurer, who had evinced unusual sagacity and met with great success in his explorations on Lakes Ontario and Erie, was roused by the news of the discovery of the "great river." Leaving his fur trade, his fields, and his many advantages in connection with Fort Frontenac at the outlet of Ontario La Salle hurried to France, and received from Colbert a commission to proceed with further discoveries on the Mis sissippi. Accompanied by the Che valier Tonti, a veteran Italian, as his lieutenant, he returned to Frontenac, built a small bark, with which he as cended the Niagara River to the foot of * See Mr. J. G. Shea s interesting and valuable work, " Discovery anl Exploration of the Mississippi Valley," p. Ixxj. 16T. 140 FRENCH COLONIAL ENTERPRISE. . 1. 1679. the rapids, below the great fall ; and above them, near the shore of Lake Erie, began the construction of the first risked vessel that ever sailed upon oO A the western waters. In this little bark of sixty tons, called the " Griffin," ac companied by Tonti and a band of mis sionaries and fur traders, La Salle tra versed Lake Erie, and passed through Detroit, or " the strait" which separates it from the limpid sheet to which he gave the appropriate name of St. Clair, and sailing across Lake Huron, and by the straits of Mackinaw, into Lake Michigan, at length came to O / O an anchor in Green Bay. From this point, after sending back the vessel for fresh supplies, La Salle and his associates proceeded in canoes across Lake Michigan to the mouth of the St. Joseph s River, where Al- louez had established a station, and to which was now added a trading post, called the Fort of the Miamis. Await ing in vain the return of the " Griffin," which had been wrecked on her way back, La Salle and Tonti, with a body of their followers, crossed over to the Illinois River, where, some distance below Peoria, he erected another fort. There were still no tidings of the miss ing vessel, and to proceed without sup plies was impossible ; murmurs arose among his disheartened followers, and detaching Tonti and the Recollect Hen- nepin to continue their explorations, and having named his new fort " Creve- coeur," in memory of his deep and bitter vexations, La Salle set out with only three followers, making his way back across the vast wilderness which spread between him and Fronte- 1680. nac, where, though reported dead, he gathered fresh materials for the prose cution of his enterprise. His agents, meanwhile, were engaged in carrying out his instructions. Hennepin ex plored the Mississippi to the Falls of St. Anthony, and returning afterwards */ / O to France, published there an account of his travels. * Tonti, less fortunate, who had been directed to establish himself among the Illinois, was driven thence by the hostility of the Iroquois, and was obliged to take refuse at Cj O Green Bay. Their indefatigable leader at length returned with provisions and reinforcements, collected his scattered men, and constructed a capacious barge. in which he descended the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico. Formal pos session of the mouth of the river was taken for France, April 9th, 1G82, and the name LOUISIANA was conferred up on the newly acquired territory. La Salle having returned to France O speedily aroused an ardent desire to colonize the fertile region which he had discovered. Accordingly he soon got together an expedition, consisting of a frigate and three other ships, on board of which were two hun dred and eighty persons in all, ecclesiastics, soldiers, mechanics and emigrants, and as speedily as pos 1683. 1681 * Mr. Sparks has clearly shown that Hennepin is not to be relied on. After mentioning severa. things, he says: " These facts added toothers are perfectly conclusive, and must convict Father Hen nepin of having palmed upon the world a pretended discovery and a fictitious narrative. . . Notwithstand ing this gross imposition, we must allow him justice on other points. There seems no good reason to doubt the general accuracy of his first book, nor oi his second, previously to his departure from Fort Crevecceur." "Life of De La Salle," p. 91. CH. XVI.] THE MURDER OF DE LA SALLE. 141 srble got under way to plant a colony at the mouth of the Mississippi. But no success attended the enterprise. La Salle. falling into serious disputes and even quarrels with Beaujeu, who had command of the fleet under him, missed the entrance of the river, and in Feb ruary, 1685, was compelled to land his dispirited and despairing company at some point on the coast of Texas. In the midst of disaffection and treachery and death, La Salle did not lose heart : with characteristic intrepidity, in April, 1686, he set out with twenty men to find the Illinois, where Tonti was await ing him, but without avail : he was com pelled to return to the fort in Octo ber. Yet as his only hope lay in ex tricating himself and his followers less than forty by an overland pas sage, early in January he set out again with seventeen men on this forlorn enterprise. Three of the party conspired to commit mur der ; they slaughtered Moragnet, Nika and Saget, and when La Salle came to inquire after the missing men, Duhaut discharged his musket from ambush and shot the unhappy commander through the head. This was on the 19th of March, 1687. Good Father Anastase dug his grave, buried him, and erected a cross over his remains.* La Salle " died some where about the spot where now stands the town of Washins:- o ton," says Mr. Gayarre, "which town owes its foundation to some of that race to which belonged his avenger, and the star spangled banner now proudly waves where the first pioneer of civili- * Sparks s "Life of Robert Cavalier De La, Salle," p 158. 167. zation consecrated with his blood the future land of liberty."* The murderers of La Salle, quarrel ling over the spoils of their leader, met themselves with the same retributive fate at the hands of some of their <isso- ciates, of whom Joutel, the narrator of these dismal events, with no more than five others, made their way to the banks of the Mississippi, where they fell in with two Frenchmen, left there by Tonti, on his return from a vain search after his old commander. The twenty men left behind at the fort which had been built by La Salle, also perished ; and thus, after the most indefatigable efforts, and the most brilliant prospects of success, the colony of La Salle came to an untimely end sad termination to the career of its energetic and gallant founder.f Affairs in Canada, meanwhile, had be come very much embroiled. Disputes having arisen between Frontenac the governor and the Intendant, De la Barre was sent out in 1682 to succeed Frontenac. Dongan, the governor of New York, although charged by 1C83. James II. to maintain a good un derstanding with the French, used his influence secretly to inflame the dissen- * Gayarre s " History of Louisiana," vol i., p. 28. f The Mississippi, however, " was soon constantly travelled by the adventurous trader, and still more adventurous missionary. A Spanish vessel, under Andrew de Pes, entered the mouth soon after; but, on the second of March, 1699, the Canadian Iber- ville, more fortunate than La Salle, entered it with Father Anastasius Douay, who had accompanied that unfortunate adventurer on his last voyage. Mission aries from Canada soon came to greet him, and La Sueur ascended the Mississippi to St. Peter s River, and built a log fort on its blue-earth tributary. Hence forward all was progress," etc. Shea s " Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley ,"p. xxxix. 142 FRENCH COLONIAL ENTERPRISE. [BK. I. sions between them and their enemies. De la Barre, after convoking an as sembly to take into consideration the perilous condition of the province, and after making some abortive at tempts at negotiation, marched to attack the Iroquois at the head of a considerable force; but on the way his troops were so reduced and weak ened by sickness, arising from the mias ma of the marshes and forests, that he was compelled to conclude a humilia ting peace with the foes over whom he had anticipated a signal triumph. At his desire the chiefs of the Five Nations repaired to his camp, but his endeavor to overawe them met with no success whatever. On the contrary one of these fierce warriors is represented as having broken out in the following spi rited speech, personifying De la Barre as Onondio, and the English governor as Corlear : " Hear, Onondio, I am not asleep, my eyes are open, and the sun which enlightens me discloses to me a great captain who speaks as if he were dreaming. He says that he only came to smoke the pipe of peace with the Onondagas. But Garrangula says that he sees the contrary, that it was to knock them on the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms of the French. We carried the English to our lakes to trade with the Utawawas, as the Adir- ondacks brought the French to our forts to carry on a trade which the English say is theirs. We are born free; we neither depend on Onondio nor Corlear. We may go where we please, and buy and sell what we please. If your allies are your slaves, use them as such command 4 hem to receive no other than your people. Hear, Onon dio ! what I say is the voice of all the Five Nations. When they buried the hatchet in the middle of the fort, they planted the tree of peace in the same place, that instead of a retreat for sol diers, it might be a meeting-place for merchants. Take care that your sol diers do not choke the tree of peace, and prevent it from covering your country and ours with its branches. I tell you that our warriors shall dance under its leaves, and never dig up the hatchet to cut it down, till their brother Onondio or Corlear shall invade the country which the Great Spirit has given to our ancestors." The Marquis de Denonville succeeded De la Barre in 1684, and brought with him some five or six hundred soldiers. A fort was built at Niagara to cover the route from Canada through Lake Erie, and also as a check upon the hostile Iroquois, a measure which helped to increase the jealousy and ill will of the English. An expedi tion was undertaken by Denon- 1687. ville against the Senecas ; but although they penetrated and ravaged the country, yet the Iroquois in turn threatening invasion, the French were glad to purchase peace by giving up their fort and promising to return the captives they had treach erously got into their power. A short interval only of peace followed. The Iroquois advanced on Montreal, killed many, and made prisoners of many more, and spread terror even as far as Quebec. On the whole, Canada could not be said to have flourished. Although the ic. 16 9. OH. XVI.J FRENCH AND ENGLISH COLONIAL SUCCESS. 143 French, had done wonders in the way of exploration, and in contending with Indian ferocity and valor, greatly be yond anything to which the English had been exposed, yet the climate and soil were unfavorable, the government was a military despotism, the people had no share in public affairs, and the population at most did not exceed twelve thousand. Acadie was even still more feeble, the total of its inhabitants being less probably than three thou sand. Yet, seeing that the eastern In dians, both those of the peninsula and those of the main land, were wholly under French influence, it added ma terially to the strength of the French in that vicinity. The contrast between New France and the English colonies was at this date quite striking ; for the latter oc cupying territory more favorably situate along the coast, and every year devel oping new energies and stimulated to new enterprises, were steadily advan cing in prosperity and ability to under stand and maintain their just rights. The French, on the other hand, .though ever brave and chivalrous, had not in their colonies the elements of strength and permanency which were character istic of their rivals in the New World.* At this date, according to Mr. Ban croft, the twelve oldest States of our Union "contained not very many be yond two hundred thousand inhabi tants, of whom Massachusetts, with Plymouth and Maine, may have had forty-four thousand; New Hampshire and Rhode Island, with Providence, each six thousand; Connecticut, from seventeen to twenty thousand ; that is, in all New England, seventy-five thou sand souls; New York, not less than twenty thousand ; New Jersey, half as many ; Pennsylvania and Delaware, perhaps twelve thousand ; Maryland twenty-five thousand; Virginia, fifty thousand or more ; and the two Caro- linas, which then included the soil of Georgia, probably not less than eight thousand souls."f Such was the condition and state of affairs when William III. mounted the English throne, and the American colo nies were involved in the war that soon raged between France and England. * This contrast is eloquently set forth by Mr. Park- man, "History of the Conspiracy of PoiJux? p. 41. etc. f Bancroft s History of the United States," vol. ii., p. 450. FROM DECLAKATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 1689-1776. HISTORY OF THB UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. CHAPTER I. 16891697. NEW ENGLAND AND NEW YORK: FIRST INTERCOLONIAL WAR. Accession of William III. Its important effects War with France Intercolonial war Seizure of Andros at Boston Course pursued by Massachusetts, Virginia, Maryland, and New York, on the occasion of William s accession "Protestant Revolution" in Maryland Jacob Leisler His career and judicial murder Open ing of the war Attack on Dover Frontenac governor of Canada Destruction of Schenectady War party sent against Salmon Falls Narrative of a sufferer Attempt at conquest of Canada Entirely unsuccessful Effects Paper money Domestic tragedies in New York and Massachusetts New Charter of Massachusetts Witchcraft delusion Development and Progress Salem the principal scene Strange history Frontier warfare Oyster River, Pemaquid fort, Haverhill disasters Brave Mrs. Dustin Last year of the war Peace of Ryswick. 1689. THE accession of "William III. is a marked event in the history of Eng land, and more or less directly had an important bearing upon the development and progress of the American colonies. There can be no doubt that there was then a crisis in the affairs of England which had to be met; a state of things which required all the combined wisdom and energy of the patriots and statesmen of that day, to save the country from the tremen dous evils which threatened to crush and destroy every vestige of constitu tional freedom. It was then to be de termined, whether despotism together with the dynasty of the ill-fated Stuarts, or the liberty of law and order in the supremacy of the legislature, was to pre vail. The crisis was met, and the ques tion was settled for all future time ; and the dethronement of James II. and the election of the Prince of Orange to the throne declared to be vacant, both established the parliament as su preme arid overturned for ever all pre tence on the part of the sovereign to irresponsible exercise of royal prero gative and power. " By resolving that James II. had abdicated " says Mr. 148 FIRST INTERCOLONIAL WAR. II. Bancroft, "the representatives of the English people assumed to sit in judg ment on its kings. By declaring the throne vacant, they annihilated the principle of legitimacy. By disfran chising a dynasty for professing the Roman faith, they not only exerted the power of interpreting the original con tract, but of introducing into it new conditions. By electing a king, they made themselves his constituents ; and the parliament of England became the fountain of sovereignty for the English world." But although the accession of Wil liam was of so great importance to the mother country, the colonies did not share, to the extent which they hoped and expected, in the benefits of a change of rulers. " By strengthening the parlia ment" to use Mr. Hildreth s language " and increasing the influence of the manufacturing class, the English Revo lution exposed the American plantations to increased danger of mercantile and parliamentary tyranny, of which, in the acts of trade, they already had a fore taste a tyranny, far more energetic, persevering, grasping, and more to be dreaded than any probable exercise of merely regal authority." The policy of William and the parliament was not favorable to the best interests of the co lonies; and it was not long before it was discovered that the being rid of the despotism of royal prerogative afford ed no guarantee against the despotism of parliament. William with very high ideas of prerogative in his own case, does not seem ever to have abated any of the pretensions and claims of his pre decessors on the throne ; and although it is true that the toleration of all Pro testant sects became an established line of policy as well in the colonies as at home, it is equally true that the bitter ness of party rancor against the Roman Catholics was greatly increased by the dethronement of James. The war with France, which broke out soon after Wil liam s accession, roused to their highest pitch both national and religious differ ences ; and the colonies, as a matter of course, became involved in a ruinous conflict with their French neighbors in Canada, entailing upon themselves very heavy expenses and debts, and causing a fearful sacrifice of human life. Both parties were at the first eager for the strife. New England, not less than the French colonists, entertained schemes of conquest and advancement. The latter purposed to monopolize the western fur trade, secure uninterrupted passage through Lake Erie to the Mis sissippi, and cut off the English from the cod fishery on the banks of New foundland; while the former hoped, and apparently not without reason, to be able to deprive the French of all the advantages which they possessed, and even expel them entirely from the coun try. Both parties, too, nationally and religiously enemies, were prepared to engage in the bloody strife with un- pitying hearts and unmistakable fe rocity. Before entering, however, upon the details of the intercolonial wars, we ask the reader s attention to several matters which preceded these in the regular order of time. Early in April of this year (1689), news of the landing of William of Cn. I.] EFFECTS OF WILLIAM S ACCESSION. 149 Orange in England readied Boston by way of Virginia. Outraged by the high handed measures of Andros, the news caused great excitement. Andros, af fecting to disbelieve it, undertook to imprison those who brought the infor mation. But the spirit of the people was fully roused. On the 18th of April, as the commander of the Rose frigate, which the governor had in the harbor, was stepping on shore he was seized by the crowd. The sheriff, endeavoring O to disperse the mob, was similarly treated. The whole town was in com motion. The militia gathered together and formed under their old leaders ; the ship s barge was intercepted, as it came off to rescue Andros, who had fled for safety to the fort, against which the guns of the battery were turned by the people. Andros, obliged to submit, was forthwith conducted to prison. Simon Bradstreet, now at the advanced age of eighty-seven, who had already hon orably distinguished himself in office, happening to appear at this conjunc ture, was pronounced governor by gen eral acclamation. This sudden move ment, by which the castle and frigate fell into the hands of the insurgents, was fully sustained by the popula tion of the surrounding country, who rapidly flocked into Boston to the as sistance of their brethren in the city. The news flew rapidly to Plymouth, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, where similar risings took place. Connecticut brought forth her Charter from its hid ing place, and Robert Treat was cho sen governor ; and in Rhode Island, though some difficulty was experienced in finding the men willing to assume 1689. the magistracy, Henry Bull, an ener getic Quaker, was prevailed upon to accept the post of governor. In Massachusetts there was some difference of opinion as to the wisdom of resuming the Charter. The major ity of the people seemed to wish it, but the Council of Safety did not like to commit themselves to the measure. It was thought best therefore to wait a while, and send additional agents to England in behalf of the colony. Ash- urt, Cooke, and Oates, were commis sioned to act with Increase Mather in England for Massachusetts. Although the news of William s ac cession had reached Virginia first of all, the Council were slow to act upon it ; and, notwithstanding the wishes / O of the people, who were a good deal roused by apprehensions of a po pish dynasty, the Council delayed till near the end of May before the} 7 pro claimed William and Mary " Lord and Lady of Virginia." In Maryland, too, there was a rising, directed especially against the Roman Catholic rule. A rumor was put in circulation that those in authority had combined with the Indians with whom a treaty had been renewed in March to massacre all the Protestants.* John * " The history of the Protestant revolution in 1689 has never yet been fully written. But there is evi dence upon the records of the English government to show it was the result of a panic, produced by one of the most dishonorable falsehoods which has ever disgraced any religious or any political party by the story, in a few words, that the Roman Catholics had formed a conspiracy with the Indians, to massacre the Protestants!" See Mr. George Lynn-Lachlan Davis s "Day-Star of American Freedom" p. 87. We regret that this eloquent and high-toned work, vindicating the claim of the Roman Catholic founder and freemen 150 FIRST INTERCOLONIAL WAR. [BE. II, Coode a confederate in Fendal s insur rection, took the lead, and an armed " Association for the Defence of the Pro testant Keligion" was formed. 9< The delays on the part of the Council, in proclaiming William and Mary, favored the designs of Coode, and caused general dissatisfaction. Coode and his confederates called a Convention, which met in August, and proceeded to depose Lord Balti more and proclaim the new king and .queen in Maryland. An address was also transmitted to convey their con gratulations on the accession of William and Mary ; and for some three years the people of Maryland, by the ill ad vised assent of William to the insur rection, were subjected to the tyran nous exaction of those who had seized upon the reins of government. Truly, it would seem, as Chalmers surmises, that William " did not reflect, because his mind was occupied only with schemes of influence and conquest ; that, in order to gain present power, he gave his assent to transactions, which, while they deprived an individual of his rights contrary to law, engendered a spirit of revolt, that, in after times, would shake the throne on which he then sat." * New York was also, at this date, the scene of great political excitement and commotion. The ardent spirit of Protes tantism was aroused by the news that William of Orange was now king of wf Maryland to the having established toleration, in the noblest sense, in that province, was not published until after we had prepared the former pages of our history, wherein we should have been glad to have en joyed Mr. Davis s assistance. * " Introduction to the History of the Revolt of the American Colonies" vol. i., p. 205. England, and the people enthusiastic ally rose to proclaim his authority. Jacob Leisler, a merchant of New Yoik, and senior captain of the five free com panies, under Bayard as colonel, was persuaded by the people, who turnul- tuously rushed to his house, to take the head of affairs, for it was rumored that there was a plot on foot, and a scheme to murder all who favored the new king s accession. A provisional gov ernment was fixed upon, and Leisler, charged with all authority till orders should come from the king, proceeded to proclaim their majesties by sound of trumpet. The " loyal and noble Captain Leisler" next addressed a letter to the king, giving an account of his proceed ings and the reasons moving him there to. Bayard, finding his authority gone, and Nicholson the lieutenant-governor being in the same predicament, retired to Albany, where they held out against Leisler and his party. The calamitous fall and ruin of Schenectady led to the submission of the malcontents to their hated opponent, and they called on him for aid and support. The king did not answer Leisler s letter ; but appointed, in 1689, Colonel Henry Sloughter as governor of New York. Sloughter, how ever, did not arrive till March, 1691, when he was induced by Ingoldsby ; captain of the troops which had reached New York before the new governor, to arrest Leisler and put him upon trial before his bitter ene mies. By an insolent mockery of jus tice, Leisler and Milbourne his son-in- law and principal associate, were con demned to death as rebels and traitors. Slousrhter hesitated to order the execu- CH. I. j tion of a, man wlio had distinguished himself by his zeal in the cause of king William and the Protestant succession ; but they who were bent upon Leisler s death, sought and obtained the signa ture of the fatal warrant when Sloughter was in his cups after dinner. Leisler s enemies plied the licentious and needy Sloughter with wine. " The carouse went on ; a cold storm of sleet and rain, such as often makes a May day miserable in our climate, raged with out. But, though those charged with the fatal missive had slipped away from the revel, and conveyed it, as quietly as possible to the sheriff, yet the soldiers of Ingoldsby, who were drawn up to overawe the populace, gave note to them of the dreadful act that was about to be consummated. They thronged around the place of ex ecution, which, I may mention for the benefit of New Yorkers was at the lower end of what has been since called the Park, where the spray of the Foun tain has succeeded the blood-stain of the martvr. Leisler and Milbourne stood i/ there upon the scaffold together ; and there too, within hearing of their voices, stood more than one of those who had brought them to this pass. The high spirit of Milbourne could hardly brook the insulting presence of men to whom he owed this fate of ignominy ; and, turning to one gentleman, whom he deemed personally most hostile to himself ; he exclaimed, Eobert Living ston. I will implead thee at the bar of heaven for this deed ! "* Leisler, deeply * See C. F. Hoffman s " Administration of Jacob Lei&Ur" Sparks s American Biography, vol. iii., p. 227. THE DEATH OF JACOB LEISLER. 151 affected by the untimely fate of his son- in-law, died protesting his loyalty and integrity. Some years later, the bill of attainder was reversed and the estates restored to the rightful heirs ; and it is now generally conceded, that whatever of error, haste, or ignorance Leisler dis played, he himself was judicially mur dered. The king of England presuming that the northern colonies were more than a match for their French neighbors, rejected at once a proposition on the part of Louis XIV. for a neutrality be tween their respective colonies. There was no alternative consequently, and the war broke out with fury on both sides. Immediately upon the declaration of war between England and France be- coming known in America, the Baron Castin found it an easy task to urge the eastern Indians to hostilities. At the close of the war with Philip of Po- kanoket some thirteen years before, a body of three hundred Indians had been treacherously seized and sold into slavery, after they had agreed to peace. This transaction took place at the house of Major Waldron, at. Dover, and a deep scheme was now laid by the Indians to avenge it. Suspicions of some sinister proceeding on the part of the Indians had been thrown out to Waldron, which however he only de rided, merely telling those who sug gested them "to go and plant their pumpkins, for he would tell them when the Indians would break out." On the very eve of the attack, being told with uneasiness that the town was full of them, he replied, " that he knew the 169. 152 Indians very well, and there was no danger whatever." According to the common practice, during times of peace, the Indians, who traded with the inhab itants, used to seek for and obtain a night s lodging. On this evening two squaws applied for leave to sleep by the hearth, which was readily granted at Wald ron s and all the other houses save one. When the household was sunk in sleep, they arose, opened the doors, and giving an appointed signal, the Indians quietly stole in, set a guard at the door, and rushed into an inner room in which the .major slept. The old man, now aged eighty, aroused by the noise, started up, and seizing his sword bravely drove his assailants back through one or two apartments, until stunned by a blow from a hatchet, he was secured and dragged out, and seated in an arm chair upon the hall table. "Judge Indians now!" insultingly ex claimed his captors ; and then each man drawing his knife, and scoring deep gashes across his naked breast, exclaim ed "Thus I cross out my account." Cruelly mangled, and spent with loss of blood, he rolled heavily from the table, and one of his tormentors held his own sword under him as he fell which ter minated his bitter agony. Twenty others were killed ; twenty-nine were carried off prisoners ; and the village was burned. This was in the latter part of June, 1689. In August and September, several attacks were made on different points, as Pemaquid and Casco, which latter was repulsed by Church, the famous partisan in King Philip s war. All the settlements fur ther east were broken up. FIRST INTERCOLONIAL WAR. [BK. II. 1600. About the middle of October, Count Frontenac arrived in Canada, having been reappointed governor, and bring ing 1 with him the Indians who had been o carried to France as prisoners, and also abundant supplies of galleys and troops. Though a man now sixty-eight years old, Count Frontenac was full of vigor and energy, and he determined to invade New York by land and sea; and accordingly he fitted out three war parties to visit upon the English the same misery and suffering which. Canada had recently experienced at the hands of the Iroquois, those firm allies of the Frenchman s enemies. Schenectady was the point first de voted to destruction. An expedition, consisting of a hundred and ten men, set out in the bitter month of January, from Cagnawaga, nearly opposite Montreal on the St. Lawrence : they were mostly converted Mohawks, under the command of French officers. For twenty-two days they toiled through the heavy snows, J O */ enduring every species of hardship, intent only on blood, until, on the 8th of February, they reached the neigh borhood of Schenectady. This was a small Dutch village on the Mohawk, consisting of some forty houses, and though protected by a palisade the gates were unguarded, and at midnight the people slept profoundly. Distance from the French frontier and the severity of the winter had rendered them, as they thought, secure from attack; but they were most fearfully roused to a sense of their fatal neglect. The savage war-whoop thrilled every heart. There was no time to think of CH. L] HORRORS OF EARLY WARFARE. 153 concerted resistance. The French and Indians had stolen into the town in several bodies, the. door of every dwell ing was instantly beset and burst open, and amidst the shrieks of women and children every atrocity was perpetrated that the vengeful cruelty of the Indian savage could suggest. Men, women, and children fell under the tomahawk in a promiscuous massacre ; sixty were killed on the spot; twenty-seven were taken prisoners ; the village was set on fire ; and by the flames of their own homes, the remnant, a small body of miserable half-naked fugitives, hurried away, in the midst of a driving snow-storm, towards Albany, spreading terror and confusion among the people by their account of the savage fury which had fallen upon their ruined homes. The second war party sent out by Ffontenac consisted of only fifty-two persons. They set out from Three Elvers, a village about half way from Montreal to Quebec, and made their way by the St. Francis, and the val ley of the upper Connecticut to Salmon Falls, a village on the main branch of the Piscataqua. Falling suddenly upon it (March 27th) they killed most of the male inhabitants, burned their houses, and carried off fifty-four prisoners, chiefly women and children. These they drove before them into the wilder ness, intending to sell them as slaves in Canada. The reader will understand something of the horrors of early war fare by the following extract from the narrative of a captive sufferer : " The Indians, when they had flogged me away along with them, took my VOL. I. 22 oldest boy, a lad of about five years of age, along with them, for he was still at the door by my side. My middle little boy, who was about three years of age, had by this time obtained a situation by the fire in the house, and was crying bitterly to me not to go, and making bitter complaints of the depredations of the savages. " But these monsters were not willing to let the child remain behind them ; they took him by the hand to drag him along with them, but he was so very unwilling to go, and made such a noise by crying, that they took him up by the feet, and dashed his brains out against the threshold of the door. They then scalped and stabbed him, and left him for dead. When I wit nessed this inhuman butchery of my own child, I gave a most indescribable and terrific scream, and felt a dimness come over my eyes next to blindness, and my senses were nearly gone. The savage then gave me a blow across my head and face, and brought me to my sight and recollection again. During the whole of this agonizing scene, I kept my infant in my arms. " As soon as their murder was effect ed, they marched me along to the top of the bank. Here I beheld another hard scene, for as soon as we had landed, my little boy, who was still mourning and lamenting about his little brother, and who complained that he was injured by the fall in descend ing the bank, loas murdered. "One of the Indians ordered me along, probably that I should not see the horrid deed about to be per petrated. The other then took his 154 FIRST INTERCOLONIAL WAR. [B K . II. tomahawk from his side, and with this instrument of death killed and scalped him. When I beheld this second scene of inhuman butchery, I fell to the ground senseless, with my infant in my arms, it being under, and its little hands in the hair of my head. How long I remained in this state of insensibility I know not. u The first thing I remember was my raising my head from the ground, and my feeling myself exceedingly over come with sleep. I cast my eyes around, and saw the scalp of my dear little boy, fresh bleeding from his head, in the hand of one of the savages, and sunk down to the earth again, upon my infant child. The first thing I remem ber, after witnessing this spectacle of woe, was the severe blows I was receiv ing from the hands of the savages, though at this time I was unconscious of the injury I was sustaining. After a severe castigation, they assisted me in getting up, and supported me when up. " In the morning one of them left us, to watch the trail or path we had come, to see if any white people were pursu ing us. During the absence of the Indian who was the one that claimed me, the other, who remained with me, and who was the murderer of my last boy, took from his bosom his scalp and prepared a hoop, and stretched the scalp upon it. Those mothers who have not seen the like done by one of the scalps of their own children and few, if any, ever had so much misery to endure will be able to form but faint ideas of the feelings which then harrowed up my soul !" 1690,, While returning from this expedi tion, they fell in with the third war party from Quebec, and joining forces an attack was made on Casco. A part of the garrison having been destroyed, the remainder surrendered as prisoners of war. The terror produced by these attacks on the colonies not only helped to con firm the rumors and accounts of the implacable hatred of the French Ro man Catholics against all whom they esteemed as heretics, but also roused up a determined spirit of vengeance. Accordingly delegates from Massachu setts, Connecticut, and New York, met in New York, in May, 1690 ; and, fol lowing Leisler s suggestion, a plan for the conquest of Canada was re solved upon. A fleet and army were to sail from Boston to attack Que bec, and nine hundred men were to be raised in Connecticut and New York, to march by land against Montreal. Sir William Phipps, a man of little competency but considerable previous success, having visited and plundered Acadie with a small fleet and some seven or eight hundred men, was placed in command of the expedition by sea. It consisted of thirty-two vessels and two thousand men, the larger part ot which were pressed into the service. Three ships sent by Leisler from New York joined this enterprise. The land forces were commanded by Winthrop, son of the late governor of Connecticut, Milbourne acting as commissary. The result of both expeditions was singularly mortifying. Schuyler and the Iroquois who had pressed forward to Montreal were repulsed by the ef- CH. I.] FAILURE OF THE ATTACK ON QUEBEC. 155 1690. forts of Frontenac, and tlie rest of the forces advanced but little beyond Lake George, where they were stopped by the breaking out of the small-pox and scarcity of provisions. Crimination and recrimination followed the bootless er rand of the land part of the at tempted invasion ; and Leisler was so outraged by their failure that he even arrested Winthrop at Albany. News having been brought to Fron- o o tenac by an Indian runner from Pis- cataqua of the meditated attack upon Quebec, the energetic old soldier reach ed that stronghold just three days before the fleet, under Phipps, made its appearance before the walls. With out pilots or charts, it had been nine weeks making its way up the St. Law rence. Phipps had calculated on sur prising the place, and found it, almost impregnable by nature, already placed in a posture of defence by the vigor and activity of the veteran Frenchman. Chagrined as he was, he determined to put a bold front upon the matter, and accordingly summoned Frontenac to surrender in the name of King William of England, demanding his positive answer within an hour. The British officer who bore the summons was ushered blindfold into the presence of Frontenac and his associates in the council-room of the castle of Quebec. kf Head your message," said Frontenac. Having obeyed, the Englishman laid his watch on the table with these words " It is now ten : I wait your answer for an hour." Enraged at his presumption, the old soldier answered, " I do not ac knowledge King William, and I well know that the Prince of Orange is an usurper, who has violated the most sa cred rights of blood and religion." The British officer requested that this answer should be put in writing. "I will an swer your master at the cannon s mouth," replied the exasperated Frenchman, " that he may learn that a man of my rank is not to be summoned in this man ner." Phipps finding that nothing could be accomplished, and that winter was now approaching, abandoned the enter prise with shame and disappointment ; after losing several of his ships among the dangerous shoals of the St. Lawrence, he arrived at Boston with his damaged fleet. On his arrival, in December, the treasury was empty, and as the troops threatened a riot, the colonial govern ment found it necessary to meet the emergency by issuing the first paper money ever used in the English colonies. (The total amount issued was about $130,000.) Frontenac wrote home to France in triumph, and to commemo rate his brave defence of Canada, the king ordered a medal to be struck with this inscription : " Francia in novo orle victrix : Kebeca, Liberata. A. D. M.D.C.X.C," while a church was built in the lower town, and dedicated to "Notre Dame de la Victoire." Not lon^ after a French fleet restored Aca- O die to its original possessors. It would seem as if this desolating struggle were of itself calamity enough for New York and Massachusetts, and yet both these colonies were witnesses of tragic scenes and events, even more O deplorable than the sanguinary ravages of combined French and Indian ferocity. The tragic end of Leisler s career we havo already narrated, when there was 150 FIRST INTERCOLONIAL WAR. 1692. poured out the blood of the first politi cal martyr on the soil of New York. Massachusetts, worn down by her pre vious military efforts, was exposed to frequent incursions. Sir Wil liam Phipps, in 1692, returned from England, where he had gone to solicit an expedition against Quebec, with the new charter of Massachusetts and his commission as governor. In some respects the charter was gratify ing, and in others not at all so. The extent of the province was very con siderably increased ; the governor was to be appointed by the crown with a veto power on the acts of the General Court; to the king was reserved the power of annulling any law within three years after its passage : and toleration was secured to all except papists, thus giving a death-blow to the theocratic absolutism which had so long prevailed. Plymouth was joined to Massachusetts, and New Hampshire separated from it, in both cases con trary to their wishes. Phipps found on his arrival not only many and severe trials awaiting him, in consequence of the continued inroads from Canada and the heavy expenses of the war, but alas, other and more terrible trials, the very account of which appears to be almost incredible. A belief in witchcraft was at this date very prevalent in England, and it was adjudged a capital offence, particu larly by a statute of James I., who had himself written a treatise on the art of detecting witches. During the Long Parliament, a vast number of persons fell victims to the popular delusion. Shortly after the Eestoration, Sir Mat- 16. thew Hale, revered no less in the colo. nies than the mother country for piety and wisdom, had adjudged to death two poor old women in Suffolk, for this supposed crime. Witch stories and printed narratives were widely current. It need not excite surprise, then, that a people like that of New England, whose temperament was naturally seri ous, to whom every incident of life was looked upon as a special providence, and who were filled with a large measure of faith in spiritual influences and manifestations, should have been ready to embrace a delusion of this kind. Notwithstanding the general impres sion in favor of the reality of witch craft, it had been many years now since any execution had taken place for this offence. In 1688, how ever, while Andros was still governor, four children of pious parents in Boston suddenly began to display every appear ance of having been bewitched. The eldest, a girl of thirteen, had charged an Irish servant girl with stealing, a charge which was bitterly resented by the girl s mother. Soon after, to revenge herself, as it would seem, upon the old Irishwoman, the girl and three young er children took occasion to bark like dogs, or purr like cats, to scream and shout, or appear to be deaf, blind, or dumb. Cotton Mather, a man of mul titudinous learning, but very vain, credulous, and fanatically inclined, in company with other ministers, kept a day of fasting and prayer, and suc ceeded in relieving the youngest child. The others persevered and accused the old woman of bewitching them. She CH. 1.J THE SALEM WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. 157 was apprehended and put on trial, and though it seems almost certain that she was more than half crazy or silly, yet the physicians having certified her sanity she was condemned and executed. Cotton Mather took the eldest girl home to his house, where she continued to act in the same extraordinary man ner. The credulous divine set himself seriously to study this subject, and then put forth a sermon and narrative under the title of "Memorable Providences relating to Witchcrafts and Posses sions." " There are multitudes of Sad- ducees, in our days," says the recom mendatory preface, signed by the other four ministers of Boston, " and we shall come, in the opinion of these mighty acute philosophers, to credit nothing but what we can see and feel. How much this fond opinion hath got ten ground in this debauched age is awfully observable. God is therefore pleased, besides his witness borne to this truth in sacred writ, to suffer devils to do such things in the world, as shall Btop the mouths of gainsayers and ex tort a confession from them." The book was republished in England and Richard Baxter even was led to preface it and give in his adhesion to the truth of these wonderful stories. The girl who had given rise to all this does not seem to have attracted attention for any length of time, and, so for as appears, became soon after very much like other perverse and troublesome children of her age. But the matter was by no means to end here. The seed had been sown and the fruit was not long in coming to maturity. Nearly four years after the case noted above, three young girls in the family of Mr. Parris, minis- 1692, ter of Salem now Danvers began to act in a way which, the doc tors declared, showed that they were bewitched. Tituba, an old Indian ser vant, who had used some superstitious rites to discover the witch, was herself accused by the children, and being well scourged by her master, confessed her self the guilty agent. A fast day was appointed by the neighboring minis ters, among whom appeared Cotton Mather, glorying in the confirmation of his previous statements. The ex citement rapidly spread the girls ac cused others the ministers implicitly received their statements. The divisions among the people of Parris s congrega tion, if indeed they did not prompt to accusations wilfully false, at least facili tated the belief of them. Parris selected for his Sunday s text the words, " Have I not chosen you twelve, and one of you is a devil?" At this a sister of one of the accused, being offended, rose up and left the place, and was herself immediately denounced and sent to prison as an accomplice. Matters began to look very serious. So much importance was attached to what had taken place, that in April the deputy governor this was before Phipps s arrival proceeded to Salem, and with five other magistrates held a court in the meeting-house. Parris, acting as both clerk and accuser, was O very diligent in hunting out witches and su^estino- fresh accusations. The OO O afflicted were placed on one hand, and the accused on the other, the latter being held by the arras lest they should 158 FIRST INTERCOLONIAL WAR. [Bit. II inflict torment on the former, who declared themselves haunted by their spectres, and solicited to subscribe a covenant with the devil, and on their refusal pricked and injured. The hus band of Elizabeth Procter, one of the accused, having boldly accompanied her into court, the possessed cried out upon him also. " There is Goodman Procter going to take up Mrs. Pope s feet!" cries one of them, and " her feet are immediately taken up." " He is going to Mrs. Pope !" cries another, and " straightway Mrs. Pope falls into fits." One Bishop, a farmer, had brought round a possessed servant by the appli cation of a horsewhip, and had rashly hinted that he could with the like remedy cure the whole company of the afflicted. For this scoffing, as it was denounced, he soon found himself in prison. Between fanaticism and terror the minds of the accused appear to have become unhinged ; many, stag gered by the results ascribed to their agency, for a while believed themselves, it would seem, to be what they were called ; and others, finding no safety but in confession, gave fraudulent and circumstantial narratives of interviews with the devil, and of riding through the air on a broomstick; and these confessions, reacting upon minds al ready fully persuaded of the reality of the crime, tended to fortify them still further in their delusion, and to give birth to a still widening circle of accu sations and confessions. By the time that Governor Phipps arrived, there were nearly a hundred persons already in prison, and the excitement was still rapidly on the increase. The new governor, who was very considerably under the influence of Increase Mather and his son Cotton Mather, proceeded vigorously in the work which he found ready to his hands. He put the prisoners in irons, and organized a special court for the trial of cases, with Stoughton, the lieu tenant governor as president. In the beginning of June, the court assembled, and in a few days ordered for hanging an old woman, convicted on evidence such as we have noted above, evidence if the word be not prostituted by this use of it which to people in the pos session of their senses, seems to be the perfection of nonsense and absurdity. At a second session of the court, June 30th, five women were tried and con victed. One of these, Rebecca Nurse, a woman of excellent character, was ac quitted at first, but at the outcry of the accuser, was condemned and hung with the rest. Some few dared to resist and hurl defiance at their accusers. " You are a witch, you know you are !" said minister Noyes to Sarah Good. "You are a liar !" was the indignant retort ; " and if you take my life God will give you blood to drink!" But most of those accused made confession or set afloat new accusations. At the third session of the court, early in August, six prisoners were tried and convicted, the husband of Elizabeth Procter and John Willard beinjr of the number. The conduct of ~ Willard and Procter, at the time of execution, was well calculated to arouse a maddened and deluded community to reflection. The case of Burroughs is very remarkable. He was himself a Cu. I.] PROGRESS OF THE WITCHCRAFT DELUSION. 159 minister, but had for some reason be come unpopular both with his flock and his fellow-ministers, whose convictions and self-conceit he had wounded, by declaring his entire disbelief in the possibility of the crime for which they were putting so many to death. Among other things, he was accused of display ing preternatural strength of course through the assistance of the devil. He o staggered, however, the more reason able portion of the crowd present at his execution, by solemnly and fervently repeating the Lord s Prayer, which it was supposed no wizard could do. The tears of the spectators began to flow, and they gave signs of rising to stop the execution, but the dangerous sym pathy was arrested by Cotton Mather, who, riding to and fro, carefully re minded them that Burroughs was not an "ordained" minister, and that to deceive the unwary, Satan often put on the appearance of an angel of light. At the next two sessions of the court, in September, fourteen women and one man were sentenced to death. One old man of eighty refused to plead, and by that horrible decree of the common law, was pressed to death. Although it was evident that confession was the only safety in most of cases, some few had courage to retract their confessions : some eicrht of these were sent to execu- O tion. Twenty persons had already been put to death ; eight more were under sentence ; the jails were full of prisoners ; and new accusations were made every day. In such a state of things the court adjourned to the first Monday in November. A reaction, however, ere long took place. The accusations began to assume too serious and sweeping a shape to permit them much longer to be enter tained, since even the ministers and those in highest place in state and church were marked out as guilty of this crime. Many who had confessed had courage to recant. Having been, as they said, suddenly seized as prisoners, and " by reason of the sudden surprisal amazed and affrighted out of their reason, and exhorted by their nearest relatives to confess, as the only means of saving their lives, they were thus persuaded into compliance. And in deed the confession was no other than what was suggested to them by some gentlemen, who, telling them that they were witches and that they knew they were so, made them think it was so] and their understandings, their reason, their faculties, almost gone, they were incapable of judging of their condition ; and being moreover prevented by hard measures from making their defence, they confessed to any thing and every thing required of them." The scales began to fall from the eyes of a deluded people. Remonstrances now poured in against condemning persons of exem plary lives upon the idle accusations of children ; the evident partiality of the judges, their cruel methods of compell ing confessions, their total disregard of recantations however sincere, at length appeared in their true light. On the opening of the next court, in January, 1693, the grand jury dismissed the greater part of the cases, and those who had already been sen tenced to death were reprieved, and ultimatelv released. Mather was as- 1693. 1GO FIRST INTERCOLONIAL WAR. n. tonished and confounded at this so un looked-for result, and, although he ad mitted that u the most critical and exquisite caution" was required in dis criminating on this subject, inasmuch as the devil might assume the appear ance of an innocent person ; yet he stoutly contended for the reality of the crime, and the justice which had been dealt both to those who were really guilty, and also those who, by confess ing falsely, had only got what they deserved. He strove hard to discover fresh cases, but received a mortifying check from the efforts of one Robert Calef, a citizen of Boston, " a coal sent from hell to blacken him, a malignant, calumnious, and reproachful man," whose stubborn common sense per sisted in denying the existence of the crime, and who especially provoked Cotton Mather s ire by exposing the imposture of a girl visited by the Mathers as an " afflicted" one, and rea dily imposing upon the learned but credulous ministers. Some two years after, a circular was sent out inviting reports of apparitions and the like ; but, as Cotton Mather laments, there was hardly, in ten years, half that number of responses to his application. Thus this fearful scourge was remov ed, and heresy and blasphemy, together with witchcraft, ceased to appear as capital crimes on the statute book of Massachusetts. No more lives were sacrificed, and although the Mathers, Stoughton, and others,* do not appear " The inexorable indignation of the people of Salem village, drove Parris from the place ; Noyes regained favor only by a full confession, asking for giveness always, and consecrati-r.g the remainder of to have changed their views as to the work in which they had been engaged, and though some eminent European opinions helped to confirm them in their cherished sentiments on this sub ject, yet a number of the prominent actors did express deep contrition : no more blood was shed ; no more hor rible cruelty was practised on accusa tions of witchcraft. " Thus terminated," says Grahame, " a scene of fury and de lusion that justly excited the astonish ment of the civilized world, and ex hibited a fearful picture of the weakness of human nature in the sudden trans formation of a people renowned over all the earth for piety and virtue into the slaves or associates, the terrified dupes or helpless prey, of a band of ferocious lunatics and assassins."* The frontier warfare, meanwhile, con tinued with unsparing severity on both sides. Indian cunning, treacherv, and O I *j * cruelty were all urged on and directed by French science and skill. "To these causes of suffering," says Dr. D wight, in an interesting passage in his Travels, " were superadded the power of all such motives as the ingenuity of the French could invent, their wealth furnish, or his life to deeds of mercy. Sewall, one of the judges, by the frankness and sincerity of his undisguised con fession, recovered public esteem. Stoughton and Cotton Mather never repented. The former lived proud, unsatisfied, and unbeloved ; the latter at tempted to persuade others and himself, that he had not been specially active in the tragedy. But the public mind would not be deceived. His diary proves that he did not wholly escape the rising impeachment from the monitor within ; and Cotton Mather, who had sought the foundation of faith in tales of wonders, himself had temptations to atheism, and to the aban donment of all religion as a mere delusion. " Ban croft s "History of the United States," vol Hi., p. 98. * " History of the Colonies, " vol. i., p. 281, Cir. I.] BRAVE MRS. DUSTIN. their bigotry adopt. Here all the im plements of war and the means of sus tenance were supplied; the expedition was planned ; the price was bidden for scalps ; the aid of European officers and soldiers was conjoined ; the devas tation and slaughter were sanctioned by the ministers of religion ; and the blood-hounds, while their fangs were yet dropping blood, were caressed and cherished by men regarded by them as superior beings. The intervals between formal attacks were usually seasons of desultory mischief, plunder, and butch ery; and always of suspense and dread. The solitary family was carried into captivity ; the lonely house burnt to the ground ; and the traveller waylaid and shot in the forest. It ourrht, how- O / ever, to be observed, to the immortal honor of these people, distinguished as they are by so many traits of brutal ferocity, that history records no instance in which the purity of a female captive was violated by them, or even threat ened. 7 The veteran Colonel Church was engaged in retaliatory expeditions, in which indiscriminate slaughter was o practised with as little compunction as by the French and Indians. In 1694, the settlement at Oyster Kiver in New Hampshire the present town of Durham was attacked, and nearly a hundred persons killed or made captives of. Two years subsequently, in 1696, DTberville, a distin guished Canadian naval officer, arrived from France with two ships and some troops, and having been joined by the party under command of Villebou and the Baron St. Castin, in August, 1 696, laid siege to and took the fort at VOL. I. 23 1 09-1. 1696. 1697. Pemaquid. The loss of the fort <_ the breaking up of all the old settle ments in the neighborhood. D lber- ville, in the spring of 1697, sailed for Hudson s Bay, recovered a fort from the English, and captured two English vessels. In March, 1697, the savages fell upon Haverhill, in Massachusetts, and killed or carried into captivity some forty persons. The heroism of Mrs. Dustin is honorably commemo rated in our early history. Only a week before, she had become a mother. The nurse, trying to escape with the new-born infant, fell into the hands of the savages, who, rushing into the house, bade the mother arise in stantly, while they plundered the house and afterwards set it on fire. They then hurried her away before them, to gether with a number of other captives, but ere they had gone many steps, dashed out the brains of the infant against a tree. The mother s heart would have sunk, but she thought of her surviving children, and summoned up strength to march before the savages towards the Canadian frontier. She saw her companions, as they sunk one by one with exhaustion, brained by the tomahawk of the savages, and their scalps taken as trophies to the Christian governor of Canada. After sojourning, in pray erf ul ness and anguish of spirit, with the Indian family to which she was allotted, she pursued with them her onward course towards an Indian rendezvous, where, as she was told, she would have to run the gauntlet through a row of savage tormentors. A des perate resolution took possession of her mind might she not lawfully slay the 162 FIRST INTERCOLONIAL WAR. II murderers of her babe, effect thus her own deliverance, and rejoin her hus band and children, if haply they were yet alive ? One night, when now more than a hundred miles from Haverhill, having prevailed upon the nurse and a boy, also a prisoner, to join her, this brave woman arose, and with only such help as this, dispatched all the Indians with their own hatchets, except two of the youngest, took their scalps, and re traced the long journey through the woods back to Haverhill. Through such trying scenes as these, were the mothers of our people called upon to pass. Frontenac still continued his strug gle with the Iroquois. Although now seventy-four years old, he personally con ducted an expedition, and carried the wars into the territory of the Ononda- gas and Oneidas, cutting up their corn, and burning their villages. It was a melancholy spectacle to see a man of noble descent, and of heroic spirit, himself near the end of life, giving his sanction to torture an Indian prisoner, a hundred years old, with all the re finements of savage cruelty ! " A most singular spectacle indeed it was," says Charlevoix "to see upwards of four hundred tormentors raging about a de crepit old man, from whom, by all their tortures, they could not extract a single groan, and who, as long as he lived, did not cease to reproach them with being slaves of the French, of whom he af fected to speak with the utmost dis dain. On receiving at last his death- stroke, he exclaimed, Why shorten my life ? better improve this opportu nity of learning how to die like a man ! " The last year of the war was very trying. A severe winter and very great scarcity of provisions were ag gravated by a constant apprehension of attack on Boston by a French fleet ; but happily no result came of . . this expedition ; and towards the close of 169Y, the peace of Rys- wick was proclaimed, and the first in tercolonial war was brought to an end. Each party, by the terms of the treaty, retained the territories possessed before the war, thus leaving the colonial de pendencies of both nations in much the same position as they were antecedent to the severe struggle, save that a spirit of deadly hatred had been engendered, which was ready to break out intc active cruelty at any favorable me merit CH. II.] COMMERCIAL POLICY TOWARDS AMERICA. 163 CHAPTER II. 16961748, NEW ENGLAND: SECOND AND TIIIKD INTERCOI ONIAL WAES. Board of Trade and Plantations Enforcement of acts Lord Bellamont governor of Massachusetts His address and popularity Piracy Bellamont s death Dudley his successor Dispute about the salary of the governor Second intercolonial war Preparations Indians under De Rouville Deerfield and Haverhiil massacres Expedition against Canada Unsuccessful Annapolis taken Expedition under Walker Com bined attack projected Failure and loss Feelings of the colonists Results of the peace of Utrecht Parties on the subject of currency and commerce Public bank in majority Colonel Shute governor Dis putes Piracy suppressed Small pox and inoculation Burnet governor Dispute about the salary Appeal to the king Language of the Board of Trade Belcher successor of Burnet Colonists victorious in the salary dispute Troubles on the frontier Rasles and Norridgewock Indians Lovewell Retaliation The New England Courant Franklin Belcher displaced Shirley appointed governor A popular magis trate Boundary disputes with New Hampshire, Maine, and Rhode Island settled Third intercolonial war Capture of Louisburg Spirit of the Bostonians Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. JUST before the peace of Ryswick, on the complaint of English merchants that the acts of trade had been violated by the colonists, there was es- -m f*f\f* ** tablished the BOARD OF TRADE AND PLANTATIONS. " This was a perma nent commission, consisting of a presi dent and seven members, known as Lords of Trade, who succeeded to the authority and oversight hitherto exercised by plantation committees of the Privy Council. Subsequently the powers of this Board were somewhat curtailed, but down to the period of the American Revolution it continued to exercise a general oversight of the colonies, watching the Assemblies with a jealous eye, struggling hard to up hold the prerogatives of the king and the authority of parliament, laboring to strengthen the hands of the royal governors, and systematically to carry out the policy of rendering America completely subservient to the narrow views which then prevailed of the commercial interests of the mother country."* Accordingly the acts of trade were urged anew, and the hands of all revenue officers in the colonies strengthened : vice admiralty courts were also established, with the right of appeal to the king in council. Lord Bellamout, an Irish nobleman of agreeable manners and polished de meanor, was appointed to tjie gover norship of Massachusetts, the duties of which office, after the death of Phipps in 1695, had been discharged by Stoughton, lieutenant governor. Lord Bellamont having left New York, ar rived in Boston in May, 1699, 1699. and by his address soon suc ceeded in gaining the good will of all parties. In imitation of the practice of the Irish lord lieutenant, Bellamont * Hildreth ii., p. 197. "History of the United States? voL 164 SECOND AND THIRD INTERCOLONIAL WARS. [En, II opened the General Court with formal speeches, copies of which were delivered to the two Houses and afterward printed. We give an extract or two, as illustra ting the style and manner of proceed ing, as well as the sentiments of the new governor. His first speech, a very long one by the by, concluded in these terms : " I should be wanting to you and myself too, if I did not put you in mind of the indispensable duty and respect we owe the king, for being the glorious instrument of our deliverance from the odious fetters and chains of popery and tyranny, which have almost overwhelmed our consciences and sub verted all our civil rights. There is something that is godlike in what the king hath done for us. The works of redemption and preservation come next to that of creation. I would not be misunderstood, so as to be thought to rob God of the glory of that stupen dous act of his providence, in bringing to pass the late happy and wonderful revolution in England. His blessed work it was, without doubt, and He was pleased to make King William, imme diately, the author and instrument of it. Ever since the year 1602, England has had a succession of kings, who have been aliens in this respect, that they have not fought our battles nor been in our interests, but have been, in an unnatural manner plotting and contriv ing to undermine and subvert our re ligion, laws, and liberties, till God was pleased, by His infinite power and mercy and goodness, to give us a true English king in the person of his present majesty, who has, upon all oc casions, hazarded his royal peison in the fronts of our battles, and where there was most danger ; he has restored to our nation the almost lost character of bravery and valor ; and, what is most valuable of all, his majesty is entirely in the interest of his people. It is therefore our duty and interest to pray to God, in the most fervent man ner, that He would bless our great King William with a long and prosperous reign over us, to which I am persuaded, you that are present and all good peo ple will heartily say, Amen." His last speech has more in the same strain : "The parting with Canada to the French, and the eastern country called Acadia or Nova Scotia, with the noble fishery on that coast, were most exe crable treacheries to England, and in tended, without doubt, to serve the ends of popery. It is too well known what interest that king favored who parted with Nova Scotia, and of what religion he died." The noted pirates or buccaneers having been deprived of French and English support, by the remonstrances of Spain, were compelled in a great measure to give up their lawless mode of life. Some of them settled at the west end of Hayti ; others stuck to the old trade, and in various places they were received and even winked at by the colonial authorities. A company was formed, King William him self taking shares, to cruise for recapturing the rich prizes which the pirates had made. Curiously enough as it seems to us now, the famous Cap tain Kidd, was put in command of a ship fitted out for this purpose. Kidd, at that time, bore a good character ; 1697. CH. II.] DUDLEY SUCCESSOR OF BELLAMONT. 105 1700. but the temptation appears to have been too great, and so he turned pirate himself. As it was an object to seize on Kidd, Lord Bellamont was charged with the duty of accomplish- 169. . . ing it if he could find him. His own reputation and that of several of his friends depended upon his seizure, that being the only effectual way of removing the jealousies and sharp sur mises, not only against several of the ministry but even the king himself. Kidd having buried his treasures on the east end of Long Island, burned his ship, and was daring enough to appear openly in Boston. He was arrested, sent to England for trial, where, with Bradish and others, lie was executed. Bellamont by his prudent course suc ceeded in obtaining a vote for a more liberal salary than any of his predeces sors or successors, for the General Court voted him about $9,000 for the four teen months he was with them. But he was not able to prevail npon them to rebuild the fort at Pemaquid, or pass ordinances enforcing the acts of trade. A like unwillingness to be shackled in their commercial interests operated in Rhode Island and Connecticut, and caused Bellamont a great deal of trouble and vexation. In 1701, while in New York and engaged in pretty sharp controversy growing out of the navigation act, Lord Bella mont suddenly died. Joseph Dudley, an ambitious, but by no means a popular man, obtained the appointment of governor from the king. Having received his commission from Queen Anne, who succeeded Wil- I7O1. liam on the throne, Dudley reached Boston in 1702. In his first speech to the Council and Assembly, he in- f 1*1 ^ 1702< formed them that he was com manded by her majesty to observe to them, " that there is no other province or government belonging to the crown of England, except this, where there is not provided a fit and convenient house for the reception of the governor, and a settled stated salary for the governor, lieutenant governor, secretary, judges, and all other officers ; which, therefore, is recommended to you. And since this province is so particularly favored by the crown, in more instances than one, their more ready obedience is justly expected in this and all other occa sions." The House, in their answer the next day, observed, "As for those points which, in obedience to her ma jesty s command, your excellency has laid before this House, we shall proceed with all convenient speed to the con sideration of them." Having resolved that the sum of 500 be at this time presented out of the public treasury to the governor, the House, in their answer to some parts of his speech, observed, "As to settling a salary for the gover nor, it is altogether new to us ; nor can i O 7 we think it agreeable to our present con stitution, but we shall be ready to do according to our ability, what may be proper on our part for the support of the government." The sturdy Bos- tonians had no intention of saddling themselves with any such burdens as these. Dudley could not bring them to the point, and indeed from this time it became a fruitful source of conten tion between the governor and the 166 SECOND AND THIRD INTERCOLONIAL WARS. [Bx. IL 1701. colonists as to their respective rights and privileges. The disputes between France and England relative to the "Spanish suc cession" brought on a second inter- O colonial war, and involved the colonists not only with the French in the north, but with the Spaniards, also, in Florida. Active preparations were made in Canada, in 1702, for re newing the contest, and the settle ments in Maine were furiously attack ed. The colonists had already pro voked hostilities by plunder- 1703. ing the half-breed son of Baron Castin, on the Penobscot. The eastern Indians, wholly under French influence, were easily roused to seek revenge. Accordingly a body of two hundred Canadians and a hundred and fifty In dians, under the command of Hertelle de Rouville, in March, 1704, de scended the Connecticut and stole -upon the village of Deerfield, in the dead of a wintry night, while the sentinels were all asleep, and the snow drifts piled high rendered it an easy thing to scale the palisade. The vil lage was burned, nearly fifty of the inhabitants murdered, and a hundred more driven through the snow-covered forests to Canada, a distance of about three hundred miles. As the women and children sunk with fatigue, their sufferings were ended by the toma hawk. In reprisal for these atrocities the English offered a premium of on an average $100 for the scalps of the Indians, and the whole frontier was a scene of bloody and barbarous recrimi nation. So difficult, however, was it to succeed in taking an Indian that it 1701. 170. was calculated that every Indian scalp brought in during this war cost the colony over $3,000. This same De Rouville, in 1708, set forth on another predatory expedition, with the view of surprising Portsmouth, but not being able to obtain some ex pected reinforcements, fell again upon the little village of Haverhill. With that astonishing bigotry and fanaticism of the day, thinking that they were doing God service, they went through their devotions, then entered the village a little before sunrise, and began the wonted work of destruc tion. Fifty of the inhabitants were killed by the hatchet, or burned in the flames of their own homesteads. The first panic having subsided, a bold de fence was made. Davis, an intrepid man, concealed himself behind a barn, and by beating violently on it, and calling out to his imaginary succors, " Come on ! Come on !" as if already on the spot, succeeded in alarming the invaders. Here occurred another re markable instance of female energy and Ot/ heroism, called forth by the terrible emergencies of the period. One Swan, and his wife, seeing two Indians ap proach their dwelling, to save them selves and children, planted themselves against the narrow doorway, and main tained it with desperate energy against them, till their strength began to fail. The husband, unable to bear the pres sure, cried to his wife that it was useless any longer to resist, but she, seeing but one of the half-naked Indians was al ready forcing himself into the doorway, seized a sharp-pointed spit, drove it with her whole strength into his body, and Cn. II.] EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC. 167 1707. 170. thus compelled himself and his fellow savage to retreat. The alarm being given, it was with some difficulty that the invaders contrived to effect their escape from the scene of their barba rous assault. Dudley having obtained information of the weakness of Canada, prevailed upon Rhode Island and New Hamp shire to join in an enterprise against the French. The expe dition consisted of a thousand men, and was directed against Port Royal ; but they were not able to reduce the fort. Having burned and ravaged in every direction, and having failed in a second attack on the citadel, they were com pelled to abandon the enterprise. An earnest petition was made at this time (1708) to Queen Anne, to terminate this "consuming war" of little less than twenty years duration, by the final conquest of all the French possessions. All the northern States joined in raising and equipping troops, and agents were sent over to urge the cooperation of the English Govern ment. Their application was success ful, and two English ships of war, with five hundred marines on board, ap peared in the harbor of Boston. With a considerable force raised by the colonists, they proceeded, under the command of Nicholson, to invest Port Royal, which was in no condition to offer a protracted resistance. The French were obliged to capitulate, and the conquered fortress, in honor of the English queen, received the name of Annapolis, which it has ever since re tained. With the exception of the inhabitants within a circuit of three 1710. 1711. 1711. miles, all others were exposed to plun der and ill usage at the caprice of the captors ; and the proposition was even made to drive them from their homes " unless they would turn Protestants." Nicholson, who had gone to Eng land, returned again in June, 17 11, and brought with him the important information that a large armament was under way for the sub jugation of Canada. A few weeks afterwards a fleet of fifteen ships of war, commanded by Sir Hovendeu Walker, with forty transports, and five regiments of veterans of Maiiborou^h s o o troops, arrived at Boston. Delayed rather vexatiously, it was not till the last of July that the expedition, with seven thousand men on board, sailed against Quebec. Nichol son repaired to Albany, to take the com mand of a large body of troops that were to proceed by land to attack Mon treal. When the fleet had advanced ten leagues up the river St. Lawrence, the weather became tempestuous and foggy. A difference of opinion arose concerning the course to be pursued ; the English pilots recommending one course, and the colonial another. The admiral, like most English officers, preferred the advice of his own to that of the colonial pilots. Pursuing the course they recommended during the night, eight transports were driven upon {he rocks and dashed to pieces. From every quarter cries of distress arose, conveying through the darkness, to those who were yet afloat, intelligence of the fate of their comrades, and of their own danger. The shrieks of the drowning pleaded powerfully for assist- 168 SECOND AND THIRD INTERCOLONIAL WARS. [BK. II. ance, but none could be afforded until the morning dawned, when six or seven O / hundred, found floating on the scat tered wrecks, were rescued from death, nearly a thousand having sunk to rise no more. Chagrined by this terrible disaster, the admiral sailed away as fast as possible for England, where he ar rived in the month of October. The New England troops returned to their homes, and Nicholson, having learned the fate of the fleet, led back his troops to Albany. The indignation of the colonists knew no bounds, and they un sparingly denounced those who had caused the failure of the expedition, and involved them in this heavy and disgraceful expense and loss. The treaty of Utrecht, in 1 713, put an end to the second intercolonial war. So far as America was concerned the colonists obtained consid erable advantages, inasmuch as there was yielded to them the entire posses sion of Hudson s Bay and the fur trade, the whole of Newfoundland, the French having certain privileges in the fisheries, and the territory of Acadie, which re ceived the name of NOVA SCOTIA. The affairs of the war had so en gaged public attention, that we hear little of party disputes for five or six years ; but as soon as they were delivered from enemies without, a con tention began within, the effects of which were felt for many years to gether. The paper bills of credit were the cause of this contention : so many of which had been issued for the charges of the war particularly the large sum of 40,000, issued for the Canada expedition that they were 17 13. become the instrument and measure of commerce, and silver and gold were hardly at all to be obtained. The price of every thing bo-ight or sold conse quently, was no longer compared with gold or silver, but with the paper bills, or rather with mere idoal pounds, shillings, and pence. The rise of ex change with England and all other countries, was not attributed to the true cause, the want of a fixed staple medium, but to the general bad state of the trade ; and it was thought by many that increasing the paper bills would enliven and increase trade. Three parties grew out of the differ ence of views on this question. One was very small, and advocated the drawing in the paper bills and depend ing upon silver and gold currency. Mr. Hutchinson, one of the members for Boston, was among the most active of this party. He was an enemy, all his life, to a depreciating currency, upon a principle very ancient, but too seldom practised upon nil utile quod non honestum : " nothing is advanta geous which is not honest." Another party was very numerous. These projected issuing bills of credit, which all the members of the company promised to receive as money, but at no certain value compared with silver and gold ; and real estates, to a suf ficient value, were to be bound as a security that the company should per form their engagements. They solicited the sanction of the General Court, and an act of government to incorporate them. This party consisted, for the most part, of persons in difficult or in volved circumstances in trade, or such Cn. II.] SUPPRESSION OF PIRACY. 1G9 fis were possessed of real estates, but had little or no ready money at com mand, or men of no substance at all ; and we may well enough suppose the party to be very numerous. A third party, though opposed to the plan just stated, yet were no ene mies to bills of credit. They were in favor of a loan of bills from the govern ment to any of the inhabitants who would mortgage their estates as a secu rity for the repayment of the bills with interest, in a term of years, the interest to be paid annually, and applied to the support of government. The principal men of the Council were in favor of it, and it being thought by the first par ty the less of the two evils, they fell in with the scheme, and, after that, the question was between a public or a private bank. The legislature was nearly equally divided, but rather fa vored a private bank, from the great influence of the Boston members in the House, and a great number of persons of the town, out of it. The controversy spread widely, and divided towns, parishes, and private families. In 1*714, after an exhausting struggle, the public bank gained the majority, "and 50,000 in provincial bills of credit were issued on that scheme, and distributed among the counties in the ratio of their taxes, to be put into the hands of trustees, and lent out in sums from 50, to 500, on mortgages, reimbursable in five annual installments." Queen Anne s death, August 1, 1*714, led to a change in the governorship. A certain Colonel Burgess was appoint ed, but being in rather needy circum- VOL. I. 24 1714. 1716. stances he was bought off for about $5,000, and Colonel Shute, who had served under Marlborough, was made governor. Shute arrived in Massachu setts in October 1716, and im mediately took the side of the party in favor of the public bank. Of course the other party opposed his measures, Elisha Cooke acting as their leader. Cooke was elected speaker by the House in 1*720; but the governor vetoed the choice and dissolved the Court. Embittered feeling on both sides was the consequence ; and Shute, disgusted with his post, suddenly left the province in 1*722, Dummer, the lieutenant governor, taking the guid ance of affairs for the next six years. Piracy having again become trouble some in the American waters, it was determined to make a vigorous effort effectually to suppress it. Bellamy, one of the most noted of the pirates, was wrecked on Cape Cod, where he perished with a hundred of his men. A few who escaped were seized and hung at Boston. The famous " Black- beard," or John Theach, who . 1717. used to lurk about Pamlico River, was taken after a desperate re sistance ; and Steed Bonnet, the chief of a band of pirates who sought refuge on the coast about Cape Fear, was taken, and with forty or more of his men, was executed. In 1*723, a commission of admiralty in session at Newport condemned to death nearly thirty more of these lawless depredators. Thus, by the vigor of the colonists, piracy soon lost its terror to those honestly engaged in the pursuits of commerce. 171. 170 SECOND AND THIRD INTERCOLONIAL WARS. R. II. Towards the close of the year 1721, the small-pox broke out in Boston and caused wide spread alarm. 1721 i n r* Through the influence 01 Cot ton Mather, Dr. Boylston of that city was prevailed upon to try the process of inoculation. It was violently op posed, and every species of abuse was resorted to in order to put a stop to the new practice. The Mathers took a noble stand against the ignorant prejudice of the community, and the success of inoculation ere long silenced opposition. It was at this very date that Lady Mary Wortley Montague introduced the same practice into Eng land, having learned its value among the Turks. William Burnet, an amiable and cor rect man, came from New York in July, 1728, as the successor of Shute in the chief magistracy. In his opening speech he informed the House that he was directed to insist upon their fixing a permanent salary for the governor. This renewed the old contest. The House was not at all unwilling to vote money, but they were resolute on the point of yielding a fixed salary. They appropriated 1,700, of which 1,400 was for sal ary, and 300 for the expenses of the governor s journey. Burnet accepted the latter, but declared positively that he could not, and would not, accept the grant on account of salary. Per sisting in their refusal to accede to his demands, the governor, on the 24th of October, adjourned the Assembly to the 31st, to meet at Salem, " where prejudices had not taken root, and where of consequence his majesty s ser- vice would in all probability be better answered" than in the town of Boston. With a dry sort of humor, which helps to relieve such contentions as these of their tediousness, Burnet remarked, that very possibly there might be a charm in the names of places ; and that really, with gentlemen of their stamp, he was at a loss whether to carry them to Salem or to Concord. As there seemed to be a fixed determination on the part of the governor, despite their remon strances, to keep them in session until they yielded, the House resolved to pre sent a memorial to the king, setting forth the reasons of their conduct in relation to the salary. They informed his majesty, that " it is, and has been very well known in this, as well as other nations and ages, that governors, at a distance from the prince, or seat of government, have great opportuni ties, and sometimes too prevailing in clinations, to oppress the people ; and it is almost impossible for the prince, who is the most careful father of his subjects, to have such matters set in a true light." This address was referred to the Board of Trade, before whom there was a hearing in behalf of the crown, as well as on the part of the House. The Board condemned the con duct of the latter, in refusing to com ply with the royal instructions ; and in the conclusion of the report to the king and council, manifested an ex treme jealousy of the growing power and wealth of Massachusetts, and of the possible, or even probable, deter mination of its inhabitants to become independent of the crown. " The in habitants," say the Board, " far from CH. II.] DISPUTES ABOUT THE GOVERNOR S SALARY. 171 making suitable returns to his majesty for the extraordinary privileges they enjoy, are daily endeavoring to wrest the small remains of power out of the hands of the crown, and to become independent of the mother kingdom. The nature of the soil and products are much the same with those of Great Britain, the inhabitants upwards of ninety -four thousand, and their militia, consisting of sixteen regiments of foot and fifteen troops of horse, in the year 1718, fifteen thousand men ; and by a medium taken from the naval officers accounts for three years, from the 24th of June, 1714, to the 24th of June, 1717, for the ports of Boston and Sa lem only, it appears that the trade of this country employs continually no less than three thousand four hundred and ninety-three sailors, and four hun dred and ninety-two ships, making twenty-five thousand four hundred and six tons. Hence your excellencies will be apprised of what importance it is to his majesty s service that so powerful a colony should be restrained within due bounds of obedience to the crown, and more firmly attached to the interests of Great Britain than they now seem to be, which, we conceive, cannot effec tually be done without the interposi tion of the British legislature, wherein, in our humble opinion, no time shouK be lost." Fretted and worried by this contro versy, Governor Burnet was seized with a fever which terminated fatally on the 7th of September, 1729. Jonathan Belcher, at the time agent for the colony in England, was ap pointed his successor. The same charge 1729. 1732. was laid upon him to arrange for a per manent salary ; but he met with no more success than his predecessor ; and not long after he accepted the annual grants which the House was wil ling to make. Thus the unfalter ing firmness of the colonists triumphed over all attempts to coerce them into submission on this point. While these disputes between the governor and the people were in pro gress, fresh troubles arose on the east ern frontier. As was natural, the question of the boundary between the English and French territory was fruit ful in trouble. The Massachusetts peo ple looked with no pleasant feelings upon the Jesuit mission on the Penob- scot, and were ready to make encroach ments upon the Indian lands whenever opportunity offered. It was determined to seize Ilasles, the Jesuit missionary at Norridgewock, on the plea of his excit ing the Indians to hostility. The expe dition was partially successful: Rasles escaped capture at the time ; but two years later, in a sudden attack, he was killed, with some thirty Indians, and both the chapel and the village were burned and completely bro ken up. Following the example of the French, the government offered a large premium for scalps. This excited the cupidity of John Love well, a noted partisan of that day, to raise a company of hunters. He car ried on his operations with success, surprised and killed ten Indians near the head of Salmon Falls River, and entered Dover in triumph, with the scalps hooped and elevated on poles. A few months later he met his death 1722. 172 SECOND AND THIRD INTERCOLONIAL WARS. K. II, on a second expedition. Near the head of the Saco he fell into an am bush, and was shot on the first fire with eight of his men : the survivors fought bravely through the whole day, repulsed the Indians, and at length made good their retreat. The Indians retaliated by burning frontier villages and farms. At the Gut of Causo they seized seventeen fishing vessels, belong ing to Massachusetts; but they were speedily compelled to relinquish them with severe loss to the Indian captors. This dispute, which had well nigh in volved all the northern colonies and Indians in a fresh war of mutual exter mination, was at length found to be so unprofitable to both parties that they gladly agreed to a peace. Every such struggle, however, had but the same result, that of the gradual extermina tion of the weaker party, and opening their country to the further advance of the white men. It was at this period, in 1722, that James Franklin started the Neiu Eng land Courant, and had for a contributor Benjamin Franklin, a youth of sixteen at the time. The Courant aspiring to what was consid ered too great freedom in uttering opinions, the younger Franklin was admonished by the authorities, and his brother was forbidden to publish without license. The paper soon after lost support and was discontinued. The Philadelphia Mercury, the only newspaper in the colonies out of Bos ton, though it had no great liberty al lowed to it, commented severely upon the course of the authorities towards the Courant. 1722. 174O. Governor Belcher s enemies succeed ed in effecting his displacement in 1 740. William Shirley, a law yer of Boston, was appointed his suc cessor. Governor Belcher, in accord ance with his instructions, had resisted new issues of paper money, which had added very much to his troubles and roused the ire of many against him. "The operation of the Massachusetts banks was cut short by an act of Par liament extending to the colonies that act of the previous reign occasioned by the South Sea and other bubble schemes, which prohibited the forma tion of unincorporated joint stock com panies with more than six partners."* The companies were compelled to wind up ; and the partners were held individually liable for the notes. Shirley, who knew the people he had to govern, found it not difficult to at tain popularity; and a new issue of paper money was made in order to meet the expenses of the war just bro ken out. By tacit consent, the General Court made Shirley an annual allow ance of 1,000 sterling for salary. In 1737, a controversy, which had long subsisted between the two colo nies of Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, was heard by commissioners for that purpose ap pointed by the crown. Various at tempts had been made to settle this dispute, and it had been often recom mended by the crown to the Assem blies of the two provinces to agree upon arbitrators from neighboring * Hildrcth a " History / the United States? vol. ii., p. 380. 1737 CH. II.] EXPEDITION AGAINST LOUISE URG. 173 governments, and to pass acts which should bind each province to be subject to their determinations; but the sug gestion had not been acted upon. This year, however, commissioners were ap pointed, with Philip Livingston, of New York, as president, to settle the dispute. Greatly to the. mortification of Massa chusetts, it was decided against her, and the result was, New Hampshire gained several hundred thousand acres more than she had ever claimed. In 1741, Benning Wentworth was appointed governor, an office which he filled for the next twenty years. Massachusetts was equally unsuccessful in the matter of disputed boundaries as respected Maine and Rhode Island. The west ern boundary of Maine was fixed as it now runs, which was according to the claims of New Hampshire. Rhode Island also obtained a decision in her favor for all that tract which Massa chusetts claimed to be within the old Plymouth patent. The third intercolonial war took its rise from the effort, on the part of Spain, to maintain that jealous system of colonial monopoly which she had adopted in its utmost rigor, and in which she was imitated, with less stringency, by the French and English. The latter had acquired, by the treaty of Utrecht, the privilege of transporting a certain number of slaves annually 1o the Spanish colonies, under cover of which a wide-spread system of smuggling had been introduced, against which the Spaniards vainly sought to protect themselves by the es tablishment of revenue cruisers. Some of these Spanish vessels had attacked 1740. 1743. English ships engaged in lawful traffic, and had committed several instances of barbarity, which had greatly moved the popular indignation, and excited a clamor for war, to which Walpole the minister was reluctantly obliged to con sent. Soon after, a general European war broke out, under George II., and the colonies in America were of course involved in new struggles. The first intimation which New Eng land had of the actual state of things, was in May, 1Y43, when an ex pedition crossed over from Cape Breton, broke up the fishery, and at tacked and captured Fort Canso, in Nova Scotia. Annapolis was twice be sieged by Indians and Canadians, but obtained seasonable relief from Massa chusetts. Privateers issuing from Louis- bur^ did great damage to the 1 *y /I fl New England fisheries and com merce, and the eastern Indians renewed their ravages on the frontiers of Maine. The French had expended large sums in erecting the fortress of Louisburg, on the island of Cape Breton. To effect its reduction was therefore of the most vital importance; yet the attempt might well have appeared all but desperate. The walls of the fortress, surrounded with a moat, were prodigiously strong, and furnished with nearly two hundred pieces of cannon. A body of prisoners, however, who, having been seized at the English settlement of Canso and carried to Louisburg, were allowed to return to Boston on parole, disclosed the important fact that the garrison was both weak and disaffected. Shirley, the governor, proposed to the legisla ture of Massachusetts to attempt its re 174 SECOND AND THIRD INTERCOLONIAL WARS. . IL 1745. duction, a proposal carried by only a single vote. The northern States, in vited to cooperate against the common enemy, furnished some small supplies of men and money, but the chief burden fell upon Massachu setts itself. The enthusiasm of her citi zens was enkindled by religious zeal as well as commercial interest : all classes offered themselves as volunteers, from the hardy woodman of the interior, to the intrepid fisherman of the coast. The celebrated Whitfield, at the time on a preaching tour throughout the colonies, aided the expedition by his stirring eloquence, and suggested as a motto for the flag of the New Hamp shire regiment, U J\ T U desperandum CHKISTO duce ;" " Nothing is to be de spaired of with CHRIST as our leader." Early in April ten vessels, with a body of over three thousand men, as sembled at Canso, to wait there the melting of the ice and the arrival of the Connecticut and Rhode Island quotas. Very fortunately they were here joined by four English ships of war, under the command of Captain Warren, who, at the solicitation of Shirley, had been ordered to cooperate zealously with the expedition. Over the New England armament was Wil liam Pepperell, a wealthy merchant of Maine, but who had no further knowl edge of military affiiirs than he had obtained by commanding the militia. On the morning of the last day of April, the squadron arrived off Louis- burg, the troops were landed in spite of opposition, and the siege was carried on with all the energy of courage and enthusiasm, though uninstructed and inexperienced in the art of war. Can non were dragged through morasses and over rocky hills, and batteries were established in an irregular sort of way ; but no impression was made upon the works, and after the first outburst of excitement was spent, the most san guine were compelled to admit that the place seemed all but impregnable, and that the campaign promised to be both long and arduous. Happily the great est friends of the besiegers were a dis contented garrison and embarrassed governor, whose supplies had been al ready cut off by the vigilance of the English fleet, that now succeeded in capturing, under his very eyes, a ship of war sent to his relief. To hold out longer with any chance of success was impossible, and on the 17th of June he accordingly surrendered. This import ant capture was looked on by the pious New Englanders as "a remarkable providence," and caused great rejoic ings at Boston. The enterprise indeed was all their own, though its success had been materially promoted by suc cors from the mother country, where their energy and prowess were duly recognised, not without some slight o o tincture of jealous apprehensions for the future. Pepperell was made a bar onet, and both he and Shirley received commissions as colonels in the British army. Warren was made rear admiral. The attempt under the Duke D Anville, with a large fleet and several thousand veteran troops, to retake Louis- burg, was defeated by storms and fatal sickness. The French, how- ever, obtained possession again of this strong fortress by the terms of the 1716 CH. II.] SPIEIT OF THE BOSTON PEOPLE. 175 1747. treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle ; which ex cited very considerably the indignation of the New Englanders. Parliament subsequently reimbursed the colonies, for the expenses incurred in their efforts against the French, to the amount of upwards of a million of dollars. As an illustration of the spirit of the Bostouians in all matters where they conceived their liberties entrenched upon, it deserves to be noted how they served Commodore Knowles and his attempts to impress men for his ships. One morning in November he sent a press-gang on shore who seized and carried off several of the inhabit ants. So soon as the outrage was known the whole city was alive with excitement. A mob of several thou sand people immediately collected, and besieged the town-house, where the O * Council was then in session, with a storm of stones and brickbats. In vain did Governor Shirley come forth upon the balcony, and with a disavowal of the outrage, and a promise to obtain redress, endeavor to calm the exasperated feel ings of the populace ; they seized upon the officers of the ship, who happened to be on shore at the time, and detained them as hostages for the ransom of their fellow citizens. The governor earnestly entreated Knowles to give up the impressed seamen, in reply to which he offered to land a body of marines to support the governor, and threatened to bombard the town unless the tumult was appeased. The excite ment kept on increasing, and the militia, who were called out next day, evincing u sympathy with the mob, Shirley, con sidering himself in personal danger, re tired from the town to the castle, situa ted on an island in the neighboring bay, a retreat which the more zealous of the mob began to consider equal to an abdication. As matters had now reached an alarming pitch, the leading members of society, who had fully con curred in the movement, began to think that it was time to check it, and assem bling in town meeting, declared their intention, at the same time that they yielded to none in a sense of the out rage committed by Knowles, to stand by the governor and executive, and to suppress this threatening tumult, which they very conveniently attributed to " negroes and persons of vile condition." Meanwhile Knowles, at the earnest so licitation of the governor, consented to return most of the men he had im pressed, and shortly afterwards depart ed with his fleet, while Shirley, returning to Boston, was escorted to his house by the same militia who but a day or two before had refused to obey his instruc tions. In his letters to the Board of Trade on the subject of this "rebel lious insurrection," Shirley ascribes the " mobbish turn of a town inhabited by twenty thousand people," to its consti tution, by which the management of it devolves on "the populace assembled in their town meetings." The war was brought to a conclusion by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Oc tober, 1748, a war on the whole very unsatisfactory and adding largely to the national debt of England. For the present the struggle between the French and English in America was terminated ; but it was by no means finally settled. The dis- 171. 176 NEW YORK, NEW JERSEY, PENNSYLVANIA. [BK. putes concerning the boundaries alone contained the seed of future wars, which could only end with the absolute ascendancy of the stronger party. The conquest of Canada had become the favorite scheme both of the English government and the northern colonies ; an object for which the colonists were willing to expend their blood and treasure, and one which their success at Louisburg incited them ever to keep before their eyes. CHAPTER III. 1691 1748, NEW YOKE, NEW JERSEY, PENNSYLVANIA. Party feuds in New York Fletcher s administration Schuyler and the Indians Fletcher s acts in religious matters His efforts in Pennsylvania and Connecticut Rev. Mr. Miller s letter to the Bishop of London Bar barities of Indian warfare Lord Bellamont governor His administration Lord Cornbury appointed His character and acts Committee of grievances Lovelace governor His death Expedition against Canada Postage regulations Hunter governor German emigrants Burnet appointed Efforts against th* French Cosby governor Trial of Zenger Governor Clarke s disputes with the Assembly The "Negro plot" in New York Clinton governor Efforts against the French and Indians Affairs of New Jersey at thi* date Trouble in Pennsylvania William Penn in America Efforts to settle the government "Charter of Privileges" Penn s return to England His letter Evans removed Gookin governor Sir William Keith ilia ^accessor Family dispute about the sovereignty of the province Governor Thomas and the controversy between the proprietaries and the Assembly on the question of taxation, defence of the province, etc. THE unhappy fate of Jacob Leisler, as related in a previous chapter, pro duced a deep impression in New York, and gave rise to party feuds which lasted a long time in that colony. From this date, as Mr. Hildreth correctly states, there was a final abandonment of the ancient Dutch usages, and the .complete introduction of English law : and although the kin O O vetoed a statute declaring the right of the people to participate in the enact ment of all laws, through an Assembly, yet in practice an Assembly became from this time an essential part of the political system of New York. Sloughter s sudden death left New York for a year or so under Ingoldsby s charge ; in the latter part of 1692, how ever, Benjamin Fletcher was . 1692. appointed governor. He was much such a character as Slonghter, in want, and ready to grasp all within his reach : he took sides, too, \vith the anti- Leislerian party, which, together with his efforts to obtain endowment for the ministers of the Church of England, stirred up strong opposition. Fortu nately for Fletcher as well as for the general progress of the colony, he was duly impressed with a sense of the im portance of cultivating the friendship and obtaining the aid of Major Schuy ler, in all matters relating to Indian affairs. This able officer s influence with the Five Nations was almost UD- Cl. III.] FLETCHER S ADDRESS TO THE ASSEMBLY. 177 iG93. bounded, and he was ever ready to aid in measures for their defence against the French. In the beginning of 1693, on an occasion of the French having made an incursion into the Mo hawk country, Schuyler raised a volunteer force of two hundred men and marched from Albany in pursuit of them. Fletcher, by extraordinary acti vity, brought up from New York the in dependent companies and other troops ; but the French effected their escape and the Indians, though greatly pleased with the zeal of Fletcher, were never theless a good deal inclined to make peace with the French. Fletcher, who, it seems, was not cal culated to raise the reputation of any denomination of Christians, was espe cially urgent in favor of the Episcopal Church and the claims of its ministry for support. As illustrative of the man and the times, we give his address to the members of the Assembly after his ineffectual attempt to . accomplish his favorite project of having endowments, and presenting or naming the ministers to officiate in the churches : " Gentle men, there is also a bill for settling a ministry in this city, and some other countries of the government. In that very thing you have shown a great deal of stiffness. You take upon you, as if you were dictators. I sent down to you an amendment of three or four words in that bill, which, though very immaterial, yet was positively denied. I must tell you, it seems very unman nerly. There never was an amendment yet desired by the council board but what was rejected. It is the sign of a stubborn ill temper, and this I have VOL. ]. 25 also passed. But, gentlemen, I must take leave to tell you, if you seem to understand by these words, that none can serve without your collation, or es tablishment, you are far mistaken. For I have the power of collating or sus pending any minister in my govern ment, by their majesties letters patent ; and whilst I stay in the government, I will take care that neither heresy, sedi tion, schism, or rebellion, be preached among you, nor vice and profanity en couraged. It is my endeavor to lead a virtuous and pious life amongst you, and to give a good example : I wish you all to do the same. You ought to consider that you have but a third share in the legislative power of the government ; and ought not to take all upon you, nor be so peremptory. You ought to let the council have a share. They are in the nature of the House of Lords, or upper house ; but you seem to take the whole power in your hands, and set up for every thing. You have sat a long time to little purpose, and have been a great charge to the coun try. Ten shillings a day is a large al lowance, and you punctually exact it. You have been always forward enough to pull down the fees of other ministers in the government. Why did you not think it expedient to correct your own to a more moderate allowance ? Gentle men, I shall say no more at present, but that you do withdraw to your private affairs in the country. I do prorogue you to the 10th of January next, and you are hereby prorogued to the 10th clay of January next ensuing."* * Smith s "History qf yew Fork," p. 84. 178 NEW YORK, NEW JERSEY, AND JLJN NSYLV ANI A. Fletcher, beside being charged with administering the government of Penn sylvania and Delaware Penn having recently been deprived was author ized by a royal letter to the colonies, except Carolina, to call on them for aid in defence of New York. The Qua kers of Pennsylvania did not at all fancy voting money or anything of the kind, and agreed reluctantly to only a small appropriation, stipulating that it " should not be dipped in blood." A few months later in October Flet cher went to Hartford on a similar errand. The Assembly was in session, and Fletcher endeavored to overawe them into consent to his demands. In forming them that he would not set foot out of the province till his majes ty s orders had been obeyed, he then directed the trained bands to be assem bled, and his commission to be read to them. Captain Wadsworth, the senior captain, walked up and down, engaged, to all appearance, in exercising his men. " Beat the drums !" was his or der, as Fletcher s officer lifted up his voice to read. The governor com manded silence, arid his officer pre pared to read. " Drum, drum, I say again !" called out Wadsworth, and the voice of the reader was a second time drowned in the discordant roll. " Si lence !" passionately vociferated Flet cher. " Drum, drum, I say !" shouted Wadgwortb in a still louder key ; and significantly turning to Fletcher, he ex claimed, " if I am interrupted again, I will make the sun shine through you in a moment!" The angry governor, astounded at this display of spirit, was compelled to swallow the affront ; and 1695 shortly afterward Fitz John Winthrop, ivho had been sent to England as agent to protest against a violation of the charter, returned with the royal con cession that on ordinary occasions, at least, the command of the local militia belonged to the respective States. Con- necticut promised, however, to be in readiness to furnish a quota of a hun dred and twenty men for the defence of New York. Mr. Hildreth* quotes quite fully from a letter addressed by the Rev. John Miller, in 1695, to the Lord Bishop of London, in which is contained an interesting account of the writer s views of the ecclesiastical and moral condition of New York. The sentiments of Mr. Miller, though evi dently not much approved of by Mr. Hildreth, are worthy of consideration, and notwithstanding he speaks as an Episcopalian, the facts which he states show that New York was, a hundred and fifty years ago, as much divided, in proportion, on religious subjects, and as much given to folly and wickedness, as it is now.f Mr. Miller s proposed remedy was the sending over a bishop for the colonies ; about the expediency of which, at that date, there has been no little difference of opinion among those who fully recognize bishops as of divine appointment. *" History of the United States, vol. ii., pp. 189- 193. f In 1697, a royal grant was made of a certain church, in the city of New York, and piece of ground adjoining, on Broadway, known as Trinity Parish. In 1705, the Queen s Farm, on the west side of Man hattan Island from St. Paul s Church to Christophef street was donated to Trinity C.iurch. See Dr Berrian s "History of Trinity Church" pp. 14, 15. Cn. III.] LORD BELLAMONT S ADMINISTRATION. i 179 The war between the French and Five Nations was carried on more or less vigorously according to the means and opportunities of the aged Fronte- nac. The most revolting feature con nected with this protracted contest was the savage and detestable barbarity practised on both sides. We give an example drawn from La Potherie s His tory of North America. " The prisoner being first made fast to a stake, so as to have room to move round it, a Frenchman began the horrid tragedy, by broiling the flesh of the prisoner s legs, from his toes to his knees, with the red-hot barrel of a gun. His ex ample was followed by an Utawawa, who, being desirous to outdo the French in their refined cruelty, split a furrow from the prisoner s shoulder to his gar ter, and filling it with gunpowder, set fire to it. This gave him exquisite pain, and raised excessive laughter in his tormentors. When they found his throat so much parched that he was no longer able to gratify their ears with his howling, they gave him water, to enable him to continue their pleasure longer. But at last his strength failing, an Utawawa flayed off his scalp, and threw burning hot coals on his scull. They then untied him, and bid him run for his life. He began to run, tumbling like a drunken man. They shut up the way to the east, and made him run westward, the country, as they think, of departed miserable souls. He had still force left to throw stones, till they put an end to his misery by knocking him on the head. After this every one cut a slice from his body, to conclude the tragedy with a feast." Such dis- 169. gusting outrages as these were, for a time at least, put an end to, by the peace of Ryswick, in 1697. The next year, 1698, Lord Bella- mont, who had been appointed governor of New York in 1695, arrived in the colony : he was charged with the duty of investigating Fletcher s conduct, enforcing the acts of trade, suppressing piracy, etc. Bellarnont took the opposite side to that which Fletcher had favored, and it was in a measure through him that Leisler s son obtained from the Assembly a vote of 1,000, to be paid to him for damages resulting from the proceedings against his father. The attainder was reversed by act of parliament, and Leisler and Melbourne were reburied in the Dutch Church.* Bellamont also originated a Court of Chancery, which afterwards was looked on with a jealous eye. The governor s speech to the Assembly, convened in May, is well worth quoting from : " I cannot but observe to you, what a legacy my predecessor has left me, and what difficulties to struggle with ; a divided people, an empty purse, a few miserable, naked, half-starved soldiers, not half the number the king allowed pay for ; the fortifications, and even the governor s house, very much out of * " This year (1700,) no fewer than a thousand Scottish fugitives from the unfortunate and ill-nsed Scottish colony of Darien arrived at New York in various ships, during the absence of Lord Bellamont at Boston. Nanfan, the lieutenant governor, in con formity with instructions from England, refused even the slightest relief or assistance to these unhappy adventurers. Two years before, the royal governors of New York and New England had issued procla mations, forbidding all correspondence with, or as sistance to, the Scottish colony." Oldmixon and Holmes, quoted by Grahame, vol. i., p. 453. 180 NEW YORK, NEW JERSEY, AND PENNSYLVANIA. [B K . 1701. repair ; and, in a word, the whole government out of frame." After this introduction, he puts them in mind that the revenue was near expiring, would be hard," he adds, "if I, that come among you with an honest mind, and a resolution to be just to your in terest, should meet with greater diffi culties in the discharge of his majes ty s service than those that have gone before me. I will take care there shall be no misapplication of the public mon ey. I will pocket none of it myself, nor shall there be any embezzlement by others ; but exact accounts shall be given you, when, and as often, as you shall require." Lord Bellamont s sudden death, in 1701, left the government for a time in the hands of Nanfan, the lieu tenant governor, who proceeded with some haste and violence against Livingston and Bayard, two active men in the anti-Leislerian party. Lord Cornbury, a grandson of the first Earl of Clarendon, having arrived in New York, in 1Y02, as governor, put a stop to these proceedings : he also espoused the views of those op posed to the Leislerian party. Corn- bury was a profligate and unprincipled man, sent out to a governorship rather to get rid of him than because of any fitness which he possessed for the duties of the office. Being deeply in debt, it was one main purpose of his acts to get money, in any and every way, for his necessities; and his whole administra tion was marked by rapacity, meanness, and outrageous violations of ordinary decency and decorum. Not unlike Fletcher, he was very zealous for the 1702. Church s interests, while disgracing the truths which the Church of England has ever held forth ; and accordingly we find that he promoted all such schemes a zealots of party and seekers after emoluments in religion concocted. Cornbury, on more than one occasion, put into his own pocket the money raised for public service, and the As sembly, naturally not liking this, com plained of such treatment ; but all the satisfaction they got was a pretty sharp scolding from his lordship and fresh applications for money. In a few years matters came to such a pass that the Assembly appointed a committee of grievances, which drew many and heavy charges against the governor. The Resolutions approved by the House were pointed, and clearly showed its fixed determination to assert its just rights. One of these Resolu tions is well worth quoting, inasmuch as it significantly indicates a princi ple which, just before the Revolution, was set forth as lying at the basis of our resistance to the claims of England. It is as follows: " He-solved, That the imposing and levying of any moneys upon her majesty s subjects of this colony, under any pretence or color whatsoever, without consent in General Assembly, is a grievance, and a violation of the people s property." Lord Cornbury being no less obnox ious to the people of New Jersey than to those of New York, the As sembly of that province joined witl} New York in making a formal complaint against him to the queen. Her majesty, though Lord Cornbury was her cousin, removed him, saying 1707. Cn. III.1 POST OFFICE SYSTEM IN AMERICA. 181 1709. that she would not countenance oppres sion by any, even though he were her own flesh and blood ; whereupon his creditors threw him into prison. Soon after, his father s death opened the way to him for release, for now become the Earl of Clarendon, he was discharged from arrest and returned to England. Lord Lovelace was appointed Corn- bury s successor in the spring of 1708, but he did not reach New York till near the close of the year. His administration gave promise of being acceptable and serviceable to *;he province ; it was, however, very brief ; for early in the year 1709, Love lace died, and Ingoldsby again had charge of public affairs. It was while Ingoldsby was acting gov ernor that another fruitless expedition against Canada was made. Five hun dred men were raised, and bills of cre dit were issued to pay the expense. New York showed herself equally zeal ous with her New England neighbors. Schuyler went to England with some of the Mohawk chiefs, and they were admitted to an audience with the queen. Aid was promised ; but the reverses of war in Spain prevented at the time, and all this expense and pre paration, which were beyond anything the colonies had yet made, proved of no avail. Had the plan been energeti cally carried out of a combined attack by land and sea, there can be hardly a doubt but that Canada would have fallen into the hands of the English. The patent of Thomas Neal for " co lonial posts having expired, an act of parliament extended the British post- office system to America. A chief 171O. office was established at New York, to which letters were to be conveyed by regular packets across the Atlantic. The same act re gulated the rates of postage to be paid in the plantations, exempted the posts from ferriage, and enabled postmasters to recover their dues by summary pro cess. A line of posts was presently es tablished on Neal s old routes, north to the Piscataqua, and south to Philadel phia; irregularly extending, a few years after, to Williamsburg, in Virginia, the post leaving Philadelphia for the south as often as letters enough -were lodged to O O pay the expense. The postal commu nication subsequently established with the Carolinas was still more irregular."* E-obert Hunter, a Scotchman by birth, who had risen from an humble station to high military rank, was ap pointed Lovelace s successor in the gubernatorial chair. Three thousand Germans, who had been compelled by the ravages of war, to leave their homes on the banks of the Rhine, were sent out with the new governor to be settled on the banks of the Hudson, The experiment was not a successful one while they served under indentures to the queen, for their maintenance was a positive loss ; but when they were allowed the privileges of free citi zens, they soon became thriving and industrious denizens of the German Flats, on the upper waters of the Mo hawk. A part of the same company settled in Pennsylvania, and another part in North Carolina. It is owing to *Hildreth s "History of the United States," vol. ii , p. 26iZ. 182 NEW YORK, NEW JERSEY, AND PENNSYLVANIA. 1715. these that we find the German language, manners, and religious views handed down, especially in Pennsylvania. The new Assembly called by Hun ter would consent to nothing but an nual grants, which for some time caused much dissatisfaction and dispute. A few years later, Hun ter obtained a majority in the newly- elected Assembly disposed to favor his wishes : accordingly, he was enabled to rule this hitherto ungovernable pro vince without further difficulty, having now a standing revenue, O O and a subsement Assembly. Hunter, in 1719, left the province, and William Burnet, a son of the famous bishop of that name, was ap pointed to succeed him. The new gov ernor seems to have been aware of the importance of resisting the progress of the French in Canada and the West. He caused a trading post to be estab lished at Oswego, thus taking possession of the south shore of Lake Ontario, pleading that the Five Nations were under the protection of England, and that they had granted their hunting grounds to their white protectors. In 172 7, a fort was built by Burnet at the same place; but the French were not idle ; they also erected a fort at Niagara, which commanded the communication into the upper lakes and the Mississippi. Burnet, meanwhile, was involved in embarrassments with the Assembly and people. Much com plaint having been made by the latter, he dissolved the Assembly who had now been in office for eleven years. The new Assembly was not more favorable to the governor, 1722. 1727. 1732. and complained of the Court of Chan cery, in which Burnet presided, as with out the authority of law, and oppressive in the fees exacted. Shortly after, Bur- net was removed from New York and made governor of Massachusetts. After the brief administration ol Montgomery, who succeeded Burnet in 1728, at which time the city of New York numbered something over eight thousand inhabitants, Colonel William Cosby was made gov ernor. At first he had the promise of a popular administration, but as he was of a violent temper and mercenary spirit, he soon after became involved in quarrels with members of the Council, and with John Peter Zenger, proprietoi of the Weekly Journal, a newspaper opposed to the governor and his party. Cosby instituted a suit for libel, and both ordered the Journal to be burned by the sheriff and arrested Zenger. Andrew Hamilton, a Philadelphia law yer, defended Zenger s cause suc cessfully, so that he was acquitted at once, and the freedom of the press was thereby vindicated.* Poor Zenger, 1733. * To use the language of the venerable Da. FKANCIS, " the newspaper press is endeared to the feelings of Americans by the strongest considera tions of patriotism. Franklin, the apostle of liberty, more than a century ago, published in a newspaper animadversions on the legislative enactments of Great Britain, relative to the colonies. The free strictures on the administration of Governor Cosby and hia Council, printed in the Weekly Journal of the city of New York, by John Peter Zenger, roused the energies of a whole people, and to use the language of Gov- erneur Morris, in a conversation with the speaker, the trial of Zenger, in 1733, was the germ of American freedom the morning star of that liberty which sub sequently revolutionized America. " See Dr. Fran cis s speech at the Fortieth Anniversary of the " Nets York Historical Society," 1844: Proceedings, p. 86 Cn. Ill.J GOVERNOR CLARKE AND THE ASSEMBLY. 183 however, was left to struggle with debt and official censure ; and he complains warmly of the neglect and ill usage of many of those who professed to be his friends and supporters: "My country subscribers," he says, " are earnestly de sired to pay their arrearages for this journal, which if they don t speedily, f shall leave off sending, and seek my money another way. Some of these kind customers are in arrears upwards of seven years ! Now, as I have served chem so long, I think it is time, aye and high time too, that they gave me my outset, for they may verily believe that my every-day clothes are nearly worn out. 1ST. B. Gentlemen, If you have not ready money with you, still think of the printer; and when you have read this advertisement and considered it, you cannot but say, come, dame, (es pecially you inquisitive wedded men, let the bachelors take it to themselves,) let us send the poor printer a few gam mons, or some meal, some butter, cheese, poultry, <fec." Cosby died suddenly, in 1Y35, and after disputes between members of the Council as to who was entitled to act ad interim, George Clarke, in 1736, was made governor. The As sembly took ground against any but an annual grant for revenues, and this policy was thereafter adhered to in New York. Clarke, offended at their proceedings, dissolved the Assem bly; the popular party, however, triumphed in the new election. A portion of their address to the Gov ernor is worthy of quotation : " We therefore beg leave to be plain with your honor, and hope you will not take 1735. 1737. it amiss when we tell you, that you are not to expect that we will either raise sums unfit to be raised, or put what we shall raise into the power of a governor to misapply, if we can prevent it ; nor shall we make up any other deficiencies than what we conceive fit and just to be paid ; nor continue what support or revenue we shall raise, for any longer time than one year ; nor do we think it convenient to do even that, until such laws are passed as we conceive necessary for the safety of the inhabitants of this colony, who have reposed a trust in us for that only purpose,, land which we are sure you will tbink it reasonable we should act agreeably to; and by the grace of God we shall endeavor not to deceive them." Clarke deemed it unwise to enter into a contest with men who avowed their sentiments thus decidedly, and so he promised his co-operation in all measures calculated to promote the welfare of the province. In his speech, however, at the opening of the next session, he de clared that unless the revenue was granted for as long a time as it had been granted by former Assemblies, his duty/to his majesty forbade him from assenting to any act for continuing the excise, or for paying the colonial bills of credit. The House unanimously re solved, that it would not pass any bill for the grant of money, unless assurance should be given that the excise should be continued, and the bills of credit redeemed. He thereupon immediately ordered the members to attend him. He told them that " their proceedings were presumptuous, daring, and unpre cedented ; that he could not look upon 184 NEW YORK, NEW JERSEY, AND PENNSYLVANIA. II. them without astonishment, nor with honor suffer thellouse to sit any longer;" and he accordingly dissolved it. In 1741, Clarke, atraiu endeavoring 1741. to bring the Assembly to his vie\vs, took occasion to charge upon them a settled purpose or desire of in dependence, a charge which the As sembly denied, and no doubt correctly, for, however tenacious the colonists were of what they held to be their just rights and privileges, there is no probability whatever that at that time there was any idea of a formal severing the connection with the mother country. Clarke at last yielded to the necessity of the case, and accepted such grants as the Assembly chose to make. In this year, a delusion, not so fa mous as the Salem witchcraft, but, in I T4i P r P 01 tion, quite as sanguinary, occurred in New York, com monly known as the " Negro Plot." The frequent occurrence of fires, most of which were evidently caused by de sign, first excited the jealousy and sus picion of the citizens. Terrified by danger which lurked unseen in the midst of them, they listened with eao-er credulity to the declaration of some abandoned females, that the negroes had combined to burn the city, and make one of their number governor. Many were arrested and committed to prison. Other witnesses, not more res pectable than the first, came fonvard ; other negroes were accused, and even several white men were designated as concerned in the plot. When the time of trial arrived, so strong was the prejudice against the unhappy black men, that every lawyer in the city volunteered against them, and Chief Justice Delancey exerted the influence of his high station against them. Ignorant and unassisted, nearly all who were tried were condemned. Fourteen were burned, eighteen were hung, and seventy-one were transport ed. Of the whites two were convicted, and suffered death. All apprehension of danger having subsided, many began to doubt whe ther there was really any plot at all. None of the witnesses were persons of credit ; their stories were extravagant, 7 O I and often contradictory ; and the pro ject was such as none but fools or madmen would form. The two white men were respectable; one had re ceived a liberal education, but he was a Roman Catholic, and the prejudice against these was too violent to permit the free exercise of reason. Some of the accused were doubtless guilty of setting fire to the city ; but the proof of the alleged plot was not sufficiently clear to justify these judicial murders, which disgrace the annals of New York. In 1743, George Clinton, a younger son of the Earl of Lincoln, was sent over as governor of the colony. n f -, v 1743. Une or Ins earliest measures confirmed the favorable accounts which had preceded him, of his talents and liberality. To show his willingness to repose confidence in the people, he as sented to a bill limiting the duration of . o the present and all succeeding Assem blies. The House manifested its grati tude by adopting the measures he recommended for the defence of the province against the French, who were then at war with England. In 1745. CH. III.] PROGRESS OF NEW JERSEY. 185 1716. 1745, the savages in alliance with France, made frequent invasions of the English territories. Encouraged by success, the enemy became more daring, and small parties ventured within even the suburbs of Albany, arid there laid in wait for prisoners. Distressed by these incursions, the Assembly, in 1746, deter mined to unite with the other colonies and the mother country in an expedi tion against Canada. They appropri ated money to purchase provisions for the army, and offered liberal bounties to recruits. But the fleet from Eng land did not arrive at the appointed time ; the other colonies were dilatory in their preparations, and before they were completed the season for military operations had passed by. The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, put an end to the contest for a time, but only for a time. The grand struggle for mas tery was soon to be made and decided. The proprietaries of New Jersey, wea ned out with strucwlinsr with the. set- oo o tiers, in the year 1702 ceded to the crown their rights of juris diction ; whereupon Queen Anne joined New Jersey to New York, under the government of Lord Cornbury. They, too, as well as the New Yorkers, re sisted the encroachments and fraudu lent acts of the governor. In 1738, New Jersey obtained by petition, the privilege of having a go vernor of its own ; and Lewis Morris was placed in the chair. The position of New Jersey gave it superior advan tages in comparative exemption from the assaults and inroads of the Indians. We find, hence, that its progress was VOL. I. 26 1702. 1738. 1747. steadily forward, although its annais are marked by serious disputes on the subject of paper money, conveyances of land by Indians to certain claim ants, the resistance of the squatters to the efforts made to oust them, etc. After Morris s death, in 1745, Belcher, in 1747, took charge of the difficult post of governor of New Jersey ; but he was not able to manage matters much better than his predeces sors. His course was conciliatory ; and he favored the founding of the college O O at Princeton, which received a charter in 1748. The population of New Jer sey at this date is computed to have been forty thousand. Pennsylvania, too, was not without its share of trouble, though, on the whole, it continued to advance in pros perity. George Keith, a Scotch Qua ker, gave rise to a kind of schism, by pressing the question of non-resistance to an extent quite beyond what the more reasonable Quakers ever were willing to go. His attack on negro slavery, as inconsistent with these principles, and the " Address" which he set forth, led to his being fined for insolence, and his being taken up by the non-Quakers as a sort of martyr. Penn was cleared from suspi cion, and restored to the administration of his province in 1694 ; but the pressure of debt kept him in England, and he appointed Mark- ham to act as his deputy. The Assem bly having presented a remonstrance to Governor Markham, in 1696, com plaining of the breach of their char tered privileges, a bill of settlement, prepared and passed by the Assembly, 1692. 1691. 18G NEW YORK, NEW JERSEY, AND PENNSYLVANIA. ir was approved by the Governor, form- ing the third frame of government in Pennsylvania. Penn, however, to whom was reserved the power of dis approval, never sanctioned this act. A bill for raising 300, professedly for the relief of the distressed Indians beyond Albany, but really in compli ance with the demand of the governor of New York, to aid in the prosecution of the war, was passed by the same le gislature. In 1699, after fifteen I 4* OO years absence, Penn again set sail for America, accompanied by his family, with an intention of spending the remainder of his life in Pennsylva nia. Considerable difference of opinion existed between himself and the legis lature ; more particularly on the sub ject of negro slavery, and the frauds and abuses that disgraced the character of the colonists in their traffic with the Indians. With the view of providing a remedy for both these evils, Peun presented to the Assembly three bills which he had himself prepared ; the first, for regulating the morals and mar riages of the negroes ; the second, for regulating the trials and punishments of the negroes ; and the third, for pre venting abuses and frauds upon the Indians. The Assembly necja- 170O. . tived the first and last of these bills, acceding only to that which re lated to the trial and punishment of their slaves. Though disappointed of the more extensive influence, which, as a political legislator, he had hoped to exercise, he was yet able, by his pow erful influence among the Quakers, to introduce into their discipline regula tions and practices relative to the pur- 1701. poses of the rejected bills, the spirit of which, at least, was thus forcibly recommended to general imitation. Perplexed witli many and serious difficulties, Penn made up his mind to return to England ; but before doing so lie pressed upon the ;olonists to establish a constitution The old frame of government was for mally given up, and the one which Penn prepared and presented to the Assembly was accepted. It confirmed to them, in conformity with that of 1696, the right of originating bills, which, by the charters preceding that date, had been the right of the Gover nor alone, and of mending or rejecting those which might be laid before them. To the Governor it gave the right of rejecting bills passed by the Assembly, of appointing his own Council, and of exercising the whole executive power. Liberty of conscience was specially secured as before ; and the qualification of voters was fixed at a freehold of fifty acres, or about $166 in personal property. Directly after the " Charter of Pri vileges," as the new frame was called, was accepted, Penn returned to Eng land, leaving the management of his private estates and the direction of Indian affairs in the hands of James Logan, who was for many years colo nial secretary and member of the Coun cil. Scarcely had Penn arrived there, when the disputes between the province and the territories broke forth with greater bitterness than ever; and in the following year, the separate legislature of Delaware was permanently established at Newcastle. 1702. CH. II1.J DEATH OF WILLIAM PENN. 187 1709. In addition to the tidings of these pro longed disagreements, and of the final rupture between the two settlements, Penn was harassed by complaints against the administration of Governor Evans, and rendered indignant with charges made against himself of unfair dealing. Having ascertained, by a deliberate examination of the com plaints against Evans, that they were too well founded, he appointed in his place Charles Gookin, a gentleman of ancient Irish family, who seemed qualified to give satisfaction to the people over whom he was appointed governor. The Assembly were out of humor because Penn had refused to dismiss Logan, whom they termed an enemy to the welfare of the province. Logan soon after went to England, and Penn, now in his sixty-sixth year, sent back by him a letter addressed to the Assembly, replete with calm solemnity and dignified concern. This letter is said to have produced a deep and powerful impression on the more considerate part of the Assembly, who now began to feel for the father of the province, and to regard with tenderness his venerable age ; to re member his long labors, and to appre ciate their own interest in his distin guished reputation : in consequence of this letter at the next election a new Assembly was chosen arid most of the points in dispute were arranged. Penn had determined, in consequence of his pecuniary embarrassments and the vex- atiousness of his position, to relieve himself from the troublesome position in which he was placed, intending to cede the sovereignty to the queen for 171O. 1717. 1722. an equitable consideration ; but an at tack of paralysis put an end to . 1712* further steps on his part at the time, and some few years afterwards he died. Gookin was removed in 1Y16, and was succeeded the next year by Sir William Keith. Penn s will, gave rise to a nine years law suit as to the sovereignty of the pro vince ; but Keith, studying popularity, was in favor with all the claimants and so remained in office. He and the As sembly proved mutually accommodat ing, and they consented to his wishes in enrolling a volunteer militia, and in adopting the English criminal law as a substitute for their existing statutes. Keith also consented to try the paper money loan system by an issue of 15,000, to be lent out at five per cent. ; the next year an addi tional 30,000 were issued on the same plan. Through Logan s interference Keith having served him rather shab bily as secretary and counsellor the governor was pretty sharply repre hended for some of his acts, and in 1Y25 he was removed from his office. The members of the Penn family found it most convenient to arrange and set tle their long dispute about the sov ereignty of the province. Keith tried to be troublesome in the province by heading an opposition to the new governor. Patrick Gordon; but 1726. with no great success. Subse quently, on returning to England, he broached the notion of the propriety of taxin^ the colonies for the benefit of O the mother country ; but, as Mr. Hil- dreth relates, Sir Kobert Walpole is 188 VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, THE CAROLINAS. . 1L reported to have declared that it would require more courage than he possessed to venture upon that step. On the death of the widow of Penn, the sovereignty and territorial rights of the province were reunited 1734 . ,, r ,, e -r, in the three sons 01 Penn : neither of them, however, possessed their father s ability or had even a moiety of his popularity. Logan ad ministered the government for two years as president of the Council, until the arrival of George Thomas, in 1738, as deputy governor. The Quakers were not more than a third of the pop ulation, yet as they possessed the most wealth and were more united, they kept the control of the Assembly. In 1740 a dispute arose as to ques- 1740. . e J c a tions ot measures 01 defence, fortifications, etc., and though the As- sembly voted 4000 for the king s use, they imposed upon Thomas the dispo sing of it : true to their principles they would not openly vote money to carry on war. About this date com menced that warm controversy between the proprietaries and the As sembly, the latter claiming that the former were bound to provide for the defence of the province inasmuch as they received a revenue from it in the way of quit rents, etc.; the proprieta ries and the Board of Trade, on the other hand, emphatically denying any such view of the matter. Thomas having given up the struggle with the Assembly, he was succeeded in the office of deputy governor by James Hamilton, a man of de cided ability and zeal for the cause of the proprietaries. CHAPTEE IY. 16901748, VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, THE C AR LIIST AS . Nicholson governor Blair commissary College of William and Mary Administration of Andros Founding of Williamsburg Powers of the governor Spirit of liberty Office of governor made a sinecure Spots-wood s administration His acts Gouch s administration Progress of Virginia Affairs in Maryland Dr. Bray commissary "Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts" Persecution of the Roman Catholics Lord Baltimore becomes a Protestant Question of boundary between Maryland and Pennsylvania Progress of Maryland Affairs in Carolina LudAvell governor Feuds "Grand Model" abrogated Archdale s visit and labors Introduction of rice Dissenters disfranchised Act declared null and void Church of England established by law Mr. Bancroft s picture of the state of North Carolina War with the Tuscaroras Attack on St. Augustine Unsuccessful Moore censured Paper money issued War with the Yemassees and other Indians Craven victorious in the contest Heavy loss and debt Revolution in South Carolina Administration assumed by the crown Proprietaries sell out to the king Tieaty of peace and amity with the Cherokees Emigration of Swiss Advance of the colony notwithstanding many sharp trials. ALTHOUGH the commission of Effing- ham see page 148 was renewed by William III., notwithstanding the charges against him, he did not return to Virginia, and Francis Nichol son, in 1690, accepted the place 1690. Cii. I V.I COLLEGE OF WILLIAM AND MARY. 1691. of his lieutenant. At this date, the Rev. James Blair, who had some years before been a missionary in Virginia, returned to the colony with a commis sion as Commissary of the Bishop of London, Avhose jurisdiction extended over the entire American colonies. Mr. Blair was a Scotchman by birth, an earnest, able, devoted man, and for the next half century he exercised a large measure of influence in Virginia.* It was mainly in consequence of Blair s zealous activity that the king granted a charter for " The Col lege of William and Mary in Virginia." The preamble states, " that the Church of Virginia may be furnished with a Seminary of ministers of the Gospel, and that the youth may be piously educated in good letters and manners, and that the Christian faith may be propagated among the western Indians, to the glory of Almighty God" their trusty and well beloved subjects, con stituting the General Assembly of their colony of Virginia, have had it in their minds, and have proposed to themselves, to found and establish a certain place of universal study, or perpetual college of divinity, philosophy, languages, and other good arts and sciences, consisting of one president, six masters or profes sors, and a hundred scholars, more or less, according to the ability of said college, and its statutes, to be made by " Of the activity and practical usefulness of this excellent man, sufficient evidence will be furnished in the statement, that when, at the advanced age ol eighty-eight, he died, he had been sixty-four years a minister of the Gospel ; fifty-three years Commissary for Virginia ; president of a College for forty-nine years; and a member of the king s council for fifty." Hawks s "Prot. Epis. Ch.in Virginia? p. 75. certain trustees nominated and elected by the General Assembly of the colony. Nicholson and seventeen others nomi nated and appointed by the Assembly, " were confirmed as trustees, and were empowered to hold and enjoy lands, possessions, and incomes, to the yearly value of 2,000, and all donations, bestowed for their use. The Rev. James Blair, nominated and elected by the Assembly, was made first president, and the Bishop of London was ap pointed and confirmed by their majes ties to be the first chancellor of the college. To defray the charges of building the college, and supporting the president and masters, the king and queen gave nearly 2,000, and endowed the college with twenty thousand acres of the best land, together with the per petual revenue arising from the duty of one penny per pound on all tobacco transported from Virginia and Mary land to the other English plantations. By the charter, liberty was given to the president and masters or professors to elect one member of the House of Bur gesses of the General Assembly. In grateful acknowledgment of the royal patronage and benefaction, the college was called William and Mary."* This was the second college founded in North America, Sir Edmund Andros, of whose trou bles in New England we have already spoken, was appointed Governor oi Virginia in 1692. Contrary to what might have been expected of him from his previous course, An dros rendered himself very popular in * Holrnes s "American Annals? vol. i., p. 443. 1692. 190 VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, THE CAROLINAS. 1698. his new government, and, during the six years he was in office, he was par ticularly serviceable to the colony in collecting, arranging, and taking mea sures to preserve the public records. Early in 1693, Thomas Neale obtained a patent for establishing a post in the colonies at rates proportioned to those of the English post-office. An act was also passed, in 1696, fixing the salaries of the ministers at six teen thousand pounds of tobacco, to gether with a glebe, and a dwelling house to be provided by the parish. Nicholson, in 1698, was reappointed to Virginia, and, with his usual activi ty, undertook various measures for the benefit of the colony. An act w r as passed in December of this year for the building of a new city, which was to be hereafter the capital of the province in place of Jamestown. The college had already been erected at Middle Plantation, and the region having proved salubrious, the site of the new city was fixed upon in the vicinity of the college on two pleasant creeks that run out of James and York Rivers. As showing their loyal devotion the streets of the new city, named Williams- burg, were laid out in the form of a cypher made from the letters W and M. In order to defray the expense of building a Capitol or State House, the tax on liquors was continued, and a new tax on servants not born in England or Wales, and on slaves imported into the colony. During the same session, pro vision was made for thoroughly revis ing the colonial statutes, and also, in obedience to orders received from En^- O land, the benefits of the English tol eration acts were extended to the dis senters. Although this last was a step in the right direction, yet but little, if any, aid was to be expected from the royal governors towards attaining enlarged political freedom. " The powers of the governor," says Mr. Bancroft, " were ex orbitant ; he was at once lieutenant general and admiral, lord treasurer and chancellor, the chief judge in all courts, president of the council, and bishop or ordinary, so that the armed force, the revenue, the interpretation of law, the administration of justice, the church, all were under his control or guardian ship."* Checks on this power, it is true, did exist, in the instructions from the mother country, the Council, and the General Assemblv ; but, as the i/ / instructions were kept secret, the mem bers were in a great measure dependent on the governor for their seats, and as the Assembly was under pretty strict surveillance and occupied somewhat of a subordinate position, the governor, if so disposed, was at liberty to "exercise tyrannical sway over the people. The Virginians, however, nursed the spirit of independence in various ways. They knew well the importance of the colony to England ; they were jealous of their rights ; they would not vote money unless they could have some oversight of its distribution ; and by their aristocratic tendencies they both acquired and retained extensive powej in the management of public affairs. When Nicholson favored the project of * Bancroft s "History of the United Stales? vol, iii., p. 20 CH. IV.] DEPUTY GOVERNORS OF VIRGINIA. 191 1705. providing for the general defence of the colonies against the French by quotas of money, Virginia not only refused to vote its money but with entire unani mity justified its course, despite the special orders from England. Nichol son, having manifested his dissatisfaction in pretty plain terms, with this result, he became unpopular, and as he had been guilty of some acts that would not bear too close scrutiny he was removed in 1*705. The ministers of Queen Anne now adopted a line of policy by no means wise or just. The office of governor was made a sinecure, and so remained for about fifty years, the nominal gov ernor receiving three-fifths of the salary, or 1200 sterling annually, and the deputy governor receiving the balance, or 800 for doing all the work. The Earl of Orkney was the first governor under this arrangement. Edward jSTott, the deputy, lived only a year; there was, however, effected during his brief administration a fifth revision of the Virginia code, which had been in pro gress for some years. Most of the pro visions relate to the cases of indented servants, slaves, the Indians still remain ing, etc., and in general the enactments are marked by a desire to promote hu manity and justice. Each county was allowed two burgesses, and Jamestown one, to be elected by the freeholders. The twelve counsellors were allowed about $1600 annually, for their services in attending the General Assembly and Courts, in proportion to the time spent in actual duty. On Mr. Nott a death, the place of lieutenant was bestowed upon Hunter, 1710. afterwards governor of New York, but he having been captured by the French on his passage out, Edmund 17O6. Jennings, president of the Council for several years, discharged the duties of the post. Alexander Spotswood, a military officer of age, judgment, and conciliating manners, was appointed deputy governor in 1710 ; and he brought with him the formal extension of the habeas corpus act to the province of Virginia. Soon after his arrival, Spotswood, who seems to have been in advance of his compeers in divining the purposes of the French in the west and south west, undertook an expedition across the Blue Ridge, and thereby opened the way to a knowledge of the country on the Ohio and Western lakes. Although no immediate results followed this ex pedition, yet it was a good beginning ; Spotswood was knighted, and in due time the beautiful valley beyond the Ridge was settled by colonists. In 1711, the province was re presented by Spotswood as in a state of entire peace and happiness, and though occasional trials of his equan imity occurred, when Councils were stubborn and Assemblies obstinate, yet, on the whole, the gallant deputy gov ernor passed the thirteen years of his official life in Virginia in quiet and satisfaction; probably Mr. Bancroft is correct in terming him " the best in the line of Virginia governors." In 1723, Hugh Diysdale was sent out as Spotswood s successor. He proved himself quite acceptable to the Virginians, and reported to the authorities at home that there 1711, 192 VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, THE CAROLINAS. [Bit. 1748. was in the province " general harmony and contentment." Drysdale s death occurred in 1727, and the government was committed to William Gouch, a military officer of amiable manners and temper. Virginia enjoyed peace and prosperity for many years under his government.* Settlers also began to penetrate the Blue Ridge, and established themselves in the valley beyond. There were, however, no towns, as yet, in the ordinary sense of the word, and but few villages. The capitol at Williarnsburg having been destroyed by fire, the burgesses endeavored to remove the seat of gov ernment ; but the Council de feated the project. Near the close of Gouch s administration, the sixth and last colonial revisal of the Virginia code was made. As we have before stated, (p. 150,) the government of Maryland was for some three years in the hands of the insurgents. In 1692, the king sent out Lionel Copley as royal governor, under whom the Assembly not only repealed all existing laws, but enacted an entirely new code. The Church of England was established by law; the province was divided into thirty parishes, and tithes were imposed upon every inhabitant without regard to his religious opinions. Great com plaints were made by the Roman Catholics and Quakers of the oppres siveness of this tax, and they spared no * During the ten years from 1720 to 1730, accord ing to Mr. Hildreth, the value of goods exported from England to the North American colonies, i. e. New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Vir ginia, and Carolina, was 4,712,992=$20,906,140 ; s an annual average of about $2,000,000. 1692. 1696. efforts to oppose the establishment in any and every way they could. The Rev. Dr. Bray, whose zeal and self-de nial deserve to be held in honor, was appointed commissary by the Bishop of London, in 1696 ; it was through his efforts, that u The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts" was origi nated in 1698, and obtained a charter in 1701. Dr. Bray visited Maryland in 1699, returned to England the next year, and during the remainder of his life did all in his power to promote the spiritual interests of the Colonies.* In 1702, bv the act of toleration 1702 every sect was allowed liberty except the Roman Catholic. Two years later, after Colonel Seymour had ar rived as governor, legalized persecution was set on foot against the papists , mass was forbidden to be said publicly , and children were tempted to hypoc risy by offers of shares in their parents property, etc. Seymour died in 1709, and John Hart was ap pointed governor in 1714. The first Lord Baltimore had become a Roman Catholic from conviction ; the present successor to his title and estates, perceiving that ruin was impending unless he or his family could obtain a restoration of the proprietary rights, prevailed upon his son Benedict Leon ard, to embrace the doctrines of the Established Church. This hav ing been done, the administra tion of the colony was restored to the 1709. 171.1 * Dr. Bray died in 1730, at an advanced age. Sea Dr. Hawks s " Protestant Episcopal Church in Mary land^ p. 82, etc., for a more full account of this ex cellent man and his labors. UH. IV.] PROGRESS OF CAROLINA. 193 Culvert family, in full. His infant son, Charles, liis father having died within a year succeeded as the fifth Lord Baltimore. Hart was continued in office, and though no special effect was produced in Maryland by this change of religious views on the part of the proprietary, it was judged expedient, by the legislature, to impose a test oath by which Roman Catholics were ex cluded from all share in the govern ment. Charles Calvert, a kinsman of the proprietary, succeeded Hart as governor, in 1720. Some years later the free school system was carried out, with advantage to the col ony and its progress. A younger brother of the proprie tary was governor of Maryland from 1727 onward: during his administra tion, acts were passed offering bounties on flax, hemp, and iron. Calvert went to England in 1732, and soon after the proprietary in person ar rived in the colony. His main object was to endeavor to agree upon the line between Maryland, and Pennsylvania and Delaware. The controversy was not settled until after some twenty years of litigation. Lord Baltimore returned to England in 1736, and Benjamin Ogle took charge of the administration of public affairs. During the remainder of the period between this and the peace of Aix-la- Chapelle, Maryland continued to ad vance in prosperity, and was ready to take her share in the measures rendered necessary by the jealousy of the French, and the near approach of that contest for the mastery soon to be fought be tween the hostile nations and colonies. VOL. I. 27 1727. 1736. In Carolina, Philip Ludwell was ap pointed by the proprietaries, in 1690, to the governorship of that 1 AAQ province. Sothel was com pelled to retire from the place he had usurped, (see page 128) and Lud well began his administration, over both South and North Carolina, in a way that promised to give peace and satisfaction to the colony. It was, how ever, of but short duration. The old enmities between Churchmen and Dis senters, and between these same and the Huguenots, now considerable in number and political importance, were revived, and Ludwell, in 1693, . . ,. 1693. retired in disgust. He was suc ceeded in Albemarle by Thomas Har vey, and in the southern province by Thomas Smith, a man of high charac ter and a member of the Council. The "Grand Model," which had never satis fied any one, was this same year 1693 formally abrogated, it being voted by the proprietaries, "That as the peo ple have declared they would rather be governed by the powers granted by the charter, without regard to. the funda mental constitutions, it will Be for their quiet, and the protection of the well- disposed, to grant their request." In order to restore tranquility, Smith advised the proprietaries to serftt over one of their own number. This advice was adopted ; the place was offered to the Earl of Shaftesbury ; on his de clining, John Archdale, a worthy Qua ker, was appointed. His measures were, on the whole, judicious and productive of good results, and having suc ceeded in allaying some of the ferments and disputes between contend- 194 VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, THE CAROLINAS. 11. ing parties, and also having displayed a friendly disposition towards the Span iards in Florida, Archdale appointed Joseph Blake, a nephew of the famous admiral, as governor, and the next year returned to England. Not long before, a vessel from Mada gascar, on her homeward voyage to Britain, happening to touch at Charles ton, the captain presented the governor with a bag of seed rice, which he said lie had seen growing in eastern coun tries, where it was deemed excellent food, and yielded a prodigious increase. Cultivated at first more as a curiosity than with any definite expectation of the result, it soon grew to be esteemed a most important staple. " Hence," says Mr. Bancroft, "the opulence of the colony ; hence also, its swarms of negro slaves. The profits of the rice fields tempted the planter to enlarge his domains, and Africa furnished la borers." Although the majority of the colo nists were Dissenters, yet in 1704, by a very small majority, they were disfranchised, and the monopoly of political power bestowed upon the Church of England. Archdale op posed the bill in {he court of proprie taries, but through Lord Granville s ef forts it was sanctioned : two years later, on application to the queen, the intol- lerant acts were declared null and void, and in November, 1706, so far as political privileges were con cerned, they were repealed by the Colo nial Assembly: the Church of England nevertheless was established as the re ligion of the province. Angry strifes ensued, and turbulence and popular 1704. 1704. excitements were not uncommon. Still the period was one of prosperity and exemption from the trials to which other colonies were exposed. A graphic picture is drawn by Mr. Bancroft of the State of North Carolina, " the sanctuary of runaways," where " every one did what was right in hia own eyes, paying tribute neither to God nor to Caesar;" and of the effort made under Robert Daniel, the deputy gov ernor, to establish the Church of Eng land among such a people as this. Of course the effort was abortive ; anarchy ensued ; the two parties were arrayed one against the other ; each party had its governor ; each elected its House of Re presentatives. The Quakers to j j. J xi 1710. determined to resist the ope ration of what they deemed injustice; and notwithstanding the governor of Virginia was asked to interfere with a military force, the malcontents were unterrified, and persisted in their attitude of defiance. But the attention of the whole province was soon engrossed by a war with the Tus- carora Indians. These, enraged by what they deemed a trespass on their land, proceeded to revenge themselves in the usual manner of savages. The Quakers in North Carolina refused to bear arms ; South Carolina sent some aid ; but the yellow fever breaking out, the inhabitants fled in terror and dis tress from the ravages of disease, and the inroads of the Indians. The next win ter 1713 a force of militia S 7 S 1 and Indians from South Caro lina, subdued the Tuscaroras, and some eight hundred prisoners were sold into 1712. Cn. IV.] EXPEDITION AGAINST ST. AUGUSTINE. 195 1V02. slavery. The balance of the tribe es caped, arid made their way northward, where they were at last received as a sixth tribe in the confederacy of the Five Nations. A rupture having taken place in 1702, between England and Spain, the attention of the colony was directed to a different object, which afforded Governor Moore an opportunity of exercising his military talents, and a prospect of enriching himself by Spanish plunder or Indian captives. He proposed to the Assembly, whose cupidity was easily excited, an expedi tion against the Spanish settlement at St. Augustine. Many applauded the proposal, but men of cool reflection doubted the expediency of the mea sure. A large majority of the Assem bly, however, declared in favor of the expedition, and a sum of 2,000 ster ling was voted for the service of the war. Six hundred Indians were en gaged, who, being fond of warlike ex ploits, gladly accepted of arms and ammunition offered them, for their aid and assistance. Six hundred provincial militia were raised, and schooners and merchant ships were impressed for transports to carry the forces. Port Royal was fixed upon as the place of general rendezvous, whence the expedi tion sailed in September. In the plan of operations, it had been agreed that Colonel Daniel, who was an officer of spirit, should go by the inland passage with a party of militia and Indians, and attack the town by land, while the governor should proceed to support him by sea. Daniel was quite success ful, having arrived first and plundered the town; but the Spaniards having laid up provisions for four months in the castle, on his approach they retired to it, with all tjjeir money and most valuable effects. Upon the arrival of Moore, the place was invested with a force against which the Spaniards could not contend, and they therefore kept themselves shut up in their stronghold. The governor, finding it impossible to dislodge them without additional artil- O lery, sent a sloop to Jamaica for cannon, bombs, and mortars. While he was waiting the return of the vessel, the Spaniards at Havana, having received information of this sudden attack, sent two ships, the one of twenty-two guns and the other of sixteen, which pres ently appeared off the mouth of the har bor, and struck such a panic into Moore, that he instantly raised the siege, aban doned his ships, and made a precipitate retreat to Carolina by land ; by this movement the Spaniards in the garri son were not only relieved, but the ships, provisions, and ammunition, be longing to the Carolinians, fell also into their hands. Daniel, who had com mand of the vessel sent to Jamaica, on his return found the siege raised, and narrowly escaped falling into the hands of the Spaniards. Moore was sharply censured for his conduct, and a debt of 6,000 sterling was entailed upon the colony in conse quence. A bill was passed by the As sembly for stamping bills of credit to answer the public expense, which were to be sunk in three years, by a duty laid upon liquors, skins, and furs. This was the first paper money issued in Ca rolina, and for some years it remained 19G VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, THE CAROLINAS. |Bs. IL 1706. at par valne. Moore, having attacked the Apalachian Indians, was quite successful in breaking up their power; his successor, also, was enabled to resist an attack of the Spaniards, in 1706, on Charleston. Scarcely had North Carolina re covered from the Indian devastations when South Carolina was exposed to similar calamity. For some time past the Indian tribes had been laying their plans to extirpate the whites, and the combination extended from the tribes in Florida to those in the neighborhood of Cape Fear. The day before the Yemassees began their work of blood, deep gloom was observed to have settled on their faces, and other indica tions of impending trouble were not wanting. The next morning, April 15th, hostilities broke out. The leaders were all out under arms, calling upon their followers, and pro claiming aloud designs of vengeance. o o o The young men, burning with fury and passion, flew to their arms, and in a few hours, massacred above ninety per sons in Pocotaligo town and the neigh boring plantations ; and many more must have fallen a sacrifice on Port Royal Island, had they not providen tially been warned of their danger. The Yemassees, spreading desolation and ruin on every side, and driving the planters to take refuge in Charleston, were soon joined by the Catawbas, the Cherokees, and the Creeks, all of them a short time before allies of the Caro linians in the war against the Tus- caroras. The Indians, so far as could be ascertained, were some six or seven thousand strong. In Charleston, how- 1715. ever, there were not more than a thou sand two hundred men fit to bear arms, but as the town had several forts into which the inhabitants might retreat, Gov. Craven resolved to march with this small force into the woods against the enemy. He proclaimed martial law, and laid an embargo on all ships, to prevent either men or provisions from leaving the country. He obtained an act of Assembly, empowering him to impress men, and seize arms, ammu nition, and stores, wherever they were to be found, to arm such trusty negroes as might prove serviceable in this con juncture, and to prosecute the war with vigor. New York and Virginia sent some military stores, and North Caro lina lent such aid as was in her power. Advancing warily, Craven came upon the Indians at Saltcatchers, where they were encamped. Here a bloody en gagement took place, in which the white men were victorious. The Ye massees were driven out and retired to Florida, and a year or so afterwards peace was concluded with the other tribes. Several hundred inhabitants lost their lives in this war, the damages of which were estimated at 100,000, besides a debt, in bills of credit, of about the same amount. The proprietaries, though earnestly solicited, refused to afford any relief, or to pay any portion of the debt. The Assembly, therefore, deter mined to remunerate the colony, by disposing of the land from which the Indians had been driven. The terms offered were so favorable, that five hundred Irishmen inmediately came over, and planted themselves on the CH. IV.] INSURRECTION AGAINST PROPRIETARY AUTHORITY. 19? 1718. frontiers. The proprietaries, most un wisely as well as unjustly, refused to sanction the proceedings of the Assem bly, and deprived these emigrants of their lands. Reduced to extreme poverty, some perished from want, while others resorted to the northern colonies ; and thus a strong barrier between the old settlements and the savages was removed, and the country again exposed to their incursions. The people were exasperated, and longed for a change of masters ; and the cor rupt and oppressive conduct of Trott, the chief justice, and Rhett, the receiver- general, increased the discontent. Of the former, the governor and Council complained to the pro prietaries, and asked for his removal; but the authorities at home refused. Johnson, the governor, was ordered to dissolve the Assembly, which he did, despite the excited state of the public mind. The newly-chosen repre sentatives, elected in December, declined to act as an Assembly, and assumed the character of a revolu tionary convention. Johnson refusing to join them, the members of the Con vention selected Colonel James Moore to govern the colony in the king s name, and entered into an association for common defence, as well against the Spaniards as the proprietaries. An agent was sent to England in behalf of the colonists, and after a hearing, legal process was taken for vacating the Carolina charter ; pending this process the administration of South Carolina was assumed by the Crown. Sir Francis Nicholson came out to South Carolina with a commission as 1719. 1T20. 1721. 1722. provisional royal governor. Taught by experience of the temper of the colonists, Nicholson desired to make himself popular, and favored as much a|^he could the wishes of the people, by appointing Middletori president of the Council, and Allen, chief justice, both active in the late movements against the proprietaries. He also gave his sanction to a large additional issue of paper money. Great confusion and sharp con tests for a number of years followed on this subject. North Carolina had not joined in the insurrection against proprietary authority. Some years afterwards, however, the proprietaries of the pro vince made an arrangement by which they sold out their rights to 1729. the crown, for about 22,000. Robert Johnson was appointed royal governor of South Carolina ; and Bur- rington, who had been in disgrace pre viously, was reappointed to the same office in North Carolina. Burlington was succeeded, in 1734, by Ga briel Johnston. The president of the Council, William Bull, succeeded Broughton, in South Carolina, in 1737. In the early part of 1730, Sir Alex ander dimming was sent out to effect an amicable arrangement with the Cherokees for peacable settlement on the lands near the Savannah River. Gumming was successful in his mission, and a treaty was drawn up by which the sovereignty of the king was ac knowledged and privileges of settle ment in the Indian territories freely accorded. The Cherokees, in conse quence of this treaty, for many years 1734. VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, THE CAROLINAS. 198 remained in a stute of perfect friend ship and peace with the colonists, who followed their various employments in the neighborhood of those Indians without the least terror or molesta tion. The Carolinas now attracted consid erable attention, and their population was increased by accessions from several of the states of Europe. Encouraged by the assurances and the arrangements of their countryman, John Peter Pury, a native of Neufchatel, in Switzerland, one hundred and seventy persons emi grated with him to this province, and not long after they were joined by two hundred more. The governor, accord ing to agreement, allotted forty thou sand acres of land for the use of the Swiss settlement on the north-east side of the Savannah River ; and a town was marked out for their accommodation, which he called Purysburgh, from the name of the principal promoter of the settlement. These settlers, however, felt very severely the change of climate, to which many of their lives fell a sac rifice ; and for some years the survivors deeply regretted the voluntary banish ment to which they had subjected themselves. In the same year, accord ing to a plan that had been recently adopted in England, for the more speedy population and settlement of Carolina, eleven townships were mark ed out on the sides of rivers, in square plats, each consisting of twenty thou sand acres. Two of these townships were laid out on the Alatamaha ; two a on the Savannah ; two on the Santee ; one on the Pedee ; one on the Wa- camaw ; one on the Wateree ; and one on Black River. The lands in these townships were divided into shares of fifty acres for each man, woman, and child, who should come over to occupy and improve them. In 1*737, multitudes of laborers and hus bandmen in Ireland, unable to procure a comfortable subsistence for their fam ilies in their native land, embarked for Carolina. The first colony of Irish, re ceiving a grant of lands near the Santee River, formed a settlement, which was called Williamsburgh. The following year, a party of slaves made an insurrection in South Carolina, which, however, was easily sub dued. Jealous of Spanish influ ence, and coveting the great wealth of Spanish towns and ships, the Caro linas joined in enterprises against the Spaniards ; but the one in 1740, against St. Augustine, was un successful. In North Carolina the question of the quit-rents continued to be productive of discord, and the offi cers of the crown were for years un paid. The matter was, however, ar ranged in 1748. Notwithstanding difficulties and trials of various descrip tions, the colony increased in popula tion and wealth ; and in some cases the younger members of rich families were sent to England to be educated. By and by we shall see the effect of this change brought about by the posses- sion of wealth and leisure. 174O. Co. V.j FOUNDING OF GEORGIA. 199 CHAPTER Y. 17321754, FOUNDING AND PROGRESS OF GEORGIA. Origin of Georgia James Edward Oglethorpe His character and merits Object of the colony Error of judgment at the first Oglethorpe at the head of the colony Founding of Savannah Emigration of Lutherans from Salzburg Moravians Jews Highlanders Charles and John Wesley in Georgia Discontent among some of the colonists Slavery desired When introduced Spanish claims to the territory Oglethorpe s plans Resists Spanish pretensions Attack on St. Augustine Unsuccessful Spanish expedition against Georgia and Carolina Oglethorpe s trial Charges against him His complete vindication Whitfield in America The great revival Changes in the government Slow progress of Georgia Expensiveness of the colony Royal governor appointed The people hospitable Value of the land not yet known. SOME years before the breaking out of the third intercolonial war, the colony of GEORGIA was planted in that waste and unproductive portion of Carolina, between the Savannah and the Alatamaha rivers. Its ori- w2 gin was due to kindly and be nevolent motives and desires, notwith standing the errors of judgment into which its founders fell ; and the name of James Edward Oglethorpe will always be held in deserved honor and esteem. This philanthropic man was earnestly intent upon mitigating the evils connected with imprisonment for debt, and hoped also to provide season able relief for the struggling poor of England, who might desire to live soberly and industriously, and reap the fruits of their efforts. In conjunction with Lord Percival and other noble men and gentlemen, Oglethorpe ob tained a charter* from parliament of a part of Carolina, south of the Savan- * ee the " Historical Collections of Georgia," by Rev. Geo. White, for the Charter of the Colony. nab, to be settled for the purpose jus f - named. Liberal contributions were made by the nobility and clergy ; par liament also made a grant ; and the warmest interest was excited in favor of the plan. They who thought of political advantages, favored the pro ject because of the service Georgia was likely to prove as a barrier on the south against the Spaniards ; merchants were attracted by promises of Aviue and silk as staples for the new colony ; Pro testants looked hitherward as a refuge for their persecuted brethren on the continent ; those who desired to labor for the conversion of the Indians, had here opened to them a wide field ; everything, in short, seemed to favor the undertaking. And the official seal had on one of its faces a group of silk worms with the motto, "non sibi, sed aliis" "not for themselves, but for others." The great error of judgment at the beginning was in confining the emigra tion to that helpless, inefficient, queru lous class of the community, who, by 200 FOUNDING AND PROGRESS OF GEORGIA. . n. 1732. misfortune and ill success at home, were little fitted to encounter the toils and privations of a new country ; the very sort of persons needed as pioneers, such as husbandmen, artificers, and laborers, were the ones excluded from the bene fit of the charity. But this error was not of long continuance, Oglethorpe offered to endure the fa tigue of planting the colony himself. Accordingly, with thirty-five families about a hundred and thirty-five per sons a clergyman, having with him Bibles, Prayer Books, and Catechisms, a person to instruct in cultivation of silk, and several officers of justice, Oglethorpe set sail from Deptford, November 17th, 1732, reached Charleston early in 1733, where he and his company were hospitably entertained, and soon after landed on the shores of the new province. On ascending the Savannah River, a pine- covered hill, somewhat elevated above its level shores, the Yamacraw Bluff, was fixed upon as the seat of the capi tal, which was laid out in broad aven ues and open squares, and named SA VANNAH, after the Indian name of the river. Daring these operations, Ogle thorpe pitched his tent under a canopy of lofty pine trees. He found the spot, on his arrival, occupied by a small body of the Creek Indians, who were easily induced to surrender it and to yield to the settlers an ample extent of territory.* Immediate steps were taken for setting forward the work of * For the interesting history of Mary Musgrove, who acted as interpreter, and the Rev. Mr. Bosorn- worth, her husband subsequently, see Mr. White s "Historical Collections of Georgia? pp. 21-31. 1733. colonization and settlement. A small battery commanded the river ; a pali sade was erected; an experimental garden was laid out for vines, mulberry trees, etc. ; and a storehouse was built. Soon after, a body of German Luthe rans, from the valleys of the Western Alps, within the archbishopric of Salz burg, who had been exposed to perse cution at home, obtained the sympathy and assistance of the English parlia ment, who furnished the means for enabling them to emigrate. Headed O O by their ministers, they left the home of their fathers on foot, and walked to Rotterdam, their place of embark ation, chanting as they went hymns of thanksgiving for the,ir deliverance. They touched at Dover, where they had an interview with their English patrons ; and on reaching Geor gia, in March, 1734, formed, at a distance above Savannah, a settle ment, piously called Ebenezer, where they were shortly after joined by other members of their community- To these early in 1735, were added several Mo ravians, the disciples of Count Zinzen- dorf. A company of about forty des titute Jews had also been furnished by some of their wealthier brethren with the means of emigrating to Georgia, where, though not encouraged by the trustees, they were allowed to establish themselves in peace. Oglethorpe returned to England in April, 1734, and carried with him se veral Creek chiefs, and some speci mens of Georgia silk. The Indians were treated with great attention, and, deeply impressed with the power and wealth of the English, were ready to 1734. CHAP. V. JOHN WESLEY IN GEORGIA. 1736. promise perpetual fidelity. By means of an additional parliamentary grant of JS2 6,000, steps were taken for occu pying the region lying near to Florida. Early in 1*736, a body of Scotch. Highlanders founded New O Inverness on the Alatamaha. Ogle- thorpe returned to Georgia with these settlers, having in his company John and Charles Wesley, afterwards cele brated for their connection with the Methodist movement. Charles Wes ley was appointed secretary to Ogle thorpe, and John was chosen the parish minister of Savannah. At first he was very popular, and was listened to with great devotion by all classes in the community ; but his zeal ere long in volved him in difficulties, which led to his leaving Georgia.. He had formed an attachment for a young lady, whose piety at first appeared unquestionable, but proving afterwards not quite equal to what Wesley and his religious asso ciates required, he had been led by principle to break off the connection, and the lady was married to another per son. Becoming now more " worldly" than before, she was refused admission to the Lord s Supper by Wesley, as unfit to partake of that solemnity, an exclusion for which her husband brought a suit, and claimed damages to the amount of 1,000. Wesley, charged beside with a number of other abuses of authority, and find ing the public feeling decidedly against him, " shook off the dust of his feet," as he phrases it, and left Georgia in disgust. He never afterwards re visited America. The Germans and Scotch were toler- VOL. I. 28 1T37. ably well contented with their posi tion; industry and frugality brought their proper reward ; but the class of settlers spoken of above, soon became clamorous for the privilege of having rum to use, and the keeping of slaves, both of which had been expressly for bidden from the first by the trustees. Discontent, and factious language and action, became quite prevalent among these ; and by constant agitation, dur ing ten years or so that followed, their wishes were yielded to, and slavery was introduced into Georgia. Oglethorpe, aware of the importance of strengthening his position, took mea sures to fortify the colony against the neighboring Spaniards. A fort was erected on an island near the mouth of the Alatamaha River, where a town called Frederica was regularly laid out and built ; and ten miles nearer the sea, on Cumberland Island, was raised a battery, commanding the entrance into Jekyl Sound, through which all ships of force must pass to reach Fred- erica. The Spaniards took umbrage at these proceedings on the part of the English, and sent a commissioner from Havana to demand an evacuation of all the territory south of St. Helena Sound, as belonging to the King of Spain. Oglethorpe, of course, resisted such a demand. He had acquired the veneration of all classes by his benevo lent labors, "nobly devoting all his powers to serve the poor, and rescue them from their wretchedness;" and though he himself possessed no share of territory in Georgia, he determined to shelter it, if needful, with his life. " To me," he said to Charles Wesley, 202 FOUNDING AND PKOGRESS OF GEORGIA. [B K . 1L 173. 1739. 174O. " death is nothing. If separate spirits regard our little concerns, they do it as men regard the follies of their child- O hood." Having proceeded to England, he raised and disciplined a regiment, and returned to Savannah in September, 1738, with the ap pointment of military commandant of Georgia and the Carolinas, and with directions to " repel force by force." In August of the next year, Ogle- thorpe travelled some three hundred miles through the forests, and met the Creeks, near the site of the present city of Columbus, who promised to maintain amity and con cord with the English, and also to ex clude all others. Having raised a large O o force, Oglethorpe laid siege to St. Augustine ; but the expedi tion was not successful. Anson s undertakings in despoiling Spanish commerce and colonies, as well as Vernon s efforts in the same line, having proved failures, the Spa niards, in 1742, determined to attack Georgia and Carolina with a force of three thousand men. Nothing but the ignorance of the Spanish com mander saved the colonies from im pending and fearful disaster ; and Ogle thorpe was enabled to repel an attack upon Frederica without serious diffi culty. Notwithstanding, however, his devotion to the interests of Georgia, Oglethorpe experienced much the same trials as other men placed in the like positions, and was exposed to a large share of petty meanness and ingrati tude. The discontented colonists first sent over Thomas Stevens as their agent to England, laden with com- 1712. 1713. plaints against the trustees in general, which, having been duly examined by the House of Commons, were pro nounced to be " false, scandalous, and malicious." Oglethorpe himself, soon after, went to England, to answer charges brought against his character, which he so effectually suc ceeded in vindicating, that his accuser, Cook, who was his own lieutenant- colonel, was deprived of his commis sion. Marrying presently and accept ing a home appointment, the founder of Georgia never afterwards revisited America ; but he lived long enough tc see the establishment of the indepen dence of the United States. Ogle- O thorpe died, July 1st, 1785, at the great age of ninety-seven. Directly after Wesley s return to England, the equally celebrated George Whitfield embarked for Georgia, and labored very effectively in many ways to set forward the cause of charity and religion. The orphan house near Sa vannah owed its origin to the labors of Whitfield. Mr. Hildreth devotes a number of pages in his second volume, to an account of the " Great Revival" in New England, consequent upon Whitfield s preaching and influence, aided by such men as Jonathan Ed wards, David Brainerd, and others. On the whole, we deem Mr. Hildreth s account a fair one, though probably not entirely acceptable to any of the par ties whose names he freely uses. " Re ligion, so conspicuous hitherto as the glowing, sometimes lurid, atmosphere of our historical pictures, fades hence forth, almost vanishes away :" because, thenceforth, men were content to give CHAP. V.] 44 THE GREAT REVIVAL." 203 up the idea, which is now scouted at by almost all, that religion and politics must go together. Men now care not whether a man has any religion what ever, so far as political and civil rela tions are concerned. May not the question be worth considering, whether, in departing from the extreme theocra tic views of the Puritans, we have not reached the opposite extreme ? Is the atheistical iudiffereutism of our day a better thing for the good of the com munity than the stern denunciation of the world, and all connection with it, of former times ? The reader, however, who takes note of the important effect upon a people of all extended religious movements, like the one now under consideration, will, we think, not be displeased to see what Mr. Hinton* has to say in regard to the "Great Revival." " It was in the year 1735, that the first very decided indication of a revi val spirit manifested itself at North ampton, Massachusetts, under the minis try of the Rev. Jonathan Edwards, af terwards president of the college in New Jersey. It appears to have r.orn- meucea among the young people of his congregation. Presently/ g-Eju Dr. Edwards, a great and earnest concern about the things of religion and the eternal world became universal in all parts of the town, and among persons of all degrees and ages. All the con versation in all companies, and upon all occasions, was upon these things only, unless so much as was necessary for people to carry on their ordinary secu- * " History of the United States," p. 134. lar business. Other discourse than of the things of religion would scarcely be tolerated in any company. They seemed to follow their worldly business more as a part of their duty, than from any disposition they had to it. The temptation now seemed to lie on this hand, to neglect worldly affairs too much, and to spend too much time in the immediate exercises of religion. But although people did not ordinarily neglect their worldly business, yet there then was the reverse of what com monly is ; religion was with all the great concern. This state of feeling spread rapidly during the following seven years through many of the New England States, and in some of those of New York and New Jersey. This work, says Dr. Trumbull,* was very extraordinary on many accounts. It was much beyond what had been the common course of Providence. It was more universal than had before been known. It extended to all sorts and characters of people, sober and vicious, high and low, rich and poor, wise and unwise. To all appearance, it was no less powerful in families and persons of distinction, in the places which it visited, than others. In former works of this nature, young people had generally been wrought upon, while elderly peo ple and children had been little affected, if moved at all. But at this time old men were affected as well as others. People, in a wonderful manner, flocked together to places of public worship, not only on the Lord s Day, but on lec ture days, so that the places of worship * " History of Connecticut," vol. ii., p. 141 204 FOUNDING AND PROGRESS OF GEORGIA. I RR. could not contain them. They would not only fill the houses, but crowd round the doors and windows without, and press together wherever they could hear the preacher. They would not only thus assemble in their own towns and parishes when the word was preached, but if they had the knowl edge of lectures in the neighboring towns and parishes, they would attend them. Sometimes they would follow the preacher from town to town, and from one place to another, for several days together. In some instances, in places but thinly settled, there would be such a concourse, that no house could hold them. There was, in the minds of people, a general fear of sin, and of the wrath of God denounced against it. There seemed to be a general convic tion, that all the ways of man were before the eyes of the Lord. It was the opinion of men of discernment and sound judgment, who had the best op portunities of knowing the feelings and general state of the people at that period, that bags of gold and silver, and other precious things, might, with safety, have been laid in the streets, and that no man would have converted them to his own use. Theft, wanton ness, intemperance, profaneness, sab bath-breaking, and other gross sins, appeared to be put away. The inter missions on the Lord s Day, instead of being spent in worldly conversation and vanity, as had been too usual be fore, were now spent in religious con versation, in reading and singing the praises of God. At lectures there was not only great attention and seriousness In the house of God, but the conversa tion out of it was generally on the great concerns of the soul. " There is a circumstance which con siderably contributed to accelerate .the diffusion of a revival spirit, which must not be overlooked the visits of the celebrated contemporaries, Wesley and Whitfield, to the American continent, just at this period. The extraordinary exertions of the latter especially excited and emboldened many faithful minis ters of Connecticut, whose labors and pecuniary sacrifices now became greater than they had ever before experienced or imagined they could endure. They not only abounded in active exertions among their own and neighboring con gregations, but preached in all parts of the colony, where their brethren would admit them, and in many places in Mas sachusetts, and the other colonies. They were very popular, and their labors were generally acceptable to their brethren, and useful to the people. They were not noisy preachers, but grave, sentimental, searching, and pun gent. Connecticut was, however, more remarkably the seat of the work than any part of New England, or of the American colonies. In the years 1740, 1741, and 1742, it had pervaded, in a greater or less degree, every part of the colony. In most of the towns and societies, it was very general and pow erful. " It has been estimated, that, during three years, from thirty to forty thou sand persons had their minds affected in the decided manner which has been described. It might naturally have been supposed, that, as many of these impressions occurred at a period of ex- CH. V.] SLOW PEOGRESS OF GEORGIA. 205 traordinary excitement, they would not have been generally productive of per manently beneficial results. The con trary, however, in a very great majority of instances, appears to have been the fact. The effects on great numbers, says Dr. Trumbull, were abiding and most happy ; they were the most uni form, exemplary Christians, with whom I was ever acquainted. I was born, and had my education, in that part of the town of Hebron in which the work was most prevalent and powerful. They were extraordinary for their con stant and serious attention on the pub lic worship ; they were prayerful, right eous, peaceable, and charitable ; they kept up their religious meetings for prayer, reading, and religious conversa tion, for many years ; they were strict in the religion and government of their families, and I never knew that any one of them was ever guilty of scandal, or fell under discipline. About eight or ten years after the religious revival and reformation, that part of the town was made a distinct society, and it was mentioned to Mr. Lothrop, the pastor elect, as an encouragement to settle with them, that there was not a drunk ard in the whole parish. While I lived in it, I did not know of one prayerless family among his people, nor ever heard of one. Some of those people, who dated their conversion from that period, lived until they were far ad vanced in life ; and after I was settled in the ministry, I became acquainted with them in one place and another. They appeared to be some of the most consistent practical Christians with whom I ever had an acquaintance. Their light shone before men, through O / O a long life, and brightened as they advanced on their way. Some I was called to visit in their last moments in full possession of their rational powers, who appeared perfectly to acquiesce in the will of God, to die in the full assu rance of faith, and in perfect triumph over the last enemy. " But to return from this digression. The government of Georgia thus far had not proved quite satisfactory ; the trustees determined, therefore, after Oglethorpe s return to England, to introduce important changes, commit ting civil affairs to a president . . 1743. and four councillors. William Stevens was appointed president, and notwithstanding his advanced a^e, he O Of discharged effectively the duties of his post. The progress of Georgia was slow and uncertain. Not only did the course pursued by the trustees serve to hinder its growth, but the nature of the cli mate and similar causes had a serious influence upon its prosperity. " After twenty years efforts, and the expendi ture of parliamentary grants to the amount of more than $600,000, besides about $80,000 contributed by private ostentation or charity, when the trus tees surrendered their rights under the charter, Georgia, contained only three small towns and some scattered plantations, with seven teen hundred white inhabitants and four hundred negroes. The total value of the exports for the three years preceding, had hardly amounted to $13,000. The exportation of wine and drugs had been totally relinquished, 1752. 200 COLONIZATION AND PROGRESS OF LOUISIANA. [BE. II. 1754. but some hopes of silk were still enter tained."* Two years later, the Board of Trade having recommended a form of government, John Reynolds was sent out as governor. The lesnslature was similar in its construe- O tion to that of other colonies under the Crown. The genuine Southern spirit of hospitality prevailed in Geor gia, as in other colonies ; yet, although the people were now favored with the same liberties and privileges enjoyed by their neighbors under the royal care, several years more elapsed before the value of the lands in Georgia was known, and that spirit of industry aroused, which afterwards diffused its happy influence over the country. CHAPTER YI. 16981753, COLONIZATION AND PROGRESS OF LOUISIANA, Lemoine DTberville Colonists led by him Enters the Mississippi Importance of the movement English jealousy Ships sent by them Outwitted by Bienville D Jberville charged with various projects by the government Ascends the Mississippi Losses by sickness D Iberville s death Settlement at Mobile Condition of the colonists Slow progress Kept alive by help from abroad Grant to Crozat Cadillac governor 111 success Depressed state of the colony The famous Mississippi Company John Law and his career His schemes in financial matters Their effect upon France Colonists sent out by the Company New Orleans founded War with Spain Military and ecclesiastical establishment Population in 1727- Masaacre by the Natchez Indians Retaliation by the French War with the Chickasaws Difficulty in the wav of subduing this brave tribe Bienville leaves Louisiana Administration of the Marquis de Vaudreuil Kerlerec appointed governor. FOR some years after La Salle s un timely death (p. 141,) the whole re gion of the lower Mississippi remained undisturbed. The peace of Ryswick, however, opened the way for fresh efforts on the part of the French to carry out their favorite project of establishing an uninterrupted line of communication between Canada and the Gulf of Mexico. Lemoine D Iber ville was chosen as the leader in this important enterprise. He was well known as a brave and skilful naval * Hildreth s "History of the United States," vol. ii., p. 453. 1C98. officer, and stood high in the esteem of his Canadian countrymen.* On the 17th of October, 1G98, he embarked, with two frigates and some two hundred settlers mostly dis banded soldiers to plant a colony at the mouth of the Mississippi; which as yet had not been entered from the sea. Early in February, 1699 the Span iards having prevented his entering * Mr. Gayarre. in his interesting work, "Romance of the History of Louisiana" vol. i., p. 30-36, gives a very spirited and graphic account of a sea fight of! the coast of New England, in which D Iberville suc ceeded in gaining the victory over three English ships which attacked him at the same time. CH. VI.] D IBERVILLE AND HIS PLANS. 207 the harbor of Pensacoia D Iberville landed on Dauphine Island, near Mo bile, and soon after discovered the River Pascagoula and the tribes of the Biloxi. Leaving most of the colonists O in huts on Ship Island, D Iberville, in company with his brother, Bienville, and about fifty men, took two barges and set out to find the entrance to the Mississippi. Guided by the muddy waters, on the 2d of March, they dis covered the mouth of the great river, which they ascended as high as Red River, and received from some 1699. Indians the letter which Ton- ti had written to La Salle, in 1684. Turning a^ain down the river. D Iber- O O / ville left the main stream, and passing through the Lakes Maurepas and Pont- chartrain, made his way back by a shorter passage, to the place where the main body of the colonists were waiting his movements. At the head of the Bay of Biloxi, on the sandy and deso late shore, and under the burning sun of that region, a fort was erected in May. D Iberville returned to France, leaving his brothers Sauvolle and Bien- O ville in command. Such was the beginning of the CJ O colony, and though it was plainly ira- possible to look for prosperity there, still it was an important movement in advancing the purposes of the French in America. Already aline of com munication existed between Quebec and the Gulf of Mexico. The bound less southern region made a part of the French empire by lilies carved on forest trees, or crosses erected on bluffs, and occupied by French missionaries and forest rangers was annexed to the 1699 command of the governor of Biloxi."* England, ever wakeful in her jealousy of France, determined to assert a claim to the region thus occupied; and an expedition under Coxe, a London phy sician, who had purchased the old patent of Carolana, set out for the mouth of the Mississippi. In September, 1699, as Bienville was exploring the forks below New Orleans, he met an English ship of sixteen guns ; with the ready wit of genius he persuaded the English commander that the region where he then was, was already occu pied and settled by the French, and thus got rid of a very troublesome visitor. The point where this occurred in the river is still known as the Jtnq- HsJi Turn. D Iberville returned early in Decem ber, 1699, and various and important projects were entrusted to him to carry out ; but especially was he to seek for, and to find, gold. In company with his brother, he ascended the Mississippi, and visited various tribes of Indians; but all inquiry and search for gold was in vain: the aged Tonti, with a few companions from the banks of the Illinois, joined D Iberville in this expedition, and they ascended the Mississippi, some three or four hundred miles. Bilious fevers carried off numbers, the amiable Sauvolle amons; the earliest ; and when D Iber- O > ville returned again from France, to which he had gone for provisions and soldiers, he found only a hundred . and fifty alive. D Iberville was * Bancroft s "History of the United States vol. iii., p. 202. 208 COLONIZATION AND PROGRESS OF LOUISIANA. K. n attacked by yellow fever, and his health was broken down by its effects upon his constitution. He died at Havana, in 1706. Louisiana, at his death, was little more than a wilderness : in the whole of its borders there were not more than thirty families. The major part of the settlers found it necessary to abandon Biloxi, and re moved to Mobile, near the head of the bay of that name. This was the first European settlement within the limits of what is now the State of Alabama, and it remained, as Mr. Hiidreth states, for twenty years the head quarters of the colony. No regular systematic in dustry had place among them ; pearls, gold mines, furs, the wool of the buffalo, were sought for by the colonists. Bi- h>xi was a sandy desert, and the soil on Dauphine Island was meagre and un productive ; in fact, to use Mr. Ban croft s poetic language, " Bienville and his few soldiers were insulated and un happy, at the mercy of the rise of waters in the river ; and the buzz and sting of mosquitoes, the hissing of the snakes, the croaking of the frogs, the cries of alligators, seemed to claim that the country should still for a genera tion, be the inheritance of reptiles, while at the fort of Mobile, the sighing of the pines and the hopeless character of the barrens, warned the emigrants to seek homes farther within the land." Recruits, it is true, were added from time to time to the colony; but the whole number of the colonists does not seem ever to have exceeded two hun dred at any one time during the next ten years ; and had it not been for pro visions sent from France and St. Do- j 1712. rningo, even these would probably have perished by starvation. Hardly sustaining itself in existence, even by such means, the colony became a burden to Louis XIV., and in 1712, he granted to Anthony Crozat the exclusive privilege for fifteen years of trading in all that immense country, which, with its undefined lim its, France claimed as her own under the name of Louisiana. Bienville, still acting as Governor, was succeeded, in 1713, by Cadillac, as Governor, he him self being appointed Lieutenant Gov ernor. Crozat charged Cadillac to look especially after mineral wealth ; and the new Governor, whose character is presented in a very ludicrous light by Mr. Gayarre, expected soon to realize an immense fortune. But his expec tations met with a mortifying failure, and he was dismissed without ceremony from his office, whose duties he had dis charged to so little profit to any one. Crozat, wearied out with the ill success of his plans for establishing commercial relations with the Spaniards, and getting a share in the trade with the Indians, which trade was monopolized by the En glish, begged the government, in 1717, to take the colony off his hands. At this date, the whole pop ulation, white and colored, was only about seven hundred, and notwithstand ing Bienville s activity and success in conciliating and overawing the Natchez o o Indians, among whom he had placed Fort Rosalie, and notwithstanding vari ous efforts in behalf of. the colony, it was at this date in a very depressed state. France, however, was unwilling to 1717. CH. VI.] JOHN LAW THE FINANCIER. 209 1717. give up the hope of profit and wealth by means of Louisiana ; and the Regent and his advisers determined to hand it over to the famous Company of the West, better known as the Mississippi Company, through whose management it was confidently believed that im mense wealth would flow into the empty treasury of France. This gigantic scheme, one of the most extensive and wonderful bubbles ever blown up to astonish, delude, and ruin thousands of people, was set in opera tion, and its charter registered by the parliament of Paris, on the 6th of September, 1717, the capital being a hundred millions of livres. The fertile brain of John Law gave birth to this mighty project of making every body rich with nothing more substantial, in fact, than pieces of paper. Law was born in Edinburgh, in 1671 ; and so rapid had been his career, that, as Mr. Gayarre says, at twenty-three years of age, he was "a bankrupt, an adulterer, a murderer, and an exiled outlaw." But he was undoubtedly a man of financial ability, and by his agreeable and attractive manners, and his enthusiastic advocacy of his schemes, he succeeded in inflam ing the imaginations of the mercurial Frenchmen, whose wishes fathers to their thoughts led them readily to adopt any plans for obtaining wealth in preference to those of steady indus try and the natural gains of honest and honorable trade. Arriving in Paris with two million and a half francs, which he had gained at the gambling table, he found him self there just at the right time. Louis VOL. I. 29 XIV. died soon after, and, in 1716, the Duke of Orleans, the Regent, found the financial condition of France to be truly desperate. "The public debt was im mense ; it was a legacy bequeathed by the military glory of Louis XIV.. and the other pompous vanities of his long reign. The consequence was, that the load of taxation was overwhelming, merely to pay the interest of this debt, without any hope of diminishing the capital. All the sources of industry were dried up: the very winds which wafted the barks of commerce, seemed to have died away under the pressure of the time ; trade stood still ; the man ufacturers were struck with palsy ; the merchant, the trader, the artificer, once flourishing in affluence, were now trans formed into clamorous beggars, and those who could yet command some small means, were preparing to emi grate to foreign parts. The life-blood that animated the kingdom, was stag nated in all its arteries, and the danger of an awful crisis became such, that it was actually proposed in the Council of State, to expunge the public debt, by an act of national bankruptcy. Hut the Regent has the credit of having re jected the proposition; and a commis sion was appointed to inquire into the financial situation of the kingdom, and to prepare a remedy for the evil."* Law now stepped forward, and the Regent eagerly caught at the proposed means of relief: a bank was es- 1910. tablisned, as an experiment, bear ing Law s name, with a capital of six millions of livres, divided into shares * Gayarre s " History of Louisiana" vol. i. p. 190. 20 COLONIZATION AND PROGRESS OF LOUISIANA. [BK. II. 171. of five hundred livres. This bank was very successful, and a year afterwards its notes were ordered to be received as specie by the royal treasury. From one step to another is always easy, and so it happened that Law s bank was abolished in December, 1718, and the Royal Bank, with Law as director-general, sprang into exist ence. The same grand speculator was appointed director-general of the Mis sissippi Company, and both institutions were merged into one. Our limits do not admit of following the almost incredible career of John Law, and the frenzy of cupidity dis played by the Parisians and others, in the insane attempt to accomplish the payment of their debts, and increase their wealth, by means of an inflated paper currency. The bubble burst after a few years, scattering ruin and distress in every direction: the bank stopped payment in May, 1*720, at which time there was paper in circula tion, amounting to 2,235,085,590 livres. The whole of it was suddenly reduced to the value of so much waste paper, and no more. Law fled from the fury of the people to Brussels ; nearly every thing was lost ; he visited England in 1721 ; left it in 1722, and died in ob scurity and poverty at Venice, in 1729. Truly, to use the words of Mr. Gayarre, " he who could write in all its details the history of that Mississippi bubble, so fatal in its short-lived duration, would give to the world the most in structive composition, made up of the most amusing, ludicrous, monstrous, and horrible elements that were ever jumbled together !" 171. In March, 1718, three vessels reached Louisiana, with three companies of in fantry and sixty-nine colonists ; and in June of the same year, some eight hundred persons, colonists, convicts, and troops, also safely arrived : these were the first installments of the six thousand whites and three thousand negroes which the Mississippi Company agreed to introduce. Bienville was re- appointed governor, and soon after sent a party of convicts to clear up a swamp the site of the present city of New Orleans, so named after the Recent 7 O of France. A few years later Bien ville removed thither the seat of gov ernment, and time has justified his fore sight and perspicacity in the choice of this locality for the commercial capital of the valley of the Mississippi. Law had reserved to himself twelve miles square on the Arkansas, whither he had sent fifteen hundred German set tlers. During the prosperity of the paper scheme, money was profusely spent in promoting enterprise and col onization in Louisiana, but when this scheme exploded these foreign re sources suddenly ceased, and the set tlers, who were in a great measure dependent on them, were reduced to great distress. A war having broken out with Spain, Pensacola was twice taken by the French, but in 1721 it , , ., , 1721. was restored again to its for mer owners, and the River Perdido became the dividing line between Spanish Florida and French Louis iana. A military establishment of about a thousand troops was kept up : and a considerable number of Capu- Cu. VI.] PROSPERITY OF LOUISIANA. 211 chins and Jesuits had charge of the spiritual concerns of the colonists. " Rice was the principal crop, the main resource for feeding the popu lation. To this were added tobacco and indigo. The fig had been introduced from Provence, and the orange from St. Domingo." In 1727, the population amounted to something more than five thousand, half of this number beinsr negroes. O O Perier, in 1726, was appointed gov ernor in place of Bienville, whose re moval had been effected by his pertin acious enemies ; soon after, difficulties began to arise with the Indians. The Natchez tribe, who had at first amicably received the French, and in whose ter ritory Fort Rosalie had been erected, now became jealous of their growing demands for territory : urged on by the Chickasaws, and falling suddenly upon the fort in 1729, they massacred all the male inhab itants and carried away the women and children into slavery ; but a year or so afterwards, the French nearly exterminated the whole tribe, and sent several hundred of them to be sold as slaves in Hispaniola, The Chickasaws, who traded with the English, and ob structed the communication between Upper and -Lower Louisiana, now gave asylum to the poor remains of the Natchez tribe ; for these offences the French determined to subdue them. The Mississippi Company, in 1732, resigned Louisiana into the hands of the King, and Bienville was again appointed governor, and directed to make preparations for a war against the Chickasaws. With a 1729. 1732. 1735. 1739. fleet of sixty boats and canoes, and with about twelve hundred Choctaws as allies, Bienville ascended the Tombigbee River to the head of navigation, and attacked the Chick asaws near that point ; but the French were repulsed and compelled to re treat. Three years later the whole strength of the French was put forth to overcome this haughty and powerful tribe ; sickness, however, and scarcity of provisions, soon thinned the ranks of the French troops, and, probably in consequence of dissensions among the officers, in 1740, they were glad to withdraw their forces and leave the Chickasaws unsubdued. The home government was greatly displeased with Bienville s ill success in this undertak ing ; and shortly after, in 1743, the Marquis de Vaudreuil was sent out as his successor. Bienville, at the age of sixty-five, left Louisiana never to return to the colony he loved and had served so lon<2f and well. O From this date onward, for many years, Louisiana, under the adminis tration of the Marquis de Vaudreuil, enjoyed comparative tranquility, and gradually advanced in prosperity. De Vaudreuil was a nobleman of honor able standing, and endeavored to give a high tone to his government, and although troubles with the Indians o and other difficulties interfered with his comfort and the progress of the colony, yet, on the whole, matters went on as well as could be expected. In 1753, De Vaudreuil was trans ferred to Canada, and Kerlerec, a captain in the Royal Navy, succeeded him as governor of Louisiana. 1743. 212 GENERAL CONDITION OF THE COLONIES. . 11. CH APTEE VII. 17001750. GENERAL CONDITION OF THE COLONIES. brief survey of the condition of the colonies important Population of Virginia State of manners, habits, cus toms, progress in trade and commerce Report made to the Board of Trade Complaint of the Virginians as to the conduct of the royal officers Population of Massachusetts Trade, etc. Connecticut and Rhode Island Militia force Iron works Mining operations Progress of New Hampshire The throat dis temper Earthquake in New England Religion in New England Improvement in manners and general intercourse Mode of living, fashions, etc. Discussions as to the intentions of the colonists on the subject of independence Population and progress of Maryland Trade, etc., of the Carolinas Hurricane Yellow fever New York Tea Contraband trade Manners and social life in New York Albany and its people New Jersey Pennsylvania; its trade, etc., compared with New York Value of this imperfect sketch of the condition of the colonies Final struggle approaching between the English and French in America. AT this point in the progress of our narrative, it will be profitable as well as interesting to pause a while, and take a brief survey of the position and gen eral condition of the American colonies. We have already, here and there, called the attention of the reader to the grad ual development of wealth and energy in the colonies; it will conduce, how ever, to additional clearness of ideas, as well as better understanding of the ac tual though not yet understood or ap preciated strength of the colonies, if we devote a few pages more particu larly to this subject, and endeavor to ascertain what was the real condition of things during the first half of the eighteenth century. In doing this, we shall rely mainly upon Mr. Grahame, whose te-sume of this topic, as far as it goes, we look upon as worthy of entire confidence. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the population of Virginia amounted to sixty thousand, of whom about one half were slaves. The militia 1722. were then in number less than ten thou sand : in 1*722, they numbered eighteen thousand, from w r hich it is fair to infer a proportionably great increase in the general population. In IT 50, Virginia numbered at least one hundred and sixty thousand inhabitants more than half of whom were slaves, At Williamsburg, the seat of govern ment, there were three public buildings, in 1727, which w r ere considered the finest specimens of architecture in the coun try the College, the State House, and the Capitol. Hospitality, to a profuse extent, and card-playing among the up per classes, were quite common, and hunting and cock-fighting were amuse- o o o ments in which all were interested There was also in this town a theatre, the first that arose in the British col onies. Many persons of proud families at home, came to Virginia to escape the being looked down upon by their more wealthy aristocratic friends ; and it was customary for young women, who had met with misfortune or loss of charac- CH. VII.] VIEWS OF THE BO A ED OF TRADE. 213 1729. ter in their native land, to emigrate to America, where they were at liberty to establish their claims to better charac ters, and more, honorable positions in life than they could ever have attained elsewhere. Printing was first established in Virginia, in 1729 ; and the first newspaper in this colony was published at Williamsburg, in 1736. From Virginia and Maryland there were now annually exported about one hundred thousand hogsheads of tobacco, (valued at & per hogs head) and two hundred ships were eommonly freighted with the tobacco produce of these two provinces. The annual gain to England from this trade was about 500,000. The articles of iron and copper ore, beeswax, hemp, and raw silk, were first exported from Virginia to England, in 1730. In a report made to the Board of Trade in the reign of Queen Anne, Ave find the following statements : " On every river of this province, there are men, in number from ten to thirty, who, by trade and industry, have got very complete estates. These gentlemen take care to supply the poorer sort with goods and necessaries, and are sure to keep them always in their debt, and conse quently dependent on them. Out of this number, are chosen the Council, Assembly, justices, and other officers of government. The inhabitants consider that this province is of far greater ad vantage to her majesty than all the rest of the provinces besides on the main land, and therefore conclude that they ought to have greater privileges than the rest of her majesty s subjects. The Assembly think themselves entitled to all the rights and privileges of an Eng lish parliament, and begin to search into the records of that honorable House for precedents to govern themselves by. The Council imagine that they stand upon equal terms with the British House of Lords." Probably, we think, these statements were due as much to the jealousy of the Board as to the careful investigation of the facts in the case. The Virginians, no doubt justly, com plained of the insolence of the com manders of ships of war sent to cruise off the coast for the protection of trade. insolence which at no late day became utterly insufferable, and added not a little to the readiness of the provincials to measure arms with the haughty and overbearing regulars, who prided them selves so much on their superiority in all respects. Virginia was warm in its attachment to the parent country ; but they, too, had begun generally to ques tion the right to impose restrictions on commerce, a right constantly claimed and almost as constantly resisted or evaded ; and the Virginia Assembly had no disposition to keep in repair forts and such like, which mi^ht be turned to t o their hurt in case of a contest. Massachusetts not less than Virginia had advanced in population during this period. At the beginning of the eighteenth century there were between O v seventy thousand and eighty thousand inhabitants; in 1731, the number is estimated at one hundred and twenty thousand freemen and two thousand six hundred slaves : and in 1750, it had reached not less than two hundred thousand. Six hundred ships and sloops were engaged in 1731. 214 GENERAL CONDITION OF THE COLONIES. [Bx. II trade, amounting to at least thirty- ei^ht thousand tons ; one half of these O vessels traded to Europe. About six thousand persons were employed in its fisheries. Connecticut appears to have made steady progress, and in 1750 is computed to have had one hundred thousand inhabitants. Rhode Island, which at the beginning of the eighteenth century had about ten thousand inhab itants, in 1*730 possessed a population of eighteen thousand, of whom nine hun dred and eighty-five were Indians and one thousand six hundred and forty- eight negro slaves: in 1750, there were thirty thousand inhabitants in this colony. Newport, which was the metropolis, contained a population of something less than five thousand, in cluding Indians and negroes. The o o first newspaper was published in this colony in 1732. In the year 3738, Newport contained seven places of worship ; there was a large society of Quakers at Portsmouth, and in the other eleven townships of the colony there were twenty-five assem blages for Christian worship. In re gard to New Hampshire, we find in Kolmes s Annals that its population, in 1750, is computed to have been twenty-four thousand. The militia of New England, as a whole, is computed to have amounted to fifty thousand Iron was the only metallic ore which the colonists had undertaken to improve ; and there were now six furnaces for hollow ware, and nineteen forges, in New England. In 1730, fifty hundred weight of hemp, produced in New England and Carolina, were exported 1738. to Britain. In 1712, certain adven turers in Connecticut conceived hopes of great enrichment from the discovery of two copper. mines, which were erro neously supposed to contain also some veins of more precious metals. One of these mines at Simsbury, was worked to a great extent, but to little profit. The excavation which they made was afterwards converted into a prison, whereby, as Trunibull rather drily says, it yielded more advantage to the province than by all the copper that had been extracted from it. We have before spoken of the troubles that arose between New Hampshire and Massachusetts in the matter of the former having a gov ernor for themselves. After much un pleasant litigation the question waa settled. The trade of New Hamp shire, at this date, consisted chiefly in the exportation of lumber and fish to Spain, Portugal and the Carribee Islands. In winter small vessels were despatched to the southern colonies with English and AVest India goods, and returned with cargoes of corn and pork. The manufacture of linen was considerably increased by the com ing of Irish emigrants to this colony. Although New Hampshire was justly considered to be a healthy region, it was about this time visited with a fatal epidemic, called the throat dis temper, which broke out again in 1754 and 1784, and was very destructive on all these occasions. The symptoms were a swelled throat, with white or ash-colored specks, an efflorescence on the skin, extreme debility of the whole body, and a strong tendency to Cn. VII.] SOCIAL LIFE AND MANNERS. 215 putridity. Its remote and predisposing cause, says Belknap, is one of those mysteries in nature which baffie human inquiry. Respecting innoculation for the small pox we have already spoken, and need only refer the reader to what is there said. On the 29th of Octo ber, 1727, while the sky was clear and serene, and a deep stillness and tran- quility pervaded the air, New England was suddenly shaken by a tremendous earthquake, which overthrew a consid erable number of buildings, and pros trated many persons to the ground. On the same day, the Island of Mar tinique was threatened with entire de struction, from a similar convulsion of nature. New England was still distinguished O O by the zeal in behalf of religion of the great body of its inhabitants. This zeal happily was less intolerant than in earlier days of the Puritan colonies; and when fanatical exhibitions broke out, they were content to treat them as they deserved, and did not attempt to put a stop to delusions and folly, by hanging, or burning, or mutilating the bodies of those, who, for the time, showed that they were not in their right minds. In 1725, a proposition was set on foot to hold a synod of all the Congregational churches in New England ; but the design was aban doned, owing to the opposition of the government. Notwithstanding a certain stiffness still remaining the result of the long reign of strict Puritanism the social o and domestic condition of the people was vastly improved, and to a large ex tent there prevailed cheerfulness, re finement, and liberality. The royal govtrnors often maintained a somewhat splendid style of living, and formed the centre of a society composed of " per sons in office, the rich, and those who had connections in England, of which they were very proud." These were the gentry of the country, in those days. Modes of life, manners, and personal decoration, were the indica tions of superiority. Most of the gen try embraced the side of government, when those serious disputes began to arise, which ultimately drove a large portion of them from the colony ; but the same indications continued among o some who remained, and adhered to the side of their countrymen. There was a class of persons, no longer known, who might be called the gentry of the interior. They held very considerable landed estates, in imitation of the land owners in England. These persons were the great men in their respective counties. They held civil and military offices, and were members of the Gen eral Court. This sort of personal dig nity gradually disappeared, as . the equalizing tendency of the growth and fortunes of the country began to pro duce its effect upon the whole com munity. In early days, the stern old Puritans had endeavored to restrain extrava gance and luxury, by sumptuary regu lations ; but their power was no longer felt, at least to any great extent, in such matters: and as wealth increased, dis play and even luxurious indulgence obtained place in New England. A picture like the following is decidedly instructive as well as suggestive : " In oo 210 GENERAL CONDITION OF THE COLONIES. |BK. 11. the principal houses of Boston," says the writer, "there was a great hall, ornamented with pictures, and a great lantern, and a velvet cushion in the window-seat that looked into the gar den. A large bowl of punch was often placed in the hall, from which visitors might help themselves as they entered. On either side was a great parlor, a little parlor, or study. These were furnished with great looking-glasses, Turkey carpets, window curtains and Balance, pictures and a map, a brass clock, red leather-back chairs, and a great pair of brass andirons. The chambers were well supplied with feather-beds, warming-pans, and every other article that would now be thought necessary for comfort or display. The pantry was well filled with substantial fare, and dainties prunes, marmalade, Mid Madeira wine. Silver tankards, vrine cups, and other articles of plate were not uncommon, and the kitchen was completely stocked with pewter, iron, and copper utensils. Very many families employed servants, and in one we see a Scotch boy, valued among the property, and invoiced at 14." Negro slaves also often formed part of a New England household of that day. Even before this period, in the matter of dress, certain of the ladies were eager to copy the London and Paris fashions, as we learn from a splenetic old writer. u Methinks," he says, " it should break the heart of Englishmen to see so many goodly Englishwomen imprisoned in Frencli cages, peering out of their hood- holes for some men of mercy to help them with a little wit ;" and he sharply complains of their eagerness to learn ID hat dress tlie queen is in, and to copy it in all haste. As a matter of interest, it may be noted here, that the first portrait painter in America was John Smibert, a Scotch artist, who came over with Berkeley, and painted that picture of the bishop and his family which is preserved at Yale College. An art so pleasing was not long in making its way over the colonies, and has preserved to posterity the youthful appearance of Washing ton. But though art and literature were making their way, public amuse ments were still frowned upon by the New England magistrates. Otway s play of "The Orphan" was acted in 1750, at a coffee-house in Boston; but such exhibitions were forthwith pro hibited, as "tending to discourage in dustry and frugality, and greatly to increase impiety and contempt of re ligion." A London company of actors contrived, however, shortly afterwards, to gain a footing in New York, Phila delphia, and other towns further south. The probable designs of the New En ^landers at this date, in regard to O the question of by and by throwing off the yoke of the mother country, afford ed matter for considerable discussion in England. Some members of the o Board of Trade entertained and ex pressed apprehension of such a deter mination on the part of the colonists. They even went so far as to give it as their opinion, that nothing but the effective interposition of parliament could arrest the manifest tendency to independence. The colonists treated all such charges as without foundation and we believe quite justly, so far as CH. VII.] POPULATION OF MARYLAND AND THE CAROLINA S. 217 any settled or clearly defined purpose in their own minds was concerned : it is not quite so clear, however, that, when their attention was turned to the evi dent design of the mother country to jnpose heavy burdens upon them, and when they both felt their own strength, and knew their own unyielding resolve never to submit to tyranny or unlawful imposition of any sort ; we say, when they thought over these things, it is not quite so clear, that the idea of independ ence had not found place among them, as a thing possible, though not then at all probable. The folly of provoking such discussions in the colonies, we need not enlarge upon: the youthful giant would throw oif all parental control soon enough, without provoking him to measure his strength prematurely with his sire. In 1734, the population of Maryland appears to have been thirty-six thou sand taxable inhabitants, by which is meant the white men above six teen years of age, and negroes, male and female, from sixteen to sixty. The state of society and manners in Maryland was, naturally, very much the same as in Virginia. A printing-press was established in Maryland, in 1726, three years before Virginia enjoyed that privilege. The people of this colony are said to have derived much advantage from their knowledge of the medicinal uses of certain herbs and plants, from the fact that long peace and friendship with the Indians had induced creat freedom of intercourse o between the white and the red men. The salaries of public officers were very low. In 17.32, the Assembly VOL. I. 30 1731. made tobacco a legal tender for the payment of all debts, at a penny per pound, and Indian corn at twenty pence per bushel. Probably the Ko- man Catholics still were in the majority in the colony : many Protestants, how ever, settled on the frontier counties of Virginia and Maryland. The population of North Carolina, in 1710, was six thousand; probably it had considerably increased some years later ; it must be confessed, however, as we have in substance noted before, that in the early part of this century the people of North Carolina formed one of the most turbulent, irreligious, and O 7 illiterate communities in America, In the year 1700, the population of South Carolina was less than six thousand : in 1723, it amounted to thirty -two thou sand ; of whom eighteen thousand were slaves. Beside the commercial inter course with England, an extensive trade, carried on almost entirely in British ships, was kept up between Carolina and the West Indies, New England, Pennsylvania and New York. Be tween 1720 and 1730, rice, to the amount of over forty-four thousand tons, was exported from South Carolina : in the year 1730, the ne groes amounted to twenty-eight thou sand, and large accessions to this class of population continued to be made from year to year. In respect to social life, the habits of the planters were generally frugal, and luxury had not yet obtained much influence. Print ing was introduced in 1730, and a newspaper established in 1734. The majority of the inhabitants were at tached to the Church of England; 1730. 218 GENERAL CONDITION OF THE COLONIES. 1T28. but the Presbyterian denomination al so flourished. During the summer of 1728, the weather in South Carolina proved un commonly hot; the surface of the earth was parched, the pools of water were dried up, and the beasts of the field reduced to the greatest distress. This was followed in the autumn by a furious hurricane, which occasioned wide-spread destruction. In the same year that fearful scourge, the yellow fever, broke forth to an extent and with a malignitv that swept off large numbers. Subsequently to this, the increase of wealth among the Caro linians led to a corresponding increase in expensiveness of living and its usual concomitants of display and luxurious indulgence. At the beginning of the century, New York numbered thirty thousand persons; in 1*732, this number had more than doubled, of whom about seven thousand were slaves; and in 1750, there were nearly one hundred thousand inhabitants in the province. The annual imports of this colony were reckoned at 100,000 ; and in 1736, two hundred and eleven vessels with cargoes entered, and two hundred and twenty- two vessels with cargoes departed from the port of New York. A taste for tea was gradually making progress : this led to considerable contraband trade on the part of the colonists, so that they might obtain tea at a less rate than that charged by the English East India Com pany ; in fact, they did get it by this means some thirty per cent, lower. A public school was founded in New York city bv the Legislature, in 1732, where- [B K . II. in Latin, Greek, and the mathematics were to be taught. A newspaper was first published in New York in 1725. Some remaining influence of the Dutch manners and habits still pre vailed in New York, although it was evident that English and French tastes were predominant. The citizens were lively and sociable in manners ; there were weekly evening clubs ; and in the winter, balls and concerts. Living was on a less expensive scale than at Boston, and the New Yorkers were at that day, as well as now, devoted to business and the gains of trade. Al bany, at this date on the outskirts of civilization, retained much more of the flavor of its Dutch origin. The archi tecture was like that of Delft or Ley- den ; all the houses stood with their angular zigzag gables turned to the street, with long projecting gutter- pipes, which, like those of the towns of continental Europe at the present day, discharge their unsavory current of dirty water or melted snows upon the heads of the unwary passengers. The -stoope-s, or porches, were furnished with side-seats, well filled in the even ing with the inmates, old and young, of both sexes, who met to gossip or to court, while the cattle wandered almost at will about the streets of the half- rustic city. In the interior of the dwellings, Dutch cleanliness and econ omy were established ; the women, as at the present day in Holland, were considered over-nice in scrubbing their floors, and burnishing their brass and pewter vessels into an intensity of lustre. From the dawn of day until late at night they were engaged in the CH. VIL] POSITION ALREADY ATTAINED BY THE COLONIES. 219 work of purification. They lived too with exemplary sobriety ; breakfasting on tea without milk and sweetened by a small bit of sugar passed round from one to the other ; they dined on butter milk and bread, and if to that they added sugar, it was esteemed delicious, though sometimes they indulged in broiled and roasted- meats. The use of stoves was unknown, and the huge fire-places, through which one might have driven a wagon, furnished with ample logs, were grand and cozy nest ling-places during the long winter even ings, which the wail of the snow storm and the roar of the forest trees ren dered more deliciously secure. Under the English the same simplicity of man ners long prevailed. The population of New Jersey, in 1738, had increased to forty-seven thou sand three hundred and sixty-seven, of whom about four thousand were slaves. In 1736, a college was founded at Princeton, named Nassau Hall. The general prosperity of this colony was due, doubtless, to the virtuous and in dustrious character and habits of the people. In 1750, the population of New Jersey was about seventy thou sand. In regard to Pennsylvania and Dela ware, no entirely reliable computation can be made of the population of these colonies; probably it was considerably less than that of Virginia at the same date. The colonists traded with En^- o land, Portugal and Spain ; with the Canaries, Madeira, and the Azores; with the West India Islands ; with New England, Virginia, and Carolina. In 1731, Philadelphia is said to have numbered about twelve thousand in habitants, being, probably, somewhat in advance of New York. In 1736, the vessels arriving and departing were considerably less than we have noted in the case of New York. The import ations into Pennsylvania are reckoned at the annual value of 150,000, being much more than those of New York. The value of the exports from Great Britain to North America, according to Mr. Hildreth, for the ten years from 1738 to 1748, was, on an average, annually about $3,500,000. The im ports from the colonies were somewhat less. The balance against the colonies was paid in specie, the produce of their West India and African trade. From this brief, imperfect, and, we fear, rather dry sketch of the genera! condition of the American colonies, it will be evident that there existed among them the undoubted elements of strength, decision of character, and firm resolves to maintain their just rights and privileges. Prosperity had fallen to their lot in a large degree, and with prosperity the natural rest lessness of the Anglo-Saxon race urged them on to greater and more far- reaching designs. Their neighbors, the French, they had never liked ; already had there been many a contest between them ; and now the day was fast ap proaching when the final struggle was to take place and the mastery be attained by one or the other. It was not possi ble much longer to put off the contest. France, thus far secure in the West, to use the language of Mr. Parkman " next essayed to gain foothold upon the sources of the Ohio, and, about the 220 THE FOURTH INTERCOLONIAL WAR. 11 year 1748, the sagacious Count Gal- issoniere proposed to bring over ten thousand peasants from France, and plant them in the valley of that beau tiful river, and on the borders of the lakes. But while at Quebec, in the Castle of St. Louis, soldiers and states men were revolving schemes like this, the slowly-moving power of .England bore on with silent progress from the East. Already the British settlements were creeping along the valley qf ; the Mohawk, and ascending the eastern / -_? slope of the Alleganies. Forests crash ing to the axe, dark spires of smoke ascending from autumnal fires, were heralds of the advancing host ; and while on the one side of the Alle ganies, Celeron de Bienville was bury ing plates of lead, engraved with the arms of France, the ploughs and axes of Virginia backwoodsmen were enfor cing a surer title on the other. The adverse powers were drawing near The hour of collision was at hand."* To the history of this last measuring of arms between the ancient rivals, and of its important bearing on the position of the colonies, in their disputes with the mother country, we now invite the reader s attention. * Parkmau s " History of the Conspiracy of Pon tiac," p. 56. CHAPTER VIII. 17491755, THE FOURTH INTERCOLONIAL WAR. Designs and claims of the French Counter claims of the English No regard to the Indiana claims The Ohio Company Its policy and efforts GEORGE WASHINGTON Early life and training His father s death The mother of Washington Receives an^jDpointment as midshipman in the Navy Method and orderly habits Activity, spirit, energy Studies sui^Rfying Undertakes the duties of a surveyor Military appointmeat His brother Lawrence s ill li^alth and de^.th Appointed by Governor Dinwiddie to visit the French post on the Ohio His adventurous mission Its results His return His journal Appointed lieutenant-colonel His military exploits The affair with Jumonville Truth of the matter Obliged to capitulate at Fort Necessity Thanks of the Assembly to Washington Convention of governors at Albany Plan of union and confederation Not received with favor Levy of troops called for Dieskau s force 111 usage of colonial officers Braddock commander-in-chief Expeditions undertaken Braddock s character and conduct Franklin s help His conversation with Braddock Washington serves as aid-de-camp His urgent advice rejected by Braddock Splendid spectacle Troops routed by Indians and French in ambush Death of Braddock Washington s preservation Panic of the army Prestige of royal troops destroyed. coverers of rivers, the jurisdiction ovei the lands watered by them. So lont, as the English colonies were confined to the immediate vicinity of the sea coast, there was little reason for them to interfere with the plans and pur- have already spoken of the designs of the French and their de termination to obtain, if possible, the control of the entire region from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico, based upon that law which gives to the dis CH. VIII.] FRENCH AND ENGLISH CLAIMS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 221 poses of the French. In the progress of events, however, as they became acquainted with the regions beyond the mountains, and as they penetrated into those beautiful and fertile portions of the country on the banks of the Ohio and its tributaries, the English colonists not only learned the value and importance of the vast tracts of territory thus far unexplored, but also resolved to set up counter claims to the right over the soil. The French had established numerous military and trading posts from the frontiers of Canada even to the city of New Or leans, and in order to establish their claims to jurisdiction over the country, they had carved the lilies of France on the forest trees, or had sunk plates of metal in the ground for this purpose.* The French claimed as discoverers, and in so far seemed to have a just ground for their pretensions : the English, on the other hand, had grants of territory extending in a direct line westward to the Pacific Ocean, and hence they claim ed a right to all the thousands of miles intervening between the Atlantic coast and the almost illimitable West. Nei ther party, it is worth noticing, deemed it necessary to pay a moment s attention to the prior claims of the Indian occu- pants.f From this position of things, it is evident, that actual collision be- * See the language of Mr. Parkman quoted on p. 219, and more fully in his " Conspiracy of Pontiac" pp. 85-126. f In November, 1749, when the hardy pioneer, Gist, was surveying for the Ohio Company the lands on the south side of the Ohio River as far down as the great Kanawha, an old Delaware Chief, observing what he was about, propounded to him a shrewd in quiry : " The French claim all the land on one side of tween the contending parties could not much longer be deferred. Shortly after the peace of Aix-la Chapelle, a body of London merchants and Virginia land speculators, known as the Ohio Company, obtained in Eng land a grant of six hundred thousand acres of land on the east bank of that river, with exclusive privileges of Indian traffic. This was naturally looked upon, by the French, as an encroachment, they claiming the whole region watered by the tributaries of the Mississippi. The English set up a counter claim, in the name of the Six Nations, recognized by the treaties of Utrecht and Aix-la- Chapelle, as under British protection, whose empire, so it was said, reached over the whole eastern portion of the Mississippi Valley and the basin also of the lower lakes. As the principal ob ject of the Ohio Company was to obtain a footing on the soil, they forthwith proceeded to establish the post of Redstone, on the Mononga- hela River a step, of course, regarded as an aggression by the French, who built a ngw- fort on the shores of Lake Erie, anc^Were evidently preparing to drive ou?ttll gf^onents, and take pos session of the disputed territory. In anticipation of this step, Dinwiddie, lieutenant-governor of Virginia, had al ready sent out a messenger in the guise of a trader, to ascertain the temper of the Indians, and to spy out the proceed- the Ohio, the English claim all the land on the other side : tell me now, where does the Indians land lie V Poor savages, as Mr. Irving well says, between their " fathers, the French, and their " brothers," the English, they were in a fair way of being most lov ingly shared out of the whole country. 1751. TftE FOURTH INTERCOLONIAL WAR. [B K . II. ings of the French. The English gov ernment, in anticipation of a war, had urged the governor, to lose no time in building two forts, for which purpose artillery and munitions were sent over ; but the French had been beforehand with them, and had already gathered a considerable force to act according as the emergency might require. It was evident that active measures needed to be taken at once, and Dinwiddie 1753. , . . -, . , determined to send a messenger to the nearest French post, aiijkdemand explanations, as also the rel4|pi and in demnification of certain traders cap tured by them a short time before. This resolve on the governor s part brings before us, for the first time, the man, of all others, whom Americans most love to honor. It is but right that here we should say something of the family from which he sprang, as also of his early life and training. Nearly a century previous to the birth of the illustrious " father of his country," two brothers, of an honorable family in England, John and Andrew Washington, emigrated to Virginia, and settled in Westmoreland County, be tween the Potomac and Rappahannock Hivers. The grandson of John Wash ington, Augustine, was born in 1694, and inherited the family estate, situate on Bridge s Creek, near where it falls into the Potomac. He was twice mar ried : two children survived, Lawrence and Augustine, and the mother died in O i 1728. Two years later, Augustine Washington was married again ; his bride was Mary Ball, a celebrated beauty of that day. Six children were the fruits of that union : four 1732. sons and two daughters. The familv * . * of Washington was one, which, for cen turies, had borne itself nobly and hon orably. As Mr. Irving finely says-. " hereditary rank may be an illusion ; but hereditary virtue gives a patent of innate nobleness beyond all the blazonry of the Herald s College."* GEOEGE WASHINGTON, the eldest child of his mother, was born on the 22d of February, 1732, in the homestead on Bridge s Creek ; but not a ves tige of the house or place re mains. Soon after George s birth, his father removed to an estate in Stafford County, opposite Fredericksburg. This, too, the home of his boyhood, no longer exists ; a few fragments of bricks and the like, are all that remain. George s eldest brother, Lawrence, had been sent by his father to England, and enjoyed privileges which were not within the reach of the other children. George had only the commonest advantages of the day ; no language but his own, and simple instruction in the ordinary branches of an English education, were the extent of his privileges. When George was about eight years old, his brother Lawrence returned from Eng land, an accomplished young man, and there appears to have been formed at once a warm and abiding friendship, which grew with their growth, and strengthened with their strength, so long as LaAvrence s life lasted. On the 12th of April, 1743, Augustine Wash ington died after a short illness : -, . 1748. he was in the prime and vigor of manhood, and enjoyed the reputa- * Irvine s " Life of Washington, vol. i. p. 18. CH. VIII.] THE BOYHOOD OF WASHINGTON. 223 tion of being an upright and honorable man. His death was peculiarly afflic tive to a young and growing family, which needed all a father s care and counsel, to aid in preparing them for the duties and responsibilities of life. By this sudden and great loss, MAKY, the mother of George Washington, be came his guide and instructor, and moulded his character for the future eminence which he attained. She was a woman of great energy and integrity, and to her care was intrusted the man agement of the large property left to the children of Augustine Washington, against the time they should severally come of age. She proved herself en tirely worthy of this trust. Her plain, solid sense; her decision of character; her strict but not severe discipline ; her conscientious heed to the religious and moral guidance of her four fatherless children ; all these gave her authority and respect in her family, which were equalled only by the affection with which she was regarded by every mem ber of her household. Under such guidance, and favored with constant intercourse with his bro ther Lawrence and Lord Fairfax and family, George Washington passed his early years. From a child fond of the mimic sport of a soldier s life, this love of adventure grew upon him ; and when he was about fourteen, a midshipman s warrant was obtained for him, and his 1716. luggage is said to have been actually on board a man-of- war, when his mother s heart failed her, and George, ever obedient, gave up the plan of seeking for fame in the Navy. Humanly speaking, how vast a difference would it have made had he been permitted to follow his boyish inclination ! Returning to school, George devoted his attention to improvement in all those branches, especially mathematics, calculated to fit him for civil or mili tary service. Perseverance and com pleteness marked his whole course, and the habits of method, order, and accu racy which were then established ad- hered to him through life. "He found time to do everything and to do it well. He had acquired the magic of method, which, of itself, works wonders." In short, his was a character which, even in boyhood, marked him out to be a leader and guide of others. His schoolfellows appealed to him to de cide their little differences, and his sincerity and strict integrity and fair ness gave him the undoubted ascen dancy at all times. Active, energetic, delighting in athletic games and exer cises, prompt, ready, knowing how to obey quite as well as how to command, conscientious, ardent, self-possessed, these qualities might well have raised him above his fellows, and indicated, especially to a mother s prophetic ken, the greatness and nobleness of the ca reer before him. After he left school, Washington continued to study mathematics and trigonometry, examined works on tac tics and military topics, became expert in the use of arms, and kept alive the flame of ambition for warlike deeds by association with officers who had served in the recent wars. But he could not be idle and enjoy content; hence he was ready to undertake duties of an 224 THE FOURTH INTERCOLONIAL WAR. II. arduous kind, yet, in a new country, both very useful and very profitable. Practically experienced in the art of surveying, Washington was asked by Lord Fairfax to undertake the map ping out and determining the sites and boundaries of his lordship s possessions, particularly beyond the Blue Ridge, in order to see if he could not bring to terms the squatters who had here and there taken up their residences on his lands, and also give encouragement to more reputable persons to settle in those fertile regions. It was in March, 1748, when he had just completed his sixteenth year, that Washington, accompanied by George Fairfax, set oi^ at the head of a party, compass and chain in hand, to penetrate and map out an almost unbroken wilderness. This was precisely the sort of discipline to test his character, and give vigor to his constitution. Washington was soon nccustomed to clamber precipices and wade morasses, to swim his horse over swollen streams, to sleep for nights under the canopy of heaven, wrapped up in a bear-skin, and deem a seat by a blazing log-fire a place of luxury, to live hard and to work hard, to cook his own rou^h meal with a wooden O fork, and to cope betimes with the wild forests and their wilder tenants.* * " At the very time of the Congress of Aix-la- Chapelle, the woods of Virginia sheltered the youth ful GEORGE WASHINGTON, the son of a widow. Born by the side of the Potomac, beneath the roof of a Westmoreland farmer, almost from infancy his lot had been the lot of an orphan. No academy had welcomed him to its shade, no college crowned him with its honors : to read, to write, and to cipher these had been his degrees in knowledge. And now, Amidst trials such as these, he fulfilled his task so successfully, as to obtain the post of public surveyor, which he continued to discharge for three years to the entire satisfaction of all con cerned. The confidence reposed in him soon led to his promotion to higher duties, and at the early age of nineteen, he was chosen to the com mand of one of the military districts into which Virginia was divided, in consequence of probable troubles with the French on the Ohio. The post was one of importance, and gave him the rank of major, and the pay of 150 a year: the duties were, to at tend to the organization and equip ment of the militia. Washington, as usual, set to work with energy and vigor in the discharge of his new re sponsibilities. His brother Lawrence s health, al ways delicate, now became critical, and George accompanied him in a voyage to Barbadoes to try the efficacy of that climate. They sailed on the 28th of September, 1751 ; at first, the promise of benefit was flatter ing, and George returned, early in 1752, to bring out his brother s wife at sixteen years of age, in quest of an hone.st main tenance, encountering intolerable toil this stripling surveyor in the woods, with no com panions but his unlettered associates, and no imple ments of service but his compass and chain, contrasted strangely with the imperial magnificence of the Con gress of Aix-Ia-Chapelle. And yet God had selected, not Kaunitz, nor Newcastle, not a monarch of the house of Hapsburg, nor of Hanover, but the Virginia stripling, to give an impulse to human affairs, and, as far as events can depend on an individual, had placed the rights and destinies of countless millions in the keeping of the widow s son." Bancroft s "JK- tory of the United States" vol. iii pp. 467. 8. Cn. VIIl.] WASHINGTON S EXPEDITION TO THE OHIO 225 to meet him. This, however, never took place ; Lawrence Washington re ceived no permanent benefit by his absence, and he reached home just in time to die. His death took place, July 26th, 1752, at the age of thirty- four. Lawrence s death imposed new and very trying duties upon George. He was named one of his brother s executors, and in case of his infant niece s death, he was to inherit the ample estate of Mount Vernon. The main responsibility of managing this large property fell upon (jeorge, and it need hardly be said tnal ir> this, as in other things, he manifested the highest conscientiousness and integrity, Thus, though only in the dawn of manhood. George Washington was al- o o ready one who had made his mark : it remained now only that the door of opportunity be opened to test what he was capable of effecting on a larger- stage of operations. The way was soon after plainly pointed out to him, and he was ready to enter upon it with all the zeal, energy, and courage of his noble nature. On a previous page, we have spoken of Governor Dinwiddie s determination to send a messenger to the nearest French post on the Ohio, to demand explanations in regard to their plans and purposes in encroaching, as the governor affirmed, upon his majesty s territories. George Washington was the one immediately thought of for so difficult and delicate a commission. It is true, as Mr. Irving says, " that he was not yet twenty-two years of age, but public confidence in his judg ment and abilities had been manifested VOL. I. 31 1753. a second time, by renewing his appoint ment of adjutant-general, and assigning him the northern division. He was ac quainted too with the matters in litiga tion, having been in the bosom councils of his deceased brother. His wood land experience fitted him for an ex pedition through the wilderness ; and his great discretion and self-command for a negotiation with wily commanders and fickle savages. He was accordingly chosen for the expedition." On the 3()th of October, 1 753, Wash ington set off from Williamsbnrg, taking Van Braam, an old soldier, with him, as an interpreter, he himself never having learned the French lan guage. He reached Wills Creek (Cum berland River,) on the 14th November, where he engaged Mr. Gist, the intrepid pioneer and intimately acquainted with the country, to accompany and pilot him in the present expedition. With Van Braam, Gist, and five others, Washing ton set out the next day to make his way through, a wild region, just then almost impassable by recent storms of rain and snow. At Logstown, about twenty miles below the Fork of the Ohio, where the Monongahela and the Allegany unite to form that river, he held a conference with the Indian sachems, and had a taste of the pecu liar diplomacy of the aborigines, which is, in some respects, fully equal to thai of more civilized people, in its want of truthfulness and straight-forwardness. The chiefs furnished Washington witb an escort to Venango, which was some seventy miles distant. Such was the inclemency of the weather, and the difficulty of travelling, that Washing- 226 THE FOURTH INTERCOLONIAL WAR. [UK. II. ton did not reach this point till the 4th of December. Here he found Joncaire, a " veteran intriguer of the frontier," as Mr. Irving styles him, and after some specimens of Joncaire s ability in deal ing with the Indians in Washington s company, and also partaking of a social entertainment, during which the French officers gave out pretty plainly their designs with respect to the Ohio Val ley, he was enabled at last to proceed and meet M. de St. Pierre, the French commander, at a post about fifteen miles south of Lake Erie. St. Pierre behaved towards the youth ful ambassador, with all the well-known courtesy of his nation, but after a day or two s consideration, informed Wash ington, that he was not able to enter tain Governor Dinwiddie s proposal ; he had been placed at the post he occupied, by the governor of Canada, and he should maintain it till removed by proper authority. Washington was not idle while this matter was under discussion ; he used his eyes to good purpose, and obtained all the informa tion in regard to strength, position, and plans of the French, which was open to him. On the 15th of December, he re- ceived from St. Pierre a sealed reply to Dinwiddie s letter, and prepared to re turn home as soon as possible. He reached Venango again on the 22d, and on Christmas Day set out by land on his route homeward. Of the dangers and trials of that return, our limits do not- allow us to speak : Mr. Irving has drawn out the adventurous story in his own unsurpassed style, and, noting that Washington reached Williamsburg on the 16th of January, 1754, he points 1754. out how largely the youthful hero s prudence, sagacity, resolution, firmness, and self-devotion were tested, and con cludes most justly, that this " expedition may be considered the foundation of his fortunes : from that moment he was the rising hope of Virginia." His journal, an interesting document, was printed, and fully roused the attention of both England and the colonies to the neces sity of prompt measures in this crisis of no ordinary moment.* From the tenor of St. Pierre s com munication, it was evident that steps of some kind must speedily be taken. Dinwiddie was anxious to raise funds to carry on offensive war fare ; but the Assembly were not so complaisant to his demands as he thought they ought to be, under the circumstances. Even in the legislature itself, doubts were expressed as to the king s claim over the disputed lands, and though the sum of 10,000 was ul timately voted for " the protection of the settlers in the Mississippi," it was clogged with the proviso, that commis sioners should be appointed to watch over its appropriation. The other col onies, who had been urgently called upon to give aid, received the appeal with great unconcern, and held out but little hope of assistance. With the means at his disposal, the governor, however, increased the military force to six companies, which were placed under Colonel Joshua Fry, Washington being appointed second in command, with the title of lieutenant-colonel. * See Marshall s "Life <\f Washington," vol. i. p. 461; also, fc Washington s Writings" vol. ii. p. 432-47. Cn. VIII.] THE AFFAIR WITH JUMONVILLE. 227 To stimulate the zeal of his troops, and to form a body of military set tlers, Dinwiddie issued a proclamation, granting to them two hundred thou sand acres on the Ohio a measure received with little approbation by the legislature of Pennsylvania, who con sidered that they had counter-claims to the lands in question. A party of forty-one men, under Captain Trent, had already been sent to the Fork of the Ohio, and had com menced building a fort there by Wash ington s advice. Early in April, he himself marched from Alexandria with two companies, and arrived on the 20th at Wills Creek. Here he received in telligence that the French, in lar^e o > o force, had driven out his men, and had themselves gone on to finish the works, which they named Fort Du- quesne, after the governor of Canada. This may be regarded as the first act of open hostility. Washington, having held a council of war, and having dis patched messengers for reinforcements, determined to advance in the direction of the Ohio. It was a very slow and exceedingly toilsome advance. An en trenchment was thrown up at the Great Meadows, which Washington purposed fortifying more carefully, when he learned that a detachment of the French was only a few miles off, lurking in concealment, evidently with no good purpose. He promptly re solved to seek them out, and, guided by the Indians, he soon after found them May 28th in a place surround ed by rocks and trees, where they had put up a few cabins for shelter from the rain. The moment the French discovered the presence of Washing- ton and his men, they ran to arms; a sharp skirmish ensued, for a while ; the balls whistled around the young commander s head, and a man was killed at his side. Jumonville, the leader of the French, fell dead ; nine others were slain, and the survivors yielded.* La Force, a person of great cunning, and considered by Washington to be a very dangerous adversary, was among the prisoners. These, amount ing to twenty-one in all, were sent to Governor Dinwiddie at Winchester. Blame was attempted to be thrown upon Wp^h^ton for the sad results of this encounter. It was claimed that Jumonville was entitled to the protection due to the character and mission of an ambassador, since he was advancing with a summons to the English to evacuate the territory of the French ; and Washington was denounced as an assassin. The truth, however, was, that the party under Ju monville, as was proven by a letter of instructions found on that young officer, were engaged in outlying occupation, in ascertaining everything they could about the country, and the plans of the English, and in sending messages to the commander at Fort Duquesne. And they had acted accordingly. " In stead of coming in the public and open manner of ambassadors," to use Wash ington s words in reply to the foul aspersion, "the party of Jumonville came secretly ; they sought out the most hidden retreats, and remained * See Mr. Bancroft s account, "History of the United States," vol. iv. p. 117-1 ,). 228 THE FOURTH INTERCOLONIAL WAR. concealed whole* days within five miles of us. After sending out spies to re connoitre our position, they retreated two miles, from whence they sent mes sengers to M. Contreeceur with the re- o suits of their reconnoisance." Colonel Fry s sudden death, at Wills Creek, placed the burden of the chief command upon Washington.* His po sition was perilous in the extreme ; the French force was very much larger than his own; and scarcity of pro visions began to be seriously felt. Fort Necessity was built at the Great Meadows ; and leaving the South Caro lina company under Captain Mackay in charge of the fort, Washington ad vanced towards Fort Duquesne. He was soon compelled, however, to re treat, and the French and Indians, to the number of fifteen hundred, coining upon him at Fort Necessity, he mads a spirited stand for some hours, but finally agreed to an honorable capitulation. The next morn ing, July 4th, Washington set out on his return to Wills Creek, where his men were recruited, and where also Fort Cumberland was erected.f * "William Fairfax, Washington s paternal adviser, had recently counselled him by letter, to have public prayers in his camp ; especially when there were Indian families there. This was accordingly done at the encampment in the Great Meadows, and it cer tainly was not one of the least striking pictures pre sented in this wild campaign the youthful com mander, presiding with calm seriousness, over a motley assemblage of half equipped soldiery, leathern clad hunters and woodmen, and painted savages with their wives and children, and uniting them all in solemn devotion by his own example and de meanor." Irving 1 s " Life of Washington," vol. i. p. 128. t Mr. Irving (vol. i. p. 13 -140) enters with great particularity Into the details- of this whole matter, 1754. Although this campaign was thus unsuccessful, it was felt that Washing ton had done all that was possible under the circumstances. He received the thanks of the Assembly, and ac quired the unbounded confidence and affection of the soldiers under his com mand. Three hundred pistoles about $1,100 were distributed among the soldiers. While Washington was engaged in his expedition against the French, a convention was held at Albany of Committees from the Colonial As semblies of New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and the New England col onies. This was in June, 1754. The principal object they had in view was to renew the treaty with the Six Nations, whose friend ship at this crisis was of grave impor- 1751 union and confederation of the colonies for mutual defence came up, and was decided in the affirmative, and one delegate from each colony was ap pointed to draw up a plan of union. Franklin sketched such a plan, which was adopted by the Convention, the Connecticut delegates alone dissenting o o " It proposed a grand Council of forty- eight members : seven from Virginia ; O O seven from Massachusetts ; six from Pennsylvania ; five from Connecticut ; four each from New York, Maryland, and the two Carolines ; three from New Jersey ; and two each from New and most completely exonerates Washington from any blame in regard to M. Jumonville s death. The reader will find it interesting to examine also tho account given by Mr. Sparks, "Life of Washington" p. 36-5b. Cii. PLAN FOIl CONFEDERATION OF THE COLONIES. 229 Hampshire and Rhode Island ; this number of forty-eight to remain fixed ; no colony to have more than seven nor less than two members ; but the ap portionment within those limits to vary with the rates of contribution. This Council was to undertake the defence of the colonies as a general charge, to apportion quotas of men and money, to control the colonial armies, to enact ordinances of general interest, and to provide for the general welfare. It was to have for its head a president- general appointed by the crown, to possess a negative on all acts of the Council, the appointment of all mili tary officers, and the entire manage ment of Indian affairs. Civil officers were to be appointed by the Coun cil, with the consent of the president. Such was the first official suggestion of what grew afterwards to be our present Federal Constitution."* It is worthy of remark that this plan met with no favor from either the Colonial Assemblies or the Board of Trade. " The Assemblies," says Frank lin, speaking of it some thirty years afterwards, " all thought there was too much prerogative in it ; and in England it was thought to have too much of the democratic in it." The home government, too, probably felt suspicious of anything like united ac tion among the colonies, since it might teach them their strength and foster the idea of independence. It was de termined, therefore, as best, all things considered, to carry on the war by * Hildreth s " History of the United States," vol. li. p. 413. means of royal troops, the colonies furnishing such help as they might see fit. There being every appearance of war between England and France, the royal governors in the colonies made applications for a levy of militia, which were warmly responded to by the northern colonies, the southern dis playing far less zeal. As it was known that a French squadron, des tined to carry out four thousand troops, under Baron Dieskau, was preparing to sail from Brest, Ad miral Boscawen was sent to intercept it ; but the greater part of the ships succeeded in throwing their forces into Canada and Louisburg, although one or two fell into the hands of the English. ISTo formal declaration of war had as yet been issued, but meanwhile each was en^aored in mea- O O sures to annoy and injure the other. Dinwiddie was a ^ood deal mortified O at the uncompliant humor of the As sembly, and he gave utterance to no light complaints in his dispatches. They did, however, vote a respectable military force, in which, to avoid dis putes about rank among the officers, a general order gave precedence in all cases to those commissioned by the king or comrnander-in-chief, over such as had only colonial commissions. This excited disgust, of course, in the minds of men like Washington and his fel low-officers ; and self-respect urged him to resign his commission immediately. Having done this, he devoted himself to looking after his private affairs. General Braddock was appointed Commander-in-chief, and early in 1775 Z30 THE FOURTH INTERCOLONIAL WAR. 1755. was dispatched to the Chesapeake with ivso British regiments. Two regiments O O of a thousand men in each were ordered to be raised and officered in New England, and three thousand men were to be enlisted in Pennsylvania by the authority of the crown. In April, Braddock met a convention of colonial governors at Alexandria, where three expeditions were determined upon. One, com manded by himself, was to proceed against Fort Duquesne, and expel the French from the Ohio ; a second, under Shirley, of Massachusetts, recently ap pointed major-general, was to march against Niagara; and a third, under Johnson, a man of vast influence among the !Six Nations, was to undertake the capture of Crown Point, on the western shore of Lake Champlain.* Braddock was a brave soldier, and had served with credit in the field ; but he was entirely ignorant of the peculi arities of warfare in the New World, and what was worse, was determined to take no advice from those better informed than himself. Vexed at the delays in the means of transportation, and the malpractices of the contractors, he in dulged himself in no measured terms against every thing and every body in America, and became less and less dis posed to listen to any advice. Frank lin visited him at Fredericton, osten sibly in discharge of his duty as post-master, and offered his interven- * According to a return made to the Board of Trade, the population of the colonies amounted at this date to nearly 1.500,000, of which not quite 300,000 were blacks The population of New France was hardly 100,000 [Bic. II. tion with the farmers and others, in order to expedite matters for the gen eral s proposed campaign. Braddock gladly availed himself of this timely aid. Franklin also ventured to hint the possibility of danger in the new kind of warfare which was before the royal troops. "In conversation witL him one day," says Franklin, " he was giving me some account of his intend ed progress. After taking Fort Du quesne, said he, I am to proceed to Niagara ; and having taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will allow time, and I suppose it will ; for Duquesne can hardly detain me three or four days ; and then I see nothing that can obstruct my march to Niagara. Hav ing before revolved in my mind," con tinues Franklin, " the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them through the woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Illinois country, I had conceived some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventured only to say, To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, the fort, though completely fortified, and assisted with a very strong gar rison, can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I appre hend of obstruction to your march, is from the ambuscades of the Indians, who, by constant practice, are dexter ous in laying and executing them ; and the slender line, near four miles lonsr, > O t which your army must make, may ex- j pose it to be attacked by surprise in its Cn. VIII.] BRADDOCK S EXPEDITION AND DEFEAT. 231 flanks, and to be cut like a thread into several pieces, which, from their dis tance, cannot come up in time to sup port each other. He smiled at my ignorance, and replied, These savages may indeed be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia ; but upon the king s regular and disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impression. I was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more."* The result showed, unhappily, that the philosopher, on this occasion, was able to judge more clearly than the man trained in exact European mili tary science, and full of prejudice in ."avor of established routine. Washington, at Braddock s earnest lequest, was prevailed upon to serve as lid-de-camp, a position which he sup posed would give him facilities for study ing the art of war under a strictly scien tific commander. " The sole motive which invites me to the field," as he says in a letter to one of his friends, " is the laudable ambition of serving my coun try, not the gratification of any am bitious or lucrative plans. This, I flat ter myself, will appear by my going as ^ volunteer, without expectation of re ward, or prospect of obtaining a com mand, as I am confidently assured it is not in General Braddock s power to give me a commission that I would ac cept." The advice of Washington was sought by the perplexed general, who found the season rapidly passing away, and he and his troops advancing at Autobiography of Franlclin, p. 148. only a snail s pace. Washington urged him to push forward with a light armed division, leaving; the rest of the forces O to follow under Colonel Dunbar. Brad- dock acted upon this suggestion, and set forth with twelve hundred men and ten field pieces ; but he treated with great contempt the advice of his more ex perienced aid-de-camp, as to the need of caution in regard to ambushes of the French and Indians, It was getting late in the month of June ; Washing ton was suddenly taken ill of a fever, and was obliged to remain be- 1755. hind at Youghieny, in charge of his friend, Dr. Craik ; but eagei to rejoin the army, he set off, weak as he was, on the 3d of July, in a covered waggon, and reached the camp on the 8th, when Braddock, having consumed a month in marching about a hundred miles, was now within fifteen miles of Fort Duquesne. The attack was to be made the next day. Washington again begged to be allowed to send out the Virginia rangers o o to examine the dangerous passes yet to be gone through ; but Braddock per emptorily and angrily refused. It was an inspiriting sight to see the pomp and circumstance of parade and military ex actness, the next ino-rning, the 9th of July, when the troops, as if on a gala day, set out to ford the Monongahela, with bayonets fixed, colors flying, and drums and fifes beating and playing. Washington was in raptures with the scene, and often, in later days, spoke of it as the most beautiful spectacle he had ever witnessed. It was nearly two o clock when the troops had all passed the river. They were ascending a 232 THE FOURTH INTERCOLONIAL WAR. [B K . II. rising ground covered with long grass and bushes, the road being only about twelve feet wide, and flanked by two ravines, concealed by trees and thick ets, when suddenly a quick and heavy firing was heard in front. Washing ton s fears of an anibush of French and Indians had proved only too true. Stricken with terror, the vanguard, after losing half their number, and firing at random into the forest, fell back, as Braddock, alarmed at the noise, hastened forward with the rest of the troops. The terrific yells of the In dians, the volleys incessantly poured in by the ambushed foe, the impossibility of making head against an enemy whom they could not see, soon threw the royal troops into hopeless confusion, which Braddock vainly sought, for three terrible hours, to retrieve, by display, [flg the most desperate bravery. Five horses had been killed under him, and he was still urging on his men, when he received a shot in the lungs, and, though anxious to be left to die upon the scene of his discomfiture, was carried off into the rear. His aid-de-camps, Orme and Morris, were already disabled, Sir Peter Halket and his son fell together mor tally wounded, and Washington, who displayed the utmost courage and pres ence of mind, as he hurried to and fro with Braddock s orders, was a repeated mark for the enemy s bullets, four of which passed through his coat, while two horses were shot under him. His escape without even a wound was al most miraculous, and we may well be lieve that one so signally preserved, was preserved for very especial service yet to be rendered to the cause of truth and liberty.* Horatio Gates, after wards a general of note in the Revolu tion, was also severely wounded. The Virginia troops fought most bravely, and in a way adapted to the wiles of hidden foes. But it was ail in vain. The rout became complete, and panic- stricken, the troops fled in headlong confusion, abandoning every thing, bag gage, stores, artillery, to the enemy, and that enemy, too, only a small detach ment of French and Canadian soldiers, and some six hundred or more Indians ! In this murderous defeat, twenty-six officers were killed and thirty-six wounded, and more .than seven hun dred soldiers were among the dead and wounded ; the French and Indian loss did not exceed sixty or seventy. The survivors, fleeing when no man pursued, stopped not till they reached Colonel Dunbar and the rear guard. The un happy Braddock died on the 13th of July ;f and Washington, in the absence of the chaplain, read the Funeral Service over his remains. " Who would have thought it ?" were among his dying words, and sensible of * There is a well-attested tradition, that many years afterwards, Washington was visited by an aged and venerable Indian chief, who declared that during the battle, he had repeatedly taken aim at him, and directed several of his warriors to do the same, but finding that -none of these balls took effect, he cor eluded that the young hero was under the spe cial guardianship of the Great Spirit, and could never perish in battle. From that moment he ceased from all further attempts to take the life of Wash ington. f We beg leave to refer the curious reader to " The History of the Expedition against Fort Dvquesne, in 1755, under Major-general Edioard Uraddock. Edited from the original manuscript, by Winthrop Sargent. It is a volume that will well repay exam ination. 1755. CH. IX.] OPERATIONS IN THE BAY OF FUNDY. his fatal error at the last, he apologized to Washington for his petulant reply to his urgent advice. Dunbar and the troops hurried onward to Fort Cumberland, and despite all remon strances, rested not till the} 7 had reach ed Philadelphia. Truly, it was " the most extraordinary victory ever ob tained, and the farthest flight <>vei made." And the effect upon the col onists was not without importance : " the whole transaction," as Franklin sig nificantly observes, " gave us the first suspicion, that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British regular troops had not been well founded." CHAPTER IX. 1755-1763. PROGKESB AND CONCLUSION OF THE WAR. Forpedition up the Bay of Fundy Acadie and the French neutrals Their expatriation Cruelty of thin ac< Shirley s expedition against Oswego William Johnson Influence with the Indians Hendrick the old Saeherr --Battle of Lake George Dieskau s death Fort William Henry Indians on the frontier Action in Penn sylvania and Virginia Washington made colonel Campaign of 1755 unsuccessful Washington s devctiox to duty War declared by England Loudon commander-in-ehief Bradstreet at Oswego Montcalm takea Oowego His activity and skill London s procrastination 1756 also unsuccessful Plans for 1757 London against Louisburg Too late Montcalm assaults Fort William Henry Slaughter of the troops, after the sur render, by the Indians Montcalrn s share in this act of treachery Grea alarm in the colonies Complaints and discontent general Pitt prime minister His energetic course Attack on Louisburg This stronghold taken Abercrombie s expedition against Ticonderoga Lord Howe s death Abercrornbie repulsed Snper- seded by Amherst Bradstreet against Fort Frontenac Forbes takes Fort Duquesne Plan of the campaign of 1759 Conquest of Canada determined upon Amherst s expedition, and capture of Ticonderoga Prideaitx and Johnson take Niagara Ts T either able to join Wolfe The attack on Quebec Wolfe s and M ontcalm a death Canada subdued Views of French statesmen as to the consequence Washington s marriage Is a member of the House of Burgesses Great exultation in the colonies at the success of the contest with the French Cherokee war at the South Its progress and conclusion Otis against "Writs of Assistance" Otis s eloquence English arms turned against the French in tlTe West Indies The peace of Paris The Eng lish masters on the continent Further Indian troubles The conspiracy of Pontiac End of the contest. WHILE Admiral Boscawen was cruis ing oif the coast of Newfoundland, watching for the French fleet, which, as we have before stated, escaped fall ing into his hands, a force of ten thou sand men embarked at Boston for the Bay of Fundy. The French settle ments here, it was asserted, were en croachments on the province of Nova Scotia. Colonel Monckton took the Vor,. I. 82 1755. command of the troops, and in the early part of June, 1755, succeeded, without much difficulty, in tak ing the forts at Beau Sejour and Gaspereau. The fort at the mouth of the St. John s River, on the approach of the English, was abandoned and burned. It had proved not difficult to drive out the French troops from the Bay of Fundy ; but it became a 234 PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION OF THE WAR. question of moment what was to be done \vith the French colonists, amount ing, at the time, to some twelve or fifteen thousand,* settled principally about Beau Bassin, the basin of Minas, and on the banks of the Annapolis. These settlers, who had doubled in number since Nova Scotia became a British province, were still French in language, religion, and attachments, and receiving their priests from Canada, were peculiarly exposed to temptations to violate the terms of the neutrality, which exempted them from bearing arms against France. Some three hun dred of the young men were taken in arms at the surrender of Beau Sejour, and as it would be highly inexpedient to send the whole population out of the country, to strengthen Canada or Cape Breton, it was necessary to dispose of them in some other way. Boscawen and others consulted as to the course to be pursued, and finally resolved up on an entire expulsion of the French colonists, and a transportation of them to the various British provinces. This, too, notwithstanding the express stipu lation in the surrender of Beau Sejour that the inhabitants should not be dis turbed. But honor and truth were sacrificed, and cruelty and treachery prevailed. Braddock s defeat, the news of which had just reached them, hard ened the authors of this scheme in their determination. Keeping their purpose secret until the Acadiens had gathered in the harvest, the English persuaded them to assemble at their * Murray ("History of Britih America," vol. ii. p. 139,) estimates the number at seventeen or eight een thousand. parish churches, on one pretense and another, and, having surrounded them with troops, pronounced then and there the fearful doom in store for them. At the point of the bayonet, on the 10th of September, they were hurried on board the ships assigned for their transpoi tation. "Wives separated from thei? husbands in the confusion of embark ing, and children from their parents, were carried off to distant colonies never again to see each other ! Thei:. lands, crops, cattle, every thing, ex cept household furniture, which they could not carry away, and money, of which they had little or none, were declared forfeit to the crown ; and, to insure the starvation of such as fled to the woods, and so to compel their sur render, the growing crops were de stroyed, and the barns and houses burned, with all their contents ! * More than a thousand of these unhappy exiles were carried to Massachusetts, where the horror of popery prevented their being allowed even the consola tions of the religion in which they had been trained. Every colony had to re ceive a portion of the ill-used Acadiens, a burden on the community which no one was disposed quietly to bear. Some made their way to France, Canada, St. Domingo, and Louisiana ; but these were few in number: the greater part died broken-hearted in a foreign land.f Shirley, meanwhile, was on his march from Albany to Osvvego, where he pur posed embarking for Niagara. It was w Hildreth s "Ilititory nf the United States" vol. ii., p. 458. f Mr. Longfellow lias drawn inspiration from this theme in his " EVANGEI INF., 4 Tale of Ac-ad ie." Cn. IX.] EXPEDITION AGAINST CROWN POINT. 235 1755. a slow progress, owing to the various hindrances incident to a region where roads were to be cut, and rivers cross ed. Considerably weakened by sick ness, and a good deal cast down by the news of Braddock s defeat, whose death raised Shirley to the rank of commander-in-chief, the latter part of August was spent in building two strong forts at Oswego, fitting out vessels, and making great preparations for ad\ 7 ancing against Niagara. But nothing was accomplished, and the en terprise was abandoned for the season. Shirley did not escape censure, on the charge of inefficiency. Johnson, who had command of the troops sent against Crown Point, was, in many respects, a very remarkable man. He was Irish by birth ; he was flexible in disposition, tall and imposing in person, plausible in manner, and soon gained an immense influence over the Indians, whose dress he adopted, and whose savage life he seemed greatly to enjoy. His position as British agent with the Five Nations gave him an op portunity for dealing with the Indians, not only for the good of his country, but for his own personal profit. The following story will illustrate this latter point. There was a famous old Mo hawk chief, commonly called King Hendrick, who was as shrewd as he was brave. lie had a great love for finery, and to gratify his desires, he en- t-M cd upon a contest of wits with John son. Having seen at Johnson s castle, one morning, a richly embroidered coat, he determined upon a cunning expedient to gain possession of it. " Brothei 1 . 11 he said to Sir William, as he entered one morning, " me dream last night." " Indeed," answered Sir William ; " what did my red brother dream ?" " Me dream that coat be mine." " It is yours," promptly re plied Johnson. Not long after, he was visited by the baronet, who, looking abroad upon the wide-spread land scape, quietly observed to Hendrick: " Brother, I had a dream last night." "What did my English brother dream?" rejoined the sachem. "I dreamed that all this tract of land was mine," pointing to a district some twenty miles square in extent. Hend rick looked very grave, but, seeing the dilemma in which he was placed, re plied : " Brother, the land is yours but you must not dream again." The troops under Johnson, amount* ing to some six thousand men, ad vanced to Lake George. Baron Dies- kau, meanwhile, had ascended Lake Champlain with two thousand men from Montreal, and having landed at the southern extremity of that lake, had pushed on to Fort Lyman, better known as Fort Edward. Changing his purpose, he determined to attack John son, and in a narrow and rugged defile, about three miles from Johnson s camp he met a body of a thousand Massa chusetts troops, and some Mohawk In dians, Colonel Williams being in com mand.* Dieskau, without difficulty, put to rout this force, and Williama * Mr. Hildreth very justly records, that Williams secured to himself a better monument than any vic tory could have given. While passing through Al bany, he made a will, leaving certain property to found a fret; ^chool for Western Massachusetts, since grown into " Williams College." 236 PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION OF THE WAR, [13K. Il was killed, as was also Hendrick, the old sachem.* Dieskau next advanced to attack Johnson s camp, which, pro tected by its location, and fortified by some cannon, brought up from Fort Edward, withstood the attack. Dies kau was mortally wounded, and taken prisoner, and his men fled to Crown Point. The French are said to have lost a thousand men, the English three hundred. A party of New Hampshire troops encountered the baggage of Di- eskau s army, and captured it. These three actions, fought on the same day, are known as the battle of Lake George. Johnson received knighthood, and a parliamentary grant of 5,000 ; and the colonists looked upon the affair as a great victory. Johnson did not, however, as seemed to be expected of him, advance against Crown Point. The New Englanders charged him with incapacity, and lack * Hendrick was the sou of a Mohegan chief, by a Mohawk woman. He married into a Mohawk fa mily, and became distinguished among the Six Na tions. His fame extended to Massachusetts ; for the commissioners, in 1751, consulted him on the great question of instructing certain youths of his nation. In this battle with Dieskau, he commanded throe hundred Mohawks. He was grave and sententious in council, and brave in fight. Some of his sayings are worth mention. When it was proposed to send a detachment to meet the enemy, and the number being mentioned, he replied: " If they are to fight, they are too few ; if they are to be killed, they are too many." When it was proposed to send out the detachment in three parties, Hendrick took three sticks, and said, " put them together, and you cannot break them ; take them one by one, and you will break them easily." They followed the advice of the old warrior in this ; and had they regarded the precautions he suggested, in scorning the field by a flank guard, Williams would not have fallen into the ambuscade. Hendrick deserves to be remembered among the friends of white men, who now and then have been found among Indians. 1735. of energy, but, alleging the want of provisions and means of transportation, he accomplished no more than the building of Fort William Henry, near the late field of battle, and disbanded his troops for the winter. The frontiers of Pennsylvania. Mary land, and Virginia, were exposed, by Dunbar s inglorious retreat, to incur sions from the Indians under French influence. Governor Morris, of Penn sylvania, urged the Assembly to make provision for the defence of the fron tiers ; but that body had some private disputes to settle, in regard to taxing -1 O O the proprietary estates, and also professed the usual Quaker scruples against war, which hindered their proper attention to the governor ;; request. In November, however, they voted some 50,000 for public defence. which led to the resignation of several O of the Quaker members of the Assem- bly. In Virginia, the Assembly voted 40,000 in taxes, and issued treasury notes to that amount. To Washing ton, for his gallant conduct at Brad- dock s defeat, 800 were voted, with gratuities to the other officers anil the privates. The Virginia regiment was reorganized, and he himself was placed at its head, with Stephens as lieutenant- colonel. About the middle of Septem ber, Washington repaired to Winches ter, where he fixed his head quarteis: but, during the next winter, he was o compelled to make a journey to Boston, to obtain a decision from Shirley as to some vexed points of precedence and military rank. The year 1755 closed with little sat- OSWEGO, TAKEN BY THE FRENCH. 237 isf action ; no one of the ex] editions had resulted as had been pieviously hoped and expected. And when Shir ley met a convention of colonial gover nors at New York, he found little dis position on their part to respond to his wishes, in regard to new enterprises against Fort Dsquesne, Niagara, and Crown Point. Johnson and Delancey, of New York, assailed his course in the late campaign, and presently after wards Shirley was recalled. Washington, on his return to his post, found the whole frontier in alarm from the Indians, who had been guilty of outrages of a very trying IT5G character. The whole soul of the youthful commander was engaged in his work; but harassed and per plexed by want of efficient support, and pained deeply by the scenes which he was compelled to witness, he ex claims, in a letter to Governor Din- widdie : " The supplicating tears of the women, and moving petitions of the men, melt me into such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a will ing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people s ease." Washington spared no effort to meet the emergency, and it was felt by every one that he was in deed a most devoted patriot, and an honor to his native Virginia. In May, 1756, war was formally de clared by England against France ; the French court soon after issued a counter declaration. General Abercrombie, who had acquired some reputation on the continent, was shortly after sent out with an additional force, but the Earl of Loudon, the new commander- in-chief, did not arrive till near the end of July. A garrison having been left in Oswego, to reinforce this became the immediate object of solicitude. Lieu tenant-Colonel Bradstreet was detach ed thither with a small body of forces, and succeeded in making his way in safety. A large body of French were sent to intercept him, but Bradstreet was too prompt and active for their movements. On his return up the river, the French and Indians way laid his party ; but Bradstreet repulsed them after a sharp conflict. Shortly after the fight was over, they were joined by a fresh body of troops, who descended the river to Oswego, which, by these successive reinforcements, was placed in a temporary posture of de fence. Bradstreet, on joining Aber crombie, warned him of the intentions of the French to seize Oswego, and fresh troops were accordingly dispatch ed thither ; but their departure having been delayed by the procrastination of Lord Loudon, and the refusal of Aber- crombie to take the responsibility of active measures, the movement when made, in August, was found to be too 1 O I late; the fort had already been sur rendered to the French under Montcalm. Thus more than a thousand men. a hundred and thirty-five pieces of ar tillery, a great quantity of stores and provisions, and a fleet of boats and ves sels, built for the Niagara expedition, fell into the hands of the enemy ; and the British troops on the march, under Webb, fell back with terror and pre cipitation to Albany. This result was mainly due to the 238 PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION OF THE WAR, K. II. increased energy infused into the move ments of the French by the arrival of a new coinmander-in-chief. Louis Joseph, Marquis de Montcalm de St. Veran, was born at the Chateau de Candiac, near Nismes, in 1712, of a family illus trious not only for its extraction, but for its prowess. Though destined for the profession of arms, he had received so excellent an education, that he ever afterwards retained a taste for scientific and literary pursuits, and had his career not been suddenly terminated, would have been chosen a member of the French Academy. And before he was chosen as commander-in-chief of the French armies in North America, he had distinguished himself in many a gallant encounter. Such was the general who now arrived at Quebec with a large reinforcement of troops, and who, after sustaining the honor of O the French arms with unexampled suc cess, fell gloriously on the field of battle, and is associated with Wolfe in an en during monument of fame and renown. With the exception of Armstrong s successful attack upon Kittaning, the principal town of the Indians on the Allegany River, the whole of the sea son passed away without any results of moment. Sickness caused many and severe losses; the regulars went into winter quarters : and London s greatest exploit was frightening the citizens of New York into obedience to his de mand for gratuitous quarters for his officers. At the beginning of the next year, 1757, a council was held at Boston, and it was concluded to defend the frontiers, and send an expeditioi against Louis- 1737. burg. New England was called on for four thousand men, and New York and New Jersey for two thousand. In Pennsylvania the Quaker Assembly voted a levy of 100,000, waiving for the present the tax on the proprietary estates ; they protested, however, that they did this under compulsion, and sent Franklin to Eng land as agent to urge their complaints. Washington, in Virginia, did what he could in the way of defence, but it was plain that so long as Fort Duquesne was in the hands of the French, no effectual defence could be maintained on the frontier. Further south there were troubles likewise with the Indians but not to any great extent. Early in July, Lord London sailed from New York with six thousand regulars, and was joined at Halifax !>} a fleet of eleven sail of the line, under Admiral Holborne, with six thousand additional soldiers on board. But airain London was too late ; seventeen o French ships of the line entered the harbor of Louisburg, and with the strong garrison there, it was useless to attack it with such a force as he had at the time: all that he could do was to return to New York. Montcalm, with characteristic en ergy, determined to strike a heavy O/ v blow while London was engaged against Louisburg. Ascending Lake George, with a force of eight thousand men, he laid siege to Fort William Henrj, where Colonel Monro was in command with two thousand troops. Webb was at Fort Edward, fourteen miles distant, with four thousand men. The attack was pressed with vigor : the ammuni- CH. IX.J WILLIAM PITT PRIME MINISTER. 239 tion was exhausted ; and as Webb gave no relief, Monro was compelled to sur render. The garrison was to be allow ed to march out with the honors of war, and they and their baggage to be pro tected as far as Fort Edward. The Indian allies with Montcalm were greatly displeased at these terms, and greedy of the plunder, they fell upon the unarmed and retreating troops. It must always remain doubtful how far Montcalm was able or willing to re strain the savages in their detestable act of treachery, when hundreds fell victims to the fury of the red men. u The fort," says Israel Putnam, in speaking of this dreadful scene, " was entirely demolished, the barracks, and outhouses, and buildings, were a heap of ruins ; the cannon, stores, boats, and vessels, were all carried away. The fires were still burning: the smoke and o stench offensive and suffocating. In nu meral.)! e fragments, human skulls, and bones, and carcasses, half consumed, were still frying and broiling in the de caying fires. Dead bodies, mangled with scalping knives and tomahawks, in all the wantonness of Indian fierce ness and barbarity, were everywhere to be seen. More than one hun dred women, butchered, and shock ingly mangled, lay upon the ground, Ftill weltering in their gore. Devasta tion, barbarity, and horror, everywhere appeared, and the spectacle presented was too diabolical and awful either to be endured or described." The fall of Fort William Henry caused great alarm in the colonies. Twenty \ < y\*n thousand militia were ordered out in Massachusetts ; but Montcalm, satisfied with his present success, re tired to Canada without further trial of strength with his enemies. Thus, after three campaigns, and large efforts on the part of the colon ists, the French were still masters. Louisburg, Crown Point, Ticorideroga,* Frontenac, and Niagara, and the chain of posts thence to the Ohio, were still in their hands. They had destroyed the forts at Oswego, and, compelling the Six Nations to neutrality, were able to keep up a devastating warfare all along the frontiers. No wonder that discontent prevailed everywhere ; no wonder that it was deemed hiirli o time for new counsels, and more vigor ous measures to be adopted. It was at this time that William Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chatham, was called, more through popular urgency, than from any liking of George II., to the entire control of foreign and colo nial affairs. Conscious that he, if any man, was able to save the country, his measures were characterized with a vigor commensurate with the necessity, while the agents appointed to carry them into execution were se lected with wise discrimination. His plans for the conquest of Canada infused new life into the colonists, and as they were besides to be repaid for the expense of their levies, large forces of provincials were very soon collected, while, by the arrival of fresh reinforce- * Ticonderoga is a corruption of Cheonderoga, an Troquois word, signifying sounding waters, and was applied by the Indians to the- rushing waters of the outlet of Lake George at the falls. The French built a fort here in 1756, which they named T vrt Caril lon. 240 PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION OF THE WAR, [BK. II. 1758. ments from England, Abercrombie, who remained comrnander-in-chief, soon found himself at the head of a force of fifty thousand men, a number greater than the whole male population of New France. Louisburg, Ticonderoga, and Fort Duquesne, were all to be at tacked at once. The first blow was struck at Louis- burg. Early in June, Boscawen made his appearance before that for tress with a fleet of thirty-eight ships of war, and an army of fourteen chousand men under General Amherst. The garrison at Louisburg was three thousand in number, and eleven ships of war were in the harbor. The works were considerably out of repair, and were not in a condition to stand a re gular siege ; so that after a vigorous approach on the part of the English, and severe loss on the side of the French, the garrison was compelled, on the 27th of July, to capitulate. Wolfe, who was destined to accomplish so great things not long after, was promi nent in conducting this expedition to its successful issue. Thus Louisburg, with all its artillery, provisions, and military stores, as also St. John s Island (now Prince Edward s), and their de pendencies, were placed in the hands of the English, who, without farther dif ficulty, took possession of the island of Cape Breton. The conquerors found two hundred and twenty-one pieces of cannon, and eighteen mortars, with a very large quantity of stores and am munition. The inhabitants of Cape Breton were sent to France in English O ships ; but the garrison, sea officers, sailors, and marines, amounting collec tively to nearly six thousand men, were carried prisoners to England. Am herst sailed back to Boston with hig troops, and thence marched to the western frontier. Some weeks before the fall of Louis burg, General Abercrombie, with about sixteen thousand men, embarked at Foi t William Henry, and. passed down Lake George, to commence operations against Ticonderoga. Israel Putnam, afterwards famous in the Revolution held the rank of major at the time, and commanded a company of well-knowr and very effective rangers. After de barking at the landing place in a cov ? on the west side of the lake, the troops were formed into four columns, the British in the centre, and the provin cials on the flanks. In this order thej marched toward the advanced guard of the French, which, consisting of o one battalion only, posted in a loggeo camp, destroyed what was in their power, and made a precipitate retreat. While Abercrombie was continuing hia O march in the woods towards Ticonde roga, the columns were thrown into confusion, and in some degree entangled with each other. At this juncture, Lord Howe, at the head of the ri^ht O centre column, fell in with a part of the advanced guard of the enemy, which had been lost in the wood in re treating from Lake George. Accom panying Putnam, who tried to dissuade him, Howe dashed through the woods attacked and dispersed the French killing a considerable number, and o taking one hundred and forty-eight prisoners. In this skirmish the gallant Howe received a musket shot in the. CH. IX.] FORTS FRONTENAC AND DUQUESNE TAKEN. 241 breast, and fell dead upon the field.* Ticonderoga was held by some two thousand Frenchmen. Having learned that reinforcements were expected to arrive soon, Abercrombie resolved on an assault without waiting for his ai til- o lery. The troops having received or ders to advance briskly, to rush upon the enemy s fire, and. reserve theii own till they had passed the breastwork, marched to the assault with great in trepidity. Unlooked-for impediments, however, occurred. In front of the breastwork, to a considerable distance, trees had been felled with their bran ches outward, many of which were sharpened to a point, by means of vhich the assailants were not only re tarded in their advance, but becoming entangled among the boughs, were ex posed to a very galling and destructive fire. Finding it impossible to pass the breastwork, which was nine feet high, and much stronger than had been re presented, Abercrombie, after a con test of four hours, abandoned the at tack, and the next day made a hasty retreat to Fort William Henry. His conduct was regarded with so little favor, that he was superseded, and Amherst was appointed commander-in- chief. * No one of th? royal officers was so popular and so universally admired as Lord Howe, and his death was regarded as a public calamity. It is in regard to him that the story is told of the rioted Stark, the hero of Bsnniugton, who knew him, and loved him well. Stark is said to have declared hi? apprehension that, had Howe lived, he could not have been a true whis in the Revolution ; so great an influence was exer cised by this accomplished and brave young noble man. Massachusetts erected a fitting monument, in Westminster Abbey, to testify their unfeigned sorrow in losing him. VOL. I. 33 1T58. No farther attempt was made on Ticonderogu, at the present. As some compensation, however, for this defeat, Colonel Bradstreet, with three thousand men, marched to Os- wego, and embarking in vessels already provided, ascended the lake, and land ed, August 25th, at Fort Frontenac, / CJ I I (now Kingston). The place was feebly garrisoned, and as the attack was en tirely unexpected, its success was speedy and certain. Nine armed vessels were taken, and the fort, with a large store of provisions, was destroyed. Brad- street lost bin few men in the attack, but sickness carried off some five hun dred of his troops. On the return, the soldiers aided in building Fort Stanwix, on the site where the village of Koine is now situate. The expedition against Fort Du- queene, was put under the command of Genera! Forbes. His force consisted of seven thousand men, including the Pennsylvania and Virginia troops, and the Royal Americans from South Caro lina. Great delay occurred in consequence of General Forbes not following the advice of Washington, O O t to advance by the road already opened by Braddock, and ordering a new one to be cut from Raystown, on the Juniata. The vanguard to whom this work was committed, had been nearly cut off, like Braddock s, by a sudden surprise, hav ing lost two hundred men, when Forbes, on November 8th, came up with the remainder of the forces. With fifty miles of road to open across the forests, the winter rapidly approaching, and the disheartened troops beginning to desert, it was contemplated to retrace 1758. 242 PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION OF THE WAR, 11 their steps, and abandon the enterprise, when, by the accidental capture of some prisoners, they learned the weak ness and distress of the French garrison. Nerved by this intelligence, they de termined on making a vigorous effort to gain possession of Fort Duquesne before it could be reinforced. Leaving their artillery behind, and pushing into the trackless forest, through which with their utmost efforts they were not able to advance more than a few miles a day, they had advanced within a few hours march of the place, (Novem ber 24th^) when the French garrison, reduced to less than five hundred men, having set m-e to the works, retreat ed down the Ohio. The abandoned fort now received an English garrison, and its name was changed from Du- O quesne to Pitt: the rest of the army retraced their steps, and the harassed frontiers of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania were now freed from the incursions of the Indians. On the eastern frontier, Fort Pownall was built on the Penobscot, to hold the Indians in check, and cut off their communication with Canada. The campaign of 1758, proving thus successful, Pitt found parliament both ready and eager to further his wishes in carrying on the war against Canada. The colonial Assemblies acted prompt ly and with energy, for nearly a mil lion of dollars had been reimbursed to them on account of the year s expenses. Twenty thousand colonial troops were ready for service in the spring of 1759, and high hopes were entertained of brilliant success. The plan now adopted was substan tially the same as that which Phipps and Warren had successively failed to execute. Amherst was to advance by way of Lake Champlain, with twelve thousand regulars and provincials ; and General Prideaux was to proceed to the reduction of Niagara. Ticonderoga, o O / Crown Point, and Niagara > being dis- / O O posed of, Amherst and Prideaux with their forces were to co-operate witli Wolfe against Quebec. This heroic officer* had sailed early in the spring from England, and had made his ap pearance in the St. Lawrence, in June, with an army of eight thousand regu lar troops, in three brigades, under Monckton, Townshend, and Murray. Various delays occurred to hinder the progress of General Amherst ; and it was the latter part of July, when he appeared before Ticonderoga. As the naval superiority of Great Britain had prevented France from sending out reinforcements, none of the posts in this quarter were able to withstand so great * James Wolfe, the second son of a colonel who had served under Marlborough, was born at the vie arage of Westerham, in Kent, on the 2d of Jan uary, 1727. When first he entered the army in his father s company, he was a lad of fourteen, and so delicate that he was obliged to be landed at Ports mouth. On his recovery, he joined the troops, was engaged at Dettingon and Fontenoy, and at the en gagement of La Feldt was publicly thanked by the Duke of Cumberland on the battle-field. His re markable merit soon attracted the eye of Pitt, who, overleaping the ordinary rules of the service, made him a brigadier-general, and associated him with Amherst in the expedition against Louisburg. His natural character displayed a union of qualities but seldom united ; delicate in frame, excitable in tem perament, refined in tastes, and with a "_ove of domestic enjoyments, he was no less daring, ener getic, and desirous of obtaining distinction in the service of his country. TICONDEROGA AND NIAGARA TAKEN. 213 a force as that under Amlierst. Ticon- deroga was immediately abandoned ; the example was followed at Crown Point ; and the only way in which the French seemed to think of preserving their province was by retarding the English army with shows of resistance till the season of operation should be past, or till, by the gradual concentra tion of their forces, they should become numerous enough to make an effectual stand. A succession of storms upon the lake, and the want of vessels, ren dered it impossible for Amherst to carry out the portion of the plan de pendent on him, and instead of joining Wolfe or advancing upon Montreal, he was compelled to go into winter quar ters at Crown Point. The New Hamp shire Rangers, under Major Rogers, in September and October, made a suc cessful foray against the Indian village of St. Francis, which they destroyed completely, and thus relieved the New England frontier of the dreaded attacks from that noted spot. General Prideaux, early in July, reached Niagara with a considerable force. While directing the operations of the siege, he was killed by the burst ing of a gun, and the command devolved on Sir William Johnson. That general, prosecuting with judgment and vigor the plan of his predecessor, pushed the attack of Niagara with an intrepidity that soon brought the besiegers within a hundred yards of the covered way. Meanwhile, the French, alarmed at the danger of losing a post which was a key to their interior empire in America, had collected a large body of regular troops from the neighboring garrisons 1759. of Detroit, Venango, and Presqu ile, with which, and a party of Indians, they resolved, if possible, to raise the siege. But they were totally routed, and a large part taken prisoners. The fort surrendered the next day, and six hundred men with it ; these were car ried to New York. According to the plan marked out, Johnson ought now to have advanced to co-operate with Amherst and Wolfe on the St. Law rence ; but the want of proper shipping and scarcity of provisions, put this quite out of his power. Thus, as it happened, Wolfe was left to carry on the siege and reduction of Quebec single handed. As we have stated above, Wolfe, on the 26th of June, arrived off the Isle of Orleans. Quebec, that Gibraltar of America as it has been termed, was defended by the Marquis de Mont- calm, with a force of two thousand regu lars and several thousand militia and Indians. The attack having been long foreseen, as Murray relates, in his His tory of British America,* full time was. allowed Montcalm to entrench and strengthen his position, but the supply of provisions was very limited. An attempt was first made to destroy the British fleet by fire-ships; but these were caught with grappling irons, towed aside, and allowed to burn out without doing any injury. Brigadier- general Monckton then occupied Point Levi, opposite Quebec, which was thence bombarded with vigor; but, though a number of houses were de stroyed, the defences remained almost uninjured. The place therefore could * Vol.- i., p. 175-178. 244 PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION OF THE WAR. [Bir. U only be carried by storming the en trenchments which the French had thrown up in front of it. This bold measure Wolfe resolved to adopt, and on the 31st of July he effected a landing. The boats, however, had met with an accidental delay; the grenadiers, it is said, rushed forward with too blind and impetuous a valor : Montcalm, strongly posted between Quebec and Montmor- enci, poured in upon them a destructive fire ; the Indian rifle told with fatal ef fect ; and the assailants were finally re pulsed with the loss of five hundred men. Wolfe felt this disappointment so deeply that his delicate frame was thrown into a violent fever ; and in a despatch to Mr. Pitt he afterwards ex pressed the apprehension under which he labored. The fleet, his strongest arm, could not act against the wall of rock on which Quebec is seated ; and with his weakened force he had to storm fortified positions, defended by troops almost as numerous as his own. So soon, however, as his health permit ted, he called a council of war, desired the general officers to consult together ; and, it is said, proposed to them a second attack on the French lines, avoiding the errors which had led to the failure of the first. They were decidedly of opinion that this was in expedient ; but on the suggestion, as is now believed, of Brigadier-ffeneral O o Townshend, the second in command, they proposed to attempt a point on the other side of Quebec, where the enemy were yet unprepared, and whence they might gain the Heights of Abraham, which overlooked the city. Wolfe as sented, and applied all his powers to the accomplishment of this plan. Such active demonstrations were now made against Montcalin s original position, that he believed it still the main object ; and though he observed detachments moving up the river, merely sent De Bougainville with fifteen hundred men to Cape Rouge, a position too distant, being nine miles above Quebec. On the night of the 12th of Septem ber, in deep silence, the troops were embarked and conveyed in two di visions to the place now named Wolfe s Cove. The precipice here was so steep, that even the general for a moment doubted the possibility of scaling it but Fraser s Highlanders, grasping the bushes which grew on its face, soon reached the summit, and in a short time he had his whole army drawn up in regular order on the plains above Montcalm, struck by this unexpected intelligence, at once concluded that unless the English could be driven from this position, Quebec was lost ; and, hoping probably, that only a detach ment had yet reached it, pushed for ward at once to the attack. About fifteen hundred light infantry and In dians arrived first, and began a desul tory fire from among the bushes ; but the British reserved their shot for the main body, which was seen advancing behind. They came forward in good order, and commenced a brisk attack ; yet no general fire was opened in re turn till they were within forty yards, when it could be followed up by the bayonet. The first volley was decisive ; Wolfe and Montcalm both fell almost at the same moment; the French in stantly gave way in every quarter ; and CH. IX.] WOLFE AND MONTCALM FALL IN BA1TLE. 245 repeated charges, in which the Highland broadsword was pow ^ully wielded, soon completed the victory. As soon as Wolfe received his mortal wound, he said, " Support me ! let not my brave soldiers see me drop." He was carried to some distance in the rear, and hearing the cry " They run !" he asked " Who run ?" Being told " The enemy," he gave some short directions, and then said : " Now, God be praised, I die happy !" We cannot forbear quoting the sim- ole and feeling observations of Gen eral Townshend respecting hia. heroic friend,* whose fate threw so affecting a lustre on this memorable victory : " I am not ashamed to own to you, that my heart does not exult in the midst of this success. I have lost but a friend in General Wolfe ; our country lias lost a sure support and a perpetual honor. If the world were sensible at how dear a price we have purchased Quebec in his death, it would damp the public joy. Our best consolation is, that Providence seemed not to promise that he should remain lonsr amons; us. O O He was himself sensible of the weak ness of his constitution, and determined to crowd into a few years actions that would have adorned length of life."f * But see Mr. Bancroft s account, (vol. iv., p. 339) : he speaks strongly of Townshend s meanness in re spect to this battle. f The body of Wolfe was conveyed for sepulture to England, and a monument was erected to his memory in Westminster Abbey. A small pillar marks the spot where he fell, on the plains of Abra ham ; and a pyramid since raised upon the heights of the city, simply bearing the names of " WOLFE " and " MONTCALM," is destined to perpetuate the common memory of these gallant chiefs, and of the memorable battle in which they gloriously fell. 1760. The battle had scarcely closed when De Bougainville appeared in the rear, but on seeing the fortune of the day, immediately retreated. On the 17th, a flag of truce came out, and on the 18th, a capitulation was concluded on honor able terms to the French, who were not made prisoners, but conveyed home to their native country. Canada was, however, not yet con quered. The winter had arrested the farther advance of Amherst and John son ; and General de Levi, who had as sembled at Montreal upwards of ten thousand men, conceived the design of recapturing Quebec in the spring, be fore it could obtain succors, either by sea or land. Being baffled in his pro jects to carry it by a coup de main, he landed his army, on the 27th of April, 1760, advanced to the Heights of Abraham, and prepared to carry on a regular siege. General Murray had been left with a garrison of six thousand men ; but a severe at tack of scurvy had reduced to half that number those who were capable of "bearing arms. This officer, dreading that the place was unfit to stand a siege, and hoping much from the bravery of his troops, attacked the enemy, on the 28th of April, at Sillery ; but, being overpowered by superior numbers, he was defeated with great loss. If guilty here of any rashness, he atoned for it by the activity with which he placed Quebec in a state of defence, and held out the town till the 15th of May, when a fleet, under Ad miral Swan ton, arrived and raised the siege. The Flinch, army then concentrated 246 PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION OF THE WAR. [B K II, itself in Montreal, where the Marquis de Vaudreuil made an attempt to main tain his ground ; but being enclosed by the forces under General Amherst, and by those from Quebec and Niagara, he found himself obliged, on the 8th of September, 1760, to sign a capitulation, by which that city and the whole of Canada were transferred to British do minion. He obtained liberal stipula tions for the good treatment of the in habitants, and particularly the free ex ercise of the Roman Catholic faith, and the preservation of the property be- loneinsr to the religious communities. o o o " Thus ended," says Mr. Irving, " the contest between France and England o for dominion in America, in which, as has been said, the first gun was fired in Washington s encounter with De Jumonville. A French states man and diplomatist, (Count de Ver- gennes) consoled himself by the per- suasion that it would be a fatal triumph to England. It w r ould remove the only check by which her colonies were kept in awe. They will no longer need her protection, said he ; she will call on them to contribute toward supporting the burdens they have helped to bring on her, and they will answer 1y striking for independence? "* To the same ef fect are some of the sentiments of Montcalm, which have been preserved. The appositeness of these sentiments to the matter before us renders them worth quoting, in part at least. After speaking of his personal knowledge on this subject, he goes to say : " All the colonies have, happily for themselves, * "Life of Washington," vol. i., p. 308. reached a very flourishing condition, they are numerous and rich, they con tain within their own bosom all the necessities of life. England has been foolish and dupe enough to allow the arts, trades, and manufactures to be come established among them, that is to say, she has allowed them to break the chain of wants which attached them to, and made them dependent upon herself. Thus all these English colonies O would long ago have thrown off the yoke, each province would have formed a little independent republic, if the fear of seeing the French at their doors had not proved a bridle to restrain them. As masters, they would have preferred their countrymen to strangers, taking it nevertheless for a maxim, to obey either as little as possible. But once let Canada be conquered, and the Can adians and these colonists become one people, and on the first occasion when Old England appears to touch their interests, do you imagine, my dear cousin, that the Americans will obey ? And in revolting, what will they have to fear?" Washington is so essentially a part of American history that it is only proper to put on record, facts of mo ment respecting him. On the 6th of January, 1759, he was married to Mrs. Martha Custis. A few months after wards, having been elected a member / O of the House of Burgesses, he repaired to Williamsburg to take his seat. The House determined to signalize the event by special honor to the beloved Wash ington. Hardly had. he entered the House, when Mr. Robinson, the speak er, eloquently returned thanks, in the Cu. IX.] WAR WITH THE CHEROKEES. 247 name of Virginia, to her distinguished O * son, for the services he had rendered to his country. Washington rose to reply ; blushed stammered trem bled could not utter a word. " Sit down, sjVIr. Washington," said the speaker, with a courteous smile, " your modesty equals your valor; and that surpasses the power of any language I possess." Great was the exultation of the co lonies at this successful termination of the stru^le with the French. New OO York was especially pleased, since its northern and western limits had been so long in dispute ; and now it might lay claim to large increase of its terri tory. " By the sudden death of Delan- cey, in July, 1760, the administration of New York had devolved on Cad- wall ad er Golden, who was presently appointed lieutenant-governor. Though now upwards of seventy years of age, Golden continued in that office for six teen years ; and, in consequence of the frequent absence of the governors, was repeatedly at the head of affairs."* New England had equal reason with New York, to rejoice, because its fron tiers were now freed from the dreadful incursions of the Indians, whose power for further mischief was almost entirely destroyed. Indeed the hostile tribes were nearly annihilated. At the South, the war with the Cherokees still kept * We are indebted to Dr. Francis, for the interest ing fact that " Dr. Golden was (lie first American ex positor of the Lininean system in the New World. This he taustht on the hanks of the Hudson, almost immediately after its announcement by the illustrioua Swede." 1 Coldcn, in addition to his " History of the Five Nations, 1 " was also the author of various literary and scientific productions. the frontiers of Carolina in alarm This formidable tribe, after the reduc tion of Fort Duquesne, where they had aided Forbes, had become involved in a serious quarrel with the back set> tiers of Virginia and the Carolinas. The origin of the quarrel is obscure. It is- said that the Cherokees seized upon some horses which they found running wild through the woods, but which in reality belonged to Virginian owners, and that the latter, supposing it to be a t/heft, killed twelve or four teen of them ; an outrage deeply re sented by the Indians, who, inflamed by French influence, were led to believe that the English meditated 1759. their entire extermination. Gov ernor Littleton refused to listen to a proposal for arranging the dispute, and in October, 1759, marched into the Cherokee territories with fifteen hun dred men ; but he was glad to retire as soon as possible. Sickness and insub ordination speedily put an end to the expedition. Fresh disputes soon after broke put, and the Cherokees prepared to do battle in their defence. An ex press was sent to General Amherst, who detached twelve hundred men under Colonel Montgomery, to the re lief of the Carolinas. Strengthened by their militia, he marched into the Cherokee country, relieved Fort Prince George, at the head of the Savannah, which they had blockaded, and ravaged all the Indian settlements on his way. Find in" 1 the Cherokees rather in- 1 Y6O flamed than intimidated by these proceedings, he advanced to Etchoe, their capital, not far from whence they had posted themselves to oppose PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION OF THE WAR. . II. his further progress. (June 27th.) In doing so he had to pass through a hollow valley covered with brushwood, through which ran a muddy river with clay banks. To scour this dangerous pass, Colonel Morrison advanced with a company of Rangers, when the Indi ans, suddenly springing from their am bush, killed him at the first shot, with several of his men. The light infantry beinsr now moved forward, a warm fire O / was kept up on both sides, but the In dians still maintained the post without flinching, till, threatened in the flank by a movement of the agile Highland ers, they slowly fell back and reluc tantly yielded the pass, posting them selves upon a hill, to watch the move ments of their invaders. Supposing that Montgomery was advancing to wards Etchoe, they ran to give the alarm to their wives and children, and prepare for a still more desperate re sistance. But the English commander, deeming it not prudent to attempt anything further, retired to Charleston and prepared to leave for the north, in obedience to orders. The Upper Cherokees now beleaguered Fort Lou- O don, the garrison of which, almost in a starving condition, under promise of safe conduct had surrendered, early in August. But the promise was not kept. A few miles from the fort they were surrounded by a body of Indians, who opened a heavy fire upon them, which killed Captain Demere, the command ant, and nearly thirty others, and car ried off the remainder into captivity. The Cherokees, who could now muster three thousand warriors, continued to ravage the frontiers, and inspired such 1761. fear, that Amherst was earnestly solic ited to send back the troops he had withdrawn. The conquest of Canada being now achieved, the High land regiment commanded by Colonel Grant returned to Carolina; reinforced by the colonial militia and scouts dressed in Indian costume, Grant advanced, with two thousand six hun dred men, to the spot where Montgom ery had been repulsed, (June 10th.) The Cherokees bravely maintained the struo^le for several hours, but were at OO length entirely defeated ; their towns and magazines destroyed, their corn fields ravaged, and they themselves forced to retreat into the desolate re cesses of their mountains. Their re sources being thus cut off, they were compelled to sue for peace. In order to obtain it, they were at first required to deliver four warriors to be shot at the head of the army, or to furnish four green Indian scalps within twenty days; a degrading and brutal condi tion, from which they were relieved by the personal application of one of their aged chiefs to Governor Bull. Notwithstanding the exulting feeling prevalent, everywhere, on account of the triumph of English arms in Amer ica, there was no lack of evidence how jealously the colonists regarded any invasion, real or supposed, of their rights and privileges. The question respecting "writs of assistance, 1 is a significant illustration of this fact. Pownall, early in August, 1700, had been succeeded as Governor of Mass achusetts by Francis Bernard. This latter held high notions of the author ity of the mother country over the Cn. IX.] OTIS AND WRITS OF ASSISTANCE. 249 colonies. His zealous efforts to pro mote the objects of tlie ministry at home, were warmly seconded by Thomas Hutchinson, who had lately been appointed lieutenant-governor, and also chief .justice, to the disap pointment of Otis, who had been promised a seat on the bench by Pow- nall. It was at this juncture that, owing to a trade opened by the colon ists with the French islands, by which they obtained supplies, orders had been given by the English ministry for the stricter enforcement of the acts of trade, already so odious to the mercan tile interest and the people at large. To prevent evasion of the law, orders were sent to apply to the judicature for " writs of assistance," that is, for per mits to break into and search any sus pected place. It was not long before the custom-house officers applied for the issue of the writs, to which the mer chants determined to offer the most strenuous opposition, and retained Thatcher and James Otis, son of the speaker, to plead on their behalf. Otis, as advocate of the Admiralty, was bound to argue in favor of the writs, but urged by patriotic zeal, he resigned his office, and accepted the retainer of the merchants. On the day appointed tor the trial, the council-chamber of the old town-house in Boston, was crowded with the officers of government and the principal inhabitants of the city. The case was opened by the advocate for the crown, who founded his long and elaborate argument on the principle, that the parliament of Great Britain is supreme legislator of the British em pire. Thatcher, who was one of the VOL. I. 3-1 first lawyers of the city, replied in an ingenious and able speech, resting his arguments upon considerations purely legal and technical. But Otis, who followed him, was not to be restrained within these narrow and inconvenient limits. He assailed the acts of trade as oppressive and even unconstitutional, and with a fire and vehemence which carried everything before them, he roused the Bostonians and the public at large, to a consideration of ques tions soon to assume a position of the gravest importance. " Otis was a flame of fire," says John Adams, in his sketch of the scene. " With a prompt itude of classical allusion, a depth of research, a rapid summary of historical events and dates, a profusion of legal authorities, a prophetic glance into fu turity, and a rapid torrent of impetuous eloquence, he hurried away all before him. The seeds of patriots and heroes were then and there sown. Every man of an immensely crowded audience ap peared to me, to go away, as I did, ready to take, arms against writs of assistance/ Then and there was the first scene *)f the first act of opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain. Then and there, the child Independence was born. In fifteen years, that is, in 1776, he grew up to manhood, and declared himself free." The influence of Otis s fervid eloquence was widely felt in the ap proaching dispute with the mother country. He himself was elected a representative from Boston, and became a leading member of the House. The " writs of assistance," although granted, were too unpopular to be used, except in rare cases. 250 PROGRESS AND CONCLUSION OF THE WAR. K. a 1762. Canada having been conquered, the British arms were next directed against the French West India Islands, General Monckton, in November, 1761, sailed from New York, with two line-of-bat- tle ships, a hundred transports and twelve thousand regular and colonial troops. Among liis officers were Gates and Montgomery, afterwards celebrated in the Revolutionary War. The expe dition was completely successful, and all the islands then in possession of the French, were wrested from them. A family compact between the different branches of the house of Bourbon, had engaged Spain to side with France, and declare war against Great Britain. To humble this new enemy was the next object of her arms, and an ex. pedition was shortly afterwards sent out, which, in August, 1762, wrested Havana from Spain. The arms of England were every where tri umphant, her cruisers swept the seas, and her rivals were obliged to consent to a humiliating peace/"" On the 3d of November, 1762, the preliminaries of peace were signed at Fontainebleau, by which the whole of North America, from the Mississippi to the Atlantic, was ceded to Great Britain. The island and city of New Orleans were ceded to Spain, with all Louisiana west * " The present contest for territorial arid commer cial supremacy had extended even to the East In dies, thus, as it were, encircling the globe. A twenty years struggle in Hindostan, between Ihe French and English East India Companies, had ended in the complete triumph of the English, securing to them the dominion of the Carnatic and Bengal ; the be ginning of that career of territorial aggrandizement in India, since so remarkably carried out." Hildreth s "History of the United /States," vol. ii., p. 501. 1763. of the Mississippi, then almost in a state of nature. Havana Avas also re stored to her in lieu of Florida, which, divided into East and West Florida, now became provinces of the British empire in America. On the 10th of February, 1763, the peace of Paris was publicly ratified, be tween the contending powers. It was in this same year that a wide spread combination among the Indians, led to fearful ravages on their part. The Delawares and Shawanese, now occupying the banks of the Muskingum, Sciota, and Miami, provoked by being crowded rudely by the settlers fast pouring across the Alleganies, and per haps incited by the artful representa tion of French fur traders, made a sim ultaneous attack, in June, along the whole frontier of Pennsylvania and Virginia. The noted Pontiac, a man of superior ability, was the moving spirit of this confederation, and it tasked to the utmost, the powerful in fluence of Sir William Johnson, to keep the Six Nations from joining Pontiac against the white men.* The English traders were plundered and slain, and the posts between the Ohio and Lake Erie, Avere surprised and taken. Only Niagara, Detroit, and Fort Pitt held out, the two latter being closely block aded ; and the troops Avhich Amherst sent to relieve them did not reach their destination Avithout severe encounters. This onslaught provoked a bloody * As our limits do not admit of details, we must refer the reader to Mr. Parkman s admirably written volume, " History of the Conspiracy of Pontiac, and the War of the North American Tribes against tJ t English Colonies, after the Conquest of Canada. 1 On. X.J retaliation on the part of a body of Scotch and Irish settlers in Paxton township, Pennsylvania. They attack ed a friendly and harmless tribe, living undei the guidance of some Moravian missionaries, murdered men, women, and children indiscriminately, forced their way into Lancaster workhouse, where some of the fugitives had taken refuse, and killed them, and then O inarched down to Philadelphia, in Jan uary, 1764, to exterminate a body of Indians who had fled to that city. It was with much difficulty that Franklin succeeded in forming a body of militia, to defend the city, and in compelling the PROGRESS OF SETTLEMENTS. 251 " Paxton boys," as they were called, to retire without further shedding of blood. It was a disgraceful and scan- O dalous outrage, but unhappily, there was no power in the province sufficient to punish these murderers. General Gage, the new commander- in-chief in America, called for levies o^ troops to aid in putting an end to this war with the Indians. Two expeditions were sent out, one by way of Pittsburg, and the other along the lakes. The Indians finding themselves thus vigorously pressed, deemed it ex pedient, soon after, to consent to terms of peace. 1764. CHAPTER X. 1764 1766, ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. Progress of settlements Advances in -wealth, learning, and art Recuperative energies of the colonies The flame of liberty How the collision was hastened on Causes -which led to the contest M. Guizot s philosophical remarks Policy of the English government in having ten thousand troops in America Authority of parlia ment over the colonies Not quite clear -what it "was Walpole s view as to taxation George Gren- ville s plan How the news was received in America Resolution of the General Court in Massachusetts Instructions to the Agent in England Otis s bold pamphlet Action in the other colonies Reasons for Grenville s delay in not pressing the passage of the stamp act View of the colonists on this point Excite ment in regard to it; but urged forward Ignorance in England of America s true condition Taxation and Representation inseparable Townshend s inquiry Colonel Barre s eloquent rejoinder The bill passed Franklin s letter to Thompson The "Quartering Act" Patrick Henry and the Virginia Assembly Resolu- ,ions Violent debate Henry s speech COLONIAL CONGRESS recommended Popular outbreaks in various places against the stamp tax Assembling of the Colonial Congress in New York Its acts No stamps allowed to be used Riot in New York The stamp act treated with general contempt "Sons of Liberty" Change in the English ministry Parliament of 1706 Pitt s great speech Grenville s speech Pitt s elo quent reply Franklin s evidence before the House of Commons Repeal of the stamp act proposed and carried Saving clause in regard to its repeal Camden s views The king s assent General joy in England at thii res-lit APPENDIX TO CHAPTER X. I. Franklin s Letter to W. Alexander, Esq. II. The Stamp Act THE subjugation of Canada and the Indian tribes in the north-east, gave a fresh and vigorous impulse to the settle ments in Maine, which although among the oldest in North America, had been very seriously retarded by successive wars with the Indians. New settlers began to occupy the Lower Kennebec, 252 ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. and to extend alone: the coast towards O the Penobscot. Emigrants from New England, partially filled up the places vacated by the exiled Acadiens. The Upper Connecticut, also began to be settled, and many families pushed for ward across the Green Mountains, to wards Lake Chaniplain. Emigrants from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Vir ginia, continued to pour over the moun tains, despite a royal proclamation tending to restrain them, and occupied largely the lands on the Monongahela, claimed by the Six Nations as their property. In South Carolina, liberal inducements were held out to encour age free white laborers, from Ireland and Germany, principally, to settle in the upper districts of that province. Georgia, too, was rapidly increasing in population, Governor Wright having proved the agricultural value of the swamps and low lands, along the rivers and coast; and in 1763, the Georgia Gazette, the first newspaper in that colony, was commenced. East and West Florida, likewise began to in crease in population, and the resources of that region began to be developped during the ten years following, more than had been done during the whole time of the Spanish occupation. Some emigrants from Canada settled in I <" kii ~ iana, which was still unde" v ^e French administration, although by the terms of the treaty of Fontainebleau, the island and city of New Orleans, and all of Louisiana west of the Mississippi, had been ceded to Spain. We may mention here, that the Spanish domina tion was by no means acceptable to the Louisianians. They did everything in 1761. their power to manifest their unwilling ness and disgust, even proceeding to a show of force ; but it was of no avail ; the transfer to the Spanish rule took place in 1769 * In the older settlements, there was, likewise, evident signs of advancement in wealth and population. Mr. Hildreth terms this, " the golden age" of Virginia, Maryland, and South Carolina, whose population and pro ductions were increasing at a rate never before or since equalled. " Nor folk and Baltimore be^an to assume O the character of commercial towns t Philadelphia and New York, sole ports to a vast back country, were growing fast ; Boston had been stationary for twenty-five years, and continued so for twenty-five years to come, chiefly owing to the fact, that the trade and naviga tion, for a long time almost engrossed by Boston, was now shared by other towns fast springing up along the sea coast of New England. The harshness and bigotry of former times were greatly relaxed. A taste for literature, science, and social refinement began to be developped. The six colonial col leges received an accession of students By the efforts of Drs. Shippen and Morgan, both natives of Pennsylvania, medical school was added to the Pennsylvania College, the first institu tion of the kind in America.f Even * We must beg leave here, to refer again to Mr, Gayarre s " History of Louisiana" vols. ii. and ;ii. The patriotic spirit of the writer, gives a charm to his "work, which commends it at once to the regard of the reader. f It is but proper, in this connection, to state, m the language ol Dr Francis, that," New York is the CH. X.] ENERGY AND ABILITY OF THE COLONIES. 253 the fine arts were not without native votaries. West and Copley, fathers of American art, both born the same year, had commenced as portrait painters, the one in New York, the other in Boston ; but they soon sought in Lon don, a wider field and more extended patronage." Mr. Hildreth also notes, that the law had assumed the rank of a distinct profession at this date. Henry, Otis, Dickinson, and others, among lawyers, were already enrolling themselves amons: the most vigorous o o opponents of those who invaded the rights and liberties of the colonists; and their influence was felt sensibly in the colonial Assemblies.* We have enlarged upon these mat ters not only on account of their inter est in a historical point of view, but also because of their importance at the present crisis in American affairs. The recuperative energies of the colonies were remarkably displayed ; and their ability to assert forcibly their rights, and to maintain them manfully, became more and more evident to themselves, if not to those in power in England. The feeling of self reliance was engen- city in which the first organization of a complete medical faculty was created during our colonial re lationship with Great Britain." King s College, in 1767-8, was the first institution in America which conferred the degree of Doctor of Medicine. See Dr. Francis s interesting Address, at the Anniversary of the " Woman s Hospital," February, 1856. * At this date, " North Carolina contained about 95,000 white inhabitants ; Virginia, about 70,000 whites, and 100,000 negroes ; Maryland, nearly 70,000 whites ; Pennsylvania, (supposed) 280,000 souls ; New Jersey, more than 60,000 ; Connecticut contained, 1-11,000 whites, about 4,500 blacks, and 930 Indians ; Massachusetts, about 240.000 inhabit ants. Canada contained about 100,000 souls." Holmes s "Annals," vol. ii., p. 117. dered on all hands ; and it seemed to be almost demonstrable, that tlu Americans were competent for anj emergency which might arise in tht progress of their social, political, or even military affairs. " In the bosoms of this people," as John Quincy Adams eloquently says, " there was burning, kindled at different furnaces, but all furnaces of affliction, one clear, steady flame of LIBERTY. Bold and daring enterprise, stubborn endurance of pri vation, unflinching intrepidity in facing danger, and inflexible adherence to con scientious principle, had steeled to en ergetic and unyielding hardihood the characters of the primitive settlers of all these colonies. Since that time two or three generations of men had passed away but they had increased and multiplied with unexampled rapidity; and the land itself had been the re cent theatre of a ferocious and bloody seven years war, between the two most powerful and most civilized nations of Europe, contending for the possession of this continent. Of that strife the vic torious combatant had been Britain. She had conquered the provinces of France. She had expelled her rival totally from the continent over which, bounding herself by the Mississippi, she was thenceforth to hold divided empire only with Spain. She had ac quired undisputed control over the In dian tribes, still tenanting the forests unexplored by the European man. She had established an uncontested monopoly of the commerce of all her colonies. But, forgetting all the warn ings of preceding ages, foigetting the lessons written in the blood of her own 254 ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. . R children, through centuries of departed time, she undertook to tax the people of the colonies without their consent" This led to inevitable collision ; this hastened on the struggle for chartered rights and liberties; this, persisted in as it was, and attempted to be estab lished by force, roused the colonists to risk their all in contending for what was dearer to them than even life itself. A brief review of the causes which led to the contest with the mother country, will demonstrate the, truth of what has just been stated. England, under the ministry of Pitt, had attained a preeminence in military renown, unequalled in her history ; she had subdued her enemies, had come off victorious in every contest, and was now the acknowledged mistress of the seas, and superior over all her compet itors. Gratifying as was this success, however, it had not been attained with out vast expenditure of means; and now, victorious as she was, she found herself saddled with a debt almost fear ful to contemplate, and com pelled to lay burdens upon the people, well nigh beyond all possibility of endurance.* It was but natural, that, following out the suggestion of Pitt in reference to this matter, so soon as the war was concluded, some steps should be taken to obtain revenue from the colonies. It was but natural, like wise, that the colonists should view with suspicion, any scheme calculated to trench upon what they held to be their inalienable right, not to grant * The national debt at this date, amounted to 140,000,000, i. o., nearly $700,000,000. 1763. money except by or through their own representatives. The seven years war had not been carried on without great effort and sacrifices on the part of the colonists. Thirty thousand of their soldiers had fallen in the struggle, oO / either in battle or by disease. Sixteen millions of dollars had been expended, of which, only about five millions had been reimbursed by Parliament. Mass achusetts had burdened herself with an oppressive debt, as also had Con necticut, New York, and Virginia. And the colonists could not but feel that their importance was vastly in- :reased by the results of that war, which they had materially aided in bringing to its successful conclusion. They were now, no longer weak and inexperienced children: they had grown up to a vigorous youth and manhood ; and they were prepared to manifest the fact whenever it might be necessary. It became a settled determination with them, to assert their claims as sons, as children in the family, and as entitled to all the privileges and rights of sons and this was only what was to be ex pected from sons who boasted of the origin which they enjoyed. " It is the honorable distinction of England," says M. Guizot,* "to have given to her colonies, in their infancy. the seminal principle of their liberty Almost all of them, either at the time of their being planted or shortly after received charters which conferred upou the colonists the rights of the mother country. And these charters were no 4 * " Essay on the Character and Influence of ington? from the French, po. 1 4-2-1 CH. ORIGIN OF COLONIAL RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES. 255 a mere deceptive form, a dead letter, for they either established or recognized those powerful institutions, which im pelled the colonists to defend their liberties and to control power by di viding it ; such as the laying of taxes by vote, the election of the principal public bodies, trial by jury, and the right to meet and deliberate upon af fairs of general interest. Thus the history of these colonies is nothing else than the practical and sedulous devel opment of the spirit of liberty, expand ing under the protecting influence of the laws and traditions of the country. Such, indeed, was the history of Eng land itself. ... In the infancy of the English colonies, three different powers are found, side by side, with their liberties, and consecrated by the same charters, the crown, the pro prietary founders, whether companies or individuals, and the mother country. The crown, by virtue of the monarchical principle, and with its traditions, derived from the Church and the Empire. The proprietary founders, to whom the ter ritory had been granted, by virtue of the feudal principle which attaches a considerable portion of sovereignty to the proprietorship of the soil. The mother country, by virtue of the co lonial principle, which, at all periods and among all nations, by a natural con nection between facts and opinions, has given to the mother country a great in fluence over the population proceeding from its bosom. "From the very commencement, as well in the course of events as in the charters, there was great confusion among these various powers, by turns exalted or depressed, united or divided, sometimes protecting, one against an other, the colonists and their franchises, and sometimes assailing them in con cert. In the course of these confused changes, all sorts of pretexts were as sumed, and facts of all kinds cited, in justification and support either of their acts or their pretensions. " In the middle of the seventeenth century, when the monarchical prin ciple was overthrown in England, in the person of Charles the First, one might be led to suppose, for a moment, that the colonies would take advantage of this to free themselves entirely from its control. In point of fact, some of them, Massachusetts especially, settled by stern Puritans, showed themselves disposed, if not to break every tie which bound them to the mother country, at least to govern themselves, alone, and by their own laws. But the Long Par liament, by force of the colonial prin ciple, and in virtue of the rights of the crown which it inherited, maintained, with moderation, the supremacy of Great Britain. Cromwell, succeeding to the power of the Long Parliament, exercised it in a more striking manner, and, by a judicious and resolute prin ciple of protection, prevented or re pressed, in the colonies, both Royalist and Puritan, every faint aspiration for independence. This was to him an easy task. The colonies, at this period, were feeble and divided. Virginia, in 1640, did not contain more than three or four thousand inhabitants, and in 1660 hard ly thirty thousand. Maryland had at most only twelve thousand. In these two provinces, the royalist party had 2f>6 ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. [BK. II. the ascendency, and greeted with joy the Restoration. In Massachusetts, on the other hand, the general feeling was republican ; and when the local govern ment were compelled to proclaim Charles the Second as king, they for bade, at the same time, all tumultuous assemblies, all kinds of merry-making, and even the drinking of the king s health. There was, at that time, nei ther the moral unity, rior the physical strength, necessary to the foundation of a state. "After 1688, when England was finally in possession of a free govern ment, the colonies felt but slightly its advantages. The charters, which Charles the Second and James the Second had either taken away or im paired, were but imperfectly and par tially restored to them. The same confusion prevailed, the same strug gles arose between the different powers. The greater part of the governors, coming from Europe, temporarily in vested with the prerogatives and pre tensions of royalty, displayed ,them with more arrogance than power, in an administration, generally speaking, in consistent, irritating, seldom successful, frequently marked by grasping selfish ness, and a postponement of the interests of the public to petty personal quar rels. Moreover, it was henceforth not the crown alone, but the crown and the mother country united, with which the 2olonies had to deal. Their real sov ereign was no longer che king, but the king and the people of Great Britain, represented and mingled together in Parliament. And the Parliament re garded the colonies with nearly the same eyes, and held, in respect to them, nearly the same language, as had lately been used towards the Parliament itself, by those kings whom it afterwards over came. An aristocratic senate is the most intractable of masters. Every member of it possesses the supreme power, and no one is responsible for its exercise. " In the mean time, the colonies were rapidly increasing in population, in wealth, in strength internally, and in importance externally. Instead of a few obscure establishments, solely oc cupied with their own affairs, and hard ly able to sustain their own existence a people was now forming itself, whose agriculture, commerce, enterprising spi rit, and relative position to other states, were giving them a place and con sideration among men. The mother country, unable to govern them well, had neither the leisure nor the ill will to oppress them absolutely. She vexed and annoved them without checking / O their growth." As a part of the policy of the Eng lish ministry, it was proposed to main tain in America ten thousand regular troops, as a peace establishment, for the defence of the colonies. Probably also, there was had in view the importance of such a force as this, to help to sustain the authority of the crown in the colonies. So soon as peace was established, the successors of Mr. Pitt in the ministry, in accordance with the proposal of the Board of Trade some years before, detennined to try the scheme of taxation by the su preme ordinance of Parliament. That Parliament had authority over the colonies, was admitted on all hands, 1763. CH. X.] THE POWER OF PARLIAMENT TO LEVY TAXES. 257 but just what it was, or how far it ex tended, was not quite so clear. Al though the colonists had unwillingly yielded to the exercise of power by Parliament in matters of trade, still they had yielded submission, and had suffered legislation to extend to a num ber of other matters beside trade. Par liament had regulated colonial trade for the exclusive benefit of the mother country for a long time, and had ap pointed custom-house officers, and insti tuted admiralty courts in the colonies : it is true, these were systematically evaded and resisted ; nevertheless, what had been done and submitted to, had given Parliament a sort of legal vested right in all points of the kind. But, let it be noted, Parliament had never exercised the power of levying taxes for revenue. The minor matters of regulating the postage on letters, and certain duties on " enumerated articles," were mere trifles; and however the question might stand as to the power of Parliament to levy taxes upon the colonists, it was certain that it had never yet been attempted to be exer cised. When the English ministry ven tured to make the trial, the contest, al most at once, involved in itself the very essentials of life and liberty. That astute minister, Sir Robert Walpole, when a suggestion was made to him to levy a direct tax upon the colonies as we have noted in a former chapter, had declined making so dan gerous an experiment : " I shall leave this operation to sorr.e one of my suc cessors, who may possess more courage than I, and have less regard for the commercial interests of England. My VOL. L 35 opinion is, that, if by favoring the trade of the colonies with foreign nations, they gain 500,000. at the end of two years, fully one half of it will have come into the royal exchequer, by the in creased demand for English manufac tures. This is a mode of taxing them more agreeably to their own constitution and laws, as well as our own." But there was not the same political sagacity in some of Walpole s successors ; and they ventured to try what he had declined ; they determined to tax the colonies.* George Grenville enjoys the reputa tion of having given origin to the scheme which resulted in the well known Stamp Act. He was in some * " The disposition to tax the Americans, unless they would tax themselves equal to the wishes of the ministry, was undoubtedly strengthened by the re ports of their gaiety and luxury which reached the mother country ; it was also said, that the planters lived like princes, while the inhabitants of Britam labored hard for a tolerable subsistence. The offi cers lately returned, represented them as rich wealthy, and even overgrown in fortune. Their opinion might arise from observations made in the American cities and towns during the war, while large sums were spent in the country, for the support of fleets and armies. American productions were then in great demand, and trade flourished. The people, naturally generous and hospitable, having a number of strangers among them, indulged them selves in many uncommon expenses. When the war was terminated, and they had no further appre hension of danger, the power of the late enemy in the country being totally broken, Canada, and the back lands to the very banks of the Mississippi, with the Fioridas, being ceded to Great Britain, it was thought they could not well make too much of those who had so contributed to their security. Partly to do honor to them, and partly, it is to be feared, to gratify their own pride, they added to their show of plate, by borrowing of neighbors, and made a great parade of riches in their several entertainments. The plenty and variety of provision and liquors enabled them to furnish out an elegant table, at a compara tively trifling expense." Gordon s "History of tlie American Revolution" vol. i., p, 157 258 ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. . U considerable doubt as to the propriety of taxing the colonies without allowing o o (hem representatives ; yet, as Mr. Ban croft says, 1 * he loved power and the favor of Pa lament, and contemplating the immense debt of England with a sort of terror, he was ready to insist upon the colonies helping to bear the burden ; and so, forgetting the wise caution of Walpole, he brought forward in Parliament, a proposition to impose upon the colonists the payment of a stamp tax on all bills, bonds, notes, leases, policies of insurance, legal papers, of various kinds, etc. It was at first laid before Parliament more for infor mation and notice, than with any pur pose of pressing its passage. The next year, Grenville, now prime minister, proposed several resolutions tending to develop his plan for taxing America, f such as ad ditional duties on imports into the col onies from foreign countries, on sugar, indigo, coffee, etc., it being openly avowed that the object had in view was, to " raise a revenue for defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and securing his majesty s dominions in America." These resolutions passed the House without much debate or notice, it being resolved, without a division, " that Parliament had a right to tax the colonies." Among the reso lutions proposed by Grenville, was one imposing " certain stamp duties on the colonies :" but he declared to the House, his desire that it should not be acted upon until the next session of Par- * See Mr. Bancroft s " History of the United Stales, 1 vol. v., p. 156. * Ibid. p. 186. 1TC4. liament. It was foreseen that the lav- would be disregarded, if extraordinary measures were not adopted to enforce it, and provision made that penalties for violating it, and all other revenue laws, might be recovered in the ad miralty courts. The judges of these courts were dependent solely on the king, and decided the causes brought before them without the intervention of a jury. The colonial agents in London sent copies of the resolutions to their re spective colonies.* As soon as the in telligence of these proceedings reached America, they were considered as the commencement of a system of oppres sion, which, if not vigorously resisted, would eventually deprive them of the liberty of British subi ects. The 1764 General Court of Massachu setts, at their session in June, took this law into consideration. The House of Representatives resolved, " That the sole right of giving and granting the money of the people of that province was vested in themselves, and that the imposition of taxes and duties by the Parliament of Great Britain, upon a people who are not represented in Par liament, is absolutely irreconcilable with their rights." " If our trade may be taxed," was their argument, in the words of that eminent patriot, Samuel Adams, " why not our lands, why not the produce of our lands, and every thing we possess or use ? This, we COL. ceive, annihilates our charter-rights to govern and tax ourselves. It strikes at our British privileges, which, as wa * See Apppendix T., at the end af the present chap ter- Cn. X.] AMERICAN VIEWS AS TO THE STAMP TAX. 259 have never forfeited, we hold in com mon with our fellow subjects who are natives of Britain. If taxes are laid upon us without our having a legal representation where they are laid, we are reduced from the character of free subjects to the state of tributary slaves." The House also dispatched an energetic letter to Mr. Mauduit, the agent in England, declaring, "if we are not represented, we are slaves !" and, together with the letter, sent a copy of the recently issued pamphlet of Otis, "The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted." The ground taken by Otis was bold, and clearly set forth that this whole matter was one of prin ciple with the colonists ; yet there was no hint of forcible resistance to the claims of Parliament. Indeed, lawyer- like, Otis maintained the supremacy of Parliament and its acts, denouncing resistance as high treason. The col onists were not yet ready to array themselves in arms against the doings of Parliament ; but there was no dispo sition, on the other hand, to any thing like servile submission to injustice. Tracts similar to that of Otis were put forth in Rhode Island, " by authority ;" in Maryland, by Dulany, the secretary of the province; and in Virginia, by Bland, a leading member of the House of Burgesses. Toward the close of the year, pe titions to Parliament were drawn up in Massachusetts and Connecticut, which were somewhat moderated in tone, owing, in the case of Mas sachusetts, to the influence of Hutchin- son. New York agreed to a petition much more strongly worded, as did also 1764. Rhode Island. In the Virginia House of Burgesses, a petition to the king, a memorial to the House of Lords, and a remonstrance to the Commons, were drawn up by a Committee consisting of Richard Henry Lee and other eminent leaders of the aristocracy. The tone adopted was moderate, and the hard ship of pressing a measure like the one proposed, was dwelt upon. Grenville had a reason for delay, in not urging the stamp tax forward. His notion was, that the colonies, finding that the revenue must be paid in some way by them, and particularly disliking the form in which it was proposed by stamp duties, would suggest some other mode, and then he would take them at their word, and the revenue would be raised without further trouble. "If they think any other mode of taxation more convenient to them," were his plausible words, " and make any prop osition of equal efficacy with the stamp duty, I will give it all due considera tion." But to do this thing, he was resolved: "if you object to the Ameri cans being taxed by Parliament, save yourself the trouble of the discussion, for I am determined on the measure." Many in England, says M. Botta, and possibly the agents of the colonies themselves, attributed this conduct of the minister to moderation; but be yond the Atlantic it found a quite dif ferent reception, all with one voice ex claiming that this was an interested charity. For they thought, that how ever civil his offers, the minister would nevertheless exact, to a penny, the en tire sum he desired, which in substance was saying, that willingly or otherwise, 260 ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. [BK. Ii. they must submit to his good pleasure ; and, consequently, his complaisance was but that of an accomplished robber. It was known that he would not be satis fied with less than 300,000 sterling a year, the sum considered necessary for the support of the army it was resolved to maintain in the colonies for their de fence. No one of the agents was au thorized to comply. Two only alleged they were commissioned to declare that their provinces were ready to bear their proportion of the duty upon stamps, when it should be established accord ing to ancient usages. The minister, therefore, having heard no proposal that appeared to him acceptable, re solved to pursue the design of a stamp tax. Meanwhile, the fermentation in America was violent, not only among private citizens, but also among the members of public and corporate bodies; and all were of one mind, in asserting that the Parliament had no right to tax the colonies. In all places, political circles and clubs were formed ; the subject of all conversations was the fatal tax. Every day, every hour, di minished the respect and affection of the Americans towards the British na tion, and increased their disposition to resist. Supported, too, as they knew, by some of the purest patriots of the mother country, they earnestly de claimed against the injustice of any such proceeding, as laying a tax upon them for the purpose of supporting a standing army in America. The mur murs which had arisen from every quar ter against this proposal were alarming, and ought to have proved a note of warning to the ministry. But none of these complaints were of any avail The course to be pursued was decided upon, and the ministry went forward with their plan. The memorials, the remonstrances, the petitions, the resolu tions of the Americans, were rejected, and the bill for imposing a stamp duty was submitted to Parliament, at its ses sion, in 1T65. It is not difficult to imagine the kind of discussion which then took place. Few of the members of the House knew or cared aught for America, save as it seemed to open a new u 1 1 i? 6 5 source whence revenue could be drawn; and were it not a well-es tablished fact, it would seem incredible, that there could have been so remark able a state of ignorance and blindness as to the actual position and import ance of the colonies, and their power of asserting and defending their rights, On the one side, it was contended that taxation and representation are insep arable, and that the imposition of this tax would be as impolitic as it was un just, for the Americans would not sub mit to it. On the part of the ministry, it was claimed that the colonies were in fact virtually as much represented by the actual members, as were the great proportion of the English, who themselves enjoyed no vote ; that the right of taxing the colonists was de rived from the responsibility and ex pense of defending them; that the colonists must either be entirely de pendent upon England, or entirely sep arated from her. The inconsistency of allowing a duty to be placed upon .heir exports, while they refused to sub mit to one upon stamps, was artfully CH. X.] BARRE S ELOQUENT WORDS. 261 pointed out. Finally, after ostentatious ly enumerating the advantages derived by America from her connection with Great Britain, and leaving out of sight the counterbalancing restraints upon her commerce, which had all along been so unwillingly acquiesced in, Mr. Charles Townshend, one of the minis ters, propounded this inquiry : " And now, will these Americans, children planted by our care, nourished up by our indulgence, till they are grown to a degree of strength and opulence, and protected by our arms will they grudge to contribute their mite to re lieve us from the heavy weight of that burden which we lie under ?" Instantly Colonel Isaac Barre arose to reply. He had before spoken, and was one of the very few who knew how to appreciate the Americans. His words were listened to with the atten tion they deserved. Taking up Towns- hend s interrogation, he exclaimed : " They planted fy YOUR care ! No ; your oppressions planted them in Amer ica. They fled from your tyranny, to a then uncultivated and inhospitable country, where they exposed them selves to all the hardships to which human nature is liable, and, amons; ii O others, to the cruelties of a savage foe, the most subtle, and I will take upon me to say, the most formidable of any people upon the face of God s earth ; yet, actuated by principles- of true English liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure, compared with those they suffered in their own country, from the hands of those who should have been their friends. " Tliey nourished up by YOUR indul gence ! They grew by your neglect of them. As soon as you began to care for them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule them in one department and another, who were, perhaps, the deputies of deputies, to some members of this House, sent to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them men whose behavior, on many occa sions, has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within them men promoted to the highest seats of justice ; some who, to my knowledge, were glad, by going to a foreign coun try, to escape being brought to the bar of a court of justice in their own. " TJiey protected ly YOUR arms ! Those sons of liberty have nobly taken up arms in your defence, have exerted their valor amidst their constant and laborious industry for the defence of a country whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And believe me remember, I this day told you so, that same spirit of free dom which actuated that people at first, will accompany them still ; but prudence forbids me to explain myself further. God knows, I do not at this time speak from any motives of party heat ; what I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart. However su perior to me, in general knowledge and experience, the respectable body of this House may be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant with O that country. The people, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has, but a people jealous of their 202 ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. [BR. 1L 1765. liberties, and who will vindicate them, if ever they should be violated. But the subject is too delicate I will say no more." Barrels eloquence had its effect, but it was only momentary ; the bill passed by a vote of two hundred and forty- five to forty-nine : there was no division, or the slightest opposition in the Lords ; and, on the 22d of March, the royal assent was given, and the Stamp Act became a law.* Barre s words had been heard in the gallery by an American, who wrote them out, sent them across the Atlantic, and by midsummer, they were as familiar as household words to the Americans, and the name of SONS OF LIBERTY cheered and strengthened the hearts of thousands to dare and do in behalf of their rights. Franklin, on the very night of the passage of the bill, wrote to his friend, Charles Thomson, after wards secretary of Congress : " the sun of liberty is set ; the Americans must light the lamps of industry and econ omy." "Be assured," was Mr. Thom son s response soon after: "we shall light torches of a very different sort," a significant allusion to what would in evitably follow any attempt to carry out so unjust and impolitic a scheme, as that of the English ministry. In the Annual Mutiny Act, there was a clause inserted, which was to 3arry out another part of the minis terial plans, by authorizing as many troops to be sent to America as the ministers might see fit. For these * gke Appendix II., at the end of (he present chap ter 1765. troops, by a special enactment, as Mi Hildreth notes, known as the " Quarter ing Act," the colonies in which these troops might be stationed, were re quired, to find quarters, fire-wood, bed ding, drink, soap, and candles. The Virginia Assembly was in ses sion, in May, when the news arrived of the passage of these acts. The feel ings of the people had been gradually becoming more and more ex cited; the minister s plan of employing only Americans to act as executors of the Stamp tax, gave no satisfaction or promise of its being quietly yielded to ; and although the aristocracy might hesitate in a case liko this, where so many interests seemed to be at stake, the mass of the people found their fit champion in Patrick Henry. He had already distinguished himself in Virginia, in 1763, where, contrary to the law, and notwithstand ing the most clear legal rights of the plaintiffs, (the colonial clergy), he had succeeded, by the mere force of his eloquence, in carrying the jury, and the whole court, in favor of his clients, the defendants.* Chosen a member of the Assembly, Henry now, when others hesitated, stepped forth, and proposed these stirring Resolutions : Resolved, That the first adventurers, settlers of this his Majesty s colony and dominion of Virginia, brought with them and transmitted to their poster ity, and all other his Majesty s subjects, since inhabiting in this his Majesty s said colony, all the privileges, fran- t See Wirt s ^ Life of Patrick Henry," pp. 37-49 also Hildreth, vol. U. p, 508, 9. Mil -i :T S. Cn. X.] PATRICK HENRY S RESOLUTIONS. 203 cbises, and immunities that have at any time been held, enjoyed, and possessed by the people of Great Britain. Resofoed) That by two royal charters, granted by King James I., the colo nies aforesaid are declared entitled to all liberties, privileges, and immunities of denizens, and natural-born subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding, and born within the realm of England. Resolved, That the taxation of the people by themselves, or by persons chosen by themselves to represent them, who can only know what taxes the people are able to bear, and the easiest mode of raising them, and are equally affected by such taxes them selves, is the distinguishing character istic of British freedom, and without which the ancient constitution cannot subsist. Resolved, That his Majesty s liege people, of this most ancient colony, have enjoyed the rights of being thus governed by their own Assembly, in the article of taxes, and internal police, and that the same have never been for feited, or yielded up, but have been constantly recognized by the king and people of Britain. Resolved, therefore, That the General Assembly of this Colony, have the sole right and power, to lay taxes and im posts upon the inhabitants of this col ony, and that every attempt to vest such power in any other person or per sons whatsoever, than the General As sembly aforesaid, has a manifest ten dency to destroy British, as well as American freedom. A violent debate ensued, which was protracted for hours. Henry, roused by imputations freely uttered by those who opposed action, exclaimed, " Caesar had his Brutus, Charles I. his Crom well, and George III." "Treason!" cried the speaker " Treason ! treason !" echoed from every part of the house. " It was one of those trying moments," as Mr. "Wirt well says, " which are decisive of char acter. Henry faltered not for an in stant, but rising to a loftier attitude, and fixing on the speaker an eye of the most determined fire, he finished his sentence with the firmest emphasis, 4 and George HI. may profit by their example I If this be treason, sir, make the most of it. "* The resolutions were carried, the last by a majority of only one vote. It ia true that the next day. when Henry was absent, the last resolution was rescinded ; nevertheless, in their origin al form they were speedily put in cir culation throughout the colonies, and gave a strong impulse to the popular feeling. The bold stand of Virginia, was well calculated to nerve the patri otic hearts of true men everywhere. In Massachusetts, before the news arrived of what had been done by the Virginians, the General Court appointed a committee of nine to consider the steps necessary to be taken in the present emergency. That committee (June 6th,) recommended the calling of a Congress at New York, on the first Tuesday in October, to con sult upon the affairs of the colonies, and " to consider of a general and humble * Wirt s "Life of Patrick Henry," p. 83. 1765. 2G4 ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. . fl. Address to his Majesty and the Parlia ment, to implore relief." Governor Bernard thought it best to concur in the adoption of this plan. James Otis, with Ruggles and Partridge, were de puted to represent Massachusetts in this Congress. A popular outbreak soon after, showed how violently the spirit of op position had begun to work. A large elm tree in Boston, under which the opponents of the stamp tax were ac customed to assemble, soon became famous as "Liberty Tree." Early in the morning of August 14th, two effigies were suspended from, the branches of this elm ; one was designed for Oliver, secretary of the colony, and appointed stamp distributer ; the other, intended for the Earl of Bute, prime minister, was a jack boot, with a head and horns peeping out at the top. Great numbers both from town and country came to see them. The spectators soon entered into the spirit of the thing. In the evening the whole was cut down and carried in procession by the populace, shouting " liberty and property forever ! no stamps !" They next pulled down a new building, lately erected by Mr. Oliver. They then went to his house, before which they beheaded his effigy, and at the same time broke his win dows. Eleven days after, similar vio lences were repeated. The mob at tacked the house of Mr. William Story, deputy register of the court of admi ralty, broke his windows, forced into his dwelling house, and destroyed the books and files belonging to the said court, and ruined a great part of his furniture. They next proceeded to the house of Benjamin Hallowel, comp troller of the customs, and repeated similar excesses, and drank and de stroyed his liquors. They afterwards proceeded to the house of Mr. Hutch- inson, and soon demolished it. They carried off his plate, furniture, and ap parel, and scattered or destroyed man uscripts, and other curious and useful papers, which for thirty years he had been collecting, an irreparable loss About half a dozen of the meanest of the mob were soon after taken up and committed, but they either broke jail, or otherwise escaped all punishment. The inhabitants of Boston, in a town meeting, expressed their abhorrence of these excesses, and a civic guard was organized to prevent their recurrence ; but the rioters, though well known, were never punished, a proof that the community generally, though unwilling to do such things, were not sorry that they had been done by others. There were similar outbreaks of popular fury in the other colonies. On the 24th of August a gazette extra ordinary was published at Providence, with Vox Populi vox Dei, for a motto : effigies were exhibited, and in the O evening cut down and burnt. Three days afterwards, the people of New port conducted effigies of three obnox ious persons in a cart, with halters about their necks, to a gallows near the town house, where they were hung, and after a while cut down and burnt amidst the acclamations of thousands. On the last day of October, a body of people from the country, approached the town of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, in the apprehension that the stamps would ClT. X.] PROCEEDINGS OF THE COLONIAL CONGRESS. 265 be distributed ; but on receiving assur- * O ance that there was no such intention, they quietly returned. All the bells in Portsmouth, Newcastle, and Greenland, were tolled, to denote the decease of Liberty ; and in the course of the day, notice was given to her friends to at tend her funeral. A coffin, neatly ornamented, and inscribed with " LIB ERTY, aged CXLV. years," was prepared for the funeral procession, which began from the state house, attended with two unbraced drums ; minute guns were fired until the corpse arrived at the grave, when an oration was pro nounced in honor of the deceased ; but scarcely was the oration concluded, when, some remains of life having been discovered, the corpse was taken up; and the inscription on the lid of the coffin was immediately altered to " LIB ERTY EEVIVED;" the bells suddenly struck a cheerful sound, and joy ap peared again in every countenance. In Connecticut, Mr. Ingersoll, the consti tuted distributer of stamps, was exhib ited and burnt in effigy in the month of August ; and the resentment at length became so general and alarming, that he resigned his office. In the midst of this wide-spread ex citement, on the Yth of October, com mittees from nine of the colonies assembled in New York. As surances of support and co-operation were received from other colonies, not represented by committees at the Con gress. Timothy Kuggles, of Massachus etts, was appointed president, and among the members were Otis, Johnson, Dick inson, Gadsden, etc., all subsequently distinguished in the history of the VOL. I. 36 Revolution. " In the course of a three weeks session," says Mr. Hildreth, u a Declaration of the rights and grievances of the colonies was agreed to. All the privileges of Englishmen were claimed by this declaration, as the birthright of the colonists among the rest, the right of being taxed only by their own consent. Since distance and local cir cumstances made a representation in the British Parliament impossible, these representatives, it was maintained, could be no other than the several colonial legislatures. Thus was given a flat negative to a scheme lately broached in England by Pownall and others, for allowing to the colonies a representation in Parliament, a project to which both Otis and Franklin seemed at first to have leaned. A petition to the king, and memorials to each house of Parlia ment was also prepared, in which the cause of the colonies was eloquently pleaded. Kuggles refused to sign these papers, on the ground that they ought first to be approved by the several As semblies, and should be forwarded to England as their acts. Ogden, one of the New Jersey delegates, withheld his signature on the same plea. The delegates from New York did not sign, because they had no special authority for their attendance ; nor did those of Connecticut or South Carolina, their commissions restricting them to a re port to their respective Assemblies. The petition and memorials, signed by the other delegates, were transmitted, early in November, to England for presentation. The several colonial As semblies, at their earliest sessions, gave to the proceedings a cordial approval; 266 ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. [B K . H The conduct of Ruggles, in refusing his signature, was severely censured by the Massachusetts representatives. Ogden was burned in effigy by the people of New Jersey."* The first of November was the day appointed for the Stamp Act to go in operation ; but no stamps were any where to be seen on that day. The stamp distributer in New York had resigned, and the obnoxious act was O / contemptuously cried about the streets, labelled, " The Folly of England and Ruin of America 7" Lieut.-Governor Golden took every precaution to secure the stamp papers, but many of the in habitants of the city, offended at the conduct and disliking the political sen timents of the governor, having assem bled on the evening of November 1st, broke open his stable, and took out his coach ; and after carrying it through the principal streets of the city, marched to the common, where a gallows was erected, on one end of which they sus pended his effigy, with a stamped bill of lading in one hand, and a figure of the devil in the other. When the effigy had hung a considerable time, they carried it in procession, suspended to the- gallows, to the gate of the fort, whence it was removed to the bowling green, under the very muzzles of the guns, and a bonfire made, in which everything, including the coach, was consumed, amidst the acclamations of several thousand spectators. The next day, the people insisting upon having the stamps, it was agreed that they * Hildreth s " History of the United States," vol. ii., p. 530. should be delivered to the corporation, and they were deposited in the city hall. Ten boxes of stamps, which ar rived subsequently, were committed to the flames. Satirical pamphlets and cutting articles in the journals, con stantly added fresh fuel to the flame. One of those published at Boston bore for its title, " The Constitutional Cour rier, or Considerations important to Liberty, without*being contrary to Loy alty" But the device adopted was most original, representing a serpent cut into eight pieces, the head bearing the ini tials of New England, and the other pieces those of the other colonies as far as Carolina, the whole being sur mounted by the significant inscription, in large letters, " UNITE OR DIE." Sim ilar striking demonstrations of the pop ular feeling in regard to the stamp tax, occurred in Philadelphia, and in Maryland and Virginia. Notwithstanding the Stamp Act was to go into operation on the first of November, yet legal proceedings were carried on in the courts just the same as before. Vessels entered and left the ports without stamped papers. The printers boldly issued their newspa pers, and found a sufficient number of readers, though they used common paper, in defiance of the act of Parlia ment. In most departments, by com mon consent, business was carried on as though no Stamp Act had existod. This was accompanied by spirited 1 reso lutions to risk all consequences, rather than submit to use the paper required by law. While these matters were in agitation, the colonists entered into associations . against importing British Cn. X.] OPPOSITION TO THE STAMP TAX. manufactures till the Stamp Act should be repealed. In this manner British liberty was made to operate against British tyranny. Agreeably to the free constitution of Great Britain, the subject was at liberty to buy, or not to buy, as he pleased. By suspending their future purchases till the repeal of the Stamp Act, the colonists made it the interest of merchants and manufac turers to solicit for that repeal. They had usually purchased so great a pro portion of British manufactures, that the sudden stoppage of all their orders, amounting annually to several mil lions sterling, threw some thousands in England out of employment, and in duced them, from a regard to their own interest, to advocate the measures wished for by America. The petitions from the colonies were seconded by pe titions from the merchants and manu facturers of Great Britain. What the former prayed for as a matter of right, the latter solicited from motives of in terest. The colonists showed their spirit by encouraging domestic manu factures. Coarse, common cloths came into use in preference to those imported from the mother country. Foreign elegancies were dispensed with. The zeal of the women surpassed that of the men, and they agreed to forego ornaments and luxuries to support the good cause. This was bringing the question to a point; the English ar tisans and others felt the effect imme diately, and many of them were re duced to great distress by there being no work for them to do. The Sons of Liberty entered into an agreement by which they bound themselves "to march with the utmost expedition, at their own proper cost and expense, with their whole force, to the relief of those that should be in danger from the Stamp Act, or its promoters and abettors, or anything relative to it, on account of anything that may have been done in opposition to its obtain ing." A change in the English ministry took place in July of this year, the news of which encouraged the 1765. Americans in the stand they had taken. The Marquis of Rocking- ham became? the new prime minister, and was liberally disposed. Parliament met in January, 1766, and the colonial affairs at once occupied its attention. In the speech from the throne the king declared " his firm con fidence in the wisdom and zeal of the members, which would, he doubted not, guide them to such sound and prudent resolutions as might tend at once to preserve the constitutional rights of the British legislature over the colonies, and to restore to them that harmony and tranquillity which had lately been interrupted by disorders of the most dangerous nature." The correspond ence of the colonial governors, and other papers, were produced. Numer ous petitions also from British mer- chants were presented to the two Houses. The ex-ministers, who were now in the opposition, defended their line of policy and their acts. Pitt, who was not connected with either the Grenville or the Rockingham ministry, and who had taken but little part of late in public affairs, owing to ill health, now appeared in his place in the House 268 and strongly advocated the repeal of the Stamp Act. " It is a long time, Mr. Speaker," he said, " since I have attended in Parlia ment when the resolution was taken in this House to tax America, I was ill in bed. If 1 could have endured to have been carried in my bed, so great was the agitation of my mind for the consequences, I would have solicited some kind hand to have laid me down on this floor to have borne my testi mony against it. It is my opinion that this kingdom has no right to lay a tax upon the colonies. At the same time, I assert the authority of this kingdom to be sovereign and supreme in every circumstance of government and legis lature whatsoever. Taxation is no part of the governing or legislative power ; and taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the commons alone. The con currence of the peers and of the crown is necessary only as a form of law. This House represents the commons of Great Britain. When in this House we give and grant, therefore, we give and grant what is our own ; but can we give and grant the property of the commons of America ? It is an ab surdity in terms. There is an idea in some, that the colonies are virtually represented in this House. I would fain know by whom ? The idea of virtual representation is the most con temptible that ever entered into the head of man ; it does not deserve a serioas refutation. The commons in America, represented in their several Assemblies, have invariably exercised this constitutional light of giving and granting their own money ; they would ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. I!. have been slaves if they had not en- jo}^ed it. At the same time this king dom has ever possessed the power of legislative and commercial control. The colonies acknowledge your au thority in all things, with the sole exception that you shall not take their money out of their pockets without their consent. Here would I draw the line quam ultra citraque nequit con- sistere rectum. 1 A profound silence succeeded these words, and for a time no one seemed disposed to advocate the cause of the late ministry. At length, Grenville* himself, a man of no mean powers, rose and said : " protection and obe.die.nce are reciprocal ; Great Britain protects America. America is therefore bound to yield obadience. If not. tell mo when were the Americans emanci pated ? 1 Looking significantly at Mr. Pitt, he exclaimed, " The seditious spirit of the colonies owes its birth to the factions in this house ! Gentlemen are careless what they say, provided it serves the purposes of opposition. We were told we trod on tender ground ; we were bid to expect disobedience: what is this but telling America to * Grenville was the brother-in-law of Pitt, and ^ received at his hands a sobriquet that annoyed him not a little. On one occasion, in the course of de bate, he had called on the gentleman opposite to him to say where an additional tax could be laid. " Let them tell me where," he repeated, fretfully. " I say. sir, let them tell me where. I repeat it, sir, I am entitled to say to them, tell me where." Pitt, \viio was in the House that evening, in a whining tone, resembling Grenville s, hummed a line of a well- known song, " Gentle shepherd, tell me where." Grenville was in a rage, but the House laughed heartily. The nickname, Gentle Shepherd, stuck to him, and it was long before it was forgotten. CH. X.] 209 stand out against the law ? to encour age their obstinacy with the expectation of support here? Ungrateful people of America ! The nation has run itself Into an immense debt to give them protection ; bounties have been extend ed to them ; in their favor the Act of Navigation, that palladium of British commerce, has been relaxed ; and now that they are called upon to contribute a small share towards the public ex pense, they renounce your authority, insult your officers, and break out, I might almost say, into open rebellion !" The insinuation was not to be borne for an instant. Every one yielded at once to Pitt, who repelled the attack with characteristic intrepidity. "Sir, a charge is brought against gentlemen sitting in this House of giving birth to sedition in America. The freedom with which they have spoken their sentiments against this unhappy Act is imputed to them as a crime ; but the imputation shall not discourage me. It is a liberty which I hope no gentleman will be afraid to exercise ; it is a liberty by which the gentleman who calumni ates it might have profited. He ought to have desisted from his project. We are told America is obstinate America is almost in open rebellion. Sir, / re joice America has resisted three mil lions of people so dead to all the feel ings of liberty, as voluntarily to sub mit to_ be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest. I came not here armed at all points with law cases and acts of Par liament, with the statute book doubled down in dogs-ears, to defend the cause of liberty ; but for the defence of lib erty upon a general constitutional prin ciple, it is a ground on which I dare meet any man. I will not debate points of law ; but what, after all, do the cases of Chester and Durham prove, but that under the most arbitrary reigns Parliament were ashamed of taxing a people without their consent, and allowed them representatives? A higher and bett-?" example might have been taken froin Wales ; that princi pality was never taxed by Parliament till it was incorporated with England. We are told of many classes of persons in this kingdom not represented in Parliament ; but are they not all virtu ally represented as Englishmen within the realm ? Have they not the option, many of them at least, of becoming themselves electors ? Every inhabitant of this kingdom is necessarily included in the general system of representation. It is a misfortune that more are not actually represented. The honorable gentleman boasts of his bounties to America. Are not these bounties in tended finally for the benefit of this kingdom? If they are not, he has misapplied the national treasures. I am no courtier of America. I maintain that Parliament has a right to bind, to restrain America. Our legislative power over the colonies is sovereign and supreme. The honorable gentle man tells us he understands not the difference between internal and external taxation ; but surely there is a plain distinction between taxes levied for the purpose of raising a revenue and duties imposed for the regulation of commerce. When, said the honorable gentleman, were the colonies emancipated 2 At ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. I time, say I, in answer, were they made slaves ? I speak from actual knowledge when I say that the profit to Great Britain from the trade of the colonies, through all its branches, is two millions per annum. This is the fund that carried you triumphantly through the war; this is the price America pays you for her protection ; and shall a miserable financier come with a boast that he can fetch a peppercorn into the exchequer at the loss of millions to the nation ? I know the valor of your troops, I know the skill of your officers, f know the force of this country ; but in su< h a cause your success would be hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like a strong man : she would em brace the pillars of the state, and pull down the constitution with her. Is this your boasted peace ? not to sheathe the sword IL. the scabbard, but to sheathe it in the bowels of your countrymen? The Americans have been wronged, they have been driven to madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the madness you have occasioned ? No, let this country be the first to resume its prudence and temper ; I will pledge myself for the colonies, that, on their part, animosity and resentment will cease. Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the house in a few words what is really my opinion. It is that the Stamp Act be repealed absolutely, totally, and immediately. At the same time let the sovereign authority of this couptry o ^erthe colonies be asserted in ai strong terms as can be devised, and be made to extend to every point of legislation whatsoever ; that we may bind their trade, confine their manufac- J 760. tures, and exercise any power whatso ever, except that of taking their money out of their pockets without tneir eon. sent." It was while this important debate was going on, that Franklin, early in February,* was summoned to give his evidence before the House of Commons. Franklin s fame induced an un usual attendance in the galler ies, and his replies to the questions pro pounded had an important bearing upon the final settlement of the mat ter before Parliament. He was asked whether, in his opinion, the people of America would submit to the stamp duty if it was moderated: he answered emphatically, "No, never, unless com pelled by force of arms." To the ques tion, " What was the temper of America * About a month previous to this, Franklin, writinp from London to a friend, thus expresses himself: " !n my own private judgment, ! think an immediate re peal of the Stamp Act would be the best measure for this country ; but a suspension of it for three years, the best for that. The repeal would fill them \viih joy and gratitude, re-establish their respect and ven eration for Parliament, restore at once their ancient and natural love for this country, and their regard for every thins that comes from it hence ; the trade would be rene.ved in all its branches ; they would again in dulge in all the expensive superfluities you supply them with, and their own new assumed home indus try would languish. But the suspension, though it might continue their fears and anxieties, would at the same time keep up their resolutions of industry and frugality, which, in two or three years, would grow into habits, to their lasting advantage. However, as the repeal will probably not now be agreed to, from what I now think, a mistaken opinion, that the honor and dignity of government is better supported hv pel sistinir in a wrong measure once entered into, than by rectifying an error as soon as it is discovered ; we must allow the next best thing for the advantage of i both countries, is, the sutpension. For, as to execut- in" the act bv force, it is madness, and will be ruin to the whole." CH. X.] REPEAL OF THE STAMP -ACT. 271 towards Great Britain, before the year 1763?" lie replied, The best in the world. They submitted willingly to the government of the crown, and paid, in their courts, obedience to acts of Parliament. Numerous as the people are in the several old provinces, they cost you nothing in forts, citadels, gar rison^, or armies, to keep them in sub jection. They were governed by this country at the expense only of a little pen, ink, and paper ; they were led by a thread. They had not only a respect, but an affection for Great Britain, for its laws, its customs, and manners, and even a fondness for its fashions, that greatly increased the commerce. Na tives of Britain were always treated with particular regard ; to be an Old England man was, of itself, a character of some respect, and gave a kind of rank among us." " And what is their temper now ?" it was asked. " 0, very much- altered," he replied. "Did you ever hear the authority of Parliament to make laws for America questioned till lately ?" " The authority of Parlia ment," said he, " was allowed to be \ T alid in all laws, except such as should lay internal taxes. It was never dis puted in laying duties to regulate com merce." To the question, u Can you name any act of Assembly, or public act of any of your governments, that made such distinction?" he replied, "I do not know that there was any; I think there was never an occasion to mak ^ such an act, till now that you have attempted to tax us ; that has oc casioned resolutions of Assembly, de claring the distinction, in which I think every Assembly on the continent, and every member in every Assembly, have been unanimous."* The sentiments of Washington were O in accordance with those expressed by Franklin. He spoke of the Stamp Act as " unconstitutional, and a direful at tack on the liberties of the colonists." And not long after, when the obnoxious act had been repealed, he thus wrote in a letter to a friend : " The repeal of the Stamp Act, to whatever cause owing, ought much to be rejoiced at ; for, had the Parliament of Great Britain resolved upon enforcing it, the consequences, I conceive, would have been more direful than is generally apprehended, both to the mother country and her colonies. All, therefore, who were instrumental in procuring the repeal, are entitled to the thanks of every British subject, and have mine cordially."f On the 22d of February, General Conway, who had opposed from the first, the attempt to enforce the Stamp Act, now brought in a bill for its total O repeal. The debate upon it was long and interesting; but, as Burke said afterwards, " the House, by an independent, noble-spirited, and un expected majority, in the teeth of all the old mercenary Swiss of the state, in despite of all the speculators and augurs of political events, in defiance of the whole embattled legion of vet eran pensioners and practised instru ments of court, gave a total repeal to the Stamp Act, and if the scheme of tax ing the colonies had been totally aban- O * doned, there would have been a lasting * Franklin s Works, vol. iv., p. 109. j Sparks s " T t ife of Washington," 1 p. 107 1TG6. 272 ENGLAND BEGINS THE CONTEST. peace to the whole empire." The mo tion was carried by two hundred and seventy-five against one hundred and sixty-seven. During the debate, as this eloquent advocate of the repeal of the Stamp Act further says, " the trading interest of the empire crammed into the lobbies of the House of Commons with a trembling and anxious expecta tion, and waited, almost to a winter s return of light, their fate from the reso lution of the House. When, at length, that had determined in their favor, and the doors thrown open, showed them the figure of their deliverer in the well- earned triumph of his important vic tory, from the whole of that grave mul titude there arose an involuntary burst of gratitude and transport. They j ump- ed upon him. like children on a long absent father. They clung about him as captives about their redeemer. All England joined in his applause. Nor did he seem insensible to the best of all earthly rewards, the love and ad miration of his fellow-citizens. Hope elevated and joy brightened his crest." The ministry, however, were by no means disposed to go the length of Pitt on this point* They placed the repeal on the ground of expediency, not of right and justice, and they caused another bill to be previously passed, in which it was declared, that " Parliament had, and of right ought to have, power to bind the colonies in all cases what soever." In the House of Lords, the highest legal authorities differed on the ques tion. The celebrated Lord Mansfield maintained that the sovereign power of Parliament included the right of taxation: on the other hand, Lord Camden, formerly chief-justice Pratt, expressed himself in these strong words : " My position is this I repeat it ; I will maintain it to the last hour taxation and representation are insep arable. The position is founded in the law of nature. It is more ; it is itself an eternal law of nature. For whatsoever is a man s own, it is absolutely his own. No man has a right to take it from him without his consent. Whoever attempts to do it, attempts an injury. Whoever does it, commits a robbery."* The king was opposed to the repeal, but was loth to proceed to force : others of the peers, including, it is said, most of the bishops, were in favor of com pelling obedience at all hazards. The bill was finally passed, by a vote ot a hundred and five against seventy one. On the 19th of March, the king, having repaired to the House of Peers, gave his assent to the Act of Repeal, and that of the Dependence of the col onies towards Great Britain. The American merchants at that T , . 17C6. time in London, went, in a body, to testify their joy and gratitude upon this occasion. The ships which lay at anchor in the Thames, displayed their colors in token of felicitation. The houses were illuminated in all parts of the city ; salutes were heard, and bonfires were kindled in all quar ters. In a word, none of the public demonstrations, usual on similar occur rences, were omitted, to celebrate the goodness of the king, and the wisdom of Parliament. * See Bancroft, vol. v., p. 446-8. Co. X.J FRANKLIN S LETTER TO W. ALEXANDER. 27?, APPENDIX TO CHAPTER X. I. FRANKLIN S LETTER TO W. ALEXANDER. DEAR SIR, Pr, lfo4 isa*. ma. In the pamphlet you were so kind as to lend me, there is one important fact mis-stated, appa rently from the writer s not having been furnished with good information ; it is the transaction be tween Mr. Grenville and the colonies, wherein he understands that Mr. Grenville demanded of them a specific sum. that they refused to grant any thing, and that it was on their refusal only that he made a motion for the Stump Act. No one of these particulars is true. The fact was this : Some time in the winter of 1763-4, Mr. Gren ville called together the agents of the several colonies, and told them that he purposed to draw a revenue from America, and to that end his in tention was to levy a stamp duty on the colonies by act of Parliament in the ensuing session, of which he thought it fit that they should be imme diately acquainted, that they might have time to consider, and if any other duty equally productive would be more agreeable to them, they might let him know it. The agents were therefore directed to write this to their respective Assemblies, and communicate to him the answers they should re ceive : the agents wrote accordingly. I was a member in the Assembly of Pennsyl vania, when this notification came to hand. The observations there made upon it were, that the ancient, established, and regular method of draw ing aids from the colonies was this. The occasion was always first considered by their sovereign in his privy council, by whose sage advice, he direct ed his secretary of state to write circular letters to the several governors, who were directed to lay them before their Assemblies. In those letters the occasion was explained for their satisfaction, with gracious expressions of his majesty s confi dence in their known duty and affection, on which he relii-d, that they would grant such sums as You 37 should be suitable to their abilities, loyalty, and zeal for his service. That the colonies had al ways granted liberally on such requisitions, and so liberally during the late war, that the king, sensible they had granted much more than their proportion, had recommended it to Parliament, five years successively, to make them some com pensation, and the Parliament accordingly re turned them two hundred thousand pounds a-year to be divided among them. That the proposition of taxing them in Parliament was therefore both cruel and unjust.* That by the constitution of the colonies their business was with the king in matters of aid ; they had nothing to do with any financier, nor he with them ; nor were the agents the proper channels through which requisitions should be made ; it was therefore improper tor them to enter into any stipulation, or make any proposition to Mr. Grenville about laying taxes on their constituents by Parliament, which had really no right at all to tax them, especially as the notice he had sent them did not appear to be by the king s order, and perhaps was without his knowledge ; as the king, when he would obtain any thing from them, always accompanied his requisition with good words ; but this gentleman, instead of a decent demand sent them a menace, that they should certainly be taxed, and only left them the choice of the manner. But all this not withstanding, they were so far from refusing to grant money, that they resolved to the following purpose : "That they always had, so they always should, think it their duty to grant aid to the crown, according to their abilities, whenever re quired of them in the usual constitutional manner." I went soon after to England, and took with mo * "There is neither king, nor sovereign lo*rd on earth, who has beyond his own domain, power to lay one farthing on the subjects, without the grant und consent of those who pay it ; unless he does it by tyranny und violonoo." Philippe de Oommines, Ctap. 108. 274 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER X. IL an authentic copy of this resolution, which I pre sented to Mr. Grenville before he brought in the Stamp Act. I asserted in the House of Commons (Mr. Grenville being present) that I had done so, and he did not deny it. Other colonies made similar resolutions. And had Mr. Grenville, in stead of that act, applied to the king in council for such rcquisitional letters to be circulated by the secretary of state, I am sure he would have obtained more money from the colonies by their voluntary grants, than he himself expected from his stamps. But he chose compulsion rather than persuasion, and would not receive from their good-will what he thought he could obtain with out it. And thus the golden bridge which the ingenious author thinks the Americans unwisely and unbecomingly refused to hold out to the min ister and Parliament, was actually held out to them, but they refused to walk over it. This is the true history of that transaction ; and as it is probable there may be another edition of that excellent pamphlet, I wish this may be commu nicated to the candid author, who I doubt not will correct that error. I am ever, with sincere esteem, dear sir, your most obedient, humble servant, B. FKANKLIN. IL THE STAMP ACT. WHEREAS, by an act made in the last session of Parliament, several duties were granted, con tinued, and appropriated towards defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the British colonies and plantations in America ; and whereas it is first necessary, that provision be made for raising a further revenue within your majesty s dominions in America, towards defray ing the said expenses ; we, your majesty s most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain, in Parliament assembled, have therefore resolved to give and grant unto your majesty the several rights and duties hereinafter mentioned ; and do most humbly beseech your majesty that it may be enacted, And be it enacted by the king s most excellent majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual arid temporal, and commons, in this present Parliament assem bled, and by the authority of the same, That from and after the first day of November, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-five, there shall be raised, levied, collected, and paid unto his majesty, his heirs and successors, throughout the colonies and plantations in America, which now are, or here after may be, under the dominion of his majesty, his heirs and successors, 1. For every skin of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be en grossed, written, or printed, any declaration, plea, replication, rejoinder, demurrer, or other pleading, or any copy thereof, in any court of law within the British colonies and plantations in America, a stamp duty of three pence. 2. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any special bail, and appearance upon such bail in any such court, a stamp duty of two shillings. 3. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which may be engrossed, written or printed, any petition, bill or answer, claim, plea, replication, rejoinder, de murrer, or other pleading in any court of chan cery or equity within the said colonies and plant ations, a stamp duty of one shilling and six pence. 4. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any copy of any petition, bill, answer, claim, plea, replication, re joinder, demurrer, or other pleading, in any such court, a stamp duty of three pence. 5. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any monition, libel, answer, allegation, inventory, or renuncia tion in ecclesiastical matters, in any court of pro bate, court of the ordinary, or other court exer cising ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling. 6. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any copy of any will, (other than the probate thereof,) monition, libel, answer, allegation, inventory, or renuncia tion, in ecclesiastical matters, in any such court, a stamp duty of sixpence. 7. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any donation, CH. X.] THE STAMP ACT. 275 presentation, collation, or institution, of or to any benefice, or any writ or instrument for the like purpose, any register, entry, testimonial, or cer tificate of any degree taken in any university, academy, college, or seminary of learning, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of two pounds. 8. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any monition, libel, claim, answer, allegation, information, letter of ivquest, execution, renunciation, inventory, or other pleading in any admiralty court within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling. 9. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of. paper, on which any copy of any such monition, libel, claim, answer, allegation, information, letter of request, execu tion, renunciation, inventory, or other pleading shall be engrossed, written, or printed, a stamp dnt) of sixpence. 10. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any appeal, writ of error, writ of dower, ad quod dainnnm, certiorari, statute merchant, statute staple, attest ation, or certificate, by any officer, or exemplifi cation of any record or proceeding, in any court whatsoever, within the said colonies and planta tions, (except appeals, writs of error, certiorari, attestations, certificates, and exemplifications, for, or relating to, the removal of any proceedings from before a single justice of the peace,) a stamp duty of ten shillings. 11. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch- ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any writ of covenant, for levying fines, writ of entry for suf fering a common recovery, or attachment issuing out of or returnable into any court within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty cf five shillings. 1 2. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any judgment, decree, or sentence, or dimission, or any record of nisi privs or poxtea t in aJiy court within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of four shillings. 18. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any affidavit, common bail, or appearance, interrogatory, depo sition, rule, order or warrant of any court, or any dedimus potestatern, capias, sukjicena, summons, compulsory citation, commission, recognizance, or any other writ, process, or mandate, issuing out of, or returnable into, any court, or any office be longing thereto, or any other proceedings therein whatsoever, or any copy thereof, or of any record not herein before charged, within the said colonies and plantations, (except warrants relating to criminal matters, and proceedings thereon, or re lating thereto,) a stamp duty of one shilling. 14. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any note or bill of lading, which shall be signed for any kind of goods, wares, or merchandise, to be exported from, or any cocket or clearance granted \\ithiu the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of four pence. 15. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, letters of mark or commission for private ships of war, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of twenty shillings. 16. For every skin or piece of vellum, or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any grant, ap pointment, or admission of or to any public bene ficial office or employment, for the space of one year, or any lesser time, or of above twenty pounds per annum, sterling money, in salary, fees, and perquisites within the said colonies and planta tions, (except commissions and appointments of officers of the army, navy, ordnance, or militia, of judges, and of justices of the peace,) a stamp duty of ten shillings. 1 7. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which any grant of any liberty, privilege, or franchise, under the seal or sign manual of any governor, pro prietor, or public officer, alone, or in conjunction with any other person or persons, or with *ny council, or any council and assembly, or any ex emplification of the same, shall be engrossed, written, or printed, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of six pounds. 18. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch- 270 APPENDIX iu CHAPTER X. . 11. ment, or sheet or pieoe of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any license for retailing of spirituous liquors, to be granted to any person who shall take out the same, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of twenty shillings. 19. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any license for retailing of wine, to be granted to any person who shall not take out a license for retailing of spiritu ous liquors, within the said colonies and planta tions, a stamp duty of four pounds. 20. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any license for retailing of wine, to be granted to any person who shall take out a license for retailing of spirituous liquors, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of three pounds. 21. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any probate of will, letters of administration or of guardianship for any estate above the value of twenty pounds sterling money, within the British colonies and plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging thereto, and the Bermuda and Bahama islands, a stamp duty of five shillings. 22. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such pro bate, letters of administration or of guardianship, within all other parts of the British dominions in America, a stamp duty of ten shillings. 23. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any bond for securing the payment of any sum of money, not exceeding the sum of ten pounds, sterling money, within the British colonies and plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging thereto, and the Bermuda and Bahama islands, a stamp duty of sixpence. 24. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any bond for securing the payment of any sum of money above ten pounds, and not exceeding twenty pounds, sterling money, within such colonies, plantations, and islands, a stamp duty of one shilling. 25. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which ohall be engrossed, written, or printed, any bond for securing the payment of any sum of money above twenty pounds, and not exceeding forty pounds, sterling money, within such colonies, plantations, and islands, a stamp duty of one shilling and six pence. 26. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any order or warrant for surveying or setting out any quantity of land, not exceeding one hundred acres, issued by any governor, proprietor, or any public officer, alone, or in conjunction with any other person or persons, or with any council, or any council and assembly, within the British colonies and planta - tions in America, a stamp duty of sixpence. 27. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any such order or warrant for surveying or setting out any quan tity of land above one hundred and not exceeding two hundred acres, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling. 28. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such order or warrant for surveying or setting out any quan tity of land above two hundred and not exceeding three hundred and twenty acres, and in propor tion for every such order or warrant for survey ing or setting out every other three hundred and twenty acres, within the said colonies and planta tions, a stamp duty of one shilling and sixpence. 29. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any original grant or any deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of land, not exceeding one hundred acres, shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, within the British colonies and plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging thereto, and the Bermuda and Bahama islands, (except leases for any term not exceeding the term of twenty-one years) a stamp duty of one shilling and sixpence. 30. For every s^in or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such deed, mesne conveyance, or THE STAMP ACT. 277 otlior instrument whatsoever, by which any quan tity of land, above one hundred and not exceeding two hundred acres, shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, within such colonies, plantations and islands, a stamp duty of two shillings. ol. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quan tity of land, above two hundred, and not exceeding thn-e hundred and twenty acres, shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, and in proportion for every such grant, deed, mesne conveyance, or other in strument, granting, conveying, or assigning, every other three hundred and twenty acres, within such colonies, plantations, and islands, a stamp duty of two shillings and sixpence. 32. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quan tity of land, not exceeding one hundred acres, shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, within all other parts. of the British dominions in Amer ica, a stamp duty of three shillings. 33. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such origi nal grant, or any such deed, inesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of land, above one hundred and not ex ceeding two hundred acres, shall be granted, con veyed, or assigned, within the same parts of the said dominions, a stamp duty of four shillings. 34. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such origi nal grant, or any such deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of land, above two hundred and not ex ceeding three hundred and twenty acres, shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, and in proportion for every such grant, deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument, granting, conveying, or assigning every other three hundred and twenty acres, within the same parts of the said dominions, a stamp duty wf five shillings. 3,"). For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, )i- sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any grant, ap pointment, or admission, of or to any beneficial office or employment, not herein before charged, above the value of twenty pounds per annum sterling money, in salary, fees, and perquisites, or any exemplification of the same, within the British colonies, and plantations upon the con tinent of America, the islands belonging thereto, and the Bermuda and Bahama islands, (except commissions of officers of the army, navy, ord nance, or militia, and of justices of the peace.) a stamp duty of four pounds. 30. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such grant, appointment, or admission, of or to any such public beneficial office or employment, or any ex emplification of the same, within all other parts of the British dominions in America, a stamp duty of six pounds. 37. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any indenture, lease, conveyance, contract, stipulation, bill of sale, charter party, protest, articles of apprentice ship, or covenant, (except for the lure of servants not apprentices, and also except such other matters as herein before charged,) within the British colo nies and plantations in America, a stamp duty of two shillings and sixpence. 38. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which any warrant or order for auditing any public accounts, beneficial warrant, order, grant, or certificate, under any public seal, or under the seal or sign manual of any governor, proprietor, or public officer, alone, or in conjunction with any other person or persons, or with any council, or any council and assembly, not herein before charged, or any passport or letpass, surrender of office, or policy of assurance, shall be engrossed, written, or printed, within the said colonies and planta tions, (except warrants or orders for the service of the army, navy, ordnance, or militia, and grants of offices under twenty pounds per annum, in sal ary, fees, and perquisites,) a stamp duty of five shillings. 39. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any notarial act, bond, deed, leiter of attorney, procuration, 278 APPEXDiX TO CHAPTER X. |_BK. mortgage, release, or other obligatory instru ment, not herein before charged, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of two shillings and throe pence. 40. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any register, entry, or enrollment of any grant, deed, or other instrument whatsoever, herein before charged, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of three pence. 41. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any register, entry, or enrollment of any grant, deed, or other instrument whatsoever, not herein before charged, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of two shillings. 42. And for and upon every pack of playing cards, and all dice, which shall be sold or used within the said colonies and plantations, the se veral stamp duties following ; (that is to say;) 43. For every pack of such cards, one shilling. 44. And for every pair of such dice, ten shillings. 45. And for and upon every paper called a pamphlet, and upon every newspaper, containing public news, or occurrences, which shall be printed, dispersed, and made public, within any of the said colonies and plantations, and for and upon such advertisements as are hereinafter mentioned, the respective duties following ; (that is to say;) 46. For every such pamphlet and paper, con tained in a half sheet, or any lesser piece of paper, which shall be so printed, a stamp duty of one half-penny for every printed copy thereof. 47. For every such pamphlet and paper, (being larger than half a sheet, and not exceeding one whole sheet,) which shall be so printed, a stamp duty of one penny for every printed copy thereof. 48. For every pamphlet and paper, being larger than one whole sheet, and not exceeding six sheets in octavo, or in a lesser page, or not exceeding twelve sheets in quarto, or twenty sheets in folio, which shall be so printed, a duty after the rate of one shilling for every sheet of any kind of paper which shall be contained in one printed copy thereof. 49. For every advertisement to be contained in any gazette, newspaper, or other paper, or any pamphlet which shall be so printed, a duty of two shillings. 50. For every almanac or calendar for any ona particular year, or for any time less than a year, which shall be written or printed on one side only of any one sheet, skin or piece of paper, parch ment, or vellum, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of two pence. 51. For every other almanac, or calendar, for any one particular year, which shall be written or printed within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of four pence. 52. And for every almanac or calendar, written or printed in the said colonies and plantations, to serve for several years, duties to the same amount respectively shall be paid for every such year. 53. For every skin or piece of vellum or parch ment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which any instrument, proceeding, or other matter or thing aforesaid, shall be engrossed, written, or printed, within the said colonies and plantations, in any other than the English language, a stamp duty of double the amount of the respective duties be fore charged thereon. 54. And there shall be also paid, in the said colonies and plantations, a duty of sixpence for every twenty shillings, in any sum not exceeding fifty pounds sterling money, which shall be given, paid, contracted, or agreed for, with or in relation to any clerk, or apprentice, which shall be put or placed to or with any master or mistress, to learn any profession, trade, or employment. II. And also a duty of one shilling for every twenty shil lings, in any sum exceeding fifty pounds which shall be given, paid, contracted, or agreed for, with, or in relation to, any such clerk or ap prentice. 55. Finally the produce of all the aforemen tioned duties shall be paid into his majesty s treasury ; and there held in reserve, to be used, from time to time, by the Parliament, for the pur pose of defraying the expenses necessary for the defence, protection, and security of the said colo nies and plantations. ,CT Or REPEALING THE STAMP ACT. CHAPTER XI. 17661774, PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. repeal of the Stamp Act received in America with joy Con way s circular letter G< verncr Bernard a offensive course Chan ire of feeling in America Grievances not redressed Feeling on both sides Eminent statesmen and orators of the day Pendleton, Bland, Wythe, R. II. Lee, Jefferson, in Virginia S. Adams, Hancock, Cashing, Bowdoin, Quincy, Paine, in Massachusetts Rutledge, Gadsden, Laurens, Ramsay, in South Carolina Chanire in the English ministry Townshend urged on by Grenville to tax America His scheme M. Guizot s statements Dickinson s "Letters of a Farmer" General Court in Massachusetts Petition to (he king The ministry dread united action among Americans Bernard s course Spirit of the Assembly Similar spirit in the other colonies Case of the sloop Liberty Excitement in Boston caused by impressment Public convention held Its acts Arrival of the troops Indignation of the Bostonians Offensive action of Parliament resented in America The General Court refuse to act in the midst of an armed force Progress of the dispute with Bernard Course pursued by other colonies Proposal to take off the duty on certain articles Right of taxation still maintained Vacillating course of the English ministry Reconciliation hardly possible The "Boston Massacre" Trial of Preston and the soldiers Noble course of Quincy and Adams Action of the Assembly Lord North s proposal Pownall s views Salaries of the Governor and judges of Massachusetts to be paid by the crown Very offensive to the people Case of the Gaspe Ihjtehia son s letters Excitement caused by these Franklin s share in the matter Action in Virginia A crisis at hand Determination that the tea should not be landed What was done in Boston The famous "Boston Tea Party" What was done elsewhere Progress of settlement in the north-west Insurrection in North Carolina Daniel Boone and his adventxires Emigration to America War with the Ohio Indians Speech of Logan Religions sects and influence Colleges in America. THE news of the repeal of .the Stamp Act was received in America with great joy and satisfaction. All the usual demonstrations of popular rejoicing were indulged in ; thanksgivings were offered in the churches ; the bells were rung ; cannon were fired ; and the ships were decked out in gala costume. Statues were voted to the king in Vir ginia and New York ; portraits of Cam- O 1 den, Barre and GUI way, wei< placed in Fane nil Hall ; and Pitt s name was held in universal veneration and es- t( em. V/hatever was obnoxious in his views, ;us to restrictions on trade, and commerce, was forgotten, and he be came the popular idol in America. Mr. Secretary Con way, in June, 1766, addressed a circular letter to the gov ernors of the colonies. In this letter he informed them that the king and Parliament seemed dis posed not only io forgive but to forget those most unjustifiable marks of an undutiful disposition, too frequent in the late transactions of these colonies;" but at the same time required them strongly to recommend to the Assem- O *i blies to make full and ample compen sation to those who had suffered "fop their deference to the act of the British legislature/ The transactions referred to in the secretary s letter were those which took place in Boston and New York, in the summer of 1765. This letter of the secretary was laid 280 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. [Hu. 11 before the Assembly of Massachusetts, by Governor Bernard, a man of morose haughty temper, and specially out of place just at this juncture in Massachu setts. Mr. Grahame characterizes his course towards the Assembly, as inso lent and overbearing ; the Assembly, of course, could not submit to anything of the kind. The language of Bernard s ~ o communication in regard to the voting money to the sufferers by the late dis turbances was: "Th,e justice and hu manity of this requisition is so forcible, that it cannot be controverted ; the authority with which it is introduced should preclude all disputation about it." In reply to language of this kind, the House observed, " That it was con ceived in much higher and stronger terms in the speech than in the letter jf the secretary. Whether in thus exceeding, your excellency speaks by your own authority, or a higher, is not Vvith us to determine. However, if this recommendation, which your excellency terms a requisition, be founded on so much justice and humanity that it can not be controverted; if the authority with which it is introduced should pre clude all disputation about complying with it, wo should be glad to know what freedom we have in the case." Compensation was not made to the sufferers in Massachusetts until Decem ber, 1766; and then in a manner and on conditions highly displeasing to the British government; the act for that purpose also containing " free and gen eral pardon, indemnity, and oblivion, to all offenders in the late times." In New York, the Legislature, by a volun tary act, granted compensation to those who had suffered a loss of property in their adherence to the Stamp Act ; but they refused to carry into execution the act of Parliament for quartering his majesty s troops upon them, on ac count of a* clause which they declared involved the principle of taxation. The exultation in America over tht repeal of the Stamp Act soon subsided. Men began to scan more narrowly the o %j meaning of that fatal clause declaring O O the absolute power of Parliament over the colonies, and they began to remem ber afresh the causes of grievance O which had led to the late disturbances. Heretofore they had not been called upon to take united action in -any great matter in which the interests of each and every colony were concerned: previous to this date, there had been no wide spread agitation on topics of common importance to all; and the fires of pop ular eloquence had not been kindled and fanned into a blaze, of light, until the attempt had been made to coerce the colonies into submission to taxation without representation. Disputes and dissensions between those nearly and closely allied, almost always leave rankling hurts in the minds of both O parties, even after the fullest reconcilia tion ; for the nature of man is such, that he is very likely to brood over the causes of complaint which before existed, and, thinking that perhaps he has not after all received quite his due, he is ready without much persuasion with only a slight moving cause, to re new the dispute even more fiercely than ever. England had acted fooli^hlv O */ and ignorantly; the colonies had re sisted determinedly ; England gave On. Xl.J STATESMEN AND ORATORS OF THE DAY. 281 way ; but she did it very ungraciously, and deprived her relinquishment of the present claim to impose a tax of all its real value by coupling with it an asser tion of the absolute power of Parlia ment to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. The Americans could not but notice this, and the popular leaders were far too astute not to point out the discrepancy between giving up a claim and asserting a power to maintain this same claim at any moment Parlia ment chose. The influence exerted by many emi nent statesmen and orators of the day will justify our speaking of them more fully in this place; and in doing so, we shall use the language of Mr. Grahame, who writes with mingled enthusiasm and admiration of our patriot sires. The most remarkable of the polit ical leaders and orators who sprung up at this period were natives of Virginia, Massachusetts, and South Carolina. In Virginia, there were particularly dis tinguished, after Patrick Henry, whom we have already repeatedly noticed, and who held the first place as a popu lar champion and favorite, Edmund Pendleton, a graceful and persuasive speaker, a subtle and dexterous poli tician, energetic and indefatigable in the conduct of business; Richard Bland, celebrated for the extent and accuracy of his knowledge, unrivalled among his contemporaries as a logician, and who published this year an Inquiry into tlie Ricjlds of tlie British Colonies, in which the recent claims of America were defended with much cogency of reasoning; George Wythe, not more admired for the strength of his capacity VOL. I. 38 and the elegance of his wit, than re spected for the simplicity and integrity of his character; Peyton Randolph, whose high repute and influence with his countrymen, unaided by the capti- vation of eloquence, was founded on qualities more honorable both to him and to them, the solid powers of his understanding and the sterling virtues of his heart ; and Richard Henry Lee, one of the most accomplished scholars and orators in America, and who was commonly styled the Virginian Cicero. Washington, who, since the reduction of Fort Duquesne, in 1758, had with drawn from, military life, and never quitted his domestic scene but to dis charge the duties of a member of the Virginia Assembly, now calmly but firmly espoused the cause of his native country in opposition to the pretensions of the British Government; nor was there an individual more respected m Virginia, or more generally known and esteemed by all America, than himself; but, devoid of oratorical powers, tran quil, sedate, prudent, dignified, and re served, he was little qualified by genius or habit to make a brilliant figure as a provincial politician, and waited the development of a grander scene of counsel and action, more adapted to the illustration of his majestic wisdom and superior sense. Various other individ uals, who have gained renown as do- fenders of the liberty and founders of the independence of America, began, shortly after this period, to be distin guished in the list of Virginian poli ticians ; of whom the most remarkable was Thomas Jefferson, preeminent as a statesman, scholar, and philosopher,;, a 282 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. IL forcible, perspicuous, and elegant writer; an intrepid and enterprising patriot; and an ardent and inflexible asserter of republican sentiments and the principles of purest democracy. None of his con temporaries exceeded him in politeness and benignity of manner ; and few ap proached him in earnestness of temper and firmness of purpose. This rare combination of moral qualities enhanced the efficacy of his talent and genius, and greatly contributed to the ascend ant he obtained over the minds of his countrymen. From the very dawn of the controversy between Britain and America, Jefferson, and his friend and patron, Wythe, outstripped the political views of most of the contemporary American patriots, and embraced the doctrine which ascribed indeed to the crown some prerogative, but denied to the Parliament any degree or species of legitimate control over America. Arthur, the brother of Richard Henry Lee, and afterwards ambassador from America to France, was at this time pursuing the study of the law in Lon don, but more actively engaged, as a gratuitous coadjutor of Dr. Franklin, in watching the measures of the British government; and rendered important service to his countrymen by transmit ting early intelligence of the ministerial plans and purposes. In Massachusetts, at the present ^poch, the most distinguished popular leaders and champions of the cause of America were James Otis, who has al ready engaged our observation ; Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Thomas Gush ing, and James Bowdoin, merchants; Samuel Cooper, a clergyman ; Josiah Quincy, Jr., and Robert Treat Paine, lawyers ; and John Winthrop, Professor of Mathematics in Harvard College. Samuel Adams was one of the most perfect models of disinterested patriot ism, and of republican genius and char acter in all its severity and simplicity that any age or country has ever pro duced. At Harvard College, in the year 1743, he made an early display of those political sentiments which he cherished through life, by maintaining, in the thesis which gained him his literary degree, that " it is lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the commonwealth cannot otherwise be pre served." A sincere and devout Puritan in religion, grave in his manners, austere ly pure in his morals, simple, frugal, and unambitious in his tastes, habits, and desires ; zealously, and incorrupt- ibly devoted to the defence of American liberty, and the improvement of Amer ican character ; endowed with a strong. manly understanding, an unrelaxing earnestness and inflexible firmness of will and purpose, a capacity of patient and intense application which no labor could exhaust, and a calm and deter mined courage which no danger could daunt and no disaster depress, he ren dered his virtues more efficacious by the instrumentality of great powers of reasoning and eloquence, and altogether supported a part and exhibited a char acter of which every description^ even the most frigid that has been preserved, wears the air of panegyric. He de fended the liberty of his countrymen against the tyranny of England, and their religious principles against the impious sophistry of Paine. His moral CH. XI.] SAMUEL ADAMS AND JOHN HANCOCK. 283 sentiments ever mingled with his polit ical views and opinions ; and his con stant aim was rather to deserve the esteem of mankind by honesty and virtue, than to obtain it by supple com pliance and flattery. Poor without desiring to be rich, he subsequently filled the highest offices in the State of Massachusetts, without making the slightest augmentation to his fortune ; and after an active, useful, and illustri ous life, in which all the interests of the individual were merged in regard and care for the community, he died with out obtaining or desiring any other re ward than the consciousness of virtue and integrity, the contemplation of his country s happiness, and the respect and veneration of his fellow-citizens. It has been censoriously remarked of him by the severer critics of his history and the censure is the more interest ing from the rarity of its application to the statesmen of modern times, that his character was superior to his genius, and that his mind was much more elevated and firm than liberal and ex pansive. In all his sentiments, religious and political, no doubt, there appeared some tincture of those peculiar princi ples and qualities which formed the original and distinctive character of the people of New England; and he was much more impressed with the worth and piety, than sensible of or superior to the narrow, punctilious bigotry and stubborn self-will of his provincial an cestors. Hancock differed widely from Adams in manners, character, and condition. He was possessed of an ample fortune, and maintained a splendid equipage ; yet he ruled the wealth which com monly rules its possessors; for, while he indulged a gay disposition in elegant and expensive pleasures, he manifested a generous liberality in the most muni ficent contributions to every charitable and patriotic purpose; insomuch that his fellow-citizens declared of him, that he plainly preferred their favor to great riches, and embarked his fortune in the cause of his country. Courteous and graceful in his address, eager and en thusiastic in his disposition, endowed with a prompt and lively eloquence, which was supported by considerable abilities, though not united with bril liant genius or commanding capacity, he embraced the popular cause with the most unbridled ardor ; and leav ing to more philosophical patriots the guardianship of public virtue and the control of popular license, he devoted himself exclusively to the promotion of whatever objects tended immediately to gratify the wishes of the majority of the people. He continued to hope for a reconciliation with Britain much longer than Adams, who, after the pro mulgation of the Stamp Act, neither expected nor desired such an issue ; but when, in consequence of the final rupture between the two countries, and the overthrow of regal dominion in America, a republican constitution was to be composed, Adams showed him self the more desirous to secure an en ergetic government, in which the magis trates, though appointed by the choice of the people, should be invested with force enough to withstand unreasonable or unrighteous movements of popular passion and caprice, while Hancock 284 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. | BK. preferably advocated an unbounded scope to democratical principle, or ra ther license, in a government pliable to every gust of popular will. Adams was termed the Cato, and Hancock the Isucullus, of New England. Among the first generations of the inhabitants of this country, the severer virtue of Adams, in competition with the gayer character of Hancock, would have car ried almost all the suffrages of their fellow-citizens; and even at no distant date retrospective from the present era, the manners of Hancock would have been rather tolerated and par- done^, than generally approved. But a change, gradually arising in the taste and opinion of the public, had latterly been so widely developped, that Han cock was now by far the most popular character in Massachusetts. He was, indeed, the idol of the great mass of the people, and openly preferred to Adams by all but a small minority of the com munity, consisting of stanch Puritans and stern republicans. Gushing was lesp distinguished by energy or talent than by his descent from a family renowned in New Eng land for ardent piety and liberal pol itics. Bowdoin, one of the wealthiest persons in Massachusetts, was also a man of great information and ability, regulated by strong good sense ; liberal, honorable, and upright ; a prudent and moderate, but firm and consistent pat riot. Cooper, pious, eloquent, and ac complished, was first prompted to unite the character of a politician with the office of a minister of the Gospel by the tidings of the Stamp Act, which sug gested to him, he declared, that tyranny was opposed not more to civil than to religious liberty. From that period, he took an active part in behalf of the liberties of his country, both as a con tributor of political essays to the peri odical publications of Boston, and as a correspondent of Dr. Franklin. He was eminent as a scholar, and ardent as a patron and coadjutor of every institution for the advancement of learning, liberty, piety, or virtue ; and, doubtless, his previous character as a divine contributed to promote the effi cacy of his exertions as a politician. Quincy, a distinguished lawyer and orator, the descendant of one of those English barons who extorted from King John the signature of Magna Oharta i showed that the spirit dis played by his ancestor at Runnymede was transmitted to him, unimpaired by the eclipse of family grandeur and the lapse of five centuries. He was the protomartyr of American liberty, ic defence of which, both with his tongue and pen, he exerted an energy so dis- proportioned to his bodily strength, as to occasion his death a short time pre vious to the Declaration of American Independence. Robert Treat Paine, one of the most eminent lawyers in Massachusetts, held a high place in the public estimation for intelligence, firm ness, and zeal. Ever prompt, active, and decided as a champion of American liberty, he was universally admired for the brilliancy of his wit, and respected even by his political opponents for his pure and inflexible uprightness. Win- throp, who inherited one of the most venerable names in New England, re vived its ancient honor and still farther CH. XI.] SOUTHERN PATRIOTS AND STATESMEN. 285 politician, afterwards highly distin guished by the dignity which he achieved, and the talent and fortitude which he exerted, in the service of America ; Edward Rutledge, the brother of John, and whose eloquence was as graceful and insinuating as his brother s was impetuous and command ing ; and David Ramsay, a learned and ingenious man, sincerely religious, austerely moral, and warmly patriotic, a forcible speaker, and an elegant writer. At an early stage of the controversy with Britain, Ramsay was an advocate for the immediate assertion of Ameri can independence ; and after bravely and ably contributing to the attain ment of this object, he related the struggle by which it was won, in one of the best and most impartial histo ries that have been composed of the Revolutionary War.* The short lived administration of the Marquis of Rockiugham, came to an end in July, 1766, and a new ministry was formed under the nominal headship of Pitt, now created Earl of Chatham, who was, however, prevented by illness from taking any great part in the measures. Lord Shel- burne and General Con way became sec retaries of state ; Camden, lord chan cellor ; Charles Towrishend, chancellor of the Exchequer. This administration was of so chequered a character, that it was sharply described by Burke as " a piece of diversified Mosaic, a tesse- lated pavement without cement, here a bit of black stone, there a bit of white, * Grahame s " History of the United States" vol. ii., pp. 416-20. embellished it by the highest attain ments in science and literature, by a character adorned with religion and virtue, and by a firm and courageous devotion to the liberty of his country. It was in the present year that the Assembly of Massachusetts, whether with a view of enhancing or of grati fying the popular interest in its pro ceedings, adopted a resolution, which was instantly carried into effect, that its debates should be open to the pub lic, and that a gallery should be erected for the accommodation of the audience. The orators of the popular party de rived new courage and animation from the looks of their listening countrymen, who, in turn, were inspired with the generous ardor which their presence promoted. Eloquence, like music, is often more powerful than reason and honor in imparting the height of noblest temper to human courage and resolu tion. In South Carolina, among many bold and able champions of their country s rights, the most notable were John Rutledge, a man endowed with very extraordinary powers of mind, prompt, penetrating, energetic, and de cisive ; and, in oratory, the rival, or, as some accounted, the superior, of Patrick Henry ; Christopher Gadsden, a frank, fearless, intrepid, upright,* and determined republican ; Henry Laur- ens, a zealous patriot and -enlightened * When the Revoluiionary War broke out, Boone, the royal governor of South Carolina, observed " God knows how this unhappy contest will end, or what the popular leaders of South Carolina can be aiming at ; but Gadsden I know to be an honest man he means well." 1766. 280 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. [Ba. 11 1767. patriots and courtiers, king s friends and republicans, Whigs and Tories, treach erous friends and open enemies, a very curious show, but utterly unsafe to touch, and unsure to stand upon." The contumacy of the colonists greatly an noyed the king and ministry, as well as the people at large, and it became the general impression, fortified by the representations of the colonial govern ors, that it was necessary to display more determination, in order to brin^ 7 O the refractory colonists to a proper sub mission. At the very first session of Parliament, after the formation of this new ministry, January, 1767 Towns- hend, a man of brilliant parts, but no well-settled principles, Drought forward a new scheme of rais ing a revenue in America. He had Deen nrged on to this step by the per tinacious attacks of Grenville, who felt far from comfortable under his defeat in regard to the Stamp Act. "You are cowards !" was his language to the new ministry ; " you are afraid of the Americans; you dare not tax Amer ica !" Taunts of this kind roused up Townshend s blood: "Fear! fear! cowards ! dare not tax America ! I dare tax America." " Dare you ?" said Grenville ; " dare you tax America ? I wish to God I could see it," " I will," said Townshend ; " I will." Townshend s scheme was based uDon X. that distinction which Pitt had main tained between a direct tax and com mercial imposts for regulating trade. Hence, he proposed to lay a duty upon teas imported into America, together with paints, paper, glass, and lead, which were articles of British produce ; its alleged object being to raise a rev enue for the suppoi-t of the civil gov ernment, for the expense of a standing army, and for giving permanent salaries to the royal governors, with a view to rend, r them independent of the colonial Assemblies. Pitt was at the time con fined by sickness in the country, and the bill passed with very little oppo sition, and on the 29th of June, re ceived the royal assent. In order to enforce the new act, and those already in existence, which, odious as they were to the Americans, had hitherto been continually evaded by them, a Board of Revenue Commissioners was to be established at Boston. Indignant, more over, at the recent refusal of the New York Assembly to comply with the pro visions of the act for quartering sol diers, notwithstanding their personal remonstrances, the ministers passed an act restraining that body from any fur ther legislative proceedings until they had submitted. These acts for imposing new taxe^ were received with no favor in Amer ica, and the excitement in all parts of the country was rekindled. Possibly, under other circumstances, this plan of taxation might have been submitted to , but the exasperated state of feeling in the colonies, led them to view with deep suspicion, and to resist, every scheme of taxing them in a way which they de clared to be in violation of their rights as British freemen. "When George III. and his Parliament," as M. Guizot says, " rather in a spirit of pride, and to prevent the loss of absolute power by long disuse, than to derive any advan tage from its exercise, undertook to tax CH. XL] RESISTANCE BASED ON PRINCIPLE. 287 the colonies without their consent, a powerful, numerous, and enthusiastic party, the national party, immedi ately sprang into being, ready to resist, in the name of right and of national honor. It was indeed a question of right and of honor, and not of interest or physical well-being. The taxes were light, and imposed no burden upon the colonists. But they belonged to that class of men who feel most keenly the wrongs which affect the mind alone, and who can find no repose while honor is unsatisfied. For, sir, what is it we are contending against? Is it against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea, because burdensome? JSTo ; it is the right only, that we have all along disputed. * Such was, at the commencement of the quarrel, the lan guage of Washington himself, and such was the public sentiment a sentiment founded in sound policy, as well as morrw sense, and manifesting as much judgment as virtue." But the English ministry, with a fatuity which seems wonderful, were determined to pursue the line of policy they had marked out, despite the consequences. The colon ists were every day searching deeper and deeper into the foundations of the questions agitating the whole country, and were every day becoming less and less disposed to submit to the control of Parliament. Dickinson s " Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the Inhab itants of the British Colonies," discussed the subject of the new taxes laid upon the people, and denied the right of Parli amentary taxation in any way whatever. * i; Writings of Washington," vol. ii., p. 392. 1767. Franklin caused these " Letters" to be reprinted in London : they were exten sively read, and exercised a powerful influence in setting forth the injustice and unconstitutionality of the attempt thus to impose taxes upon America. The colonial newspapers, likewise, now numbering twenty-five or more, began to teem with essays on colonial rights. Bernard refused to call a special ses sion of the General Court to take the new acts into consideration; a public meeting was held in the latter part of October, and it was proposed to both encourage domestic manufactures and industry, and to dis continue the importation of British goods. The example of Massachusetts was folio wed in Connecticut, New York, and Philadelphia. The General Court met December 30th, and a large committee was ap pointed to consider the state of the provinces. A letter of instructions was presently dispatched to Dennis de Berdt, agent for the colony, in London, and a petition to the king, in which they dwell upon the grant of their original charter, " with the conditions of which they had fully complied, till in an unhappy time it was vacated." They next allude to the subsequent and modified charter, grant ed by William and Mary, confirming the same fundamental liberties secured to them by the first. Acknowledging indeed, the superintending authority of Parliament, in all cases that can consist with the fundamental rights of nature and the constitution, they proceed as follows : " It is with the deepest con cern that your humble suppliants would 176, 288 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. . a represent to your Majesty, that your Parliament, the rectitude of whose in tentions is never to be questioned, lias thought proper to pass divers acts im posing taxes on your subjects in Amer ica, with the sole and express purpose of raising a revenue. If your Majes ty s subjects here shall be deprived of the honor and privilege of voluntarily contributing their aid to your Majesty, in supporting your government and authority in the province, and defend ing and securing your rights and terri tories in America, which they have always hitherto done with the utmost cheerfulness; if these acts of Parlia ment shall remain in force, and your Majesty s Commons in Great Britain shall continue to exercise the power of granting the property of their fellow subjects in this province ; your people must then regret their unhappy fate in having only the name left of free subjects. With all humility we con ceive that a representation of this province in Parliament* considering their local circumstances, is utterly im practicable. Your Majesty has there fore been graciously pleased to ovder your requisitions to be laid before the representatives of your people in the General Assembly, who have never failed to afford the necessary aid, to the extent of their ability, and some times beyond it, and it would be ever grievous to your Majesty s faithful sub jects, to be called upon in a way that should appear to them to imply a dis trust of then most ready and willing compliance." Besides this petition to the king, they sent letters to Lord Shelburne, General Conway, the Mar quis of Rockingham, Lords Camclen and Chatham, and the Lords Commis sioners of the Treasury. They also, in February, 1768, issued a circular letter to the rest of the colonies, inviting them to ensraore in a common defence o O of their rights, concluding the letter O 7 O with an expression of their "firm con fidence in the king, their common head and father, and that the united and dutiful supplications of his distressed American subjects will meet with his royal and favorable acceptance." The English ministry naturally dread ed any step which seemed to lead to a prospect of union of action on the part of the colonies. Hence Lord Hills- borough, recently appointed Secretary for the Colonies, directed Governoi Bernard to press upon the House of Representatives the propriety of re scinding this circular as " rash and O hasty," and artfully procured by sur prise against the general sense of the Assembly, and to dissolve that body in case of refusal. He also addressed a circular with the same instructions to the rest of the royal governors. "As his Majesty considers this measure," it observed, "to be of the most danger ous and factious tendency, calculated to inflame the miods of his good subjects in the colonies, and promote an unwar rantable combination, it is his Majesty s pleasure that you should exert your utmost influence to defeat this flagitious attempt to disturb the puUic peace, by prevailing upon the Assembly of your province to take no notice of it, which will be treating it with the contempt it deserves." When Bernard communi cated this message to the new Assembly, Un. XL] CASE OF THE SLOOP LIBERTY. 289 in July, they denied that the circular to the colonies had been unfairly passed, and positively refused to comply with the minister s wishes. "If," they ob served, " by the word rescinding is in tended the passing a vote in direct and express disapprobation of the measure taken by the former House, we must take the liberty to declare that we hold it to be the native right of the subject to petition the king for the redress of grievances. If the votes of the House are to be controlled by the direction of a minister, we have left us but a vain semblance of liberty. We have now only to inform you that this House have voted not to rescind, and that on a division on the question there were ninety-two nays and seven teen yeas." The seventeen "resciud- ers," as they were termed, became ob jects of public odium. On the ques tion to rescind, Mr. Otis, in his usually bold manner, said : " When Lord Hills- borough knows that we will not rescind our acts, let him apply to Parliament to rescind theirs. Let Britons rescind their measures, or they are lost for ever." The next day, the House of Represent* atives was dissolved by Bernard. In the other colonies, the requisitions of the ministry were equally disregard ed. When Governor Sharpe communicated Lord Hillsbor- ough s letter to the Assembly of Mary land, their language in reply was fear less and independent. " We cannot," say they, "but view this as an attempt, in some of his Majesty s minister , to suppress all communication of senti ments between the colonies, and to prevent the united supplications of Voi I 39 America from reaching the royal ear. We have the warmest and most affec tionate attachment to our most gracious sovereign, and shall ever pay the read iest and most respectful regard to the just and constitutional power of the British Parliament; but we shall not be intimidated by a few high-sounding expressions from doing what \ve think is right." The Assemblies of New York, Delaware, Virginia, and Georgia, expressed similar sentiments, in Ira- guage more or less decided ; and, under instructions from the home govern ment, they were dissolved by the royal governors. The presence of the newly-appointed officers for collecting the custom house duties, did not tend to make matters more quiet, or to allay the excitement in the public mind. On the contrary, it was evident that collision mii^ht at O any time be expected ; and in fact, it occurred very soon. The sloop Liberty, belonging to Hancock, had been seized on the charge of smuggling. This was o oo o early in June, 1768. The Liberty was boarded by the officers, who, appre hensive of trouble, had solicited aid from the commander of a ship of war in the harbor, and by his advice had ordered the sloop to be brought under the guns of his ship. A riot broke out immediately; a mob collected; the custom-house officers, after beir g severe ly handled, narrowly escaped with theii lives, while their houses were attacked, and their boat dragged through the town, and afterwards burned upon the common. The governor, unable to protect the officers, advised them to remove from Boston ; they consequently 290 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. [B K . II. retired, first on board the Roinney man-of-war, and then to Castle William. A committee of the Council, in their report on this subject, say, that, although the extraordinary circum stances attending the seizure of the sloop, might, in some measure, extenu ate the criminality of the riotous pro ceedings in consequence of it, yet, oeing of a very criminal nature, they declared their abhorrence of them, and requested that the governor would direct prosecutions against the offend ers. This report was accepted by the Council, but in consequence of the dis solution of the Assembly, was not acted upon by the House. Such, how ever, was the state of public feeling, that no prosecutions could be success fully carried on. The excitement at Boston was great ly increased about this time by the im pressment of some seamen belonging to that town, by order of the officers of the Rornney, in direct violation of an act of Parliament, (the (3th Anne,) which declared, that " no mariner, or other person, who shall serve on board, or be retained to serve on board any privateer, or trading ship, or vessel, that shall be employed in America, nor any mariner or person, being on shore in any part thereof, shall be liable to be impressed or taken away by any officer or officers of, or belonging to. her majesty s ships of war." The inhabitants of Boston were as sembled on this occasion, and their petition to the governor, praying his interference to prevent such outrages for the future, shows to what a con- 1768. dition of alarm, anxiety, and even de spair, they were then reduced. They state that, while waiting for a gracious answer to their petitions to the king, they were invaded with an armed force, impressing and imprisoning the persons of their fellow-subjects, contrary to an express act of Parliament; that men aces had been thrown out fit only for barbarians, affecting them in the most sensible manner, and that, " on ac count of the obstruction of their navi gation, the situation of the town was nearly such as if war had been formal ly declared against it. To contend," they said, "against our parent state, is, in our idea, the most shocking and dreadful extremity; but tamely to re linquish the only security we and our posterity retain for the enjoyment of our lives and properties without one struggle, is so humiliating and base, that we cannot support the reflec tion."* News having reached Boston that two regiments were on their way from Halifax for that city, and an officer having been sent by General Gage from New York to provide quarters for these troops, a town meeting was held, 176S. September 12th, and Governor Bernard was urgently asked to sum mon a new General Court. Acting un der instructions, the governor refused It was thereupon proposed to hold a convention in Boston" in consequence of prevailing apprehensions of a wai with France" so they phrased the rea son of callinsr the convention, and the ej * Pitkin s " Political and Civil History of tht United States," vol. i., p. 229. Cn. XI.] THE FIRST POPULAR CONVENTION. 291 meeting advised, significantly enough, all persons to- provide themselves with firearms at the earliest moment, and to observe a day of fasting and prayer. Delegates from more than a hundred towns met accordingly on the 22d of September, and petitioned the gover nor to summon a General Court. Ber nard refused peremptorily, and besides, denounced their meeting as treasonable. Disclaiming all pretensions to political authority, the convention, after a four days session, agreed upon a petition to the king, and sent a letter to the agent in England, to defend themselves against the charge of a rebellious spirit. "Such, 7 says Mr. Hildreth, "was the first of those popular conventions, des tined within a few years to assume the whole political authority of the colo nies."* The day after the convention broke up, the troops from Halifax arrived. The Council refused to take any steps for providing quarters, and it was even feared that the landing of the soldiers might be opposed by the peo ple. The guns of the ships were ac cordingly pointed on the town, and under their cover the troops were set ashore, and with muskets charged, bay onets fixed, and a train of artillery, they marched into Boston. The over seers refused to appoint them quarters, but a temporary shelter was afforded to on.e regiment in Faneuil Hall, while the other pitched their tents on the Common. Next morning the governor ordered a portion to occupy the state- * Hildreth s " History of the United States, 1 vol. ii., p. 547. house, with the exception of the coun cil-chamber alone, the main guard with two field-pieces being stationed at the front. It was the Lord s Day, and such a one as had never before been known in Boston. The place looked like a town in a state of siege. All the pub lic buildings were filled with soldiers ; sentinels were stationed in the streets, and the people were challenged as they passed to and from church. What wonder that they felt such a proceed ing to be a bitter and unprovoked in sult ? What wonder that they were roused to stern and nervous resistance \ At the opening of the new Parlia ment, the papers relating to the colo nies, and particularly to the recent pro ceedings in Boston, were laid before the two Houses. Under strong excite- O ment of feeling, as if the Americana were in some sort slaves, and had no rights to contend for, both Houses of Parliament, in a joint address to the king, recommended vigor ous measures in order to enforce obe dience ; and even went so far as to be seech the king to direct the governor of Massachusetts to make strict inquiries as to all treasons committed in that province since the year 1767, in order that the persons most active in com mitting them mi^ht be sent to England O C-> O for trial. This proposal, as a matter of course, gave great offence to the colo nists. The Legislature of Massachusetts was not in session when the news of this address reached America ; but the House of Burgesses in Virginia, which met shortly afterwards, n May, were not tardy in expressing their sense of 1769. 292 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. K 11 it. They passed several spirited reso lutions, declaring their exclusive right to tax themselves, and denying the right of the king to remove an of fender out of the colony for trial. An address to his majesty was also agreed on, which stated, in a style of loyalty and real attachment to the crown, the deep conviction of the House of Bur gesses of Virginia, that the complaints of the colonists were well founded. When the intelligence of these pro ceedings reached the governor, Lord Botetourt, he suddenly dissolved the Assembly. But the current of oppo sition was too strong to be resisted. The members assembled at a private house, elected their speaker, Peyton Randolph, Esq., moderator ; and pro ceeded to pass resolutions against im porting British goods. Their example was followed by other colonies ; and non-importation agreements, which had before been entered into by Boston, Salem, the city of New York, and the colony of Connecticut, now became very general. The General Court met in Boston, May 31st, and immediately resolved that it was improper for them to hold a session in the midst of an armed force. The governor, on their requesting the removal of the troops, declared that he had no authority over the troops. The House then determined that they would not enter upon any business, or vote supplies, until their wishes were ac ceded to. The governor, June 13th, adjourned the refractory House to Cambridge. Bernard in forming them that he was about to go to England, the House unanimously voted a petition that he be removed from his office as governor, and were roused to a high pitch of indignation by being called upon, not only to re fund expenses incurred in finding quar ters for the troopsj but also to provide for the future in this respect. " General discontent," such is their language, " on account of the Revenue Acts, the ex pectation of a sudden arrival of a mili tary power to enforce them, an appre hension of the troops being quartered upon the inhabitants, and the General Court dissolved, the governor refusing to call a new one, and the people re duced almost to a state of despair, ren dered it highly expedient and necessary for the people to convene by their com mittees, to associate and consult upon the best means to promote peace and good order, to present their united com plaints to the throne, and pray for the royal interposition in favor of their violated rights ; nor can this proceeding possibly be illegal, as they expressly disclaim all governmental acts. That the establishment of a standing army in the colony in time of peace is an in vasion of their natural rights ; that a standing army is no part of the British constitution ; and that to send an armed force among them under pretence of assisting the civil authority, is highly dangerous to the people, and both un precedented and unconstitutional. 1 The governor, on the 12th of July, calling upon them to declare positively whether they would, or would not, make provision for the troops, they boldly spoke out as follows : " Of all the new regulations, the Stamp Act not excepted, this under consideration is Cn. XL] STURDY RESISTANCE OF THE COLON SIS. 293 most excessively unreasonable. Your Excellency must therefore excuse us in this express declaration, that, as we can not consistently with our honor and in terest, much less with the duty we owe to our constituents, so we never will make provision for the purposes in your several messages above men tioned." The governor thereupon pro rogued the Court until the 10th of January, and early in August left for England. The administration of af fairs for the time being, came into the hands of Lieutenant-governor Hutchin- son. Bernard s unpopularity in Mas sachusetts did not prevent his being knighted at home, as a reward for his zeal and devotion to the views of the ministry. It must not be supposed that Vir ginia and Massachusetts stood alone in their sturdy resistance to the course of the English ministry. On the con trary, there was a universal sentiment prevailing, that the colonies must de fend their rights at all hazards. " Par ty lines, too, throughout the colonies began now to be strictly drawn. The partizans of the mother country were stigmatized as Tories, while the oppo nents of Parliamentary taxation took the name of Wliigs old names lately applied in England as designations for the king s friends and their opponents." In New York alone was a temporizing spirit at all manifested. For two years there had been no Assembly; and a great effort having been made 1760. by men disposed to more mod erate measures, they obtained a ma jority in the newly elected Assembly, in September. Great offence was given to the more ardent patriots by the As sembly s yielding the point of dispute, and providing quarters for the troops. Alexander M Dougall, one of the " Sona of Liberty," took the lead in denounc ing this conduct, for which offensive action he was imprisoned by order of the Assembly. It must also be stated, to the honor of the women of those days, that they were not a whit behind the men in bein^ willing to make sacri- O O fices for the common cause. It having become evident that great loss was the consequence of the at tempted taxation, Lord Hillsborough addressed a circular to the colonial governors, announcing the intention of the ministry to repeal all the clauses of Townshend s act, which imposed du ties on British goods, such duties being, it was said, " contrary to the true prin ciples of commerce." But as the duty on tea, and the right of Parliamentary taxation were still maintained, the an nouncement produced no favorable ef fect. The repeal of only part of the act was unanimously resolved, by the merchants met together in Boston, to O be a measure intended merely to quiet the manufacturers in Great Britain, and to prevent the setting up of manufac tures in the colonies, and one that would by no means relieve trade from its dif ficulties. It was, therefore, further re solved, to send for no more goods from Great Britain, a few specified articles excepted, unless the revenue acts should be repealed. A committee was ap pointed to procure a written pledge from the inhabitants of the town not to purchase any goods from persons who*have imported them, or who shall 294 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. I_BK. a import them, contrary to the late agreement ; and another committee to inspect the manifests of the cargoes of all vessels arriving from Great Britain, and to publish the names of all im porters, unless they immediately de livered their goods into the hands of a committee appointed to receive them. The vacillating course of the English ministry deserves to be specially noted. Weakness and folly seemed to charac terize most of their plans with regard to America. Steadily bent upon ob taining revenue from the colonies, Par liament, at one moment, were for en forcing their laws ; at the next, they gave way for their repeal. Doing and. undoing, threatening and retracting, straining and relaxing, followed one af ter the other as occasion required. Anxious to establish the supremacy of Parliament, but afraid to stem the vigorous opposition of the colonies, they endeavored to pass such laws as would meet the wishes of the govern ment, without rousing the resistance of the colonists. Had the British min istry been magnanimous enough to frankly and fully yield the point in dispute, as to the right of taxation without representation, the colonies, we doubt not, would have met them in the same spirit with which they pro posed to settle the matter. On the other hand, if England seriously con templated the use of force, nothing could have been more unwise and inex pedient than to make partial conces sions, to hesitate, and to employ only a show of force which irritated, without compelling obedience or even respect. Possibly the differences between the parties might now have been amicably settled ; but it was only a bare possi bility; neither side was disposed to yield, and the Americans were every day becoming less and less inclined to be in subjection to, and dependent upon, a government three thousand miles removed from them and their in terests. The natural and inalienable rights of men began more and more to be inquired into. Reflections and dis cussions on this subject produced a high sense of the value of liberty, and a general conviction that there could be no security for their property, if they were to be taxed at the discretion of a British Parliament, in w r hich they were unrepresented, and over which they had no control. A determination not only to oppose the claim of taxation, but to keep a strict watch, lest it might be es tablished in some disguised form, took possession of the public mind. The presence of the military in Bos ton was a perpetual source of irritation and excitement, and it was hardly pos sible but that collision must soon take place. The soldiers looked on the peo ple as turbulent, factious, and needing discipline ; the people regarded the soldiers as instruments of tyranny and outrage. Mutual insults and provocations were the result. At last a serious collision took place on the evening of March 5th. An excited mob, smarting under a sense of defeat in a street fight a few days before, armed themselves with clubs and be gan to abuse the soldiers in the gross est manner ; these, on their part, were with difficulty restrained from march ing out and falling on the mob. The 1770. CH. XI.] THE BOSTON MASSACRE. 295 confusion and noise became terrible. A sentinel at the custom house, alarm ed for his life, cried out to the main guard for assistance, and a picket of eight men with unloaded muskets was despatched by Captain Preston to his relief. At this sight the fury of the mob increased to the highest pitch, they received the soldiers with a tor rent of abusive epithets, and pelted them with stones covered with snow, dared them to fire, and completely sur rounding them, pressed up to the very point of their bayonets. The soldiers loaded their muskets, but one Attucks, a powerful mulatto, at the head of a body of sailors, urged on the mob to exterminate the handful of military, and struck upon the bayonets with their clubs. " Come on," he exclaim ed; "don t be afraid of them they dare not fire knock em over, kill em." Captain Preston coming up at this moment, was received by Attucks with a violent blow. The Captain par ried it with his arm, but it knocked the bayonet out of one of the soldier s hands, which was instantly seized by Attucks, and a struggle took place, in the midst of which some of those be hind called out, " Why don t you fire, why don t you fire ?" whereupon the soldier, suddenly springing to his legs, shot Attucks dead upon the spot. Five other soldiers immediately fired, when three men were killed, five seriously wounded, and a few others slightly hurt. The mob fell back awhile, and carried oif the dead and wounded. The tumult became fearful ; at ten o clock the alarm bell began to toll, and drums to beat ; the cry was, " The soldiers are risen" and thousands of citizens flew to arms in all directions. Some people ran hastily to summon the lieutenant-governor, who hurried to the spot, and reproached Preston with firing on the people without an order from the magistrates. " To the town house ! to the town house !" exclaimed some ; and such was the pressure of the mob, that Hutchinson was fairly driven before it up the stairs into the council- chamber. Here a demand was made of him that he would order the troops to re tire to their barracks, which he refused to do, but stepping forth to the balcony, assured the people of his great concern at the unhappy event, that a rigorous inquiry about it should take place, and entreated them to retire to their homes. Upon this there was a cry of " Home, home," and the greater part separated peaceably. The troops returned to the barracks. A warrant was then issued against Preston, who, surrendering him self, was committed to prison to take his trial, together with several of the soldiers. Early the next morning, the people resolved to insist upon the immediate removal of the soldiers, and a commit tee was appointed, with Samuel Adams at their head, to wait upon the gov ernor, and inform him and the royal commander, that the troops must leave Boston, or a fearful collision would be certain to ensue. After much hesita tion and unwillingness on the part of Hutchinson and Colonel Daliymple, the soldiers retired to Castle William. The " Boston Massacre," as it was then termed, caused wide-spread excitement, and the funeral of those who had been 96 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. K. II. killed was celebrated with great dis play. The anniversary of the event was also kept up for a long time after wards, as marking the period when the first blood was shed in the dispute with England. It is greatly to the honor of those pat riots, John Adams and Josiah Quincy, Jr., that they had the courage 1770. ,. . / and disposition to act as counsel in the trial of Captain Preston and the soldiers, which took place in October, 1770. Equally honorable also is the issue of the trial to the character and independence of the judiciary. For, it will be remembered, that it was at the risk of reputation and good standing in the community that the counsel ven tured to take the step they so nobly took, and the voice of public clamor was so loud and stern that it might well have influenced any court in the world to lean to the side of what the people hoarsely cried for. Six whole days were patiently devoted to the case in court ; Preston and six of the soldiers were acquitted ; two only were convicted of manslaughter, and these were not severely punished. Even the judge is reported to have said : " I feel myself deeply affected that this affair turns out so mnch to the shame of the town in general." Adams also writes in his Diary, that it was insinu ated that he had been bribed to under take the case ; but, in fact, as he says : 11 Twenty guineas was all I ever re ceived for fourteen or fifteen days la- oor in the most exhausting and fatigu- O O ing cause I ever tried, for hazarding a popularity very general and very hardly earned, and for incurring a clamor, popular suspicions, and pre judices, which are not yet worn out, and never will be forgotten as long as the history of this period is read. Al though the clamor has been long and loud among some sorts of people, it has been a great consolation to me, through life, that I acted in this busi ness with steady impartiality, and con ducted it to so happy an issue.** The Assembly, meanwhile, had met at Cambridge, where Hutchinson had convened them. They protested against this as in violation of their rights, and at the same time took hiorh ground in O O asserting the necessity of some radical change in the management of public affairs, and the settlement of grievances under which the people were groaning. The General Court closed its session in November by prorogation, after having resolved, among other things, to pro mote industry and frugality, and to en courage the use of domestic manufac tures throughout the province ; and having appointed a committee of cor respondence to communicate with the agents in Great Britain, and with the committees of the colonies.f The first of these resolutions of the Massachu setts Assembly, namely, to discourage the use of foreign articles, had been adopted in consequence of a determi- * See " Memoir of the Life of Josiah Quincy, Jr.? p. 31-60. f According to Mr. Hildreih, the exports to Great Britain, for the year 1770, from New England, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Maryland, the Caro- linas, and Georgia, were .l,014,725=$4,493.150. The imports from Great Britain for the same year from the same provinces, were jl,925,570=$8,549,- 749. The surplus of imports was paid for by the profits of the trade with Spain, Portugal, and ths West Indies. OH. XI.] HUTCHINSON AND THE ASSEMBLY. 297 nation of the merchants of Boston, made during the present session, by which they agreed to alter their non importation agreement, and to adopt the plan which had been for some time followed in New York and in Phila delphia, of importing all the usual arti cles of trade, except tea, which it was unanimously agreed should not be brought into the country, unless it could be smuggled. Lord North, recently appointed prime minister, on the very night of the Boston massacre, as it happened, brought forward a motion to repeal the whole of Townshend s act, except the duty on tea. This was retained in order to let it be seen that the right of taxation was never to be given up ; and it was not wisely supposed, that as the Americans would in fact be the gainers by the arrange ment, buying their tea nine pence per pound less than it was sold in England, they would be glad to yield, and thus the contest would be ended. Pownall, however, who knew his countrymen better, asserted that they would not be satisfied in such a way: even the re peal of all the obnoxious acts might not be sufficient to quiet them. " The Americans," he observed, " think that they have, in return to all their appli cations, experienced a temper and dis position that is unfriendly, and that the enjoyment and exercise of the common rights of freemen have been refused to them. Never, with these views, will they solicit the favor of this House, nev er more will they wish to bring before Parliament the grievances under which they conceive themselves to labor." VOL. L 40 The year 1771 was not marked by events of special moment in the colo nies. Hutchinson was appointed gov ernor of Massachusetts, in the spring of this year ; and when the Assembly met, in 1772, he informed them . 1772. that thenceforth his salary would be paid by the crown, and so he should not need any appropriation from them. This, by stirring up the old controversy, roused their ire to a high pitch, and they signified to the governor that they considered this to be a violation of the charter. Hutch inson repudiated their views in an ela borate paper, which he sent to them ; to which a reply was prepared, by ap pointment of a town meeting, held in October, after the adjournment of the Assembly. This reply to Hutchinson, at first drafted by Samuel Adams, em bodied the usual popular arguments, and it is supposed was afterwards re vised in committee by John Adams himself; in this way placed, by his skill as a jurist, upon legal and con stitutional grounds, it forms one of the most celebrated state papers of rev olutionary days. It was prefaced by an address, and sent to the various towns ; and Franklin caused this ad dress and the report of the committee to be republished in London, with a preface from his skilful hand.* * Hutchinson, in his History, states that he was greatly alarmed with so sudden and unexpected a change in the state of affairs ; and he was greatly perplexed with doubts concerning his own conduct upon the occasion. He had avoided engaging in a dispute upon the authority of Parliament, having good reason to think, that the administration in Eng land expected that the colonies would return to ttn ; ,r former state of submission to this authority, by len- 298 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. The case of the armed revenue schooner the Gaspe, excited fresh ani mosity. This vessel had proved very active in enforcing the revenue laws, and was consequently a source of annoyance to the shipping employed in Narragan- sett Bay. It was determined to de stroy this vessel, and when a favorable opportunity offered, she was boarded June 10th while aground in a shoal place, and burned, by a party from Providence. Although a reward of 600 was offered for the discovery of the perpetrators of this outrage, and a free pardon to any accomplice, no evi dence could be obtained against the parties concerned ; a fact which shows, significantly enough, that opposition to the measures and policy of the English government was a settled matter on the part of the colonists. The unpopularity of Hutchinson was not a little increased by a rather re markable incident which occurred at this time. Franklin, who was now agent of Massachusetts, had had put into- his hands, in some unexplained way, certain letters of Hutchinson and Oliver, written to a member of Parlia- ieut measures, without discussing points of right; and he knew that great pains had been taken to per suade the people in England, as well as the ministry, that this was all the people in America expected or desired; and that suspicions of other views, either in the body of the people, or in men who had influ ence over them, were groundless, and had been caused by misrepresentations of governors, and other crown officers in the colonies, in order to promote their own sinister views. But now, a measure was engaged in, which, if pursued to effect, must cause, not a return of the colonies to their former submis sion, but a total separation from the kingdom, by their independency upon Parliament, the only band which could keep them united to it. " History of Massachusetts" p. 370. 1773. ment, since deceased. In these letters, Hutchinson had spoken very freely of the character and conduct of the popu lar leaders, and of the necessity of en ergetic measures being adopted to pre vent the progress of " what are called English liberties." Franklin sent these letters to Massachusetts, with the ex press injunction under which he had laid himself, that they should not be copied or published. The effect pro duced, by these letters, on the public mind, when, soon after, they had found their way into print, was tremendous, and the General Court, in June, addressed a petition to the king for Hutchinson s speedy removal. Franklin, in the summer of the follow ing year, was violently assailed before the privy council, by Wedderburne, the advocate for Hutchinson, and was charged with being a man of letters indeed, a liomo trium literarum! the sting of which biting sarcasm for a long time rankled in the philosopher s mind. The petition for Hutchinson s removal was voted scandalous and vex atious, and Franklin was dismissed from his office of postmaster general.* * Dr. Hosack, in his " Biographical Memoir of Hugh Williamson, M. D.," read before the New York Historical Society, November, 1819, states that Dr. Williamson was the person who obtained these letters by his bold address, and conveyed them to Franklin. Mr. Sparks, however, is not convinced of the accu racy of this statement. He gives it as his opinion that Dr. Williamson could not have been the person who got possession of the letters, and declares that "the manner in which the letters fell into Franklin s hands was never explained." Franklin never di vulged the secret. For a full consideration of the whole matter, see Dr. Franklin s own account, and Mr. Sparks s note upon it, in " Writings of Franklin" vol. iv., p. 441, etc. Also, consult Bancroft, vcl vi., p. 435, 490-500. Cn. XL] PROCEEDINGS AS TO THE TEA QUESTION. 290 The Virginia House of Burgesses, stimulated by the zeal of such men as Henry, Jefferson, Richard Henry Lee and others, had vigorously seconded the action of the Massachusetts General Court, and a committee was appointed to obtain intelligence as to all such acts of Parliament, or the ministry, as might affect the rights of the colonists. Lord Dunmore, the governor, dissolved the House ; but that did not prevent ac tion by the committee, who dispatched a circular letter to the speakers of the popular branch of the several colonial Assemblies. Not only Massachusetts, but New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, and Mary land responded cordially, and appoint ed similar committees ; thus taking the first steps towards the political union the colonies. The injustice and insults heaped upon Jranklin ; the making the governor and judges independent of the province by receiving their salaries from the crown ; the irritating course pursued by the English ministry ; the excitement kept up among the people by popular meet ings and discussions ; all tended to urge on the Americans to proceed to extremities. The attempt to force up on the colonies cargoes of tea, brought O 7 O matters to a crisis. This article had largely accumulated in the warehouses, in England, of the East India Company ; and, as we have before stated, it was hoped that the export duty being taken off, the colonists would not object to the odious imposition of three pence per pound, seeing that they in fact ob tained the tea nine pence per pound cheaper than it was sold in England. 1773. But in this they reckoned without their host ; and the colonists unanimously resolved not only not to use the tea au all, but also not even to permit it to bo landed in America. A public meeting was held in Phila delphia, October the 2d, at which a protest, in eight resolutions, was adopted against taxation by Parliament ; and " whosoever shall aid, or abet, in unloading, receiving, or vending the tea," was denounced as an enemy to his country. The gentlemen who were reputed to be the consignees of the expected cargo of tea were waited upon by a committee : one firm complied at once with the request to resign the obnoxious appointment ; an other refusing, was greeted with hisses and groans. In Boston, an anonymous notice was sent to the persons rumored as con signees of the tea, to repair at an ap pointed hour to the "Liberty Tree," in order to surrender their commissions. Several hundred persons assembled, November 3d, to see the result ; but, as might be ex pected, the consignees treated the whole affair with contempt. Two days after, by a call of the selectmen, a town meeting was held, at which Hancock presided, who sent a second commit tee to summon the consignees, amcno" O / O whom were two of the governor s sons, to resign their posts. This, how ever, to the great indignation of the meeting, they declined to do, at least until they had received advices from England. As the ships were shortly to be expected, another town meeting was held (November 18th,) when a final 1773. 500 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. [BK. II. summons was sent to the consignees, to know definitely whether they would or would not resign. Upon their posi tive refusal to do so, the meeting retired without a word. The evening before, the house of Clarke, one of the con signees, having been mobbed, the con signees petitioned to place themselves and the tea under the protection of the governor and council. The council, led by Bowdoin, declined interfering, and refused to render themselves in any way responsible for the safety of the tea. Meanwhile, the first cargo arrived. A mass meeting was assem bled, November 29th, in Faneuil Hall, at which it was resolved, that the ship should be moored at a certain wharf, and a guard of twenty-five volunteers should keep watch upon her. The cap tain was ordered not to attempt, at his peril, to unlade the ship. A similar as semblage taking place on the morrow, the governor declared it illegal, and re quired it to disperse ; but to no purpose ; and the cadets, who were commanded by Hancock, were not to be depended upon for any service adverse to liberty. The consignees promised, if the tea were allowed to be landed, that they would keep it in their cellars until they could receive fresh orders from En^- O land, but the people demanded the immediate return of the ships without unlading. The custom officers refused to grant the necessary clearance with out the cargo was landed ; and thus the time passed away until the arrival of two other tea ships, early in December. Provoked at the delay, the mass of the people now resolved to act, promptly and effectively On the 16th of December, a town meeting was held in the old South Meeting-house. The owner of the ships was sent for, and requested to obtain from the collector the necessary clearance for their departure, but that officer refused to comply. He was next sent to the governor, then at his country house, at Milton, a few miles from the city, for the same purpose. Late in the afternoon he returned and announced the governor s refusal. The three ships were moored near each other at Griffin s wharf. Josiah Quincy ha rangued the crowded and excited as sembly with much solemnity of manner / and in his peculiarly fervid style, of eloquence. " It is not," he said, " the spirit that vapors within these walls that must stand us in stead. The ex ertions of this day will call forth events which will make a very different spirit necessary for our salvation. Look to the end. Whoever supposes that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials of this day, entertains a childish fancy. We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which we contend ; we must be equally ignorant of the power of those who have combined against us ; we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy, and insatiable re venge which actuates our enemies pub lic and private, abroad and in our bosoms, to hope that we shall end this controversy without the sharpest the sharpest conflicts ; to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular haran gues, popular acclamations, and popular vapo r will vanquish our foes. Let us consider the issue. Let us look to the CH. XL] end. Let us weigh and consider before we advance to those measures which must bring on the most trying and ter rible struggle this country ever saw."* Roused by such an appeal, the question was put to the assembled multitude " Will you abide by your former reso lutions with respect to not suffering the tea to be landed ?" A unanimous shout wns the reply, and the excitement at tained its utmost pitch. It was grow ing dark, and there was a cry for candles, when a man disguised as a Mohawk Indian raised the war-whoop in the gallery, which was responded to in the street without*. Another voice sud denly shouted, u Boston harbor a tea pot to-night ! Hurra for Griffin s wharf !" The meeting instantly adjourned, and the people hurried down to the harbor to see the result. It was now six o clock, but a fine still evening. Some fifty men, in the guise of Mohawks, boarded the tea vessels, and while the dense crowd silently watched the pro ceeding, they drew up from the holds of the vessels three hundred and forty- two chests of tea, deliberately broke them open, and emptied their contents into the water. This occupied between two and three hours. No damage was O done to anything else, and when the tea had been destroyed, the crowd dis persed, without further noise or trouble, to their homes.f Singularly enough, the naval and military force was en tirely apathetic, and did not at all in terfere to prevent the destruction of * " Memoir of the Life of Josiah Quincy, Jr.," p. 266, 2G7. t Consult Mr. Bancroft s account of the famous " Boston Tea Parly," vol. vi. pp. 465-489. THE BOSTON TEA PARTY. 301 the tea; probably they were not very sorry at being relieved from the neces sity of attempting to force the ob noxious article on shore. Admiral Montague, it is related, was, on the evening of the 16th, at the house of a friend, and as the party marched from the wharf, he raised the window, and said, "Well, boys, you ve had a fine night for your Indian caper, havVt you ? But mind, you ve got to pay the fiddler yet." " O, never mind," shouted Pitt, one of the leaders, " never mind, squire ! just come out here, if you please, and we ll settle the bill in two minutes !" The admiral wisely shut down the window, while the crowd went on its way, without further dem onstration of popular feeling.* In New York, November 25th, the consignees of the expected tea, declined to act in that capacity, having been *" Last night," says John Adams, in his Diary, " three cargoes of Bohea tea were emptied into the sea. This morning a man-of-war sails. This is the most magnificent movement of all. There is a dig nity, a majesty, a sublimity, in this last effort of the patriots, that I greatly admire. The people should never rise without doing something to be remember ed, something- notable and striking. This destruction of the tea is so bold, so daring, so firm, intrepid, and inflexible, and it must have such important conse quences, and so lasting, that I cannot but consider it as an epoch hi history This, how ever, is but an attack upon property. Another simi lar exertion of popular power may produce the de struction of lives. Many persons wish that as many dead carcasses were floating in the harbor, as there are chests of tea. A much less number of lives, how ever, would remove the causes of all our calamities. The malicious pleasure with which Hutchinson, the governor, the consignees of the tea, and the officers of the customs, have stood and looked upon the disliesses of the people, and their struggles to get the tea back to London, and at last the destruction of it, is amaz ing. Tis hard to believe persons so hardened and abandoned." 302 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. [P.K. II. 1773. urged to this step by the demand made of them at a popular meeting. Governor Tryon, thereupon is sued orders to receive the tea into the barracks. Driven by stress of weather into the West Indies, it was not till April of the next year, that the vessel arrived at Sandy Hook. The pilots, under instructions from a " Committee of Vigilance," refused to bring the ship up, until assured that there was no tea on board. It having been discovered, however, that there were some eighteen chests on board, they were thrown into the river, and the captain was coolly put on board his ship, the anchors were weighed, and he was sent to find his way back again to England. The ship bound for Philadelphia, was stopped four miles below the city, December 25th. News having 1 773 arrived of the destruction of the tea at Boston, the captain judged it most prudent not to attempt to land his obnoxious cargo, and so he set sail for home. The Charleston tea ship reached that city the same day that the New York vessel reached the Hook. The teas were landed, but care was taken to store them in damp cellars, where they were soon spoiled. It will be convenient at this point, before proceeding farther with the nar rative, to give some attention to mat ters which we have passed over, so as not to interrupt the exciting story of ante-revolutionary days. Peace having been concluded with the Indians in the north-west, a great impulse was thereby given to emigra tion. Cupidity, however, and a lawless 1774. 1768. state of morals and manners, soon led to great injustice being done to the In dians; and the consequence was, ere long, a collision between them and the white men. The more daring and reckless portion of the settlers con tinued to advance, and settle down upon Indian lands, without even the shadow of a right. Against these con tinual encroachments, sustained as they were by force and outrage, the Indians had repeatedly remonstrated to the local governments, but to little or no purpose. At length, on the 6th of May, 1768, a deputation from the Six Nations repaired to Fort Pitt, to present a remonstrance, which was forwarded to the Assembly of Virginia. The president of the Council in his message declared, " that a set of men, regardless of the laws of natural justice, unmindful of the duties they owe to society, and in contempt of the royal proclamations, have dared to settle themselves upon the lands near Heel- stone Creek and Cheat River, which are the property of the Indians, and, not withstanding the repeated warnings of the danger of such lawless proceedings, they still remain unmoved, and seem to defy the orders and even the powers of the government." The royal gov ernment was at length compelled to in terfere, by ordering Sir William John son to purchase from the Six Nations the lands already thus occupied, as well as to obtain a further grant ; and ac cordingly, by a treaty at Fort Stanwix, large bodies of land extending to the Ohio, were, as it was said, ceded by the Indians, but, as they persisted in de claring, were obtained by mingled CH. XL] INSURRECTION IN NORTH CAROLINA. 303 fraud and cunning, on the part of the white men. North Carolina, to use the language of Mr. Grahame, had been for some time past convulsed with disorders, which at length broke out in an insur rection so completely disconnected with the general agitation by which America was pervaded, that the insur gents afterwards formed one of the strongest bodies of royalist partisans, who, dissenting from their countrymen in general, adhered to and supported the pretensions of Britain. And yet, in reality, it was the corruption or inca pacity of functionaries of the British government that produced the very evils of which those persons now com plained. We have formerly remarked the abuses which prevailed in the civil administration of this province, and which the appointment of Tryon to be its governor was expected to cure. This expectation was disappointed. One of the most irritating abuses was the ex action of exorbitant fees by public offi cers on all legal proceedings, and parti cularly on all deeds and ceremonies requisite by law to the validity of sales and acquisitions of landed property. Tryon, in conformity with his instruc tions, issued a proclamation against this abuse ; but, as he either negligently or corruptly confined himself to proclaim ing, without attempting to execute, a purposed reform, his conduct served only to sanction, without curing or alleviating, the general discontent. In addition to this grievance, a number of the sheriffs and of the receivers of the provincial taxes were suffered to con tinue long indebted to the provincial treasury for a heavy arrear of public moneys which they had collected, but delayed to account for ; and it was not unreasonably surmised that the weight of the taxes was aggravated by this misapplication of their produce. An association was gradually formed by a great number of poor colonists, who assumed the title of Regulators, and who entered into a compact, which they ratified by oath, to pay no taxes what ever, till all exorbitant fees were abol ished, and official embezzlement punish ed and prevented. The general ill-humor was increased by a vote of the Assembly of a large sum of money to build a pal ace for the governor, as an expression of public gratitude for the repeal of the Stamp Act ; and also by the imposition for this purpose of a tax, which began to operate at the very time when the parliamentary impost on tea, glass, pa per, and painters colors was promul gated. Tryon with great difficulty pacified the Regulators by promises which were only delusively fulfilled. Fanning, one of the recorders of con veyances of land, was tried on six in dictments for extortion, and found guil ty in every instance. The royal judges, however, sentenced him to pay only the fine of one penny, a sentence more insulting to the people than would have been the boldest injustice in openly ab solving him. This, and other similar transactions, revived the association of the Regu lators, who, incensed and blinded with indignation and ignorance, easily be came the dupes of leaders of whom some were madmen and others knaves. One of those leaders, named Few, whose 304 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. [Bit. II. life was afterwards vindictively short ened by the executioner, instead of being charitably prolonged in a lunatic asy lum, alleged that he was commissioned by Heaven to deliver the whole world from oppression, and specially directed to commence his work in North Ca rolina. After various outrages, the Regulators, assembling in the present year to the number of two thousand, declared their purpose of abolishing courts of justice, exterminating all law yers and public officers, and prostrating the provincial government itself be neath some wild and indeterminate scheme of democracy, which, doubt less, its abettors as little comprehended as they were qualified to accomplish. All the sober and respectable part of the community perceived the necessity of defending themselves against the folly and fury of the insurgents, whom Tryon was soon enabled to oppose with eleven hundred of the provincial militia. In a battle at Almansee, May 16th, the Regulators were com pletely defeated, with the loss of three hundred of their number, who were found dead on the field. Seventy of the militia were killed or wounded. Twelve of the defeated insurgents were afterwards tried and condemned to die for high treason, in June ; six of these were executed ; the rest of the fugitives, except some of their leaders who es caped from the province, submitted to the government and took the oath of allegiance. Tryon, though he had dissolved an Assembly for imitating the Virginian resolutions in 1769, was yet in the main popular with all the most substantial 1771. and respectable inhabitants of North Carolina. This advantage he owed to O the diligence with which he avoided to provoke or aggravate disputes with the Assembly, and to the zeal with which he opposed a proposition of Lord Charles Montague, the governor of South Ca rolina, for establishing a boundary line very unfavorable to the northern province. Nevertheless, only a short time after he had suppressed the in surrection of the Regulators, Tryon was removed to the government of New York, and succeeded in North Carolina by Josiah Martin, a vain, weak, and insolent man, who endeavored to lower the character of his predecessor ~hy defending and countenancing all who were supposed to have aided or befriended the Regulators ; and to re commend himself to the British minis try by seizing every opportunity of dis puting with and complaining of the provincial Assembly.* Notwithstanding the active hostili/y of the Indians, there were daring men on the frontiers who persisted in ex ploring farther and farther into the unsettled regions of western districts. Daniel Boone was such a one, and by long residence in the woods, he had be come excellently fitted for the toil and privation of a pioneer life. Attracted by the descriptions of John Finley, a trader, who had already caught a glimpse of the land of promise, Boone eagerly joined in an exploring expedi tion in company with Finley, John Stuart, and three other companions. * Grahame s " History of the United Slates," vol. i>. pp. 465-7. CH. X!.] DANIEL BOONE IN KENTUCKY 305 17GO. 1773. When they had advanced two hundred miles to the west, the party divided, and Boone and Stuart proceed ed in company, until, in the beautiful month of May, from a lofty eminence they saw the fertile plain of Kentucky, and its river rolling at their feet. Hardly had this splendid pros pect opened before them, when they were surprised by a party of Indians, from whom they eventually succeeded in making their escape, and forming a hunting camp, the proceeds of which were sent to an eastern mart. During the year, Booue and Stuart remained the sole occupants of the " forbidden ground" of Kentucky, eluding the con stant pursuit of the Indians, until the former returned to conduct a colony thither, but was attacked and driven back by the Indians. A treaty for the cession of the lands south of Kentucky now being at length accomplished, Boone set off with a party, and opened the first "Hazed trace" or outline of a road to the banks of the Kentucky river, where, early in 1775, he laid the foundation of J3oone-s- liorougli. The subsequent career of Daniel Boone, deserves a word or two of notice. During the Revolution, he was taken prisoner by the Indians, and became such a favorite, that he was adopted into their tribe as a brave; but on learning that a body of British and Indians had assembled for the in vasion of Kentucky and the destruction of his dtirling Boonesborough, he sud denly decamped, and with a single meal m his pocket, across the wilderness, ac complishing a hundred and fifty miles Voi,. I. 41 in six days, and gave such timely notice to his fellow-citizens as set aside the threatened attack. At the end of the war, he settled down as a farmer, but found that the lands which he had him self first discovered, had been granted away to some land-speculator in an east- ern city. Thus driven away, he re tired in disgust beyond the Mississippi, and sought a _ast resting-place on the banks of the Missouri, beyond the ex treme verge of civilization ; and here the old hunter was quietly irathered to his fathers. His grateful fellow-citizens have since removed his bones into Ken tucky, and buried them with those of his wife, in a common sepulchre. During the whole period of her contro versy with Britain, says Mr. Graharne, America derived increased strength from domestic growth and from the flow of European emigration. Her territories presented varieties of human condition and diversified attractions adapted to almost every imaginable peculiarity of human taste, from scenes of peace and repose, to circumstances of romantic ad venture and interesting danger, from the rudeness, the silence, and solitude of the forest, to the refinements of cul tivated life, and the busy hum of men in flourishing, populous, and improved societies, from the lawless liberty of the back settlements, to the dominion of the most austerely moral legislation that ever prevailed among mankind. No complete memorial has been trans mitted of the particulars of the emi grations that took place from Europe to America at this period ; but (from the few illustrative facts that are actu ally preserved) they seem to 306 PROGRESS OF THE CONTEST. amazingly copious. lu the years 1771 and 1772, the number of emigrants to America from the North of Ireland alone amounted to 17,350, almost all of whom emigrated at their own charge ; a great majority consisting of persons employed in the linen manufacture, or farmers, and possessed of some property which they converted into money and carried with them. Within the first fortnight of August, 1773, there arrived at Philadelphia three thousand five hundred emigrants from Ireland; and from the same document which has recorded this circumstance it appears that vessels were arriving every month, freighted with emigrants from Holland, Germany, and especially from Ireland and the Highlands of Scotland. About seven hundred Irish settlers repaired to the Carolinas in the autumn of 1773 ; and, in the course of the same season, no fewer than ten vessels sailed from Britain with Scottish Highlanders emi grating to the American States. As most of the emigrants, and particularly those from Ireland and Scotland, were persons discontented with their condi tion or treatment in Europe, their ac cession to the colonial population, it might reasonably be supposed, had no tendency to diminish or counteract the hostile sentiments towards Britain which were daily gathering force in America. And yet these persons, especially the Scotch, were in general extremely averse to an entire and abrupt rejection of British authority. Their patriotic attachment, enhanced as usual by distance from its object, always re sisted and sometimes prevailed over their more rational and prudent con victions ; and more than once, in the final struggle, were the interests of British prerogative espoused and sup ported by men who had been originally driven by hardship and ill usage from Britain to America. Among other emigrants doubtless cherishing little reverence for their native country, whom Britain continued to discharge upon her colonies, were numbers of convicted felons, who were conveyed in general to the States in which to bacco was cultivated, and labored dur ing the allotted period of their exile with the negro slaves. Of these per sons, the most abandoned characters generally found their way back to England ; but many contracted im proved habits, and remained in Ame rica. All enlightened and p-atriotic Americans resented as an indignity, and all the wealthy slave-owners de tested as a political mischief, this prac tice of the parent state, of which the last instance seems to have occurred in the course of the present year. In England, many persons were so unjust and unreasonable as to make the con duct of their government in this respect a matter of insult and reproach to the Americans, as if the production of crime were not a circumstance more truly disgraceful to a people than their casual and involuntary association with criminals. A convention was held this year in Georgia, by Sir James Wright, the gov- ernor of the colony, with a numerous deputation of the chiefs of the Creek and Cherokee tribes, who willingly ceded to the British king several mil lions of acres of valuable land, in the Cii. XI.] LOGAN S TOUCHING SPEECH. 307 most fertile and salubrious part of the country, for the payment of debts which they owed to European merchants who had traded with them. A transaction of very different character occurred at the same time in Virginia, where a war O broke out with the Ohio Indians, in consequence of a series of reciprocal in juries, wherein the European colonists, if not the aggressors (which, however, there is reason to suppose they were), at least merited the reproach of exceed ing their savage antagonists in the in- O O O flictions of summary, indiscriminate, and disproportioned revenge. The Virginia government despatched a strong body of militia, under the command of Col onel Lewis, to oppose the enemy ; and after a bloody engagement in the woods, in which the colonial troops re pulsed the Indians, but with great diffi culty, and the loss of several hundred men on their own side, the quarrel was adjusted and peace again restored.* In connection with what has just been quoted from Mr. Grahame s work, we think that the speech of Logan, one of the greatest sufferers from the indis criminate slaughter set on foot by the whites, ought to be preserved. It was made to General Gibson, and was by him to be transmitted to Lord Dun- more, the Governor of Virginia. " I appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered Logan s cabin hungry, and he gave him nothing to eat ; if ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody war, Logan re- * Grahame s " History of the United States" vol. n*., p. 481, J. rnained idle in his cabin an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed at me as they passed and said, Logan is the friend of white men? Iliad even thought to have lived with you, but for the inju ries of one man. Captain Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, sparing not even my ivomen and child ren. There runs not a drop of my blood in any living creature. This called on me for revenge: I have sought it; I have killed many ; I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I re joice at the beams of peace ; but do not harbor a thought that mine is the O joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Lo gan ? Not one ! " War and politics had engrossed pub lic attention quite largely since the " Great Revival," thirty years before. The stern, rugged s} r steni of Puritanism had, to a considerable extent, given way before the progress of latitudinarian ideas and sentiments. Whitfield died in Massachusetts, in 1770, and the views which he had so zealously advocated were widely spread and influential in the community. The Wesley an branch of the Methodists, however, had not met with much success in America as yet, owing to the fact that in general they were warm loyalists. The Uni- versalists took their rise in America about this date, and the spread of their peculiar tenets helped to produce a change in the New England people " But the armed contest with the mo ther country," as Mr. Hildreth remarks, SOS AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. II. " whicli soon engrossed the public mind, the strong passions which revolution and war of necessity arouse, operated as a sudden and severe check to the in tellectual development of the people, or, rather, turned that development almost exclusively into military and political channels. Of statesmen and soldiers, men great in action, we shall presently find enough. Thinkers are the product of quieter times."* * Hildreth s History of the United States," vol. ii. p. 579. The College of Rhode Island, now known as Brown University, originally established at Warren in 1704, was, in 1770, removed to Providence. Rutger s College, established in 1770, and Dartmouth College, established in 1771, made up the number of nine colleges of which the colonies boast ed at the time of the Revolution Three of these were controlled by Episcopalians, three by Congregation- alists, and one each by the Presby terians, by the Dutch Reformed and by the Baptists. CHAPTER XII. 17741775, AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. Collision inevitable Ignorance in England of the spirit and energy of Americans Anger of the Ministry at what was done in Boston The King s message The Boston Port Bill Boston to be summarily punished Bill for regulating government of Massachusetts Other coercive Acts adopted Chatham and Burke s oppos tion Gage Governor of Massachusetts Views of a town meeting held in Boston Quincy s "Observations on the Boston Port Bill" Trying moment to Boston Action of the Virginia House of Burgesses Washing ton s views and course A General Congress recommended Action in the other colonies The General Court s recommendation to the people Delegates to General Congress appointed Court dissolved Port of Boston closed on 1st of June "Solemn League and Covenant" Noble conduct of Salem and Marblehead peo ple Fast day in Virginia Other coercive measures put in force Preparation for probable collision Troops increased in Boston Gage fortifies Boston Neck Effect of certain rumors on the people Recent acts virtu ally nullified The Suffolk Convention Meeting of the FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS Illustrious men among its Members Henry s and Lee s speeches Prayers daily The "Declaration of Colonial Rights" Measures resolved upon by Congress "American Association" Addresses prepared and adopted Difference of opin ion Ability of the papers issued by Congress Action in Massachusetts Preparation for war Boston at this tirae Proceedings of Congress generally approved Lord North s course Silly braggadocic Compul sion thought to be best The King s feelings Chatham s eloquent speech Course pursued by Parliament- North s conciliatory plan Burke s and Hartley s plans Gage s course His force in Boston His rash procedure Battle of Lexington. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. I. An Association signed by eighty-nine mem bers of the late House of Burgesses. II. Address to the People of Great Britain. III. Address to the Inhabitants of the Anglo-American Colonies. IV. Petition to the King. IT was a very bold and decided step which the people of Boston had just taken in regard to the ships laden with tea, and, as they had been forewarned, the immediate effect of it must be to bring them into direct collision with the mother country. Heretofore there had been much discussion as to questions CH. XII.] THE KING S MESSAGE TO PARLIAMENT. C09 of right and chartered privilege, and on both sides strong language had been used, as to what would be the result in case force had to be resorted to. It was now to be seen how far words were to be supported by deeds. The spirit of the colonists was roused, and they waited the issue with unyielding de- / o termination to resist the high-handed measures of the government. If blood must be shed, they were ready for even that last and searching appeal. "The king was obstinate, had no one near him to explain the true state of things in America, and admitted no O misgivings except for not having sooner enforced the claims of authority. On the fourth day of February, he con sulted the American commander-in- chief, who had recently returned from New York. I am willing to go back at a day s notice, said Gage, if coercive measures are adopted. They v/ill be lions while we are lambs; but, if we take the resolute part, they will un doubtedly prove very meek. Four regiments sent to Boston will be suffi- O cient to prevent any disturbance. "* So little did George III. and his advis ers understand or appreciate the spirit and energy of the Americans ! When, early in March, the news of the proceedings in Boston reached Eng land, the ministry were excited to a hio h state of indignation, and seemed O O 1 to come to the conclusion at once, that no measures short of actual force would be sufficient to reduce the refractory colonists to submission. Boston, which had rendered itself especially obnoxious, * Bancroft, vol. vi. p. 501. 1 * * 9 774 was to be summarily punished, and it was thought that its fate would prove a significant warning to ethers, before *~-* O they should venture upon acts of daring resistance to authority. On the 7th of March, Lord North presented a message from the king to both Houses of Parliament, in which it was stat ed, that "in consequence of the unwar rantable practices carried on in North America, and particularly of the violent J. V and outrageous proceedings at the town and port of Boston, wjth a view of ob structing the commerce of this kingdom, O O and upon grounds and pretences imme diately subversive of its constitution, it was thought fit to lay the whole matter before Parliament, recommending it to their serious consideration, what further regulations or permanent provisions might be necessary to be established, for securing the execution of the laws, and the just dependence of the colonies upon the crown and Parliament of Great Britain." On presenting these papers, his lordship remarked, "that the utmost lenity on the part of the governor, perhaps too much, had been already shown ; and that this town, by its late proceedings, had left govern ment perfectly at liberty to adopt any measures they should think convenient, not only for redressing the wron<^ sus- \i tained by the East India Company, but for inflicting such punishment as their factious and criminal conduct merited ; and that the aid of Parliament would be resorted to for this purpose, and for vindicating the honor of the crown, so daringly and wantonly attacked and contemned." In reply to the royal message, the House voted, " that an ad- 310 AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. n. dress of thanks should be presented to the king, assuring his majesty that they would not fail to exert every means in their power of effectually providing for the due execution of the laws, and securing the dependence of the colonies upon the crown and Parliament of Great Britain." On the 14th of March, a bill was introduced " for the immediate re moval of the officers concerned in the collection of his majesty s customs from the town of Boston, and to discontinue the landing and discharging, lading and shipping of goods, wares, and merchan dise, at the said town, or within the harbor thereof." The proposal of Lord North encount ered but little opposition. The warmest advocates of the colonies were unable to justify the daring conduct of the Bostonians in destroying the tea, and even Barre and Con way were in favor of passing the bill. On its final read ing, it was opposed by Burke, but it passed nevertheless with very few ne gatives. A few of the peers protested against the measure, but the House of Lords voted its adoption immediately, and on the 31st of March it received the royal assent. Another bill was soon after proposed by the irate minister. It was entitled u for better regulating the government of Massachusetts Bay ;" but it was equivalent to a complete abrogation of the charter. By this bill, the royal governor was empowered to appoint all the civil authorities what ever, who were also to have the nomina tion of juries, functions hitherto vested in the people themselves ; and as their town meetings had proved the nursery 1774. of opposition to government, they were now entirely prohibited, except for the purpose of electing representatives. A third bill, ostensibly designed "for the more impartial administration of jus tice," provided in view of such cases as that of Captain Preston that " any person indicted for murder, or any other capital offence, committed in aiding the magistracy, the governor might send the person so indicted to another col ony, or to Great Britain, for trial." These bills were opposed by Barre, Conway, Johnstone, Burke, Fox, and others. Barre, with his usual direct ness and force, speaking of the third bill, said to the members of the House. " You may think, that a law founded on this motion will be a protection to the soldier who imbrues his hand in the blood of his fellow subjects. I am mistaken if it will. "Who is to execute it ? He must be a bold man indeed who will make the attempt. If the people are so exasperated that it is unsafe to bring the man who has injured them to trial, let the governor who withdraws him from justice look to himself. The people will not endure it ; they would no longer deserve the reputation of being descended from the loins of Eng lishmen if they did endure it. Yon have changed your ground. You are becoming the aggressors, and offering the last of human outrages to the people of America, by submitting them to mi litary execution. Instead of sending them the olive branch, you have sent the naked sword. By the olive branch, I mean a repeal of all the late laws, fruitless to you, and oppressive to them. Ask their aid in a constitutional manner, CH. XII.] COERCIVE MEASURES RESOLVED UPON. 311 and they will give it to the utmost of their ability. Your journals bear the recorded acknowledgments of the zeal with which they have contributed to the general necessities of the state. What madness is it that prompts you to attempt obtaining that by force which you may more certainly obtain by requisition ? They may be flattered into any thing, but they are too much like yourselves to be driven. Respect their sturdy English virtue : retract your odious exertions of authority ; and remember that the first step towards making them contribute to your wants is to reconcile them to your govern ment." Despite all opposition, the bill passed by a majority of four to one. A fourth bill, for quartering troops in America, being the former act re vised, was shortly added to the others ; on which occasion Lor.d Chatham, who, owing to his declining health could take but a small part in the debates, opposed the ministerial policy with his usual animation. " I condemn," he said, " in the severest manner, the turbulent and unwarrantable conduct of the Americans in some instances, particularly in the late riots at Boston ; but, my Lords, the mode which has been pursued to bring them back to a sense of their duty is so diametrically opposed to every prin ciple of sound policy, as to excite my utmost astonishment. You have in volved the guilty and the innocent in one common punishment, and avenge the crime of a few lawless depredators upon the whole body of the inhabitants. My Lords, it has always been my fixed and unalterable opinion, I will carry it with me to the grave, that this country has no right under heaven to tax Ame rica. It is contrary to all the principles of justice and civil policy, it is contrary to that essential, unalterable right in grafted into the British constitution as a fundamental law, that what a man has honestly acquired is absolutely his own, which he may freely give, but which cannot be taken away from him without his consent." Burke also raised his eloquent voice again t the ministerial measures ; but all opposition was vain. The supporters of the ministry were in so large a majority that they carried every thing before them. A fifth act, known as the Quebec Act, was designed to conciliate the Canadians in case the colonies should venture to proceed to extremities. This act wisely placed the Roman Catholics and Protestants on an equality, con firmed to the Roman Catholic clergy their extensive landed property, allowed the administration of justice to be car ried on by the old French law, created a legislative council to be named by the crown, and enlarged the boundaries of the province southward as far as the Ohio. It was owing to these judicious measures, probably, that the Canadians declined taking part subsequently in the open resistance which the other colonies organized against England. General Gage, in addition to his be ing commander-in-chief of the royal forces, was appointed governor of Mas sachusetts in the place of Hutchinson, an appointment which seemed to show that the ministry were prepared to use force if necessary. Gage ar rived in Boston, May 13th, and although the news of the closing of the 1774. 312 AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. a port bad reached the town some days before, and although the feelings of the people were highly excited by that measure, there was no want of proper respect towards the new governor. He was received with all the distinction due to his rank and character. But it soon became evident, that neither the extensive powers committed to him, nor the array of military force by which he was supported, operated in the slightest degree to intimidate the people. Hutchinson, before his depar ture, having dissolved the General Court, a town meeting was held in Boston the day after Gage s arrival. It was numerously attended, and the subject of the port bill was fully con sidered. " The impolicy, injustice, in humanity, and cruelty of the act," such was their earnest lan^ua^e o o "exceed all our powers of expression; and, therefore, w r e leave it to the cen sure of others, and appeal to God and the world." They also declared it as their opinion, that, " if the other colo nies come into a joint resolution to stop all importations from, and exportation to, Great Britain, and every part of the West Indies, till the act be repealed, the same would prove the salvation of North America and her liberties." Josiah Quincy, too, in his celebrated " Observations on the Boston Port Bill," issued at this very time, burst forth in fervid tones of remonstrance : "Whence arose this extraordinary stride of legislation ? What is it that the town of Boston hath done ? What new and unheard of crime have the inhabitants committed, to justify the enacting of such disabilities, forfeitures, pains and penalties? Punishments that descend indiscriminately on all, ought to have the sanction of unerring wisdom and almighty power, or it will be questioned, if not opposed. The present vengeance foils indiscriminately on the acknowl edged innocent, as well as the supposed guilty. Surely, the evil is of a very malignant and terrible nature that can require such an extraordinary remedy. Admit for a moment, that the inhabit ants of Boston were charged as hisrh O O criminals ; the highest criminals are not punishable till arraigned before dis interested judges, heard in defence, and found guilty of the charge. But so far from all this, a whole people are ac cused ; prosecuted by, they know not whom; tried, they know not when; proved guilty, they know not how ; and sentenced in a mode which, for number of calamities, extent and duration o r severity, exceeds the annals of past ages, and we presume, in pity to man kind, will not mark any future era in the world."* It may well be believed that this was a trying moment to the patriots of Boston. Would, they who had taken the first resolute step in the struggle, be left to maintain it single-handed, or would O / their countrymen come forward to strengthen their resistance and mitigate the sufferings they were called upon to endure ? Every means was immediately taken to obtain the sympathy of their fellow colonists. The bill, printed on * See " Memoir of the Life of Josiah jQuincy, Jr.," p. 376. The " Observations," which constitute the chief political work of Mr. Quincy* are appended in full to the Memoir. They are well worth reading even at this date. Cii. XII.] SPIRITED ACTION OF THE HOUSE OF BUKGES5E3. 813 black-edged paper, adorned with a death s head and cross-bones, was hawk ed about, coupled with the epithets of u cruel, barbarous, bloody, and inhu man murder," and solemnly burned by the assembled populace. Agents were sent to the other colonies to engage them in the common cause. Numbers of the clergy, from their pulpits, ani mated the people to resistance, while the press teemed with the most moving and vigorous appeals to their feelings. The news of the inju ry inflicted on Boston, produced throughout the colo nies a general and spontaneous feeling of indignation. O The House of Burgesses in Virginia, was in session when the bill for closing the port of Boston arrived. They im mediately proceeded to pass the follow ing order, May 24th, 1774 : " This House being deeply impressed with apprehen sion of the Great dangers to be derived O O to British America, from the hostile in vasion of the city of Boston, in our sis ter colony of Massachusetts Bay, whose commerce and harbor are, on the first day of June next, to be stopped by an armed force, deem it highly necessary that the said first day of June next be set apart by the members of this House, as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, devoutly to implore the Divine inter position for averting the heavy calamity which threatens destruction to our civil rights, and the evils of civil war; to give us one heart and one mind, firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights ; and that the minds of his Majesty and his Parliament may be inspired from above with wisdom, moderation, and justice, VOL. I. 12 to remove from the loyal people of America all cause of danger, from & continued pursuit of measures preg nant with their ruin. Ordered, there fore, That the members of this house do attend in their places, at the hour of ten in the forenoon, on the said first day of June next, in order to proceed with the speaker and the mace to the church in this city, for the purposes aforesaid ; and that the Rev. Mr. Price be appointed to read prayers, and to preach a sermon suitable to the occa- sion." For this independent conduct the House was dissolved the next clay by Lord Dunraore, the governor. The members thereupon withdrew to a con venient place in the vicinity, formed themselves into a vigilance committee, and adopted a spirited declaration of their views, in which a GENERAL CON GRESS was strongly urged.* Wash ington was at his post as a member of the House, and took his full share in its patriotic proceedings. He was no idle spectator of the progress of events. Although on intimate terms with Lord O Dunmore, the governor, his whole soul was deeply interested in the momentous questions at issue, and he was prepared to go the full length with his country men in resisting the tyrannous course of Parliament. " For my own part," he says, in one of his letters, " I shall not undertake to say where the line between Great Britain and the colonies should be drawn, but I am clearly of opinion that one ought to be drawn, and our rights clearly ascertained. I could wish, I own, that the dispute had * See Appendix I., at the end of the present chapter. AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. [B K . II. been left for posterity to determine, but the crisis is arrived when we must assert our rights, or submit to every imposition that can be heaped upon us, till custom shall make us tame and abject slaves." Delegates from the several counties assembled at Williamsburgh, on the 1st of August. They were six days in session, and appointed Washington, Randolph, Henry, and others, as de legates to represent Virginia in the General Congress. Strong expressions of determined op position to the port bill, and assurances of support to the disfranchised citizens of Boston, were made wherever the act became known. At New York there was a considerable stru^o-le between oo the friends of the administration and the friends of liberty, but the latter at length prevailed by the influence and management of those patriotic indi viduals, who had on several occasions manifested great activity and zeal in their opposition to the obnoxious mea sures of the ministry. Addresses were also sent from Connecticut, Pennsyl vania, the Carolinas, and other colonies, to the committee in Boston, assuring them of support, and declaring that they considered the cause of Boston as the common cause of the country.* * In an able article in the NEW YORK REVIEW for April, 1839, on " The Congress of 1774," there is col lected from the American Archives, a summary of the earliest dates in which, in each colony, the subject of a General Congress was acted upon by any public assemblage : ^^ "By a town-meeting in Providence, Rhode Island, May 17. By the committee of a town-meeting in Philadelphia, "21. By the committee of a town-meeting in New York, "23 1774. The General Court met, May 25th, not without heavy foreboding as to what was before them. General Gage s first official act did not tend to remove their apprehensions, for he went to the very extent of his au thority under the charter, in rejecting thirteen out of the twenty-eight elected counsellors. But the Representatives of the people did not lose heart : they persevered in the work which they had in hand. The governor adjourned the court to Salem, an offensive act on his part ; but the members remained stead fast to their purpose. They adopted 1774. By the Members of the dissolved House of Burgesses of Virginia, and others at Williamsburgh, May 27. By a county-meeting in Baltimore, . " 31, By a town-meeting in Norwich, Con necticut, June 6 By a county-meeting in Newark, New- Jersey, "11, By the Massachusetts House of Repre sentatives, and by a town-meeting in Faneuil Hall, the same day, . "17 By a county-meeting in Newcastle, Delaware, " 29. By the committee of correspondence iu Portsmouth, New Hampshire, . . July fi, By a general province-meeting in Charleston, S. C., July 6, 7, 8. By a district-meeting at Wilmington, N. C., July 21. " A comparison of these dates will at once show how strong was the instinct of union, which, at this period, pervaded the country, and how prompt the colonies were in adopting that principle of combi nation which served as the direct antagonist to the policy of the British ministry, designed as it was, by confining its obnoxious measures to one colony, to diminish the probability of a united resistance. In looking to these dates, it should also be remembered that the colonial action, in some instances, was in dependent of that of an earlier date in other colonies. In Virginia, the recommendation of a Congress was adopted two days before the intelligence was received of a similar measure, several days earlier, both in Philadelphia and in New York." CH. XII.] MASSACHUSETTS DELEGATES TO CONGRESS. 315 resolutions, recommending to the citi zens of Boston to be firm and patient, to the people through the province to assist their brethren in the metropolis, and to all to refrain entirely from the use of British goods, and of other for eign articles subject to a duty ; con ceiving this to be a lawful and most O efficient means of convincing the parent government of their opposition to the recent oppressive measures, and of pre vailing on ministers to relax in their arbitrary and severe conduct towards Massachusetts. They also requested the governor to appoint a day for public religious worship and prayer. And as he declined doing it, they them selves recommended the observance of a particular day for that solemn ser vice. But the most important measure adopted at this eventful period, and in preparing which a large committee was occupied through the greater part of the session, was that of choosing five members of the House as delegates to a General Continental Congress ; and of giving immediate information thereof to all the other colonies, with a request that they would appoint deputies for the same purpose. The preamble to the resolution for choosing delegates to meet in a General Congress which was adopted by a vote of a hundred and sixteen -to twelve states concisely the reason which induced the House to adopt this important measure. It was as follows : " This House, having duly considered, and being deeply affected with the un happy differences which have long sub sisted and are increasing between Great Britain and the American colonies, are of opinion, that a meeting of committees from the several colonies on this con tinent is highly expedient and neces sary, to consult upon the present state of the country, and the miseries to which we are and must be reduced by the operation of certain acts of Par liament; and to deliberate and deter mine upon wise and proper measures, to be by them recommended to all the colonies, for the recovery and establish ment of our just rights and liberties civil and religious ; and the restoration of union and harmony between Great Britain and America, which is most ardently desired by all good men."* Thomas Gushing, Samuel Adams, Robert Treat Paine, James Bowdoin, and John Adams, were appointed dele gates on the part of Massachusetts, to meet similar delegates from the other O colonies, in Philadelphia, on the first of September. Gage, ascertaining what was going on, sent his secretary to dis solve the House : that officer, finding the door locked, read the proclamation of the governor on the steps leading to the chamber. This was the last session of the House under royal authority. The members, however, continued in * Professor Smyth, in his valuable Lectures on Modern History, gives what he conceives were the causes that led to the war being prosecuted as it was against the American Colonies : 1st, a deplorable ignorance of or inattention to the great leading prin ciples of political economy; 2d, a blind, disgraceful selfishness in regard to mere matters of money and taxes; 3d, an overweening national pride; 4th, very high principles of government; 5th, a certain vul garity of thinking on. political subjects. " These discreditable causes may be said, in a general way, to have led to the destruction of the British empire in America, as far as the legislators and people of England were concerned." Smyth s " Lectures on Modern History," p. 558, 59 316 AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. |B K . 11. session till their business was com pleted. On tlie first of June, the day desig nated for the closing the port of Bos ton and erecting Salem into the metrop olis, all business was finished at twelve o clock, at noon, and the harbor was shut up against all vessels. As that seaport was entirely dependent upon commerce, the ministerial measure cut off at once the means of subsistence of a great part of its citizens. The Bostonians, however, endured their sufferings with the most inflexible fortitude. The non-importation agree ment was revived and extended, and the significant title was adopted, "A Solemn League and Covenant." Gage issued a proclamation against this com pact as illegal and even treasonable. But he was not able to prevent the spread of the " league." Addresses and congratulations poured in upon them from all sides, and they received more substantial proofs of the sym pathy of their fellow colonists, in con- tributions raised for their relief, which, only very partially mitigated the sever ity of their distress. If the English government, whose policy was always to foment a collision of interests be tween the different colonists, flattered themselves that the inhabitants of Salem would secretly rejoice at a meas ure that promised to enrich them on the ruin of Boston, they were speedily disabused. The inhabitants of that port concluded an address to General Gage in terms most honorable to their patriotic sympathy : " By shutting up the port of Boston, some imagine that the course of trade might be turned hither, and for our benefit, but nature, in the formation of our harbor, forbids our becoming rivals in commerce tc that convenient mart; and were it otherwise, we must be dead to every idea of justice, lost to every feeling of humanity, could we indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and raise ourselves on the ruins of our suffering neighbors," The inhabitants of Marblehead also generously offered to the Boston mer chants the free use of their wharves and warehouses, and their personal attend ance upon the lading and unlading of their goods. In Virginia, the first of June was observed with all due solem nity, and Washington notes in his diary, that he fasted rigidly, and attended the services appointed in the church. Sim ilar manifestations of public grief took place in most of the cities. A stillness reigned over Philadelphia, and the whole city exhibited signs of deep dia tress. Late in the summer, the second and third of the coercive enactments of Parliament reached Boston. In ac cordance with the terms of the former, a list of the civil offi cers appointed by the governor, was soon made known, and gave great dis satisfaction, as they were among the most unpopular characters in the prov ince. To add to the anxiety which now pervaded every breast, a large military force was ordered into the province, an act of Parliament having been passed, which directed the governor to provide quarters for them in any town he might choose. " Thus the charter, as Bradford forcibly remarks, " the pal ladium of their rights and privileges 1774. Cn. XII.] THE PEOPLE ROUSED UP. 317 under the shelter of which they had formerly felt themselves safe, at least from systematic tyranny, was wantonly violated by the arbitrary will of a fa vorite minister. They were to be gov erned entirely by strangers, and those in whom they had no confidence ; and foreign mercenaries were provided to stifle the murmurs occasioned by op pression, and to check the efforts of a generous patriotism, which ministerial threats had not been able to silence or prevent The intelligent citizens who composed the committees of corres pondence, and others distinguished by their activity and firmness, were openly threatened by the servile tools of des potism, and marked out as victims to appease a tyrannical administration. But, happily for their countrymen, and happily for posterity, they were not moved from their high purpose by the menaces of the corrupt or powerful. Satisfied of the justice of their cause, they resolved to attempt every thing, and hazard every thing, for its support." The people, as if by instinct, seemed to apprehend that the result must lead to a contest of force against force. Nothing, says Botta, was heard but the din of arms, or the sound of fifes and of drums ; everywhere multitudes were intent upon learning the military exer cise and evolutions ; young and old, fathers and sons, and even the gentle sex, bent their steps towards these mar tial scenes ; some to acquire instruction, others to animate and encourage. The casting of balls, and making of cart ridges were becoming ordinary occupa tions. War, with all its severity, seem ed to be at hand. The troops of General Gage had been quartered in the city of Boston ; they were rein forced by several regiments, coming from Ireland, from New York, from Halifax, and from Quebec ; all directed upon this point, to smother the kindling conflagration. The inhabitants beheld this with incredible jealousy, which was still increased by an order of the general, to place a guard upon Boston Neck. The pretext assigned was, to prevent the desertion of the soldiers, but the real motive of this step was to intimidate the inhabitants, that they might not so freely as they had done heretofore, transport arms from the city into the country. Every day gave birth to new causes of contention between the soldiers and the citizens. Popular rumors were circulated rapidly, and heard with avidity; and the people assembled frequently, as ready at any moment for open revolt. Gage re solved to fortify Boston Neck, a meas ure which still further exasperated the people ; and, as if this was not enough, he sent to Charlestown, and seized upon a quantity of powder in the magazine there. The people of the neighboring towns flew to arms, and agreed on Cam bridge as a general rendezvous ; and it was with great difficulty that they were dissuaded, by their more prudent lead ers, from marching at once to Boston, to require the restoration of the pow der, or, in case of refusal, to attack the garrison. Their presence at Cambridge, however, induced several gentlemen to resign their appointments as counsellors under the late act of Parliament, and to declare they would not take any part in carrying into execution the obnox- 318 AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. [B K . Tl. ious measures of the ministry. Before the agitation occasioned by this move ment was tranquilized, a rumor was, probably not without design, rapidly circulated throughout the whole prov ince, that the garrison and fleet were firing on the town of Boston ; and in a few hours some thirty thousand men, under arms, set out for Boston. When satisfied that the report was without foundation, they quietly dispersed : yet it must have been a significant indica tion to General Gage, who had used such valorous lanoma^e to the kinq-, that o o o * the people would not shrink from the use of arms, if they felt it necessary, in order to defend their hearths and homes. The governor was virtually block aded in Boston, with hardly a shadow of power, the real administration of the province having been assumed by a popular convention. The recent acts were completely nullified. Juries re fused to serve under a system which they denounced as a violation of the charter, and the judges often made matters worse by attempting to decide causes without the aid of juries. This served to aggravate the people, wlio as serted "that they knew no court inde pendent of the ancient laws of their country, and none other would they acknowledge." Every day the feeling of hatred and revenge seemed to ac quire strength, sad precursor of the blood and carnage of a civil war ! Early in September, in defiance of the act of Parliament, and the govern or s proclamation founded upon it, pro hibiting public Assemblies, the county of Suffolk, of which Boston was the capital, elected delegates to meet for the purpose of taking into consideration the most proper course to be adopted in the present state of affairs. With a boldness and decision surpassing that of any former Assembly, they passed re solutions declaring themselves constitu tionally exempt from all obedience to the late measures of the British Parlia ment, that the government of the pro vince was in fact dissolved, and that they should consider all persons who dared to act in any official capacity un der the new regulations, as open enemies of their country. They sent a copy of their resolutions, and of their letter to the governor, with his answer, to the Continental Congress which, had just commenced its session. This illustrious body of patriots assem bled on the 5th of September, in the city of Philadelphia. Fifty-three delegates appeared from twelve of the co lonies, Georgia alone being un represented.* Generally the delegates had been elected by the authority of the State legislatures ; but, in some instances, a different system had been pursued. In New Jersey, and Mary land, the elections were made by a com mittee chosen in the several counties for that particular purpose ; and, in New York, where the royal party was very strong, and where it is probable no legislative act, authorizing an elec- O o tion of members to represent that colony in Congress, could have been obtained, the people themselves assem bled in those places where the spirit of 1771. * The delegates from North Carolina did not ar rive until the 14lh of September. CH. XII. OPENING OF THE FIRST CONGRESS. 319 opposition to the claims of Parliament prevailed, and elected deputies, who were readily received into Congress. The powers, too, with which the repre sentatives of the several colonies were invested, were not only variously ex pressed but of various extent. The venerable Peyton Kandolph, of Virginia, was elected president, and Charles Thomson, of Philadelphia, secretary. A delicate question imme diately arose as to the mode of pro ceeding to be adopted by Congress, as to how the members should vote, etc. After some discussion it was deter mined, with great discretion, that each colony should have only one vote, what ever number of delegates might be present. Congress then proceeded to business. " The most eminent men of the vari ous colonies," says Mr. Wirt, writing from traditionary information, " were now, for the first time, brought together. They were known to each other by fame; but they were personally stran gers. The meeting was awfully solemn. The object which had called them to gether was of incalculable magnitude. o o The liberties of no less than three mil lions of people, with that of all their posterity, was staked on the wisdom and energy of their counsels. No won der, then, at the long and deep silence which is said to have followed upon their organization ; at the anxiety with which the members looked around upon each other ; and the reluctance which every individual felt to open a business su fearfully momentous. In the midst of this deep and death-like silence, and just when it was beginning to become painfully embarrassing, Mr. Henry arose slowly, as if borne down by the weight of the subject. After faltering, according to his habit, through a most impressive exordium, in which he mere ly echoed back the consciousness of every other heart, in deploring his in ability to do justice to the occasion, he launched gradually into a recital of the colonial wrongs. Rising, as he advan ced, with the grandeur of his subject, and glowing, at length, with all the ma jesty and expectation of the occasion, his speech seemed more than that of mortal man. . . . . He sat down amidst murmurs of astonishment and ap plause ; and, as he had before been pro claimed the greatest orator of Virginia, he was now, on every hand, admitted to be the first orator of America."* Henry was followed by Richard Henry Lee, in a speech scarcely less powerful, and still more replete with classic elo quence. One spirit of ardent love of liberty pervaded every breast, and pro duced a unanimity as advantageous to the cause they advocated as it was un expected and appalling to their adver saries. But it was only in debate that these great orators seemed to surpass their fellow members : when matters requiring clear solid sense, discretion, and judgment, were before Congress, Henry and Lee found their equals and superiors. To give proper dignity and solem nity to the proceedings of Congress-, a motion was made on the following morning, that each day s session should be opened with prayer. Samuel Ad- * Wirt s " Life oj Patrick Henry" p. 124. 320 AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. . n. ams, although a decided Congregation- alist himself, declared that he was ready to join in prayer with any gentleman of piety and virtue, whatever might be liis cloth, provided he was a friend to his country ; and he thereupon moved that the Rev. Jacob Duche, rector of Christ church, Philadelphia, be invited to officiate as chaplain. Mr. Duche ac cepted the invitation, and officiated in his robes, using the service of the Epis copal Church. . Washington, following the custom of the church of which he was a member, knelt in prayer with great seriousness and devotion. This scene is so graphically depicted in a letter from John Adams to his wife, September 10th, 1774, that we cannot forbear to quote it for the grati fication of the reader. Having stated that Mr. Duche appeared " with his clerk and pontificals," Adams goes on to relate, that he " read several prayers in the established form, and then read the Collect (the Psalter) for the seventh day of September, which was the thirty- fifth Psalm. You must remember this was the next morning after we heard the horrible rumor of the cannonade of Boston. I never saw a greater effect upon an audience. It seems as if Heaven had ordained that Psalm to be read on that morning. After this, Mr. Duche, unexpectedly to everybody, struck out into an extemporary prayer, which filled the bosom of every man present. I must confess I never heard a better prayer, or one so well pro nounced. Episcopalian as he is, Dr. Cooper himself never prayed with such fervor, such ardor, such earnestness and pathos, and in language so elegant and sublime for America, for the Congress, for the province of Massachusetts Bay, and especially the town of Boston. It has had an excellent effect upon every body here. I must beg you to read that Psalm. If there was any faith in the Sortes Virgilianse, or Sortes Home- ricse, or especially in the Sortes Biblicse, it would be thought providential. Mr. Duche is one of the most ingenious men, and best characters, and greatest orators, in the Episcopal order, upon this continent yet a zealous friend of liberty and his country."* Congress having resolved to sit with O O closed doors, the world has been de prived of the eloquent and wise words which fell from various members during its discussions. Their action is all that is on record. A committee of two from each colony was appointed to examine into the rights of the colonies and the O instances in which they had been vio lated, as well as to suggest the most suitable means for obtaining redress. A "Declaration of Colonial Rights," was agreed upon with great unanimity. This document is worthy careful peru sal, and is as follows : " Whereas, since the close of the last war, the British Parliament, claiming a power of right to bind the people of America by statutes in all cases what soever, hath in some acts expressly im posed taxes on them; and in others, under various pretences, but in fact for the purpose of raising a revenue, hath * Some three years later, when the "British were in possession of Philadelphia, Duche s timidity overcame him, and he wrote a letter to Washington, urging him to give up the cause of independence. This led to his leaving America, to which, however, he returned in 1790. Tit. XII.] DECL. \ RATION OF RIGHTS. imposed rates and duties payable in these colonies, established a board of commissioners with unconstitutional powers, and extended the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty, not only for col lecting the said duties, but for the trial of causi s merely arising Avithin the body of a county : " And whereas, in consequence of other statutes, judges, who before held only estates at will in their offices, have been made dependent on the crown alone for their salaries, and standing armies kept in times of peace : and whereas it has lately been resolved in Parliament, that by force of a statute made in the 35th year of the reign of Henry VII., colonists may be trans ported to England, and tried there, upon accusations for treason, and mis- prisions and concealment of treasons committed in the colonies; and by a late statute, such trials have been di rected in cases therein mentioned: " And whereas, in the last session of Parliament three statutes were made ; one entitled An act to discontinue in such manner and for such time as are therein mentioned, the landing and dis charging, lading or shipping of goods, wares and merchandise, at the town and within the harbor of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America ; another, entitled An act for the better regulating the government of the province of Massachusetts Bay in New England; and another act, en- O titled An act for the impartial admin istration of justice in the cases of per- BOM questioned for any act done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults VOL. ]. 43 in the province of Massachusetts Bay in New England : and another statute was then made for making more effec tual provision for the government of the province of Quebec, etc. : all which statutes are impolitic, unjust and cruel, as well as unconstitutional, and most dangerous and destructive of American rights : O " And whereas, Assemblies have been frequently dissolved, contrary to the rights of the people, when they at tempted to deliberate on grievances ; and their dutiful, humble, loyal and reasonable petitions to the crown for redress, have been repeatedly treated with contempt by his majesty s minis ters of state : the good people of the several colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Newcastle, Kent and Sussex on Dela ware, Maryland, Virginia, North Caro lina, South Carolina, justly alarmed at the arbitrary proceedings of Parlia ment and administrations, have sev erally elected, constituted and appointed deputies to meet and sit in general Con gress, in the city of Philadelphia, in or der to obtain such establishment, as that their religion, laws and liberties may not be subverted : whereupon, the dep uties so appointed being now assembled in a full and free representation of these colonies, taking into their most serious consideration the best means of attain ing the ends aforesaid, do, in the first place, as Englishmen, their ancestors, in like cases have usually done for assert ing and vindicating their rights and O O O liberties, declare, that the inhabitants AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. . 11. of the English colonies in North Amer ica, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English constitu tion, and the several charters or com pacts, have the following rights : " He-solved unanimously, 1st, That they are entitled to life, liberty and property ; and they have never ceded to any sovereign whatsoever, a right to dispose of either without their consent. " Resolved, 2d, That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were, at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties and immunities of free and natural-born subjects within the realm of England. "Resolved, 3d, That by such emi gration, they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of those rights, but that they were, and their descend ants now are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them as their local and other circumstances en abled them to exercise and enjoy. " Resolved, 4th, That the founda tion of English liberty, and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative councils ; and as the English colonists are not represented, and from their local and other circumstances, cannot properly be represented in the British Parlia ment, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be preserved in all cases of taxation and internal polity, subject only to the negative of their sovereign in such manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed ; but from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interests of both countries, we cheer fully consent to the operation of such acts of the British Parliament as are bona fide restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the pur pose of securing the commercial ad vantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members ; ex cluding every idea of taxation, exter nal or internal, for raising a revenue on the subjects of America, without their consent. "Resolved, 5th, That the respect ive colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law. " Resolved, 6th, That they are en titled to the benefit of such of the English statutes as existed at the time of their colonization ; and which they have, by experience, respectively found to be applicable to their several loca? and other circumstances. " Resolved, 7th, That these, his ma jesty s colonies are likewise entitled to all the privileges and immunities grant ed and confirmed to them by royal char ters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws. "Resolved, 8th, That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition the king ; and that all prosecutions, pro hibitory proclamations, and commit ments, for the same, are illegal. "Resolved, 9th, Tlftit the keeping a standing army in these colonies in HIT. XII. J PA ERS OF THE FIRST CONGRESS. 323 times of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which -uch army is kept, is against law. " Re-solved, 10th, It is indispensably necessary to good government, and ren dered essential by the English constitu tion, that the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of each other; that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power in several colonies, by a council appointed during pleasure "by the crown, is unconstitutional, danger ous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation. "All and each of which the afore said deputies, in behalf of themselves and their constituents, do claim, de mand, and insist on, as their indubit able rights and liberties, which cannot be legally taken from them, altered, or abridged by any power whatever, with out their own consent, by their repre sentatives in their several provincial legislatures. In the course of our in quiry, we find many infringements and violations of the foregoing rights, which, from an ardent desire that harmony and mutual intercourse of affection and in terest may be restored, we pass over for the present, and proceed to state such acts and measures as have been adopted since the last war, which demonstrate a system formed to enslave America. "Resolved. That the following acts O of Parliament are infringements and violations of the rights of the colonists ; and that the repeal of them is essen tially necessary, in order to restore har mony between Great Britain and the American colonies, viz., the several acts of 4 Goo. III., ch. 15 and 34; 5 Geo. III., ch. 25 ; Geo. Ill, ch. 52 ; 7 Geo. III., ch. 41, and ch. 46; 8 Geo. III., ch. 22, which impose duties for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, extend the power of the admiralty courts beyond their ancient limits, de prive the American subject of trial by jury, authorize the judge s certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages that he might otherwise be liable to, requiring oppressive security from a claimant of ships and goods seized, be fore he shall be allowed to defend his property, and are subversive of Ameri can rights. "Also, 12 Geo. III., ch. 24, entitled An act for the better securing his majesty s dock yards, magazines, ships, ammunition and, stores, which declares a new offence in America, and deprives the American subject, of a constitu tional trial by jury of the vicinage, by authorizing the trial of any person, charged with the committing any of fence described in the said act, out of the realm, to be indicted and tried for the same, in any shire or county within the realm. " Also, the three acts passed in the last session of Parliament, for stopping the port and blocking up the harbor of Boston, for altering the charter and government of Massachusetts Bay, and that which is entitled An act for the better administration of justice, etc. "Also, the act passed in the same session for establishing the Roman Catholic religion in the province of Quebec, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and erecting a tyranny there, to the great danger, (from so total a dissimilarity of religion, law and gov ernment,) of the neighboring British 324 AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. . IL colonies, by the assistance of whose blood and treasure the said country was conquered from France. "Also, the act passed in the same session, for the better providing suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in his majesty s service, in North America. "Also, that the keeping a standing army in several of these colonies, in time of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which such army is kept, is against law. " To these grievous acts and measures Americans cannot submit ; but in hopes their fellow subjects in Great Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state, in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have, for the present, only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures: 1. To enter into a non importation association. 2. To prepare an address to the people of Great Britain, and a memorial to the inhab itants of British America: and 3. To prepare a loyal address to his majesty, agreeably to resolutions already entered into." Congress prepared and adopted an agreement for strictly abstaining from all commercial intercourse with Britain, and recommended Americans univer sally to carry out the same. It was also advised that the names of all per sons rejecting or violating this agree ment should be publicly proclaimed as enemies to the rights of America. Fol lowing the instructions of many of their constituents, they denounced the slave trade as injurious and pernicious to the best interests of America. The " Address to the People of 1774. Great Britain" was drawn up by John Jay, and justly deserved admiration for its manliness and dignity of tone and expression. Richard Henry Lee drafted the "Address to the In habitants of British America." Patrick Henry was charged with. the preparing the Petition to the King; but the draft presented by him did not give satisfac tion, and Dickinson drew up x another which Congress approved. Dickinson also prepared the " Address to the In habitants of Canada;" but for reasons alluded to on a previous page, it did not produce any effect towards inducing them to join with the colonies repre sented in the Continental Congress. O We shall not attempt to give an ab stract of these able documents ; we prefer to let the reader have the oppor tunity of judging for himself, by a care ful perusal of them. He will find them in the Appendix to the present chap ter. In this connection Mr. Curtis well remarks, that " an examination of the relations of the first Congress to the o colonies which instituted it, will not en able us to assign to it the character of a government. Its members were not elected for the express purpose of mak ing a revolution. It was an Assembly convened from separate colonies, each of which had causes of complaint against the imperial government, to which it acknowledged its allegiance to be due, and each of which regarded it as essential to its own interests, to make common cause with the others, for the purpose of obtaining redress of its own grievances. The idea of separating themselves from the mother country CH. XI!." 1 MEASURES OF CONGRESS APPROVED. 325 had not been generally entertained by the people of any of the colonies. All their public proceedings, from the com mencement of the disputes down to the election of delegates to the first Con gress, including the instructions given to those delegates, proves, as we have seen, that they looked for redress and relief to means which they regarded as entirely consistent with the principles of the British constitution. Still, al though this Congress did not take upon themselves the functions of a govern ment, or propose revolution as a rem edy for the wrongs of their constituents, they regarded and styled themselves as the guardians of the rights and liber ties of the colonies ; and in that ca pacity they proceeded to declare the causes of complaint, and to take the necessary steps to obtain redress, in what they believed to be a constitu tional mode. These steps, however, although not directly revolutionary, had a revolutionary tendency."* It must not be supposed that there was no opposition to the measures fmally determined upon by Congress. On the contrary, there were many wealthy and influential men, who both doubted the propriety of the steps re solved upon, and dreaded the prospect of an open rupture with the mother country. " Men of very cUflferent dis positions," as M. Guizot well says, had here " met together. Some, full of re spect and attachment to the mother country, others passionately absorbed in that American fatherland which was * Curtis 1 s History of the Constitution " vol. i. p. 17-20. rising under their eyes and by their hands ; the former grieved and anxious, the latter daring and confident, but all governed and united by the same feel ing of dignity, a like resolve of resist ance, giving free play to the variety of their ideas and fancies, without anv / t/ lasting or wide division occurring be tween them. On the contrary, respect ing one another in their reciprocal liberty, and discussing the great affair of the country together with conscien tious respect, with that spirit of mutual deference and of justice, which assures success and makes its purchase less costly." Whatever differences existed among the members they were not known to the public, who looked with confiding trust to the combined wisdom and patriotism of the country there as sembled to consider upon what ought to be done in a crisis of so great mag nitude. Just at the close of October, after a session of fifty-one days, Congress ad journed, having previously made pro vision for another Congress to meet the May following. Every subject was dis cussed fully and fairly, and the papers issued by this Congress have been pronounced masterpieces of political wisdom and truth. " Cf Wash- * The eulogium of Lori Chatham on these state papers deserves to be quoted here : " When your lord ships have perused the papers transmitted to us from America, when you consider the dignity, the firmness, and the wisdom with which Americans have actcil, you cannot but respect their cause. History, my lords, has been my favorite study, and in the cele brated writings of antiquity, I have often admired the patriotism of Greece and Rome ; but, my lords, I must declare and avow that, in the master states of the world, I know not the people, nor the senate who, in such a conplication of difficult circumstances. 1774. 826 AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. [BK. It. incrton s share in the debates we have o no means of knowing, but there can be no doubt that he exercised a power ful influence ; for it is related that shortly after the return of the mem bers, Patrick Henry was asked whom he thought the greatest man in Con gress. "If you speak of eloquence," he replied, "Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, is by far the greatest orator ; but if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, Colonel Washing ton is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor." Affairs in Massachusetts, meanwhile, were becoming more and more critical. O General Gage had issued wilts in August for a meeting of the General Court, at Salem, on the 5th of October ; but, alarmed at the appearance of things, he thought it expedient to coun termand the writs by a procla mation suspending the meeting of the House. The representatives, however, to the number of ninety, assembled at the time specified, denying the legality of the governor s proclamation ; and as Gage did not appear, they resolved themselves into a provincial Congress, and adjourned to Concord. Hancock was chosen president, and a remon strance was sent to the governor against all his recent measures, requesting also that he would desist from erecting for tifications on Boston Neck. Gage re plied, that he was only doing what was necessary for the safety and comfort of can stand in preference to the delegates of America assembled in general Congress at Philadelphia. I trust it is obvious to your lordships, that all attempts to impose servitude upon such men, to establish des potism over such a mighty continental nation, must be in vain must be futile." 1774. the troops, and warned the members of the House against the illegal course they were pursuing. But they boldly went forward to meet the emergency. A Committee was appointed to prepare a plan for the defence of the province ; orders were issued for enlisting a body of men to be ready, at a minute s ivarn- ing, to appear in arms ; three generals, Preble, Ward, and Pomeroy, were ap pointed to command these minute-men and the militia who might be called into active service ; and Committees of Safety and of Supplies were chosen. A few weeks later they determined that twelve thousand men should be raised and equipped, and, besides appointing Thomas and Heath as generals, they invited the co-operation of New Hamp shire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. " The events of this time," says Ramsay, " may be transmitted to posterity ; but the agitation of the public niiud can never be fully comprehended but by those who were witnesses of it." Botta* gives a graphic account of the state of things in Boston at this time. The garrison was formidable ; the fortifications were carried to per fection ; and little hope remained that this city could be wrested from British domination. Nor could the citizens flatter themselves more with the hope of escaping by sea, as the port was blockaded by a squadron. Thus con fined amidst an irritated sc-diery, the Bostonians found themselves exposed to endure all the outrages to be appre hended from military license. Their * " History of the War of Independence? vol i. p. 272. Cii. XII.] STATE OF THINGS IN BOSTON. 327 city had become a close prison, and themselves no better than hostages in the hands of the British commanders. This consideration alone sufficed greatly to impede all civil and military opera tions projected by the Americans. Various expedients were suggested, in order to extricate the Bostonians from this embarrassing situation ; which, if they evinced no great prudence, cer tainly demonstrated no ordinary ob stinacy. Some advised, that all the in habitants of Boston should abandon the city, and take refuge in other places, where they should be succored at the public expense ; but this design was totally impracticable ; since it de pended on General Gage to prevent its execution. Others recommended, that a valuation should be made of the houses and furniture belonging to the inhabitants, that the city should then be fired, and that all the losses should be reimbursed from the public treasure. After mature deliberation, this project was also pronounced not only very difficult, but .absolutely impossible to be executed. Many inhabitants, how ever, left the city privately, and with drew into the interior of the country ; some, from disgust at this species of captivity ; others, from fear of the ap proaching hostilities ; and others, finally, from apprehensions of being questioned for acts against the government ; but a great number, also, with a firm resolu tion, preferred to remain, and brave all consequences whatever. The soldiers of the garrison, weary of their long confinement, desired to sally forth, and drive away these rebels, who interrupt ed their provisions, and for whom they cherished so profound a contempt. The inhabitants of Massachusetts, on the other hand, were proudly indignant at this opinion of their cowardice, en tertained by the soldiers ; and panted for an occasion to prove, by a signal vengeance, the falsehood of the re proach. When the proceedings of Congress were made known, they were very gen erally and heartily approved, and the people everywhere began to make preparation for what might be the final issue, viz., resisting even unto blood. The New, York Assembly, strongly under royalist influence, de clined giving its sanction to the re solves and proceedings of Congress; and in other colonies, more or less dis satisfaction and doubt existed. But, notwithstanding these differences of sentiment in different parts of the coun try, the people, as a whole, were very decided : " It is the united voice of America," said Warren, in a letter to Quincy, " to preserve their freedom, or lose their lives in defence of it. Their resolutions are not the results of incon siderate rashness, but the sound result of sober inquiry and deliberation. I am convinced that the true spirit of liberty was never so universally diffused through all ranks and orders of people, in any country on the face of the earth, as it now is through all North Amer ica. 77 * Strangely but grossly deceived by Tory representations, it w T as supposed by the English ministry, that coercive * See " Memoir of the Life ofJosiah Quincy, Jr.," p. 205. 328 AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSIONTHE CRISIS II. 1771. measures, if firmly persisted in, would brino: the Americans to submission, and O prevent any thing like union and con cert of action amonsr them. It was O ascertained that a portion of the wealthy and aristocratic in habitants favored decidedly the con tinuance of the supremacy of England ; and it was thought, not unreasonably, that all the influence of the numerous sect of the Quakers, who were consci entiously opposed to bloodshed, and the no less powerful influence of the Episcopal clergy, on every account likely to favor the mother country, would be thrown on the royalist side, and against the various measures re sorted to by the American Congress and its supporters. But, what seems the strangest of all, those in power in England, were willing to believe the silly braggarts who talked about the cowardice of the Americans ! There were men who boasted, that with a few regiments, they could march from one end of America to the other, and that at the first fire the people would give way, and run for their lives ! It is difficult to say which is most to be won dered at, the overweening pride and conceit, or the profound ignorance, of the men who could indulge in such Ian- O guage as the government was willing to listen to, and be guided by, in its course o wards America. In England there was a general sen timent in favor of compelling the col onists to submission. The king s per sonal feelings were well known, and the ministry were possessed of a large majority in Parliament. Early in November, after a six weeks passage, Josiah Quincy, Jr., arrived in England. His journey had been un dertaken, partly on account of weak health, partly in behalf of his counti y s interests : his whole soul was filled with an ardent desire to do something for O the good of his native land. Soon after, he had an interview with Lord North, as well as Lord Dartmouth, at their special request. The former, on the 19th of November, in conversation on the subject of American affairs, re minded Mr. Quincy of the power of Great Britain, and declared that they were determined "to exert it to the utmost, in order to effect the submis sion of the colonies." " "We must try," said he, "what we can do to support the authority we claim over America. If we are defective in power, we must- sit down contented, and make the best terms we can ; and nobody can blame us, after we have done our utmost ; but till we have tried what we can do, we can never be justified in receding. We ought, and we shall be very careful, not to judge a thing impossible, because it may be difficult ; nay, we ought to try what we can effect, before we deter mine upon its impracticability." The language of concession was not to be expected from such a quarter. Mr. Quincy, however, from information ob tained from other sources, as well as this conversation with the prime minis ter, was convinced that the Americans had nothing to hope but from forcible resistance. This conviction was 1774 communicated to some of his particular friends in America. " 1 cannot forbear telling you," he says, in a letter to Joseph Reed, under date of CH. XII.] LORD CHATHAM S SPEECH. 329 December 17th, 1774, "that I look to my countrymen with the feelings of one who verily believes they must yet seal their faith and constancy to their liberties with Mood. This is a distress ing witness indeed ! But hath not this ever been the lot of humanity ? Hath not blood and treasure in all ages been the price of civil liberty ? Can the Americans hope a reversal of the laws of our nature, and that the best of blessings will be obtained and secured without the sjprpest trials?"* This ardent and pure-minded patriot, at the early age of thirty-one, April 26th, 1775, was removed from the scene of his labors, when the vessel on which he was returning home was in sight of his beloved country. Only a few hours after his death, the ship entered the harbor of Gloucester, Cape Ann, and Quincy s mortal remains were all that was left to his family and his native land. Parliament met at the end of No vember, and the king took occasion to speak strongly of the rebellious con duct of Massachusetts and other col onies, and announced his determination to sustain the supreme authority of Parliament over all his dominions. An address proposed in the Commons, in answer to the king s speech, produced a warm debate ; but it was carried by a large majority. A similar address was carried yi the House of Lords, after a spirited discussion. Parliament met, after the recess, on the 20th of January, 1775. On the * See "Memoir of the Life of Josiah Quincy, Jr.," pp. 233.281. VOL. I. 44 1775. same day, Lord Chatham moved, in the House of Lords, "That an humble .ad dress be presented to his majesty, most humbly to advise and beseech his ma jesty, that, in order to open the way towards our happy settlement of the dangerous troubles in America, by beginning to allay fer ments and soften animosities there; and, above all, for preventing, in the meantime, any sudden and fatal catas trophe at Boston, now suffering under daily irritation of an army before their eyes, posted in their town ; it may graciously please his majesty, that im mediate orders may be dispatched to General Gage for removing his ma jesty s forces from the town of Bos ton, as soon as the rigor of the season, and other circumstances indispensable to the safety and accommodation of the said troops, may render the same prac ticable." In advocating this motion, Chatham exhibited all his ancient fire and eloquence, and showed how truly patriotic were the sentiments which ever actuated his course in regard to America. We give some extracts from his noble speech, which, even at this day, may be read with profit. "My lords, these papers from America, now laid by the administration for the first time before your lordships, have been, to my knowledge, five or six weeks in the pocket of the minister; and, notwith standing the fate of this kingdom hangs upon the event of this great contro versy, we are but this moment called to a consideration of this important sub ject. My lords, I do not wish to look into one of these papers ; I know their contents well enough already ; I know 330 AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. [BK. II that there is not a member in this house but is acquainted with their pur port also. There ought, therefore, to be no delay in entering upon this mat ter ; we ought to proceed to it im mediately ; we ought to seize the first moment to open the door of reconcilia tion. The Americans will never be in a temper or state to be reconciled ; they ought not to be, till the troops are withdrawn. The troops are a per petual irritation to those people ; they are a bar to all confidence and all cor dial reconcilement. The way must be immediately opened for reconciliation. It will soon be too late. I know not who advised the present measures ; I know not who advises to a persever ance and enforcement of them ; but this I will say, that whoever advises them ought to answer for it at his ut most peril. I know that no one will avow that he advised, or that he was the author of these measures; every one shrinks from the charge. But somebody has advised his majesty to these measures, and if he continues to hear such evil counsellors, his majesty will be undone; his majesty may in deed wear his crown, but, the American jewel out of it, it will not be worth the wearing. What more shall I say ? I must not say the king is betrayed ; but this I will say, the nation is ruined. What foundation have we for our claims over America? What is our right to persist in such cruel and vin dictive measures against that loyal, re spectable people ? They say you have no right to tax them without their con sent. They say truly. Representation and taxation must go together ; they are inseparable. Yet there is scarcely a man in our streets, though so poor as scarcely to be able to get his daily bread, but thinks he is the legislator of America. Our American subjects* is a common phrase in the mouths of the lowest orders of our citizens ; but property, my lords, is the sole and en- tire dominion of the owner : it excludes all the world besides the owner. None. can intermeddle with it. It is a unity, a mathematical point. It is an atom ; untangible by any but the proprietor. Touch it, and the owner loses his whole property. The touch contaminates the whole mass, the whole property van ishes. The touch of another anni hilates it ; for whatever is a man s own, is absolutely and exclusively his own." Having stated that the Americans had been shamefully abused by the course pursued towards them, he went on to ask, "How have this respectable people behaved under their grievances ? With unexampled patience, with un paralleled wisdom. They chose dele gates by their free suffrages. No bribery, no corruption, no influence there, my lords. Their representatives meet, with the sentiments and temper, and speak the sense of the continent. For genuine sagacity, for singular mod eration, for solid wisdom, manly spirit, sublime sentiments, and simplicity of language, for every thing respectable and honorable, the Congress of Phila delphia shine unrivalled. This wise people speak out. They do not hold the language of slaves ; they tell you what they mean. They do not ask you to repeal your laws as a favor ; they claim it as a right they demand CH. XII.] CHATHAM S ELOQUENT APPEAL. 331 it. They tell you they will not submit to them ; and I tell you the acts must be repealed ; they will be repealed ; you cannot enforce them. The minis try are checkmated ; they have a move to make on the board ; yet not a move, but they are ruined. Repeal, there fore, my lords, I say. But bare repeal will not satisfy this enlightened and spirited people. What! repeal a bit of paper ! repeal a piece of parchment ! That alone will not do, my lords. You must go through the work you must declare you have no right to tax then they may trust you ; then they will have some confidence in you." The eloquent advocate of truth and justice concluded in these words : " My lords, deeply impressed with the im portance of taking some healing meas ures at this most alarming, distracted state of our affairs, though bowed down with a cruel disease, I have crawled to this house, to give you my best counsel and experience ; and my advice is, to beseech his majesty to withdraw his troops. This is the best I can think of. It will convince America that you mean to try her cause, in the spirit, and by the laws of freedom and fair in quiry, and not by codes of blood. How can she now trust you, with the bay onet at her breast ? She has all the reason in the world now to believe you mean her death, or her bondage. Thus entered on the threshold of this busi ness, I will knock at your gates for jus tice without ceasing, unless inveterate infirmities stay my hand. My lords, I pledge myself never to leave this busi ness. I will pursue it to the end in every shape. I will never fail of my attendance on it at every step and period of this great matter, unless nail ed down to my bed by the severity of disease. My lords, there is no time to be lost ; every moment is big with dan- gers. Nay, while I am now speaking, the decisive blow may be struck, and millions involved in the consequences. The very first drop of blood will make a wound that will not easily be skinned over. Years, perhaps ages, may not heal it. It will be immedicabile vulr nus : a wound of that rancorous, mali^- O nant, corroding, festering nature, that, in all probability, it will mortify the whole botly. Let us, then, my lords, set to this business in earnest ; not take it up by bits and scraps as formerly, just as exigencies pressed, without any regard to general relations, connections, and dependencies. I would not, by any thing I have " said, my lords, be thought to encourage America to pro ceed beyond the right line. I repro bate all acts of violence by her mobility. But when her inherent constitutional rights are invaded, those rights which she has an equitable claim to enjoy by the fundamental laws of the English constitution, and which are engrafted thereon by the unalterable laws of na ture, then I own myself an American, and feeling myself such, shall, to the verge of my life, vindicate those rights against all men who strive to trample upon or oppose them." Mr. Josiah Quincy, who was in the gallery of the House at the time and heard this speech, speaks of it in rap turous terms : it is to him that we are indebted for the able manner in which it has been reported. Lord Camdan 332 AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. [B K . 11, and several other noblemen supported the motion of Chatham, but the min isterial majority was very large against it. In the Commons the papers relat ing to America were referred to a com mittee of the whole. The petition to the king issued by the Continental Congress was among these papers. Franklin, Lee, and Bollan, as agents for the colonies, on the 26th of January, tendered a petition to the House, stat ing that they were directed by Con gress to present a memorial from it to Parliament. They also prayed to be heard at the bar in support of the memorial. The House refused to grant the application, and the ministry derided the complaints of America as being pretended grievances. At the beginning of February, Lord Chatham brought forward an- i yy> other bill " for settling the troub les, and for asserting the supreme legis lative authority and superintending power of Great Britain over the col onies." Though this bill, as it contained a direct avowal of the supreme author ity of Parliament over the colonies, in all cases except that of taxation, would probably never have received the assent of the Americans, yet as it ex pressly denied the Parliamentary power of taxing the colonies, without the con sent of their Assemblies, and made other important concessions, it was re jected by a vote of two to one, without even the courtesy of a second reading. Lord Chatham, as Pitkin relates, had shown this bill to Dr. Franklin, before he submitted it to the House of Lords, but the latter had not an opportunity if proposing certain alterations which he had sketched. Dr. Franklin, how ever, at the special request of Lord Chatham, was present at the debates upon it. Lord Dartmouth was at first disposed to have the bill lie upon the table ; but Lord Sandwich opposed its being received, and moved that it be immediately "rejected with the con tempt it deserved. He could never believe," he said, " that it was the pro duction of a British peer ; it appeared to him rather the work of some Ameri can" Turning his face towards Dr. Franklin, then standing at the bar, " He fancied," he said, " he had in his eye the person who drew it up, one of the bitterest and most mischievous ene mies this country had ever known." To this part of the speech of Lord Sand wich, the great Chatham replied, by saying, " that it was entirely his own This declaration," he said, " he thought himself the more obliged to make, as many of their lordships appeared to have so mean an opinion of it ; for if it was so weak or so bad a thing, it was proper in him. to take care that no other person should unjustly share in the censure it deserved. It had been heretofore reckoned his vice not to be apt to take advice; but he made no scruple to declare, that if he were the first minister of this country, and had the care of settling this momentous business, he should not be ashamed of publicly calling to his assistance a person so perfectly acquainted with the whole of American affairs, as the gen tleman alluded to, and so injuriously reflected on ; one whom all Europe held in estimation for his knowledge and wisdom, and ranked with our CH. XII.] LORD S NORTH S PLAN OF CONCILIATION. 333 Boyles and Newtons ; who was an honor, not to the English nation only, but to human nature." * Immediately after the failure of Chatham s efforts, a joint address was presented to the king on American affairs. In this address the Parliament declared, "that a REBELLION actually existed in the province of Massachu setts Bay, besought his majesty to adopt measures to enforce the author ity of the supreme legislature, and solemnly assured him that it was their fixed resolution, at the hazard of their lives and properties, to stand by him against his rebellious subjects." Not withstanding the eloquent opposition made to this address, it passed by a large majority. The king s reply was in per fect accordance with the tenor of that address, and showed how entirely he sanctioned the course pursued towards the Americans. On the 10th of Febru ary, Lord North introduced a bill re stricting the commerce of Massachu setts, New Hampshire, E-hode Island and Connecticut, to Great Britain, Ire land, and the British West Indies, and prohibiting their carrying on any fish eries on the banks of Newfoundland, and other places, for a limited time; the same restrictions were subsequently extended to all the colonies represented in the Congress at Philadelphia, with the exception of New York and North Carolina. These bills were opposed by the minority in both houses, as unjust and cruel towards the colonists, involv ing the innocent with the guilty, and * Pitkin s "Civil and Political History of the United States," vol. i. p. 312. 1775. unwise and impolitic in regard to the people of Great Britain. By the loss of their foreign trade and the fisheries, the colonists, it was said, particularly those of New England, would be un able to pay the large balances due from them to the British merchants. But every argument, however just or reason able, was urged in vain against the measures proposed by the minister. An idea prevailed in Great Britain, that the people of New England were de pendent on the fisheries for subsistence, and that, when deprived of these, they would be starved into obedience and submission.* Lord North, who, in all personal re lations, was an amiable and peace-loving man, ventured to propose a plan of conciliation, which, in its sub stance, did not differ much from that advocated by Lord Chatham. It pro vided, " that when the Governor, Coun cil and Assembly, or General Court, of any of his majesty s colonies in Amer ica, shall propose to make provision, according to the condition, circum stances, and situation of such province or colony, for contributing their pro portion for the common defence, (such proportion to be raised under the author ity of the General Court or Assembly of such colony, and disposable by Par liament,) and shall engage to make provision also for the support of the civil government and the administra tion of justice in such colony, it will be * The reader will be interested in examining the "Hints for conversation upon the subject of te-ma, that might probably produce a durable union be tween Great Britain and the colonies." See Frank lin s Autobiography, pp. 283-94 ; 325, etc. 334 AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. [BE. proper, if such proposal shall be ap proved by his majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, and for so long as such provision shall be made ac cordingly, to forbear, in respect to such colony, to levy any duty, tax, or assess ment, except only such duties as it may be expedient to levy or impose for the regulation of commerce ; the net pro ceeds of the duties last mentioned to be carried to the account of such colony re spectively." Considerable surprise was excited by this movement on the part of the minister, and it was argued that he was giving up the very point in dis pute. This led to his avowing that in reality nothing was meant to be con ceded ; he only hoped by this measure to divide the colonies and prevent their united opposition. With this explana tion, it was adopted, but, as might have been expected, it was productive of none of the wished-for results in favor of the ministerial measures. The adoption of the conciliatory scheme proposed by Lord North, did not prevent Mr. Burke and Mr. Hartley from presenting to the House their re spective plans of reconciliation. That of the former, founded on the principle of expediency, was to permit the col onies to tax themselves in their Assem blies, according to ancient usage, and to repeal all acts of Parliament imposing duties in America. Mr. Hartley pro posed, that, at the request of Parlia ment, the secretary of state should re quire a contribution from the colonies for the general expense of the empire, leaving the amount and application to the colonial Assemblies. These propo sitions, though supported by all the 1775. eloquence and powerful talents of Mr. Burke, were rejected by the usual min isterial majorities.* The Americans, meanwhile, were not idle. The provincial Congress of Mas sachusetts met, on the 1st of February, 1*775, at Cambridge, and about the middle of the month, adjourned to Concord. They entered witk energy and spirit into measures and plans for resistance. They earn estly begged the militia, in general, and the minute-men, in particular, to be indefatigable in improving them selves in military discipline ; they re commended the making of fire-arms and bayonets: and they dissuaded the people from supplying the troops in Boston with any thing necessary for military service. The Committee of Safety resolved to purchase powder, artillery, provisions, and other military stores, and to deposit them partly at Worcester, and partly at Concord. General Gage was not an inattentive spectator of these proceedings. Having learned that some military stores of the colonists were deposited at Salem, he thought it his duty to send Colonel Leslie with a detachment of soldiers to seize them. This was on Sunday, the 26th of February. The troops landed at Marblehead, and proceeded to Salem ; but not finding any thing there, they advanced along the road to Danvers, whither the stores had been removed, * Burke, who was agent for New York, presented, towards the close of the session, a very strongly worded petition from the General Assembly of thai province. This was quite unlooked for, and disap pointed the ministry greatly. Lord North succeeded in preventing its being entertained by the House. CH. XII.l THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON. 335 and reached tin drawbridge across the river. Here the passage was disputed ; but the dispute did not proceed to bloodshed, owing to the judicious inter ference of Barnard, one of the Congre gational ministers of Salem. This at tempt on the part of Gage, served to rouse the activity of the people to a high pitch; it was plain also that en counters " of this kind must ere long result very differently. The second Virginia Convention met at Richmond on the 20th of March. Washington was present as a delegate, and the proceedings of Congress were discussed and approved. Patrick Henry introduced resolutions setting forth the importance of embodying, arming, and disciplining the militia of the colony. Many of the members were startled at the proposition to prepare for a contest of arms, and the resolutions were op posed earnestly by some of the best men in Virginia, who still clung to the hope of reconciliation with the mother country. Henry, however, with im petuous eloquence, bore down all op position, asserting boldly, " There is no longer any room for hope, we must fight ! I repeat it, sir ; we must fight ! An appeal to arms and the God of hosts, is all .that is left us !" Henry s proposition was carried. Washington, also, was one of those who had lost all faith in the success of petitions. The Convention strongly urged the en couraging of domestic industry and arts and manufactures. At this date,* Washington wrote to his brother, that * See Wirt s Patrick Henry, p. 132-142 ; Sparks s Wishington, p. 124-5. it was his full intention to devote his life and fortune to the cause of hig country, if it was required. Little satisfied with the ill result of the previous attempt to seize upon the colonial stores, Gage determined upon a fresh movement, which, he hoped, would produce the desired effect. Aware that the Americans had collect ed together a quantity of military stores at Concord, about sixteen miles from Boston, he resolved to send a strong body of troops to seize upon and de stroy the magazine. Great efforts were made to keep his intentions secret ; but the Americans were ever on the alert, and * news of the expedition was in stantly circulated in every direction. At eleven o clock at night, April 18th, Gage detached eight hundred grena diers and light infantry, the flower of the army, under the command lY ys of Lieutenant-colonel Smith and Major Pitcairn, to march secretly and expeditiously to Concord. They sailed up Charles River, landed at Phipp s farm, and advanced towards Concord. Of this movement some of the friends of the American cause got notice, just before the embarkation of the troops ; and they instantly dispatched mes sengers by different routes, with the in formation. The troops soon perceived, by the ringing of bells and firing of musketry, that, notwithstanding the secrecy with which they had quitted Boston, they had been discovered, and that the alarm was fast spread ing throughout the country. Between four and five o clock, on the morning of the 19th of April, the detachment | reached Lexington, thirteen miles from 33G AMERICA RESISTS AGGRESSION THE CRISIS. . n. Boston. Here about seventy of the minute-men were assembled, and were standing near the road; but their number being so small, they had no in tention of making any resistance to the military. Major Pitcairn, who had been sent forward with the light in fantry, rode towards them, calling out, " Disperse, you rebels ! throw down your arms and disperse !" The order was not instantly obeyed : Major Pit- cairn advanced a little farther, fired his pistol, and flourished his sword, while his men began to fire, with a shout. Several Americans fell; the rest dis persed, but the firing on them was con tinued; and, on observing this, some of the retreating colonists returned the fire. Eight Americans remained dead on the field. At the close of this rencounter, the rest of the British detachment, under Lieutenant-colonel Smith, came up ; and the party, without farther delay, pro ceeded to Concord. On arriving at that place, they found a body of militia drawn up, who retreated across the bridge before the British light infantry. The main body of the royal troops entered the town, destroyed two pieces of cannon with their carriages, and a number of carriage- wheels ; threw five hundred pounds of balls into the river and wells, and broke in pieces about sixty flour-barrels. These were all the stores they found. While the main body of the troops Tfas engaged in these operations, the light infantry kept possession of the bridge, the Americans having retired to wait for reinforcements. Reinforce ments arrived ; and Major Buttrick, of Concord, who commanded the Amer icans, ordered his men to advance : but, ignorant of what had happened at Lexington, enjoined them not to fire, unless the troops fired first. The matter did not long remain in suspense. The Americans advanced ; the troops fired on them ; the Americans returned the fire; a smart skirmish ensued, and a number of men fell on each side. The troops, having accomplished the object of their expedition, began to re tire. But blood had been shed, and the aggressors were not to be allowed to escape with impunity. The country was alarmed; armed men crowded in from every quarter ; and the retreating troops were assailed with an unceasing but irregular discharge of musketry. General Gage had early information that the country was rising in arms ; and about eight in the morning, he dis patched nine hundred men, with two pieces of cannon, under the command of Lord Percy, to support his first party. According to Gordon, this detachment left Boston with their music playing Yankee Doodle, in derision of " the reb els," as they termed the colonists. Lord Percy met Colonel Smith s re treating party, at Lexington, much ex hausted; and, being provided with artillery, he was able to keep the Amer icans in check. The whole party rested on their arms till they took some re freshment, of which they stood much in need. But there was no time for delay; as the militia and minute-men were hastening in from all quarters to the scene of action. "When the troops resumed their march, the attack was renewed; and Lord Percy continued the UH. XIl.j APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. 83? retreat under an incessant and galling fire of small-arms. By means of his field-pieces and musketry, however, he was able to keep the assailants at a respectful distance. The colonists were under no authority ; but ran across the fields from one place to another, taking their station at the points from which they could fire on the troops with most safety and effect. Numbers of them, becoming weaiy of the pursuit, retired from th contest; but their place was supplied by new comers; so that, al though not more than four or five hun dred of the provincials were actu ally engaged at any one time, yet the conflict was continued without inter mission, till the troops, in a state of great exhaustion, reached Bunker s Hill, a little after sunset, with only two or three rounds of cartridges each, although they had thirty-six in the morning.* The loss of the British in this unfortunate expedition, was, sixty- five killed, one hundred and eighty wounded, and twenty-eight made pris oners. Of the Americans engaged in the battle, fifty were killed, and thirty- four wounded. Truly may it be said, in the words of Washington, in a letter in which he speaks of the necessity the British troops were under, to give way before the aroused people of Massachusetts, " If the retreat had not been as pre cipitate as it was, and God knows it could not well have been more so, the ministerial troops must have sur rendered, or been totally cut off." * See " History of the United States" in Lardner s Cabinet Cyclopaedia, vol. i., p. 124. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. L AN ASSOCIATION, HIOKED BY EIGHTY-NINE MEMBERS OK THE LATE HOUSE OF BURGESSES. "Ws, his majesty s most dutiful and loyal sub jects, the late representatives of the good people of this country, having been deprived, by the sudden interposition of the executive part of this government, from giving our countrymen the advice we wished to convey to them, in a legis lative capacity, find ourselves under the hard necessity of adopting this, the only method we have left, of pointing out to our countrymen such measures as, in our opinion, are best fitted to se- ture our dear rights and liberty from destruction, VOL. I. 45 by the heavy hand of power now lifted against North America. With much grief we find, that our dutiful applications to Great Britain for the security of our just, ancient, and constitutional rights, have been not only disregarded, but that a determined system is formed and pressed, for reducing the inhabitants of British America to slavery, by subjecting them to the payment of taxes, imposed without the consent of the people or their representatives ; and that, in pursuit of this system, we find an act of the British Parlia ment, lately passed, for stopping the harbor and commerce of the town of Boston, in our sister colony of Massachusetts Bay, until the people 338 APBENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. there submit to the payment of such unconstitu tional taxes ; and which act most violently and arbitrarily deprives them of their property, in wharves erected by private persons, at their own great and proper expense ; which act is, in our opinion, a most dangerous attempt to destroy the constitutional liberty and rights of all North America. It is farther our opinion, that as tea, on its importation into America, is charged with a duty imposed by Parliament, for the purpose of raising a revenue without the consent of the peo ple, it ought not to be used by any person who wishes well to the constitutional rights and liber ties of British America. And whereas the India Company have ungenerously attempted the ruin of America, by sending many ships loaded with tea into the colonies, thereby intending to fix a precedent in favor of arbitrary taxation, we deem it highly proper, and do accordingly recommend it strongly to our countrymen, not to purchase or use any kind of East India commodity what soever, except saltpetre and spices, until the griev ances of America are redressed. We are further clearly of opinion, that an attack made on one of our sister colonies, to compel submission to arbi trary taxes, is an attack made on all British America, and threatens ruin to the rights of all, unless the united wisdom of the whole be applied. And for this purpose it is recommended to the Committee of Correspondence, that they commu nicate with their several corresponding committees, on the expediency of appointing deputies from the several colonies of British America, to meet in general congress, at such place, annually, as shall be thought most convenient ; there to deliberate on those general measures which the united inter ests of America may from time to time require. A tender regard for the interest of our fellow- subjects, the merchants and manufacturers of Great Britain, prevents us from going further at this time ; most earnestly hoping, that the uncon stitutional principle of taxing the colonies without their consent will not be persisted in, thereby to compel us, against our will, to avoid all com mercial intercourse with Britain. Wishing them and our people free and happy, we are their affectionate friends, the late Representatives of Virginia. The yith day of May 1774. II. ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN* WHEN a nation, led to greatness by the hand of liberty, and possessed of all the glory that heroism, muuificence, and humanity can bestow, descends to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her friends and children, and instead of giving support to freedom, turns advocate for slavery and oppression, there is reason to suspect she has ceased to be virtuous, or been extremely negligent in the appointment of her rulers. In almost every age, in repeated conflicts, in long and bloody wars, as well civil as foreign, against many and powerful nations, against the open assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous treachery of friends, have the inhabitants of your island, your great and glorious ancestors, main tained their independence, and transmitted the rights of men, and the blessings of liberty, to you, their posterity. Be not surprised, therefore, that we, who are descended from the same common ancestors ; that we, whose forefathers participated in all the rights, the liberties, and the constitutions you so justly boast of, and who have carefully conveyed the same fair inheritance to us, guaranteed by the plighted faith of government and the most solemn compacts with British sovereigns, should refuse to surrender them to men, who found their claims on no principles of reason, and who prosecute them with a design, that by having our lives and pro perty in their power, they may, with the greatest facility, enslave you. The cause of America is now the object of universal attention : it has at length become very serious. This unhappy cotin try has not only been oppressed, but abused and misrepresented ; and the duty we owe ourselves and posterity, to your interest, and the general welfare of the British empire, leads us to address you on this very important subject. Know then, That we consider ourselves, and do insist, that we are and ought to be, as free as our fellow subjects in Britain, and that no power on earth has a right to take our property from us, without our con sent. That we claim all the benefits secured to its subjects by the English constitution, and par ticularly that inestimable one of trial by jury That we hold it essential to English liberty, that 1 Adopted October 21. 1114. CH. X1J.] ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN. ssa no man be condemned unheard, or punished for supposed rffences, without having an opportunity of making his defence. That we think the Legis lature of Great Britain is not authorized, by the constitution, to establish a religion, fraught with sanguinary and impious tenets, or to erect an arbitrary form of government, in any quarter of the globe. These rights we, as well as you, deem sacred ; and yet, sacred as they are, they have, with many others, been repeatedly and flagrantly violated. Are not the proprietors of the soil of Great Britain lords of their own property ? Can it be taken from them without their consent? "Will they yield it to the arbitrary disposal of any man, or number of men whatever ? You know they will not. \Yhy then are the proprietors of the soil in America less lords of their property than you are of yours ? Or why should they submit it to the disposal of your Parliament, or of any other parliament or council in the world, not of their election ? Can the intervention of the sea that divides us, cause disparity in rights, or can any reason be given why English subjects who live three thousand miles from the royal palace, should enjoy less liberty than those who are three hundred miles distant from it ? Reason looks with indignation on such distinc tions, and freemen can never perceive their pro priety. And yet, however chimerical and unjust such discriminations arc, the Parliament assert they have a right to bind us, in all cases, without exception, whether we consent or not ; that they may take and use our property when and in what manner they please ; that we are pensioners on their bounty, for all that we possess, and can hold it no longer than they vouchsafe to permit. Such declarations we .consider as heresies in Eng lish politics ; and which can no more operate to deprive us of our property, than the interdicts of the pope can divest kings of sceptres, which the laws of the land and the voice of the people have placed in their hands. At the conclusion of the late war a war rendered glorious by the abilities and integrity of a minister, to whose efforts the British empire owes its safety and its fame ; at the conclusion of this war, which was succeeded by an inglorious peace, formed under the auspices of a minister of principles and of a family unfriendly to the Pro testant cause, and inimical to liberty : we say, at this period, and under the influence of that man, a plan for enslaving your fellow subjects in Amer ica was concerted, and has ever since been pertina ciously carrying into execution. Prior to this era you were content with draw ing from us the wealth produced by our commerce. You constrained our trade in every way that would conduce to your emoluments. You exer cised unbounded sovereignty over the sea. You named the ports and nations to which alone our merchandise should be carried, and with whom alone we should trade : and though some of these restrictions were grievous, we nevertheless did not complain ; we looked up to you as to our parent state, to which we were bound by the strongest ties, and were happy in being instru mental to your prosperity and your grandeu-r. We call upon you yourselves, to witness our loyalty and attachment to the common interests of the whole empire : did we not, in the last war, add all the strength of this vast continent to the force which repelled our common enemy ? Did we not leave our native shores, and meet disease and death, to promote the success of British arms in foreign climates ? Did you not thank us for our zeal, and even reimburse us large sums of money, which you confessed we had advanced beyond our proportion and far beyond our abil ities ? You did. To what causes, then, are we to attribute the sudden change of treatment, and that system of slavery which was prepared for us at the restora tion of peace ? Before we had recovered from the distresses which ever attend war, an attempt was made to drain this country of all its money, by the oppres sive Stamp Act. Paint, glass, and other commod ities, which you would not permit us to purchase of other nations, were taxed ; nay, although no wine is made in any country subject to the British state, you prohibited our procuring it of foreigners without paying a tax, imposed by your Parlia ment, on all we imported. These and many other impositions were laid upon us most unjustly and unconstitutionally for the express purpose of rais ing a revenue. In order to silence complaint it was, indeed, provided, that this revenue should be expended in America, for its protection and defence. These exactions, however, can receive no justification from a pretended necessity of pro tecting and defending us ; they are lavishly 340 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. [En. u squandered on court favorites and ministerial de pendents, generally avowed enemies to America, and employing themselves by partial represent ations to traduce and embroil the colonies. For the necessary support of government here we ever were and ever shall be ready to provide. And whenever the exigencies of the state may require it, we shall, as we have heretofore done, cheer fully contribute our full proportion of men and money. To enforce this unconstitutional and unjust scheme of taxation, every fence that the wisdom of our British ancestors had carefully erected against arbitrary power, has been vio lently thrown down in America, and the inestim able right of trial by jury taken away in cases that touch both life and property. It was or dained, that whenever offences should be com mitted in the colonies against particular acts, imposing various duties and restrictions upon trade, the prosecutor might bring his action for penalties in the courts of admiralty ; by which means the subject lost the advantage of being tried by an honest uninfluenced jury of the vicinage, and was subjected to the sad necessity of being judged by a single man, a creature of the crown, and according to the course of a law, which exempted the prosecutor of the trouble of proving his accusation, and obliges the defender either to evince his innocence, or suffer. To give this new judiciary the greater importance, and as if with design to protect false accusers, it is further pro vided, that the judge s certificate of there having been probable causes of seizure and prosecution, shall protect the prosecutors from actions at common law for recovery of damages. By the course of our laws, offences committed in such of the British dominions, in which courts are established and justice duly and regularly administered, shall be there tried by a jury of the vicinage. There the offenders and the witnesses are known, and the degree of credibility to be given to their testimony can be ascertained. In all these colonies, justice is regularly and impartially administered, and yet, by the construc tion of some, and the direction of other acts of Par liament, offenders are to be taken by force, together with all such persons as may be pointed out as wit nesses, and carried to England, there to be tried in a distant land, by a jury of strangers, and subject to all the disadvantages that result from want of friends, want of witnesses, and want of money. When the design of raising a revenue, from the duties imposed on the importation of tea in Amer ica, had in a great measure been rendered abor tive, by our ceasing to import that commodity, a scheme was concerted by the ministry with the East India company, and an act passed, enabling and encouraging them to transport and vend it in the colonies. Aware of the danger of giving success to this insidious manoeuvre, arid of per mitting a precedent of taxation thus to be estab lished among us, various methods were adopted to elude the stroke. The people of Boston, then ruled by a governor whom, as well as his prede cessor, Sir Francis Bernard, all America considers as her enemy, were exceedingly embarrassed. The ships which had arrived with the tea were, by his management, prevented from returning. The duties would have been paid, the cargoes landed and exposed to sale ; a governor s influence would have procured and protected many purchases While the town was suspended by deliberations on this important subject, the tea was destroyed. Even supposing a trespass was thereby committed, and the proprietors of the tea entitled to damages, the courts of law were open, and judges, appointed by the crown, presided in them. The East India company, however, did not think proper to com mcuce any suits, nor did they even demand satis faction, either from individuals or from the com munity in general. The ministry, it seems, officially made the case their own, and the great council of the nation descended to intermeddle with a dispute about private property. Divers papers, letters, and other unauthenticated ex parte evi dence were laid before them ; neither the persons who destroyed the tea nor the people of Boston, were called upon to answer the complaint. The ministry, incensed by being disappointed in a favorite scheme, were determined to recur from the little arts of finesse, to open force and un manly violence. The port of Boston was blocked up by a fleet, and an army placed in the town. Their trade was to be suspended, and thousands reduced to the necessity of gaining subsistence from charity, till they should submit to pass undei the yoke, and consent to become slaves, by con fessing the omnipotence of Parliament, and ac quiescing in whatever disposition they migh* think proper to make of their lives and prop erty. Let justice and humanity cease to be the boast Cn. XIL] ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN. 341 of your nation ! Consult your history, examine your records of former transactions ; nay, turn to tbe annals ol the many arbitrary states and kingdoms that surround you, and show us a single instance of men being condemned to suffer for im puted crimes, unheard, unquestioned, and without even the specious formality of a trial ; and that, too, by laws made expressly for the purpose, and which had no existence at the time of the fact committed! If it be difficult to reconcile these proceedings to the genius and temper of your laws and constitution, the task will become more arduous when we call upon our ministerial enemies to justify, not only condemning men untried and by hearsay, but involving the innocent in one common punishment with the guilty, and for the acts of thirty or forty, to bring poverty, distress, and calamity, on thirty thousand souls, and these not your enemies, but your friends, brethren, and fellow subjects. It would be some consolation to us, if the catalogue of American oppressions ended here. It gives us pain to be reduced to the necessity of reminding you, that under the confidence reposed in the faith of government, pledged in a royal charter from the British sovereign, the forefathers of the present inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, left their former habitations, and established that great, flourishing, and loyal colony. "Without in curring or being charged with a forfeiture of their right, without being heard, without being tried, and without justice, by an act of Parliament this charter is destroyed, their liberties violated, their constitution and form of government changed ; and all this upon no better pretence than because in one of their towns a trespass was committed upon some merchandise, said to belong to one of the companies, and because the ministry were of opinion, that such high political regulations were necessary to due subordination and obedience to their mandates. Nor are these the only capital grievances under which we labor : we might tell of dissolute, weak, and wicked governors having been set over us ; of legislatures being suspended for asserting the rights of British subjects ; of needy and ignorant dependents on great men advanced to the seats of justice, and to other places of trust and im portance ; of hard restrictions on commerce, and a great variety of lesser evils, the recollection of which is almost lost under the pressure and weight of greater and more poignant calamities. Now mark the progression of the ministerial plan for enslaving \as. Well aware that such hardy attempts to take our property from us, to deprive us of that valu able right of trial by jury, to seize our persons and carry us for trial to Great Britain, to blockade our ports, to destroy our charters, and change our form of government, would occasion, and had already occasioned, great discontent in the colo nies, which would produce opposition to these measures, an act was passed to protect, indemnify and screen from punishment, such as might be guilty even of murder, in endeavoring to carry their oppressive edicts into execution ; and by another act the dominion of Canada is to be so extended, modelled, and governed, as that by being disunited from us, detached from our inter ests, by civil as well as religious prejudices, that by their numbers daily swelling with Catholic emigrants from Europe, and by their devotion to administration so friendly to their religion, they might become formidable to us, and on occasion, be fit instruments in the hands of power to reduce the ancient, free Protestant colonies to the same state of slavery with themselves. This was evidently the object of the act ; and in this view, being extremely dangerous to our liberty and quiet, we cannot forbear complaining of it, as hostile to British America. Superadded to these considerations, we cannot help deploring the unhappy condition to which it has reduced the many English settlers, who, encouraged by the royal proclamation, promising the enjoyment of all their rights, have purchased estates in that country. They are now the subjects of an arbi trary government, deprived of trial by jury, and when imprisoned, cannot claim the benefit of the habeas corpus act, that great bulwark and palla dium of English liberty ; nor can we suppress our astonishment, that a British Parliament should ever consent to establish in that country a reli gion that has deluged your island in blood, and dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecution, murder, and rebellion, through every part of the world. This being a true state of facts, let us beseech you to consider to what end they lead. Admit the ministry, by the powers of Britain, and the aid of our Roman Catholic neighbors, should be able to carry the point of taxation, and reduce us to a state of perfect humilifition and 342 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. slavery. Such an enterprise would doubtless make some addition to your national debt, which already presses down your liberty, and fills you with pensioners and placemen. We presume, also, that your commerce will be somewhat di minished. However, suppose you should prove victorious, in what condition will you then be ? What advantages or what laurels will you reap from such a conquest ? May not a ministry with the same armies en slave you ? It may be said, you will cease to pay them; but remember the taxes from America, the wealth, and we may add the men, and parti cularly the Roman Catholics of this vast continent, will then be in the power of your enemies ; nor will you have any reason to expect, that after making slaves of us, many among us should refuse to assist in reducing you to the same abject state. Do not treat this as chimerical. Know, that in less than half a century, the quit rents reserved for the crown, from the numberless grants of this vast continent, will pour large streams of wealth into the royal coffers ; and if to this be added the power of taxing America at pleasure, the crown will be rendered independent of you for supplies, and will possess more treasure than may be neces sary to purchase the remains of liberty in your island. In a word, take care that you do not fall into the pit that is preparing for us. We believe there is yet much virtue, much justice, and much public spirit in the English nation. To that justice we now appeal. You have been told that we are seditious, impatient of government, and desirous of independency. Be assured that these are not facts, but calumnies. Permit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem a union with you to be our greatest glory and our greatest happiness ; we shall ever be ready to contribute all in our power to the welfare of the empire ; we shall consider your enemies as our enemies, and your interest as our own. But, if you are determined that your ministers shall wantonly sport with the rights of mankind if neither the voice of justice, the dic tates of the law, the principles of the constitution, aor the suggestions of humanity, can restrain your hands from shedding human blood in such an impious cause, we must tell you, that we will never submit to be hewers of wood or drawers of water, for any ministry or nation in the world. Place us in thp same situation that we were at the close of the last war, and our former harmony will be restored. But, lest the same supineness, and the same in attention to our common interest, which you have for several years shown, should continue, we think it prudent to anticipate the consequences. By the destruction of the trade of Boston, the ministry have endeavored to induce submission tc their measures. The like fate may befall us all. We will endeavor, therefore, to live without trade, and recur, for subsistence, to the fertility and bounty of our native soil, which will afford us all the necessaries, and some of the conveniences, of life. We have suspended our importation from Great Britain and Ireland ; and, in less than a year s time, unless our grievances should be re dressed, shall discontinue our exports to those kingdoms and to the West Indies. It is with the utmost regret, however, that we find ourselves compelled, by the overruling prin ciples of self-preservation, to adopt measures detri mental in their consequences to numbers of our fellow subjects in Great Britain and Ireland. But we hope that the magnanimity and justice of the British nation will furnish a Parliament of such wisdom, independence, and public spirit, as may save the violated rights of the whole empire from the devices of wicked ministers arid evil coun sellors, whether in or out of office ; and thereby restore that harmony, friendship, and fraternal affection, between all the inhabitants of his Ma jesty s kingdoms and territories, so ardently wished for by every true and honest American. I [I. ADDRESS TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE SEVERAL ANGLO-AMERICAN COLONIES.* WE, the delegates appointed, by the good people of these colonies, to meet at Philadelphia, in September last, for the purposes mentioned by our respective constituents, have, in pursuance of the trust reposed in us, assembled, and taken into our most serious consideration, the important matters recommended to the Congress. Our reso lutions thereupon will be herewith communicated to you. But, as the situation of public affairs grows daily more and more alarming ; and as it * Adopted October 21. 1774. CH. XII.] ADDRESS TO THE ANGLO-AMERICAN COLONIES. may be more satisfactory to yon to be informed by us in a collective body, than in any other manner of those sentiments that have been approved upon a full and free discussion, by the representatives of so great a part of America, we esteem ourselves obliged to add this address to these resolutions. In every case of opposition by a people to their rulers, or of one state to another, duty to Al mighty God, the Creator of all, requires that a true ani impartial judgment be formed of the measures leading to such opposition ; and of the causes by which it has been provoked, or can in any degree be justified, that neither affection on one hand, nor resentment on the other, being per mitted to give a wrong bias to reason, it may be enabled to take a dispassionate view of all circum stances, and to settle the public conduct on the solid foundations of wisdom and justice. From councils thus tempered arise the surest hopes of the divine favor, the firmest encourage ment of the parties engaged, and the strongest recommendation of their cause to the rest of man kind. With minds deeply impressed by a sense of these truths, we have diligently, deliberately, and cfclmly inquired into and considered those exer tions, both of the legislative and executive power of Great Britain, which have excited so much un easiness in America, and have with equal fidelity and attention considered the conduct of the col onies. Upon the whole, we find ourselves re duced to the disagreeable alternative of being silent and betraying the innocent, or of speaking out and censuring those we wish to revere. In making our choice of these distressing difficulties, we prefer the course dictated by honesty and a regard for the welfare of our country. Soon after the conclusion of the late war there commenced a memorable change in the treatment of these colonies. By a statute made in the fourth year in the present reign, a time of pro found peace, alleging " the expediency of new provisions and regulations for extending the com merce between Great Britain and his majesty s dominions in America, and the necessity of rais ing a revenue in the said dominions, for defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and secur ing the same," the Commons of Great Britain un dertook to give and to grant to his majesty many rates and duties to be paid in these colonies. To enforce the observance of this act, it prescribes a great number of severe penalties and forfeitures ; and in two sections makes a remarkable distinc tion between the subjects in Great Britain and those in America. By the one, the penalties and forfeitures incurred there are to be recovered in any of the king s courts of record at Westmin ster, or in the court of exchequer in Scotland ; and by the other, the penalties and forfeitures in curred here are to be recovered in any court of record, or in any court of admiralty or vice- admiralty, at the election of the informer or prose cutor. The inhabitants of these colonies, confiding in the justice of Great Britain, were scarcely allowed sufficient time to receive and consider this act, be fore another, well known by the name of the Stamp Act, and passed in the fifth year of this reign, engrossed their whole attention. By this statute the British Parliament exercised in the most explicit manner a power of taxing us, and extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty in the colonies to matters arising within the body of a country, and directed the numerous penalties and forfeitures thereby in flicted, to be recovered in the said courts. In the same year a tax was imposed upon us by an act establishing several new fees in the cus toms. In the next year the Stamp Act was re pealed, not because it was founded in an erron eous principle, but, as the repealing act recites, because " the continuance thereof would be at tended with many inconveniences, and might be productive of consequences greatly detrimental to the commercial interest of Great Britain." In the same year, and by a subsequent act, it was declared, "that his majesty in Parliament, of right, had power to bind the people of these colonies by statutes in all cases whatsoever." In the same year another act was passed for impo sing rates and duties payable in these colonies. In this statute the Commons, avoiding the terms of giving and granting, " humbly besought his majesty, that it might be enacted, etc." But from a declaration in the preamble, that the rates and duties were " in lieu of" several others grant ed by the statute first before mentioned for rais ing a revenue, and from some other expressions, it appears that these duties were intended for that purpose. In the next year, (1767) an act was made, "to enable his majesty to put the customs and other 344 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. duties in America under the management of com missioners," etc., and the king thereupon erected the present expensive Board of Commissioners, for the express purpose of carrying into execution the several acts relating to the revenue and trade in America. After the repeal of the Stamp Act, having again resigned ourselves to our ancient unsus picious affections for the parent state, and anxious to avoid any controversy with her, in hopes of a favorable alteration in sentiments and measures towards us, we did not press our objections against the above-mentioned statutes made subsequent to that repeal. Administration attributing to trifling causes, a conduct that really proceeded from generous mo tives, were encouraged in the same year, (1767) to make a bolder experiment on the patience of America. By a statute commonly called the Glass, Paper, and Tea Act, made fifteen months after the re peal of the Stamp Act, the Commons of Great Britain resumed their former language, and again undertook to "give and grant rates and duties to be paid in these colonies," for the express purpose of " raising a revenue to defray the charges of the administration of justice, the support of civil gov ernment, and defending the king s dominions," on this continent. The penalties and forfeitures in curred under this statute, are to be recovered in the same manner with those mentioned in the foregoing acts. To this statute, so naturally tending to disturb the tranquillity then universal throughout the colonies, Parliament in the same session added another no less extraordinary. Ever since the making the present peace, a standing army has been kept in these colonies. From respect for the mother country, the innova tion was not only tolerated, but the provincial legislatures generally made provision for supply ing the troops. The Assembly of the province of New York having passed an act of this kind, but differing in 6 Dine articles from the directions of the Act of Parliament made in the fifth year of this reign, the House of Representatives in that colony was prohibited by a statute made in the last session mentioned from making any bill, order, resolution, nr vote, except for adjourning or choosing a speaker, until Drovision should be made by the said Assembly for furnishing the troops within that province, not only with all such necessaries as were required by the statute, which they were charged with disobeying, but also with those re quired by two other subsequent statutes, which were declared to be in force until the twenty- fourth day of March, 1769. The statutes of the year 1767 revived the apprehensions and discontents that had entirely subsided on the repeal of the Stamp Act ; and, amidst the just fears and jealousies thereby oc casioned, a statute was made in the next year, (1768) to establish courts of admiralty and vice- admiralty on a new model, expressly for the end of more effectually recovering of the penalties and forfeitures inflicted by Acts of Parliament, framed for the purpose of raising a revenue in America etc. The immediate tendency of these statutes is to subvert the right of having a share in legisla tion, by rendering Assemblies useless ; the right of property, by taking the money of the colonists without their consent ; the right of trial by jury, by substituting in their places trials in admiralty and vice-admiralty courts, where single judge? preside, holding their commissions during pleas ure, and unduly to influence the courts of commor law, by rendering the judges thereof totally de pendent on the crown for their salaries. These statutes, not to mention many others exceedingly exceptionable, compared one with another, will be found not only to form a regular system in which every part has great force, bu j , also a pertinacious adherence to that system for subjugating these colonies, that are not, and fron. local circumstances cannot, be represented in the House of Commons, to the uncontrollable and unlimited power of Parliament, in violation of their undoubted rights and liberties, in contempt of their humble and repeated supplications. This conduct must appear equally astonishing and unjustifiable, when it is considered how un provoked it has been by any behavior of these colonies. From their first settlement, their bit terest enemies never fixed on any of them an; charge of disloyalty to their sovereign, or disaffcc tion to their mother country. In the wars she has carried on, they have exerted themselves, whenever required, in giving her assistance ; and have rendered her services which she has publicly acknowledged to be extremely important. Their fidelity, duty, and usefulness during the last war, JH. XII.] ADDRESS TO THE ANGLO-AMERICAN COLONIES. 345 were frequently and affectionately confessed by his late majesty and the present king. The reproaches of those who are most un friendly to the freedom of America, are prin cipally levelled against the province of Massa chusetts Bay, but with what little reason will ap pear by the following declarations of a person, the truth of whose evidence in their favor will not be questioned. Governor Bernard thus addresses the two Houses of Assembly in his speech on the 24th of April, 1162, "The unanimity and des patch with which you have complied with the requisitions of his majesty require my particular acknowledgment, and it gives me additional pleas ure to observe, that you have therein acted under no other influence, than a due sense of your duty, both as members of a general empire and as the body of a particular province." In another speech, on the 27th of May, in the same year, he says, " Whatever shall be the event of the war, it must be no small satisfaction to us, that this province hath contributed its full share to the support of it. Everything that hath been required of it hath been complied with ; and the execution of the powers committed to me for raising the provincial troops hath been as full and complete as the grant of them. Never before were regiments so easily levied, so well composed, and so early in the field as they have been this year : the common people seem to be animated with the spirit of the general court, and to vie with them in their readiness to serve the king." Such was the conduct of the people of the Massachusetts Bay during the last war. As to their behavior before that period, it ought not to have been forgot in Great Britain, that not only on every occasion, they had constantly and cheer fully complied with the frequent royal requisitions, but that chiefly by their vigorous efforts Nova Scotia was subdued in 1710, and Louisbourg in 1745. Foreign quarrels being ended, and the domestic disturbances that quickly succeeded on account of the Stamp Act being quieted by its repeal, the Assembly of Massachusetts Bay transmitted an humble address of thanks to the king and divers noblemen, and soon after passed a bill for grant ing a compensation to the sufferers in the disorder occasioned by that act. Those circumstances and the following extracts from Governor Bernard s letters, in 1768, to the VOL. I. 48 Earl of Shelburne, Secretary of State, clearly show with what grateful tenderness they strove to bury in oblivion the unhappy occasion of the late dis cords, and with what respectful deference they endeavored to escape other subjects of future controversy. " The House," says the governor, " from the time of opening the session to this day, has shown a disposition to avoid all dispute with me ; ererything having passed with as much good humor as I could desire, except only their con tinuing to act in addressing the king, remonstrat ing to the Secretary of State, and employing a separate agent. It is the importance of this in novation, without any wilfulness of my own, which induces me to make this remonstrance at a time, when I have a fair prospect of having in all other business nothing but good to say of the proceed ings of the House." " They have acted in all things, even in their remonstrance, with temper and moderation ; they have avoided some subjects of dispute, and have laid a foundation for removing some causes of former altercation." " I shall make such a prudent and proper use of this letter as I hope will perfectly restore the peace and tranquillity of this province, for which purpose considerable steps have been made by the House of Representatives." The vindication of the province of Massachusetts Bay contained in these letters, will have greater force if it be considered that they were written several months after the fresh alarm given to the colonies by the statutes passed in the preceding year. In this place it seems proper to take notice of the insinuation of one of those statutes, that the interference of Parliament was necessary to pro vide for "defraying the charges of the administra tion of justice, the support of civil government, and defending the king s dominions in America." As to the first two articles of expense, every colony had made such provision as by their re spective assemblies, the best judges on such occa sions, was thought expedient and suitable to their several circumstances ; respecting the last, it is well known to all men, the least acquainted with American affairs, that the colonies were estab lished and generally defended themselves without the least assistance from Great Britain ; and that at the time of her taxing them by the statutes before mentioned, most of thm were laboring 34G APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. H. under very heavy debts contracted in the last war. So far were they from sparing their money when their sovereign constitutionally asked their aids, that during the course of that war Parliament repeatedly made them compensations for the ex penses of those strenuous efforts which, consult ing their zeal rather than their strength, they had cheerfully incurred. Severe as the acts of Parliament before men tioned are, yet the conduct of administration hath been equally injurious and irritating to this de voted country. Under pretence of governing them, so many new institutions uniformly rigid and dangeroos have been introduced, as could only be expected from incensed masters for collecting the tribute or rather the plunder of conquered provinces. By an order of the king, the authority of the comnifinder-in-chicf, and under him of the briga dier-generals, in time of peace, is rendered su preme in all civil governments in America, and thus an uncontrollable military power is vested in officers not known to the constitutions of these colonies. A large body of troops, and a considerable armament of ships of war, have been sent to assist in taking their money without their consent. Expensive and oppressive offices have been multiplied, and the acts of corruption industrious ly practised to divide and destroy. The judges of the admiralty and vice-admiralty courts are empowered to receive their salaries and fees from the effects to be condemned by them selves. The commissioners of the customs are empow ered to break open and enter houses without the authority of any civil magistrate, founded on legal information. Judges of courts of common law have been made entirely dependent on the crown for their commissions and salaries. A court has been es tablished at Rhode Island for the purpose of tak ing colonists to England to be tried. Humble and reasonable petitions from the representatives of the people have been frequently treated with contempt, and assemblies have been repeatedly and arbitrarily dissolved. From some few instances it will sufficiently appear on what pretences of justice those disso lutions have been founded. The tranquillity of the colonies having been again disturbed, as has been mentioned, by the statutes of the year 1767, the Earl of Hills- borough, Secretary of State, in a letter to Gov ernor Bernard, dated April 22, 1768, censures the "presumption" of the House of Represen tatives for " resolving upon a measure of so inflammatory a nature, as that of writing to the other colonies on the subject of their intended representations against some late acts of Parlia* ment," then declares that " his Majesty considers this step as evidently tending to create unwarran able combinations, to excite an unjustifiable oppo sition to the constitutional authority of Parlia ment," and afterwards adds, " It is the king s pleasure, that as soon as the general court is again assembled at the time prescribed by the charter, you should require of the House of Represent atives, in His Majesty s name, to rescind the resolutions which gave birth to Ihe circular letter from the speaker, and to declare their disapproba tion of and dissent to that rash and hasty pro ceeding." " If the new assembly should refuse to comply with his majesty s reasonable expectation, it is the king s pleasure that you should immediately difr solve them." This letter being laid before the House, and the resolution not being rescinded, according to order the assembly was dissolved. A letter of a similar nature was sent to other governors to procure resolutions approving the conduct of the Representatives of Massachusets Bay, to be re scinded also ; and the Houses of Representatives in other colonies refusing to comply, assemblies were dissolved. These mandates spoke a language to which the ears of English subjects had for several genera tions been strangers. The nature of assemblies implies a power and right of deliberation ; but these commands proscribing the exercise of judg ment on the propriety of the requisitions made, left to the assemblies only the election between dictated submission and threatened punishment : a punishment, toe, founded on no other act than such as is deemed innocent even in slaves, of agreeing in petitions for redress of grievances that equally affect all. The hostile and unjustifiable invasion of the town of Boston soon followed these events in the same year ; though that town, the province in which it is situated, and all the colonies, from CH. XII.] ADDRESS To THE ANGLO-AMERICAN COLONIES. 341 abhorrence of a contest with their parent state, permitted the execution even of those statutes against which they were so unanimously complain ing, remonstrating, and supplicating. Administration, determined to subdue a spirit of freedom which English ministers should have rejoiced to cherish, entered into a monopolizing combination with the East India company to send to this continent vast quantities of tea, an article on which a duty was laid by a statute that in a particular manner attacked the liberties of Amer ica, and which, therefore, the inhabitants of these colonies had resolved not to import. The cargo sent to South Carolina was stored and not allowed to be sold. Those sent to Philadelphia and New York were not permitted to be lauded. That sent to Boston was destroyed, because Governor Ilutchinson would not suffer it to be returned. On the intelligence of these transactions arriv ing in Great Britain, the public-spirited town last mentioned was singled out for destruction, and it was determined the province it belongs to should partake of its fate. In the last session of Parlia ment, therefore, were passed the acts for shutting up the port of Boston, indemnifying the murderers of the inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, and changing their chartered constitution of govern ment. To enforce these acts, that province is again invaded by a fleet and army. To mention these outrageous proceedings, is sufficient to explain them. For though it is pretended the province of Massuchusetts Bay has been particularly disrespectful to Great Britain, yet, in truth, the behavior of the people in other colonies has been an equal " opposition to the power assumed by Parliament." No step, however, has been taken against any of the rest. This artful conduct conceals several designs. It is expected that the province of Massachusetts Bay will be irritated into some violent action that may dis please the rest of the continent, or that may in duce the people of Great Britain to approve the meditated vengeance of an imprudent and ex asperated ministry. If the unexampled pacific temper of that province shall disappoint this part of the plan, it is hoped the other colonies will be so far intimidated as to desert their brethren Buffering in a common cause, and that thus dis united all may be subdued. To promote these designs another measure has been pursued. In the session of Parliament last mentioned, an act was passed for changing the government of Quebec, by which act the Ro man Catholic religion, instead of being tolerated, as stipulated by the treaty of peace, is estab lished, and the people there are deprived of a right to an Assembly, trials by jury, and the Eng lish laws in civil cases are abolished, and instead thereof, the French laws are established, in direct violation of his majesty s promise by his royal proclamation, under the faith of which many Eng lish subjects settled in that province ; and the limits of that province are extended so as to com prehend those vast regions that lie adjoining to the northerly and westerly boundaries of these colonies. The authors of this arbitrary arrangement flat ter themselves that the inhabitants, deprived of liberty, and artfully provoked against those of another religion, will be proper "instruments for assisting in the oppression of such as differ from them in modes of government and faith. From the detail of facts hereinbefore recited, as well as from authentic intelligence received, it is clear, beyond a doubt, that a resolution is formed, and now carrying into execution, to ex- tiuguish the freedom of these colonies, by subject ing them to a despotic government. At this unhappy period, we have been au thorized and directed to meet and consult to gether, for the welfare of our common country. We accepted the important trust with diffidence, but have endeavored to discharge it with integ rity. Though the state of these colonies would certainly justify other measures than we have ad vised, yet weighty reasons determined us to pre fer those which we have adopted. In the first place, it appeared to us a conduct becoming the character these colonies have ever sustained, to perform, even in the midst of the unnatural dis tresses and immediate dangers which surround them, every act of loyalty, and, therefore, we were induced once more to offer to his majesty the petitions of his faithful and oppressed subjects in America. Secondly, regarding, with the ten der affection which we knew to be so universal among our countrymen, the people of the kingdom from which we derive our origin, we could not for bear to regulate our steps by an expectation of receiving full conviction that the colonists are equally dear to them. Between those provinces and that body subsists the social baud, which we 348 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII . II. ardently wish may never be dissolved, and which cannot be dissolved, until their minds shall be come indisputably hostile, or their inattention shall permit those who are thus hostile, to persist in prosecuting, with the powers of the realm, the destructive measures already operating against the colonists, and in either case, shall reduce the latter to such a situation, that they shall be com pelled to renounce every regard but that of self- preservation. Notwithstanding the violence with which affairs have been impelled, they have not yet reached that fatal point. We do not incline to accelerate their motion, already alarmingly rapid ; we have chosen a method of opposition that does not preclude a hearty reconciliation with our fel low-citizens on the other side of the Atlantic. We deeply deplore the urgent necessity that presses us to an immediate interruption of com merce that may prove injurious to them. We trust they will acquit us of any unkind intentions towards them, by reflecting that we are driven by the hands of violence into unexperienced and un expected public convulsions, and that we are cou- tending for freedom, so often contended for by our ancestors. The people of England will soon have an op portunity of declaring their sentiments concern ing our cause. In their piety, generosity, and good sense, we repose high confidence ; and can not, upon a review of past events, be persuaded that they, the defenders of true religion, and the asserters of the rights of mankind, will take part against their affectionate Protestant brethren in the colonies, in favor of our open and their own secret enemies, whose intrigues, for several years past, have been wholly exercised in sapping the foundations of civil and religious liberty. Another reason that engaged us to prefer the commercial mode of opposition, arose from an as surance that the mode will prove efficacious, if it be persisted in with fidelity and virtue ; and that your conduct will be influenced by these laudable principles, cannot be questioned. Your own sal- Tation, and that of your posterity, now depends upon yourselves. You have already shown that you entertain a proper sense of the blessings you are striving to retain. Against the temporary inconveniences you may suffer from a stoppage of trade, you will weigh in the opposite balance, the endless miseries you and your descendants ccnst endure from an established arbitrary power. You will not forget the honor of your country, that must, from your behavior, take its title in the estimation of the world, to glory, or to shame ; and you will, with the deepest attention, reflect, that if the peaceable mode of opposition recom mended by us, be broken and rendered ineffectual, as your cruel and haughty ministerial enemies, from a contemptuous opinion of your firmness, in solently predict will be the case, you must in evitably be reduced to choose either a more dan gerous contest, or a final, ruinous, and infamous submission. Motives thus cogent, arising from the emergency of your unhappy condition, must excite your ut most diligence and zeal, to give all possible strength and energy to the pacific measures cal culated for your relief: but we think ourselves bound, in duty, to observe to you, that the schemes agitated against these colonies, have been so con ducted, as to render it prudent that you should extend your views to mournful events, and be, in all respects, prepared for every contingency. Above all things, we earnestly entreat you, with devotion of spirit, penitence of heart, and amend ment of life, to humble yourselves, and implore the favor of Almighty God : and we fervently beseech his divine goodness to take you into his gracious protection. IV. PETITION OF CONGRESS TO THE KING.* To the King s most excellent Majesty. MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN : WE, your ma jesty s faithful subjects, of the colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Corolina, and South Carolina, in behalf of ourselves and the inhabit ants of these colonies, who have deputed us to represent them in general Congress, by this our humble petition, beg leave to lay our grievances before the throne. A standing army has been kept in these colonies ever since the conclusion of the late war, without the consent of our assemblies; and this army, Adopted October 26, 1774 CH. XII.] PETITION TO THE KING. 349 with a considerable naval armament, has been employed to enforce the collection of taxes. The authority of the commander-in-chief, and under him the brigadier-general, has in time of peace been rendered supreme in all the civil gov ernments in America. The commander-in-chief of all your majesty s forces in North America, has, in time of peace, been appointed governor of a colony. The charges of usual officers have been greatly increased, and new, expensive, and oppressive offices have been multiplied. The judges of admiralty and vice-admiralty courts are empowered to receive their salaries and fees from the effects condemned by themselves. The officers of the customs are empowered to break open and enter houses without the au thority of any civil magistrate, founded on legal information. The judges of courts of common law have been made entirely dependent on one part of the legis lature for their salaries, as well as for the dura tion of their commissions. Counsellors, holding their commissions during pleasure, exercise legislative authority. Humble and reasonable petitions, from the rep resentatives of the people, have been -fruitless. The agents of the people have been discoun tenanced, and governors have been instructed to prevent the payment of the salaries. Assemblies have been repeatedly and injuriously dissolved. Commerce has been burdened with many use less and oppressive restrictions. By several Acts of Parliament made in the fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth years of your majesty s reign, duties are imposed on us for the purpose of raising a revenue ; and the powers of admiralty and vice-admiralty courts are ex tended beyond their ancient limits, whereby our property is taken from us without our consent, the trial by jury in many civil cases is abolished, enormous forfeitures are incurred for slight offences, vexatious informers are exempted from paying damages to which they are justly liable, and op pressive security is required from owners before they are allowed to defend their right. Both Houses of Parliament have resolved that colonists may be tried in England for offences alleged to have been committed in America, by virtue of a statute passed in the thirty-fifth year of Henry the Eighth, and in consequence thereof, attempts have been made to enforce that statute. A statute was passed in the twelfth year of your majesty s reign, directing that persons charged with committing any offence therein de scribed in any place out of the realm, may be in dicted and tried for the same in any shire or county within the realm, whereby inhabitants of these colonies may, in sundry cases, by that statute made capital, be deprived of a trial by their peers of the vicinage. In the last session of Parliament an act was passed for blocking up the harbor of Boston ; another, empowering the governor of the Mas sachusetts Bay, to send persons indicted for mur der in that province to another colony, or even to Great Britain, for trial, whereby such offenders may escape legal punishment ; a third, for alter ing the chartered constitution of government in that province ; and a fourth, for altering the limits of Quebec, abolishing the English and re storing the French laws, whereby great numbers of British Frenchmen are subjected to the latter, and establishing an absolute government and the Roman Catholic religion throughout those vast regions that border on the westerly and northerly boundaries of the free, Protestant, English settle ments ; and a fifth, for the better providing suita ble quarters for officers and soldiers, in his ma jesty s service, in North America. To a sovereign, who glories in the name of Britain, the bare recital of these acts must, we presume, justify the loyal subjects, who fly to the foot of his throne, and implore his clemency for protection against them. From this destructive system of colony admin istration, adopted since the conclusion of the last war, have flowed those distresses, dangers, fears, and jealousies, that overwhelm your majesty s dutiful colonists with affliction ; and we defy our most subtile and inveterate enemies to trace the unhappy differences between Great Britain and these colonies from an earlier period, or from other causes, than we have assigned. Had they proceeded on our part from a restless levity of temper, unjust impulses of ambition, or artful suggestions of seditious persons, we should merit the opprobrious terms frequently bestowed upon us by those we revere. But so far from promoting innovations, we have only opposed them, and can be charged with no offence, unless 350 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. [Bit. II it be one to receive injuries, and be sensible of them. Had our Creator been pleased to give us exist ence in a land of slavery, the sense of our con dition might have been mitigated by ignorance and habit. But, thanks be to his adorable good ness, we were born the heirs of freedom, and ever enjoyed our right under the auspices of your royal ancestors, whose family was seated on the throne to rescue and secure a -pious and gallant nation from the popery and despotism of a superstitious and inexorable tyrant. Your majesty, we are confident, justly rejoices that your title to the crown is thus founded on the title of your people to liberty ; and, therefore, we doubt not but your royal wisdom must approve the sensibility that teaches your subjects anxiously to guard the blessing they received from divine Providence, and thereby to prove the performance of that compact which elevated the illustrious house of Brunswick to the imperial dignity it now pos sesses. The apprehension of being degraded into a state of servitude, from the pre-eminent rank of English freemen, while our minds retain the strongest love of liberty, and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for us and our posterity, ex cites emotions in our breasts, which, though we cannot describe, we should not wish to conceal. Feeling as men, and thinking as subjects in the manner we do, silence would be disloyalty. By giving this faithful information, we do all in our power to promote the great objects of your royal cares, the tranquillity of your government, and the welfare of your people. Duty to your majesty, and regard for the pres ervation of ourselves and our posterity, the pri mary obligations of nature and society, command us to entreat your royal attention ; and as your majesty enjoys the signal distinction of reigning over freemen, we apprehend the language of free men cannot be displeasing. Your royal indigna tion, we hope, will rather fall on those designing and dangerous men, who, daringly interposing themselves between your royal person and your faithful subjects, and for several years past inces santly employed to dissolve the bonds of society, by abusing your majesty s authority, misrepresent ing your American subjects, and prosecuting the most desperate and irritating projects of oppres sion, have at length compelled us, by the force of accumulated injuries, too severe to be any longer tolerable, to disturb your majesty s repose by our complaints. These sentiments are extorted from hearts that much more willingly would bleed in your ma jesty s service. Yet so greatly have we been mis represented, that a necessity has been alleged of taking away our property from us without our consent, "to defray the charge of the administra tion of justice, the support of civil government, and the defence, protection, and security of the colonies." But we beg leave to assure your ma jesty, that such provision has been, and will be mado for defraying the two first articles, as has been, and shall be judged, by the legislatures of the several colonies, just and suitable to their re spective circumstances : and, for the defence, pro tection, and security of the colonies, their militia, if properly regulated, as they earnestly desire may immediately be done, would be fully sufficient, at least in times of peace ; and, in case of war, your faithful colonists will be ready and willing, as they ever have been, when constitutionally re quired, to demonstrate their loyalty to your ma jesty, by exerting their most strenuous efforts in granting supplies and raising forces. Yielding to no British subjects in affectionate attachment to your majesty s person, family, and government, we too dearly prize the privilege of expressing that attachment by those proofs, that are honor able to the prince who receives them, and to the people who give them, ever to resign it to any body of men upon earth. Had we been permitted to enjoy, in quiet, thc % inheritance left us by our forefathers, we should, at this time, have been peaceably, cheerfully, and usefully employed in recommending ourselves, by every testimony of devotion, to your majesty, and of veneration to the state from which we derive our origin. But though now exposed to unex pected and unnatural scenes of distress, by a con tention with that nation, in whose parental guid ance on all important affairs, we have hitherto, with filial reverence, constantly trusted, and therefore can derive no instruction in our present unhappy and perplexing circumstances from any former experience ; yet we doubt not, the purity of our intention, and the integrity of our conduct, will justify us at that grand tribunal, before which all mankind must submit to judgment. We ask but for peace, liberty, and safety. CH. XII.] PETITION TO THE KING. 351 We wish not a diminution of the prerogative, nor do we solicit the grant of any new right in our favor. Your royal authority over us, and our connection with Great Britain, we shall always carefully and zealously endeavor to support and maintain. Filled with sentiments of duty to your majesty, and of affection to our parent state, deeply im pressed by our education, and strongly confirmed by our reason, and anxious to evince the sincerity of these dispositions, we present this petition only to obtain redress of grievances, and relief from fears and jealousies occasioned by the sys tem of statutes and regulations adopted since the close of the late war, for raising a revenue in America ; extending the powers of courts of ad miralty and vice-admiralty ; trying persons in Great Britain for offences alleged to be committed in America, affecting the province of Massa chusetts Bay ; and altering the government and extending the limits of Quebec ; by the abolition of which system, the harmony between Great Britain and these colonies, so necessary to the happiness of both, and so ardently desired by the latter, and the usual intercourses will be im mediately restored. In the magnanimity and jus tice of your Majesty and Parliament, we confide for a redress of our other grievances, trusting that when the causes of our apprehensions are re moved, our future conduct will prove us not un worthy of the regard we have been accustomed, in our happier days, to enjoy. For, appealing to that Being who searches, thoroughly, the hearts of his creatures, we solemnly profess that our councils have been influenced by no other motives than a dread of impending destruction. Permit us, then, most gracious Sovereign, in the name of all your faithful people in America, with the utmost humility, to implore you, for the honor of Almighty God, whose pure religion our enemies are undermining ; for your glory, which can be advanced only by rendering your subjects happy, and keeping them united ; for the interests of your family, depending on an ad herence to the principles that enthroned it ; for the safety and welfare of your kingdoms and do minions, threatened with almost unavoidable dan gers and distresses ; that your majesty, as the loving father of your whole people, connected by the same bonds of law, loyalty, faith, and blood, though dwelling in various countries, will not suffer the transcendent relation formed by these ties to be further violated, in uncertain expecta tion of effects, that, if attained, never can compen sate for the calamities through which they must be gained. We, therefore, most earnestly beseech your majesty, that your royal authority and interposi tion may be used for our relief, and that a gracious answer may be given to this petition. That your majesty may enjoy every felicity through a long and glorious reign, over loyal and happy subjects, and that your descendants may inherit your prosperity and dominions till time shall be no more, is, and always will be, our sin cere and fervent prayer. 352 THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. [B K . II. CHAPTEE XIII. 1775. THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. The spirit roused by the battle of Lexington Stark and Putnam "Washington s sentiments Action of Massachu setts Congress Troops raised Boston besieged "Ward captain-general Ethan Allen and Green Mountain Boys Ticonderoga taken Crown Point also Second Continental Congress Difficulties and embarrassments in its -way Time of trial Course pursued Various papers issued Congress authorize $3,000,000 in paper money Provincial Congress in New York Appointment of a commander-in-chief Not an easy question to decide Washington unanimously chosen His acceptance and speech Declines all pay for services His commission Four major-generals and eight brigadier-generals appointed "Washington enters upon his duties Arrival of reinforcements at Boston Gage purposes active measures Breed s Hill fortified by mistake British greatly surprised Attempt to dislodge the Americans Battle of Bunker Hill Great slaughter of the royal troops Importance of this battle Loss of "Warren "Washington finds the army sadly in want of every thing Vigorous efforts to organize and discipline the army Further issue of paper money by Congress Papers set forth by Congress Efforts as respected the Indians Speech to these Colonel Guy Johnson s course Georgia joins the other colonies Delegates sent THE THIRTEEN UNITED COLONIES Washington s trials and vexations Necessity of a regular army Correspondence with General Gage Large body of colonists not yet ready for separation from the mother country Documents quoted Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence Expedition into Canada Montreal taken Quebec assaulted Montgomery killed Americans finally driven out of Canada Washington confers with Congress as to the troops Council of war dscide sgainst Washington s wish to attack Boston Outrages by English vessels Congress lay the foundation of the Navy. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIIL I. A Declaration setting forth the causes and necessity of the colonies taking up arms. II. Second Petition to the King. 1775. IT is well nigh impossible for us, at this day, fully to realize the intense and burning indignation which was aroused throughout the length and breadth of the land, by the news of the battle at Lexington. Blood had been shed; and the blood of murdered brethren cried from the ground for vengeance. Volunteers im mediately hastened towards the scene of action, and within a few days Boston was besieged by the outraged people. Stark, of New Hampshire, ten minutes after the news reached him, was on his way to join the patriot force. Israel Putnam, of Connecticut, sixty years of age, was peacefully occupied in plough ing, when the tidings of the battle arrived, and he left his plough in the field, and without even going to his house, sped on his way to the camp All Virginia was aroused. Lord Dun- more had attempted a similar exploit to that of Gage, in seizing upon mili tary stores, which caused great excite ment, and nothing but timely conces sion on the part of the governor pre vented bloodshed. In New York, in Philadelphia, and farther south, the spirit of the people showed how deep ly they sympathized with their coun trymen in Massachusetts. It was felt everywhere that the sword had been drawn, and that now the contest must be decided by the sword. " Unhappy is it," said Washington, writing to Fair- CH. XIII.] BOSTON BESIEGED BY THE PEOPLE. 353 177*. tax in England, in regard to the de plorable commencement of hostilities at Lexington, " to reflect, that a broth er s sword has been sheathed in a brother s breast ; and that the once happy and peaceful plains of America are to be either drenched with blood or inhabited by slaves. Sad alterna tive ! Hut can a virtuous man hesitate in his choice ? " The Massachusetts Congress was in session at the time, and immediately took measures for sending depositions to England, to prove as was no doubt the case that the British troops were the aggressors. They also, while professing undiminished loyalty to the king, "appealed to heaven for the justice of their cause, and deter mined to die or be free." The forts, magazines, and arsenals, were speedily seized upon by the people in all direc tions. Troops were raised, and a new issue of paper money made. Boston was soon besieged by a force of twenty thousand men, who formed a line of encampment from Roxbury to the River Mystic. Artemas Ward was ap pointed captain-general of the troops thus brought together from the neigh boring colonies, who promptly deter mined to sustain Massachusetts in the impending conflict. Some bold spirits, perceiving clearly that war was at hand, had conceived a plan for capturing Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Ethan Allen* with his * A good story is told of the Vermont hero at a later date, when he was a prisoner on parole in New York. Rivington, the king s printer, had said some very severe and offensive things of tha whigs, VOT I. 47 Green Mountain Boys, less than three hundred in number, assembled at Castle- ton, May 2d, and were there joined by Benedict Arnold, who had also set out on the same errand. Arnold had a in his Gazette, and Allen had declared with an oath that " he would lick him the very first opportunity be had." We quote Rivington himself for the rest of the story. " I was sitting," says he, " after a good dinner, alone, with my bottle of madeira before me, when I heard an unusual noise in the street, and a huzza from the boys. I was in the second story, and stepping to the window, saw a tall figure in tarnished regimentals, with a large cocked hat and an enormous long sword, followed by a crowd of boys, who occasionally cheered him with huzzas, of which he seemed insensible. He came up to my door and stopped. I could see no more. My heart told me it was Ethan Allen. I shut down my win dow, and retired behind my table and bottle. I was certain the hour of reckoning had come. There waa no retreat. Mr. Staples, my clerk, came in paler than ever, and clasping his hands, said, Master, he is come ! I know it. He entered the store and asked, if James Rivington lived there. I answered, Yes, sir. Is he at home 1 I will go and see, sir, I said. And now, master, what is to be done? There he is in the store, and the boys peeping at him from the street. I had made up my mind. I looked at the bottle of madeira possibly took a glass. * Show him up, said I ; and if such madeira cannot mollify him, he must be harder than adamant. There was a fearful moment of suspense. I heard him on the stairs, his long sword clanking at every step. In he stalked. Is your name James Rivington ] It is, sir, and no man could be more happy than I am to see Colonel Ethan Allen. Sir, I have come Not another word, my dear colonel, until you have taken a seat and a glass of old madeira. But, sir, I don t think it proper Not another word, colonel. Taste this wine ; I have had it in glass for ten years. Old wine, you know, unless it is originally sound, never improves by age. He took the glass, swal lowed the wine, smacked his lips, and shook his head approvingly. Sir, I come Not another word until you have taken another glass, and then, my dear colonel, we will talk of old affairs, and I have some droll events to detail. In short, we finished two bottles of madeira, and parted as good friends as if we had never had cause to be other wise." D e Puy s " Ethan Allen and the GreenMoun- tain Heroes of 76," p. 262. 854 THE LAST YMAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. K. II. colonel s commission from Massachu setts, and claimed the command ; but the Vermonters refused flatly, and he was forced to serve as volunteer or not at all. The party arrived at Shoreham, opposite Ticonderoga, on the night of the 9th of May. Never dreaming of such a thing as an attack, the vigilance of the garrison was quite relaxed. Hav ing- obtained a boy, named Nathan Bemau, as a guide, Allen and Arnold crossed over during the night with only eighty-three of their men, the rest be ing unable to follow them for want of a supply of boats. Landed under the walls of the fort, they found their posi tion extremely critical ; the dawn was beginning to break, and unless they could succeed in instantly surprising the garrison, they ran themselves the most imminent risk of capture. Ethan Allen did not hesitate a moment, but, drawing up his men, briefly explained to them the position of affairs, and then, with Arnold by his side, hurried up immediately to the sally-port. The sentinel snapped his fusee at them, and rushing into the fort, the Americans followed close at his heels, and entering the open parade, awoke the sleeping garrison with three hearty cheers. The English soldiers started from their beds, and rushing below, were imme diately taken prisoners. Meanwhile Al len, attended by his guide, hurried up to the chamber of the commandant, Captain Delaplace, who was in bed, and knocking at his door with the hilt of his huge, sword, ordered him in a stentorian voice to make his instant ap pearance, or the entire garrison should immediately be put to death. The commandant appeared at his door, half dressed, "the frightened face of his pretty wife peering over his shoulder." Gazing in bewildered astonishment at Allen, he exclaimed, "By whose au thority do you act ?" " In the name of the Great Jehovah, and the Continental Congress !" replied Allen, with a flourish of his long sword, and, we are sorry to say, with an oath following it. There was no alternative and Delaplace sur rendered. Two days afterwards, Crown Point was surprized and taken. More than two hundred pieces of artillery, and a large and valuable supply of powder, which was greatly needed, fell into the hands of the Americans. By these daring movements, the command of Lakes George and Champlain was won, and the great highway to Canada was thrown open. The Second Continental Congress as sembled at Philadelphia on the 10th of May. Peyton Randolph was again chosen president and Charles Thomson secretary. Randolph being obliged to be absent in Virginia, Hancock was placed in the chair. The crisis had now been reached, and it was felt at once what an exceedingly difficult and responsible position Congress now occupied. At the meeting of the First Congress, war was apprehended ; now it had commenced ; and it must be pushed on with vigor. Then, as it usually hap pens in all new enterprises, minds were full of ardor, and tended, by a certain natural proclivity, towards the object ; at present, though greatly inflamed by the same sentiments, it was to be feared they might cool, in consequence of those vicissitudes so common in 1775. Cn. XIII.] THE SECOND CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. 355 popular movements, always more easy to excite than to maintain. A great number of loyalists, believing that things would not come to the last ex tremities, and that either the petitions sent to England would dispose the gov ernment to condescend to the desires of the Americans, or that, in time, the latter would become tranquil, had hith erto kept themselves quiet ; but it was to be feared, that at present, seeing all hope of reconciliation vanished, and war, no longer probable, but already waged against that king towards whom they wished to remain faithful, they would break out, and join themselves to the royal forces, against the authors of the revolution. It was even to be doubted, whether many of the partisans of liberty, who had placed great hope in the petitions, would not falter at the prospect of impending losses and in evitable dangers. Every thing indicat ed that the contest would prove long and sanguinary. It was little to be ex pected, that a population, until then pacific, and engaged in the arts of agri culture, and of commerce, could all at once learn that of war, and devote themselves to it with constancy, and without reserve. It was much more natural to imagine, that, upon the abat ing of this first fervor, the softer image of their former life recurring to their minds, they would abandon their colors, and implore the clemency of the con queror. It was, therefore, an enterprise of no little difficulty for Congress to form regulations and take measures, capable of maintaining the zeal of the people, and to impart to its proceed ings the influence which at first had been given to its acts by public opinion. Discipline was to be enforced ; money was to be raised; arms and military stores to be obtained ; and due regard to be had to the securing help from abroad. The position and course of the Indian tribes were also to be carefully attended to ; for it was greatly to be feared that the English could offer them inducements to join against the Ameri cans far greater than any counter induce ments which the colonists could name.* Anxious to preserve the appearance at least of conciliation, "An Humble and Dutiful Address" to the king was drawn up by Dickinson, and passed, though not without great opposition from the New England members. Ad dresses to the People of Great Britain, to the People of Ireland, and to the " Oppressed Inhabitants of Canada, were also prepared, and a day of fast ing and prayer was appointed. " These papers," says Pitkin, " breathed the same ardent love of liberty, contained the same dignified sentiments, evinced the same determined purpose of soul, and the same consciousness of the jus tice of their cause, as those of the former session. Nor were they couched in language less bold and energetic, on the subject of their rights, or less affec tionate towards those to whom they were addressed." From the necessity of the case, Con gress proceeded to exercise the author ity called for by the present emergency. * See Curtis s " History of the Constitution" vol. i.. p. 30-41, \vhere the position of the Second Con tinental Congress and the Formation and Char acter of the Revolutionary Government are ably discussed. 356 THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. It was voted that the colonies ought to be put in a posture of defence; and Congress ordered the enlistment of troops, the construction of forts at various points, the provision of arms, ammunition and military stores, etc. In order to meet the expense of these various measures, they authorized the emission of notes to the amount of $3,000,000, bearing the inscription of THE UNITED COLONIES ;" the faith of the confederacy being pledged for their redemption. The Massachusetts Con vention had requested Congress to as sume the direction of the forces before Boston ; and it was now resolved to raise ten additional companies of rifle men in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, to be paid out of the public funds. Committees were appointed to prepare reports on subjects connected with the defence of the country, and such was the opinion already enter tained of Washington s abilities and judgment, that he was chosen to preside over them. While sincerely desirous of effecting an amicable settlement of the questions in dispute with the mother country, Washington had al ready come to the conclusion that an appeal to arms was inevitable, and he was in favor of making vigorous pre paration for so momentous an issue. Towards the close of April, the people of New York met in Con vention, and appointed delegates to represent that province in Congress. About a month later, they asked the advice of Congress, as to the course to be pursued towards the troops soon ex pected to arrive there from England. That body gave advice adapted to the 1775. circumstances, recommending the peo pie to be wary and vigilant, and, if need be, to repel force by force. They also recommended the removal of military stores to a place of safety, the providing for the security of the women and children, and the be ing ready to defend themselves against insult and injury. Royalist influence was strong in New York ; and a plai. for conciliation then proposed, like all others, in a conjuncture such as existed at the time, asked too much for Parlia ment to grant, and yielded more than the people generally were willing to admit. The appointment of a commander- in-chief of the Continental Army was one of the most difficult and delicate duties which Congress was at any time called upon to discharge. There were several men of note, who might reason ably aspire to this distinguished honor ; there were local jealousies and preju dices in the way of unanimity ; and it was of the very highest importance, that the man selected should be ac ceptable to all the colonies. The sub ject was debated among the members with some anxiety, and a profound sense of the magnitude of the interests involved. Washington seemed, on the whole, from the very first, to be the most acceptable; but as there were older men in arms, as General Ward was already in command before Boston, as military etiquette is always a most troublesome matter to deal with, it be came somewhat doubtful how the ap pointment of Washington would be received. On the other hand, the im portance of Virginia in the impending CH. XIII.] WASHINGTON CHOSEN COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 357 struggle with the mother country, and the necessity of doing every thing rea sonable to keep alive the ardent patri otism and self-sacrificing spirits of its wealthy aristocracy, rendered it every way desirable to choose a commander- in-chief from that colony. Accord ingly, June 15th, Washington was nominated by Johnson of Maryland, and unanimously chosen.* We who have the advantage of retrospect, can now see most clearly, that Washington was the man, if not the onl/y man, com petent for the discharge of the duties whicli were imposed upon him. All his previous course had tended to fit him for the post, and we may rever ently believe, that God favored the cause of our country, when He raised up such a man to take command of her army, and conduct to a successful issue the American Revolution. The next day Washington returned thanks to the House for the signal honor done him. by Congress, and modestly expressing his doubt in re spect to his fitness for the post, and asking it to be remembered by every gentleman in the room, in view of what might happen, that he did not think himself equal to the command placed in his trust, he begged to decline re ceiving any pay for his services. "As no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me," were his words, "to ac cept this arduous employment, at the * Mr. Curtis has a long and interesting note on this point, the conclusion of which is, " There can be no doubt, that Washington was chosen commander-in- chief for his unquestionable merits, and not as a compromise between sectional interests and local jealousies." " History of the Constitution" vol. i., p. 11-48. 1775. expense of my domestic ease and hap piness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses. Those, I doubt not, Congress will discharge; and that is all I desire." On the 20th of June, Washington received his commission,* and the mem bers of Congress pledged themselves, by a unanimous resolve, to maintain, assist, and adhere to him, with their lives and fortunes, in the cause of liberty and right. Four major- generals, Arternas Ward, Israel Put nam, Philip Schuyler, and Charles Lee, were appointed directly after ; as were also eight brigadier-generals, Seth Pomeroy, Richard Montgomery, David Wooster, William Heath, Joseph * It was in the following words : " To George Washington, Esq. : We, reposing special trust and confidence in your patriotism, valor, conduct, and fidelity, do, by these presents, constitute and appoint you to be general and commander-in-chief of the army of the United Colonies, and of all the forces now raised, or to be raised by them, and of all others who shall voluntarily offer their services, and join the said army for the defence t f American Liberty, and for repelling every hostile invasion thereof; and you are hereby vested with full power and authority to act as you shall think for the good and welfare of the service. And we do hereby strictly charge and re quire all officers and soldiers under your command, to be obedient to your orders, and diligent in the ex ercise of their several duties. And we do also en join and require you, to be careful in executing the great trust reposed in you, by causing strict discipline and order to be observed in the army, and that the soldiers be duly exercised, and provided with all con venient necessaries. And you are to regulate your conduct in every respect, by the rules and discipline of war, (as here given you,) and punctually to ob serve and follow such orders and directions, from time to time, as you shall receive from this, or a future Congress of these United Colonies, or com mittee of Congress. This commissicn is to continue in force, until revoked by this, or a future Congress Signed, JOHN HANCOCK, President." 358 THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. II. Spencer, John Thomas, John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Greene. Horatio Gates, at Washington s request, was added, as adjutant-general, with the rank of brig adier. Both Gates and Lee were foreign born, and Congress would not have appointed them to these high posts, had not Washington requested it. Un fortunately they were, both of them, sources of trouble and annoyance to the commander-in-chief at a later date. Washington made all speed to enter upon his command. He left Philadel phia on the 21st of June, receiving everywhere on the road the most cor dial expressions of regard and confi dence ;* heard in New York the news of the battle of Bunker s Hill ; and, on the 2d of July, reached head-quarters at Cambridge. It is hardly needful to ay, that the army received him with enthusiasm and hearty welcome. Previous to this, at the latter end of May, General Gage had received large reinforcements, under Burgoyne, Clin ton, and Howe. As the ships entered the harbor, says Mr. Irving, and the "rebel camp" was pointed out, ten thousand yeomanry beleaguering a town garrisoned by five thousand reg- * In New York, Mr. Livingston, as president of the New York Congress, delivered a congratulatory address to Washington. The latter part of it is worth quoting, because of its significant hint of the prevalent unwillingness to entrust extensive military powers to any man : " Confiding in you, sir, and in the worthy generals immediately under your command, we have the most flattering hopes of success in the glorious struggle for American liberty, and the fullest assurances, that whenever this important contest shall be decided, by that fondest wish of every American Boul, an accommodation with our mother country, you will cheerfully resign the important deposit com mitted to your hands, and reassume the character of our worthiest citizen." ulars, Burgoyne could not restrain a burst of surprise and scorn. " What cried he, " ten thousand peasants keep five thousand king s troops shut up ! Well ; let us get in, and we ll soon find elbow room." On the 12th of June, Gage proclaimed the province under martial law, offering pardon to all who would lay down their arms, excepting, however, John Hancock, and Samuel Adams, whose offences, it was said, were "too flagitious, not to meet with con dign punishment." The Continental troops now numbered some sixteen thousand men, and it was thought high time for something more decisive to be done. Private information having been received, that Gage intended to assume the offensive, Colonel Prescott, in order more completely to cut off the com munication with the country, was dis patched with about a thousand men, including a company of artillery and two field-pieces, to proceed at nightfall and take possession of Bunker s Hill, a bold eminence at the northern ex tremity of the peninsula of Charles- town. By some mistake, however, the party went past Bunker s Hill, and commenced operations on Breed s Hill, near the southern termination of the peninsula, and overlooking and com manding Boston. There, directed by the engineer, Colonel Gridley, and un der cover of the darkness, they worked away, silently, but very vigorously ; so that when morning dawned, they had thrown up a considerable redoubt on the crest of the hill, and were still ac tively employed in endeavoring to com plete the remainder of the entrench ments. CH. XI.II.l THE BATTLE OF BUNKER S HILL. 859 1775. It was a matter of very great aston ishment to the British general, to find that the Americans had dared to take the bold step of occupying the hill, where they were entrenching them selves. A cannonading was im mediately opened upon them by the ships in the harbor and the bat teries in Boston. But the provincials, though at first somewhat shaken by the death of one of their party, who had ventured outside the works, labored on, undisturbed by the firing of the British. By noon, they had thrown up a breastwork, extending from the re doubt down the northern slope of the hill toward the water. It was plain, that if the Americans succeeded in mounting cannon in the redoubt, they would command the harbor, and might render it impossible to hold Boston it self. General Gage, therefore, resolved to dislodge the Americans at once. De spising the raw militia, he ordered the troops to land in front of the works, and push directly up the hill, it never having entered his mind that they would stand their ground against vet eran soldiers. Three thousand men, picked corps of the British army, led by Generals Howe and Pigot, under took this service of expelling the Ameri cans from their position. To all appear ance this would not be a difficult task ; for the provincial troops, jaded with their severe work throus-h the ni^ht c > o just past, hungry and thirsty, hav ing brought but scanty supplies, op pressed by the heat, and unsupported by reinforcements or provisions needful hi the emergency, were in but an ill condition to sustain an attack from hearty, vigorous soldiers, such as were now marching up the hill side. Yet they faltered not ; they were ready to do and to die in defence of liberty. Just before the action commenced, Stark, with two New Hampshire regi ments, reached the battle-ground, and took up a position on the left of the breastwork, but at some considerable distance in the rear, under cover of a novel kind of rampart, made by pulling up the rail fences, placing them in par allel lines some three or four feet apart, and filling the intervening space with new mown hay from the adjacent meadows. It was about three in the afternoon, when the British troops advanced to the assault. Formed in two lines, and stopping at times to give the artillery opportunities to play, they marched slowly forward, confident of victory, and supported by redoubled fire from the ships and batteries. The hills all about Boston, and the roofs and stee ples of the churches, were crowded with spectators, anxiously watching the ap proaching conflict. Not a single shot was wasted by the Americans. In deep but ominous silence, they allowed the enemy to approach within thirty or forty paces, when they opened upon them, with a most deadly discharge ; every shot telling upon the British troops. The slaughter was immense, and the regulars fell back in disorder to the landing place. Rallied by their officers, who were equally astounded and angry at the result, they advanced again ; and again the same deadly fire, drove them back, some even retreating to the boats. Charlestown was set on SCO THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. [BK. n. fire by Gage s orders, adding new hor rors to the scene. General Clinton hastened from Boston, to give aid and encouragement, but it was with the greatest difficulty that the troops were rallied and led a third time up the hill. The thunder of artillery from batteries %nd ships ; the bursting of bombshells ; the sharp discharges of musketry ; the shouts and yells of the combatants; the crasli of burning buildings, and the dense volumes of smoke, which ob scured the summer sun, all formed a tremendous spectacle," The ammuni tion of the Americans was nearly ex pended, and no supply was at hand. The British troops also brought some cannon to bear, which raked the inside of the breastwork from end to end. The fire from the ships, batteries, and field artillery was incessant, and the soldiers were goaded on by their offi cers. The redoubt was attacked on three sides at once. Under these cir cumstances, Prescott ordered a retreat, but the provincials delayed, and made resistance with their discharged mus kets, as if they had been clubs, so long, that the regulars, who easily mounted the works, had half filled the redoubt, before it was given up to them. While these operations were going on at the breastwork and redoubt, the British light infantry were attempting to force the left point of the former, that they might take the American line in flank. Though they exhibited undaunted courage, they met with an opposition which called for its greatest exertions. The provincials here, under the veteran Stark, in like manner, re- "".rn-d their fire till their adversaries were near, and then poured it upon the light infantry, with such an incessant stream, and in so true a direction, as mowed down their ranks. The engage ment was kept up on both sides with great resolution. The persevering ex ertions of the regulars could not com pel the Americans to retreat, till they observed that their main body had left the hill. They then slowly retired, disputing the ground, inch by inch, and made good their retreat over the Neck, under a galling fire from the ships and batteries, which, however, was not pro ductive of, serious injury. They fell back, and entrenched themselves on Prospect Hill, only about a mile from the field of battle. The English troop? felt no disposition to pursue them, but were content to remain in possession of their dearly bought victory. We have dwelt somewhat at large upon the incidents just narrated. The occasion well deserves it, for no subse quent conflict was of more importance than this, in its effect upon the Americans as well as the British. It was truly, as Mr. Irving says, "most eventful in its consequences. The British had gained the ground for which they contended ; but, if a vic tory, it was more disastrous and humili ating to them than an ordinary defeat. They had ridiculed and despised their enemy, representing them as dastardly and inefficient; yet here their best troops, led on by experienced officers, had repeatedly been repulsed by an in ferior force of that enemy, mere yeo manry, from works thrown up in a single night, and had suffered a loss rarely paralleled in battle with the CH. XIII.] DEATH OF WARREN. 361 most veteran soldiery; for, according to thei** own returns, their killed and wounded, out of a detachment of two thousand men, amounted to one thou sand and fifty-four, and a large propor tion of them officers. The loss of the Americans did not exceed four hundred and fifty. To the latter, this defeat, if defeat it might be called, had the effect of a triumph. It gave them confidence in themselves, and consequence in the eyes of their enemies. They had proved to themselves and to others, that they could measure weapons with the disciplined soldiers of Europe, and inflict the most harm in the conflict."* Beside several officers of distinction, the greatest loss which the Americans met with, was in the death of General Warren. He had only a few days be fore been commissioned as major-gen eral, and was at the time president of the Massachusetts Congress, and chair man of the Committee of Safety. Leaving his post as presiding officer in the Congress, so soon as he heard of the meditated attack upon the Amer icans on Bunker s Hill, he hurried to the scene of action. When he entered the redoubt, the brave and able Colonel Prcscott offered him the command, but be declined taking it, saying, "I am come to learn war under an experienced soldier, not to take any command." When his countrymen were compelled to retreat, he was the last to leave the redoubt, and immediately after, a ball struck him in the head, and he fell dead on the spot. His loss was esteemed a public calamity, and produced a pro- * IrvingVZtyfe of Washington," vol. i.,p. 482. VOL. I. 48 1775. found impression throughout America, for no man of his age was more highly respected and beloved than Joseph Warren, "the brave, blooming, gen erous, self-devoted martyr of Bunker s Hill."* Perpetual honor to his mem ory !f Immediately on taking command of the army, Washington made it a pri mary duty to ascertain its actual strength and position. He found that there were excellent materials for an army, but that they sadly lacked arms, ammunition, and military stores of every kind. He found them ani mated with great zeal, and prepared to follow him in the most desperate un dertakings : but he soon perceived that they were unacquainted with subordi nation, and strangers to military dis cipline. The spirit of liberty which had brought them together, showed it self in all their actions. In the prov ince of Massachusetts, the officers had * See Everett s "Life of Joseph Warren," p. 53. f Warren was, as has been truly said, " the martyr of that day s glory. His death was felt as a calamity to the cause and to the nation. He was in the prime of life, being only thirty-five years of age, with a spirit as bold and dauntless as ever was blazoned in legends, or recorded in history. He was a prudent, cautious, but fearless statesman ; made to govern men, and to breathe into them a portion of his own heroic soul. His eloquence was of a high order ; his voice was fine, and of great compass, and he modu lated it at will. His appearance had the air of a soldier, graceful and commanding, united to the manners of a finished gentleman. The British thought that his life was of the utmost importance to the American army ; of so much importance, that they would no longer hold together after his fall. They sadly mistook the men they had to deal with. His blood was not shed in vain ; it cried from the ground for vengeance ; and his name became a watch word in the hour of neril and glory." Brave old Put nam was also m the thickest of the fight, but wag spared for further service to his country. THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. [B K . been chosen by the votes of the sol diers, and felt themselves hardly at all superior to them. The congressional and colonial authorities likewise in terfered with each other, and the ap pointment of officers by Congress caused much jealousy and dissatisfac tion. Nearly all their operations were retarded by the want of engineers. But the comrnander-in-chief spared no efforts to remedy these, and the like defects. He formed the soldiers into brigades, and accustomed them to obedi ence: he requested Congress to nomi nate a commissary-general and pay master-general, which officers they had neglected to appoint. A number of the most active men were constantly employed in learning to manage the artillery ; and such was the success of his diligent exertions, that in a short time the -army was organized, and in great measure fit for service. On the 24th of July, Joseph Trurn- bull was appointed commissary-general of the continental army. Joseph Reed, a member of the Philadelphia bar, be came secretary to the commander-in- chief; subsequently, Robert H. Har rison was selected by Washington for this post of honor and trust, a post which he occupied for several years. A number of rifle companies, fourteen hundred men in all, soon after reached the camp. They came from Pennsyl vania, Maryland, and Virginia. Daniel Morgan, a native of New Jersey, was in command of one of these companies. He became afterwards famous in par tisan warfare. These stalwart frontier- men were a seasonable addition to the main army. The actual force of the American army was about fourteen thousand men. They were posted on the heights around Boston, forming a line which extended from Roxbury on the right, to the River Mystic on the left, a dis tance of twelve miles. The British forces occupied Bunker s and Breed s Hill, and Boston Neck. This disposi tion of the troops greatly distressed the British, who were confined to Boston, and often obliged to risk their lives to obtain the means of sustenance. Gen eral Gage had about eleven thousand men in Boston, admirably furnished with every thing except provisions, and so closely was he hemmed in, that he dared not undertake offensive opera tions with any prospect of success. Washington, despite all difficulties, de termined to maintain the position at present occupied by the continental troops, being confident that ere long the British must risk a battle, or evacu ate the city. Congress, meanwhile, was busily oc cupied with measures relating to the public good. Towards the close of June, it was voted to issue $3,000,000 in bills of credit, for the pay of the army, and early in July, Congress adopted a " Declaration, setting forth the causes and necessity of the colonies taking up arms." The dignity, pro priety, and force of this document, are worthy the reader s especial attention. He will find it in full in the Appendix to this chapter.* On the subject of again petitioning the king, there was a See Appendix I at the end of the present chap ter. Cn. XIII. J PAPERS OF THE SECOND CONGRESS. 363 1775. difference of opinion; the opponents of the measure yielded, and on July 8th, the petition was adopted. No further attempt was ever made towards a reconciliation.* Another Address to the Inhabitants of Great .Britain was prepared, and they were besought as "friends, coun trymen, and brethren," not to sanction the tyrannous course of government towards America. Eepudiating the charge that they were aiming at inde pendence, they recounted in forcible language the injuries they had received, and the necessity they were under of defending themselves. "We are ac cused," they say, "of aiming at inde pendence ; but how is this accusation supported ? By the allegations of your ministers, not by our actions. Abused, insulted, and contemned, what steps have we pursued to obtain redress? We have carried our dutiful petitions to the throne. We have applied to your justice for relief. What has been the success of our endeavors? The clemency of our sovereign is unhappily diverted ; our petitions are treated with indignity ; our prayers answered by in sults. Our application to you remains unnoticed, and leaves us the melancholy apprehension of your wanting either the will, or the power to Assist us. Even under these circumstances, what measures have we taken that betray a desire of independence? Have we called in the aid of those foreign powers, ivlio are the rivals of your grandeur f When your troops were few and de- * See Appendix II., at the end of the present chapter. fenceless, did we take advantage of their distress, and expel them our towns? Or have we permitted them to fortify, to receive new aid, and to acquire additional strength?" Two other papers were drawn up ; an Ad dress to the People of Ireland, and a Letter to the Assembly of Jamaica, both documents of force and pungency, which might have helped to convince the English ministry, that the colonists knew how to use the pen as well as the sword. Congress, aware of the importance of securing the aid, or at least neutrality of the Indians, appointed three boards for Indian affairs, and a good deal of attention was bestowed upon the red men and their peculiarities. During this session of Congress, also, the first line of posts for the communication of intelligence through the United States, was established. Benjamin Franklin was appointed, by an unanimous vote, postmaster-general, with power to ap point as many deputies as he might deem proper and necessary, for the con veyance of the mail from Falmouth, in New England, to Savannah, in Georgia. Dr. Benjamin Church was put at the head of an army hospital ; but a few months afterwards, as Holmes, in his Anuals, notes, Dr. Church was detected in a traitorous correspondence with the British in Boston. He was tried, and convicted, and Congress ordered him to be closely confined. Some time subsequently, being allowed to depart with his family for the West Indies, the vessel foundered at sea, and all wero lost. In consideration of "the present 364 THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. [B K . critical, alarming, and calamitous state" of the colonies, Congress recommended that the 20th of July be observed, by the inhabitants of all the English col onies, as a day of public humiliation, fasting and prayer. The day was ob served accordingly; and it was, as Holmes states, the first general fast ever kept on one day, since the settle ment of the colonies. When the news of this recommendation reached the army, Lee, who was given to scoffing, spoke contemptuously of beseeching God s blessing upon the American arms ; but Washington ordered the day to be exactly observed. All labor was suspended, and the officers and soldiers were required to attend divine service. Besides their ill success with the Ca nadians, whom they could not persuade to arm against the Americans, the Brit ish ministry found the Indians rather impracticable. No reasoning seemed to make much .impression upon the red men. They were, however, more dispos ed to listen to what was said on the other side. Congress set forth that the Eng lish had taken up arms to enslave, not only their countrymen in America, but the Indians also ; and, if the latter should enable them to overcome the colonists, they themselves would soon be reduced to a state of slavery also. By arguments of this kind it was hoped that these savages might be engaged to remain neuter ; and thus the colonists be freed from a most dangerous enemy. On this occasion it was thought proper to hold a solemn conference with the Six Nations, convened in council in Philadelphia. The speech made to them is curious in many respects. We give a specimen of it, as showing the ground taken in endeavoring to enlist the sympathy and support of the In dians : " Brothers, sachems, and war riors ! We are the delegates from the Twelve United Provinces, now sitting o in General Congress at Philadelphia, who have sent their talk to you, our brothers. Brothers and friends, now attend ! When our fathers crossed the great water, and came over to this land, the King of England gave them a talk, assuring them that they and their children should be his children ; and that, if they would leave their ua tive country, and make settlements, and live here, and buy and sell, and trade with their brethren beyond the water, they should still keep hold of the same covenant-chain, and enjoy peace ; and it was covenanted, that the fields, houses, goods, and possessions which our fathers should acquire, should remain to them as their own, and be their children s for ever, and at their sole disposal. Brothers and friends, open a kind ear ! We will now tell you of the quarrel betwixt the counsellors of King George and the inhabitants and colonies of America, Many of his counsellors have persuaded him to break the covenant-chain, and not to send us any more good talks. They have prevailed upon him to enter into a covenant against us ; and have torn asunder, and cast behind their backs, the good old covenant which their an cestors and ours entered into, and took strong hold of. They now tell us they will put their hands into our pockets without asking, as though it were their Cn XIII. ] A TALK WITH THE INDIANS. 305 own ; and at their pleasure they will take: from us our charters, or written civil constitution, which we love as our lives ; also our plantations, or houses, and goods, whenever they please, with out asking our leave. They tell us that our vessels may go to that or this island in the sea, but to this or that parti cular island we shall not trade any more ; and, in case of our non-compli ance with these new orders, they shut up our harbors. Brothers, we live on the same ground with you ; the same land is our common birth-place. We desire to sit down under the same tree of peace with you ; let us water its roots, and cherish the growth, till the large leaves and flourishing branches shall extend to the setting sun, and reach the skies. If any thing disagreeable should ever fall out between us, the Twelve United Colonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our peace, let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach. From the present situation of our af fairs, we judge it expedient to kindle up a small fire at Albany, where we may hear each others voice, and dis close our minds fully to one another." A similar talk was prepared for the other Indian nations, and it was trusted that their neutrality might be secured. We are sorry to state, however, that through the powerful influence of Col. Guy Johnson, Intendant-general of the King for Indian Affairs, the Six Na tions, who were bigotedly attached to the Johnson family, were induced to offer their aid to General Carleton, at Montreal, against the Americans. This, Bays Holmes, was the origin of the In dian war. Early in July, Georgia entered into the opposition made to the claims of the British Parliament to tax America, and chose delegates to Congress ; after which the style of " THE THIR TEEN UNITED COLONIES" was assumed, and, by that title the English provinces, confederated and in arms, were thenceforth designated. Lord North s plan for conciliation was taken up and discussed in Congress. After full examination, its want of definite- ness, and its consequently unsatisfactory character, were pointed out, and it was rejected. During the month of August, Congress took a recess, and, early in September, reassembled, the Georgia delegates being present in their seats. The position of Washington was in no respect to be envied. In Congress there was a considerable amount of jealous apprehension of military power, and a fear that the temptation to undue exercise of that power might lead even the great hero and patriot Commander- in-chief somewhat astray. A standing army was a terrible spectre to their imaginations, and it was not without extreme difficulty, that Washington could bring them to realize the convic tion in his own mind that the cause was hopeless, unless he could have an army of sufficient size, and enlisted to serve for the whole time of the war.* * " This error (of enlisting men for only a year) may have be.en owing to the character of the gov ernment, to the opinions and prejudices prevailing in Congress, and to the delusive idea, which still lingered in the minds of many of the members, that, although the sword had been drawn, the scabbard was not wholly thrown aside, and that they should be able to coerce the British ministry into a redress of grievances, which might be followed by a restore- 366 THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. . n. Washington, however deeply in his own bosom he might have felt hurt at unworthy suspicions, was not moved for a moment from the course which he knew must be pursued, if he hoped for success ; and his patience and forbear ance and fortitude were put to a severe test. Congress could only sanction and aid his exertions ; the labor of invent ing, combining, organizing, establish ing, and sustaining a proper military system, must fall upon him. "To this end he kept up an unremitted corre spondence with Congress during the whole war. His letters were read to the House in full session, and almost every important resolution respecting the army was adopted on his sugges tion or recommendation, and emanated from his mind. He was thus literally the centre of motion to this immense and complicated machine, not more in directing its operations than in pro viding for its existence, and preserving from derangement and ruin its various parts. His perplexities were often in creased by the distance at which he was stationed from Congress, the tardy movements of that body, and the long tion of the relations between the colonies and the mother country, upon a constitutional basis. No such idea was entertained by Washington from the beginning. He entertained no thought of accommo dation, after the measures adopted in consequence of the battle of Bunker s Hill. But at the time of which we are treating, the issue had not been made, as Washington would have made it, and, when we consider the state of things before the Declaration f Independence was adopted, and look attentively a.t the objects for which Congress had been assem bled, and at the nature of their powers, we may perceive how they came to make the mistake of not organizing a military establishment on a more per manent footing " Curtis s "History of the Consti tution," vol. , p. 61. time it took to obtain the results of their deliberations. By a constant watchfulness and forethought, and by anticipating the future in his commu nications, he contrived to lessen this inconvenience as far as it could be done."* Besides this severe task up on his energies, the Commander-in-chief was obliged to correspond very exten sively with various public bodies throughout the colonies, and as far as. possible stimulate their zeal, rouse their patriotism, and prevail upon them to give immediate and efficient aid. And this, too, despite the necessity which he felt laid upon him to refuse to detach troops at various points to protect the sea coast from the ravages of the En glish navy. Early in August, IT 75, Washington having heard that the prisoners taken by the British at Bunker s Hill were treated with severity and harshness, unworthy of civilized warfare, deemed it a duty to write to General Gage on the subject. They had both served as aides to General Brad- dock, and had fought side by side at the bloody battle of the Monongahela. Ever since a friendly correspondence had been maintained between them; and now they were occupying a posi tion of antagonism in support of prin ciples and views diametrically opposite. Gage denied the charge of ill-usage, and took occasion to speak in rather insult ing terms of the " rebels," and of those "whose lives by the law of the land were destined to the cord." Washing ton felt compelled to order retaliatory Sparks s " Life of Washington, 1 1 p. 139. 1773. CH. XIII.l INDEPENDENCE NOT YET RESOLVED UPON. 367 measures to be pursued towards the prisoners in his hands, but he speedily relented, and with noble generosity re leased them upon parole, in the hope that " such conduct would compel their grateful acknowledgments that Ameri cans are as merciful as they are brave." His reply to Gage s letter was dignified and worthy of the man : " You affect, sir, he said, "to despise all rank not derived from the same source as your own. I cannot conceive one more hon orable than that which flows from the uncorrupted choice of a brave and free people, the purest source and original fountain of all power. Far from mak ing it a plea for cruelty, a mind of true magnanimity and enlarged ideas would apprehend and respect it." Shortly after, General Gage was re called to England, ostensibly " in order to give his Majesty,- exact information of every thing, and suggest such matters as his knowledge and experience of the service enabled him to furnish." He was succeeded by General Howe, a bro ther of Lord Howe, who had been killed before Ticonderoga, and whose memory was cherished by the Ameri cans. Although there was no difference of opinion among the colonists as to the necessity of defending their rights and liberties ; although, too, the people did not hesitate to take possession of public stores and ammunition, and to assume all the powers of government ; still the large body of the colonists had not yet resolved upon independence and a complete separation from the mother country. This is evinced, as Pitkin properly states, not only by the declarations of Congress, but from the proceedings and declarations of the colonial assemblies and conventions, in the course of this year. Some of these we shall bring to the notice of the reader. In August, a plan of confed eracy, submitted to Congress by Dr. Franklin, in the preceding July, was also laid before the convention of North Carolina they declared, " that a con federation of the colonies was not, at present, eligible ; that the present asso ciation ought to be further relied on, for bringing about a reconciliation with the parent country, and a further con federacy ought only to be adopted, in case of the last extremity." In Sep tember following, the same convention, in an address to the inhabitants of the British empire, used still stronger lan guage on this subject: "We again de clare," they say, "that we invoke that Almighty Being, who searches the re cesses of the human heart, and knows our most secret intentions, that it is our most earnest wish and prayer, to be re stored, with the other united colonies, to that state in which we and they were placed, before the year 1763 ; disposed to glance over any regulations which Britain had made, previous to this, and which seem to be injurious and oppres sive to those colonies ; hoping that, at some future day, she will willingly in terpose, and remove from us, any cause of complaint." While the convention of Virginia, which met on the 18th of July, t proceeded to place that colony in a state of defence, and to give their reasons for this measure ; they, " before God and the world," made the follow- THE LAST YEAH OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. IBs. II. ing declaration : " We do bear faith and true allegiance to his Majesty, and will, so lon^ as it may be in our power, de fend him and his government, as found ed on the laws and well-known prin ciples of the constitution : we will, to the utmost of our power, endeavor, by every honorable means, to promote a restoration of that friendship and amity which so long and so happily subsisted between our fellow subjects in Great Britain, and the inhabitants of Amer ica; and as, on the one hand, we are determined to defend our lives and pro perty, and maintain our just rights and privileges, at even the extremest haz ard, so, on the other hand, it is our fixed and unalterable resolution, to dis band such forces as may be raised in this colony, whenever our dangers are removed, and America is restored to its former state of tranquillity and happi ness." " We declare," said the members of the South Carolina Convention, in their address to their new governor, Lord William Campbell, " that no love of in novation, no desire of altering the con- O stitution of government, no lust of in dependence, have had the least influence upon our counsels ; but, alarmed and roused, by a long succession of arbi trary proceedings, by wicked adminis trations ; impressed with the greatest apprehensions of instigated insurrec tions, and deeply affected by the com mencement of hostilities by the British troops against this continent ; solely for the preservation and in defence of our lives, liberties, and property, we have been impelled to associate and take up amis. We only dea ; re the same en- joyment of our invaluable rights, and we wish for nothing more ardently than a speedy reconciliation with our mother country, upon constitutional principles. Conscious," they added, " of the justice of our cause, and the integrity of our views, we readily profess our loyal at tachment to our sovereign, his crown and dignity ; and trusting the event to Providence, we prefer death to slavery." Though the Assembly of Pennsyl vania, in the -instructions to their dele gates to Congress, in November, de clared that the oppressive measures of the British Parliament and administra tion had compelled them to resist their violence by force of arms ; yet they strictly enjoined them, in behalf of that colony, " to dissent from, and reject any proposition, should such be made, that may cause or lead to a separation from the mother country, or a change in the form of their government." The delegates of Maryland were also instructed not to assent, without the previous knowledge and approbation of the convention of that province, to any proposition, to declare these colo nies independent of the crown of Great Britain, unless a majority of them should judge it absolutely necessary, for the presei vatiou of the liberties of the United Colonies. The governor of New Jersey having, in his address to the Assembly, declared, "That senti ments of independency were, by some, of present consequence, openly avowed, and that essays were already appear ing in the public papers, to ridicule the people s fears of that horrid measure ;" the House in answer, said, "There is nothing we desire with greater anxiety, On. XIII.] THE MECKLENBURG DECLARATION. 3(39 than a reconciliation with our parent state, on constitutional principles. We know of no sentiments of independency that are, by men of any consequence, openly avowed ; nor do we approve of any essays, tending to encourage such a measure. We have already expressed our detestation of such opinions, and we have, so frequently and freely declared our sentiments on this subject, that we should have thought ourselves, as at present we really deserve to be, exempt from all suspicion of this nature." The provincial convention of New York, in December, declared, that u the turbulent state of that colony did not arise from a want of attachment to the king, from a desire to become inde pendent of the British crown, or a spirit of opposition to the ancient and established form of government to which they had been subjected; but solely from the oppressive acts of the British Parliament, directed to enslav ing the colonies, and the hostile at tempts of the ministry to carry these acts into execution. 1 The people of New Hampshire, in establishing a new government, in January, 1776, de clared, " we conceive ourselves reduced to the necessity of establishing a new form of government, to continue dur ing the present unhappy and unnat ural contest with Great Britain ; pro testing and declaring, that we never sought to throw off our dependence on Great Britain, but felt ourselves happy under her protection, whilst we could enjoy our constitutional rights and pri vileges ; and that we shall rejoice, if Buch a reconciliation between us and our parent state, can be effected, as Voi,. I. 49 1775. shall be approved by the Continental Congress, in whose prudence and wis dom we confide."* It is true, notwithstanding what has been stated above in regard to the general feeling in North Caro lina, that a portion of the in habitants entertained much stronger sentiments of opposition to Parliament ary misrule, and much more ardent as pirations for political freedom than the Convention were willing to adopt. This was remarkably shown by the fact that the citizens of Mecklenburg county, on the 21st of May, w r ent so far as to pre pare and set forth resolutions embody ing a formal Declaration of Indepen dence, a step quite beyond any thing which had as yet been done elsewhere, and which the Continental Congress were not ready at this date to sanction. These resolutions are worthy of being quoted in full, and no doubt were in the hands of the Committee of Con gress who, the year following, wero charged with the drawing up the Dec laration of Independence, issued in be half of all the colonies. "Resolved, \st. That whosoever, di rectly or indirectly, abetted, or in any way, form, or manner, countenanced the unchartered and dangerous invasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to this county, to Ameri ca, and to the inherent and unalienable rio-hts of man. O " Unsolved, 2d. That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg county, do hereby dis solve the political bonds which have * Pitkin s " Oirif and Political History of ihf. United States," vol. i., p. 348-51. 370 THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. connected us with the mother country, and hereby absolve ourselves from all allegiance to the British Crown, and O abjure all political connection, contract, or association with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on our rights and liberties, and inhumanly shed the blood of American Patriots at Lexinsr- O ton. "Resolved, d. That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and indepen dent people ; are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and self-governing asso ciation, under the control of no power, other than that of our God, and the general government of the Congress ; to the maintenance of which inde pendence, we solemnly pledge to each other, our mutual co-operation, our lives, our fortunes, and our most sacred honor. " Hesolved, Uh. That, as we ac knowledge the existence and control of no law, nor legal office, civil or mili tary, within this county, we do hereby ordain and adopt, as a rule of life, all, each, and every of our former laws ; wherein, nevertheless, the crown of Great Britain never can be considered as holding rights, privileges, immuni ties, or authority therein. "Resolved, 5tli. That it is further de creed that all, each, and every military officer in this county is hereby retained in his former command and authority, he acting conformably to these regula tions. And that every member pres ent of this delegation shall henceforth be a civil officer, viz. : a Justice of the Peace, in the character of a committee- man, to issue process, hear and deter mine all matters of controversy, accord- ing to said adopted laws ; and to pre serve peace, union, and harmony in said county ; and to use every exertion to spread the love of country and fire of freedom throughout America, until a general organized government be established in this province." After the taking of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, both Allen and Arnold had strenuously urged upon Congress the desirableness of advancing into Canada, where the British force was very small, and of seizing upon the im portant strongholds of that country. This measure was at first looked upon with disapprobation, as stepping out of the line of resistance marked out for the present struggle, and commencing a war of aggression. But, as the de signs of the British to reduce the colo nies to obedience, by an increased dis play of force, became apparent, the contest assumed another character, and Congress was willing to adopt the pro ject of an attack upon Canada as a measure of self-defence, which was fully sanctioned by Washington himself, who regarded it as "being of the utmost consequence to the interests and liber ties of America." Two expeditions were accordingly organized and dis patched, one by the way of Lake Cham- plain, under General Schuyler, the othe T by the way of the River Kennebeck, under the command of Arnold. General Lee, with twelve hundred volunteers from Connecticut, was also directed to repair to New York, and with the aid of the inhabitants, fortify the city, and the Highlands on the Hudson River. In pursuance of the plan of guarding the northern frontier by taking Canada, CH. XJU ALLEN S ATTACK ON MONTREAL. 371 Generals Scliuyler and Montgomery, with two regiments of New York militia, and a body of New England men, amounting in the whole to about two thousand, were ordered to move towards Ticonderoga, which had re mained in possession of the Americans since the expedition of Colonels Arnold and Allen. Brigadier-general Montgomery was ordered to proceed in advance, with the troops then in readiness, and lay siege to St. John s, the first British post in Canada, about one hundred and fifty miles north of Ticonderoga. General Schuyler soon followed, and on arriving at the Isle aux Noix, twelve miles south of St. John s, sent circular letters to the Canadians, exhorting them to arouse and assert their liberties, declaring that the Americans entered their country as friends and protectors, not as enemies. The intelligence received of the situa tion of St. John s, determined them to wait at the Isle aux Noix, for their re maining troops and artillery. General Schuyler returned to Albany to hasten their departure ; but, being prevented by sickness from again joining the army, the chief command devolved on Montgomery. On receiving the rein forcement he invested St. John s ; but, being almost destitute of battering can non and of powder, he made no progress in the siege. Colonel Allen, the hero of Ticonde roga, had a command under General Montgomery ; and was dispatched by him with about eighty men, to secure a party of hostile Indians. Allen, hav ing effected his object, was returning to he ad -quarters, when he was met by Major Brown, who, with a party, had been on a tour into the country, to observe the dispositions of the people, and attach them, if possible, to the American cause. It was agreed between them to make a descent upon Montreal. They divided into two parties, intend ing to assail the city at two opposite points. Allen crossed the river in the night, as had been proposed; but by some means Brown and his party failed. Instead of returning, Allen, with great rashness, determined to maintain his ground. In the morning the British general, Carleton, at the head of a few regulars and several hundred militia, marched to attack him. Allen, with his little band of eighty, fought with desperate courage ; but he was compelled to yield, and he and his brave associates were loaded with irons, and in that condition sent to England. Allen, after undergoing every species of outrage and hardship, was brought back to the coast of America, and kept under restraint in New York, till the victory of Saratoga effected his release in May, 17T8. On the 13th of October, a small fort at Chamblet, which was but slightly guarded, was taken. Several pieces of artillerv, and about one hundred and */ / twenty barrels of gunpowder, were the fruits of this victory, which enabled General Montgomery to proceed with vio-or against St. John s. In defiance of o o the continual fire of the enemy, the Americans erected a battery near the fort St. John s, and made preparations for a severe cannonade, and an assault, if necessary. General Carleton, hearing of the situ- 572 THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. n. ation of St. John s, raised a force for its relief. He had posted Colonel McLean, with a Scotch regiment, at the mouth of the Sorel, and attempted to cross at Longueil, for the purpose of forming a junction, and marching to the relief of St. John s. Colonel War ner, who was stationed at Longueil with three hundred mountaineers and a small piece of artillery, kept up so warm a fire upon their boats, that they were compelled to return to Montreal. When the news of this repulse reached Montreal, he sent a flag to Major Pres ton, who commanded the besieged fort ress, summoning him to surrender ; as all hope of relief was cut off by Carle- ton s repulse, and further resistance could only lead to useless destruction of lives. It was accordingly surren dered, November 3d, and soon entered by the American troops. General Carleton now abandoned Montreal to its fate, and made his es cape down the river in the night, in a small canoe, with muffled oars. The next day, General Montgomery, after engaging to allow the inhabitants their own laws, the free exercise of their re ligion, and the privilege of governing themselves, entered the town. His be nevolent conduct induced many to join his standard: yet some of his own army deserted from severity of climate, and many whose time of enlistment had near ly expired, insisted on returning home. With the remnant of his army, con sisting of three hundred men, he began his march towards Quebec, expecting to meet there the detachment of troops under Arnold, who were to penetrate by the way of Maine. 1775. Arnold commenced his march with one thousand men, about the middle of September. After sustaining almost in credible hardships, he arrived at Point Levi, opposite Quebec, on the 9th of November. On the 13th, he crossed the St. Lawrence in the night, and as cended the precipice which Wolfe had ascended before him, formed his army, which, from the hardships it had en dured, was reduced to seven hundred men, on the heights near the memorable plains of Abraham. He then marched towards Quebec, in the hope of sur prising it. But, being convinced by a cannon-shot from the walls, that the garrison were ready to re ceive him, he was obliged to retire ; and on the 18th, marched to Point aux Trem bles to await the arrival of Montgomery On the 13th of October, Arnold had intrusted an Indian whom he met, with a letter for General Schuyler, giving him information of his progress, which the Indian delivered to General Carle- ton ; and thus, in all probability, was the enterprise frustrated. General Carleton, who had escaped the vigi lance of the Americans, proceeded at once to put Quebec in a state of defence against the contemplated attack of the invaders. Montgomery arrived on the 1st of December, and took command of the forces, which amounted only to nine hundred men. After clothing the half- naked troops of Arnold with garments which he had brought with him. the c? / whole force set forward together foi Quebec. On their march thither, they were now exposed to all the severities of a Canadian winter; the driving sleet Cn. XIII.] DEATH OF MONTGOMERY. 373 beat fiercely in their faces, the road was cumbered with huge drifts of snow, and in the open and unsheltered country the cold was almost beyond endurance. Such was the season when the Ameri can troops commenced the siege of Quebec, furnished only with a few guns, which were reared on batteries of snow and ice, and produced no effect what ever on the solid ramparts that con fronted them. For three weeks they continued, nevertheless, to abide the bitter severity of the weather, until the small-pox broke out in the camp, the term of enlistment of many of the troops had nearly expired, discontent and despondency began to prevail, and Montgomery perceived that nothing but engaging them in some vigorous effort could keep the expedition much longer from falling to pieces. It was determined, therefore, to try the despe rate chances of an assault. One body of the troops was to make a feigned at tack upon the upper town from the plains of Abraham, while Montgomery and Arnold, at the head of their re spective divisions, were to storm the lower town at two opposite points, and t-hence proceed to invest the upper town and citadel. It was on the last day of the year, in ike tkick gloom of an early morning, while the snow was falling fast, and the cutting wind whirling it about in heavy drifts, that Mont gomery, at the head of his New York troops, proceeded along the narrow road leading under the foot of the o precipices from Wolfe s Cove into the lower town of Quebec. At the entry of the street, crouching beneath the 1775. lofty rock of Cape Diamond, was planted a block-house, its guns pointed carefully so as to sweep the approach. This post was manned by Captain Barnsfare, with a few British seamen and a body of Canadian militia. As Montgomery approached along a road way encumbered with heaps of ice and snow, he encountered a line of stock ades, part of which he sawed through with his own hands, and having at length opened a passage, exclaiming to his troops, "Men of New York, you will not fear to follow where your gen eral leads," he rushed forward to storm the block-house. But the vigilant offi cer had faintly descried the approach of the besiegers, and when they were within a few paces, the fatal match was applied, a hurricane of grape-shot swept the pass, and the gallant Montgomery fell dead upon the spot. With him were struck down Captains Cheesmau and McPherson, his aids-de-camp, and several among the foremost soldiers. Astounded and terrified at this fatal result, the Americans precipitately re treated. Meantime, Arnold, from the opposite side, advanced to his attack with des perate resolution. In assaulting the first barrier, he received a severe wound in the leg, which obliged him to quit the field. "Happy for him," as Mr. Irving feelingly exclaims, " had he fall en at this moment. Happy for him had he found a soldier s and a patriot s grave beneath the rock-built walls of Quebec. Those walls would have re mained enduring monuments of his re nown. His name, like that of Mont gomery, would have been treasured up 374 THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. [B K . among the dearest, though most mourn ful recollections of his country, and that country would have been spared the single traitorous blot that dims the bright page of its revolutionary his tory." Arnold being wounded, Captain Mor gan immediately took the command. Urging forward his men, Morgan car ried the first barrier, and pushed on to the second, which was also, after an ob stinate fight, carried by the Americans ; but Montgomery being dead, Carleton sent a detachment upon Morgan s rear ; they were surrounded, and finally, to the number of four hundred and twen ty-six, obliged to surrender. Neither of the parties thus reached the main point of attack at Prescott Gate, where the Governor was stationed, with the determination to maintain it to the last extremity. The British were not yet aware of all the results of the contest. As soon as the retreat of the first party was as certained, they went out and collected, from under the snow which had already covered them, thirteen bodies. The surmise soon arose, that one of them was that of the commander ; yet some hours elapsed before an officer of Ar nold s division identified him, with the deepest expressions of admiration and regret. Montgomery, a gentleman of good family in the north of Ireland, had served under Wolfe, but having afterwards formed a matrimonial con nection in America, he had adopted with enthusiasm the cause of his adopted country. His military character, joined to his private virtues, inspired general esteem, and has secured to him a place on the roll of noble and gallant chiefs who fell beneath the walls of Quebec.* Arnold succeeded to the command, and attempted still to maintain his ground ; but the dispirited state of his men, still more than his actual loss, ren dered him unable to keep up more than an imperfect blockade, at the dis tance of three miles. In April, 1776. his place was taken by General Woos- ter, who brought a reinforcement, and made some fresh attempts, but without success. Early in May, several vessels arrived from England, with troops and supplies, on which the Americans raised the siege, and fell back upon Montreal.f Thence they were driven from post to post, by a superior British force, " disgraced, defeated, discon tented, dispirited, diseased, undis ciplined, eaten up with vermin, no clothes, beds, blankets, nor medicines, and no victuals but salt pork and flour;" and on the 18th of June, they finally evacuated the province. Gen eral Gates received the retreating * All enmity to Montgomery ceased with his life. He was honorably buried by order of General Carle- ton, and even in Parliament his eulogy was pro nounced by men like Chatham, Burke, and Barre. His remains were, in 1818, removed to New York. Congress directed a monument to be erected to his memory, with an inscription expressive of their ven eration for his character, and of their deep sense of his " many signal and important services ; and to transmit to future ages, as examples truly worthy of imitation, his patriotism, conduct, uoldness of enter prise, insuperable perseverance, and contempt of danger and death." A monument of white marble, with emblematic devices, has accordingly been erected to his memory, in front of St. Paul s chapel, in the city of New York May his name never bo forgotten ! f See Murray s "History of British Amerioa" vol. i., p. 181. CH. XIII.] WASHINGTON S DIFFICULTIES. 375 1775. forces at Crown Point, and in due time was able to put an effectual stop upon the vainly confident advance of Bur- goyne, as will be related in a subse quent chapter. Toward the close of September, Washington felt compelled to write to Congress in regard to the position in which he was placed before Boston. " It gives me great distress," he said, " to oblige me to solicit the attention of the honorable Congress to the state of this army, in terms which imply the slightest apprehension of being neglected. But my situation is inexpressibly distressing, to see the winter fast approaching upon a naked army ; the time of their service within a few weeks of expiring ; and no pro vision yet made for such important events. Added to these, the military chest is totally exhausted; the pay master has not a single dollar in hand. The commissary-general assures me he has strained his credit for the subsist ence of the army to the utmost. The quartermaster-general is precisely in the same situation ; and the greater part of the troops are in a state not far from mutiny, upon a deduction from their stated allowances." Congress re- O sponded to the commander-in-chiefs appeal. About the middle of October, a committee of that body, Franklin, Lynch and Harrison, arrived at Cam bridge, to meet delegates from the New England colonies, to take the steps necessary in the present emer gency. Twenty-six regiments were, in accordance with Washington s recom mendation, authorized to be enrolled, making in all, rather more than twenty thousand men. It was supposed that thirty-two thousand men might be raised in the four New England col onies for one year, which was the extent of time that Congress was willing to fix for all the enlistments. This short term of enlistment, as we have before poiffted out, was a well nigh fatal error, and the consequences of it were se verely felt throughout the whole war. Washington s discretion, prudence, and firmness, were severely tried, before he succeeded in accomplishing the difficult task of organizing the army according to the plan agreed upon. Beside the troops already engaged for service, Congress had made arrange ments for increasing the number, by various regiments from the southern colonies, and also from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York. Congress likewise issued a proclamation, in which it was threatened, that measures of se verity would be retorted upon the sup porters of royal authority, in case any attempt were made to act towards the Americans in a way not usual in hon orable warfare. The alarming deficiency of powder in the camp, and the extreme difficulty of getting supplies, rendered Washing ton s position not only very uncomfort able but also very critical; for had General Howe been disposed to ven ture upon more active measures, and had he attacked the Americans in the midst of the annoyance and perplexity arising out of a part of the troops L-av- ing and going home, and new recruits being brought in, it is almost certain that victory must have attended his arms, and disaster and ruin have fallen 376 THE LAST YEAR OF COLONIAL DEPENDENCE. [B K . II. upon the army of Washington * But the British general kept himself very quiet, and, after a time, the Commander- in-chief felt somewhat relieved of his anxiety on this point. The feeling in Congress and else where was, that Washington ought to do something more than besiege Bos- o o ton ; murmurs, more or less loud, were heard against the inactivity of the forces; and it was thought strange that Washington did not attack the city. His own impulses urged him to this step, and lie called a council of war, early in January, 1776, to consider the expediency of such a movement. The council opposed the plan decidedly, and the commander-in-chief felt obliged o * The Connecticut troops determined to go off in a body when their term of service was about to ex- Tire, which would have left a fearful blank in the army, already weak enough. Their extraordinary conduct hurt Washington s feelings very much, and notwithstanding all his efforts, they could not be in duced to remain more than ten days, to allow, mean while, the militia to be called in. Washington wrote to Governor Trumbull on this subject, and the latter, as quoted by Mr. Sparks, replied in the following terms : " There is great difficulty to support liberty, te exercise government, and maintain subordination, and at the same time to prevent the operation of licentious and levelling principles, which many very easily imbibe. The pulse of a New England man beats high for liberty, his engagement in the service he thinks purely voluntary ; therefore, when the time of enlistment is out, he thinks himself not holden without further engagement. This was the case in the last war. I greatly fear its operation amongst the soldiers of the other colonies, as I am sensible this ic the spirit and genius of our people.* Mr. Irving mentioue in this connection, that these Connecticut men found s& little sympathy on the I >ad homeward, that they could hai-uly get any thing to eat, and also that when the women at home got hold of them, they expressed their feelings in such plain terms, that the recreant soldiers deemed it better to face the enemy and British cannon, than bear the vigorous thrusts of the patriot wives and mothers of fonr to yield; but he yielded unwillingly. " Could I have foreseen the difficulties which have come upon us," said he, in a letter written at the time ; " could I have known that such backwardness would have been discovered by old sol diers to the service, all the generals upon earth should not have convinced me of the propriety of delaying an attack upon Boston until this time." A month later, writing to Joseph Reed, he gives expression to his feel ings, under the severe trials and dis couragements which had come upon him during several months past: "I knew the unhappy predicament in which I stand. I know that much is expected from me. I know that, with out men, without arms, without ammu nition, without any thing fit for the ac commodation of a soldier, little is to be done ; and what is mortifying, I know that I cannot stand justified to the world without exposing my own weak ness, and injuring the cause, by declar ing my wants, which I am determined not to do, further than unavoidable necessity brings every man acquainted with them. My situation is so irksome to me at times, that if I did not consult the public good more than my own tranquillity, I should long ere this have put every thing on the cast of a die. So far from my having an army of twenty thousand men well armed, I have been here with less than half that number, including sick, furloughed, and on com mand, and those neither armed nor clothed as they should be. In short, my situation has been such, that I have been obliged to use every art to con ceal it from my own officers." Well CH. XIII.] BOMBARDMENT OF FALMOUTH. 377 was it for the cause to which his life was devoted, that he did not yield to the pressure of difficulties, and lose his confident trust in the superintend ing care and favor of Divine Provi dence. The Provincial Congress having passed a resolution to prevent Tories from carrying off their effects, the in habitants of Falmouth, in the north eastern part of Massachusetts, now Portland, in Maine, obstructed, accord ingly, the loading of a mast-ship. The destruction of the town was, therefore, determined on, as an example of vin- ilictive punishment. Captain Mowat, detached for that purpose, with armed vessels, by Admiral Greaves, arrived off the place on the evening of the 17th of October, and gave notice to the in habitants that he would allow them two hours " to remove the human species." Upon being solicited to afford some explanation of this ex traordinary summons, he replied, that he had orders to set on fire all the sea port towns from Boston to Halifax, and that he supposed New York was already in ashes. He could dispense with his orders, he said, on no terms, but the compliance of the inhabitants to deliver up their arms and ammunition, and their sending on board a supply of provisions, and four of the principal persons in the town, as hostages, that they should engage not to unite with their country in any kind of opposition to Britain ; and he assured them, that, on a refusal of these conditions, he should lay the town in ashes within three hours. Unprepared for the at tack, the inhabitants, by entreaty, ob- VOL. L 50 1775. tained the suspension of an answer till the morning, and employed this inter val in removing their families and effects. The next day, Captain Mowat commenced a furious cannonade and bombardment ; and a great number of people, standing on the heights, were spectators of the conflagration, which reduced many of them to penury and despair. More than four hundred houses and stores were burnt. New port, Khode Island, being threatened with a similar attack, was compelled to stipulate for a weekly supply to avert it* Outrages of this kind did but exas perate the feelings of the colonists, and it was not long before their enterprising spirit led them to undertake expedi tions against the British on the water. Several vessels were fitted out, and the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, on the 10th of November, passed a law for granting letters of marque and re prisal against the shipping of Great Britain. A court of admiralty was also established by the provincial authori ties. The colonies farther south had entered upon similar movements, and five or six armed vessels were fitted out by Washington, to prevent, as far as possible, supplies from reaching Boston by sea. Several captures were made, and particularly a valuable one by Captain Manly, November 29th, consisting of munitions of war, which were especially acceptable in the present emergency. On the whole, however, these enterprises were not particularly successful, for the officers, * Holmes s "Annals," vol. ii., p. 219. 1775. 378 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIII. L B K . II. many of them, were incompetent, and the men were mutinously inclined, so that the entire matter was more plague than profit to the Commander-in-chief. We may mention here, also, that Con gress, about the middle of December, resolved to fit out thirteen ships, of various sizes and capacities, a move ment which gave birth to that illus trious navy, whose brilliant exploits we shall be called upon to narrate in sub sequent chapters of this history.* * See Cooper s "Naval History" vol. i., p. 50. 5L APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIII. L A DECLARATION, SETTING FORTH THE CAUSES AND NECESSITY OF THE COLONIES TAKING UP ARMS.* IF it was possible for men, who exercise their reason, to believe that the divine Author of our existence intended a part of the human race to Lold an absolute property in, and an unbounded power over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the Parlia ment of Great Britain some evidence that this dreadful authority over them has been granted to that body. But a reverence for our great Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who re flect upon the subject that government was insti tuted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end. The legislature of Great Britain, how ever, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitu tion of that kingdom, and desperate of success in any mode of contest where regard should be had to truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and im politic purpose of enslaving these colonies by vio- Adopted July 6, 1775. loncc, and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that Assembly may be by their intemperate rage for unlimited domin ation, so to slight justice and the opinion of man kind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the rest of the world to make known the justice of our cause. Our forefathers, inhabitants of the Island of Great Britain, left their native land to seek on these shores a residence for civil and religious freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of their fortunes, without the least charge to the country from which they removed, by un ceasing labor and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in the distant and inhospita ble wilds of America, then filled with numerous and warlike nations of barbarians. Societies or governments vested with perfect legislatures were formed under charters from the crown, and an harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies and the kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time so extraordinary as to excite astonishment. It is universally con fessed that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, arid navigation of the realm arose from this source, and the minister who so wisely and successfully directed the measures of Great Brit ain in the late war publicly declared, that these colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. Towards the conclusion of that war it pleased CH XIII. j THE CAUSE AND NECESSITY OF TAKING UP ARMS. 379 our sovereign to make a change in his counsels. From that fatal moment the affairs of the British empire began to fall into confusion, and gradu ally sliding from tho summit of glorious prosper ity, to which they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the convulsions that now shake it to its deepest foundations. The new ministry, find- iug the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the un fortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and of then subduing her faithful friends. These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a state as to present victories without blood shed, and all the easy emoluments of statutable plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of their peace able and respectful behavior from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honorable man ner by his majesty, by the late king, and by Par liament, could not save them from the meditated innovations. Parliament was influenced to adopt tho pernicious project, and assuming a new power over them, have, in the course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence un der it. They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property ; statutes have been passed for ex tending the jurisdiction of admiralty and vice- admiralty courts beyond their ancient limits ; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life and property ; for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies ; for interdicting all com merce with the capital of another ; and for alter ing fundamentally the form of government estab lished by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirmed by the crown ; for exempting the " murderers" of colonists from legal trial, and in effect from punishment ; for erecting in a neighboring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence ; and for quarter ing soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has also been resolved in Parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain of fences shall be transported to England to be tried. But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail ? By one statute it is declared that Par liament can " of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever." What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power ? Not a single man of those who assume it is chosen by us, or is subject to our control or influence ; but, on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible pur poses for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such despot ism would reduce us. We for ten years inces santly and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants : we reasoned, we remonstrated with Parliament in the most mild and decent lan guage. Administration, sensible that we should regard these oppressive measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true, but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress of delegates from the United Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last Septem ber. We resolved again to offtT an humble and dutiful petition to the king, and also addressed, our fellow subjects of Great Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful meas ure ; we have even proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow subjects, as the last peaceable admonition, that our attach ment to no nation on earth should supplant our attachment to liberty. This, we flattered our. selves, was the ultimate step of the controversy ; but subsequent events have shown how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies. Several threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted in his majesty s speech ; our petition, though we were told it was a decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, and to promise laying it be fore his Parliament, was huddled into both Houses among a bundle of American papers, and there neglected. The Lords and Commons in their ad dress in the month of February, said that " a re bellion at that time actually existed within tho province of Massachusetts Bay ; and that those concerned in it had been countenanced and en couraged by unlawful combinations and engage- 380 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER Alll [fin. IL ments, entered into by his majesty s subjects in several of the other colonies ; and therefore they besought his majesty that he would take the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme Legislature." Soon after, the commercial intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign countries, and with each other, was cut off by an act of Parliament ; by another, several of them were entirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately sent over to General Gage. Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished peers and commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated and unexampled out rages were hurried on. Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favor. Parliament adopted an insidious manoeuvre cal culated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations where colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ran som would redeem their lives, and thus to extort from us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if pos sible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode, the prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could have been dic tated by remorseless victors to conquered ene mies? In our circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve them. Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this continent, General Gage, who in the course of the last year had taken possession of the town of Boston, in the province of Mas sachusetts Bay, and still occupied it as a garrison, on the nineteenth day of April, sent out from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the said province, at the town of Lexington, as ap pears by the affidavits of a great number of per sons, some of whom were officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabit ants, and wounded many others. From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord, where they set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province, killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities, thug commenced by the British troops, have been since prosecuted by them without regard to faith or reputation. The inhabitants of Boston being confined within that town by the General, their Governor, and having, in order to procure their dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said nhabitants, having de posited their arms with their own magistrates, should have liberty to depart, taking with them their other effects. They accordingly delivered up their arms, but, in open violation of honor, in defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteem sacred, the Governor or dered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might be preserved for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers : detained the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to leave theit most valuable effects behind. By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands, children from their parents, the aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wish to attend and comfort them ; and those who have been used to live in plenty and even ele gance, are reduced to deplorable distress. The General, further emulating his ministerial masters, by a proclamation bearing date on the twelfth day of June, after venting the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these colonies, proceeds to " declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels and traitors, to supersede the course of the common law, and instead thereof to publish and order the use and exercise of the law martial." His troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a considerable number of houses in other places ; our ships and vessels are seized ; the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and devastation around him. We have received certain intelligence that General Carleton, the Governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province and the Indians to fall upon us ; and we have but too much reason to apprehend that schemes have been formed to ex;:ite domestic enemies against CH. XIII.] THE CAUSE AND NECESSITY OF TAKING UP ARMS. 381 us. In biief, a part of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities of fire, sword, and famine. We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irri tated ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we re ceived from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretched ness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them. Our cause is just : our union is perfect : our internal resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the Divine favor towards us, that his Providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our pres ent strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly, before God and the world, declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed up on us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties ; being with one mind resolved to die freemen rather than to live slaves. Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friesids and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sin cerely wish to see restored. Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or in duced us to excite any other nation to war against them. We have not raised armies with ambi tions designs of separating from Great Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not for plory nor for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death. In our native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birth-right, and which we ever en joyed till the late violation of it for the protec tion of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before. With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, we most devoutly implore his Divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war. II. SECOND PETITION TO THE KING.* To the King s most Excellent Majesty. MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN : WE, your ma jesty s most faithful subjects, of the colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, in behalf of ourselves and the inhabit ants of these colonies, who have deputed us to represent them in general Congress, entreat your majesty s gracious attention to this our humble petition. The union between our mother country and these colonies, and the energy of mild and just government, produced benefits so remarkably im portant, and afforded such an assurance of their permanency and increase, that the wonder and envy of other nations were excited, while they beheld Great Britain rising to a power the most extraordinary the world had ever known. Her rivals, observing there was no probability of this happy connection being broken by civil Adopted July 8, 1T75. 382 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIII. I >K. U. dissensions, and apprehending its future effects, If left any longer undisturbed, resolved to prevent her receiving such continual and formidable ac cessions of wealth and strength, by checking the growth of those settlements from which they were to be derived. In the prosecution of this attempt, events so unfavorable to the design took place, that every friend to the interest of Great Britain and these colonies, entertained pleasing and reasonable ex pectations of seeing an additional force and exer tion immediately given to the operations of the union hitherto experienced, by an enlargement of the dominions of the crown, and the removal of ancient and warlike enemies to a greater distance. At the conclusion, therefore, of the late war, the most glorious and advantageous that ever had been carried on by British arms, your loyal colo nists having contributed to its success, by such repeated and strenuous exertions, as frequently procured them the distinguished approbation of your majesty, of the late king, and of Parliament, doubted not but that they should be permitted, with the rest of the empire, to share in the bless ings of peace, and the emoluments of victory and conquest. While these recent and honorable acknowledg ments of their merits remained on record in the journals and acts of that august legislature, the Parliament, undefaced by the imputation or even the suspicion of any offence, they were alarmed by a new system of statutes and regulations, adopted for the administration of the colonies, that filled their minds with the most painful fears and jealousies ; and, to their inexpressible as tonishment, perceived the danger of a foreign quarrel, quickly succeeded by domestic danger, in their judgment, of a more dreadful kind. Nor were these anxieties alleviated by any teudency in this system to promote the welfare of their mother country. For though its effects were more immediately felt by them, yet its in fluence appeared to be injurious to the commerce and prosperity of Great Britain. We shall decline the ungrateful task of describ ing the irksome variety of artifices, practised by many of your majesty s ministers, the delusive pre- tefices, fruitless terrors, and unavailing severities, that have, from time to time, been dealt out by them, in their attempts to execute this impolitic plan, or of tracing, through a series of years past, the progress of the unhappy differences between Great Britain and these colonies, that have flowed from this fatal source. Your majesty s ministers, persevering in their measures, and proceeding to open hostilities for enforcing them, have compelled us to arm in our own defence, and have engaged us in a controversy so peculiarly abhorrent to the affections of your still faithful colonists, that when we consider whom we must oppose in this contest, and if it continues, what may be the consequences, our own particular misfortunes are accounted by us only as parts of our distress. Knowing to what violent resentments, and in curable animosities, civil u iscords are apt to exas perate and inflame the contending parties, we think ourselves required by indispensable obliga tion to Almighty God, to your majesty, to our fellow subjects, and to ourselves, immediately to use all the means in our power, not incompatible with our safety, for stopping the further effusion of blood, and for averting the impending calamities that threaten the British empire. Thus called upon to address your majesty on affairs of such moment to America, and probably to all your dominions, we are earnestly desirous of performing this office, with the utmost deference for your majesty : and we therefore pray that your majesty s royal magnanimity and benevolence may make the most favorable construction of our expressions on so uncommon an occasion. Could we represent in their full force, the sentiments that agitate the minds of us your dutiful subjects, we are persuaded your majesty would ascribe any seeming deviation from reverence in our language, and even in our conduct, not to any reprehensible intention, but to the impossibility of reconciling the usual appearances of respect, with a just at tention to our own preservation against those art ful and cruel enemies, who abuse your royal con fidence and authority, for the purpose of effecting our destruction. Attached to your majesty s person, family, and government, with all the devotion that principle and affection can inspire, connected with Great Britain by the strongest ties that cau unite socie ties, and deploring every event that tends in any degree to weaken them, we solemnly assure youi majesty that we not only desire the former har mony between her and these colonies may be re stored, but that a concord may be established be- Cn. XIII.] SECOND PETITION TO THE KING. 383 tween them upon so firm a basis as to perpetuate its blessings, uninterrupted by any future dissen sions, to succeeding generations in both countries, and to transmit your majesty s name to posterity, adorned with that signal and lasting glory that has attended the memory of those illustrious per sonages whose virtues and abilities have extricated states from dangerous convulsions, and by secur ing happiness to others, have erected the most noble and durable monuments to their own fame. We beg leave further to assure your majesty, that notwithstanding the sufferings of your loyal colonists during the course of this present contro versy, our breasts retain too tender a regard for the kingdom from which we derive our origin to request such a reconciliation as might in any man ner be inconsistent with her dignity or her welfare. These, related as we are to her, honor and duty, as well as inclination, induce us to support and advance ; and the apprehensions that now oppress our hearts with unspeakable grief, being once re moved, your majesty will find your faithful sub jects on this continent ready and willing at all times, as they have ever been, with their lives and fortunes, to assert and maintain the rights and interests of your majesty, and of our mother country. We, therefore, beseech your majesty that youv royal authority and influence may be graciously interposed to procure us relief from our afflicting fears and jealousies, occasioned by the system be fore mentioned, and to settle peace through every part of your dominions, with all humility submit ting to your majesty s wise consideration whether it may not be expedient for facilitating those im portant purposes, that your majesty be pleased to direct some mode by which the united applica tions of your faithful colonists to the throne, in pursuance of their common councils, may be im proved into a happy and permanent reconcilia tion : and that, in the meantime, measures may be taken for preventing the further destruction of the lives of your majesty s subjects, and that such statutes as more immediately distress any of your majesty s colonies may be repealed. For, by such arrangements as your majesty s wisdom can form for collecting the united sense of your American people, we are convinced your majesty would receive such satisfactory proofs of the disposition of the colonists towards their sov ereign and parent state, that the wished-for oppor tunity would soon be restored to them of evincing the sincerity of their profession, by every testi mony of devotion becoming the most dutiful sub jects and the most affectionate colonists. That your majesty may enjoy a long and pros perous reign, and that your descendants may govern your dominions with honor to themselves, and happiness to their subjects, is our sincere prayer. 384 THE BIRTH-YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. [B K . CHAPTER XIY. 17751776. THE BIRTH-YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC, Course of Parliament looked to with anxiety Petition to the King rejected Debates in Parliament Foreign mercenaries to be employed Act prohibiting trade with colonies Crisis had arrived Paine s Common Sense Its effect Dunmore s high-handed proceedings at the South Norfolk bombarded Conolly s scheme with the Indiana State of feeling in New York Press of Rivingtou s Gazette destroyed Plan of the Eng lish to seize upon the Hudson -Lee in command in New York Tory influence predominant The Johnson family Their course Scene in the camp Washington and the " round jackets and rifle shirts" Holmes s summing up of the year 1775 Singular aspect of affairs The alternative, submission or independence Washington before Boston Scarcity of provisions in the city Botta s account of the occupation of Dorches ter Heights and the evacuation of Boston Thanks of Congress to Washington British troops sail for Hali fax Putnam sent on to New York Lee dispatched to the South AVashington meets Congress Plots of the Tories Attempt to seize Washington s person, and convey him to the enemy Proceedings with respect to colonial governments Chief Justice Drayton s charge to the grand jury Clinton s attack on Charleston Sergeant Jasper s heroic conduct Declaration of Independence felt to be necessary Instructions to dele gates from various colonies Proceedings and debates in Congress The resolution that the colonies are, and of right ought to be, independent THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE Importance e^the ground then taken The jubilee day Moral force of the position assumed by our fathers. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIV. !. l)raft of the Declaration of Independence and the amendments made by Congress. II. Extract from John Quincy Adams s Fourth of July Oration, 1881. THE assembling of Parliament, in October, 1775, was looked to with anx iety and concern by the Americans. On the course which it should resolve to pursue would depend very materially the nature and extent of the opposition which the colonists were prepared to sustain against its previous acts. 1775 If Parliament should see fit to make such concessions and assurances for the future, as the people in America demanded as their right, possibly the differences and disputes which had pro ceeded already to so great lengths, might be accommodated and amicably settled ; but if, on the other hand, that body should persist in its offensive at titude, and continue to employ force in order to subdue the colonies, then force must be met* by force, and the people must nerve themselves for war and bloodshed. The petition to the King, on which some had built considerable hope, was rejected with contempt, and in his speech at the opening of Parliament, George III. not only accused the colo nists of revolt, hostility, and rebellion, but stated that the rebellious war car ried on by them was for the purpose of establishing an independent empire. To prevent this, he informed Parlia ment that the most decisive and vigor ous measures were necessary ; that he had consequently increased his naval establishment, had augmented his land 7 O forces, and had also taken measures to procure the aid of foreign troops. He CH. XIV. ACTION OF PARLIAMENT. 385 at the same time declared his intention of appointing certain persons with au thority to grant pardons to individuals, and to receive the submission of those colonies disposed to return to their al legiance. In the debate on the address, in re ply to the royal speech, the conduct of the ministry was severely canvassed. General Conway and the Duke of Graf- ton resigned their places and joined the opposition. The ill health of Lord Chatham prevented his advocating the cause of the Americans ; but there were not wanting others to speak in tones of warning against the attempt to force the people of America to sub mission. Camden, Shelburne, Rich mond, Barre, and others, did all in their power to prevent the action of the ministry ; but Lord North was supported by large majorities, in both Houses. The king was obstinately bent upon this course, and the measures adopted were of the most stringent character.* Twenty-five thousand men were promptly voted to be employed in America. As it was not found easy to enlist troops in England, the em ployment of foreign mercenaries was determined upon. Between seventeen and eighteen thousand men, principally from Hesse Cassel and Brunswick, were hired at exorbitant rates. The odious- ness of employing the Hessians against the Americans was forcibly pointed out in Parliament, and probably no measure could have been devised which * For an abstract of the debates in Parliament at this time, see Holmes s " Annals" \*ol. ii., pp. 227- 21 - -01.. I. 51 was calculated to wound so deeply the feelings of those who were contending for their rights and liberties. By this arrangement, a force of between forty and fifty thousand men was got to gether for the purpose of compelling the Americans to submission. Kichard Penn, who had had charge of the petition to the king, was examined before the House of Lords, and gave it as his positive opinion, that no de signs of independency had hitherto been formed by Congress, as none cer tainly had at that time been openly and formally avowed ; but the minis try were in possession of intercepted letters by John Adams, which plainly indicated designs of quite another de scription. The Duke of Richmond moved that the petition of Congress might be made the basis of a further reconciliation, but his motion was re jected. In the House of Commons, (November 16th,) Burke introduced and powerfully supported a bill for the repeal of the obnoxious Acts, granting an amnesty for the past, but his pres ent efforts were as unsuccessful as the former, and the bill was rejected by a majority of two to one. A similar movement, made soon after by Hartley, met with no better fate. Toward the close of December, the ministry carried through Parliament an act prohibiting all trade and commerce with the colonies, and authorizing the capture and condemnation, not only of all American vessels, with their cargoes, but all other vessels found trading in any port or place in the colonies, as if the same were the vessels and effects of open enemies ; and the vessels and 386 THE BIRTH-YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. [Bs. R property thus taken were vested in the captors, and the crews were to be treated, not as prisoners, but as slaves. " By a most extraordinary clause in this act," says Pitkin, " it was made lawful for the commander of a British vessel to take the masters, crews, and other persons, found in the captured vessels, to put them on board any other British armed vessel, and enter their names on the books of the same ; and from the time of such entry, such persons were to be considered in the service of his majesty, to all intents and purposes, as though they had entered themselves voluntarily on board of such vessel. By this means the Americans might be compelled to fight even against their own friends and. countrymen. This clause in the act excited the indig nation of many in both Houses of Parliament, and drew from them the strongest epithets of reprobation. This treatment of prisoners, they de clared not only unjust, but a refine ment in cruelty unknown among sav age nations. No man, they said, could be despoiled of his goods as a foreign enemy, and at the same time compelled to serve the state as a citizen. Such a compulsion upon prisoners was un known in any case of war or rebellion ; and the only example of the kind that could be produced, must be found among pirates, the outlaws and ene mies of human society. Some of the lords, in their protest against the act, described it as a refinement in cruelty, which, in a sentence worse than death, obliged the unhappy men who should be made captives in that predatory war, to bear arms against their fami lies, kindred, friends, and country ; and after being plundered themselves, to be come accomplices in plundering their brethren. The ministry, on the other hand, pretended to view this treatment of American prisoners rather as an act of grace and favor than of injustice or cruelty."* It was evident, from these measures of Parliament, that the great crisis had been reached, when the American peo ple were called upon to choose whether they would yield submission to the mother country in her imperious de mands, as children in fear of the rod, or whether they would persist in resisting aggression and wrong, as became free men and the heirs of an illustrious an cestry of freemen. The time had now arrived, when they must either retrace their steps with shame and dishonor, or prepare to go forward and sustain their position at the risk of their lives and the great uncertainty of final success. Happily for us, their children, our fathers did not falter, but calmly and resolutely entered upon the work set before them. The voting a band of foreign merce naries to carry fire and sword into Amer ica, was felt to be a grievance utterly insupportable, and a measure which clearly indicated that England would stop short at nothing less than absolute conquest over the colonists. However it might have been hoped by numbers, who loved peace and dreaded the hoi rors of war, that in some way a recon ciliation could be effected, this last out- * Pitkin s " ^Political and Civil History of the United States," vol. i., p. 35? CH. XIV.J LORD DUNMORE S PROCEEDINGS. 381 rage was sufficient to convince all that the time for decision had arrived. Americans must resolve now to pur chase freedom at the cost of a long and expensive war. While men s minds were deeply stirred on this eventful topic, and while they mused, with various feelings, on the subject of INDEPENDENCE, the pamphlet of Thomas Paine, entitled " Common Sense," made its appearance. Paine, though an Englishman, was an ardent republican ; and the style, man ner and matter of his pamphlet were calculated to interest the passions, and to rouse all the energies of human nature. With a view of operating on the sentiments of a religious people, Scripture was pressed into his service, and the powers, and even the name of a "king was rendered odious in the eyes of the numerous colonists who had read and studied the history of the Jews, as recorded in the Old Testament. The folly of that people in revolting from a government instituted by Heaven itself, and the oppressions to which they were subjected in consequence of their lust ing after kings to rule over them, afforded an excellent handle for pre possessing the colonists in favor of re publican institutions, and prejudicing them against kingly government. He reditary succession was turned into ridi cule. The absurdity of subjecting a great continent to a small island on the other side of the globe, was represented in such striking language, as to interest the honor and pride of the colonists in renouncing the government of Great Britain. The necessity, the advantage, and practicability of independence were forcibly demonstrated. Nothing could be better timed than this production; it was addressed to freemen, who had just received convincing proof, that Great Britain had thrown them out of her protection, had engaged foreign mercenaries to make war upon them, and seriously designed to compel their unconditional submission to her unlim ited power. It found the colonists most thoroughly alarmed for their liberties, and disposed to do and suffer any thing that promised their establishment. In union with the feelings and sentiments O of the people, it produced surprising effects. Many thousands were con vinced, and were led to approve and even long for a separation from the mother country. At the south, the proceedings of Lord Dunmore stirred up great oppo sition. Most of the royal governors remained inactive in the midst of popu lar excitement, but the governor of Virginia was determined to do some thing in behalf of the cause of the min istry. Several steps which he took roused the ire of the Virginians, and among other things he held out threats of proclaiming liberty to the slaves, destroying the town of Williamsburg, and the like. The people held frequent assemblies. Some of them took up arms to force the governor to restore the powder, and to get the public money into their own possession. Lord Dunmore was so much intimi dated by these resolute proceedings on the part of the people, that he sent his family on board a man-of-war. He himself, however, issued a proclama tion, in which he declared the behavior 3SS TI1K BIRTH- YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. [P,K. 11 of the person \v ho promoted the tumult treasonable, accused the people of dis affection, etc. On their part, they were by no means deficient in recriminating; and some letters of his to England being about the same time discovered, conse quences ensued similar to those which liad been occasioned in the case of Ilutchinson and Oliver, at Boston. In this state of confusion, the gover nor thought it necessary to fortify his palace with artillery, and procure a party of marines to guard it. Lord North s conciliatory proposal arriving also about the same time, he used his utmost endeavors to cause the people to comply with it. The arguments he used \vere of such a description that had not matters already gone too far, it is highly probable that some attention would have been paid to them. "The view," he said, "in which the colonies ought to behold this conciliatory pro posal was no more than an earnest ad monition from Great Britain to relieve her wants: that the utmost condescend- ence had been used in the mode of application ; no determinate sum having been fixed, as it was thought most worthy of British generosity to take what they thought could be con veniently spared, and likewise to leave the mode of raising it to themselves," etc. But the clamor and dissatisfaction were now so universal, that nothing else O could be attended to. The governor had called an Assembly in May, for the purpose of laying this conciliatory pro posal before them ; but it had been lit tle attended to. The Assembly began their session by inquiries into the state of the magazine. It had been broken 1775. into by some of the townsmen; for which reason spring-guns had been placed there by the governor, which discharged themselves upon the offer. d- ers at their entrance : these circum stances, with others of a similar kind, raised such a violent uproar, that as soon as the preliminary business of the session was over, the governor retired on board a man-of-war, informing the Assembly that he durst no longer trust himself on shore. This produced a long course of disputation, which ended in a positive refusal of the governor to trust himself again in Williamsburg, even to give his assent to the bills, which could not be passed without it, and though the Assembly offered to bind themselves for his personal safety. In his turn he requested them to meet him on board the man-of-war, where he then was ; but this proposal was rejected, and all further correspondence of a friendly kind was discontinued. Lord Dunmore, thus deprived of his government, attempted, in the autumn of 1775, to reduce by force those whom he could no longer govern. Some of the most strenuous adherents to the British cause, whom their zeal had ren dered obnoxious at home, now repaired to him. He was also joined by num bers of black slaves. With these, and the assistance of the British shipping, he was for some time enabled to carry on a kind of predatory war, sufficient to hurt and exasperate, but not to subdue. After some incou siderable attempts on land, proclaiming liberty to the slaves, and setting up the royal standard, he took up his residence at Norfolk, a maritime town of some RIVINGTON S PRESS DESTROYED. 389 consequence, where the people were more loyal towards England than in most other places. A considerable force, however, was collected against him ; and the natural impetuosity of his tem per prompting him to act against them with more courage than caution, he was entirely defeated, and obliged, early in December, to retire to his shipping, which was now crowded by the num ber of his adherents. On the first of January, IVYG, having been reinforced by the arrival of the Liverpool man-of- war, Dunuiore bombarded Norfolk, the largest and richest town in Virginia; and property to the value of 300,000 sterling, was destroyed. Dunmore con tinued, during the summer, his dis graceful incursions along the rivers, burning and plundering in every direc tion : he was finally compelled to seek refuge with his followers and plunder, n Florida and the Bermudas. In the mean time a scheme of some importance was formed by Conolly, formerly an agent of Dunmore s in Northern Virginia, and a man of an in trepid and aspiring disposition, and attached to the royal cause. The first step of this plan, it is said, was to enter into a league with the Ohio In dians. This he communicated to Lord Dunmore, and it received his approba tion : upon which Conolly set out in furtherance of his design. On his re turn, he was dispatched to General Gage, at Boston; after which he un dertook to accomplish the remainder of his scheme. The plan probably was, that he should return to the Ohio, en gage the assistance of the Indians, and thence push through the back settle ments and join Lord Dunmore at Alex andria. But the whole affair was sud denly brought to an end by Conolly s arrest at Fredericton, in Maryland, whence, in November, he and his com panions were sent prisoners to Phila delphia. Governor Martin and the loyalists in North Carolina, were zealous in behalf of the cause they had espoused ; but with no success. The activity and en terprise of their opponents prevented the governor and General Clinton, who had gone to Carolina, from effecting any thing. In Georgia, Governor Wright was equally unsuccessful, and took ref uge on board a ship in the river. For various reasons, arising out of her position and relations, New York was more inclined to sustain the author ity of the mother country, than join heart and hand with the other colonies in defence of their rights and liberties. Governor Tryon, who had thought it best to take up his quarters on board the Asia, in the harbor, kept up a con stant communication with the loyalists on shore, and was very active in en deavoring to defeat the plans . of the patriotic few who longed for independence. Ilivington s Gazette, the government paper, annoyed the op ponents of the crown not a little, and by its smartness and point, became positively offensive to the patriots. This was not to be borne, and so Captain Sears, in November, when the Committee of Safety declined to inter fere, took the matter in hand. lie got together a party of light horse from Connecticut, drew up in front of Riv- ington s office, and amid the cheers of 390 THE BIRTH-YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. the crowd, broke his press, and carried off the type. This was looked upon as a high-handed measure, and was justly complained of to the next Provincial Congress. In October, a letter was laid before Congress, written by some credible per son in London, stating that the secret policy of the British government was to gain possession of New York and the Hudson Elver, and in this way, by opening communication between Canada and New York, distract and divide the colonial forces, expose Mas sachusetts and the eastern colonies to the inroads of the Indians in the pay of the government, and finally succeed in reducing the country to absolute subjection. This information excited no little solicitude respecting the Hud son, and its importance in the present juncture ; and when it was known, at the close of the year, that great prepara tions were under way ;n Boston harbor, for some secret expedition, Washing ton at once surmised, that the object of Sir Henry Clinton, who was to com mand it, was to seize upon New York. Steps were immediately taken to meet the emergency ; although, as we may here state, the event showed that Clin ton s present aim vvas to make a descent upon North Carolina, Early in 17 7 6, as the Committee of Safety was considered to be rather luke warm. General Lee was ordered to take command of the troops sent from Con- 1 776 nec ticut, to sustain the authority of Congress, and prevent, as far as possible, the machinations of Tryon and the loyalists. Sir Henry Clinton looked in upon New York, on his way to Carolina; and Lee declared, "that he would send word on board the men- of-war, that, if they set a house on fire, he would chain a hundred of their friends by the neck, and make the house their funeral pile ; a threat, by the way, which he was just the man to put into execution. But it was not simply in the city of New York and its vicinity, that the loyalists were formidable. They pos sessed considerable strength in Tryon County, that part of the province west of the Schoharie River, where the Johnson family exercised preponderat ing influence. There were firm Whiirs O O there, but many Tories also ; and Gen eral Schuyler thought it necessary, in January, to send a detachment from Albany, to disarm the Johnsons and the Highlanders, and compel them to give hostages. Guy Johnson had gone to Canada, and carried off most of the Mohawks to serve the British. Sir John Johnson gave his parole, not to take up arms against America, but later, in May, when it was attempted to arrest him on suspicion, he fled to Canada, raised two battalions of " Royal Greens," and became quite a terror on the frontiers of New York. Brant, the famous Indian chief, was Guy Johnson s secretary, and was very active against the Americans. In consequence of Lord Dunmore s course, in Virginia, as stated on a pre vious page, it was feared that Mount Vernon might be attacked. Washing ton, therefore, seeing that his duties would not admit of his visiting home, sent an invitation to Mrs. Washington, to join him at the camp before Boston. Cn. XIV.J LIFE AT HEAD QUARTERS. 391 Her presence at Lead-quarters, was of service to the commander-in-clrief, for she presided there with mingled dig nity and affability. Washington had prayers morning and evening, and was regular in his attendance at the 1775. church, in which he was a com municant. Mr. Irving gives a graphic sketch of the mode of life prevailing at the time at head-quarters, and tells of a " brawl between round jackets and rifle shirts," which brings out the grave commander-in-chief in a new light. Truly, it must have been a refreshing sight, to see the summary mode in which Washington settled the con troversy between the contending par ties, by seizing two tall brawny rifle men by the throat, and giving them a thorough shaking, as well as reproof in words. We can well imagine, that in three minutes time, no one remained on the ground, but the two Washing ton had collared ; and it is hard to tell which is most to be admired in the whole transaction, the simple direct ness of the process, or the astonishing vioror with which it was administered.* O In November, of this year, Congress was informed that a foreigner was in Philadelphia, who was desirous of mak ing to them a confidential cornmunica- O tion. At first no notice was taken of it, but the intimation having been sev eral times repeated, a committee, con sisting of John Jay, Dr. Franklin, and Thomas Jefferson, was appointed to hear what he had to say. They agreed to meet him in a room in Carpenter s * See Irving s "Life of Washington," vol. ii., p. 124 Hall, and, at the time appointed, they found him there, an elderly, lame gen tleman, and apparently a wounded French officer. He told them that tho French king was greatly pleased with the exertions for liberty which the Americans were making ; that he wish ed them success, and would, whenever it should be necessary, manifest more openly, his friendly sentiments towards them. The committee requested to know his authority for giving these as surances. He answered only, by draw ing his hand across his throat, and say ing, " Gentlemen, I shall take care of my head." They then asked what demonstrations of friendship they might expect from the King of France. " Gen tlemen," answered he, "if you want arms, you shall have them ; if you want ammunition, you shall have it ; if you want money, you shall have it." The committee observed that these were important assurances, and again desired to know by what authority they were made. " Gentlemen," said he, again drawing his hand across his throat, " I shall take care of my head ;" and this was the only answer they could obtain from him. He was seen in Philadelphia no more.* Dr. Holmes, in his valuable "Amer ican Annals," sums up his account of the year 1775, in language well worthy the reader s attention. "At the close of this eventful year, we are presented with a train of interesting and instruc tive reflections. The contemplative will meditate upon the impotency of human passions and counsels, when op- * See "Life of John Jay," by his Son, vol. i., p. 3fll 392 THE BIRTH-YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. [Bit. II posed to the immutable laws of justice, and to the uncontrollable counsels of Leaven. At the opening of the year, Lord Chatham, among other British patriots and statesmen, had faithfully declared the magnitude of the Amer ican controversy, and predicted its issue. He enlarged upon the danger ous and ruinous events that were com ing upon the nation, in consequence of the present dispute, and the measures already begun, and now carrying on by his majesty s ministers. I know, said he, that no one will avow, that he has advised his majesty to these measures ; every one shrinks from the charge. But somebody has advised his majesty to these measures, and if his majesty continues to hear such evil counsellors, his majesty will be undone. His majesty may indeed wear his crown, but, the American jewel out of it, it will not be worth the wearing. The very first drop of blood will make a wound, that will not easily be skinned over. Years, perhaps ages, may not heal it. The ministers persisted in their measures. Blood was soon shed, and the wound was never healed. The jewel was lost."* It was, it must be confessed, a singu lar spectacle, which was exhibited to the world, in America, at the present crisis in public affairs. Professedly, the people were in allegiance to a ruler on the other side of a broad ocean, and whose commands thev had for ten / years, more or less openly, disobeyed. They had zealously adhered to a do mestic government, which the king de- * Holmes s "Annals," vol. ii., p. 236. nounced as a traitorous usurpation. They had raised an army avowedly to fight his troops ; they had engaged in battle with these troops ; and they had invaded the adjacent territory of tho king of England. " The very men who were engaged in acts of rebellion, shrunk from the name of rebels. In the tri bunals, justice was still administered in the name of the king, and prayers were every day offered up for the preserva tion and welfare of a prince whose authority was not only ignored, but against whom a determined and obsti nate contest was maintained. The col onists pretended that they only desired to resume their ancient relations, and re-establish the royal government in its original shape, when in fact the repub lican system had long been introduced. They declared it to be their wish to arrive at a certain end, while they recurred to every means which tended to conduct them to the- contrary one. So anomalous a state of things as this, could not well subsist much longer, and the alternative became plainer and plainer, submission or independence. The current set strongly in favor of the latter. The great majority were impelled by every consideration, to de sire this, as, in fact, the only resource left to them. There were, it is true, worthy men in the community, who could not easily reconcile themselves to the idea of an absolute separation from a country to which they had been long bound by the most endearing ties. They saw the sword drawn, but could not tell when it would be sheathed; they feared that the inhabitants of the several colonies would not be brought CH. XIV. j WASHINGTON BEFORE BOSTON. 393 to coalesce under an efficient govern ment, and that after much anarchy, some future Caesar, or Cromwell, would grasp their liberties, and confirm him self on a throne of despotism. They doubted the perseverance of their coun trymen, in effecting their independence, and were also apprehensive, that in case of success, their future condition would be less happy than their past. Some respectable individuals, whose prin ciples were pure, but whose souls were not of that firm texture which revolu tions require, shrunk back from the bold measures proposed by their more adventurous countrymen. To submit without an appeal to heaven, though secretly wished for by some, was not the avowed sentiment of any ; but to persevere in petitioning and resisting, was the system of some misguided hon est men. The favorers of that opinion were generally wanting in that decision which grasps at great objects, and in fluenced by that timid policy which does its work by halves. Most of them dreaded the power of England. A few, on the score of interest, or in expect ancy of favors from the royal govern ment, refused to concur with the gen eral voice. Some of the natives of the mother country, who, having lately set tled in the colonies, had not yet ex changed European for American ideas, together with a few others, conscien tiously opposed the measures of Con gress : notwithstanding all this, how ever, the great bulk of the people, and especially of the spirited and indepen dent part of the community, came with surprising unanimity into the project of severing the tie which bound them VOL. I. 52 1776. to England. And when once the idea of independence was clearly grasped, and fully appreciated, it was impossible to stay the onward progress of America toward that glorious result. Washington, meanwhile, was waiting, impatiently, before Boston. His own wish had been, to take some active measures ere this, but various circumstances operated to pre vent the accomplishment of his pur poses. Congress, fearing, perhaps, that the commander-in-chief hesitated, lest an assault might be destructive of the property which many of the patriots and members of their body owned in Boston, formally urged Washington not to let any considerations of the kind interfere with the measures he deemed advisable. It was important, on every account, to dislodge the enemy, and Washington was not without hope of being able to carry the city by assault. The scarcity of provisions in Boston was well known ; various facilities were afforded for an assault, and Washing ton, as we have noted on a previous page, (see p. 376,) called a council of war, and proposed to make the attempt without delay. The council did not agree as to the expediency of an as sault, and preferred to force the enemy to evacuate, by occupying the Heights of Dorchester, which com O manded the entire city. Washington, with his usual prudence, gave way, and it was determined to occupy the Heights directly. A quantity of fascines and gabions had been prepared, at the sug gestion of Generals Ward, Thomas and O Spencer, and the aid derived from the cannon taken at Ticonderoga and Crown 394 THE BIRTH-YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. II. Point, furnished a good supply of pow erful artillery. The Americans, says Botta,* in his flowing style, in order to occupy the attention of the enemy in another part, erected strong batteries upon the shore at Cobb s Hill, at Lechmere s Point, at Phipp s Farm, and at Lamb s Dam, near Eoxbury. They opened a terrible fire -in the night of the second of March ; the bombs, at every instant, fell into the city. The garrison was in cessantly employed in extinguishing the flames of the houses in combustion, and in all the different services that are necessary in such circumstances. Du ring this time, the Americans prepared themselves with ardor, or rather with joy, to take possession of the Heights. Companies of militia arrived from all parts to reinforce the army. The night of the fourth of March was selected for the expedition ; the chiefs hoped that the recollection of the events of the 5th of March, 17 TO, when the first blood had been shed in Boston by the Eng lish, would inflame with new ardor, and a thirst of vengeance, those spirits al ready so resolute in their cause. Accordingly, in the evening of the 4th, all the arrangements being made, the Americans proceeded in profound silence towards the peninsula of Dor chester. The obscurity of the night was propitious, and the wind favorable, since it could not bear to the enemy the little noise which it was impossible to avoid. The frost had rendered the roads easy. The batteries of Phipp s * Botta a " History of the War of Independence," vol. ii., p. 30. Farm, and those of Roxbnry, inces santly fulminated with a stupendous roar. Eight hundred men composed the van-guard ; it was followed by carriages filled with utensils of entrenchment, and twelve hundred pioneers led by General Thomas. In the rear-guard were three hundred carts of fascines, of gabions, and bundles of hay, destined to cover the flank of the troops in the passage of the isthmus of Dorchester, which, being very low, was exposed to be raked on both sides by the artillery of the English vessels. All succeeded perfectly ; the Amer icans arrived upon the Heights, not only without being molested, but even with out being perceived by the enemy. They set themselves to work with an activity so prodigious, that by ten o clock at night, they had already constructed two forts, in condition to shelter them from small arms and grape-shot ; one upon the height nearest to the city, and the other upon that which looks to wards Castle Island. The day ap peared ; but it prevented not the pro vincials from continuing their works, without any movement being made on the part of the garrison. At length, when the haze of the morning was en tirely dissipated, the English discov ered, with extreme surprise, the new fortifications of the Americans. The English admiral, having ex amined them, declared, that if the enemy was not dislodged from this position, his vessels could no longer re main in the harbor without the most imminent hazard of total destruction. The city itself was exposed to be de- CH. XIV. J THE AMERICANS ON DORCHESTER HEIGHTS. 395 molished to its foundations, at the pleas ure of the provincials. The communi cation, also, between the troops that guarded the isthmus of Boston, and those within the town, became ex tremely difficult and dangerous. The artillery of the Americans battered the strand, whence the English would have to embark in case of retreat. There was no other choice, therefore, left them, but either to drive the colonists from this station by dint of force, or to evac uate the city altogether. General Howe decided for the attack, and made his dispositions accordingly. Washington, on his part, having per ceived the design, prepared himself to repel it. The entrenchments were per fected with diligence ; the militia were assembled from the neighboring towns, and signals were concerted to be given upon all the eminences which form a sort of cincture about all the shore of Boston, from Roxbury to Mystic river, in order to transmit intelligence and orders with rapidity from one point to the other. Washington exhorted his soldiers to O bear in mind the 5th of March. Nor did he restrict himself to defensive measures, he thought also of the means of falling, himself, upon the enemy, if, during, or after the battle, any favor able occasion should present itself. If the besieged, as he hoped, should expe rience a total defeat in the assault of Dorchester, his intention was to embark from Cambridge four thousand chosen men t who, rapidly crossing the arm of the sea, should take advantage of the tumult and confusion, to attempt the assault of the town. General Sullivan commanded the first division ; General Greene, the second. An attack was expected like that of Charlestown, and a battle like that of Breed s Hill. General Howe ordered ladders to be prepared to scale the works of the Americans. He directed Lord Percy to embark at the head of a considerable corps, and to land upon the flats near the point, opposite Castle Island. The Americans, excited by the remem brance of the anniversary, and of the battle of Breed s Hill, and by the con tinual exhortations of their chiefs, ex pected them, not only without fear, but with alacrity ; but the tide ebbed, and the wind blew with such violence, that the passage over became impos sible. General Howe was compelled to defer the attack to early the follow ing morning. A tempest arose during the night, and when the day dawned, the sea was still excessively agitated. A violent rain came to increase the ob stacles ; the English general kept him self quiet. But the Americans made profit of this delay; they erected a third redoubt, and completed the other works. Colonel Mifflin had prepared a great number of hogsheads, full of stones and sand, in order to roll them upon the enemy, when he should march up to the assault, to break his ranks, and throw him into confusion, which might smooth the way to his defeat. Having diligently surveyed all these dispositions, the English persuaded themselves, that the contemplated en terprise offered difficulties almost in surmountable. They reflected that a repulse, or even a victory so sanguinary as that of Breed s Hill, would expose 396 THE BIRTH- YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. |_BK. IX to a jeopardy too serious the English interests in America. Even in case of success, it was to be considered that the garrison was not sufficiently nu merous, to be able, without hazard, to keep possession of the peninsula of Dor chester, having already to guard not only the city, but the peninsula/ of Charlestown. The battle was rather necessary, and victory desirable, to save the reputation of the royal arms, than to decide the total event of things upon these shores. The advantages, therefore, could not compensate the dangers. Besides, the port of Boston was far from being perfectly accom modated to the future operations of the army that was expected from England ; and General Howe himself had, some lensrth of time before, received instruc- O i tions from Lord Dartmouth, one of the Secretaries of State, to evacuate the city, and to establish himself at New York. The want of a sufficient number of vessels had hitherto prevented him from executing this order. Upon all these considerations, the English generals de termined to abandon Boston to the power of the provincials. This retreat, however, presented great difficulties. An hundred and fifty trans ports, great and small, appeared scarcely adequate to the accommodation of ten thousand men, the number to which the crews and the garrison amounted, with out comprehending such of the inhabi tants, as, having shown themselves fa vorable to the royal cause, could not with safety remain. The passage was long and difficult ; for with these emaci ated and enfeebled troops, it could not be attempted to operate any descent -upon the coasts. It was even believed to be scarcely possible to effect a land ing at New York, although the city was absolutely without defence on the part of the sea. The surest course appeared to be to gain the port of Halifax ; but besides the want of provisions, which was excessive, the season was very un favorable for this vova^e. at all times / O 7 dangerous. The winds that prevailed, then blew violently from the northeast, and might drive the fleet off to the West Indies, and the vessels were by no means stock ed with provisions for such a voyage. Besides, the territory of Halifax was a sterile country, from which no resource could be expected, and no provision could have been previously made there, since the evacuation of Boston and re treat to Halifax, were events not an ticipated. Nor could the soldiers per ceive without discouragement, that the necessity of things impelled them to wards the north, apprised, as they were, that the future operations of the English army, were to take place in the provinces of the centre, and even in those of the south. But their gen erals had no longer the liberty of choice. The Americans, however, being able by the fire of their artillery, to interpose the greatest obstacles to the embarka tion of the British troops, General Howe deliberated upon the means of obviat ing this inconvenience. Having as sembled the selectmen of Boston, he declared to them, that the city being no longer of any use to the king, he was resolved to abandon it, provided that Washington would not oppose his CH. XIV.] BOSTON EVACUATED. 399 departure. He pointed to the com bustible materials he had caused to be prepared to set fire, in an instant, to the city, if the provincials should molest him in any shape. He invited them to reflect upon all the dangers which might result, for them and their habi tations, from a battle fought within the walls; and he assured them, that his personal intention was to withdraw peaceably, if the Americans were dis posed, on their part, to act in the same manner. He exhorted them, therefore, to repair to the presence of Washing ton, and to inform him of what they had now heard. The selectmen waited upon the Amer ican general, and made him an affecting representation of the situation of the city. It appears, from what followed, that he consented to the conditions de manded ; but the articles of the truce were not written. It has been pre tended that one of them was, that the besieged should leave their munitions of war ; this, however, cannot be affirm ed with assurance. The munitions were, indeed, left ; but it is not known whether it was by convention, or from necessity. The Americans remained quiet spec tators of the retreat of the English. But the city presented a melancholy spectacle; notwithstanding the orders of General Howe, all was havoc and confusion. Fifteen hundred loyalists, with their families, and their most valuable effects, hastened, with infinite dejection of mind, to abandon a resi dence which had been so dear to them, and where they had so long enjoyed felicity. The fathers carrying burdens, the mothers their children, ran weeping towards the ships ; the last salutation*: the farewell embraces of those who de parted, and of those who remained, the sick, the wounded, the aged, the in fants, would have moved with compas sion the witnesses of their distiess, if the care of their own safety had not absorbed the attention of all. The carts and beasts of burden were become the occasion of sharp disputes between the inhabitants who had re tained them, and the soldiers who wished to employ them. The disorder was also increased, by the animosity that prevailed between the soldiers of the garrison and those of the fleet; they reproached each other mutually, as the authors of their common mis fortune. With one accord, however^ they complained of the coldness and ingratitude of their country, which seemed to have abandoned, or rather to have forgotten them upon these dis tant shores, a prey to so much misery, and to so many dangers. For since the month of October, General Howe had not received, from England, any order or intelligence whatever, which testified that the government still existed, and had not lost sight of the army of Bos ton. Meanwhile, a desperate band of sol diers and sailors took advantage of the confusion, to force doors, and pillage the houses and shops. They destroyed what they could not carry away. The entire city was devoted to devastation, and it was feared every moment the flames would break out, to consummate its destruction. The 15th of March, General Howe issued a proclamation, forbidding every THE BIRTH- YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. . 11, inhabitant to go out of his house before eleven o clock in the morning, in order not to disturb the embarkation of the troops, which was to have taken place on this day. But an east wind pre vented their departure ; and to pass the time, they returned to pillaging. In the meanwhile, the Americans had constructed a redoubt upon the point of Nook s Hill, in the peninsula of Dor chester, and having furnished it with artillery, they entirely commanded the isthmus of Boston, and all the southern part of the town. It was even to be feared that they would occupy Noddle s Island, and establish batteries, which, sweeping the surface of the water across the harbor, would have entirely inter dicted the passage to the ships, and re duced the garrison to the necessity of yielding at discretion. All delay be came dangerous; consequently, the British troops and the loyalists began to embark, the iTth of March, at four in the morning ; at ten, all were on board. The vessels were overladen with men and baggage ; provisions were scanty, confusion was everywhere. The rear guard was scarcely out of the city, when Washington entered it on the other side, with colors displayed, drums beating, and all the forms of victory and triumph. He was received by the inhabitants with every demonstration of gratitude and respect due to a de liverer. Their joy broke forth with the more vivacity, as their sufferings had been long and cruel. For more than sixteen months, they had endured hunger, thirst, cold, and the outrages of an insolent soldiery, who deemed them rebels. The most necessary ar ticles of food were risen to exorbitant prices. Horse flesh was not refused by those who could procure it.* For want of fuel, the pews and benches of churches were taken for this purpose ; the coun ters and partitions of warehouses were applied to the same use ; and even houses, not inhabited, were demolished for the sake of the wood. The English left a great quantity of artillery and munitions. Two hundred and fifty pieces of cannon, of different calibre, were found in Boston, in Castle Island, and in the entrenchments of Bunker s Hill, and the Neck. The English had attempted, but with little success, in their haste, to destroy, or to spike these last pieces ; others had been thrown into the sea, but they were recovered. There were found, besides, four mor tars, a considerable quantity of coal, of wheat, and of other grains, and one hundred and fifty horses. Congress unanimously voted thanks to the commander-in-chief, and ordered a gold medal to be struck, commemo rative of the evacuation of Boston, and, as an honorable token of the public ap probation of his conduct. The British troops sailed for Halifax, but Washing ton, not knowing how soon New York might be attacked, hurried off the main * Provisions were become so scarce at Boston, that a pound of fresh fish cost twelve pence sterling, a goose eight shillings and fourpence, a turkey twelve shillings and sixpence, a duck, four shillings and twopence, hams, two shillings and a penny pel pound. Vegetables were altogether wanting. A sheep cost thirty-five shillings sterling, apples, thirty- three shillings and fourpence per barrel. Fire-wood, forty-one shillings and eightpence the cord ; and finally, it was not to be procured at any price. CH. XIV ] TORY PJ.OT AGAINST WASHINGTON. 399 body of the army for that city, leaving General Ward with five regiments, to fortify and take care of Boston. Some weeks after Howe s departure, British vessels arrived off Boston ; and, as they had not been warned, that the city was now in the hands of the Americans, three of the transports were captured, and about two hundred and fifty sol diers were made prisoners of war. One of the vessels had some fifteen hundred barrels of gunpowder on board, with other munitions of war, which, in the present scarcity, proved a very serviceable addition to the army stores. Lee having been appointed by Con gress to the southern department, Wash ington sent General Putnam forward to O take the command in New York, and he himself arrived there on the 13th of April. In May, he went to Phila delphia, to advise with Congress in the present state of affairs, and make ar rangements for fche campaign. Wash ington does not appear to have had much satisfaction in this visit, and he was not without apprehension from the divisions existing in Congress ; divisions greatly to be regretted just at this junc ture. Expressing his clear conviction, that independence was the only course left for the colonies to pursue, and, having obtained a vote to reinforce the army at New York, with thirteen thou sand eight hundred militia, from the northern colonies, and a flying camp of ten thousand more from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Delaware, Washington returned to New York, to wait the ar rival of the British fleet, and then to de termine upon the course to be pursued. Mr. Sparks, in his Life of Washing ton, gives an account of the plots of the Tories in and about New York, Gov ernor Try on being the main spring of all their movements. Washington, after a great deal of urgency, got Con gress to appoint a secret committee, to take up and examine suspected persons. It is true, that this was a dangerous re sponsibility to be placed in the hands of any man ; but the necessity of the case demanded some action. The Tories were bound to take one side or the other in the questions at issue ; open enmity could be met; but they who wished to be considered neutrals, while they covertly aided and gave intelli gence to the enemy, could not be suf fered to remain in a position which gave them every advantage over the patriots t and their cause. The power of appre hending the Tories had wisely been put into the hands of the civil authority of each colony, and the conventions, as semblies, and committees, were author ized to employ, when they thought it necessary for the purpose, a militia force from the Continental army. " Many Tories were apprehended in New York and on Long Island ; some were imprisoned ; others disarmed. A deep plot, originating with Governor Tryon, was defeated by a timely and fortunate discovery. His agents were found enlisting men in the American camp, and enticing them with rewards The infection spread to a considerable extent, and even reached the general s guard, some of whom enlisted. A sol dier of the guard *yas proved guilty by a court martial, and executed. It was a part of the plot, to seize General 1776. too THE BIRTH- YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. [BK. H Washington, and convey him to the enemy."* New Hampshire, the year previous, had asked advice, as to the form of government to be adopted in that prov ince, and Congress had recommended that the matter be submitted to the people, and such a form of government be established, as would best secure the ends desired, during the existing diffi culties with the mother country. Simi lar advice was soon after given to Virginia and South Carolina. These colonies acted upon this advice, and thereby gave a considerable impulse forward to the subject of independence, which, at this time, occupied the public mind. On the 10th of May, Congress unanimously resolved, " That it be rec ommended to the respective Assemblies and Conventions of the United Colonies, where no government sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs hath hitherto been established, to adopt such -government, as shall, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents, in particu lar, and America, in general." In the preamble to this resolution, adopted five days after, Congress, among other things, declared it to be irreconcileable to reason and good conscience, for the colonists to take the oaths required for the support of the government under the crown of Great Britain. They also declared it necessary, that the exer cise of every kind of authority under * Sparks s " Life of Washington," p. 169. See, also, Mr. Irving s account of this matter, which is more full of particulars "Life of Washington," Tol. ii.,pp. 242-46. 17T6. the crown, should be suppressed ; and all the powers of government exerted " under the authority of the people of the colonies, for the preservation of in ternal peace, virtue and good order, as well as for the defense of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile invasions and cruel depreda tions of their enemies." The recommendation of Congress was speedily carried into effect ; and, as the people had been virtually in possession of the powers of government for some time past, the change from royal au thority to that exercised by themselves, was made without noise or difficulty. John Rutledge was elected governor of South Carolina, and Patrick Henry, of Virginia. In South Carolina, a ju diciary was also formed, and William Henry Drayton was appointed chief justice. This accomplished jurist, and ardent patriot, delivered a charge to the Grand Jury, in April, 17*76, which concluded in the following terms : " I think it my duty, to declare in the aw ful seat of justice, and before Almighty God, that, in my opinion, the Ameri cans can have no safety but by the Divine favor, their own virtue, and their being so prudent, as not to leave it in the power of the British rulers to injure them. Indeed, the ruinous and deadly injuries received on our side, and the jealousies entertained, and which, in the nature of things, must daily increase against us on the other, demonstrate to a mind, in the least given to reflection upon the rise and fall of empires, that true reconcilement never can exist be tween Great Britain and America, the latter being in subjection to the former. CH. XIV.] BRITISH ATTACK UPON CHARLESTON. 401 The Almighty created America to be independent of Britain : let us beware of the impiety of being backward to act as instruments in the Almighty hand, now extended to accomplish his purpose; and by the completion of which alone, America, in the nature of human affairs, can be secure against the craft and insidious designs of her ene mies, who think her prosperity and power already by far too great. In a word, our piety and political safety are so blended, that to refuse our labors in this divine work, is to refuse to be a great, a free, a pious, and a happy people ! And now having left this im portant alternative, political happiness or wretchedness, under God, in a great degree in your own hands ; I pray the supreme Arbiter of the affairs of men, so to direct your judgment, as that you ma} act agreeably to what seems to be his will, revealed in his miraculous works in behalf of America, bleeding O at the altar of liberty !" After long delay, the British squad ron, under Sir Peter Parker, arrived, in May, at Cape Fear. Sir Henry Clin ton, who was waiting for it there, im mediately took command of the troops, and, as nothing could be done in North O Carolina, it was resolved to strike a de cisive blow against Charleston. For tunately, some intercepted letters of Governor Eden, had given notice to Congiess, of the intended attack, and General Lee was dispatched to provide for the defence of Charleston and the southern department. At the first alarm, various regiments had marched down to the city, in creasing its garrison to about six thou- VOL. I. 53 1776. sand men. Assisted by the inhabit ants and their negro slaves, they labored most iudefatigably to complete the fortifications. All the roads run ning down to the sea were blockaded, the streets barricaded, the magazines / o destroyed, entrenchments raised, and every possible means taken to oppose the progress of the enemy. On the 4th of June, the British fleet made its ap pearance off Charleston harbor, and, having passed the bar, anchored about three miles from Sullivan s Island. General Clinton dispatched a sum mons to the inhabitants, threatening them with the utmost vengeance of an irritated government, unless they sub mitted, offering, at the same time, a complete amnesty to such as should lay clown their arms. The offer was rejected, of course, and Clinton had no alternative, but to proceed with the attack. The entrance to the harbor was pro tected by an unfinished fort on Sulli van s Island, which had been strength ened with as much care as possible, and was armed with thirty-six heavy guns, as well as twenty-six others of inferior calibre. The fort was constructed of the palmetto, a soft and spongy wood, which deadened the effect of a cannon ball, and was commanded by Colonel Moultrie, at the head of about three hundred and fifty troops, and some militia. To silence this fort, was, of course, the first object of the British commander, and, for this purpose, he landed a large body of troops on I/nig Island, adjacent to Sullivan s I^and, and only separated from it by a nar row channel, often fordable, with or- 402 THE BIRTH-YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. . 11 ders to ci >ss over and attack it, while the fleet cannonaded it in front. Great difficulty was experienced in the outset, in getting the heavy ships of war over the bar, which could be effected only by taking out their guns. At length, on the 28th of June, the whole fleet placed themselves in line, and began a tremendous firing on the devoted fort. Three of these ships, the Sphynx, Act- eon, and Syren, were ordered to take up a position to the westward, where they could enfilade the weakest part of the works, and at the same time inter cept any succors that might be sent from the city. Had this manoeuvre been successful, it would have been im possible for the fort to have held out ; but happily for the Americans, the three vessels grounded on a shoal called the Middle Ground, two being with great difficulty got off, and one burned on the following day. This fortunate accident encouraged the spirit of these brave men to the highest pitch, al though they were but recent recruits, and exposed for several hours to an incessant cannonade. Amidst a per fect hail-storm of bombs and balls, they coolly and resolutely stood to their guns, and returned the fire of their as sailants, until their ammunition gave out. The intrepid conduct of Sergeant Jasper deserves especial mention ; for, when the staff of the flag under which he and his compatriots were fighting, was shot away by a ball, Jasper sprang after it to the ground, fastened it to the rammer of a cannon, mounted the para pet, and in the face of the hot fire of the enemy, deliberately hoisted it anew. Honor to the brave sergeant, and the men who stood shoulder to shoulder with him ! The steady and well-directed fire of the Americans, obliged the British ships to give up their attempt. The Bristol, a fifty gun ship, was twice in flames, and her captain was killed. Lord Campbell, the ex-governor, who served as a volunteer, was mortally wounded, and, at one time, Sir Peter Parker was the only one unhurt on deck. The troops intended to ford the channel, and attack the fort in flank, but were unable to pass over on account of the unusual depth of water, occasioned by a long prevalence of easterly winds. The flank attack by the vessels had also failed, and thus the Americans were enabled to pass over fresh ammunition and succors from the city into the fort. The engagement had lasted from eleven o < in the morning till nine in the evening, when the British, owing to the failure of two parts of their plan, and the un expectedly vigorous defence of the Americans, concluded to retire from the scene of action. On the following day, the squadron set sail, to join the British forces, which had assembled in the Bay of New York. The preliminary steps towards a dec laration of independence by the whole country, had already been taken. Every day served to demonstrate the necessity of some decisive action, which should place the Americans and their cause fairly before the world. As early as the 22d of April, the Convention of North Carolina empowered their dele gates in Congress, " to concur with those in the other colonies, in declaring CH. XIV.J ACTION OF PUBLIC BODIES. independency." This, according to Pitkin, was the first direct public act of any colonial Assembly or Conven tion, in favor of the measure. On the 15th of May, we quote from the same authority the Conven tion of Virginia went still farther, and unanimously instructed their delegates in Congress, " to propose to that re spectable body, to declare the United Colonies, free and independent states, absolved from all allegiance or depend ence upon the Crown or Parliament of Great Britain ; and to give the assent of that colony, to such declaration, and to whatever measures might be thought proper and necessary, by Congress, for forming foreign alliances, and a con federation of the colonies, at such time, and in such manner, as to them should seem best: provided the power of forming governments for, and the regu lation of the internal concerns of, each colony, be left to the respective colonial legislatures." They, at the same time, appointed a Committee, " to prepare a declaration of rights, and such a, plan of government, as would be most likely to maintain peace and order in the col ony, and secure substantial and equal liberty to the people." On the 10th of May, the General Assembly of Massachusetts, directed that the people of that colony, at the then approaching election of new rep resentatives, should give them instruc tions on the subject of independence. In consequence of this, the inhabitants of Boston, on the 23d of May, instructed their representatives, to use their en- deavors, that their delegates in Con gress be advised, "that in case Con gress should think it necessary, for the safety of the United Colonies, to declare themselves independent of Great Britain, the inhabitants of that colony, with their lives, and the remnants of their fortunes, would most cheerfully support them in the measure." The Assembly of Ehode Island, du ring their session in May, not only di rected the oath of allegiance to be taken to the colony ; but also, instructed their delegates in Congress to join with the other colonies, " upon the most proper measures, for promoting and confirming the strictest union and confederation between the colonies, for exerting their whole strength and force to annoy the common enemy, and to secure to the said colonies, their rights and liberties, both civil and religious ; whether by entering into treaties with any prince, state, or potentate ; or by such other prudent and effectual ways and means, as should be devised and agreed upon ; and, in conjunction with the delegates from the United Colonies, to enter upon and attempt all such measures taking the greatest care, to secure to this col ony, in the most perfect manner, its present forms, and all the powers of government, so far as relates to its in ternal police, and conduct of affaire, civil and religious." The great question of independence was brought directly before Congress, by Kichard Henry Lee, one of the del egates from Virginia. On the 7th of June, 1776, he submitted a resolution, declaring, "that the United Colonies are and ought to be free and inde pendent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown ; 404 THE BIRTH- YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. [B K . and that all political connection be tween them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis solved." The resolution was postponed until the next day, and every member enjoined to attend, to take the same into consideration. On the 8th, it was debated, in Committee of the Whole. No question of greater magnitude, was ever presented to the consideration of a deliberative body, or debated with more energy, eloquence, and ability. Mr. Lee, the mover, and Mr. John Adams, were particularly distinguished in supporting, and Mr. John Dickinson, in opposing the resolution. On the 10th, it was adopted in Committee, by a bare majority of the colonies. The delegates from Pennsylvania and Mary land, were instructed to oppose it ; and the delegates from some of the other colonies, were without special instruc tions on the subject. To give time for greater unanimity, the resolution was postponed in the House, until the 1st of July. Meantime, a Committee, consist ing of Mr. Jefferson, John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Sherman, and B,. R. Liv ingston, was appointed to prepare a Declaration of Independence. During this interval, measures were taken to procure the assent of all the colonies. On the 8th of June, the delegates from. New York wrote by an express, to the Convention of that colony, for their advice on the question of inde pendence, which, they informed them, would soon be agitated in Congress. The Convention, however, did not con sider themselves, or their delegates, authorized to declare the colony inde pendent; but recommended that the people, who were then about to elect new members of the Convention, should give instructions on the subject. On the 15th of June, the representa tives of New Hampshire, unanimously instructed their delegates, to join the other colonies on this question. A special Assembly was called in Connecticut, on the 14th of June ; and by an unanimous vote, the delegates of that colony were instructed to give " their assent to a declaration of inde pendence, and to unite in measures for forming foreign alliances, and promot ing a plan of union among the colonies." On the 21st of the same month, new delegates to the General Congress were elected by the Convention of New Jersey, and they were directed, "in case they judged it necessary and ex pedient, for supporting the just rights of America, to join in declaring the United Colonies independent, and en tering into a confederation for union and defence." The Assembly of Pennsylvania, held in June, removed the restrictions laid upon their delegates, by instructions of the preceding November, and author, ized them " to concur with the otbei delegates in Congress, in forming such further compacts between the United Colonies, concluding such treaties with foreign kingdoms and states, and in adopting such other measures, as, upon a view of all circumstances, shall be judged necessary for promoting the liberty, safety and interests of Amer ica; reserving to the people of this colony, the sole and exclusive right of regulating the internal government and police of the same. The happiness of Cn. XIV.] DRAFT OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 405 these colonies," they added, " has, du ring the whole course of this fatal con troversy, been our first wish ; their rec onciliation with Great Britain our next. Ardently have we prayed for the ac complishment of both. But, if we must renounce the one or the other, we humbly trust in the mercy of the Su preme Governor of the universe, that we shall not stand condemned before his throne, if our choice is determined by that overruling law of self-preser vation, which his divine wisdom has thought fit to implant in the hearts of his creatures." The Assembly were not unanimous in this vote, nor did the vote itself expressly instruct the delegates of that colony to assent to a declara tion of independence. It was deemed important, that the sense of the people of Pennsylvania, on this great question, should be taken. For this purpose, a Convention or Conference, consisting of Committees chosen by each county, was called, and met at Philadelphia, on the 24th of June. The members of this meeting passed a resolution, in which, as the representatives of the people of Pennsylvania, they expressed their willingness to concur in a vote of Congress, declaring the United Col onies free and independent states." They, at the same time, asserted, that this measure did not originate in am bition, or in an impatience of lawful authority, but that they were driven to it, in obedience to the first principles of nature, by the oppressions and cruelties of the king and Parliament, as the only measure left to preserve and establish their liberties, and trans mit them inviolate to posterity. The delegates from Maryland, though personally in favor of the measure, were bound by their instructions. Through their influence, another Convention was held in that colony; and on the 28th of June, following the example of Penn sylvania, the members of this Conven tion recalled their former instructions, and empowered their delegates, "to concur with the other colonies in a declaration of independence, in form ing a union among the colonies, in making foreign alliances, and in adopt ing such other measures, as should be judged necessary for securing the liber ties of America." These new instruc tions were immediately sent by express to Philadelphia, and on the 1st of July, were laid before Congress. On the O same day, the resolution relating to independence, was resumed in that body, referred to a Committee of the Whole, and was assented to by all the colonies, except Pennsylvania and Del aware. " 1770. The Committee appointed to draft the Declaration of Independence, as noted above, reported it to Congress just as Thomas Jefferson had written it. After being discussed, and amend ed in several respects, it received the vote of every colony, on the 4th of July, and was published to the world. Having been engrossed, by order of Congress, it was, on the 2d of August, signed by all the mem- bersf then present, and by some who * Pitkin s " Civil and Political History of the United States," vol. i., pp. 361-65. f Mr. Dickinson was the only member present, who did not sign the Declaration. For a resume of Mr. Dickinson s speech against, and Mr. R. H. Lee s 406 THE BIRTH-YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. were not members, on the 4th of July. The number of the signers was fifty- six. Although this document is fa miliar to every true-hearted American, its importance, in connection with our history and progress as a nation, re quires that it be given in full : it is in the following terms. THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS AS SEMBLED : " When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of na ture and nature s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of man kind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. "We hold these truths to be self- evident : that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that, to se cure these rights, governments are in stituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the gov erned; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation for, the Declaration of Independence, see Botta s " His tory of ike War of Independence," vol. ii., pp. 87-103- on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long estab lished, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown, that man kind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right them selves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pur suing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them un der absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such gov ernment, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world : "He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. " He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be ob tained ; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. " He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large dis tricts of people, unless those people CH. XIV.] THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 407 would relinquish the right of repre sentation in the legislature : a right in estimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. " He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomforta ble, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole pur pose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. " He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. " He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise ; the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convul sions within. " He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for nat uralization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migra tions hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. " He has obstructed the adminis tration of justice, by refusing his as sent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. " He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. " He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of offi cers to harass our people, and to eat out their substance. "He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without* the consent of our Legislatures. " He has affected to render the mili tary independent of, and superior to, the civil power. " He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : "For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us; "For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the in habitants of these states ; " For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; "For imposing taxes on us without our consent; " For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury ; " For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offences ; " For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring prov ince, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its bound aries, so as to render it at once an ex ample and fit instrument for introdu cing the same absolute rule into these colonies ; " For taking away our charters, abol ishing our most valuable laws, and o altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments ; "For suspending our own legisla tures, and declaring themselves in vested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. " He has abdicated government Lere, 403 THE BIRTH- YEAR OF THE REPUBLIC. [13K. (1. by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. " He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and de stroyed the lives of our people. " He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries, to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with cir cumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbar ous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. " He has constrained our fellow-citi zens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to be come the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. "He has excited domestic insurrec tions among us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistin guished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. " In every stage of these oppressions, \ve have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated pe titions have been answered only by re peated injury. A prince, whose charac ter is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. " Nc/ have we been wanting in atten tions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of at- bempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circum stances of our emigration and settle ment here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usur pations, which would inevitably inter rupt our connections and correspond ence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessi ty which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of man kind, enemies in war, in peace friends. "We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly pub lish and declare, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, FBEE and INDEPENDENT STATES ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free and independent states, they have power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alli ances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which independ ent states may of right do. And foi the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Di vine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."* Thus was it that our fathers, guided by the " God that judgeth in the earth," * For the original draftof the Declaration and (he amendments made by Congress, see Appendix I., a* the end of the present chapter. CH. XIV.] THE WISDOM AND NECESSITY OF THE DECLARATION. 409 and mindful of the sacred trust com mitted to them to hand down liberty to their children, dared to speak and to act. " Proclaim liberty throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants there of," is the significant text of Scripture inscribed on the bell in the steeple of the time-honored State-house, Phila delphia. That bell rang out a joyous peal on the 4th day of July, 1776 ; it has continued to do the same, year after year; and, by God s blessing, it will continue to do the same, unto the latest ages. " The day is past," writes John Adams, the most able and eloquent ad vocate in favor of the Declaration ; " the 2d day of July will be the most memo rable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be cele brated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the day of deliver ance, by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God. It ought to be solem nized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bon fires, and illuminations, from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forth and forevermore. You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure that it will cost us to maintain this Declaration, and support and defend these States. Yet, through all this gloom, I can see the rays of ravishing light and glory. I can see that the end is more than worth all the means ; and that our posterity will triumph in that day s transaction, even although we should rue it, which I trust in God we shall not." The an nual jubilee is indeed held, not on the VOL. L 54 2d, but on the 4th day of July, when the Declaration of Independence set forth the grounds of our fathers course, and put on record the solemn pledge which they then and there gave, that as we are of right, so we will be, even to death, A FREE AND INDEPENDENT PEOPLE.* It was plainly evident, as is remarked by the philosophic M. Guizot, that " the day had arrived when power had for feited its claim to loyal obedience ; and when the people were called upon to protect themselves "by force, no longer finding in the established order of things either safety or shelter. Such a mo ment is a fearful one, big with unknown events ; one, which no human sagacity can predict, and no human government- can control ; but which, notwithstand ing, does sometimes come, bearing an impress stamped by the hand of God. If the struggle, which begins at such a moment, were one absolutely forbidden: if, at the mysterious point in which it arises, this great social duty did not press even upon the heads of those who deny its existence, the human race, long ago, wholly fallen under the yoke, would have lost all dignity as well as all happiness." Whatever might have been thought by many, at the time, of the propriety of this step, there can be no doubt, we think, that the Declaration of Inde pendence was, in every point of view, not only necessary, but wise and well- timed, f Every consideration of sound * See Appendix II., at Ihe end r f the present chapter. f Mr. Curtis pionounces that the Declaration of no APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIV. [BK. II policy as well as justice, demanded that the war should no longer be a contest between subjects and their acknowl edged sovereign, and it was of the first consequence, that the position assumed by our fathers, on this memorable occa sion, should have all the moral force arising from the fact that they now Independence " must for ever remain an imperish able monument of Jefferson s power of expression, and his ability to touch the passions, as well as to address the reason, of mankind." See a long and interesting note, in regard to the authorship of the Declaration, in Curtis s " History of the Constitution" vol. i., pp. 81-88. stood before the world as a free and in dependent people, resolved to peril their lives and their all in defence of the liberties which were their birth right and their inalienable possession However dark the prospect was before them then ; and, in view of all the cir cumstances, however uncertain the issue might have appeared; we, their chil dren, cannot doubt that the Declaration of Independence was rightly and neces sarily made, and we can as every honest lover of his country does bless GOD that it was made when, and as, it was. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIV. I. THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. Mr. Jefferson has preserved a copy of the original draft, as reported by the Committee, with the amendments made to it by Congress, which has been published in his correspondence. The following is extracted from that work. ORIGINAL DRAFT. A declaration by the representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress, assembled. When in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind re quires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with inherent and unalienable rights ; that, among these are life, liberty, and AS AMENDED BY CONGRESS. A declaration by the representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assem bled. Not altered. We hold these truths to be self-evident ; that all men are created equal ; that they are en dowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and CH. XIV.] DRAFT OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 411 the pursuit of happiness ; that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of govern ment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, in deed, will dictate that governments long estab lished should not be changed for light and tran sient causes ; and accordingly, all experience bath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves, by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, begun at a distinguished period and pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient suf ferance of these colonies ; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to expunge their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain, is a history of unremitting injuries and usurpations, among which appears no solitary fact to contradict the uniform tenor of the rest, but all have in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world, for the truth of which we pledge a faiih yet unsullied by falsehood: He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless sus pended in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the ac commodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of repre sentation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. the pursuit of happiness ; that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of govern ment becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, in deed, will dictate that governments long estab lished should not be changed for light and tran sient causes ; and accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves, by abolishing the forms to which they are accus tomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain, is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world: Not altered. Not altered. Not altered. Not altered. 412 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIV. [BK. TL He has dissolved representative houses re peatedly and continually, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused for a long time after such dis solutions, to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their ex ercise, the state remaining, in the meantime, ex posed to the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new ap propriations of lands. He has suffered the administration of justice totally to cease in some of these States, refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made our judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, by a self-assumed power, and sent hither swarms of new officers to harass our people, and to eat out their Bubstance. He has kept among us in times of peace stand ing armies and ships of war, without the consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the military inde pendent of und superior to the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions, and un acknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; for pro tecting, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhab itants of these states ; for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; for imposing taxes on us without our consent ; for depriving us of the benefits of trial by jury ; for transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offences ; for abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boun daries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these states ; for taking away our char ters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and alter- He has dissolved representative houses re peatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasion on the rights of the people. Not altered. Not altered. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of new officers to harass onr people, and eat out their substance. He has kept among us in times of peace stand ing armies, without the consent of our legislatures. Not altered. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions, and un acknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; for pro tecting, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the in habitants of these states ; for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; for imposing taxes on us without our consent; for depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury ; for transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offences ; for abolishing the free sys tem of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for intro ducing the same absolute rule into these colonies ; for taking away our charters, abolishing our most CH. XIV.] DRAFT OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 41S ing fundam entally the forms of our governments ; for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, withdraw ing his governors, and declaring us out of his al legiance and protection. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny already begun with cir cumstances of cruelty and perfidy, unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of the frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistin guished destruction of all ages, sexes, and con ditions of existence. He has excited treasonable insurrections of our fellow-citizens, with the allurements of forfeiture and confiscation of our property. He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people, who never offended him, captivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of IN FIDEL powers, is the warfare of the CHRIS TIAN king of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market where MEN should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to pro hibit or to restrain this execrable commerce. And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty, of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them ; thus paying off former crimes committed against the LIBERTIES of one valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments ; for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves in vested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by de claring us out of his protection, and waging war against us. Not altered. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries, to complete the works of death, destruction and tyranny already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. Not altered. He has excited domestic insurrections among us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of the frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions. Struck out. Struck o it. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIV. [BK. II. people with crimes which he urges them to com mit against the LIVES of another. In every stage ofj these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms ; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injuries. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a people who mean to be free. Future ages will scarcely believe that the hardiness of one man adventured, within, the short compass of twelve years only, to lay a foundation so broad and so undisguised for tyranny over a people fos tered and fixed in principles of freedom. Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time, of attempts by their legislature, to extend a jurisdiction over these our stales. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here ; no one of which could warrant so strange a pretension ; these were effected at the expense of our own blood and treas ure, unassisted by the wealth or the strength of Great Britain ; that in constituting, indeed, our severed forms of government, we had adopted one common king ; thereby laying a foundation for perpetual league and amity with them ; but that submission to their Parliament was no part of our Constitution, nor ever in idea, if history may be credited; and we appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, as well as to the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations which were likely to interrupt our connection and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity, and when occasions have been given them by the regular course of their laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our harmony, they have by their free election, re-established them in power. At this very time, too, they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over not only soldiers of our common blood, but Scotch and foreign merce naries to invade and destroy us. These facts have given the last stab to agonizing affection, and manly spirit bids us to renounce forever these un feeling brethren. We must endeavor to forget our former love for them, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends. We might have been a free and a great people together; but a communication of grandeur nd of freedom, it seems, is below their dignity. Not altered. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time, of attempts by their legislature, to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us, We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here ; we have ap pealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our com mon kindred, to disavow these usurpations which would inevitably interrupt our connection and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. CH. XIV.J DRAFT OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 415 Be it so, since they will have it. The road to hap piness and to glory, is open to us, too. We will tread it apart from them, and acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our eternal separation. We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assem bled, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these states, reject and renounce all allegiance and subjection to the kings of Or eat Britain, and all others who may hereafter claim by, through, or under them ; we utterly dissolve all political connection which may heretofore have sub sisted between us and the people or Parliament of Great Britain; and finally, we do assert, and declare these colonies to be free and independent slates, and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our for tunes, and our sacred honor. We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assem bled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Provi dence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. The words expunged from the original draft are distinguished by italics, as are the words that were introduced by Congress. The names of the members who subscribed the Declaration of Inde pendence were as follows, viz : JOHN" HANCOCK, President. Neio Hampshire. New York. JOSIAH BARTLETT, WILLIAM FLOYD, WILLIAM WHIFFLE, PHILIP LIVINGSTON, MATTHEW THORNTON. FRANCIS LEWIS, LEWIS MORRIS. Massachusetts Bay. SAMUEL ADAMS, New Jersey. JOHN ADAMS, RICHARD STOCKTON, ROBERT TREAT PAINE, JOHN WITHERSPOON, ELBRIDGE GERRY. Rhode Island^ etc. STEPHEN HOPKINS, WILLIAM ELLERY. FRANCIS HOPKINSON, JOHN HART, ABRAM CLARK. Pennsylvania. ROBERT MORRIS, BENJAMIN RUSH, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, Connecticut. liOGER SHERMAN, SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, JOHN MORTON, WILLIAM WILLIAMS, GEORGE CLYMER, OLIVER WOLCOTT. JAMES SMITH. GEORGE TAYLOR, JAMES WILSON, GEORGE ROSS. Delaware. CAESAR RODNEY, THOMAS M KEAN, GEORGE REED. THOMAS NELSON, Jan., FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE, CARTER BRAXTON. North Carolina. WILLIAM HOOPER, JOSEPH HUGHES, JOHN PENN. South Carolina. EDWARD RUTLEDGE, THOMAS HEY WARD, Jin. THOMAS LYNCH, Jun., ARTHUR MIDDLETON. Virginia. Georgia. GEORGE WYTHE, BUTTON GWINNETT, RICHARD HENRY LEE, GEORGE WALTON, THOMAS JEFFERSON, LYMAN HALL. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 416 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIV. [BK. 11. II EXTRACT FROM JOHX QUINCY ADAMS S ORATIOX Otf THE FOURTH OF JULY, 1831. The dependence, then, of the colonies upon Great Britain, at the time when the British Par liament declared its own right to make laws for them in all cases whatsoever, and undertook to give effect to this declaration by taxation, was a dependence of parchments and of proclamations, unsanctioned by the laws of nature, disavowed by the dictates of reason. To this condition, how ever, the colonies submitted as long as they were suffered to enjoy the rights of Englishmen. The attempt to tax them by a body in which they had and could have no representative, was in direct violation of those rights. The acts of Parliament were encountered by remonstrance, deprecated by petition, and resisted by force. Ten years of con troversy, and more than one of civil war, pre ceded the declaration, "that these United Co lonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dis solved." The union of the colonies had preceded this de claration and even the commencement of the war. The declaration was joint, that the United Colo nies were free and independent states, but not that any of them was a free and independent state, separate from the rest. In the Constitution of this Commonwealth (Massachusetts) it is declared, that the body politic is formed by a voluntary association of individuals ; that it is a social com pact, by which the whole people covenants with each citizen, and each citizen with the whole peo ple, that all shall be governed by certain laws, for the common good. The body politic of the United States was formed by the voluntary association of the people of the United Colonies. The Declara tion of Independence was a social compact, by which the whole people covenanted with each citizen of the United Colonies, and each citizen with the whole people, that the United Colonies were, and of right ought to be, free and independ ent states. To this compact, union was as vital as freedom or independence. From the hour of that declaration, no one of the States whose peo ple were parties to it, could, without violation of that primitive compact, secede or separate from the rest. Each was pledged to all, and all were pledged to each by a concert of souls, without limitation of time, in the presence of Almighty God, and proclaimed to all mankind. The colo nies were not declared sovereign states. The terra sovereign is not even to be found in the Decla ration ; and far, very far was it from the contem plation of those who composed, or of those who adopted it, to constitute either the aggregate community, or any one of its members, with abso lute, uncontrollable or despotic power. They are united, free and independent States. Each of these properties is equally essential to their exist ence. Without union the covenant contains no pledge of freedom or independence ; without free dom, none of independence or union ; without in dependence, none of union or freedom. In the history of the world, this was the first example of a self-constituted nation proclaiming to the rest of mankind the principles upon which it was associated, and deriving those principles from the laws of nature. It has sometimes been objected to the paper, that it deals too much in abstractions. But this was its characteristic excellence ; for upon those abstractions hinged the justice of the cause. Without them, our rev olution would have been luit a successful rebel lion. Pvight, truth, justice, are all abstractions. The Divinity that stirs within the soul of man is abstraction. The Creator of the universe is a spirit, and all spiritual nature is abstraction. Happy would it be, could we answer with equal confidence another objection, not to the Declara tion, but to the consistency of the people by whom it was proclaimed ! Thrice happy, could the ap peal to the Supreme Judge of the world for recti tude of intention, and with firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence for support, have been accompanied with an appeal equally bold to our own social institutions to illustrate the self- evident truths which we declared ! The Declaration of Independence was not a de claration of liberty newly acquired, nor was it a form of government. The people of the colonies were already free, and their forms of government were various. They were all colonies of a mon archy. The king of Great Britain was their com mon sovereign. Their internal administrations presented great varieties of form. The proprie tary governments were hereditary monarchies in miniature. New York and Virginia were feudal CH. XIV.] ADAMS S FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 417 aristocracies. Massachusetts Bay was an ap proximation to the complex government of the parent state. Connecticut and Rhode Island were little remote from democracies. But as in the course of our recent war with Great Britain, her gallant naval warriors made the discovery that the frigates of the United States were line- of-battle ships in disguise, so the ministers of George III., when they brought their king and country into collision with these transatlantic de pendencies, soon found to their astonishment, that the United American Colonies were republics in disguise. The spirit of the people, throughout the Union, was republican ; and the absurdity of a foreign and a royal head to societies of men thus constituted, had remained unperceived, only be cause until then that head had been seldom brought into action. The Declaration of Independence announced the severance of the thirteen United Colonies from the rest of the British Empire, and the existence of their people from that day forth as an independ ent nation. The people of all the colonies, speak ing by their representatives, constituted themselves one moral person before the face of their fellow men. Frederic I., of Brandenburg, constituted himself king of Prussia, by putting a crown upon VOL. I. 55 his own head. Napoleon Bonaparte invested hig brows with the iron crown of Lombardy, and de clared himself king of Italy. The Declaration oi Independence was the crown with which the peo ple of United America, rising in gigantic stature as one man, encirled their brows, and there it re mains ; there, so long as this globe shall be inhab ited by human beings, may it remain, a crown of imperishable glory 1 The Declaration of Independence asserted the rights, and acknowledged the obligations of an independent nation. It recognized the laws of nations, as they were observed and practiced among Christian communities. It considered the state of nature between nations as a state of peace; and, as a necessary consequence, that the new confederacy was at peace with all other nations, Great Britain alone excepted. It made no change in the laws none in the internal administration of any one of the confederates, other than such as necessarily followed from the dissolution of the connection with Great Britain. It left all muni cipal legislation, all regulation of private individ ual rights and interests, to the people of each separate colony ; and each separate colony, thus transformed into a State of the Union, wrought for itself a constitution of government. tthniiau of a& 4/te/ wuotnafl ooc&m&tfl in/ JAeS rtonefawutina/ &Js [Copied by permission from the MS. in the Department cf State, at Washington.] L j^ 3L r ^^L^ 4 1L UMJLD o J t <2F AMERICA ^ i/rv /AJU oort/m. / LU^TYU^J^ Ur&rJLi Jt /e-ex-^rvcd ->vc_>cu^-xnv r tt </) n\JL e^v4 / UULAs? t/J TtoZu/T-e. 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M^c^v4^v/a^o^ ^^Oe^e- ^/o^x; friVT& <rt rfals sscr>&0 $01 A <j f ^-^^/^> ^ crvco- A <ru/r ^ tx</>v %&/ r^a~d (^ /J* tfl _ Cd a/if" /Kc? Uxn^jz/ 6>flxyv^ rxrrCi^r^O to Irr^srJ err, /< <// t^rf (j a ?< <U J Si V uxr-1^4- Hx /r f tf i ^ ^L^j wA/dJ3 ^L -et^s^M ouc?C*>sf^fA ^m>^ ^/^^^ ^ u^^^fr^ <6* ^v/Cc Q o u * .lu/A-<? Orvjtx7^vTi .% irr*^^^*^<><^^</^ l y ^~y t . . - ^t^BHS^a^-Bi^ttaMt^ ^^ A,fU<r?><e,fo3l<^ to / <J (/ ^ .*^^ T^- i^r\u^ sJLt K. ^^^^QJ^-^J^^ a^^^ ( r L^^u^^^^ ^ vc*, /rue*f uUrjSU&tfr^Co JKu /Cvr^aJ <$ - jAje^rr^ ; PS* / y yA*W, CL^ isrv*&*i /f^jL^e^ carurr^jid *& b<- p-<*~ a^^cL 6o r u^^>-eoA^6x^ A<i^/- t^A^iz^>^-ujtox>v/r^/WeJ /?ve^ & {\jLxH hzr, \js)(fi*r $&+*<- * fJ U Al t^^ Hii^^ ji^Lji<^ i^^ (fl H\^ c^^!ax>-a>2 wC-z? 00k FROM TEE ATT OF PEACE. 1776-1783. HISTORY UNITED STATES OF AMERICA CHAPTER I. 1776, EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1*7*76. TV.e Declaration of Independence read to the army How received in New York Position of the loyalists, Course pursue! by Congress Necessity of some articles of confederation Measures adopted Defence of New York to be provided for Arrival of the British forces under General and Lord Howe Proclamation of the English Commissioners Howe s sincerity Attempt at communication with "Washington Account of the matter American army and operations in Canada Carleton s vigorous efforts Naval battle on Lake Chain- plaia Carleton s failure to advance southwardly Washington s position in New York Sectional jealousies and quarrels Washington s dignified rebuke Howe s force Exploits of Captain Talbot The battle of Long Island Its disastrous result Retreat from Brooklyn Encampment at Harlem Heights Washing ton s letter to Congress Howe s renewed attempts at negotiations fail Depression of the Americans Halo s self-sacrificing expedition His death as a spy Howe s plan of operation Disgraceful conduct of the militia Washington s danger Retreat from New York Narrow escape Great fire in New York Sickness in the camp, desertions, etc. Washington s letter to Congress on the inefficiency of the force tinder his command Army to be reorganized Howe s change of plan Washington s retreat Battle of White Plains- The loss of Fort Washington Retreat through the Jerseys begun Howe s proclamation Washington continues to retreat Nearness of the armies to one another Lee s erratic course and capture Gloomy prospect of affairs British movements in Rhode Island Howe s military conduct censured by some writers Washing ton s nobleness of character APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I. Judge Drayton s remarks on Lord and General Howe e Declaration. IT Lad long been foreseen by Wash ington that the contest between Eng land and the United States must be settled by an appeal to the sword. We may well believe, therefore, that the Declaration of Inde pendence afforded him, as commander- in-chief of the army, the highest satis faction ; since now, the position of affairs was no longer of that anomalous and unsettled character, which had inter fered with the vigorous carrying out the various plans with which he was en trusted for sustaining the rights and lib erties of his country. On the 9th of Julv, he caused the Declaration to be 422 EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776. [B K . III. read, at six o clock in the evening, at the head of each brigade of the army. " The general hopes," said he, in his or ders, " that this important event will serve as a fresh incentive to every offi cer and soldier, to act with fidelity and courage, as knowing that now the peace and safety of his country depends, un der God, solely on the success of our arms ; and that he is now in the service of a State, possessed of sufficient power to reward his merit and advance him to the highest honors of a free country." The people in the city of New York, not only indulged themselves in the usual demonstrations of joy by ringing of bells and the like, but also concluded that the leaden statue of his Majesty, George III., in the Bowling Green, might now be turned to good account: they, therefore, pulled down the statue, and the lead was run into bullets for the good cause. Everywhere throughout the country the Declaration was hailed with joy. Processions were formed ; bells were rung ; cannon were fired ; orations delivered ; and in every possi ble way the popular approbation was manifested. Matters had now reached such a cri sis that it became necessary for every member of the community to make his election between one side or the other. Doubt was now to be put an end to ; and the people must choose either to enroll themselves on the side of those who were now solemnly pledged to in dependence, or take the consequences of adhering to the side of the king and the invading army sent to reduce their countrymen to absolute and uncondi tional submission. Without undertak ing here to discuss the question as to the motives and conduct of the loyalist party in America, it appears quite cer tain that the indignities frequently heaped upon them by private malice, under color of patriotic zeal, such as tarring and feathering, carting them about as spectacles, and the like, were of the most odious description ; and it need excite no surprise that the spirit of revenge was roused into active and savage fury. "We shall have abun dant evidence of this in the course of our narrative. At the same time it is perfectly evident, that Congress and the various state governments were, of necessity, compelled to insist upon the allegiance of all without distinction; and they who refused to yield obedi ence, or adhered to the enemy, were ex posed to severe penalties, confiscation of property, imprisonment, banishment, and finally, death. Congress, before the passage of the Declaration of Inde pendence, declared, that " all persons abiding within any of the United Colo nies, and deriving protection from the laws of the same, owed allegiance to the said laws, and were members of such colony ; and that all persons pass ing through, or making a temporary stay in any of the colonies, being entitled to the protection of the laws, during the time of such passage, visitation, or tem porary stay, owed, during the same, al legiance thereto." It was also declared, " that all persons, members of, or owing allegiance to any of the United Colonies, who should levy war against any of the said colonies, within the same ; or be adherent to the king of Great Britain, or other enemies of the said colonies, or CH. I.J ARRIVAL OF LORD HOWE AT NEW YORK. 423 any of them, within the same, giving to him or them aid or comfort, were guilty of treason against such colony." From motives of policy as well as propriety, there was not much disposi tion to resort to extremities on the part of those having in charge the popular governments ; and, notwithstanding some were in favor of stringent meas ures, it was wisely concluded for the present to admonish delinquents, put them under recognizances, etc. The necessity of some terms of con federation between the states was plain ly evident, and Congress took steps im mediately for considering the subject. As early as July, 1*775, Dr. Franklin had submitted to Congress a sketch of articles of confederation between the colonies ; but his plan does not appear to have been discussed at all.. On the *Tth of June, a committee was appointed, consisting of one member from each colony, to prepare and digest a form of confederation. The report of this com mittee, made on the 12th of July, eight days after the Declaration of Indepen dence, was debated almost daily, to the 20th of August, in a committee of the whole house, when a new draft was reported. The articles thus reported were laid aside until April of the fol lowing year. The subject was a very difficult one to agree upon in the then position of affairs, the great variety of interests involved, and especially the tenacious regard entertained for state rights and state sovereignty. Washington was, not unreasonably, anxious as tc the position and probable means of defending the city of New York. Its importance, in every point of view, the strong Tory influence in it and its vicinity, the almost certainty that the British commander would make it the central point of operations against the Americans, and the like considerations, urged him to put forth every exertion to meet the emergency. Under Putnam s direction, obstructions were sunk in the Hudson and East Rivers, and forts and batteries were hastily erected, to guard the narrowest passages. Fort "Washington and Fort Lee were the strongest of these works ; but the commander-in-chief found it no easy matter to place the city in what might be considered a tolerable state of defence. Just at the end of June, General Howe, who had found his quarters at Halifax not comfortable, arrived at New York, and landed his troops on Staten Island, which Washing- 1776. ton had not felt himself able to occupy. He was received with exulta tion by the Tory inhabitants, and was encouraged by Tryon to look for an extensive rising of the loyalist party in various directions. On the 12th of July, Admiral Lord Howe arrived from England with large reinforcements. He and his brother were empowered to act as Commis sioners for restoring peace, by receiv ing the submissions of such individuals and communities, as might desire to return to their allegiance, and throw themselves upon the king s mercy. A circular letter to the late royal gover nors, dated off the coast of Massachu setts, containing offers of pardon to all who would submit, was sent on shore under a flag, and it was requested of EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1770. [BK. Ill these governors, that the offer con tained in the letter might have as wide a circulation as possible. Washington immediately sent this letter to Con gress, and that body, on the 19th of July, ordered it to be published in all the newspapers, " that the good people of the United States might be informed of what nature are the commissions, and what the terms, with the expectation of which, the insidious court of Great Britain, has endeavored to amuse and disarm them ; and that the few, who still remain suspended by a hope found ed either in the justice or moderation of their late king, may now, at length be convinced, that the valor alone of their country is to save its liberties." There is no reason to doubt that Lord Howe was sincerely anxious for peace. He addressed a note to Dr. Franklin, to whom he was personally well known, earnestly expressing his wishes, that the differences between the Americans and the mother country might be amicably settled. Franklin, in his reply, courteously regretted that he had crossed the Atlantic on an er rand so fruitless, as to expect to obtain submission from his countrymen. "It is impossible," he writes, " that we should think of submission to a gov ernment, that has, with the most wan ton barbarity and cruelty, burnt our defenceless towns, in the midst of win ter; excited the savages to massacre our peaceful farmers, and our slaves to murder their masters ; and is now bring ing foreign mercenaries to deluge our settlements with blood. Long did I endeavor, with unfeigned and unwea ried zeal, to preserve from breaking, that fine and noble China vase, the British empire ; for I knew that being once broken, the separate parts could not retain even their share of the strength and value that existed in the whole ; and that a perfect reunion could scarce ever be hoped for." In conclusion, he says, "I know your great motive in coming hither, was the hope of being instrumental in a recon ciliation ; and I believe, when you fino that to be impossible, on any terms given you to propose, you will then relinquish so odious a command, and return to a more honorable private station." Failing in these efforts, the Com missioners next attempted to open a communication with Washington, whom they addressed as George Washington. Msq. j but as they were not prepared to acknowledge the official position and station of the Commander-in-chief, a difficulty at once arose. Washington never suffered the slightest deviation from exact propriety in all his public relations. The Commissioners, anxious to accomplish something, next had re course to an expedient, by which they hoped to obviate all difficulty; they changed the address of their letter for the superscription following ; to George Washington, etc., etc. Adjutant-gen eral Patterson was sent with this dis patch. Being introduced to Washing ton, he gave him in conversation, the title of Excellency, The general re ceived him with great politeness, but at the same time with much dignity. The adjutant expressed himself great ly concerned, on behalf of his prin cipals, on account of the difficulties On. I.] PATTERSON S INTERVIEW WITH WASHINGTON. 425 that had arisen about the superscrip tion of the letter ; assured him of their high regard for his personal character, and that they had no intention to un dervalue his rank. It was hoped, therefore, that the et ceteras, being in use between ambassadors, when they were not perfectly agreed upon points of etiquette, would remove all obstructions to their mutual intercourse. Washington answered, that a letter written to a person invested with a public character, should specify it, otherwise it could not be distinguished from a private letter ; that it was true the et ceteras implied every thing ; but it was no less true, that they implied any thing ; and that, as to himself, he would never consent to receive any let ter, relating to public affairs, that should be directed to him, without a designa tion of his rank and office. Patterson requested that this question might be waived; and turned the conversation upon prisoners of war. He expatiated in magnificent terms, upon the goodness and clemency of the king, who had chosen for negotiators Lord and General Howe. He affirmed that their desire to terminate the differences which had arisen between the two peoples, was as earnest as their powers were ample ; and that he hoped the general would consider this visit, as the first step to wards it. Washington replied, that he was not authorized to negotiate ; but that it did not appear that the powers of the Commissioners consisted in any more than in granting pardons ; that America, not having committed any offence, asked for no forgiveness; and was only defending her unquestionable VOL. I. 56 rights. Patterson remarked, that this subject would open too vast a field of discussion. He expressed his acknowl edgments for the favor done him, in omitting the usual ceremony of blind ing his eyes, when passing the Amer ican works. Washington invited him to partake of a collation, and he was in troduced to the general officers. After many compliments, and polite expres sions, and repeating his regrets, that a strict observation of formalities should interrupt the course of so important an affair, he took leave of Washington, and withdrew. This conference thus re mained without result, and all thoughts were again turned towards hostilities. Congress were perfectly aware, on the one hand, of the shame they must in cur, by departing from the resolution so recently taken, of asserting independ ence, and they feared, on the other, that the propositions of England might contain some secret poison. They caused an exact relation to be printed of the interview between the com- mandcr-in-chief and the English adju tant-general. As stated on a previous page, (p. 374) the American army had retreated from Canada, in a state of great suffering, and their condition was very naturally a source of anxiety to Congress. Gen eral Schuyler was in command of the northern division of the army, his head quarters being at Albany. In June, Gates was raised to the rank of brig adier-general, and appointed to the command of the forces in Canada. A reinforcement of six thousand men was voted, in the hope that Gates might re trieve some of the severe losses of the 426 EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776. [BK. 111. previous year. Military punctilio caused some trouble between Schuyler and Gates, which led Congress to recom mend the generals to act conjointly ; but it was a rather clumsy expedient, and Schuyler, feeling himself aggrieved, offered to resign. Congress, perfectly satisfied as to his patriotism and ability, declined to accept his resignation, of course. Crown Point was decided to be untenable, and the troops fell back apon Ticonderoga. Sickness and hard ships had made sad inroads upon the American forces, and of the six thou sand who had reached the fort, not more than half were fit for duty. General Carleton s force, including the German mercenaries, amounted to thirteen thousand men, in excellent condition, and eager to pursue the dis organized and weakened American troops. In his well-conducted retreat from Canada, General Sullivan had made way with all the boats on the lake, in consequence of which, the British general was unable to advance against the Americans. Thick forests lined the shores of Lake Champlain, and as there was no passage except by water, it was evident that nothing effective could be done, until a suitable supply of shipping was obtained on the lake. Vigorous preparations were made by both parties for the approaching contest. Carleton, on his side, had the advantage, and the men worked with uncommon zeal and activity, in the hope that they would readily triumph over the Americans, and have a share in the glory of a successful and speedy ter mi nation of the war. The f rauies of five large vessels, prepared in England, and brought across by land from Mon treal to St. John s, were soon put to gether on the lake. A large number of gun-boats were also brought from the St. Lawrence, and dragged over the rapids of the Sorel at Fort Cham- bly. This formidable flotilla, which sprung into existence, as it were by magic, consisted of nearly thirty ves sels, which were manned by seven hun dred picked seamen. By the middle of August, the Amer icans succeeded in completing a small flotilla, which was subsequently aug mented to sixteen vessels, of various size and sort; the whole was placed under the command of Arnold, who was ready for fighting of any kind, and at any time. From the necessity of the case, the vessels were manned by sol diers taken from the ranks. Arnold, who was well aware of his probable inferiority to the British forces, had posted himself with great judgment, in a position between Val- cour Island and the shore, where he could neither be surrounded nor at tacked, except in front, by a portion of the enemy s flotilla. Early on the morning of the llth of October, they came in sight, led by Captain Pringle, in the Inflexible, Sir Guy Carleton tak ing his station on the deck of the flag ship. Sweeping round the southern point of the island, the English vessels were soon engaged with the Amer ican, and the combat raged for four hours with the most desperate fury. Arnold had posted himself on board the Congress galley ; he pointed every gun with his own hand, and cheered on his men with his characteristic enthu- CH. L] BATTLE ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 4-27 siasm. His men fell dead around him ; the hull of his ship was riddled with can non-balls, the mainmast shattered, and the rigging cut to pieces ; yet still he continued to fight on ; and when the night closj.l in, the battle was yet un decided. One of the American vessels had been burned, another sunk, and the rest had suffeivd very severely. To renew the combat on the morrow, was so obviou ly hopeless, that Arnold and his officers, after holding consulta tion, determined upon falling back to Crown Point. This, however, was much easier to resolve on than to exe cute, for the British commander had disposed his. ships in a line from the island to tlie shore, so as to prevent the retreat of his enemy till daylight should enable him to attack and overpower him. But the night happened to be unusually dark ; it blew a strong breeze from the north, and as soon as the Eng lish sailors had retired to rest after a hard-fought day, the American ships hoisted their sails, and slipped unper- ceived between those of the foe, Arnold fetching up the rear in the battered and crazy Congress, and by daylight some ten miles intervened between him and the English ships. Here he came to anchor, to stop leaks, and make repairs, and about noon resumed the retreat. The next morning, Carleton urged forward in pursuit. A contrary wind baffled them during the day, but on the following morning, they were close upon the fugitives. The foremost ships continued their flight, and succeeded in effecting their escape, but the rear, con sisting of Arnold s galley, with the Washington, were attacked with re doubled fury. The Washington was soon obliged to strike, but Arnold con tinued to fight on till his ship was re duced to a mere wreck, and surrounded by the enemy s squadron. He then ran the Congress on shore, set fire to her, and she blew up with her colors flying. Arnold then effected a retreat, with his men, through the woods to Crown Point, narrowly escaping an Indian ambush. The Americans lost eleven vessels, principally gondolas. The British had two gondolas sunk, and one blown up. The loss in men was about ninety on each side.* Carleton appeared off Crown Point on the 15th of October. On his ap proach, the American force stationed there, set fire to the houses, and re tired to Ticonderoga, which Generals Schuyler and Gates had determined to defend to the last extremity. Carleton took possession of Crown Point, and purposed attacking Ticonderoga ; but on examination of the works, and in consequence of the lateness of the season, he retired, and put his army into winter-quarters on the Sorel and its vicinity. Thus, that part of the British plan which depended on Carleton s pushing forward, so as to form a junction with the force at New York, completely failed ; and, as all apprehensions of danger in the north were now at an end, a small garrison was left at Ticon deroga, and most of the troops marched in November, under Gates, to join the commander-in-chief. * Cooper s "Natal History" vol. i., p. 75- 428 EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776. [BK. ID. 1776. Having, for the sake of continuity, carried forward, thus far, the narrative of doings in the north, we now turn our attention to the critical position of affairs in and about New York. Well may Washington have looked with anxiety upon his position and the probable issue of the contest now near at hand. When General Howe landed on Staten Island, Washington s force consisted of only ten thousand men, of whom many were disabled by sickness. Some regiments joined him from other states, yet on the 8th of August, in a letter to Congress, the conimander-in-chief states, that his force is little more than seventeen thousand, and over three thousand of these were sick. Yet even under this melancholy state of things, Washington expressed the hope, that the enemy would not gain any great advantage, except at a dear price. Further reinforcements soon after raised the army to twenty- seven thousand men, of whom one- fourth were on the sick list. Besides being miserably equipped, and badly disciplined, sectional jealousies and dis likes prevailed to an alarming extent. The aristocratic southerner, as well as the men from the middle states, looked down upon the rough homespun of New England ; and these, in turn, did not fail to express themselves very freely, as to the pride and insolent airs of their neighbors from under a warm er sky.* Washington was compelled * An American officer, writing to a friend, gives it as his opinion, that the Pennsylvania and New England troops, were as ready to fight each other as the enemy. to interfere, and to point out in the plainest language, the intense mischief that must result from these disgraceful quarrels. His words deserve to be well weighed, even in our day. " It is with great concern, that the general under stands that jealousies have arisen among the troops, from the different provinces, and reflections are frequently thrown out, which can only tend to irritate each other, and injure the noble cause in which we are engaged, and which we ought to support with our hand and our heart. The general most ear nestly entreats the officers and soldiers to consider, that they can no way assist our enemies more effectually, than by making divisions among themselves; that the honor and success of our army and the safety of our bleeding country depend upon harmony and good agree ment with each other; that the prov inces are all united to oppose the com mon enemy, and all distinctions sunk v 1 in the name of an AMERICAN. To make this name honorable, and to preserve the liberty of our country, ought to be our only emulation, and he will be the best soldier, and the best patriot, who contributes most to this glorious work, whatever his station, and from what ever part of the continent he may come. Let all distinctions of nations, countries, and provinces, therefore, be lost in the generous contest, who shall behave with the most courage against the enemy, and the most kindness and ! good humor to each other. If there be any officers, or soldiers, so lost to virtue and a love of their country, as to continue in such practices after this order, the general assures them, and is CfT. I.] THE BRITISH IN NEW YORK HARBOR. 429 authorized by Congress, to declare to the whole army, that such persons shall be severely punished, and dismissed from the service with disgrace." The British troops, under General Howe, numbered some twenty-four or twenty-five thousand men. They were provided with every thing they needed, were well disciplined, and were con fident of an easy victory over the rebel forces. Aided, too, by a numerous and well-appointed fleet, it was no un reasonable expectation, that a single battle might crush the Americans at once. But the British commander, and they who sent him to America, were compelled, ere long, to learn, that free men, fighting for liberty, enter into the contest with a patient energy and zeal that are well ni^h. invincible. O In this connection, we are tempted to quote a page or two from an admirable little volume by Mr. Tuckerman, in which are graphically narrated the life and services of one of our early naval heroes. " The lovely harbor of this now great metropolis, then offered a scene of rare and exciting interest. Riding at anchor in the vicinity of Staten Island, appeared the British fleet, with the army under Lord Howe. Every spar and line of cordage in those swarming battle-ships, was defined to the eye of the distant spectator, against the lucid azure of the sky; and, on quiet nights, reflected to the gaze of the boatmen that haunted the adjacent shore. Their dark, massive hulls and scowling cannon wore a portentous as pect, and seemed to cast long and pro phetic shadows upon the free waters into which they had ruthlessly in truded significant of the years of bit ter trial of which they were ominous harbingers. "Upon the heights of Brooklyn, at York Island, and Paulus Hook, rose the newly-heaped batteries of the Amer icans. Never smiled that lovely bay more cheerfully than during those clear days of that eventful spring. More solitary than at present, with its con stantly plying steamers and forest of shipping, the position of the belligerents was plainly obvious. The comparative silence that hung over the broad waters, the fast-skimming clouds that, for a moment, darkened their crystal sheen and the occasional furrows raised by sudden breezes that swept across them, stimulated the imagination of the lone ly enthusiast, who, from some isolated point, looked forth, and mused upon the landscape. "It was evident that neither party had, as yet, determined upon its course. The considerate, on both sides, felt the importance of a successful blow, at the existent juncture ; yet the actual state of the colonial defences was but par tially known to their opponents, and a premature manoeuvre might occasion temporary discomfiture, even in that well-appointed squadron. On the other hand, it was of the highest moment, that the Americans should be assured of the readiness of our troops to cope with their formidable invaders. It was need ful that the spell of vague alarm should be, in a measure, broken, which had been inspired by the presence of those destructive engines, whose thunders seemed to gather new potency from their long quiescence; whose shrouds 430 EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776. [B K . III. and decks bristled with pikes and bay onets, and whose black and heavy sides contrasted vividly with the red hues of the soldiers uniforms, grouped thickly at the port-holes, and on the taffrails, as if impatient to pour forth upon the land so invitingly spread below and around. To one gallant heart, this inaction was especially irksome. Captain Talbot had obtained the command of a fire- ship, and lay directly before the city, awaiting orders. To secure a more efficient position, and the better to dis guise his purpose, he took advantage of a light wind, ascended the Hudson fifteen miles, and anchored just above Fort Washington. " For three days, in this romantic spot, he quietly awaited an opportune moment for action. On the one side, the banks of the noble river sloped gradually upward, half-covered with low cedars, whose dark umbrage al ready wore the refreshing tints of spring ; on the other, like natural for tifications, rose the gray and upright rocks of the tufted palisades. Few dwellings were then visible ; the ripple of the water on the pebbly shore was audible in the lull of the wind, and the tranquil and sequestered beauty of the scene gave no hint of the deadly prep arations then making on board the un- warlike craft that swung so gently at her moorings. The lapse of a few hours after Captain Talbot had chosen his anchorage, evidenced the sagacity of his movements. Three of the enemy s ships, in order to protect the left of their army, in case of need, had shifted their ground from the harbor, to a spot about half way between the mouth of the Hudson and the fire-ship. Orders were therefore soon forwarded to the latter, to make a night attack. She was filled with combustibles, and be smeared with turpentine. Several trains of powder were laid ; and one of the crew was easily induced to strip himself, and lie down upon deck, with a lighted match, ready, at a moment s warning, to ignite the vessel. O O " At two o clock in the morning they weighed anchor, and dropped slowly down with the tide. The nearest of the three ships was the Asia, of sixty- four guns, whose tall spars and tower ing hull no sooner loomed upon the eager gaze of Captain Talbot s hardy band, than they steered directly for hei broadside. Unsuspicious of any dan ger, it was but a moment before her lit tle adversary had flung her grappling irons, that the Asia fired ; and then a scene ensued, that baffles description. From the depth, as it were, of profound silence, there echoed the reverberation of cannon, the cries of the wounded, and the piercing shouts of alarm and revenge. In an instant, the darkness of a cloudy night gave place to a red flashing glare, that revealed the fort, the waters, and the fields, with the dis tinctness of noonday; and brought into vivid relief the huge vessels of war now alive with their startled crews, who has tened to the relief of the Asia ; some pouring water on the rising flames, others disengaging the fire-ship from her side, and not a few intent at the guns, which hurled an incessant shower of balls at the boat in which the daring originator of this sudden conflagration, was propelled by his brave men to- CH. I.] TALBOT S BRAVE EXPLOIT. 431 wards the nearest shore. Although lighted in their aim by a pyramid of fire, of all the shot from the three ves sels, but two struck the crowded bark of fugitives. Captain Talbot, however, in his anxiety to render the experiment certain, had lingered amid the burning timbers of the fire-ship, and was the last to escape, the seaman who applied the match, having, according to a previous understanding, immediately jumped overboard, and been picked up by his expectant comrades. When, therefore, the boat reached the Jersey shore in safety, the appearance of the gallant leader was frightful, and his sufferings intense. His skin was blistered from head to foot, his dress almost entirely consumed, and his eye-sight gone. "Sadly, yet with gentle care, his humble companions in danger, bore him through the solitary woods, in the gray, cold twilight of morning, to a thin but o O / hospitable settlement, then called the English Neighborhood ; but, on their O O arrival, his dreadful condition so alarm ed the children of the place, that no house would give him shelter. At last a poor and aged widow opened her cabin door, and allowed the weary and scorched bearers to lay him on the floor, and cover his tortured frame with a blanket. Fortunately, in the course of that day, two American officers, General Knox and Dr. Eustis, passed the vicinity on business ; and hearing of the. case, hastened to visit their countryman. The seasonable medical aid of the latter gentleman, soon essen tially relieved his anguish ; and al though for a considerable period de prived of vision, he was soon able to bear a removal to Hackensack, to await his convalescence. Meantime, the Asia had been extricated, with great diffi culty, from her perilous situation ; and the bold enterprise that so nearly proved her destruction, created such apprehension and loss of confidence in the enemy, that they slipped their cables, fell down the river, and an chored below the city. The hopes of the Americans revived in the same pro portion as those of the British were dis couraged. So obvious, indeed, was the auspicious influence of this event, that by a resolution of Congress, passed on the tenth of the ensuing October, this " spirited attempt," as it was designated, of Captain Talbot, was made the oc casion of a vote of thanks, and a special recommendation of that officer to the Commander-in-chief, besides, promoting him to the rank of major. " October 10$, im. Resolved, That Captain Silas Talbot, of the State of Rhode Island, be promoted to the rank, and have the pay, of major in the army of the United States, in consideration of his merit and services, in a spirited attempt to set fire to one of the enemy s ships of war, in the North River, last year ; and that he be recommended to General Washington, for employment agreeable to his rank."* *D Washington had expected that the attack would be made by way of Long Island. He had, accordingly, made his arrangements with reference to this re- O suit. General Greene had carefully studied the ground, and fortifications * " Life of Silas Talbot, Commodore in the TJ. S. avy" by Henry T. Tuckerman, pp 22-30. 432 EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776. |B K . III. were hastily thrown up, extending from the deep inlets of Wallabout Bay, on the north, to Gowanus Cove, on the south ; and nine thousand men, under General Sullivan, were encamped at Brooklyn. About two miles and a half in front of the entrenchments and redoubts, was a range of densely wood ed heights, extending from south-west to north-east, forming a natural barrier across the island. It was crossed by three roads ; one on the left, eastwardly towards Bedford, and thence by a pass through to Bedford Hills, to the vil lage of Jamaica ; another, central and direct, to Flatbush ; and a third, on the right of the lines, by Gowanus Cove, to the Narrows and Gravesend Bay. Most unfortunately, General Greene was seized with a violent fever about the middle of August, and the command devolved on General Put nam, whose want of thorough knowl edge of the ground, led to the Jamaica road being left without sufficient pro tection, and most unhappily afforded the British commander an opportunity of assaulting the Americans in front and rear at the same time. In the confusion and want of discipline which prevailed, the orders to watch and guard the passes were imperfectly obeyed; and, as Washington appre hended, the chances of success were greatly in favor of the enemy. The British force, ten thousand strong, with forty cannons, landed on Long Island, on the 26th of August, and made their arrangements for a vigorous assault. Opposite the middle of the heights was General De Heister, with the centre, composed of Hessians ; the 1776. left wing, under General Grant, prepared to attack by the lower road ; while Gen eral Clinton, supported by Earl Percy and General Cornwallis, was to advance at the head of the right wing towards the unprotected Jamaica road, with the purpose of turning the American left, placing them between two fires, and cutting off their retreat / O to the camp. This skillful plan of operations was, unhappily for the Americans, successfully carried out. About nine o clock, on the evening of the 26th, Clinton s division, guided by a Long Island Tory, passed the narrow causeway over a marsh, near the village of New Lots, called Shoemaker s Bridge, where, it is said, a single regiment might have prevented the advance of the entire British force, and, ascertaining by a patrol which was captured, that the Jamaica road was unguarded, hastened to seize the pass, and before daylight, was in possession of that and the Bed ford pass, General Sullivan, meanwhile, being ignorant that Clinton had left Flatlands. General Grant the same braggart, who, in the House of Commons, had declared that the Americans "could not fight" on his part, advanced at midnight along the lower road, and thus came into direct contact with the troops under Lord Stirling ; while at daybreak, De Heister assaulted the American force, posted under Colonel Hand, upon the crest of the hills. One of the ^hips, meanwhile, kept thunder ing away at the fort at Red Hook. The object of the English was to draw the attention of their enemy from what was passing on their left, but no sooiier Cu. l.J. THE BATTLE OF LONG ISLAND. 433 were they aware, by the signal guns of Clinton, that he was prepared to act on the offensive, than they advanced quick ly to the attack, forced the passages without serious difficulty, and gradually entrapped the Americans in the snare laid for them. Clinton, marching rapidly through Bedford, threw himself upon the left flank of the American troops, who, driven backward and forward between a double fire, were, the greater part of them, taken prisoners. " Hemmed in and entrapped between the British and Hessians, and driven from one to the other, the Americans fought, for a time, bravely, or rather, desperately. Some were cut down and trampled by the cavalry; others bayonneted without mercy by the Hessians. Some rallied in groups, and made a brief stand with their rifles from rocks, or behind trees. The whole pass was a scene of carnage, resounding with the clash of arms, the tramp of horses, the volleying of fire arms, and the cries of the combatants, with now and then the dreary braying of the trumpet." Some of the Amer icans, by a desperate effort, cut their way through the host of foes, and effect ed a retreat to the lines, fighting as they went; others took such refuge as they could find in the fastnesses of the hills ; but, as we have said above, the greater part were killed or taken prison ers, General Sullivan being among the latter. The corps under Stirling maintained a steady front against the force com manded by Grant, who waited the sig nal of Clinton s cannon, to push the attack. Sensible of his danger, Stir- VOL. ..57 ling attempted to retreat to the camp, but, met by Cornwallis and his gren adiers, he was unable to accomplish his purpose. A desperate fight ensued ; more than two hundred and fifty men perished in the deadly struggle ; a part of the corps effected a retreat across the Gowanus Creek; but Lord Stirling was made prisoner. Washington, who had witnessed the attack from a hill within the lines, wrung his hands in agony at the sight, "Good God!" cried he, "what brave fellows I must this day lose!" The victory of the British was com plete. Their loss was about four hun dred men ; while the Americans lost. in killed, wounded, and prisoners, not much short of two thousand men.* Washington expected that the enemy would storm the works directly, and had they done so, probably the result would have been disastrous ; but the British commander, restraining the ar- O dor of his men, arid encamping in front of the American lines, made prepara tions for regular approaches. Whether General Howe dreaded the result of thus attacking a desperate foe, or sup posed that with the co-operation of the ships the enemy could not escape him, he preferred the course he had de termined upon, and began immediately to open trenches. The rain poured in cessantly for two days, and the Ameri cans were exposed to it unsheltered. Had the English ships advanced up the East River, and stationed themselves * Marshall discusses at length, and very ably, the question as to the expediency of Washington s attempting to defend Long Island. See " Life of Washington" vol. i, pp. 92-94. 434 EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776. . III. between Brooklyn and New York, nothing, probably, could have saved the camp ; but a strong north-east wind had hitherto prevented them from do ing so. Every moment was precious, since a sudden shift of wind would cut off the possibility of escape. It was known besides, that Clinton was threat ening to send part of his army across the Sound, thus menacing New York. Washington called a council of war, at which it was resolved to retreat with the troops at once. The hour of eight in the evening of the 29th of August was fixed upon for the embarkation. Every thing had been prepared, and the troops were ready to march down, but the force of the wind and ebb tide delayed them for some hours, and seemed as if it would entirely frustrate the enterprise. The esylmy, toiling hard at the approaches, were no\v so near, that the blows of their pickaxes and instruments could be distinctly heard, while the noise of these opera tions deadened all sound of the Ameri can movements, which were carried on in the deepest silence. About two in the morning, a thick fog settling over Long Island prevented all sight of what was going on, and the wind shifting round to the south-west, the soldiers entered the boats, and were rapidly transferred to the opposite shore. So complete were the arrangements, that almost all the artillery, with the pro visions, horses, wagons, and ammuni tion, safely crossed over to New York. Washington, who for forty-eight hours ; had hardly been oif his horse, and never closed his eyes, though repeated- j ly entreated, refused to enter a boat ( until all the troops were embarked, and crossed the river in the last boat of all.* Washington, leaving a considerable force in the city of New York, en camped with the main body on Harlem Heights, at the northern end of the Island ; he was also prepared to retreat into Westchester county, if need be. The British had entire possession of Long Island ; the ships of war anchored within cannon-shot of the city ; and Howe was gradually making his ar rangements to pursue the dispirited and defeated American troops. It was under no ordinary suffering of mind that the commander-in-chief ad dressed the President of Congress on the 2 el of September: "Our situation is truly distressing. The check our detachment sustained on the 27th ulti mo, lias dispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and despair. The militia, instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition, in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to return. Great numbers of them have gone off; in some instances, almost by whole regiments, by half ones, and by companies at a time. This circum stance of ijtself, independent of others, when fronted by a well-appointed ene my, superior in number to our whole collected force, would be sufficiently disagreeable ; but, when their example * Mr. Irving gives a graphic account of the Long Island tradition respecting the manner in which the news of the retreat o f Washington and his forces was prevented from reaching the British until the next morning. See "Life of Washington, " vol. ii., pp. 334, 335. CH. I.] WASHINGTON S DIFFICULTIES. 435 has infected another part of the army, when their want of discipline, and re fusal of almost every kind of restraint aixl government, have produced a like conduct but too common to the whole, and an entire disregard of that order and subordination necessary to the well doing of an army, and which had been inculcated before, as well as the nature of our military establishment would admit of, our condition becomes still more alarming; and, with the deepest concern, I am obliged to confess my want of confidence in the generality of the troops." Howe, not unnaturally, supposing that the defeat of the Americans on Long Island would make a profound impression, dispatched General Sul livan, who had been taken prisoner, to Philadelphia, to offer to Congress a re newal of overtures for peace. He ex pressed a desire to meet some members of that body, simply as private gentle men, since he was unable to recognize their official position. Congress after considerable debate, concluded to send a committee to wait upon the Howes, up on whom the British commanders might look, in whatever light they thought fit. Franklin, John Adams ; nd Ed ward Rutledge, were deputed to Staten Island, u to receive the communications of Lord Howe." The conference, held on the llth of September, resulted as might have been expected. The Howes had no authority, except to receive sub mission to the crown ; the delegates from Congress neither would nor could o listen to any terms short of the ac knowledgment of the independence of the United States. Negotiations having failed, there was of necessity renewed preparations for hostilities. The position of affairs was such, that no one, perhaps, except Washington, could have resolved to persevere in the face of the difficulties that beset his path on every side. The character of the struggle, he had the sagacity to see, must be tedious, de sultory, and painful, redeemed by few of those brilliant exploits requisite to dazzle the public mind and sustain the enthusiasm of his country. With so ill-compacted a force, it must be long ere he could hope to face the enemy in a pitched battle with any chance of success ; all he could expect was to im pede his march, cut off his supplies, and harass his progress; forced to retreat from prudential motives, when his nat ural temjftj^ would have led him to solicit the combat; blamed for inevi table defeats, and looked to for impos sible victories. Until the check on Long Island, the Americans had flat tered themselves that success would constantly favor their arms. From ex cessive confidence they now fell into unreasoning dejection. At first, they supposed courage without discipline could do all ; now they thought that it could do nothing. Thus dishearten- O ed, the militia abandoned their colors by hundreds, and even entire regiments left for their homes. Howe having made his approaches to New York, it became an object of the first consequence to Washington, to ascertain, if possible, the plans of the enemy, in order to counteract them by the proper movements on his side. Ac cordingly he applied to the brave Colo- 436 nel Know! ton to select a suitable man for the enterprise. Knowlton called together his officers, and stated to them the wish of the general. The appeal was responded to by Nathan Hale, a native of Connecticut, educated at Yale College, an excellent scholar, winning in his manners, possessing a fine taste, and animated above all with the most ardent enthusiasm in his country s cause. After the battle of Lexington, lie had obtained a commission in the army, and had already given excellent promise as an officer. Contrary to the remonstrances and forebodings of his friends, he determined to assume the perilous mission. About the middle of September, he crossed over to Long Island, passed through the camp of the enemy, and obtained the necessary in formation ; but just as he -was endeavor ing to return, he was apprehended and sent to Sir William Howe. Avowing his design without scruple, Hale was convicted as a spy, September 21st, and was ordered to be hung the next morn ing. Cunningham, the provost marshal, treated Hale with brutality and harsh ness. The attendance of a clergyman and even the use of the Bible were de nied the unhappy captive, and his last affectionate letters to his mother and sister were destroyed. For this last piece of cruelty the provost marshal assigned a reason, which ought rather to have excited his admiration than called forth his savage bitterness : " He would not have," he said, "the rebels to know, that they had a man in their army who could die with so much firmness." Unknown and unfriended, young Hale met his EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776. IB*. III. ignominious fate with unflinching cour age. His last words were : " I only re gret that I have but one life to lose for my country."* It soon became evident what plan General Howe had formed. He did not think it well to bombard New York, which contained a great number of adherents, and would be desirable as quarters for his army. Instead of this, sending several ships up the North and East rivers, the fire from which swept entirely across the island, he be gan, under cover of it, to land his troops, . on the 15th, at Kip s Bay, about three miles above the city. Works had been thrown up on the spot, sufficient at least to maintain a resistance till further succor could ar rive ; but no sooner did the English set foot on shore, than the troops posted in them were seized with a panic, broke, and fled, communicating their terror to two Connecticut brigades, Parsons and Fellows , who on the first alarm of a landing had been dispatched to their support. Just at this critical moment, Wash ington rode rapidly forward to the lines. Equally astonished and mor tified at the shameful disorder and con fusion which met his eye, he endeavor ed to rally the terrified militia ; but in vain. Panic-stricken, the very shadow of an enemy hastened their ignominious flight. In a transport of indignation and rage, Washington dashed his hat upon the ground, and exclaimed, " Are * See the recently published and interesting "Life of Captain Nathan Hale, the Martyr Spy of the American Revolution" by I. W. Stewart, pp. 230. Cn. I.] THE BRITISH IN NEW YORK CITY. 437 these the men with which I am to de fend America!" Snapping his pistols at some of them, and drawing his s\vord in the bootless effort to check others, he became utterly regardless of his own safety, and was so near the enemy, only eighty paces distant, that he might easily have been made prisoner. One of his aides seized the reins of his horse and hurried him away from that point of imminent danger. Such moments as these reveal, in part, at least, the depth and vehemence of Washington s spirit when it was thoroughly roused.* Orders were given to evacuate the city of New York at once. The re treat was effected, not without loss and in great haste ; all the heavy artil lery, and a large portion of the bag gage, provisions and military stores were unavoidably abandoned to the enemy. Had it not been for delays on the part of the British for refreshments at Murray Hill, the entire force of the Americans, under Putnam, would almost certainly have been cut off. Hence, there was as much truth as poetry in the remark of Colonel Gray- son, that " Mrs. Murray saved the American army." The royal troops immediately entered the city, where they were warmly re ceived by the Tories. The bitterest feelings existed between the two hos- * General Greene, in writing to a friend, as quoted by Mr. Irving, s.iy-s, We made a miserable, dis orderly retreat from New York, owing to the con duct of the militia, who ran at the appearance of the enemy s advanced guard. Fellows and Parsons brigades ran away from about fifty men, and left his Excellency on the ground, within eiahty yards of the enemy, so vexed at the infamous conduct of his troops, that he sought death rather than life." tile parties, and it was fearfully ex- emplified by means of an accident that occurred a few nights after the occupa tion. This was a fire, which broke out in the dead of the very night when Hale reached New York, September 21st, and owing to the drought of the season and a strong south wind, in creased with alarming rapidity. Up wards of a thousand buildings, Trinity church among the number,* were con sumed, and but for the exertions of the soldiers and sailors, the whole city would probably have been destroyed. In the excited state of party feeling, it was said that the "Sons of Liberty" were the incendiaries, with a view to drive out the army, and several sus pected persons were hurled into the blaz ing buildings by the British soldiers. It was with no little satisfaction that Washington beheld the good conduct of the very troops who had so scandal ously abandoned the field at Kip s Bay; for, in a skirmish, on the 16th, the day after the British took possession of New York, a detachment, under the brave Colonel Knowlton, supported by troops under Major Leitch, met the enemy, repulsed them with spirit, and were with difficulty recalled from the pursuit. Unhappily, both Major Leitch and Colonel Knowlton were mortally wounded. Washington s praise of the latter \vas, that he was a man who " would have done honor to any coun try." The effect of this encounter Avith the British, was of the best description upon the whole army. * See Dr. Berrian s History of Trinity Church," pp. 141, 5. 438 EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776. [B K . III. Washington being strongly entrench ed at Harlem Heights, General Howe d id not think it prudent to attack him, and remained inactive on the plains below more than three weeks.* Much sickness prevailed in the American camp ; suitable hospital arrangements were entirely wanting, and the 1776. . suffering soldiers were com pelled to find such accommodation as they could anywhere, in barns, or sta bles, or even by the road side. De sertions were becoming frequent; and there was a general and scandalous ten dency to disobedience of orders, plun dering, and various irregularities in the camp. No wonder that the mind of the commander-in-chief was filled with anxiety as to the future : the army, en listed for one year, was now again on the eve of its dissolution, and the ex perience of the past year had confirmed all Washington s fears as to the ruinous policy of short enlistments, and of rely ing on the militia to act against veteran troops. Borrowing " a few moments from the hours allotted to sleep," Washing ton, on the night of the 24th of Sep tember, addressed an energetic and admirable letter to the President of Congress, showing most conclusively, the inefficiency, insubordination, con fusion, and harassing cares and vexa tions of the present system under which the army was organized. Point ing out the only effectual remedy, in * On the 19th of September, the brothers Howe issued a DECLARATION, addressed to the people. For this document, and the acute and spirited remarks of Judge Drayton, of South Carolina, upon it, we refer to the Appendix at the end of the present chapter. clear and full terms, his letter concludes with these words : " There is no situa tion upon earth less enviable, or more distressing, than that person s, who is at the head of troops regardless of order and discipline, and unprovided with al most every necessary. In a word, the difficulties, which have forever sur rounded me since I have been in the service, and kept my mind constantly upon the stretch ; the wounds, which my feelings, as an officer, have received by a thousand things, that have hap pened contrary to my expectations and wishes ; the effect of my own conduct, and present appearance of things, so little pleasing to myself, as to render it a matter of no surprise to me, if I should stand capitally censured by Congress; added to a consciousness of my inability to govern an army composed of such discordant parts, and under such a va riety of intricate and perplexing cir cumstances ; induce not only a belief, but a thorough conviction in my mind, that it will be impossible, unless there be a thorough change in our military system, for me to conduct matters in such a manner, as to, give satisfaction to the public, which is all the recompense I aim at, or ever wished for." The expostulations of Washington were finally productive of the result which he so earnestly desired. It was determined that the army should be re organized and placed on a permanent footing. Eighty-eight battalions were decreed to be furnished in quotas, by the different states, according to their abilities.* The pay of the officers was * They were to be raised as follows : three in CH. I.] WASHINGTON RETREATS FROM YORK ISLAND. 439 raised. The troops which engaged to serve throughout the war, were to re ceive a bounty of twenty dollars and a hundred acres of land, besides a yearly suit of clothes while in service. Those who enlisted for but three years, re ceived no bounty in land. The bounty to officers was on a higher ratio.* The states were to send commissioners to the armv, to arrange with the com- i/ / O niaiider-in-chief, as to the appointment of officers in their quotas ; but, as they might occasionally be slow in comply ing with this regulation, Washington was empowered to fill up vacancies. While engaged in the arduous duties of his post connected with the reor ganization of the army, Washington was not unmindful of the powerful enemy who lay near his encampment. Greatly perplexed at the inactivity of Howe, whose, troops were in a first rate condition, and well supplied with all that they needed, Washington looked anxiously to see what movements were being made against him. Howe had already determined upon a change of plans. He sent some ships of war up the Hudson, which, in spite of the Amer ican batteries, succeeded in forcing a passage, thus, to some extent, intercept ing the communication, and preventing supplies from reaching Washington by New Hampshire, fifteen in Massachusetts, two in Rhode Island, eight in Connecticut, four in New York, four in New Jersey, twelve in Pennsylvania, one in Delaware, eight in Maryland, fifteen in Vir ginia, nine in North Carolina, six in South Carolina, and one in Georgia. * A colonel was to receive five hundred acres ; a major, four hundred ; a captain, three hundred ; a lieutenant, two hundred ; and a hundred and fifty to an ensign. the river. Leaving behind him a force to cover New York, he transferred the rest of his army to Pell s Point, on Long Island Sound, and took up a po sition on the neighboring heights of New Rochelle. Hence, having receiv- * o ed a strong reinforcement of Hessians and Waldeckers, under General Kny- phausen, he threatened a movement in the rear of Washington, so as to cut him off from all communication either by land or water, or compel him to a general action. A council of war was now called, when, to defeat this plan, it was resolved to evacuate York Island, and advance into the interior. The question arose, whether a garrison should be left behind in Fort Wash- inirton, a measure which seemed of O i little use, inasmuch as the British had obtained the command of the river. Washington and Lee were opposed to this plan, but it was strenuously urged by Greene, who considered the fort to be sufficiently strong to resist an attack from the enemy. It was supposed, too, that the besieged would always be able to escape, if needful, by crossing the river; and a garrison of about three thousand men was accordingly left in the fort, under the command of Colonel Magaw. Congress expressed their opin ion, likewise, "that Fort Washington should be retained as long as possible." Washington finding it necessary to retire before the enemy, did so in the best manner he was able ; the great de ficiency, however, in every description and means of transportation, made it a very laborious and tedious operation. He gradually moved to White Plains, maintaining a line parallel to that in 440 EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776. [BK. 111. which the British army was marching, and separated from it by the river Bronx. On the 26th of October, the Americans encamped on the east side of the Bronx. A bend in the river covered their right flank, and Wash ington posted a body of about six teen hundred men, under General M Dougall, on Chatterton s hill, in a line with his right wing, but separated from it by the Bronx. Frequent skirm ishes ensued, and though, on the whole, the British gained the advantage, yet it was of service to the Americans, who were thus becoming accustomed to face the enemy without apprehension. On the 28th, the British force came in view, and displayed itself on the sides of the hills in front of Washington s lines, and within two miles of his camp. Howe, having observed the detachment on Chattel-ton s Hill, ordered it to be dis lodged, which was accomplished after a short but severe action, with about equal loss on either side. Washington certainly expected a general assault would now be made ; but it was not attempted. Meanwhile, the command- er-in-chief occupied the neighboring heights of North Castle, where, two or three days after, when Howe had re ceived reinforcements, he seemed to be too strongly entrenched, to make it all safe to venture upon an assault. General Howe now made another change in his plans. Finding that Wash ington was too cautious to be drawn into a general engagement, the Brit ish commander withdrew his army to wards the Hudson and Kingsbridge. Perceiving clearly, that the plan of the enemy would be, to invest Fort Wash ington, pass the Hudson, carry the wai- into New Jersey, and probably push for Philadelphia, Washington made his arrangements accordingly. Leaving General Lee at the head of about four thousand men, including the New Eng land militia, whose term of enlistment was about to expire, he ordered all the forces west of the Hudson, to make a tedious circuit, and cross the river at King s Ferry, at the entrance of the Highlands, the enemy s ships occupying the lower part of the river. He next visited the strong posts in the High lands, ordered fresh works to be thrown up, and crossing the river, joined his troops at Hackensack. Howe had al ready invested Fort Washington, and it was resolved to make the assault on the fort from four different points. The policy of maintaining this post had al ways seemed exceedingly doubtful to Washington ; but it was now too late to evacuate it ; the troops could not be got off in face of the enemy. Colonel Magaw had already been summoned to surrender, but replied, that it was his intention to defend the post to the uttermost. The evening before the at tack, Washington was crossing the river to inspect the post, when he met Greene and Putnam coming over from it, who assured him, the men were in hi Hi O spirits, and would make a good de fence, which induced him to return with them to the camp. Greene sent over reinforcements, and early the next morning, November 16th, Col onel Magaw awaited the as sault. The defence was sustained with bravery, the British having lost some four hundred men in gaining possession Cn. I.] THE LOSS OF FORT WASHINGTON. 441 of the outworks. But when the enemy were within a hundred yards or so of the fort, into which the soldiers had crowded, Magaw could not prevail upon his men to man the lines; and hence the whole force, nearly three thousand in number, and all the artillery, were surrendered into the hands of the ene my. " Washington," to use Mr. Irving s words " surrounded by several officers, had been an anxious spectator of the battle from the opposite side of the Hudson. Much of it was hidden from him by intervening hills and forests ; but the roar of cannonry from the val ley of Harlem River, the sharp and in cessant reports of rifles, and the smoke rising above the tree-tops, told him of the spirit with which the assault was re ceived at various points, and gave him for a time a hope that the defence might be successful. The action about the lines to the south, lay open to him, and could be distinctly seen through a tel escope; and nothing encouraged him more, than the gallant style in which Cadwalader, with an inferior force, main tained his position. When he saw him, however, assailed in flank, the line broken, and his troops overpowered by numbers, retreating to the fort, he gave up the game as lost. The worst sight of all, was to behold his men cut down and bayoneted by the Hessians, while begging quarter. It is said so completely to have overcome him, that he wept with the tenderness of a child." * The surrender of Fort Washington rendered Fort Lee untenable. Wash- * Irving s " Life of Washington, vol. ii., p. 423. VOL. I. -58. ington accordingly directed it to be evacuated, and a removal of the stores to be immediately commenced. But before this could be effected, Lord Cornwallis landed on the Jersey side, six or seven miles above Fort Lee, with the purpose of enclosing the gar rison between the Hudson and Hacken- sack Rivers. The retreat, consequently, had to be hastened, and the heavy can non and military stores were left be hind. Washington was quite aware that he could not dispute the passage of the river; he therefore only made a show of resistance, until his stores could be removed, and then, crossing the Passaic took post at Newark. There he re mained several days, making the most urgent entreaties for reinforcements from any and every quarter, and par ticularly pressing upon General Lee, whom he had left with a strong 1 force O at North Castle, to join him at the earliest possible moment, It was a gloomy prospect which the commander-in-chief had before him at this date. With his army reduced to some three thousand men, who were dispirited and almost hopeless, badly furnished, with no means of entrench ing themselves, without tents to shelter them from the approaching winter s snow and ice, and in the midst of a lukewarm if not hostile population, it required a power of endurance, such as few men possess, to bear up at all under such a pressure of adversity. The British army, more than twenty thou sand strong, composed of veteran troops, were in excellent condition, and con fident of an easy victory over the frag- 442 EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776. 111. ments of Washington s army. They were well supplied with that efficient arm in the service, cavalry, while the Americans had none whatever, except a few ill-mounted Connecticut militia, under Major Shelden. The Americans were also no better provided with ar tillery than with horses. The militia from New Jersey, about a thousand in number, were considered quite unre liable, and the time of service of the few regulars in the army expired with the year. In a little while, it was to be feared, there would be no army at all. Consternation seemed to have seized upon the neighboring states ; each trembling for itself, refused to attempt to succor others. There still remained a few regiments of regular troops upon the frontiers of Canada ; but they were necessary there to arrest the progress of the enemy; and, besides, the term of their engagement was near its end. Upon the heel of so many trials was the imminent danger of seditions on the part of the disaffected, who, in va rious places were ready to do all in their power to favor the cause of the British. An insurrection was about to break out in the county of Monmouth, in this very province of New Jersey, so that Washington found himself constrained to detach a part of his army, already a mere skeleton, to overawe the agitators. The presence of a victorious royal army had dissipated the terror with which the patriots at first had inspired the loyalists. They began to abandon themselves without reserve to all the fury which animated them against their adversaries. The English commissioners, in this 1776. gloomy state of American affairs, ven tured to assume bolder ground in ad dressing the people. On the 30th of November, they drew up a third proclamation, in which they charged and commanded all persons assembling in arms, against his ma jesty s government, to disband them selves and return to their dwellings; and all those who exercised magistra cies, or were in anywise concerned in executing orders for levying money, raising troops, fitting out armed ves sels, and imprisoning or molesting his majesty s subjects, were commanded " to desist and cease from all such trea sonable actings and doings, and to re linquish all such usurped power and authority." They, at the same time, engaged, that all such as should, within sixty days from the date of the pro clamation, appear before any governor or lieutenant-governor, or commander- in-chief of the British army in Amer ica, or any officer commanding a de tachment of the same, and claim the benefit of the proclamation, and sub scribe a declaration that they would re main in a peaceable obedience to his majesty, and would not take up arms, or encourage others to take up arms, against his authority, should obtain a full and free pardon of all treasons or misprisions of treason." On the advance of Lord Cornwallis, Washington abandoned Newark, and retreated to Brunswick, a small village on the Raritan. While there, the term of service of the Maryland and Jersey levies expired, and no remonstrances or entreaties of the commander-in-chief were sufficient to induce them to re- CH. I.] THE CAPTURE OF GENERAL LEE. 443 main. The British general continued to press forward, and Washington had no alternative but to retire before him. " On the 7 tli of December," says Stead- man, " our army marched from Bruns wick, at four o clock in the morning, and about the same hour in the after noon arrived at Princeton. This place General Washington, in person, with Stirling s brigade, left not one hour before the British arrived. At Princeton, the British general wait ed seventeen hours, marched at nine o clock in the morning of the 8th, and arrived at Trenton at four o clock in the afternoon, just when the last boat of General Washington s embarkation crossed the river, as if he had calcu lated, it was observed, with great ac curacy, the exact time necessary for his enemy to make his escape." While at Trenton, a reinforcement of about two thousand men came in from Pennsylvania, the raising of which was principally due to the exertions of General Mifflin, in Philadelphia. Washington "had thoughts of attempt ing something against the enemy, but learning that Cornwallis had received accessions to his force, he abandoned the idea, and, as just stated, on the 8th of December, placed the Delaware be tween himself and the British troops. He had taken the precaution of collect ing and securing all the boats on the Delaware from Philadelphia for seventy miles higher up the river. Washing ton was also careful to secure all the boats on the south side of the river, and to guard all those places where it was probable that the British army might attempt to pass ; so that the dan ger of an immediate attack was pre vented. The British troops made de monstrations of an intention to cross the river, and detachments were sta tioned to oppose them ; but the attempt was not seriously made. In this situ ation Washington anxiously waited for reinforcements, and sent some parties over the river to observe and harass the enemy. Congress, on the 12th of December, deemed it prudent to remove their sit tings to Baltimore, where they waited anxiously but firmly the progress of affairs. While the commander-in-chief was retreating through the Jerseys, he earnestly desired General Lee, who had been left in command of the division of the army at North Castle, to hasten his march to the Delaware, and join the main army. But that officer, not withstanding; the critical nature of the O case, and the pressing orders of his commander, was in no haste to obey. Reluctant to give up his separate com mand, and subject himself to superior authority, he did not begin his march until the 4th of December, and then he advanced slowly to the southward, at the head of about three thousand men ; but his sluggish movements and unwary con- duct proved fatal to his own personal liberty, and excited a lively sensation throughout America. He lay carelessly without a guard, and at some distance from his troops, at Baskingridge, in Morris county, where, on the, 13th of December, Colonel Harcourt, who, with a small detachment of light horse, had been sent to observe the movements of that division of the American army, by 444 EVENTS OF THE WAR DURING 1776. [BK. a sudden dash, under the guidance of a tory, made him prisoner, and con veyed him rapidly to New York. For some time he was closely confined, and considered not as a prisoner of war, but as a deserter from the British army.* The capture of General Lee was re garded as a great misfortune by the Americans ; for at that time he enjoyed, in a high degree, the esteem and con fidence of the army and of the country : on the other hand, the British exulted in his captivity, as equal to a victory, declaring that they " had taken the American palladium."f General Sullivan, who, on the 4th of September, had been exchanged for General Prescott, when Lord Stirling also had been exchanged for General M Donald, succeeded to the command on the capture of Lee ; he immediately pressed forward, and on the 20th of December, crossing the Delaware at Philipsburg, joined the commander-in- chief. On the same day General Gates, with part of the army of Canada, ar- * See Irving s "Life of Washington," vol. ii., pp. 452, etc., for a full and graphic account of Lee s probable purpose in the course he pursued. f Lee being of superior rank to any prisoner in the hands of the Americans, could not be exchanged. Six field-officers were offered in exchange for him and refused; and Congress was highly irritated at its being reported that he was to be treated as a deserter, because he had been a half-pay officer in the British service previous to the war. In conse quence of this they issued a proclamation, threaten ing to retaliate on the prisoners in their possession whatever punishment should be inflicted on any of those taken by the British, and especially that their conduct should be regulated by the treatment of General Lee. A great deal of suffering, on both sides, by the unfortunate prisoners, resulted from the course adopted by the British to refuse the usual oomity of war in the case of Lee. rived in camp. But even after the junction of those troops, and a number of militia of Pennsylvania, Washington s force did not exceed seven thousand men ; for though many had joined the army, yet not a few were daily leaving it ; and of those who remained, the great er part were raw troops, ill-provided, and all of them dispirited by defeat. General Howe, with an army of twenty-seven thousand men, completely armed and disciplined, well-provided, and flushed with success, lay on the op posite side of the Delaware ; stretching from Brunswick to the vicinity of Phila delphia, and ready, it was believed, to pass over as soon as the severity of the winter was set in, and the river com pletely frozen. To the Americans this was a very dark period of the contest; and their affairs appeared in a hopeless condition. To deepen the gloom of this period, so alarming to the Amer icans, and to confirm the confidence of the British army, General Clinton, with two brigades of British and two of Hes sian troops, escorted by a squadron of men-of-war under Sir Peter Parker, was sent against Rhode Island. The Amer ican force was incapable of making any effectual resistance, and retreated on Clinton s approach ; so that on the day that Washington crossed the Delaware, he took possession of Rhode Island, without opposition. This loss was a very serious one, as well from the situ ation of the province, as because the American squadron, under Commodore Hopkins, was compelled to withdraw as far up the Providence River as it was practicable, and to continue there blocked up and useless for a long time. CH. I.] WASHINGTON S RETREAT THROUGH THE JERSEYS. 445 TVo pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the enemy; but they made few prisoners. The conquest of Rhode Island was of great utility for their ulterior operations : from this province they could harass Massachusetts; and the reinforcements that General Lin coln had assembled with the intention of conducting them to the army of Washington, were detained in that province, to observe General Clinton, and prevent him from disturbing its tranquillity. Even Connecticut shared the alarm, and retained the reinforce ments it was upon the point of sending to the camp of Washington. General Howe, as an English writer remarks, has been severely censured for not pressing the pursuit of the Amer icans with more activity, and over whelming Washington before he found refuge behind the Delaware. Probably, however, the censure is not quite just, although it may be regarded as certain that the delay of the British force proved the salvation of the American army. Howe s conduct was marked by cool prudence rather than by daring en terprise or unwary impetuosity. He was on the whole as successful as any other British general during the war, and he exposed himself to none of those disasters which fell upon others of his compeers. But however this may be, it is un doubtedly true, that Washington gave evidence of superior generalship in this retreat through the Jerseys ; and not only of superior qualities as a com- mander-in-chief, but also of possessing the higher and nobler endowments of the most exalted patriotism. Painful, indeed, is it to see what trials and per plexities, and humiliations waited upon his every step, and how his soul was racked with the cares and burdens laid upon him. But trials are not sent without design. Washington was formed of that material which is puri fied and strengthened by trial. Brave ly did he endure ; profoundly learned and wise did he become by endurance ; and no man of his day ever attained such vast influence as he did by the irrefragable proofs which he exhibited of the purity, integrity, and decision of his character and conduct. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I. . III. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I. ADDRESS TO THEIR EXCELLENCIES RICHARD VISCOUNT HOWE, ADMIRAL, AND WILLIAM HOWE, ESQ., GENERAL OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY S FORCES IN AMERICA. MY LORD AND SIR Your declaration at New York, has reached this place. It has occasioned surprise and concern. The known honor and abilities of your Excellencies, and your declaration, appear perfect contrasts. The latter is an un natural production. Hurt, as I am, to see your names so prostituted, I cannot restrain myself from making a few remarks to your Excellencies upon a subject, which, by endangering your repu tation, distresses every generous mind. I shall first state your declaration. " By RICHARD YISCOUNT HOWE, of the Kingdom of Ireland, and WILLIAM HOWE, Esq., General of His Majesty s forces in America, the King s COMMISSIONERS for restoring peace to his Ma jesty s Colonies and Plantations in North Amer ica, etc., etc., etc. DECLARATION. " Although the Congress, whom the misguided Americans suffer to direct the opposition to a re- establishment of the constitutional government of these provinces, have disavowed every purpose of reconciliation not consonant with their ex travagant and inadmissible claim of independ ence, the King s Commissioners think fit to de clare that they are equally desirous to confer with His Majesty s well affected subjects upon the means of restoring the public tranquillity, and es tablishing a permanent union with every colony, as a part of the British Empire. The king being most graciously pleased to direct a revision of such of his royal instructions to his governors as may be construed to lay an improper restraint on the freedom of legislation in any of his Colonies, and to concur in the revisal of all acts, by which His Majesty s subjects there may think themselves aggrieved, it is recommended to the inhabitants at large, to reflect seriously upon their present condition and expectations, and judge for them selves, whether it be more consistent with their honor and happiness, to offer up their lives as a sacrifice to the unjust and precarious cause in which they are engaged, or return to their al legiance, accept the blessings of peace, and to be secured in a free enjoyment of their liberties and properties upon the true principles of the Con stitution. " Given at New York, 19th September, 1776. " HOWE. "W. HOWE. " By command of their Excellencies, STRAGHEY." And now, not to detain your Excellencies by making observations upon Lord Howe s not as suming his military title, displaying the nature of his supreme hostile command in America, by which unusual and designed omission, the ignor ant, seeing his name contrasted with that of a general clothed in all his terrors, may be entrap ped to believe that his lordship is to be con sidered in a more amiable point of view, a mere Commissioner only, for restoring peace, without any military command to intimidate and coerce : not to wound your delicacy, by admiring the wis dom of your appealing from the Congress to people confessed by you to be directed by that honorable assembly : my remarks shall be con fined to the more material parts of your Dec laration, which, I am sorry to say, are in every respect unworthy your good sense and high char acters. Yonr Excellencies " think fit to declare," that you are desirous " of restoring the public tran quillity." But is the end your Excellencies aim at our honor and advantage ? Is it to give a free scope to our natural growth ? Is it to confirm to us our rights by the law of nature ? No ! It is to cover us with infamy. It is to chill the sap, CH. I.] JUDGE DRAYTON S ADDRESS. 447 nnd check the luxuriance of our imperial plant. It is to deprive us of our natural equality with the rest of mankind, bj " establishing" every state " as a part of the British Empire." In short, your Excellencies invite men of common sense, to exchange an independent station for a servile and dangerous dependence ? But, when we recollect, that the king of Great Britain has, from the throne, declared his " firm and steadfast resolutions to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of that legislature over all the dominions of his crown ;" that his hirelings in Parliament and tools in office, abhorred by the English nation, have echoed the sentiment ; and that America, for ten years, has experienced that king s total want of candor, humanity, and jus tice ; it is, I confess, a matter of wonder, that your Excellencies can submit to appear so lost to decency, as to hold out subjection as the only con dition of peace : and that you could condescend to sully your personal honor, by inviting us to trust a government, in which you are conscious we cannot, in the nature of things, place any con fidence ; a government that you are sensible, has been, now is, and ever must be jealous of our prosperity and natural growth ; a government that you know is absolutely abandoned to cor ruption ! Take it not amiss, if I hint to your Excellencies, that your very appearing in support of such a proposal, furnishes cause to doubt even of your integrity ; and to reject your allurements, lest they decoy us into slavery. The Declaration says, " the king is most graci ously pleased to direct a revision of such of his royal instructions to his governors," etc., "and to concur in the revisal of all acts, by which His Majesty s subjects may think themselves ag grieved." But what of all this ? Your Excel lencies have not told the people, who " think themselves aggrieved," that they are to be a party in the revision. You have not even told them who are to be revisers. If you had, it would be nothing to the purpose ; for you have not, and cannot tell them, and engage that even any of the instructions and acts, being revised, shall be re voked, and repealed, particularly those by which people " may think themselves aggrieved." But, if such are not to be repealed, why have you men tioned " thinl themselves aggrieved?" If they are intended to be repealed, why did not your Excellencies come to the point at once, and say so ? It is evident your Excellencies arc by yor.r superiors, precipitated into a dilemma. You have not been accustomed to dirty jobs, and plain dealing does not accord with your instructions ; otherwise, in the latter case, I think you are men of too much sense and honor, to have overlooked or suppressed so material a point of information. However, you say instructions and acts are to be revised. We see that you have laid an ambus cade for our liberties ; the clause is carefully con structed, without the least allusion to the re- visors, or to the words redress, revoke, repeal. In short, it appears to be drawn up entirely on the plan of a declaration by King James the Second, after his abdication, as confidentially explained by James secretary of state, the earl of Melford, to Lord Dundee, in Scotland. For Melford writes to Dundee, " that notwithstanding of what was promised in the declaration, indemnity and indul gence, yet he had couched things so, that the king would break them when he pleased ; nor would he think himself obliged to stand to them." And your Excellencies have " couched things so," that more words upon this subject are unnecessary. " It is recommended to the inhabitants at large, to reflect seriously upon their present condition." Is it possible your Excellencies can be serious, and mean any thing by this recommendation ? Can you be ignorant, that ever since the birth of the Stamp Act, the inhabitants at large, have been re flecting upon their deplorable condition ? Can you have an idea, that, after such a length of time, during which they have been continually kept to their reflections, by the declaratory law, the Tea Act, the Boston Port Bill, and those then passed to annihilate the charter of Massa chusetts Bay, the Quebec Bill to establish Popery, the Fishery Bill, to coerce by famine, the British commencement of the late civil war, and the Act of Parliament, in December last, declaring the in habitants rebels ; I say, after such a series of causes for reflection, and that your Excellencies now find us in arms against you, determined on independence or death, can you possibly entertain an idea, that we have not reflected seriously ? On the contrary, you know, that we are prepared to offer up our lives in evidence of our serious re flections ! In addressing a world, you ought to have some attention to the propriety of your rec ommendations, if only from a regard to your own reputation. 448 APPENDIX TO CHAPTEPv I. [R K . III. You are pleased to terra our cause " unjust." In this there is nothing so surprising, as your bei.jg lured to give such a sentiment under your hands, signing your own disgrace with posterity. You know, that the virtuous characters through out Europe, on this point, differ with your Excel lencies ; and I most respectfully submit, whether there is not some little degree of presumption in your signing an opinion, in contradiction to the opinion of thousands, who, without derogating from your Excellencies, are, at least, as well able to judge upon the point as you are ? But you add, that our cause is " precarious." Allow me to make a proper return to your Excel lencies, by informing you, that all the affairs of men are precarious, and that war is particularly so. However, if your Excellencies meant to in sinuate, that our cause is precarious, from an in ability in us to maintain it, I beg leave to ask General Howe what progress his arms made du ring his command at Boston ? And what shining- victories, and important conquests you have achieved since your junction at Staten Island ? The oulogium, - dnofiilmina belli Scipiadas cannot yet be applied to your Excellencies. Gen eral Howe s repulse from the lines on Long Island, and his victory over the advanced guard of three thousand imn, reflect no great degree of glory on the corps of at least twelve thousand men that he commanded. Nor can you boast much of the action on New York Island on the 15th of September, when a few more than eight hundred Americans, attacking three companies of light troops, supported by two regiments, the one Scotch, the other Hessian, drove them from hill to hili, back to your lines, and carried off three pieces of brass cannon as trophies of their victory. And when General Washington, on the second of October, caused a large detachment to draw up to Harlaem plains, to cover the inhabitants be tween the two armies, while they carried off their effects, the march and continuance of the British troops in order of battle, within long shot, with out firing a gun to interrupt the service, is at least some slight degree of evidence, that they re spect and stand in awe of the American arms. In short, without being unreasonable, I think I may be allowed to say, that these particulars do not show, that our cause is so precarious as your j Excellencies would insinuate it to be ; and to recommend that your Excellencies " reflect seri ously upon your present condition," and abandon " the unjust cause in which you are engaged," while you yet may preserve your reputation from the reproaches of posterity. Your Excellencies call upon the inhabitants at large " to return to their allegiance." It is as if you had commanded a body of troops to advance to the assault, before you had put them in order of battle. I tell your Excellencies, that protec tion must precede allegiance ; for the latter is founded on the benefit of the former. That the operations of the forces by sea and land, under your orders, demonstrate that your king is not our protector. And, that the allegiance of America to the king of Great Britain is now utterly out of the question, But you attempt to allure the inhabitants, by telling them they may " be secured in a free en joyment of their liberties and properties, upon the true principles of the Constitution." Will your Excellencies tell us where those principles are to be found ? You must say they are not to be found in the present British government. Do we not know that the majority of the two houses of Parliament are absolutely under the king of Great Britain s direction ? They make and re peal laws ; they agree with or reject motions ; they vote money even without limitation of sum, at the pleasure of that king s minister, in whoso pay they actually are ; and your Excellencies, as men of honor, dare not deny these things. Will you then say, that, where there is such a depend ence, the true principles of the Constitution oper ate ! The history of the present reign, all Eu rope would witness against you. Those prin ciples have been long despised by the rulers, and lost to the people ; otherwise, even at the com mencement of the present reign, we should not have seen the dismission of the virtuous chancellor of the exchequer, LEGGE, because he would not quit his seat in Parliament at the instigation of the last Prince of Wales ; nor the massacre in St. George s fields, and the royal thanks to the as sassins ; nor the repeated and unredressed com plaints to the throne ; nor the unheard of pro fusion of the public treasure, far exceeding the extravagance of a Caligula, or a Nero ; nor the present ruinous situation of Great Britain nor the present war in America, for the worst of pur- Cn. I.] JUDGE DRAYTON S ADDRESS. 449 pnses, kindled by your king. Can your Excel lencies be so wanting to yourselves, as, at this time of day, on the part of your master, seriously to talk to us of a security upon the true principles of the Constitution ? Did it uever strike you, that the Americans would expect to see such principles operating in England, before they could be duped into a belief, that America could pos sibly feel their effects from the dark recess of the royal palace ? The lord mayor of London has openly charged Lord North, and the lords of the admiralty, with licensing ships to trade to all parts of America, in direct disregard, contempt, and defiance of an Act of Parliament to the con trary, passed so late as December last. And yet your Excellencies do not scruple to talk to us of a security upnn the true principles of the constitu tion! Let the fountain be sweet, arid then its stream may be salutary. Your Excellencies say, " the king is most graci ously pleased to direct a revision" of instructions and acts. If you really mean to conciliate, why will you insult the inhabitants at large. It was " the king s" bounden duty to have directed, not only a revision, but an amendment of his instruc tions ; and to have recommended a repeal of the acts, when the people FIRST complained of them. But he, having been criminally deaf to the cries of the injured, to terrify them into silence, having burnt their towns, restrained their trade, seized and confiscated their vessels ; driven them into enormous expenses ; sheathed his sword in their bowels, and adorned the heads of their aged women and children, with a cincture made by the scalping knife of HIS ALLY, the Indian savage ; you now tell these injured people, that " the king is graciously pleased to direct a re vision !" His very mercies are insults ! And so your Excellencies, besides your military commands, as Admiral and General, are also " Com missioners for restoring peace." Is there not some error in this title ? Ought we not, instead of " peace," to read tyranny ? You seem armed at all points for this purpose ; and your very lan guage detects the latent design. But you are Commissioners, and for the important purpose of " restoring peace," you are honored with a power " to confer." And you have condescended to be mere machines, through which, as, through speaking trumpets, words are to be sounded from America to Britain ! How MUCH LOWER is IT VOL. I. 59 POSSIBLE FOR YOUR EXCELLENCIES TO DECRADE YOURSELVES IN THE EYE3 OF THE WORLD ? By this, it is most evident, the British king has not one generous thought respecting America. Nor does he mean to grant terms upon the true prin ciples of the Constitution. For, if to grant such terms, was bonafide the intention of your master, without doubt YOU would have been vested with competent powers. But he plainly means to grant nothing that he can possibly avoid ; and therefore he would have the matter of negotiation drawn into length under his own eye. Can we place any confidence in such a prince ? His aim is to divide, not to redress, and your Excellencies Declaration is but a continuation of Lord North s conciliatory plan. Thus, while we remember that Lord North de clared, on the 20th of February, 1775, that his famous conciliatory plan was rather calculated to break a linJc in the American chain of union, than to give satisfaction to the people ; and that the exercise of the right of taxing every part of the British dominions, must by no means be given up ; that Lord Mansfield, on the third reading of the bill, declaring war against the United Colonies, affirmed that he did not consider who was origi nally in the wrong ; they were now to consider only where they were, and the justice of the cause must now give way to their present situation ; when we consider the king of Great Britain s speech to the Parliament on the last of Novem ber, and the Commons address and his answer on the 1th of December, 1774 ; the Commons ad dress of the 9th of February, 1775, and the royal answer ; and the speech from the throne at the last opening of the Parliament, October the 26th, 1775 ; all declaring an unalterable purpose to maintain the supreme authority of that legislature over all the dominions of the crown ; in other words, their unalterable purpose, TO BIND us IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER ; when we see your hostile array and operations, in consequence of those declarations ; I say, when we consider these things, we can be at no loss to form a just idea of the in tentions of your king ; or to conceive what your Excellencies mean, by "the true principles of the Constitution." Nor are we to be caught by any allurements your Excellencies may throw out ; you confess, and we know that you, as Commissioners, have not any power to negotiate and determine any thing. 450 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I. [B K . III. But, unanswerable as the reasons are against America returning to a subjection under the British crown, now in fact become despotic. ; and America, after unheard of injuries, infinite toil, hazard and expense, her inhabitants called cow ards by your master s servants, civil and military, having declared herself independent ; did not your Excellencies feel a little for onr honor, when you, at the head of your armies, held out to us, subjection and peace ! Did not you feel the dig nity of your characters affected, when you, under the guise of a security upon the true principles of the Constitution, recommend to " the inhabitants at large," to rescind their decree, and BY THEIR OWN MOUTHS DECLARE themselves the most con temptible people in history, which gives no ex ample of such baseness RENDER their name a term of reproach among all nations, and FORBID each other from placing any, the least degree of confidence in, and all foreign states from paying the least degree of credit to, their most solemn declarations! In short, to submit to a govern ment abandoned to corruption, lost to a sense of justice, and already but a step behind absolute despotism ; a government that has long been, and ever must be, jealous of our rise, and studious to depress our natural growth ! Did not your Ex cellencies blush, and shrink within yourselves, when you asked men, who had been almost ruined by your gracious master, to abandon the honor able and natural station of independence, and stoop to kiss his hand, now daily BATHED in, and which ever must continue stained by, the blood of a friend, a brother, a son, a father ! That your Excellencies may " reflect seriously" upon " the unjust cause in which you are en gaged ;" and that the name of HOWE may be en rolled with the names of MARLBOROUGH and EF- FINGHAH, are the wishes of, A CAROLINIAN. [Judge Draytou.] CHARLESTON, October 22, 1776. CH. If.] FOREIGN ASSISTANCE SOUGHT. 451 CHAPTEE II. 1776-1777, PROGRESS OF THE WAR. Committee on Foreign Relations Franklin s letter to Dumas Deane in Paris Commissioners to France Extent to -which France was willing to go Commissioners to other courts Progress of negotiations Position of Congress Washington s letter to the President of Congress Vast powers conferred on him Action of Parliament Washington s plans to retrieve losses in New Jersey Surprise and Capture of the Hessians at Trenton Effects of this success Movement of Cornwallis Washington s retreat and attack on Princeton General Mercer s death Washington s proclamation His generalship Botta s eulogy Excesses and abominations of war Effect on the people Similar excesses on the side of the Americans Sufferings of the prisoners in New York The army inoculated Heath s attempt on New York British attack on Peekskill, and on Danbury General Wooster s death American success at Sag Harbor Howe inactive Washington s arrangements to meet him Washington advances to Middlebrook Howe attempts to surprise him New Jersey evacuated by the British Great preparations in New York for an expedition by sea Washington s first interview with Lafayette Seizure of General Prescott British fleet enter the Chesapeake "Washington s determination to defend Philadelphia Battle of the Brandywine Further movements Wayne surprised Fresh powers conferred on Washington Hamilton s activity Philadelphia abandoned Battle of Germantown Obstructions in the Delaware British efforts to clear the navigation Howe s offer of battle declined State of the armies Approach of winter APPENDIX TO CHAPTEU II. I. Letter from General Robertson, and Governor Livingston s Reply. II. Charge of John Jay, Esq., to the Grand Jury. IT had not escaped the attention of those sagacious men who exercised pre ponderating influence in Congress, that the Declaration of Independence would necessarily involve an appeal to the nations of Europe for countenance and aid. Accordingly, as early as the close .of 17Y5, a committee, consisting of Mr. Harrison, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dickinson, and Mr. Jay, was ap pointed for the sole purpose of holding a secret correspondence with the friends of America, in Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world. The main object of this Committee, was to sound indirectly some of the principal powers of Europe, particularly France and Spain, in regard to American affairs. Dr. Franklin, not long after, addressed a letter to a gentleman in Holland, named Dumas, making in quiries as to the prospect of aid being extended to the Americans, in the strug gle upon which they had entered with the mother country. " That you may be better enabled," wrote Franklin, " to answer some questions which will prob ably be put to you, concerning our present situation, we inform you, that the whole continent is very firmly united the party for the measures of the British ministry being very small, and much dispersed ; that we had on foot the last campaign, an army of near twenty thousand men, wherewith we have been able, not only to block up the king s army in Boston, but to spare considerable detachments for the in vasion of Canada, where we have met with great success, as the printed papers 452 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. [B K . III. 1776. sent herewith will inform you, and have now reason to expect the whole prov ince may be soon in our possession ; that we purpose greatly to increase our force for the ensuing year; and thereby, we hope, with the assistance of a well- disciplined militia, to be able to defend our coast, notwithstanding its great ex tent ; that we already have a small squadron of armed vessels, to protect our coasting trade, who have had some success in taking several of the enemy s cruizers, and some of their transport vessels and stores." Aware that France, on every ac count, would favor any measures calcu lated to diminish the superiority of England, Mr. Silas Deane was sent, early in March, 17*76, as a commer cial and political agent to the French court. He was directed to state that clothing and arms for twen ty-five thousand men, as well as am munition and field-pieces, were need ed by the Americans ; and also to sound the French minister in respect to the probabilities of effecting an al liance with France in case the colonies should be able to attain independence. Deane arrived in Paris early in July, and devoted himself to the objects of his mission. Having been introduced to the Count de Vergennes, the French minister, he stated the purpose had in view by his appointment, and was favorably and courteously received by the court. Vergennes informed Mr. Deane, that tlie importance of Ameri can commerce was well known, and that no country could so well sup ply the American colonies, and in re turn receive their produce, as France ; that an uninterrupted intercourse was, therefore, for the interest of both ; and for this reason, the court had already ordered their ports to be kept open, and equally free to America, as to Brit ain. That considering the good under standing between the courts of Ver sailles and London, they could not openly encourage the shipping of war like stores, but no obstructions, of any kind, he said, would be given ; if there should, as the custom-houses were not fully in their secrets in this matter, such obstructions should be removed, on the first application. That he might consider himself perfectly free, to carry on any kind of commerce in the king dom, which any subject of any other state in the world might, as the court had resolved their ports should be equally free to both parties. That he might consider himself, as under his immediate protection ; if he should meet with any difficulty either from their police, or from any other quarter, on application to him every thing should be settled. On the subject of the in dependence of the colonies, Vergennes declined to say any thing decisive, look ing upon that as an event too far into, the future and too uncertain, to base upon it any present action. In June, 1YV6, immediately after the question of independence was deter mined upon, Congress appointed Mr. Dickinson, Dr. Franklin, John Adams, Mr. Harrison, and Robert Morris, a committee, to prepare a plan of treaties with foreign powers. On the 10th of July, the committee reported a plan, which was amended, and after further consideration, was adopted on the lYth CH. II.] AID OF THE FRENCH SOUGHT. 153 of September. Congress immediately appointed Franklin, Deane, and Jeffer son, commissioners to proceed to France. Jefferson not beinsr able to leave Amer- O ica, Arthur Lee, then in London, was substituted. Special instructions were prepared for these commissioners re lative to the duty charged upon them. " It is highly probable," was the lan guage of Congress, " that France means not to let the United States sink, in the present contest. But as the diffi culty of obtaining true accounts of our condition, may cause an opinion to be entertained, that we are able to sup port the war, on our own strength and resources longer than, in fact, we can do, it will be proper for you to press for the immediate and explicit decla ration of France in our favor, upon a Bii^srestion, that a re-union with Great OO i Britain, may be the consequence of a delay. Should Spain be disinclined to our cause, from an apprehension of danger to her dominions in South America, you are empowered to give the strongest assurances, that that crown will receive no molestation from the United States, in the possession of those territories. " You will solicit the court of France for an immediate supply of twenty or thirty thousand muskets and bayonets, and a large supply of ammunition, and brass field-pieces, to be sent under a convoy by France. The Uiiited States engage for the payment of the arms, artillery and ammunition, and to in demnify France for the convoy. " You are desired to obtain, as early as possible, a public acknowledgment of the independency of these States of the crown of Great Britain, by the court of France." They were instructed, in October, to procure from the court of France, at the expense of the United States, eight line-of-battle ships, and to expedite the fitting them out with all possible dili gence. In December, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Lee arrived in Paris, and put themselves in communication with the French minister. The question of in dependence was still looked upon as too doubtful, and the French court were not ready to acknowledge it, and openly espouse the American cause. It was evident, that there was a strong disposition to aid America; but it- was equally evident, that caution and prudence had been resolved upon, and that France wished to obtain benefits proportionally valuable with those con ferred. The campaign of 1YY6, proving very discouraging to the American arms, Congress, at the close of that year, gave earnest attention to the necessity of se curing foreign aid. A committee was appointed to prepare a plan for this purpose. The report of this Com mittee was a subject of much debate. Some of the members were disposed to make great sacrifices, to obtain the aid of France, and were almost prepared to offer her the same monopoly of Amer ican commerce, as had been enjoyed by Great Britain. On the 30th of December, Congress came to the resolution of sending com missioners to the courts of Vienna, Spain, and Prussia, and to the grand duke of Tuscany. These com missioners were instructed to assure 1776. 454 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. [BK. III. the courts to which they were sent, that the Americans were determined to maintain their independence, notwith standing the insidious suggestions of the British to the contrary. They were, also, directed to use every means in their power, to procure the assistance of the emperor of Germany, and the kings of France, Spain, and Prussia, to prevent German and other foreign troops being sent to America, for hos tile purposes, and to obtain the recall of those already sent. To induce France to embark in the war, the American envoys were au thorized to stipulate, that all the trade, between the United States and the West India islands, should be carried on, either in French or American ves sels ; and were specially instructed to assure the French king, that, if, by their joint efforts, the British should be ex cluded from any share in the cod-fishery of America, by the reduction of the islands of Newfoundland and Cape Breton, and ships of war should be fur nished, at the expense of the United States, to reduce Nova Scotia, that the fishery should be enjoyed equally be tween them, to the exclusion of all other nations ; and that one half of Newfoundland should belong to France, and the other half, with Cape Breton and Nova Scotia, to the United States. Should these proposals be insufficient to induce France to join in the war, and the commissioners were convinced that the open co-operation of France could not otherwise be obtained, they were directed to assure his most Chris tian majesty, that such of the West India Islands, as might, in the course of the war, be reduced, should be yielded to him in absolute property ; and the United States were to engage to furnish efficient help in the way of armed vessels and supplies. Offers of a similar kind were directed to be made to the court of Spain. William Lee was appointed commissioner to the courts of Vienna and Berlin ; Ralph Izard, to the Duke of Tuscany, and Dr. Franklin, to Spain. Arthur Lee was afterwards sent to Spain in place of Franklin. The French court were not to be induced to depart from the line of policy which they had adopted. They were waiting for events evincing, be yond all doubt, the determination and ability of the Americans to maintain their independence ; and were unwilling openly to afford assistance, until per fectly satisfied, that such assistance would render reconciliation impossible. The American commissioners, however, were secretly permitted to fit out a number of vessels from French ports, to cruise against the British ; and prizes were brought in and sold in France. Lord Stormont, the British minister, made loud complaints of the course pursued by the French court ; but his remonstrances produced only the usual diplomatic assurances, that nothing of the kind should happen again, as- surances which were received for what they were worth, which, as both sides well knew, was just nothing at all. Negotiations dragged on slowly, as might be expected, and the commis sioners were occupied mainly in endeav oring to counteract the false statements, industriously circulated by English em- CH. II.] WASHINGTON S LETTER TO CONGRESS. 455 issaries, in every direction, respecting America, and the actual position of affairs. At this point we leave the consider ation of the foreign relations of the United States, and return to a nar rative of events at home.* Congress, it will be recollected, had deemed it prudent to retire to Balti more, on the approach of the British army, and when it was apprehended that Philadelphia would immediately fall into their hands. That body of patriots, however, manifested unshaken firmness in the midst of the difficulties and trials to which they were exposed. Their energy did not forsake them, and there was neither humiliation in their attitude, nor despondency in their language. They resolved upon active measures in behalf of the great cause of liberty, and the step which they de cided upon was one which probably no man in the country could have called forth except Washington. The Commander-in-chief was aware that the bitter lessons of experience had now sufficiently taught Congress that greater vigor and efficiency must be infused into the military system, or the cause of America must be hopeless. On the 20th of December, he addressed a memorable letter to the president of Congress, in which, with mingled dig nity, firmness and pathos, he gives ex pression to the views which he urged upon their attention : " My feelings as an officer and a man have been such as to force me to say, that no person ever * The reader will find this subject more fully treated by Pitkin, vol. i., pp. 381-95. had a greater choice of difficulties to contend with than I have. It is need less to add, that short enlistments, and a mistaken dependence upon militia, have been the origin of all our mis fortunes, and the great accumulation of our debt. We find, Sir, that the enemy are daily gathering strength from the disaffected. This strength, like a snow ball, by rolling, will increase, unless some means can be devised to check effectually the progress of the enemy s arms. Militia may possibly do it for a little while ; but in a little while, also, and the militia of those states which have been frequently called upon, will not turn out at all ; or if they do, it will be with so much reluctance and sloth, as to amount to the same thing. In stance New Jersey ! Witness Penn sylvania! Could any thing but the river Delaware have saved Philadel phia? Can any thing, (the exigency of the case may indeed justify it,) be more destructive to the recruiting ser vice, than giving ten dollars bounty for six weeks service of the militia, who come in, you cannot tell how, go, you cannot tell when, and act, you can not tell where, consume your provisions, exhaust your stores, and leave you at. a critical moment ? These, Sir, are the men I am to depend upon ten days hence ; this is the basis on which your cause will and must forever depend, till you get a large standing army suffi cient of itself to oppose the enemy." Pointing out that, in his judgment, the eighty-eight battalions already or dered were not sufficient to carry on the war, Washington urged that the number be increased, concluding his 456 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. [Bx. III. letter in the following words : " It may be thought that I ana going a good j deal out of the line of my duty, to adopt these measures, or to advise thus freely. \ A character to lose, an estate to forfeit, \ the inestimable blessings of liberty at stake, and a life devoted, must be my excuse." Congress, deeply impressed with the weight and importance of the subjects thus urged upon them, and being at a distance from the scene of active mili tary operations, promptly met the emergency. They resolved to place unlimited powers in the hands of Washington, constituting him, in fact, a military DICTATOR. Declaring that "the unjust, but determined purpose of the British court to enslave these free states, obvious through every in sinuation to the contrary, having placed things in such a situation, that the very existence of civil liberty now depends on the right exercise of military powers ; and the vigorous and decisive conduct of these being impossible to distant, numerous, and deliberative bodies ;" Congress passed the following resolve : "That General Washington shall be, and he is hereby, veste.l with full, am- / 1 pie, and complete powers to raise and collect together, in the most speedy and effectual manner, from any and all of these United States, sixteen battalions of infantry, in addition to those already voted by Congress ; to appoint officers for the said battalions of infantry ; to raise, officer, and equip three thousand light horse, three regiments of artillery, and a corps of engineers, and to estab lish their pay ; to apply to any of the states for such aid of the militia, as he shall judge necessary ; to form such magazines of provisions, and in such places as he shall think proper ; to dis place and appoint all officers unclei the rank of brigadier-general, and to fill all vacancies in every other department of the American armies; to take, wher ever he may be, whatever he may want for the use of the army, if the inhabitants will not sell it, allowing a reasonable price for the same ; to ar rest and confine persons who refuse to take the continental currency, or are any otherwise disaffected to the Amer ican cause ; and return to the states, of which they are citizens, their names, and the nature of their offences, to gether with the witnesses to prove them." These extraordinary powers were entrusted to Washington for the term of six months, unless revoked by Con gress before that period. In acknowl edging the resolves of Con gress, Washington assured that body, that all his faculties should be employed, to direct properly the pow ers they had been pleased to vest him with, to advance those objects and those only, which had given rise to so honorable a mark of distinction. " If my exertions," he said, " should not be attended with the desired success, I trust the failure will be imputed to the true cause, the peculiarly distressed situation of our affairs, and the difficul ties I have to combat, rather than to a want of zeal for my country, and the closest attention to her interests, to promote which has ever been my study." The exercise of these dic tatorial powers was marked by all the 1776. Cu. II.] ACTION OF PARLIAMENT AT THIS DATE. 457 prudence, sagacity and lofty spirit of patriotism which belonged to the com- mander-in-chief. In England, large majorities in both houses of Parliament supported the ministry in all their violent proceed ings; and although a small majority, including several men of distinguished talents, who trembled for the fate of British liberty if the court should suc ceed in establishing its claims against the colonists, vigorously opposed the measures of the administration, yet the great body of the people seemed to be in favor of the war ; and the ill success of the Americans, in the campaign of IT 7 6, led them to think that it would speedily be brought to a close. But, amidst all the popularity of their warlike operations, the difficulties of the ministry soon began to multiply. In consequence of hostilities with the American provinces, the British West India Islands experienced a scarcity of the necessaries of life. About the time when the West India fleet was ready to set sail, under convoy, on its home ward voyage, it was discovered that the negroes of Jamaica meditated an insurrection. By means of the draughts to complete the army in America, the military force in that island had been weakened ; and the ships of war were detained to assist in suppressing the negroes. By this delay, the Americans gained time for equipping their priva teers. After the fleet sailed, it was dispersed by stormy weather ; and many of the ships, richly laden, fell into the hands of the American cruis ers, who were permitted, as stated above, to sell their prizes in the ports Vo. I. 60 of France, both in Europe and in the West Indies. This unfriendly conduct of France was so openly manifested, that it could no longer be winked at, and it drew forth a remonstrance from the British cabinet. The remonstrance received the answer usual in such cases, but the traffic in British prizes was still carried on, though not quite so openly, in the French ports in Europe; and it was evident, that both France and Spain were in a state of active preparation for war. The British ministry could no longer shut their eyes against the gathering storm, and began to prepare for it. About the middle of October, 1776, they put sixteen additional ships into commission, and made every ex ertion to man them. On the 21st of October, Parliament met, and was opened by a speech from the throne, in which his majesty stated, that it would have given him much satisfaction if he had been able to in form them that the disturbances in the revolted colonies were at an end, and that the people of America, recovering from their delusion, had returned to their duty; but so mutinous and de termined was the spirit of their leaders, that they had openly abjured and re nounced all connection and communi cation with the mother country, and had rejected every conciliatory propo sition. Much mischief, he said, would accrue, not only to the commerce of Great Britain, but to the general sys tem of Europe, if this rebellion were suffered to take root. The conduct of the colonists would convince every one of the necessity of the measures pro- 458 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. [B K . III. posed to be adopted, and the past suc cess of the British arms promised the happiest results ; but preparations must be promptly made for another cam paign. A hope was expressed of the general continuance of tranquillity in Europe, but that it was thought ad visable to increase the defensive re sources at home. The addresses to the speech were in the usual form, but amendments were moved in both houses of Parliament; in the Commons by Lord John Caven dish, and in the Lords by the Marquis of Rockingham. After an animated debate, the amendment was rejected in the House of Commons, by two hundred and forty-two against eighty-seven, and in the Lords by ninety-one against twenty-six. During the session of Par liament, some other attempts were made for adopting conciliatory measures, but the influence of the ministry was so powerful that they were all completely defeated, and the plans of the adminis tration received the approbation and support of Parliament. In the present alarming position of American affairs, it was of great mo ment that something should be done to rouse the spirit of the country, great ly depressed by the retreat through the Jerseys. Washington devoted anxious thought to a plan which, at the earliest moment, he determined to carry into effective action. At the time that the Americans crossed the Delaware, winter was fast setting in ; and it was no part of the British gen eral s intentions to carry on military operations during that inclement season of the year. Fearless of a feeble enemy, whom he had easily driven before him, and whom he confidently expected soon to annihilate, he cantoned his troops rather with a view to the convenient resumption of their march, than with any regard to security against a fugitive foe. As he entertained not the slightest apprehension of an attack, he paid little attention to the arrangement of his se veral posts for the purpose of mutual support. He stationed a detachment of about fifteen hundred Hessians at Tren ton, under Colonel Rahl, and about two thousand at Bordentown, farther down the river, under Count Donop ; the rest of his army was quartered over the country, between the Hackensack and the Delaware. Certainly, so far as ap pearances went, Howe had no cause to fear any thing from the Americans ; for with an overpowering force, Avell dis ciplined, and flushed with victory, he might seem quite justified in treating with contempt the small and broken army of Washington. Probably the idea that the commander-in-chief would venture upon offensive measures never entered Howe s mind. But Washington, with the force under his command, de termined to anticipate the movements of Howe, and to strike a blow which should be felt, and which should de monstrate to the enemy, as well as America, that the cause of indepen dence was by no means hopeless. Washington formed his available forces into three divisions, and accom panied by Greene and Sullivan, pro posed to pass the Delaware at McKon- key s Ferry, nine miles above Trenton, and fall upon the Hessians in that town. The second division, under CH. II.] CAPTURE OF THE HESSIANS AT TRENTON. 459 General Ewing, was to cross over at Trenton ferry, and by stopping the bridge over the Assumpink, cut off the enemy s retreat ; while the third, under General Cadwallader, Avas to cross lower down, from Bristol over to Bur lington. Had the plan been executed at all points it must have resulted in the capture of the whole line of British cantonments, but owing to a variety of obstacles it was but partially successful. The evening of Christmas Day was selected, because it was very probable that the troops of the enemy would be more than ordinarily given up to fes tivity and indulgence, and hence would be, to a considerable extent, off their guard. The night proved to be most intensely cold ; the Delaware was choked with masses of floating ice ; the current was strong ; and the wind blew keenly and sharply. The soldiers, exhorted to be firm, remembered, with unconquer able indignation, the outrage and in jury inflicted upon the people of New Jersey by the insolent enemy, and the no less insolent and vindictive tories. They were now ready to do or die for their houses and their country. Washington had expected that the passage of his division might have been effected by midnight, but the dreadful weather, the encumbered state of the river, and the difficulty of getting across the artillery, occasioned so much delay, that it was four o clock before the whole body were in marching or der on the opposite shore. The dark ness of a winter morning was still fur ther deepened by a heavy fog, and the road was rendered slippery, by a frosty mist. The snow and hail beat upon them during the whole march. As it would be daylight before they could reach Trenton, a surprise of that post was now out of the question ; there was, however, no alternative left but to proceed. Washington took the up per road, while Sullivan commanded the lower; and about eight in the morning, both parties encountered the pickets of the enemy, who, keeping up a fire from behind the houses, fell back upon the town, and aroused their com rades. The Americans followed them up so closely, that they were able to open a battery at the end of the main street, before the astounded Hessians could offer any effectual resistance. Washington s situation had, in reality, been a very critical one. Rahl had re ceived warning from Grant, at Prince ton, of the intended attack, and of the time when it was to be made. That officer was accordingly on the alert. About dusk, on the 25th, a party had fired upon the picket, and immediately retired.* Nothing further resulting at the time, Rahl supposed that the attack had been given up, and as the night was very cold and stormy, he allowed the soldiers to retire to quarters, and lay aside their arms. This was the very time that Washington was cross ing the Delaware. It is said, that on the morning of the surprise, Rahl, who had been carousing all night after an entertainment, was still engaged at cards, until aroused, at * Gordon, (vol. ii., p. 153) states, that Captain Washington was in command of a scouting party, of about fifty soldiers, and performed this exploit with out being aware of the advancing force under the commander-in-chief. 460 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. [B K . ill. length, by the roll of the American drums, and the sound of musketry, he started to his legs, hurried to his quar ters, mounted his horse, and in a few moments, was at the head of his troops, vainly attempting to atone for his fatal neglect. In a few moments, he fell to the ground mortally wounded, and was carried away to his quarters. All or der was now at an end ; the Hessians, panic-struck, gave way, and endeavored to escape by the road to Princeton ; but were intercepted by a party judi ciously placed there for the purpose, and compelled to surrender at discre tion, to the number of about a thousand men. Six cannon, a thousand stand of arms, and four colors, adorned the tri umph of Washington. In this moment of brilliant success, purchased at the expense of others, he was not unmindful of the duties of humanity ; but, accom panied by Greene, paid a visit to the dying Hessian leader, and soothed his passage to the grave, by the expression of that grateful and generous sympathy, which one brave man owes to another, even when engaged in opposite causes. The divisions under Ewing and Cad- wallader, had not been able to cross, as was proposed, owing to the accumula tions of floating ice, and the impossi bility of landing the artillery. Had Ewing been successful in what was marked out for him, the party of light horse that fled from Trenton, would have been intercepted and captured ; and Cadwallader would likewise have done good service at Burlington. In this attack upon the Hessians, the Americans lost only four or five men, two of whom were frozen to death, a 1776. proof of the intense severity of the night. Washington, on the even ing of the 26th of December, recrossed the Delaware, carrying his prisoners with him, and their arms, colors, and artillery. Although the enterprise failed in several of its parts, it was completely successful, so far as it was under the immediate direction of the coinmander-in-chief ; and it had a happy effect on the affairs of America. It was the first wave of the returning tide. It filled the British with aston ishment ; and the Hessians, whose name had before inspired the people with fear, ceased to be terrible. The prison ers were paraded through the streets of Philadelphia, to prove the reality of the victory, which the friends of the British government had denied. The hopes of the Americans were revived, and their spirits elevated : they had a clear proof that their enemies were not invincible ; and that union, courage, and perseverance, would ensure suc cess. The British also discovered, that they had to deal with a commander no less daring than he was cautious and prudent, whose steady determination no defeat could shake ; who, on the one hand, was prepared to retreat, if need ful, even to the fastnesses of the Alle- ghanies ; and on the other, was ready to take advantage of the least oversight on their own part, to convert defeat into victory.* * It was towards the close of the year, that Con gress earnestly recommended the observance of a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer to God, in or der to beseech Him, both to pardon the sins of the people, and to mercifully send His blessing upon the American arms. See Holmes s " Annals" vol. ii., p. 255. CH. II.] WASHINGTON OUTGENERALS CORNWALLIS. 461 1776. Although General Cadwallader had not been able to pass the Delaware at the appointed time, yet, believing that Washington was still on the Jersey side, on the 27th, he crossed the Delaware, with fifteen hundred men, about two miles above Bristol; and even after he was informed that the Commander-in-chief had again passed into Pennsylvania, he proceeded to Burlington, and next day marched on Bordentown, the enemy hastily retiring as he advanced. The spirit of the people was again fully roused in Pennsylvania, and considerable numbers of the militia repaired to the standard of Washington, who again crossed the Delaware, on the 29th, and marched to Trenton, where, at the beginning of January, 1777, he found himself at the head of five thou sand men. The alarm was now spread through out the British army. A strong de tachment under General Grant march ed to Princeton ; and Lord Cornwallis, who was on the point of sailing for Ens-land, was ordered to resume O 1 his command in the Jerseys. Cornwallis, joining Grant, pressed for ward expeditiously to Trenton. On his approach, Washington crossed to Assumpink Creek, and took post on some high ground, with the rivulet in his front.* The British troops ad- * Marshall, speaking of the importance to Wash ington, of obtaining secret intelligence of the plans of Cornwallis, states, that at that critical moment, Mr. Robert Morris raised on his private credit, in Phila delphia, five hundred pounds in specie, which he transmitted to the commander-in-chief, who em ployed it in procuring information not otherwise to have been obtained." Life of Washington, " vol. i., p. 130. 1777. vanced, on the afternoon of the 2d of January, and a cannonade ensued, which was kept up until night. Cornwallis, though urged to an immediate attack by some of his officers, concluded to wait till the next morning, when, he doubted not, victory would not be diffi cult of attainment. It was a critical moment for Wash ington and his troops. To await the attack would be temerity ; to attempt escape by crossing the Delaware, would be even more hazardous. A council of war was called, at which the bold de sign was adopted, of getting into the rear of the English, falling upon their magazines at Brunswick, and carrying the war again from the neighborhood O O of Philadelphia into the mountainous interior of New Jersey. No time was lost in putting the plan into opera tion. The superfluous baggage was sent down the river to Burlington ; the watch-fires were kept up ; the patrols were ordered to go their rounds ; and still further to deceive the enemy, parties were sent out to labor at the entrenchments, within hearing of their sentinels. About midnight, the army silently defiled from the camp, and marched off in a circuitous route through Allentown, towards Princeton. Although it was the most inclement O season of the year, the weather greatly favored the Americans. For two days, it had been rather warm, soft, and foggy, and great apprehension was en- | tertnined lest the roads should be al- | most impassable for a march requiring rapidity ; but about the time the march commenced, there was a sudden change in the weather. The wind shifted ; an 462 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. [BK. III. intense frosi set in, and the road speed ily became solid and easy of passage. The soldiers were encouraged by this, and, believing that Providence had again interposed in their hour of diffi culty, they marched forward with high spirit. Cornwallis had left three regiments at Princeton, under Colonel Mawhood, with orders to advance on the 3d of January. Toward daybreak, they sud denly came in sight of the approach ing continental troops, with whom they were almost immediately in action. The Americans, posted behind a fence, poured in a heavy and well-directed volley, after receiving which, the British, with fixed bayonets, charged them with such impetuosity, that abandoning their shelter, they broke and fled precipitate ly, closely pursued by their victorious enemies. Both fugitives and pursuers, however, were suddenly arrested by the sight of the force under Washing ton, who, beholding the rout, hastened on, colors in hand, to rally the discom fited troops. At no time in his life, perhaps, was he exposed to more immi nent hazard. The Americans immedi ately rallied, the English re-formed their line, both levelled their guns, and prepared to fire, while Washington, whose ardor had hurried him forward into a most perilous position, stood like a mark for the bullets of both. But God preserved him for his country and mankind. He escaped without a hurt, and urged his men forward to the at tack. The British, however, did not wait the onset. Mawhood, already severely handled, and seeing reinforce ments coming up, wheeled off, leaving his artillery, and regaining the Trenton road, continued his march to join Corn wallis. Washington advanced to Princeton, putting to flight a regiment of British troops, and taking a number of prison ers in the town. The loss of the Brit ish was about a hundred killed, and some three hundred were made prison ers. The American loss was only about thirty killed, including several officers. The principal loss was Gen eral Mercer, a gallant soldier and able officer, who was mortally wounded, and expired on the 12th of January. His death was deeply deplored by his countrymen. Early in the morning, Cornwallis was greatly chagrined at discovering that Washington had escaped out of his hands, and he was for a time perplexed to ascertain where he had betaken him self. But the booming of cannon in the direction of Princeton opened his eyes, and showed him how Washington had out-generaled him. Alarmed, as well he might be, for the safety of the British stores at Brunswick, he ad vanced rapidly towards Princeton. In the American army, it had indeed been proposed to make a forced march to Brunswick, where all the baggage of the British army was deposited ; but the complete exhaustion of the men, who had been without rest, and almost without food, for two days and nights, pi-evented the adoption of the measure. General Washington proceeded to wards Morristown, and Lord Cornwal lis pressed on his rear ; but the Amer icans, on crossing Millstone River, broke down the bridge at Kingston, to mi- Cn. II.] WASHINGTON S PROCLAMATION. 463 pede the progress of their enemies ; and there the pursuit ended. Both armies were completely worn out, the one be ing as unable to pursue as the other was to retreat. General Washington took a position at Morristowu, and Lord Coruwallis reached Brunswick, where no small alarm had been excited by the advance of the Americans, and where every exertion had been made for the removal of the baggage, and for the defence of the place. Washington fixed his head-quarters at Morristown, situated among hills of difficult access, where he had a fine country in his rear, from which he could easily draw supplies, and was able to retreat across the Delaware, if needful. Giving his troops little re pose, he overran both East and West- Jersey, spread his array over the Rari- tan, and penetrated into the county of Essex, where he made himself master of the coast opposite Staten Island. With a greatly inferior army, by judi cious movements, he wrested from the British almost all their conquests in the Jerseys. Brunswick and Aniboy were the only posts which remained in their hands, and even in these they were not a little harassed and strait ened. The American detachments were in a state of unwearied activity, frequently surprising and cutting off the British advanced guards, keeping them in perpetual alarm, and melting down their numbers by a desultory and destructive warfare.* * For a letter from General Robertson to Gov ernor Livingston, of New Jersey, and the Governor s reply, both of interest, as illustrating the state of affairs at the beginning of 1777, we refer the reader to Appendix I., at the end of the present chapter. General Howe, as stated on p. 442, had issued a proclamation on the last day of November, calling on the people to yield submission to the British gov ernment, and promising them protec tion as well in person as in property. Taking advantage of this proclamation, many Americans in the vicinity of the British troops, and among these Joseph Galloway, who was a member of Con gress, in 1774, from Pennsylvania, aban doned their country and joined the British standard. Washington, on the 25th of January, 1777 before the sixty days named by Howe were ended in virtue of the extraordinary powers with which he was charged, issued a counter proclamation, in which he strictly commanded all persons, who had subscribed the declaration, taken the oaths, and accepted the protections mentioned in the declaration of the British commissioners, to repair to head quarters, or to the quarters of the nearest general officer of the conti nental army, or militia, and there de liver up such protection and take the oath of allegiance to the United States ; granting liberty, however, to such as preferred " the interest and protection of Great Britain to the freedom and happiness of their country," to with draw themselves and families, within the enemy s lines. He, also, declared, that all those who should neglect or refuse to comply with his order, within thirty days from its date, should be deemed adherents to the king of Great Britain, and be treated as common ene mies to the American States.* * Mr. Curtis notices the fact that the legislature of New Jersey were disposed to complain of this 404 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. [Bx. III. This was a seasonable proclamation, and produced much effect. Intimi dated by the desperate aspect of Amer ican affairs, when Washington retreated into Pennsylvania, many of the inhabi tants of the Jerseys, looking upon the cause of America as hopeless, had been induced to submit to the British au thority ; but with respect to the prom ised protection, they had been entirely disappointed. Instead of protection and conciliation, they had been insulted by the rude insolence of a licentious sol diery, and plundered with indiscrimi nate and unsparing rapacity. Their passions were exasperated ; they thirst ed for vengeance, and were prepared for the most vindictive hostility against the British troops. Roused by a burn ing sense of the wrongs to which they had been subjected, they were ready to join the standard of their country, with more alacrity and determination than they had ever before manifested. On a review of the results of Wash ington s vigorous movements, it is plain that lie displayed energy, fire, and con summate generalship, the effects of which were at once of the most favor able description upon the country at large. " Achievements so astonishing," as Botta finely says, " obtained an im mense glory for the captain-general of the United States. All nations shared in the surprise of the Americans ; all act of Washington as an invasion of their state rights and sovereignty. One of the delegates from that state, in Congress, even went so far as to de nounce it as improper. It is a curious illustration of the extreme jealousy and sensitiveness of many in the community on the subject of the power and authority of the federal government. See Curtis s "History of the Constitution," vol. i., pp. 107, 8. equally admired and applauded the prudence, the constancy, and the noble intrepidity of General Washington. An unanimous voice pronounced him the saviour of his country ; all extolled him, as equal to the most celebrated commanders of antiquity ; all proclaim ed him the FABIUS OF AMERICA. His name was in the mouth of all ; he was celebrated by the pens of the most dis tinguished writers. The most illus trious personages of Europe lavished upon him their praises and their con gratulations. The American general, therefore, wanted neither a cause full of grandeur to defend, nor occasion for the acquisition of glory, nor genius to avail himself of it, nor the renown due to his triumphs, nor an entire generation of men perfectly well disposed to ren der him homage."* It is one of the saddest features of war, under any circumstances, that it leads to shocking excesses, and out rageous violations of almost every thing held sacred among men. The evil and brutal passions are roused, and thou sands of opportunities are offered for their unlicensed exercise. When the royal army entered the Jerseys, the inhabitants generally remained in their houses, and many thousands received printed protections, signed by order of the comniander-in-chief. But neither the proclamation of the commissioners, nor protections, saved the people from plunder any more than from insult. Their property was taken or destroyed without distinction of persons. They showed their protections; Hessians * Botta s " History of the War of Independence," vol. ii., p. 227. On. II.] EXCESSES AND BARBARITIES OF THE BRITISH. 465 could not read them, and would not understand them ; and the British sol diers thought they had as good a right to a share of the booty as the Hessians. The loyalists were plundered even at New York. General De Heister was considered the arch -plunderer. He of fered the house he lived in at New York to public sale ; though the property of a very loyal subject, who had volun tarily and hospitabl/ accommodated him with it. The goods of others, suf fering restraint or imprisonment among the Americans, were sold by auction. The carriages of gentlemen of the first rank were seized, their arms defaced, and the plunderer s arms blazoned in their place; and this, too, by British officers. Discontents and murmurs in creased every hour at the licentious ravages of the soldiery, both British and foreigners, who were shamefully permitted, with unrelenting hand, to pillage friend and foe in the Jerseys. Neither age nor sex was spared. In discriminate ruin attended every per son they met with. Infants, children, old men and women, were left in their shirts, without a blanket to cover them, under the inclemency of winter. Every kind of furniture was destroyed and burnt ; windows and doors were broken to pieces : in short, the houses were left uninhabitable, and the people without provisions; for every horse, cow, ox, and fowl, was carried off. Horrid dep redations and abuses were committed by that part of the army, which was stationed at or near Pennytown. Six teen young women fled to the woods, to avoid the brutality of the soldiers ; and were there seized and carried off. VOL. I. Gl Bitter complaints arose from all parts of America; and they were echoed throughout Europe, to the heavy re proach of England. Among those who exclaimed the loudest, were the French, who were naturally humane, and also enemies to the English, and partisans of the Americans. The cry was raised everywhere, that the English govern ment had revived in the new world the fury of the Goths, and the barbarity of the northern hordes. But so much savage fury returned upon its source, and became more fatal to its authors than to their victims. The few remain ing friends that England had, became enemies, and her enemies were filled with new hatred, and a more vehement desire of vengeance. Citizens of all classes flew to arms, with a sort of rage, to expel from their territory, as they said, these infamous robbers. Thus, the excesses of the royal army were probably more in jurious to the cause of the British, than even the efforts of Washington, and the resolves of Congress. Had Gen eral Howe, and those under his com mand, pursued the course which Carle- ton adopted in Canada, a course of kindness and gentleness towards the prisoners and the people, in general, there is every reason to believe that a large portion of those who were driven, in self-defence, to join the army of Washington, would have remained neu tral, at least, and perhaps would have been persuaded to take up arms for the side of the king and the invading force. Justice, however, requires that it be stated here, that excess and outrage were not confined altogether to the 466 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. [B K . 111. British troops. Love of pillage con taminated the Americans, too, to some extent. The houses and property of the unfortunate inhabitants of New Jersey were sacked, under pretext that they belonged to loyalists : even the officers themselves gave their soldiers the example of depredation. Thus they were pillaged by the Hessians and English as rebels to the king, and by the Americans, as being his partisans. These excesses became so revolting, that Washington, to whom they caused infinite pain, was constrained, in order to put a stop to them, to issue a procla mation, denouncing the most rigorous penalties against the perpetrators of such enormities.* As illustrating still further the ter rible state of suffering and misery to which prisoners were subjected at this period of the war, Ave give an extract from Gordon s History, a work of de cided value, and quite reliable. In the month of January, says Gor- don,f General Howe discharged all the privates, who were prisoners in New York. Great complaints were made of the horrid usage the Amer- 1777. * In the General Orders issued at the time, it was declared : " The general prohibits, both in the militia and continental troops, in the most positive terms, the infamous practice of plundering the inhabitants, under the specious pretence of their b^ng tories. It is our business to give protection and support to the poor distressed inhabitants, not to multiply and in crease their calamities. After this order, any officer found plundering the inhabitants, under the pretence of their being tories, may expect to be punished in the severest manner. The adjutant-general to fur nish the commanding officer of each division, with a copy of these orders, who is to circulate copies among his troops immediately." f " History of the American Revolution," vol. ii., p. 173-5. icans met with after they were cap tured. The garrison of Fort Wash ington surrendered by capitulation to General Howe, the 16th of November. The terms were, that the fort should be surrendered, the troops be con sidered prisoners of war, and that the American officers should keep their baggage and side arms. These articles were signed and afterward published in the New York papers. Major Otho Holland Williams, of Rawlings s rifle regiment, in doing his duty that day, unfortunately fell into the hands of the enemy. The haughty, imperious de portment of the officers, and the in solent scurrility of the soldiers of the British army, soon dispelled his hopes of being treated with lenity. Many of the American officers were plundered of their baggage, and robbed of their side arms, hats, cockades, etc., and otherwise grossly ill-treated. He and three companions were, on the third day, put on board the Baltic-Merchant, an hospital ship, then lying in the Sound. The wretchedness of his situa tion was in some degree alleviated, by a small pittance of pork and parsnip, which a good-natured sailor spared him from his own mess. The fourth day of their captivity, Rawlings, Hanson, M Intire and himself, all wounded offi cers, were put into one common dirt- cart, and dragged through the city of New York, as objects of derision, re viled as rebels, and treated with the utmost contempt. From the cart they were set down at the door of an old waste house, the remains of Hampden Hall, near Bridewell, which, because of the openness and filthiness of the place, CH. II.] HORRIBLE SUFFERINGS OF PRISONERS. 467 he had, a few months before, refused as barracks for his privates ; but now was willing to accept for himself and friends, in hopes of finding an intermission of the fatigue and persecution they had perpetually suffered. Some provisions were issued to the prisoners in the afternoon of that day, what quantity he could not declare, but it was of the worst quality he ever, till then, saw made use of. He was informed the al lowance consisted of six ounces of pork, one pound of biscuit, and some peas, per day for each man, and two bushels and a half of sea coal per week for the officers to each fire-place. These were admitted on parole, and lived generally in waste houses. The privates, in the coldest season of the year, were close confined in churches, sugar-houses, and other open buildings (which admitted all kinds of weather) and consequently were subjected to the severest kind of persecution that ever unfortunate cap tives suffered. Officers were insulted, and often struck for attempting to afford some of the miserable privates a small relief. In about three weeks he was able to walk, and was himself a witness to the extreme wretchedness his countrymen suffered. He could not describe their misery. Their constitu tions were not equal to the rigor of the treatment they received, and the con sequence was the death of many hun dreds. The officers were not allowed to take muster-rolls, nor even to visit their men, so that it was impossible to ascertain the numbers that perished ; but from frequent reports, and his own observations, he verily believed, as well as had heard many officers give it as their opinion, that not less than fifteen hundred prisoners perished in the course of a few weeks in the city of New York, and that this dreadful mortality was principally owing to the want of pro visions, and extreme cold. If they com puted too largely, it must be ascribed to the shocking, brutal manner of treat ing the dead bodies, and not any de sire of exaggerating the account of their sufferings. When the king s commis sary of prisoners intimated to some of the American officers, General Howe s intention of sending privates home on parole, they all earnestly desired it; a paper was signed expressing that de sire ; the reason for signing was, they well knew, the effects of a longer con finement, and the great numbers that died when on parole justified their pre- tentions to that knowledge. In Janu ary, almost all the officers were sent to Long Island on parole, and there bil- letted on the inhabitants, at two dollars per week. The filth in the churches (in conse quence of fluxes) was beyond descrip tion. Seven dead were found in one of them, at the same time, lying among the excrements of their bodies. The British soldiers were full of their low and insulting jokes on those oc casions, but less malignant than the tories. The provisions dealt out to the prisoners were not sufficient for the support of life ; and were deficient in quantity, more so in quality. The bread was loathsome and not fit to be eaten, and was thought to have been condemned. The allowance of meat was trifling, and of the baser sort. The consequence was, a suspicion of pre- 408 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. [BK. III. meditated and systematic plan to de stroy the youths of the land, and there by ruin the country. The integrity of these suffering prisoners was hardly credible. Hundreds submitted to death, rather than enlist in the British service, which they were most generally pressed to do. It was the opinion of the American officers that General Howe perfectly understood the condi tion of the private soldiers ; and they from thence argued, that it was exactly such as he and his council had devised. After General Washington s success in the Jerseys, the obduracy and malevo lence of the royalists subsided in some measure. The surviving prisoners were ordered to be sent out for an exchange ; but several of them fell down dead in the streets, while attempting to walk to the vessels. General Washington wrote to Gener al Howe in the beginning of April, " It is a fact not to be questioned, that the usage of our prisoners while in your possession, the privates at least, was such as could not be justified. This was proclaimed by the concurrent testi mony of all who came out. Their ap pearance sanctified the assertion, and melancholy experience in the speedy death of a large part of them, stamped it with infallible certainty." We turn from these painful details of the miseries of war to the considera tion of other matters in this year of trial and suffering. Washington, at the beginning of 1777, determined to have the army inoculated for the small-pox, which had made fearful ravages in the ranks. It was carried forward as secretly and carefully as possible, and the hospital physicians in Philadelphia were ordered at the same time to inoculate all the soldiers who passed through that city on their way to join the army. The same precautions were taken in the other military stations, and thus the army was relieved from an evil, which would have materially interfered with the success of the ensuing campaign. The example of the soldiery proved a signal benefit to the entire popula tion : the practice of inoculation became general ; and, by little and little, this fatal malady disappeared almost en tirely. In the hope that something might be effected at New York, Washington ordered General Heath, who was in command in the Highlands, to move down towards the city with a consider able force. Heath did so, and in a rather grandiloquent summons called upon Fort Independence to surrender. The enemy, however, stood their ground, and Heath, after a few days, retreated, having done nothing, and exposed himself to ridicule for not hav ing followed up his words with suitable deeds.* Washington, in view of the probable plans of Howe for the next campaign, was full of anxious thought as to how he should be prepared to meet him with any hope of success. His force was reduced to the lowest point ; the pernicious system of short enlistments was producing disastrous effects ; and the attempts to raise the army contem plated by the late resolves of Congress See living s "Life of Washington, 1 vol. ii., p. 514. Cn. II. J SUCCESSFUL ATTACK ON SAG HARBOR. 4G9 were, as yet, of no avail. The vexati ons questions of rank and the choice of officers, as well as the immense hard- - ships and trials of the service, exposed as the troops were to hunger and cold and nakedness, rendered it exceedingly difficult to fill up the ranks. The com- mander-in-chief was unceasing in his urgency upon the different states to for ward the enlistment as rapidly as pos sible, in order that he might make prep arations for the opening of the spring.* Howe, while waiting reinforcements from England, set on foot an expedition against the depot of American stores, at Peekskill, which, we are sorry to say, owing to the smallness of the force at that point, and the suddenness of the attack, was in great measure success ful. Not long afterwards, in the latter part of April, a simi lar expedition was made upon the bor ders of Connecticut. Two thousand men, under Governor Try on, marched against Danbury, for the purpose of de stroying the stores there collected for the use of the army. The Connecticut militia bravely met the enemy, but were unable to prevent the loss of the stores, among which were more than a thousand tents, at that time of special value to the Americans. The brave General Wooster, although now at the advanced age of seventy, engaged with ardor in the conflict, and fell mortally wounded. Arnold, who was recruiting in the vicinity, took post at Ridgefield, 1777. * In February of this year, Congress resolved That the flag of the thirteen United States be thir teen stripes, alternate red and white ; that the Union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new constellation. to dispute the passage of the British, but gave way after a sharp conflict, in which he was wounded. The British reached New York, after having burned and destroyed, with a species of savage ferocity, every thing they could lay their hands upon. As an offset to these expeditions against the Americans, a bold plan was formed in Connecticut to retaliate upon the enemy on Long Island. They were informed that the British had collected immense stores of forage, grain, and other necessaries for the troops, at Sag Harbor, and that it was defended by only a detachment of infantry, and a sloop of twelve guns. The English, however, believed themselves sufficient ly protected by their armed vessels which cruised in the Sound: they deemed it hardly possible that the Americans would dare to pass it, and attempt any thing upon Long Island- But the latter were nowise intimidated by the obstacles, and resolved to sur prise Sag Harbor, by a sudden incur sion. Accordingly, Colonel Meigs, one of the intrepid companions of Arnold in the expedition of Canada, crossed the Sound with as much rapidity as ability, and arrived before day at the place where the magazines were situat ed. Notwithstanding the resistance of the garrison and the crews of the ves sels, he burned a dozen brigs and sloops which lay at the wharf, and entirely de stroyed every thing on shore. Having accomplished the object of the expedi tion, he returned without loss to Guil- ford, in Connecticut, bringing with him many prisoners. The Americans mani fested, in this enterprise, the greatest 470 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. [B K . III. humanity : they abstained from the pil lage of private property, and even per mitted the prisoners to retain what be longed to them. Congress presented Colonel Meigs with a sword, and pub licly thanked him and the brave men under his command. General Howe s plans for the opening of the campaign, appear to have been well laid, and had he been sufficiently furnished with troops, and acted with promptitude and vigor, there was every reason to suppose that he might have been successful. But Howe was not well supplied with rein forcements, and late into the spring he remained singularly inactive. Wash ington, accordingly, was gradually fill ing up the ranks, to be able to sustain the contest. Unable, as yet, to pene trate the designs of Howe, he watched anxiously for the earliest indications, by which he might learn where the British commander intended to strike the first blow. In the present uncer tainty, Washington made such disposi tion of his forces, as seemed best calcu lated to meet the emergency. Accord ingly, the troops raised in the northern provinces, were stationed partly at Ticonderoga, and partly at Peekskill; those of the middle and southern prov inces, as far as North Carolina, occupied New Jersey; leaving a few corps for the protection of the more western provinces. In this manner, if General Howe moved against Philadelphia, he would find in front all the forces assembled in New Jersey, and in addition, those en camped at Peekskill, who would have descended to harass his right flank. If, on the other hand, he took the direc tion of Albany, the corps at Peekskill would defend the passages in front, while his left flank might also be at tacked by the troops of New Jersey, upon the banks of the Hudson. If, on the contrary, the English force in Canada were to come by sea, to join that of General Howe upon the shores of New Jersey, the troops at Peekskill could immediately unite with those that occupied the same province, and thus compose a formidable army for the de fence of Philadelphia. If, finally, the army in Canada attacked Ticonderoga, the troops at Peekskill might carry succors to those who were charged with the defence of that fortress. But as it was of great importance to preserve Philadelphia in the power of the United States, Congress ordered the formation of a camp upon the western bank of the Delaware, with the double object of receiving all the troops that arrived from the south and west, and of serv ing, in case of need, as a reserve. Here also were to assemble all the recruits from Pennsylvania, reinforced by sev eral regiments of continental troops. Arnold, who was at the time in Phila delphia, was placed in command at this post. Washington, having received a sea sonable supply of twenty-four thousand muskets, just arrived from France, left Morristown, and towards the latter part of May, occupied a strong position at Middlebrook, nine miles from New Brunswick. On the 13th of June, Howe marched out of New Brunswick, ostensibly to attack Philadelphia, but in reality, if possible, 1777. Cu. 11.1 WASHINGTON AND LAFAYETTE. 471 to draw Washington from his defences, and bring on a general engagement, which the commander-iu-chief was de termined to avoid. Having remained six days in this position without suc cess, Howe made a retrograde movement towards Amboy, which drew down Washington from the high ground as far as Quibbletown, when Howe, sud denly turning round, endeavored to cut him off from the hills ; but Wash ington retired again to Middlebrook. Foiled in this object, Howe crossed over to Staten Island, and evacuated the Jerseys. It was a matter of great perplexity to Washington, as to what might be the meaning of several movements at this time, on the part of the British. Burgoyne, it was well known, was in command of a large force in Canada, and was advancing upon Ticonderoga. In New York, preparations were made for some expedition by sea, which might be either to proceed against Philadelphia, or to attack New Eng land, for the purpose of creating a di version in favor of Burgoyue. It was not unlikely, also, that the real inten tion of all these measures might be, to ascend the Hudson, and to endeavor to form a junction with Burgoyne. Wash ington moved his force slowly, so as to be ready for this latter plan ; but when, in July, the British fleet went to sea, he retraced his steps towards the Dela ware, in order to be prepared to guard Philadelphia. During this period of suspense, Wash ington passed a few days in Philadel phia, in conference with Congress. It was here, for the first time, he saw the 1777. enthusiastic and generous-hearted Mar quis de Lafayette. Our limits do not admit of entering into the de tails of his romantic adven tures ; his being roused, at the age of nineteen, with the story of the Amer ican resistance to British oppression ; his leaving a young wife, to whom he was tenderly attached ; despite the prohibition of the French ministry, anxious to avoid openly assisting the Americans, his purchasing a vessel, and, with a chosen body of military comrades, his reaching America in safety ; and his presenting his creden tials to the Committee of Foreign Af fairs. At first, owing to the numerous applications for employment, he re ceived a very discouraging answer; but when he expressed his desire to serve as a volunteer, without pay, his claims were admitted, and he received the grade of major-general, before he was twenty years old.* Washington seems to have been charmed, at once, with the youthful patriot, and La fayette attached himself to the grave commander-in-chief, with a zeal and earnestness of devotion, that never flagged. Washington invited him to consider head-quarters as his home, and * The language of Congress, July 31st, 1777, was ; " Whereas, the Marquis de Lafayette, out of his great zeal to the cause of liberty, in which the United States are engaged, has left his family and connec tions, and, at his own expense, come over to offer his services to the United States without pension, or particular allowance, and is anxious to risk his life in our cause : " Resolved, That his service be accepted, and that, in consideration of his zeal, illustrious family, and connections, he have the rank and commission of major-general in the army of the United States." 472 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. [B K . III. Lafayette availed himself of the honor able privilege. "The bond of indis soluble friendship the friendship of heroes, was sealed from the first hour of their meeting to last throughout their lives, and to live in the memory of mankind forever." In this connection, it is but right to remind the reader of other illustrious men, who came from the old world, to aid our fathers in the struggle for liberty. Kosciusko, Pulaski, De Kalb, Steuben, and others, are ever to be held in honorable remembrance. On the 10th of July, by a bold movement, an important capture was effected, which served fully to offset the capture of Lee. General Prescott, who commanded the British troops in Rhode Island, finding himself on an island, surrounded by ships, and with a force greatly superior to what the Americans could assemble in this quar ter, became extremely negligent of his guard. Earnestly desiring to retaliate the capture of General Lee, a plan was formed for surprising General Prescott in his quarters, and of bringing him off prisoner. Accordingly, Lieutenant- colonel Barton, at the head of a party of forty of the country militia, well ac quainted with the places, embarked in whale-boats, and after having rowed a distance of above ten miles, and avoid ed with great dexterity the numerous vessels of the enemy, landed upon the western coast of Rhode Island, between Newport and Bristol Ferry. They re paired immediately, with the utmost silence and celerity, to the lodging of General Prescott. Having seized the astonished sentinels who guarded the door, an aid-de-camp went up into the chamber of the general, and arrest ed him, without giving him time even to put on his clothes ; and he was carried off with equal secrecy and success. This event afforded the Americans singular satisfaction. It was, however, particu larly galling to General Prescott, who not long before had been delivered by exchange from the hands of the Amer icans, after having been taken prisoner in Canada. In addition to this, he had lately been guilty of a petty piece of insolence, in setting a price upon the head of General Arnold, as if he had been a common outlaw and assassin, an insult which Arnold immediately re torted, by setting an inferior price upon Prescott s head. Congress publicly thanked Lieutenant-colonel Barton, and presented him with a sword. Howe, who had heretofore refused to part with Lee on any terms, was now brought to a different view of the matter, and that officer was allowed to return to his post in exchange for Prescott. Various and contradictory accounts reached Washington of the course which the fleet of Howe had steered. At one time, it was said to be return ing to the Hudson ; at another, that it was entering the Delaware ; and at another, that it had sailed away to wards Charleston. After a great deal of delay, late in the month of August, it was ascertained that the British had entered the Chesapeake, and were land ing the troops at the head of Elk River, intending thence to march directly upon Philadelphia. At the place of debarkation, the British army was within a few clays 1777. Cn II. i BATTLE OF THE BRANDYWINE. 473 marcli of Philadelphia ; no great rivers were in its way ; and there was no very strong position of which the Americans could take possession. On landing, General Howe issued a proclamation, promising pardon and protection to all who should submit to him ; but, as the American army was at hand, the proc lamation produced little effect. Washington distinctly understood the nature of the contest in which he was engaged ; and, sensible of the in feriority of his raw and undisciplined army, to the veteran troops under Sir William Howe, he wished to avoid a general engagement : but, aware of the effect which the fall of Philadelphia would produce on the minds of the mass of the people, who have no fixed principle or steady purpose, and who are incapable of just and general views, Brandy wine, to skirmish with the Brit ish, and retard them in their progress. On the morning of the llth of Sep tember, the British army advanced in two columns ; the right, under General Knyphausen, marched straight to Chad s Ford; the left, under Lord Cornwallis, accompanied by the com- mander-in-chief, and Generals Grey, Grant, and Agnew, proceeded by a circuitous route, towards a point named the Forks, where the two branches of the Brandy wine unite, with a view to turn the right of the Americans, and gain their rear. General Knyphausen s van soon found itself opposed to the light troops under General Maxwell. A smart conflict ensued. Knyphausen rejjporced his advanced guard, and drov64he Americans across the rivulet, to shelter , themselves under their bat he determined to make every effort, iifj teries on the north bank. Knyphausen order to retard the progress and defeat j ordered some* artillery to be placed on Accord- General the aim of the royal army. ingly, he marched to meet Howe, who, from want of horses, many of which had perished in the voyage, and from other causes, was unable to proceed from the head of the Elk be fore the 3d of September. On the ad vance of the royal army, General Wash ington retreated across the Brandy wine, a small stream which fulls into the Del aware at Wilmington. He took post, with his main body, opposite Chad s Ford, where it was expected the Brit ish would attempt the passage ; and or dered General Sullivan, with a detach ment, to watch the fords above. He sent General Maxwell, with about one thousand light troops, to occupy the high ground on the other side of the VOL. I. 62 4he most advantageous points, and a cannonade was carried on with the American batteries on the heights be yond the ford. Meanwhile, the left wing of the British crossed the fords above the Forks. Of this movement, Washing ton had early notice ; but the informa tion which he received from different quarters, through his raw and un- practiced scouts, was confused and con tradictory, and consequently his opera tions were embarrassed. After pacing the fords, Lord Cornwallis took tfce road to Dilworth, which led him on the American right. General Sullivan, who had been appointed to guard that quar ter, occupied the heights above Bir mingham church, his left extending to 474 PKOGEESS OF THE WAR. . Ill the Brandy wine, his artillery judiciously placed, and his right flank covered by woods. About four in the afternoon, Lord Cornwallis formed the line of battle, and began the attack : for some time the Americans sustained it with intrepidity, but at length gave way. When Washington heard the firing in that direction, he ordered General Greene, with a brigade, to support Sullivan. Greene marched four miles in forty-two minutes, but, on reaching the scene of action, he found Sullivan s division defeated, and fleeing in con fusion. He covered the retreat; and, after some time, finding an advanta geous position, he renewed the battle, and arrested the progress of the pur suing enemy. Knyphausen, as soon as he heard the firing of Lord Cornwallis s division, forced the passage of Chad s Ford, at tacked the troops opposite to him, and compelled them to make a precipitate and disorderly retreat. Washington, with the part of his army which he was able to keep together, retired with his artillery and baggage, to Chester, where he halted, within eight miles of the British army, till next morning, when he retreated to Philadelphia. Night, and the exhaustion of the British troops, saved the American army from pursuit. The battle at the Brandywine was attended with severe loss, three hun dred having been killed, six hundred wounded, and four hundred taken prisoners. The British loss was re ported to be much less, not exceeding Borne six hundred killed and wounded. Lafayette, who was on duty in this battle, was severely wounded in the leg, which laid him up for two months. Count Pulaski also displayed great bravery on the field of battle : he was promoted to the rank of brigadier-gen eral, and placed in command of the cavalry. An inquiry was instituted into Sullivan s conduct; but he was honorably acquitted. On the evening after the battle, Howe sent a party to Wilmington, who seized in bed Mr. M Kinley, gov ernor of the State of Delaware, and took a shallop lying in the stream, loaded with the rich effects of some of the in habitants, together with the public rec ords of the county, and other valuable and important property. Having allowed his army one day for repose and refreshment, General Washington recrossed the Schuylkill. O * and proceeded on the Lancaster road, with the intention of meeting and again fighting his enemy. Sir William Howe passed the night of the llth of Septem ber, on the field of battle ; and on the two succeeding days advanced towards Chester, and also took possession of Wilmington, to which place his sick and wounded were conveyed. On the 15th, the American army, intending to gain the left of the British, reached the Warren tavern, on the Lancaster road, twenty-three miles from Philadelphia. Intelligence being received early next morning, that Howe was approaching in two columns, Washington determined to meet and engage him in front. Both armies prepared with alacrity for battle. The advanced parties had met, and were beginning to skirmish, when they were separated by a heavy CH. II.] CONGRESS LEAVE PHILADELPHIA. 475 rain, which rendered the retreat of the Americans a measure of absolute neces sity. Their gun-locks not being well secured, their muskets soon became un fit for use. Their cartridge-boxes had oeen so inartificially constructed as not to protect their ammunition, and very many of the soldiers were without bay onets. The design of giving battle was reluctantly abandoned, and the retreat was continued all day and great part of the night, through a most distressing rain, and very deep roads. A few hours before day, the troops halted at the Yellow Springs, where the alarm ing fact was disclosed, that scarcely one musket in a regiment could be dis charged, and scarcely one cartridge in a box was fit for war. The army re tired to Warwick furnace, on the south branch of the French Creek, where a small supply of muskets and ammuni tion miorht be obtained, in time to dis- O ? pute the passage of the Schuylkill. General Wayne, with a detachment of fifteen hundred men, had taken post in the woods, on the left of the British army, with the intention of harassing it on its march. On the evening of the 20th of September, General Grey was dispatched to sur prise him, and successfully executed the enterprise; killing or wounding, chiefly with the bayonet, about three hundred men, taking nearly one hun dred prisoners, and making himself master of all their baggage. Grey had only one captain and three privates killed, and four wounded. Wayne hav ing been censured for 1his result, de manded a court-martial : he was ac quitted with honor. 1777. Foreseeing the necessity of speedily abandoning Philadelphia, Congress re moved the magazines and public stores: but still continued to protract their sittings, and maintain their authority to the latest moment. So far from showing any decline of confidence in Washington, they invested him with still more ample authority than before. He was empowered to seize upon all provisions needful for the sustenance of his army, paying for them in the public certificates ; and even to try by court-martial, and immediately execute, all persons giving any assistance to the British, or furnishing them with pro visions, arms, or stores. A supply of blankets, shoes, and clothing, was also required from the citizens of Philadel phia, before that city passed into the enemy s hands. These stringent pow ers, often painful to insist upon, were considered to be of inevitable necessity in the face of an advancing British army, and with the knowledge of a nu merous body of sympathizing tories or hesitating neutrals. Alexander Hamil ton, who was now of the grade of lieu tenant-colonel* was charged with this difficult and delicate matter ; it is super fluous, perhaps, to say, that he executed his task with energy, judgment, and as great success as was possible under the circumstances.* On the evening of the 18th of Sep tember, Congress left Philadelphia for the - second time, and proceeded first * The reader will be interested, we are sure, in reading a Charge to the Grand Jury, delivered at this date, by John Jay, Esq., chief justice of the State of New York. It will be found in the Appendix at th end of the present chapter. 476 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. . in. to Lancaster, and afterwards to York- town, where they continued for eight months, until Philadelphia was evacu ated by the British. On the afternoon of the 22d, and early on the 23d of September, Sir William Howe, con trary to the expectation of the Amer ican commander-in-chief, crossed the Schuylkill at Fatland and Gordon s Ford. The main body of his army en camped at Germantown, a village, seven miles from Philadelphia; and, on the 26th, with a detachment of his troops, he took peaceable possession of the city, where he was cordially received by the Quakers and other royalists. On receiving information of the suc cess of the royal army, under his brother, at the Brandy wine, Lord Howe left the Chesapeake and steered for the Dela ware, where he arrived on the 8th of October. As soon as General Howe had gained possession of Philadelphia, he began his efforts to clear the course of the river, in order to open a free communication with the fleet. The Americans had labored assidu ously to obstruct the navigation of the Delaware ; and, for thaf purpose, had sunk three rows of chevaux-de-frise, formed of large beams of timber bolted together, with strong projecting iron pikes, across the channel, a little below the place where the Schuylkill falls into the Delaware. The upper and lower rows were commanded by fortifications on the banks and islands of the river, and by floating batteries. While the detachments employed in assisting to clear the course of the river weakened the royal army at German- town, Washington, who lay encamped at Skippack Creek, on the north side of the Schuylkill, about seventeen miles from Germantown, meditated an attack upon it. Germantown consisted of one street, about two miles long; the line of the British encampment bisected the village almost at right angles, and had its left covered by the Schuylkill. Wash ington, having been reinforced by fif teen hundred troops from Peekskill, and one thousand Virginia militia, marched from Skippack Creek on the evening of the 3d of October, and at O dawn of day next morning attacked the royal army. After a smart conflict, he drove in the advanced guard, which was stationed at the head of the village, and, with his army divided into five columns, prosecuted the attack ; but Lieutenant-colonel Musgrave, of the 40th regiment, which had been driven in, and who had been able to keep five companies of the regiment together, threw himself into a large stone house in the village, belonging to Mr. Chew, which stood in front of the main col umn of the Americans, and there al most a half of Washington s army was detained for a considerable time. In stead of masking Chew s house with a sufficient force, and advancing rapidly with their main body, the Americans attacked the house, which was obsti nately defended. The delay was very unfortunate ; for the critical moment was lost in fruitless attempts on the house; the royal troops had time to get under arms, and be in readiness tc resist or attack, as circumstances re quired. General Grey came to the as sistance of Colonel Musgrave ; the en gagement for some time was general CH. II.] BATTLE OF GERMANTOWN. 477 and warm; at length the Americans began to give way, and effected a re treat, with all their artillery. The morning was very foggy, a circum stance which had prevented the Amer icans from combining and conducting their operations as they otherwise might have done, but which now favored their retreat, by concealing their movements. In this engagement, the British had six hundred men killed or wounded; among the slain were Brigadier-general Agnew and Colonel Bird, officers of dis tinguished reputation. The Americans lost an equal number in killed and wounded, besides four hundred, who were taken prisoners. General Nash, of North Carolina, was among those who were killed. After the battle, Washington returned to his encamp ment at Skippack Creek.* But although the British army had been successful in repulsing the Amer icans, yet their situation was not com fortable ; nor could they easily main tain themselves in Pennsylvania, unless the navigation of the Delaware were opened, and a free communication es tablished between the fleet and army. The upper line of chevaux-de-frise, was protected by a work named Fort Mifflin, * Mr. Sparks, in recording this battle, speaks of the good effect of it upon the views of the Count de Vergennes, who remarked to the American com missioners in Paris, " That nothing struck him so much as General Washington s attacking and giving battle to General Howe s army ; that to bring an army, raised within a year, to this, promises everything," From this, as well as other occurrences, it is evident that the French government narrowly scanned the military movements of Washington, and also, that, his being the commander-in-chief, had an important bearing upon their final decision to give aid to the American cause. erected on a marshy island in the Del. aware, called Mud Island, formed by an accumulation of sand and vegetable mould near the Pennsylvania bank of the river, and by a redoubt, called Red- bank, on the Jersey side. At a small distance below Mud Island, and nearly in a line with it, are two others, named Province and Hog s Islands ; between these and the Pennsylvania bank of the river was a narrow channel, of suffi cient depth to admit ships of moderate draught of water. The reduction of Forts Mifflin and Redbank, and the opening of the Delaware, were of essen tial importance to the British army in the occupation of Philadelphia. In or der, therefore, that he might be able more conveniently to assist in those operations, Howe, on the 19th of Oc tober, withdrew his army from German- town, and encamped in the vicinity of Philadelphia. He dispatched Count Douop, a German officer, with twelve hundred Hessians, to reduce Redbank. This detachment crossed the Delaware, at Philadelphia, on the evening of the 21st of October, and next afternoon reached the place of its destination. Count Donop summoned the fort to surren der ; but Colonel Greene, of Rhode Island, who commanded in the redoubt, answered that he would defend his post to the last extremity. Count Donop immediately led his troops to the as sault, advancing under a close fire from the fort, and from the American vessels of war. and floating batteries on the river ; he forced an extensive and un finished outwork, but could make no impression on the redoubt. The cc unt 478 PROGRESS OF THE WAR. L Bn. Ill was mortally wounded ; the second in command also was disabled ; and, after a desperate conflict and severe loss, the assailants were compelled to retreat un der a fire similar to that which had met them in their advance. Count Donop was made prisoner, and soon died of his wounds. The affair did not terminate here. That part of the fleet which co-operated in the attack was equally unfortunate. The Augusta, Roebuck, Liverpool, Pearl, and Merlin, vessels of war, had passed through an opening in the lower line of chevaux-de-frise ; and, on the commencement of Count Donop s at tack, moved up the river with the flow ing tide. But the artificial obstructions had altered the course of the channel, and raised sand banks where none ex isted before. Hence, the Augusta and Merlin grounded a little below the second row of chevaux-de-frise. At the return of the tide, every exertion was made to get them off, but in vain. In the morning, the Americans perceiv ing their condition, began to fire upon them, and sent fire-ships against them. The Augusta caught fire; and, the flames spreading rapidly, it was with the utmost difficulty that the crew were got out of her. The second lieutenant, chaplain, gunner, and some seamen, per ished in the flames; but the greater part of the crew was saved. The Mer lin was abandoned and destroyed. Notwithstanding these misfortunes, the operations requisite for reducing the forts on the river, were carried on with great activity. Batteries were erected on the Pennsylvania bank, opposite Mud Island ; but from the difficulty of con structing works on marshy ground, and of transporting heavy artillery through swamps, much time was consumed be fore they could be got ready to act with effect. The British also took pos session of Province Island; and, al though it was almost wholly overflow ed, erected works upon it. On the 15th of November, every thing was ready for a grand attack on Fort Mifflin. The Vigilant armed ship and a hulk, both mounted with heavy cannon, passed up the strait between Hog and Province Islands and the Pennsylvania bank, in order to take their station opposite the weakest part of the fort. The Isis, Somerset, Hoe- buck, and several frigates, sailed up the main channel, as far as the second line of chevaux-de-frise would permit them, and placed themselves in front of the work. The little garrison of Fort Mifflin, not exceeding three hundred men, had greatly exerted themselves in opposing and retarding the operations of the British fleet and army against them ; and in this desperate crisis, their cour age did not forsake them. A terrible cannonade against Fort Mifflin was be gun and carried on by the British bat teries and shipping ; and was answered by the fort, by the American galleys- and floating batteries on the river, and by their works on the Jersey banlc In the course of the day, the fort was in a great measure demolished, and many of the guns dismounted. The garrison, finding their post no longer tenable, retired, by means of their ship ping, during the night. Two days afterwards, the post at Eedbank was CH. II.] WASHING! ON AT VALLEY FORGE. 479 evacuated also. Lord Cornwallis march ed against it ; but the garrison retreat ed before his arrival. The American shipping in the river, being now left unprotected, retired up the stream : part of it, by keeping close to the Jersey side, passed the batteries at Philadelphia during the night, and escaped ; the rest was set on fire, and abandoned. Even the part of it, how ever, which escaped at this time, was afterwards destroyed. Thus the navi gation of the Delaware was opened, and a free communication established between the fleet and army ; but the defence of the river was so obstinate, that a considerable part of the cam paign was wasted in clearing it. Washington having received a rein forcement from the northern army, after the termination of the campaign in that quarter, left his strong camp at Skippack Creek, and, advancing nearer the British, occupied an advantageous position at White Marsh, fourteen miles from Philadelphia. He had a valley and rivulet in front, and his right was protected by an abattis, or fence of trees cut down, with their top branches pointed and turned outwards. Sir William Howe thinking that Washington, encouraged by his rein forcements, would hazard a battle for the recovery of the capital of Pennsyl vania, or that a successful attack might be made on his position, marched from Philadelphia on the evening of the 4th of December, and next morning took post on Chestnut Hill, in front of the right wing of the American army. During the two succeeding days, Gen eral Howe made several movements in front of the hostile encampment, and some skirmishing ensued. But Wash ington remained within his lines ; and Howe, deeming it uuadvisable to attack him there, and seeing no probability of being able to provoke him to engage on more equal terms, returned with his army, on the 8th of December, to Phil- adelphia. At that time, the two armies were nearly equal in point of numerical force, each consisting of upwards of fourteen thousand men. Soon after wards General Washington determined to quit White Marsh, and go into winter-quarters at Valley Forge, about twenty miles from Philadelphia. During the active part of the cam paign, the British army was most nu merous ; and although, in the beginning of December, the numerical force of the two armies was nearly equal, yet there was a great difference in the quality and equipment of the troops. Those under Howe were veterans, accustomed to the most exact discipline and subor dination, well armed, and abundantly supplied with military stores and other necessaries : but those under Washing ton, were, for the most part, raw levies and militia, ill-disciplined, imperfectly armed, and strangers to military sub ordination ; hence, the Americans were unable to meet the royal troops on equal terms. Washington was obliged to occupy strong positions, and to be wary in all his movements : he was beaten at the Brandywine, and re pulsed at Germantown: on the other hand, although Howe was successful in all his operations, yet he gained nothing by the campaign, but good winter-quar ters in Philadelphia. 480 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II. [B K . ID. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II L LETTER FROM MAJOR GENERAL ROBERTSON TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR LIVINGSTON. NEW YORK, January 4, 1777. SIR : I am interrupted in ray daily attempts to soften the calamities of persons, and reconcile their case with our security, by a general cry of resentment, arising from an information That officers in the king s service, taken on the 27th of November, and Mr. John Brown, a dep uty commissary, are to be tried in Jersey for high treason ; and that Mr. Iliff and another prisoner have been hanged. Though I am neither authorized to threaten or to soothe,, my wish to prevent an increase of hor rors, will justify my using the liberty of an old ac quaintance, to desire your interposition to put an end to, or prevent measures which, if pursued on one side, would tend to prevent every act of hu manity on the other, and render every person who exercises this to the king s enemies, odious to his friends. I need nst }>oint out to you all the cruel conse quences of sucn & procedure. I am hopeful you ll prevent them, and excuse this trouble from, Sir, your obedient humble servant, JAMES ROBERTSON. N. B. At the moment that the cry of murder reached my ears, I was signing orders that Fell s request to have the liberty of the city, and Colonel Reynold now be set free on his parole, should be complied with. I have not recalled the order, be cause, though the evidence be strong, I cannot believe it possible, a measure so cruel and un- politic, could be adopted, where you bear sway. To WILLIAM LIVINGSTON, Esq., etc., etc. GOVERNOR LIVINGSTON S ANSWER. January 7, 1777. SIR : Having received a letter under your signature, dated the 4th instant, which I have Borne reason to think you intended for me, I sit down to answer your inquiries concerning certain officers in the service of your king, taken on Staten Island, and one Browne, who calls himself a deputy commissary ; and also respecting one Iliff and another prisoner, (I suppose you must mean John Mee, he having shared the fate yen mention,) who have been hanged. Buskirk, Earl and Hammel, who are, I pre sume, the officers intended, with the said Browne, were sent to me by General Dickenson, as prison ers taken on Staten Island. Finding them all to be subjects of this state, and to have committed treason against it, the council of safety committed them to Trenton jail. At the same time I ac quainted General Washington, that if he chose to treat the three first, who were British officers, as prisoners of war, I doubted not the Council of Safety would be satisfied. General Washington has since informed me, that he intends to consider them as such ; and they are therefore at his ser vice, whenever the commissary of prisoners shall direct concerning them. Browne, I am told, com mitted several robberies in this state, before he took sanctuary on Staten Island, and I should scarcely imagine that he has expiated the guilt of his former crimes, by committing the greater one, of joining the enemies of his country. However, if General Washington chooses to consider him also as a prisoner of war, I shall not interpose in the matter. Iliff was executed after a trial by a jury, for enlisting our subjects, himself being one, as re cruits in the British army, and he was apprehended on his way with them to Staten Island. Had he never been subject to this state, he would have forfeited his life as spy. Mee was one of his company, and had also procured our subjects to enlist in the service of the enemy. If these transactions, sir, should induce you to countenance greater severities towards our people, whom the fortune of war has thrown into your OH. II.] JUDGE JAY S CHARGE. 481 power, than they have already suffered, you will pardon me for thinking that you go farther out of your way to find palliatives for inhumanity than necessity seems to require ; and if this be the cry of murder to which you allude, as having reached your ears, I sincerely pity your ears for being so frequently assaulted with cries of murder much more audible, because much less distant ; I mean the cries of your prisoners, who are con stantly perishing in the jails of New York, the coolest and most deliberate kind of murder, from the rigorous manner of their treatment. I am, with all due respect, your most humble servant, WILLIAM LIVINGSTON. JAMES ROBERTSON, Esq., etc., etc., etc. P. S. You have distinguished me by a title which I have neither authority nor ambition to assume. I know of no man, sir, who bears sway in this state. It is our peculiar felicity, and our superiority over the tyrannical system we have discarded, that we are not swayed by men. In New Jersey, sir, the laws alone bear sway. II. JUDGE JAY S CHARGE. The charge delivered by JOHN JAY, ESQ., Chief Justice of the State of New York, to the Grand Jury of the Supreme Court, held at Kingston, in Ulster County, September 9, 1777.* GENTLEMEN : It affords me very sensible pleas ure to cosgratulate you on the dawn of that free, mild and equal government, which now begins to rise and break from amidst those clouds of an archy, confusion, and licentiousness, which the arbitrai y and violent domination of the king of Great Britain had spread, in greater or less de grees, throughout this and the other American states. And it gives me particular satisfaction to remark, that the first fruits of our excellent Constitution appear in a part of this state, whose inhabitants have distinguished themselves, by having unanimously endeavored to deserve them. This is one of those signal instances, in which AnvEUTiSEMENT. The following charge was given at a time wlion the Assembly and Se?iato vere convening, and the whole sys tem of government, established by the Constitution, about being put in motion. The Grand Inquest was composed of the most re spectable characters in the county, and no less than twenty-two of tlicm attended and wern sworn. VOL. I. 63 Divine Providence has made the tyranny of princes instrumental in breaking the chains of their subjects, and rendered the most inhuman de signs, productive of the best consequences, to those against whom they were intended. The infatuated sovereign of Britain, forgetful that kings were the servants, not the proprietors, and ought to be the fathers, not the incendiaries of their people, hath, by destroying our former Constitutions, enabled us to erect more eligible systems of government on their ruins, and, by unwarrantable attempts, to bind us, in all cases whatever, has reduced us to the happy necessity of being free from his control in any. Whoever compares our present with our former Constitution, will find abundant reason to rejoice in the exchange, and readily admit, that all the calamities, incident to this war, will be amply compensated by the many blessings flowing from this glorious revolution. A revolution which, in the whole course of its rise and progress, is dis tinguished by so many marks of the Divine favor and interposition, that no doubt can remain of its being finally accomplished. It was begun, and has been supported, in a manner so singular, and I may say, miraculous, that when future ages shall read its history, they will be tempted to consider great part of it as fabulous. What, among other things, can appear more unworthy of credit, than that in an enlight ened age, in a civilized and Christian country, in a nation so celebrated for humanity, as well as love of liberty and justice, as the English once justly were, a prince should arise, who, by the influence of corruption alone, should be able to seduce them into a combination, to reduce three millions of his most loyal and affectionate subjects, to ab solute slavery, under pretence of a right, apper taining to GOD alone, of binding them in all cases whatever, not even excepting cases of conscience and religion ? What can appear more improb able, although true, than that this prince, and this people, should obstinately steel their hearts, and shut their ears, against the most humble pe titions and affectionate remonstrances, and un justly determine, by violence and force, to execute designs which were reprobated by every principle of humanity, equity, gratitude and policy de signs which would have been execrable, if in tended against savages and enemies, and yet formed against men descended from the same con- 482 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II. [BK. in mon ancestors with themselves ; men, who had liberally contributed to their support, and cheer fully fought their battles, even in remote and bale ful climates ? Will it not appear extraordinary, that thirteen colonies, the object of their wicked designs, divided by variety of governments and manners, should immediately become one people and. though without funds, without magazines, without disciplined troops, in the face of their ene mies, unanimously determine to be free ; and, un daunted by the power of Britain, refer their cause to the justice of the Almighty, and resolve to re pel force by force ? Thereby presenting to the world an illustrious example of magnanimity and virtue scarcely to be paralleled. Will it not be matter of doubt and wonder, that, notwithstand ing these difficulties, they should raise armies, es tablish funds, carry on commerce, grow rich by the spoils of their enemies, and bid defiance to the armies of Britain, the mercenaries of Germany, and the savages of the wilderness ? But, how ever incredible these things may in future appear, we know them to be true, and we should always remember, that the many remarkable and unex pected means and events, by which our wants have been supplied, and our enemies repelled or restrained, are such strong and striking proofs of the interposition of heaven, that our having been hitherto delivered from the threatened bondage of Britain, ought, like the emancipation of the Jews from Egyptian servitude, to be forever ascribed to its true cause, and instead of swelling our breasts with arrogant ideas of our prowess and import ance, kindle in them a flame of gratitude and piety, which may consume all remains of vice and irreligion. Blessed be God ! the time will now never arrive when the prince of a country, in an other quarter of the globe, will command your obedience and hold you in vassalage. His consent has ceased to be necessary, to enable you to enact laws essential to your welfare ; nor will you, in future, be subject to the imperious sway of rulers, instructed to sacrifice your happiness, whenever it might be inconsistent with the ambitious views of their royal master. The Americans are the first people whom heaven has favored with an opportunity of de liberating upon, and choosing the forms of gov ernment under which they should live ; all other constitutions have derived their existence from violence or accidental circumstances, and are therefore probably more distant from their per fection, which, though beyond our reach, may nevertheless be approached under the guidance of reason and experience. How far the people of this state have improved this opportunity, we are at no loss to determine. Their Constitution has given general satisfaction at home, and been not only approved, but ap plauded abroad. It would be a pleasing task to take a minute view of it, to investigate its prin ciples, and remark the connection and use of ita several parts ; but that would be a work of too great length to be proper on this occasion. I must therefore confine myself to general observa tions ; and among those which naturally arise from a consideration of this subject, none are more obvious, than that the highest respect has been paid to those great and equal rights of hu man nature, which should forever remain inviolate in every society ; and that such care has been taken in the disposition of the legislative, execu tive and judicial powers of government, as to promise permanence to the Constitution, and give energy and impartiality to the distribution of jus tice. So that, while you possess wisdom to dis cern, and virtue to appoint men of worth and abilities, to fill the offices of the state, you will be happy at home and respectable abroad. Yonr life, your liberties, your property, will be at the disposal only of your Creator and yourselves. You will know no power but such as you will create, no authority unless derived from your grant ; no laws, but such as acquire all their obli gations from your consent. Adequate security is also given to the rights of conscience and private judgment. They arc, b^ nature, subject to no control but that of the Deity, and in that free situation they are now left. Every man is permitted to consider, to adore and to worship his Creator in the manner most agree able to his conscience. No opinions are dictated ; no rules of faith prescribed ; no preference given to one sect to the prejudice of others. The Con stitution, however, has wisely declared, that the " liberty of conscience, thereby granted, shall not be so construed, as to excuse acts of licentiousness, or justify practices inconsistent with the peace or safety of this state." In a word, the Convention, by whom that Constitution was formed, were of opinion, that the Gospel of CHRIST, like the ark of Cn. II.] JUDGE JAY S CHARGE. 483 GOD, would not fall, though unsupported by the arm of flesh, and happy would it be for mankind, if that opinion prevailed more generally. But let it be remembered, that whatever marks of wisdom, experience and patriotism there may be in your Constitution, yet, like the beautiful sym metry, the just proportions, and elegant forms of our first parent, before their Maker breathed into them the breath of life, it is yet to be animated, and till then, may indeed excite admiration, but will be of no use. "FT *^ people it must re ceive its spirit, and by them be quickened. Let virtue, honor, the love of liberty and of science be, and remain, the soul of this Constitution, and it will become the source of great and extensive happiness to this and future generations. Vice, ignorance, and want of vigilance, will be the only enemies able to destroy it. Against these provide, and, of these, be forever jealous. Every member of the state, ought diligently to read. and study the Constitution of his country, and teach the rising generation to be free. By knowing their rights, they will sooner perceive when they are violated, and be the better prepared to defend and assert them. This, gentlemen, is the first court held under the authority of our Constitution, and I hope its proceedings will be such, as to merit the appro bation of the friends,, and avoid giving cause of censure to the enemies, of the present establish ment. It is proper to observe, that no person in this state, h:wever exalted or low his rank, however dignified or humble his station, but has a right to the protection of, and is amenable to the laws of the land ; and that if those laws be wisely made, and duly executed, innocence will be defended, op pression punished, and vice restrained. Hence it becomes the common duty, and indeed the com mon interest, of every subject of the state, and particularly of those concerned in the distribution of justice, to unite in repressing the licentious, in supporting the laws, and thereby diffusing the blessings of peace, security, order, and good gov ernment, through all degrees and ranks of men among us. I presume it will be unnecessary to remind you, that neither fear, favor, resentment, or other per sonal and partial considerations, should influence your conduct. Calm, deliberate reason, candor, moderation, a dispassionate, and yet a deter mined resolution to do your duty, will, I am persuaded, be the principles by which you will be directed. You will be pleased to observe, that all offences committed in this county against the peace of the people of this state, from treason to trespass, are proper objects of your attention and inquiry. You will pay particular attention to the prac tice of counterfeiting the bills of credit, emitted by the general CONGRESS, or other of the AMERICAN STATES, and of knowingly passing such counter feits. Practices no less criminal in themselves, than injurious to the interest of that great cause, on the success of which the happiness of AMERICA so essentially depends. 484 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. , 111. CHAPTER III. 1777. THE NOKTHEKN CAMPAIGN OF 177V. Durgoyne appointed commander over Carleton Force under his commap -Indians employed by the British Government Burgoyne s speech to the Indians His grandiloquent proclamation St. Clair at Ticonderoga British occupy Sugar Hill St. Clair determines to retreat Pursued by the British Severe loss to the Americans Consternation throughout the colonies in consequence of Burgoyne s success Schuyler s vigorous efforts to retard Burgoyne s advance Proceedings of Congress Washington s letter P,emforce- ments sent to the North Burgoyne s slow progress Difficulties in his way Determines to seek supplies by an expedition against Bennington Zeal of Langdon Stark in command Baum Defeated Praise due to Stark St. Leger on the Mohawk Invests Fort Stanwix Battle near Oriskany Herkimer s death "Willet s sally Arnold s stratagem Indian fickleness British retreat Gates appointed over Schuyler Schuyler s chagrin Gates s correspondence with Burgoyne Death of Miss McCrea Burgoyne a difficulties increase Crosses the Hudson Severe battle at Stillwater Americans gain the advantage Crisis in affairs Second battle Very sharp contest Fraser s death Lady Ackland s heroism Bur goyne attempts to retreat Unable to do so Capitulation Clinton on the Hudson His success there Vandalism of Vaughan Botta s remarks Kindness of Americans to the foe Congress refuse to allow British troops to embark. APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III. I. Burgoyne s proclamation, etc. Poetic Version of the proclamation. II. Extract from Gates s and Burgoyne s correspondence. WHILE Washington was engaged, as we have related, in endeavoring to maintain the cause of liberty in New Jersey and Pennsylvania, the northern campaign was carried on with vigor and with brilliant success. We have before spoken of the plan of the Brit ish commander to open a passage by way of the Hudson to Canada, and thus sever the Eastern States from the remainder of the confederacy, a plan which, if it could have been effected, would have seriously injured the Amer ican cause. On a previous page (see pp. 370-4) we have told the story of the Canada expedition and its ill success, until in June, 1776, the Americans en tirely evacuated Canada. We have also detailed the vigorous efforts of Carleton to advance southwardly, (p. 427, etc.) and the obstinate resistance of the Americans on the Lake under Arnold The approach of winter prevented that able British officer from further ad vances. We now take up the story at the opening of the campaign of 1777. General Burgoyne, who was an am bitious enterprising man, had succeeded in obtaining the command of the Brit ish forces in Canada, notwithstanding O Carleton had displayed superior ability in conducting operations in that quar ter the year previous, and was entitled to a continuance of his command. Bur goyne had visited England during the winter, concerted with the ministry a plan of the campaign, and given an es timate of the force necessary for its successful execution. Several distin guished officers were sent out with him, as Generals Philips, Eraser, Powel, Hamilton, Reidesel, and Specht. Be- CH. III.] BURGOYNE S SPEECH TO THE INDIANS. 485 sides a fine train of artillery and a suitable body of artillerymen, an army, consisting of more than seven thousand veteran troops, excellently equipped, and in a high state of discipline, was put under his command. Besides this regular force, he had a great number of Canadians and savages. The employment of the Indians was deliberately determined upon by the British government at the very com mencement of hostilities. This, though sometimes doubted, is clearly proved by the letters of Lord Dartmouth to Colonel Johnson, under date of the 5th and 24th of July, 1775. "It is his Majesty s pleasure," says the secretary, "that you do lose no time in taking such steps as may induce the Six Na tions to take up the hatchet against his Majesty s rebellious subjects in Amer ica, and to engage them, in his Majes ty s service upon such plan as shall be suggested to you by General Gage, to whom this letter is sent, accompanied with a large assortment of goods for presents to them upon this important occasion."* As no small dependence was placed upon the Indian allies, Gen- ral Carleton was directed to use all his influence to bring a large body of them into the field, and his exertions were very successful. After detaching Colonel St. Leger, with a body of light troops and In dians, amounting to about eight him- * See Judge Campbell s interesting paper, read be fore the " New York Historical Society," Oct. 7th, 1815, in relation to " the direct agency of the British Government in the employment of the Indians in the Revolutionary War." Appendix to " The Border Warfare of New }>* " pp. 321-337. 1777. dred men, by the way of Lake Oswego and the Mohawk River, to make a di version in that quarter, and to join him when he advanced to the Hudson, General Burgoyne left St John s, on the 16th of June, and, pre ceded by his naval armament, sailed up Lake Champlain, and in a few days landed and encamped near Crown Point, earlier in the season than it had been supposed possible for him to ef fect this movement. It was here that Burgoyne gave the Indians a war-feast, and made a speech to them, calculated to inflame their zeal, and intended also to restrain their barbarous excesses. " Go forth," he said, " in the might of your valour ; strike at the common enemies of Great Britain and America, disturbers of pub lic order, peace, and happiness, destroy ers of commerce, parricides of the state." lie praised their perseverance and constancy, and patient endurance of privation, and artfully flattered them by saying, that in these respects they offered a model of imitation for his army. He then entreated of them, as the king s allies, to regulate their own mode of warfare by that pro scribed to their civilized brethren. " I positively forbid," he further said to them, " all bloodshed when you are not opposed in arms. Aged men, women, and children, must be held sacred from the knife and hatchet even in the time of actual conflict. You shall receive compensation for the prisoners you take, but you shall be called to ac count for scalps. In conformity and indulgence to your customs, which have affixed an idea of honor to such badges 486 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. [B K . IIL of victory, you shall be allowed to take tlie scalps of tlie dead when killed by your fire and in fair opposition, but on no account, or pretence, or subtlety, or prevarication, are they to be taken from the wounded, or even the dying, and still less pardonable, if possible, will it be held to kill men in that con dition on purpose, and upon a supposi tion that this protection to the wounded would thereby be evaded." The In dians, were, as usual, ready to promise what was expected of them ; but no reliance was to be placed upon their promises, and the English name re ceived a stain not easy to efface, in having let loose upon the Americans the savage fury of their Indian confed erates. Burgoyne having advanced to Ti- conderoga, under date of July 2d, Issued a grandiloquent proclamation, addressed to the people of the coun try, threatening terrible things to the refractory, and holding out promises of protection and favor to those who would submit. This proclamation, coming from a man of some considerable literary preten sion, is a curious document ; the reader will find it in the Appendix to the present chapter, as also one of those keen, satirical replies to which it gave rise. In truth, nothing could have been more ill-judged; for the Amer icans were the last people in the world to be frightened or cajoled by bom bastic words. Ticonderoga was but poorly garri soned, in consequence of the larger part of the force from the north hav ing joined the commander-in-chief, in 177T. New Jersey. General St. Clair was in command, and had about two thou sand men under him; but the works were extensive enough to require ten thousand to man them fully against a strong invading force. Opposite Ticon deroga, on the east side of the channel, which is here between three hundred and four hundred yards wide, stands a high circular hill, called Mount Inde pendence, which had been occupied by the Americans when they abandoned Crown Point, and strongly fortified On the top of it, which is flat, they had erected a fort, and provided it suf ficiently with artillery. Near the foot of the mountain, which extends to the water s edge, they had raised entrench ments, and mounted them with heavy guns, and had covered those lower works by a battery about half way up the hill. With prodigious labor they had constructed a communication between those two posts, by means of a wooden bridge which was supported by twenty- two strong wooden pillars, placed at nearly equal distances from each other. The spaces between the pillars were filled up by separate floats, strongly fastened to each other and to the pil lars, by chains and rivets. The bridge was twelve feet wide, and the side of it next Lake Champlain was defended by a boom formed of large pieces of timber, bolted and bound together by double iron chains an inch and a half thick. Thus an easy communication was established between Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, and the pas sage of vessels up the strait prevented. Immediately after passing Ticonder- CH. III.] ST. CLAIR EVACUATES TICONDEROGA. 48? oga, the channel becomes wider, and, on the south-east side, receives a large body of water from a stream, at that point called South River, but higher up, named Wood Creek. From the south-west come the waters flowing from Lake George; and in the angle formed by the confluence of those two streams rises a steep and rugged emi nence, called Sugar Hill, which over looks and commands both Ticonderoga and Mount Independence. That hill had been examined by the Americans; but General St. Clair, considering the force under his command insufficient to occupy the extensive works of Ticon deroga and Mount Independence, and flattering himself that the extreme dif ficulty of the ascent would prevent the British from availing themselves of it, neglected to take possession of Sugar Hill. When the van of Burgoyne s army appeared, St. Clair was ignorant of the powerful force which was at hand. No news of the large reinforcements from Europe had reached him, and he sup posed that it would not be difficult to repulse any assault upon the fort. The British, however, -encamped with a large force only four miles from the forts, and the fleet anchored just be yond the reach of the guns. After a slight resistance, Burgoyne took posses sion of Mount Hope, an important post on the south of Ticonderoga, which commanded part of the lines of the for 4 --, as well as the channel leading to Lake George, and extended his lines so as completely to invest the fort on the west side. The German division, under General Reidesel, occupied the eas tern bank of the channel, and sent forward a detachment to the vicinity of the rivulet which flows from Mount Independence. Burgoyne, being in formed that Sugar Hill, if occupied, completely commanded the fortress, re solved to take possession of it at once and with very great labor and difficulty, after five days labor, the artillery was dragged to the top, and the hill waa named Mount Defiance, because now the British were able to defy their enemies to good purpose. The besieged were unable to oppose any check to these movements, and St. Clair was now nearly surrounded. Only the space between the stream which flows from Mount Independence and South River remained open, and that was to be occupied next day. In these circumstances it was requi site for the garrison to come to a prompt and decisive resolution ; either, at every hazard, to defend the place to the last extremity, or immediately to abandon it. St. Clair called a council of war, the members of which unanimously advised the immediate evacuation of the forts ; and preparations were instantly made for carrying this decision into ef fect. The British had the command of the communication with Lake George ; and, consequently, the garrison could not escape in that direction. The re treat could be effected by the South River only. Accordingly, the invalids, the hospital, and such stores as could be most easily removed, were put on board two hundred boats, and, escorted by Colonel Long s regiment, proceeded, on the night between the 5th and 6th of July, up the South River towards 488 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. [B K . in. 1777. Skeenesborough. The garrisons of Ti- conderoga and Mount Independence marched by land through Castleton towards the same place. The troops were ordered to march out in profound silence, and particularly to set nothing on fire. But these prudent orders were disobeyed ; and, before the rear guard was in motion, the house on Mount Independence, which General Fermoy had occupied, was seen in flames. That served as a signal to the enemy, who immediately entered the works, and fired, but without effect, on the rear of the retreating army. The Americans marched in some confusion to Hubbardton, whence the main body, under St. Clair, pushed for ward to Castleton. But the English were not idle. General Fra- ser, at the head of a strong detachment of grenadiers and light troops, commenced an eager pursuit by land, upon the right bank of Wood Creek. General Reidesel, behind him, rapidly advanced with his Brunswick- ers, either to support the English, or to act separately, as occasion might re quire. Burgoyne determined to pur sue the enemy by water. But it was first necessary to destroy the boom and bridge which had been constructed in front of Ticonderoga. The British seamen and artificers immediately en gaged in the operation, and in less time than it would have taken to de scribe their structure, those works, which had cost so much labor and so vast an expense, were cut through and demolished. The passage thus cleared, the ships of Burgoyne immediately en tered Wood Creek, and proceeded with extreme rapidity in search of the enemy. All was in movement at once upon land and water. By three iir. the afternoon, the van of the British squadron, composed of gun-boats, came up with and attacked the American galleys near Skeenesborough Falls. In the mean time, three regiments which had been landed at South Bay, ascended and passed a mountain with great ex pedition, in order to turn the enemy above Wood Creek, to destroy his works at the Falls of Skeenesborousrh. O / and thus to cut off his retreat to Fort Anne. But the Americans eluded this stroke by the rapidity of their flight. The British frigates having joined the van, the galleys, already hard pressed by the gun-boats, were completely overpowered. Two of them surren dered ; three of them were blown up The Americans now despaired : hav ing set fire to their boats, mills, and other works, they fell back upon Fort Anne higher up Wood Creek. All their baggage, however, was lost, and a large quantity of provisions and mili tary stores fell into the hands of the British. The pursuit by land was not less ac tive. Early on the morning of the Tth of July, the British overtook the American rear-guard, who, in opposi tion to St. Glair s orders, had lingered behind and posted themselves on strong ground in the vicinity of Hubbardton. Eraser s troops were little more than half the number opposed to . 1777. him, but aware that Keidesel was close behind, and fearful lest his chase should give him the slip, he or dered an immediate attack. Warner CH. III.] BURGOYNE S SUCCESS AT FIRST. 488 opposed a vigorous resistance, but a large body of his militia retreated, and left him to sustain the combat alone, when the firing of Keidesel s advanced guard was heard, and shortly after his whole force, drums beating and colors flying, emerged from the shades of the forest ; and part of his troops immedi ately effected a junction with the Brit ish line. Fraser now gave orders for a simultaneous advance with the bayo net, which was effected with such re sistless impetuosity that the Amer icans broke and fled, sustaining a very serious loss. St. Clair, upon hearing the firing, endeavored to send back some assistance, but the discouraged militia refused to return, and there was no alternative but to collect the wrecks of his army, and proceed to Fort Edward to effect a junction with Scliuyler. Burgoyne lost not a moment in following up his success at Skeenes- borough, but dispatched a regiment to effect the capture of Fort Anne, de fended by a small party under the command of Colonel Long. This of ficer judiciously posted his troops in a narrow ravine through which his assail ants were compelled to pass, and open ed upon them so severe a fire in front, flank, and rear, that the British regi ments, nearly surrounded, with diffi culty escaped to a neighboring hill, where the Americans attacked them anew with such vigor that they must have been utterly defeated, had not the ammunition of the assailants given out at this critical moment. No longer being able to fight, Long s troops fell back, and, setting the fort on fire, also VOL. I. 64 1777. directed their retreat to the head-quar ters at Fort Edward. Nothing, as Botta remarks,* could exceed the consternation and terror which the victory of Ticonderoga, and the subsequent successes of Burgoyne, spread through the American provinces, nor the joy and exultation they excited in England. The arrival of these glad tidings was celebrated by the most brilliant re joicings at court, and welcomed with the same enthusiasm by all those who desired the unconditional reduction of America. They already announced the approaching termination of this glo rious war ; they openly declared it a thing impossible, that the rebels should ever recover from the shock of their recent losses, as well of men as of arms, and of military stores, and espe cially that they should ever regain their courage and reputation, which, in war, always contribute to suc cess, as much, at least, as arms them selves. Even the ancient reproaches of cowardice were renewed against the Americans, and their own partisans abated much of the esteem they had borne them. They were more than half disposed to pronounce the colo nists unworthy to defend that liberty, which they gloried in with so much complacency. But it deserves to be noted here especially, that there was no sign of faltering on the part of the people, no disposition to submit to the invading force. The success of the enemy did but nerve our fathers to * " History of the War of Independence," vol. iv p. 280. 490 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. [BK. 111. more vigorous resolves to maintain the O cause of liberty even unto death. Certainly, the campaign had been opened and prosecuted thus far in a very dashing style by Burgoyne, and had he been able to press forward, it i3 quite possible that success might have crowned his efforts. But there were some sixteen miles of forest yet to be traversed ; Burgoyne delayed for his baggage and stores ; and mean while, General Schuyler, who was in command of the American forces, took such steps as would necessarily put a stop to the rapid approach of the ene my. Trenches were opened ; the roads and paths were obstructed ; the bridges were broken up ; and in the only prac ticable defiles, large trees were cut in such ji manner, on both sides of the road, as to fall across and lengthwise, which, with their branches interwoven, presented an insurmountable barrier: in a word, this wilderness, of itself by no means easy of passage, was thus rendered almost absolutely impenetra ble. Nor did Schuyler rest satisfied with these precautions ; he directed the cattle to be removed to the most distant places, and the stores and bag gage from Fort George to Fort Ed ward, that articles of such necessity for the troops might not fall into the power of the British. He urgently de manded that all the regiments of regu lar troops found in the adjacent states should be sent, without delay, to join him ; he also made earnest and fre quent calls upon the militia of New England and of New York. He like wise exerted his utmost endeavors to procure himself recruits in the vicinity of Fort Edward and the city of Al bany ; the great influence he enjoyed with the inhabitants, gave him, in this quarter, all the success he could desire Finally, to retard the progress of the enemy, he resolved to threaten his left flank. Accordingly, he detached Colo nel Warner, with his regiment, into the state of Vermont, with orders to assemble the militia of the country, and to make incursions towards Ticonder- oga. In fact, Schuyler did every thing which was possible to be done under the circumstances ; and it is not too much to assert, in justice to the good name of General Schuyler, that the measures which he adopted paved the way to the victory which finally crown ed the American arms at Saratoga. Washington, equally with Congress. supposing that Schuyler s force was stronger, and that of the British weak er, than was really the case, was very greatly distressed and astonished at the disasters which befell the American cause in the north. He waited, there fore, with no little anxiety, later and more correct information before he was willing to pronounce positively upon the course pursued by St. Clair. When that officer joined Schuyler, the whole force did not exceed four thousand four hundred men ; about half of these were militia, and the whole were ill clothed, badly armed, and greatly dis pirited by the recent reverses. Very ungenerously and unjustly, it was pro posed to remove the northern officers from the command, and send succes sors in their places. An inquiry was in stituted by order of Congress, which resulted honorably for Schuyler and CH. III.] BURGOYNE S SLOW PROGRESS. 491 his officers: and Scliuyler, the able commander and zealous-hearted patriot, remained for the present at the head of the northern department.* The commander -in- chief exerted himself with all diligence to send rein forcements and supplies to the army of Schuyler. The artillery and warlike stores were expedited from Massachu setts. General Lincoln, a man of great influence in New England, was sent there to encourage the militia to enlist. Arnold, in like manner, repaired thith er : it was thought his ardor might serve to inspire tlie dejected troops. Colonel Morgan, an officer whose brilliant valor we have already had occasion to re mark, was ordered to take the same direction with his troop of light horse. All these measures, conceived with prudence and executed with prompt itude, produced the natural effect. The Americans recovered by degrees their former spirit, and the army in creased from day to day. During this interval, General Bur- O * Washington, writing to General Schuyler, clear ly presaged the great and auspicious change in affairs which was soon to take place : " Though our affairs have for some days past worn a gloomy aspect, yet I look forward to a happy change. I trust General Burgoyne s army will meet sooner or later an effec tual check ; and, as I suggested before, that the suc cess he has had will precipitate his ruin. From your accounts, he appears to be pursuing that line of conduct, which of all others, is most favorable to us. [ mean acting in detachment. This conduct will cer tainly give room for enterprise on our part, and ex pose his parties to great hazard. Could we be so happy as to cut one of them off, though it should not extsed four, five, or six hundred men, it would in spirit the people, and do away much of their present anxiety. In such an event, they would lose sight of past misfortunes, and urged on at the same time by a regard for their own security, they would fly to wms, and afford every aid in their power." goyne actively exerted himself in open ing a passage from Fort Anne to Fort Edward. But notwithstanding the dil igence with which the whole army eii- gaged in the work, their progress was exceedingly slow, so formidable were the obstacles which nature as well as art had thrown in their way. Besides having to T emove the fallen trees with which the Americans had obstructed the roads, they had no less than forty bridges to construct, and many others to repair : one of these was entirely of logwork, over a morass two miles wide. In short, the British encountered so many impediments in measuring this inconsiderable space, that it was found impossible to reach the banks of the Hudson, near Fort Edward, until the 30th of July. The Americans, either because they were too feeble to oppose the enemy, or that Fort Edward was no better than a ruin, unsusceptible of defence, or finally, because they were apprehensive that Colonel St. Leger, after the reduction of Fort Stanwix might descend by the left bank of the Mohawk to the Hudson, and thus cut off their retreat, retired lower down to Stillwater, where they threw up en trenchments. At the same time they evacuated Fort George, having pre viously burned their boats upon the lake, and in various ways obstructed the road to Fort Edward.* Burgoyne * General Schuyler s unselfish patriotism was nobly shown in the direction which he gave to Mrs. Schuyler to set fire, with her own hand, to his large and valuable fields of wheat, as well as to request his tenants and others to do the same, rather than suffer the enemy to reap them. The artist, in tho accompanying drawing, has graphically depicted Mrs. Schuyler s spirit and energy. 192 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. . hi. 1777. might have reached Ford Edward much 3 more readily by way of Lake George ; but he had judged it best to pursue the panic-stricken Amer icans, and despite the difficulties of the route, not to throw any discourage ments in the way of his troops by a retrograde movement. At Fort Edward General Burgoyne again found it necessary to pause in his career ; for his carriages, which, in the hurry, had been made of unseasoned wood, were much broken down, and needed to be repaired. From the un avoidable difficulties of the case, not more than one-third of the draught horses contracted for in Canada had arrived ; and General Schuyler had been careful to remove almost all the horses and draught cattle of the coun try out of his way. Boats for the navi gation of the Hudson, provisions, stores, artillery, and other necessaries for the army, were all to be brought from Fort George ; and although that place was only nine or ten miles from Fort Ed ward, yet such was the condition of the roads, rendered nearly impassable by the great quantities of rain that had fallen, that the labor of transport ing necessaries was incredible. General Burgoyne had collected about one hundred oxen ; but it was often ne cessary to employ ten or twelve of them in transporting a single boat. With his utmost exertions he had, on the 15th of August, conveyed only twelve boats into the Hudson, and pro visions for the army for four days in advance. Matters began to assume a very serious aspect indeed ; and as the further he removed from the lakes the more difficult it became to get supplies from that quarter, Burgoyne saw clear ly that he must look elsewhere for sus tenance for his army. The British commander was not ig norant that the Americans had accu mulated considerable stores, including live cattle, and vehicles of various kinds, at Bennington, about twenty-four miles east of the Hudson. Burgoyne, easily persuaded that the tories in that region would aid his efforts, and thinking that he could alarm the country as well as secure the supplies of which he began to stand in great need, determined to detach Colonel Baum, with a force of some six or eight hundred of Reidesel s dragoons, for the attack upon Benning- tou. His instructions to Bauin were " to try the affections of the country to disconcert the counsels of the enemy, to mount Reidesel s dragoons, to com plete Peter s corps, (of loyalists) and to obtain large supplies of cattle, horses, and carriages." Baum set off, on the 13th of August, on this expedition, which was to result so unfortunately to himself, and which proved in fact the ruin of Burgoyne s entire plans and purposes. We have spoken of the consterna tion which filled the minds of men a short time before this, when Burgoyne seemed to be marching in triumph through the country. The alarm, how ever, subsided, and the New England states resolved to make most vigorous efforts to repel the attack of the enemy. John Langdon, a merchant of Ports mouth and speaker of the New Hamp shire Assembly, roused the desponding minds of his fellow members to the CH. III.] FORCE UNDER STARK. 493 need of pioviding defence for the fron tiers, and with whole-hearted patriotism thus addressed them : " I have three thousand dollars in hard money ; I will pledge my plate for three thousand more. I have seventy hogsheads of Tobago rum. which shall be sold for O i the most it will bring. These are at the service of the state. If we succeed in defending our fire-sides and homes I may be remunerated ; if we do not, the property will be of no value to me. Our old friend Stark, who so nobly sustained the honor of our state at Bunker Hill, may be safely entrusted with the conduct of the enterprise, and we will check the progress of Bur- goyne." This brave son of New Hamp shire, conceiving himself aggrieved by certain action of Congress in appointing junior officers over his head, had re signed his commission. He was now prevailed upon to take service under authority from his native state, it being understood that he was to act indepen dently as to his movements against the enemy. Stark s popularity speedily called in the militia, who were ready to take the field under him without hesita tion. Soon after, Stark proceeded to Man chester, twenty miles north of Benning- ton, where Colonel "Warner had taken post with the troops under his command. Here he met Gen eral Lincoln, who had been sent by Schuyler to lead the militia to the west bank of the Hudson. Stark refused to accede to Schuyler s demand, and Con gress, on the 19th of August, passed a vote of censure upon his conduct. But Stark did not know of this ; and as his course was clearly that of sound policy, and his victory two days before the censure cast upon him showed it to be so, he had the proud satisfaction of knowing that the Commander-in-chief approved of his plan of harassing the rear of the British, and that the victory of Bennington paralyzed the entire op erations of Burgoyne. On the day that Baum set out Stark arrived at Bennington. The progress of the German troops, at first tolerably prosperous, was soon impeded by the state of the roads and the weather, and as soon as Stark heard of their ap proach he hurried off expresses to War ner to join him, who began his march in the night. After sending forward Colonel Gregg to reconnoitre the ene my, he advanced to the rencontre with Baum, who finding the country thus risino; around him, halted and entrench- o ed himself in a strong position above the Wollainsac Kiver, and sent off an express to Burgoyne, who instantly dis patched Lieutenant-Colonel Breyman with a strong reinforcement. O During the 15th of August, the rain prevented any serious movement.* The * An anecdote connected with this battle is worth relating. Among the reinforcements from Berkshire county, came a clergyman, with a portion of his flock, resolved to make bare the arm of flesh against the enemies of the country. Before daylight on the morning of the 16th, he addressed the commander as follows : " We the people of Berkshire have been frequently called upon to fight, but have never been led against the enemy. We have now resolved, if you will not let us fight, never to turn out again." General Stark asked him, " if he wished to march then, when it was dark and rainy." " No," was the answer. "Then," continued Stark, "if the Lord should once more give us sunshine, and I do not give you fighting enough, I will never ask you to come 494 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. [Bs. Ill Germans and English, continued to la bor at their entrenchments, upon which they had mounted two pieces of artil lery. The following day was bright and sunny, and early in the morning Stark sent forward two columns to storm the entrenchments at different points, and when the firing had com menced, threw himself on horseback and advanced with the rest of his troops. As soon as the enemy s col umns were seen forming on the hill side, he exclaimed, " See, men ! there are the red-coats ; we must beat to-day, or Molly Stark s a widow." The mili tia replied to this appeal by a tremen dous shout, and the battle Avhich en sued, as Stark states in his official re port, "lasted two hours, and was the hottest I ever saw. It was like one continual clap of thunder." The In dians ran off at the beginning of the battle ; the tories were driven across the river ; and although the Germans fought bravely, they were compelled to abandon the entrenchments, and fled, leaving their artillery and baggage on the field. As Breyman and his corps approach ed, they heard the firing, and hurried forward to the aid of their countrymen. An hour or two earlier, and they might have given a different turn to the affair, but the heavy rain had delayed their progress. They met and rallied the fugitives, and returned to the field of battle. Stark s troops, who were en gaged in plunder, were taken in great again." The weather cleared up, in the course of the day, and the men of Berkshire followed their spiritual guide into action. measure by surprise, and the victory might after all have been wrested from their grasp, but for the opportune ar rival of Warner s regiment at the criti cal moment. The battle continued un til sunset, when the Germans, over whelmed with numbers, at length aban doned their baggage and fled. Colonel Baum, their brave commander, was killed, and the British loss amounted to some eight or nine hundred effective troops, in killed and prisoners. The loss of the Americans was thirty killed and forty wounded. Stark s horse was killed in the action. Too much praise, as Mr. Everett well remarks,* cannot be bestoAved on the conduct of those who gained the battle of Bennington, officers and men. It is perhaps the most conspicuous example of the performance by militia of all that is expected of regular, veteran troops. The fortitude and resolution, Avith which the lines at Bunker Hill Avere main tained, by recent recruits, against the assault of a powerful army of expe rienced soldiers, have always been re garded with admiration. But at Ber nington, the hardy yeomen of New Hampshire, Vermont, and Massachu setts, many of them fresh from the plough and unused to the camp, "ad vanced," as General Stark expresses it in his official letter, " through fire and smoke, and mounted breastworks, that were well fortified and defended with cannon," Fortunately for the success of the battle, Stark was most ably seconded by the officers under him ; every pre- * " Life of John StarTc? p. 58. CH. III.] THE VICTORY AT BENN1NGTON. 495 vions disposition of his little force was most faithfully executed. He expresses his particular obligations to Colonels Warner and Herrick, " whose superior skill was of great service to him." In deed the battle was planned and fought with a degree of military talent and science, which would have done no dis credit to any service in Europe. A higher degree of discipline might have enabled the general to check the eager ness of his men to possess themselves of the spoils of victory ; but his ability, even in that moment of dispersion and under the flush of success, to meet and conquer a hostile reinforcement, evinces a judgment and resource, not often equalled in partisan warfare. In fact, it would be the height of in- * O justice not to recognize, in this battle, the marks of the master mind of the leader, which makes good officers and good soldiers out of any materials, and infuses its own spirit into all that sur round it. This brilliant exploit was the work of Stark, from its inception to its achievement. His popular name called the militia together. His resolute will obtained him a separate commission, at the expense, it is true, of a wise po litical principle, but on the present occasion, with the happiest effect. His firmness prevented him from being overruled by the influence of General Lincoln, which would have led him, with his troops, across the Hudson. How few are the men, who in such a crisis would not merely not have sought, but actually have repudiated, a junction with the main army ! How few, who would not only have desired, but actu ally insisted on taking the responsibility of separate action ! Having chosen the burden of acting alone, he acquitted himself in the discharge of his duty, with the spirit and vigor of a man, con scious of ability proportioned to the crisis. He advanced against the enemy with promptitude ; sent forward a small force to reconnoitre and measure his strength ; chose his ground deliberate ly and with skill ; planned and fought the battle with gallantry and success. The consequences of this victory were of great moment. It roused the people, and nerved them to the contest with the enemy ; and it also justified the sagacity of Washington, whose words we have quoted on a previous page. Burgoyne s plans were wholly deranged, and instead of relying upon lateral excursions, to keep the popula tion in alarm, and obtain supplies, he was compelled to procure necessaries as best he might, and the militia flock ed to the standard of Gates. His rear was exposed, and Stark, acting on his line of policy, prepared to place himself so that Burgoyne might be hemmed in, and be, as soon after he was, unable to advance or retreat. The defeat at Bennington was, how ever, not the only misfortune which now fell upon the British arms. We have noted, on a previous page, that Burgoyne had detached Colonel St. Leger with a body of regular troops, Canadians, loyalists, and Indians, by the way of Oswego, to make a diver- sion on the upper part of the Mohawk River, and afterwards join him on his way to Albany. On the 2d of August, St. Leger approached Fort Stanwix, or Schuyler, a log fortification, situated on 490 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. K. III. 1777. rising ground, near the source of the Mohawk River, and garrisoned by about six hundred continentals, under the command of Colonel Ganse- voort. Next day, he invested the place with an army of sixteen or seventeen hundred men, nearly one half of whom were Indians, and the rest British, Germans, Canadians, and tories. On being summoned to sur render, Gansevoort answered that he would defend the place to the last. On the approach of St. Leger to Fort Schuyler, General Herkimer, who com manded the militia of Tryon County, assembled abc^kseven hundred of them, and march ea to the alkistance of the garrison. On the forenoon of the 6th of August, a messenger from Her- O O kimer found means to enter the fort, and gave notice that he was only eight miles distant, and intended that day to force a passage into the fort, and join the garrison. Gansevoort resolved to aid the attempt by a vigorous sally, and appointed Colonel Willet with up wards of two hundred men to that ser vice. St. Leger received information of the approach of Herkimer, and placed a large body, consisting of the " Johnson Greens," and Brant s Indians, in am bush, near Oriskany, on the road by which he was to advance. Herkimer fell into the snare. The first notice which he received of the presence of an enemy, was from a heavy discharge of musketry on his troops, which was instantly followed by the war-whoop of the Indians, who attacked the militia with their tomahawks. Though dis concerted by the suddenness of the at tack, many of the militia behaved with spirit, and a scene of unutterable con fusion and carnage ensued. The royal troops and the militia became so closely crowded together, that they had not room to use fire-arms, but pushed and pulled each other, and, using their dag gers, fell pierced by mutual wounds. Some of the militia fled at the first on set; others made their escape after wards ; about a hundred of them re treated to a rising ground, where they bravely defended themselves, till a suc cessful sortie from the fort, compelled the British to look to the defence of their own camp. Colonel Willet, in this sally, killed a number of the enemy, destroyed their provisions, carried off some spoil, and returned to the fort, without the loss of a man. Beside the loss of the brave General Herkimei, who was slain, the number of the killed was computed at four hundred. St. Leger, imitating the grandiloquent style of Burgoyne, again summoned the fort to surrender, but Colonel Gan sevoort peremptorily refused. Colonel Willet, accompanied by Lieutenant Stockwell, having passed through the British camp, eluded the patrols and the savages, and made their way for fifty miles through pathless woods and dangerous morasses, inform ed General Schuyler of the position of the fort, and the need of help in the emergency. He determined to afford it to the extent of his power, and Ar nold, who was always ready for such expeditions, agreed to take command of the troops for the purpose of reliev ing the fort. Arnold put in practice an acute stratagem, which materially Cn. III. ST. LEGER RETREATS HASTILY. facilitated his success. It was this. Among tlie tory prisoners, was one Yost Cuyler, who had been condemned to death, but whom Arnold agreed to spare, on consideration of his implicitly carrying out his plan. Accordingly, Cuyler, having made several holes in his coat, to imitate bullet-shots, rushed breathless among the Indian allies of St. Leger, and informed them that he had just escaped in a battle with the Americans, who were advancing on them with the utmost celerity. While pointing to his coat for proof of his statement, a sachem, also in the plot, came in and confirmed the intelligence. Other scouts arrived speedily with a re port, which probably grew out of the affair at Bennington, that Burgoyne s army was entirely routed. All this made a deep impression upon the fickle- minded red men. Fort Schuyler was better constructed, and defended with more courage than St. Leger had expected ; and his light artillery made little impression on it. His Indians, who liked better to take scalps and plunder than to besiege fortresses, became very unmanageable. The loss which they had sustained in the encounters with Herkimer and Willet deeply affected them : they had expected to be witnesses of the tri umphs of the British, and to share with them the plunder. Hard ser vice and little reward caused bitter didappointment ; and when they knew that a strong detachment of Ameri cans was marching against them, they resolved to take safety in flight. St. Leger employed every argument and artifice to detain them, but in vain; VOL. I. 65 part of them went off", and all the rest threatened to follow if the siege wero persevered in. Therefore, on the 22 d of August, St. Leger raised the siege, and retreated with circumstances indi cating great alarm : the tents were left standing, the artillery was abandoned, and a great part of the baggage, am munition, and provisions, fell into the hands of the garrison, a detachment from which harassed the retreating o enemy. But the British troops were exposed to greater danger from the fury of their savage allies than from the pursuit of the Americans* During the retreat they robbed the officers of their baggage and the army generally of theri* provisions and stores. Not con tent with this, they first stripped off their arms, and afterwards murdered with their own bayonets, all those who from inability to keep up, from fear, or other cause were separated from the main body. The confusion, terror, and sufferings of this retreat found no res pite till the royal troops reached the Lake on their way to Montreal. Arnold arrived at Fort Schuyler two dars after the retreat of the besiegers ; buo nnding no occasion for his services, he soon returned to camp. The suc cessful defence of Fort Stanwix or Schuyler powerfully co-operated with the defeat of the royal troops at Ben nington in raising the spirits and in vigorating the activity of the Ameri cans. The loyalists became timid ; the wavering besran to doubt the success O O of the royal arnis ; and the great body of the people was convinced that noth ing but steady exertion on their part was necessary, to ruin that nrmy which 498 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. [BK. 1777. a short time before had appeared to be sweeping every obstacle from its path, on the high road to victory. Before these important successes had materially changed the face of af fairs, Congress had taken a step which was as ungracious as it was unjust to wards one of the bravest and most pat riotic officers in the American army. Owing to several causes, the New Eng land members were bitterly prejudiced against General Schuyler, and the rapid progress of Burgoyne at the beginning of the campaign raised quite a clamor against the commander of the northern army. Through the influence of Schuyler s enemies and the well understood wishes of Gates to be placed in command, Congress, on the 4th of August voted to supersede Schuyler, and elevate Gates to the post of honor. This happening just at the time when it was evident that Bur- goyne s career was about to be effec tually stopped, was especially aggrava ting; and Schuyler felt acutely, as every honorable man must feel under such circumstances, the dissrrace of be- > O ing displaced at this critical moment. "It is," said he, writing to Washing ton, " matter of extreme chagrin to me to be deprived of the command at a time, when soon, if ever, we shall be enabled to face the enemy ; when we are on the point of taking ground where they must attack to a disadvan tage, should our force be inadequate to facing them in the field ; when an op portunity will, in all probability, occur, in which I might evince that I am not what Congress have too plainly insinu ated in taking the command from me." Marshall gives it as his opinion that Schuyler s "removal from the com rnand was probably severe and unjust as respected himself, but perhaps wise as respected America. The frontier to wards the ^kes was to be defended by the troops of New England ; and how ever unfounded their prejudices against him might be, it was prudent to con sult them." Gates, who arrived on the 19th of August, found every thing in capital condition for successfully carrying on the campaign. Fresh troops had come in, and the people on all sides, the har vesting having just been completed, were ready to join the army. Schuy ler, too, rising superior to all persona] considerations, intermitted no activity, and receiving Gates with that high- toned courtesy, peculiar to gentlemen of the old school, he said to him : " I have done all that could be done, as far as the means were in my power, to in spire confidence in the soldiers of our own army, and I flatter myself with some success, but the palm of victory is denied me, and it is left to you, gen eral, to reap the fruits of my labors. I will not fail, however, to second your views, and my devotion to rny country will cause me with alacrity to obey all your orders." Soon after Gates entered upon the command, he had a brief, and by no means pleasant correspondence with Burgoyne. On the 30th of August, the British general complained of the harsh treatment experienced by the loyalists who had been made prisoners at Bennin^ton, and hinted at retaliation. O On the 2d of September, Gates answer- CH. III.] THE MURDER OF MISS M CREA. 499 ed his lottei, and recriminated by ex patiating on the horrid atrocities perpe trated by the Indians who accompanied the armies of General Burgoyne and Colonel St. Leger, and imputed them to Burgoyne. One barbarous act com mitted by an Indian attached to Bur- goyne s army, although it involved only a case of individual suffering, yet made a deep impression on the public rnind, and being published in every news paper in the country, roused popular indignation to the highest pitch. A young lady, by the name of M Crea, as distinguished for her virtues as for the beauty of her person, and the gentleness of her manners, of re spectable family, and recently affianced to a British officer, was, on the 27th of July, seized by the savages in her father s house, near Fort Edward, drag ged into the woods, with several other young people, of both sexes, and there barbarously scalped, and afterwards murdered. Thus, this ill-fated damsel, instead of being conducted to the hy meneal altar, received an inhuman death at the very hands of the com panions in arms of that husband she was about to espouse. Such is the usual account; but other authorities state, that her affianced lover, fearing that some ill might betide the object of his affection, as well in consequence of the obstinate attachment of her father to the royal cause, as because their mutual passion was already pub licly talked of, had, by the promise of a large recompense, induced two In dians, of different tribes, to take her under their escort, and conduct her in safety to the camp The two savages went accordingly, and brought her through the woods ; but just before they were about to place her in the hands of her future husband, they fell to quarrelling about their recompense, each contending that it belonged en tirely to himself, when one of them, transported with brutal fury, raised his bloody tomahawk, and with a single blow, laid the unhappy maiden dead at his feet.* No wonder that the minds of the people were embittered against those who could degrade themselves by the aid of such allies. The impulse given to the public mind by such atrocities more than counterbalanced any advantages which the British de rived from the assistance of the In- dians.f Although Burgoyne, defeated in his expedition against Bennington, and dis appointed in the expectation of assist ance from St. Leger, was left to his own resources, yet he was unwilling to aban don the arduous enterprise in which he was engaged ; but still hoping every day to hear news of Clinton s approach from New York, he nattered himself that he should be able to accomplish the great object of the campaign. In order, however, to procure subsistence for his army, he was obliged to revert to the tedious and toilsome mode of bringing supplies from Fort George; * Mr. Lossing, in his valuable " Pictorial Field Boole of the Revolution" has devoted several interest ing pages to the consideration of the story of Misa M Crea, from which it appears most probable, that this young lady was killed by a shot fired by a party of Americans in pursuit of the Indiana, who had carried her off : vol. i., p. 96-100. f See Appendix II., at the end of the present chapter. r>o;) THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. [BK. HI nod he prosecuted this work with per severing industry. Having, by un- unwearied exertions, collected provis ions for thirty days, and constructed a bridge of boats over the Hudson, in place of the rafts which had been car ried away by a flood, he made what proved to be, in the result, a fatal movement; he crossed the river on the 13th and 14th of September, and encamped on the heights and plains of Saratoga, twenty miles below Fort Ed ward, and thirty-seven above Albany. Gates, who was now joined by all the continental troops destined for the northern department, and reinforced by considerable bodies of militia, left the strong position which Sclmyler had taken at the confluence of the Mohawk with the Hudson, proceeded sixteen miles up the river toward the enemy, and by advice of the gallant Kosciusko, formed a strong camp at Behmus s Heights, near Stillwater. The two armies were only about twelve miles distant from each other ; but the bridges between them were broken down, the roads were bad, and the country was covered with woods ; con sequently the progress of the British army, encumbered by its fine train of artillery and numerous wagons, was slow, and it was attended with some skirmishing. o On the evening of the 17th, Bur- goyne encamped within four miles of the American army, and spent the next day in repairing the bridges between the two camps, which he accomplished with some loss. About mid-day, on the 19th of September, he put himself at the head of the right wing of his army, and advanced through the woods toward the left of the American camp ; General Eraser and Colonel Breyman, with the grenadiers and light infantry, covered his right flank; and the In dians, loyalists, and Canadians, pro ceeded in front. The left wing and artillery, commanded by Generals Philips and Reidesel, proceeded along the main road near the river. It would seem to have been Gates s plan, to remain on the defensive within his lines, but the ardor of the troops, and the impetuous daring of Arnold, led to his detaching Morgan, with his riflemen, who, after a spirited skirmish, drove back the Canadians and Indians upon the main body of the English. Eraser, meanwhile, was pushing onward as fast as the irregular and woody ground would permit, to turn the American left, when he was suddenly encountered by Arnold, who had plan ned a similar attack on him. The lat ter, w r ith his accustomed bravery, led the men with shouts to the attack, but was at length driven back by Eraser. Rallying again, and joined by fresh reinforcements, he threatened to cut off Eraser s division from the main body ; but Eraser parried this attempt, by bringing up new regiments, while Philips dispatched four pieces of light artillery to strengthen the point thus menaced. Thus the conflict was for a while suspended, but about three o clock it raged with increased fury. The Brit ish artillery thundered upon the enemy, but from the closeness of the forest, pro duced but little effect. Their troops then advanced with the bayonet, driving the Americans within the woods, who CH. III.J 15ATTLE NEAR STILL WATER, 501 again sallied forth and renewed the combat with desperate fury, and thus each party alternately bore back the other the British guns being several times taken and retaken. Terrible ex ecution was done by the American rifle men, who climbed into trees, and pick ed off the British officers; Burgoyne himself having a most narrow escape. The conflict ended only with the day. ! The Americans retired to their camp, and the British lay all night on their arms near the field of battle. In this action, in which each party had nearly three thousand men actually engaged, the British lost upwards of five hundred in killed and wounded, and the Americans about four hundred men. Night separated the combatants : each side claimed the victory, and each believed that with a part only of its own force, it had beaten the whole of the hostile army. But although neither army was defeated, it was evident who had gained the advantage ; Burgoyne had failed in the attempt to dislodge the enemy, and his progress was ar rested. His communication with the lakes was cut off, and his resources j . were daily failing; while the Amer- j icans had the same opportunities of j gaining supplies as before, and their strength was still increasing by the arrival of fresh troops. In such cir cumstances, to fight without a decisive ^ictory, was, to the British, nearly equivalent to a defeat; and to fight without being beaten, was, to the Americans, productive of most of the I valuable consequences of victory. Ac cordingly, the news of the battle was received with joy and exultation 1*777. throughout the United States, and the ruin of the invading army was con fidently anticipated. The militia were encouraged to take the field, and assist in consummating the work so auspi ciously begun. At that time, the army under the command of General Gates did not much exceed seven thousand men ; but it was soon after considerably increased. Burgoyne, seeing that he was now in a most critical condition, and that he must either starve or fight, determined upon the latter. The 7th of October, had now been reached, and he could not, as he informed Clin ton, possibly hold out beyond the 12th. A decisive blow must be struck, and in this way he hoped to find some loop hole of escape from his present posi tion. Not daring to withdraw from the lines more than fifteen hundred regular troops, he issued forth on the morning of the 7th, partly to cover a foraging party, and also if possible, to turn the American left, which, since the first battle, had been considerably strengthened. After some preliminary skirmishing, about two o clock the con flict bewail in earnest. The British ri^ht o O was under Earl Balcarras, the left un der Major Ackland, and the artillery under Major Williams, while Generals Philips and Reidesel commanded the centre. To General Fraser was confided the charge of five hundred picked men, destined, at the critical moment, to fall upon the American left flank. Gates perceiving this design, detached Mor gan with his rifle corps and other troops, three times outnumbering Eraser s, to overwhelm that officer at the same mo- 502 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. [B K . ill ment that a large force attacked the British left. Our limits do not admit of details ; nor are they important. Both sides fought with bravery and strove hard for victory. The battle raged with unabated fury during the remainder of the day. Arnold, like an incarnate spirit of war and bloodshed, seemed to be everywhere urging on the men to battle. General Fraser, the gallant and able officer, fell mortally wounded ; and Burgoyne, at last, overpowered by numbers, and pressed on all sides by the superior fire of the Americans, re gained his camp with great difficulty, and with the loss of his field-pieces and most of his artillery corps. Lieutenant- Colonel Breyman was killed, and Major Williams and Major Ackland, the lat ter being wounded, were made pris oners.* The Americans, whose loss * Thacher, in his " Military Journal," makes af fecting mention of the noble wife of Major Ackland : his words are worth quoting : " This heroic lady, from conjugal affection, was induced to follow the fortune of her husband during the whole campaign through the wilderness. Having been habituated to a mode of life with which those of rank and fortune are peculiarly favored, her delicate frame was ill calculated to sustain the indescribable privations and hardships to which she was unavoidably exposed during an active campaign. Her vehicle of convey ance was, part of the time, a small two-wheeled tum- oril, drawn by a single horse, over roads almost im passable. Soon after she received the affecting in telligence that her husband had received a wound, and was a prisoner, she manifested the greatest ten derness and affection, and resolved to visit him in our camp to console and alleviate his sufferings.. With this view she obtained a letter from Burgoyne to General Gates, and not permitting the prospect of being out in the night, and dretjched in rain, to re press her zeal, she proceeded, in an open boat, with a few attendants, and arrived at o;ir out-post in the night, in a suffering condition, from extreme wet and cold. The sentinel, faithful to his duty, detained them in the boat till Major Dearborn, the officer of had been comparatively trifling, lay all night on their arms, about half a mile from the British lines, intending to renew the attack in the mornino;. o During the night, Burgoyne skilfull y changed his position, which was clearly untenable, and drew his whole army into a strong camp on the river heights, ex tending his right up the river. During this movement, General Fraser was fast sinking. He had been carried to a house occupied by the Baroness Keide- sel, who, amid the roar of artillery and musketry, was expecting the arrival of her husband, and Generals Burgoyne, Philips, and Fraser to dinner, when the latter was brought in. Other wound ed officers speedily followed, until the room of the baroness and her children was turned into an hospital for the dying. During the night, Fraser often exclaimed, " Oh fatal ambition ! Poor General Burgoyne ! Oh my poor wife !" He expressed a wish to be buried at six next evening, in the great redoubt. About eight in the morning he expired. Although a retreat was now decided on, and delay was dangerous, yet Burgoyne could not but linger a few hours to com ply with the request of his gallant com panion in arms. The day passed away in skirmishes with the enemy, and in preparations for departure. At six in the guard, could arrive. He permitted them to land, and afforded Lady Ackland the best accommodations in his power, and treated her with a cup of tea in his guard-house. When General Gates, in the morn ing, was informed of the unhappy situation of Lady Ackland, he immediately ordered her a safe escort. and treated her himself with the tenderness of a parent, directing that every attention should be be stowed which her rank, sex, character and cir cumstances required. She was soon conveyed to Albany, where she found her wounded husband.." CH. III.] BURGOYNE COMPLETELY HEMMED IN. 503 the evening, the corpse of the departed general, wrapped in a sheet, was brought out, and the generals accompanied it in solemn funeral procession, and in full sight of both armies. The English soldiers, by whom. Fraser was great ly beloved, watched its progress with heavy hearts, while the American ar tillery continued to play upon the re doubt. Having reached the summit of the hill, the funeral procession came to a halt, and the chaplain, with the balls spattering the earth upon him, calmly read the whole of the impressive burial service in the Prayer Book. Hardly was this sad duty discharged, when the army was put in motion. The sick and wounded were abandoned to the mercy of the Americans, who treated them with great humanity ; and *all through that night, notwithstand ing the rain and mud and the state O of the road, the wearied troops slowly advanced. At six in the morning, the army came to a halt ; the soldiers, worn out as they were, fell asleep in their wet clothes the officers were little bet ter off and the ladies accompanying the army were compelled to submit to the same privations, which they endured with unflagging cheerfulness. The bridge over the Fishkill Creek was broken down, and to cover the retreat, Burgoyne ordered General Schuyler s house and mills to be set on fire. What with the weather and other drawbacks, the army did not reach Saratoga, a dis tance of only six miles, until evening on the following day. Burgoyne was now convinced that it was impossible to conduct any further offensive operations, and determined, as a last resort, to try to make good his retreat to Fort George. Ar tificers were accordingly dis patched under a strong escort, to repair the bridges and open the roads, but they were compelled to make a precipitate retreat.* The situation of General Bur goyne becoming every hour more haz ardous, he resolved to attempt a re treat by night to Fort Edward ; but even this retrograde movement was rendered impracticable. While the army was preparing to march, intelli gence was received that the Americans had already possessed themselves of the fort, and that they were well provided with artillery. No avenue to escape now appeared. Incessant toil and con tinual engagements had worn down O O the British army ; its provisions were * Marshall, following Gordon, states a fact whict shows how imminent a risk was run by the Ameri cans when on the very eve of victory. Gates, it ap pears, had received what he supposed to be certain intelligence that the main body of Burgoyne s army had marched off for Fort Edward, and that a rear guard only was left in the camp, who, after a while, were to push off as fast as possible, leaving the heavy basgage behind. On this it was concluded to ad vance and attack the camp in half an hour. Gen eral Nixon s being the eldest brigade, crossed the Saratoga Creek first : unknown to the Americans, Burgoyne had a line formed behind a parcel of brushwood to support the post of artillery where the attack was to be made. General Glover with his brigade was on the point of following Nixon. Just as he entered the water, he saw a British soldier crossing, whom he called and examined. This sol dier was a deserter, and communicated the very im portant fact, that the whole British army were :n their encampment Nixon was immediately stopped, and the intelligence conveyed to Gates, who counter manded his orders for the assault, and called back his troops, not without sustaining some loss from the British artillery. General Wilkinson, in his Memoirs, confirms this statement in its main particulars. Soo Gordon s " History of the American Revolution" vol ii., p. 261. 504 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. Ill nearly exhausted, and there were no means of procuring a supply. The men bore up bravely ; while the courage and constancy of the gentle sex were beyond all praise. "A terrible can nonade," says the Baroness Keidesel, in her interesting narrative, "was com menced by the enemy against the house in which I sought to obtain shelter for myself and children, under the mistaken idea that all the generals were in it. Alas ! it contained none but wounded and women. We were at last obliged to resort to the cellar for refuge, and in one corner of this I remained the whole day, my children sleeping on the earth with their heads in my lap, and in the same situation I passed a sleepless night. Eleven cannon balls passed through the house, and we could distinctly hear them roll away. One poor soldier, v/no was lying on a table, for the pur pose of having his leg amputated, was struck by a shot, which carried away his other ; his comrades had left him, and when we went to his assistance, we found him in a corner of the room, into which he had crept, more dead than alive, scarcely breathing. My re flections on the danger to which my husband was exposed, now agonized me exceedingly, and the thoughts of my children, and the necessity of strug gling for their preservation, alone sus tained me." The cellar was filled with terrified women and wounded officers, upon whom the baroness attended with devoted zeal, resigning even her own food to relieve their more pressing wants. One day her husband and General Philips came over to see her, at the imminent risk of their lives : the latter declaring, as he went away, " I would not for ten thousand guineas come again to this place, my heart is almost broken. 1 This sad state of things con tinued for several days, when, to the baroness s great joy. a cessation of hos tilities was agreed upon. On the morning of the 14th of Oc tober, Burgoyne sent the following message to the American commander " After having fought you twice, Lieu tenant-General Burgoyne has waited some days in his present position, de termined to try a third conflict against any force you could bring against him. He is apprized of your superiority of numbers, and the disposition of your troops to impede his supplies, and ren der his retreat a scene of carnage on both sides. In this situation, he is im pelled by humanity, and thinks him-* self justified by established principles and precedents of state and war, to spare the lives of brave men upon hon orable terms. Should Major-General Gates be inclined to treat upon that idea, General Burgoyne would propose a cessation of arms during the time ne- O cessary to communicate the preliminary terms, by which in any extremity he and his army mean to abide." Two days were spent in discussion and set tlement of the terms of a surrender, and on the morning of the lYth of October, the capitulation was formally agreed upon. Gates wished to obtain a surrender, as prisoners of war ; but knowing that Clinton was making special efforts on the Hudson, in hope of relieving Burgoyne, he did not think it worth while to be too ten acious on this point. The substance of 1777. CM. III." CLINTON S ATTACK ON FORT MONTGOMERY. 505 the terms agreed upon, was as follows : That the army should march out of the camp with all the honors of war, and its camp artillery, to a fixed place, where they were to deposit their arms, and leave the artillery ; to be allowed a free embarkation and passage to Eu rope, from Boston, on condition of their not serving again in America during the present war ; the army not to be separated, particularly the men from the officers ; roll-carrying and other duties of regularity to be per mitted ; the officers to be admitted on parole, and to wear their side arms ; all private property to be retained, and the public to be delivered upon honor ; no baggage to be searched or molested ; all persons, of whatever country, ap pertaining to, or following the camp, to be fully comprehended in the terms of capitulation, and the Canadians to be returned to their own country, liable to its conditions.* * Wilkinson, who was adjutant-general, in his " Memoirs," gives an account of the first interview, between the conqueror and the conquered : " General Burgoyne proposed to be introduced to General Gates, and we crossed the Fishkill, and proceeded to head quarters on horseback. General Burgoyne in front, with his Adjutant-general Kingston, and his aids- de-camp, Captain Lord Petersham and Lieutenant Wilford, behind him ; then followed Major-general Philips, the Baron Reidesel, and the other general officers, and their suites, according to rank. General Gates, ad vised of Burgoyne s approach, met him at the head of his camp. Burgoyne, in a rich royal uniform, and Gates, in a plain blue frock. When they approached nearly within sword s length, they reined up and halted. I then named the gentlemen, and General Burgoyne, raising his hat most grace fully, said, The fortune of war, General Gates, has made me your prisoner ; to which the conqueror, re turning a courtly salute, promptly replied, 1 shall always be ready to bear testimony, that it has not bee-n through any fault of your excellency. Major- VOL. I. 66 Early in October, while Burgoyne s condition was daily becoming more and more critical, Clinton, at New York, was anxiously waiting the arrival of troops, in order that he might proceed up the Hudson, and endeavor to relieve Burgoyne. Providentially, for the American cause, the ships were three months on the passage, and did not ar rive till the beginning of October. Clinton then immediately prepared to attack Forts Clinton and Montgomery, in the Highlands, with three thousand men, and some ships of war under Commodore Hotham. These forts were situated on high ground of difficult access, on the west ern bank of the river, about fifty miles above New York. They were sepa rated by a rivulet, which, flowing from the hills, empties itself into the Hud son. Under cover of the guns, a boom was stretched across the river from bank to bank, and strengthened by an immense iron chain in front, as well as supported by chevaux-de-frise sunk be hind it. Above this strong barrier, a frigate and galleys were moored, so as to be able to direct a heavy fire against any vessels that might attempt to force a passage. This seemed to present an insuperable obstacle in the way of the British shipping towards Albany. Fort general Philips then advanced, and he and Ger.eral Gates saluted, and shook hands with the familiar.ty of old acquaintances. The Baron Reidesel and other officers were introduced in their turn." Doctor Ram say, also, in his "History of the American Revolu tion," p. 368, says, that " the conduct of Gensral Bur goyne, in this interview with General Gates, was truly dignified, and the historian is at a loss whether to admire most, the magnanimity of the victorious, or the fortitude of the var-auished general. 1 50G THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. TIL Independence stood four or five miles below, on a high point of land, on tlie opposite side of the river. Fort Con stitution was six miles above the boom, on an island near the eastern bank: Peekskill, the head-quarters of the offi cer who commanded on the Hudson, from Kingsbridge to Albany was just below Fort Independence, on the same side. General Putnam was in com mand at the time, and had about two thousand men under him. On the 5th of October, Clinton land ed at Verplank s Point, a little below Peekskill, on the same side of the river. Putnam, apprehending that the enemy intended to attack Fort Independence, and to march through the Highlands on the east of the river towards Al bany, retired to the heights in his rear ; and, entertaining no suspicion of the real point of attack, neglected to strengthen the garrisons of the forts on the western bank. The British fleet moved higher up the river, in order to conceal what w r as passing at the place where the troops had landed ; and, on the evening of the day on which he had arrived at Ver plank s Point, Clinton embarked up wards of two thousand of his men, leav ing the rest to guard that post. Early next moi ning, he landed at Stony Point, on the west side of the river, and im mediately began his march over the mountains towards the forts. The roads were difficult, and the enterprise perilous; for a small body of men, properly posted, might not only have arrested his progress, but repulsed him with much loss. He, however, reached the vicinity of the forts before he was discovered ; there he fell in with a pa trol, who immediately retreated, and gave warning of the approaching dan ger. Both forts were attacked at the same time. Fort Montgomery was soon taken, but most of the garrison made their escape, under cover of the dark ness, and by their knowledge of the mountain passes. Fort Clinton resisted obstinately, but it was stormed, and a considerable portion of the garrison killed or made prisoners. Putnam, so soon as he heard the firing, endeavored to afford relief to the garrison, but to no purpose. The British loss was about a hundred and fifty ; the American loss was double that of the enemy. The vessels of war belonging to the Americans, being unable to escape, were set on fire, to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. " The flames," says Stedman, "suddenly burst forth, and, as every sail was set, the vessels soon became magnificent pyramids of fire. The reflection on the steep side of the opposite mountain, and the long train of ruddy light which shone upon the waters for a prodigious distance, had a wonderful effect ; while the air was filled with the continued echoes from the rocky shores, as the flames grad ually reached the loaded cannons. The whole was sublimely terminated by the explosions, which left all again in dark ness. As soon as daylight enabled them to begin, the fleet set to work and destroyed the boom ; Fort Constitution was obliged to surrender, and a free road was open along the river shore to Albany. The British destroyed every thing ir their power, and sailed up the river as far as Esopus ; a fine village, CH. III.] CAUSES OF BURGOYNE S FAILURE 507 which, with wanton cruelty thev laid v 1 in ashes. Why, instead of this useless vandalism, the British did not push for ward to Albany, and make a bold effort in Gates s rear, must remain a problem. Had they done so, it is not improbable, that Burgoyne might have been saved even in his extremity. These outrages, committed at the very time when Gates was according honorable, and even courteous, con sideration to Burgoyne and his army, aggravated greatly the feelings of the Americans, and Gates wrote a sharp letter to Vaughan, the British general, on this subject, concluding it in these words : " Is it thus that the generals of the king expect to make converts to the royal cause ? Their cruelties oper ate a contrary effect: independence is founded upon the universal disgust of the people. The fortune of war has delivered into rny hands older and abler generals than General Vaughan is re puted to be; their condition may one day become his, and then no human power can save him from the just ven geance of an offended people." When the British army left Ticon- deroga, it consisted of about ten thou sand men, exclusive of Indians ; but, by the casualties of war, and by de sertion, it was reduced to about six thousand at the time of the surrender. It contained six members of Parliament. General Gates had then under his com mand upward of nine thousand con tinentals, and four thousand militia. On this occasion, the Americans gained a remarkably fine train of brass artil lery, amounting to forty pieces of dif ferent descriptions, and all the arms and baggage of the troops. Unable longer to retain possession of the forts on the lakes, the Britisn, destroyed the works at Ticonderoga and its vicinity, threw the heavy artillery into the lake, and retreated to Isle aux Noix and St. John s. Such, says Botta,* was the fate of the British expedition upon the banks of the Hudson. It had been undertaken with singular confidence of success, but the obstacles proved so formidable, that those who had expected from it such brilliant results, were themselves its victims ; and those it had alarmed at first, derived from it the most import ant advantages. There can be no doubt, that, if it was planned with ability, as to us it appears to have been, it was conducted with imprudence by those who were entrusted with its execution. For, it is to be remarked, that its success depended entirely on the combined efforts of the generals who commanded upon the lakes, and of those who had the management of the war in the state of New York. But far from moving in concert, when one advanced, the other retired. When Caiieton had obtained the command of the lakes, Howe, instead of ascend ing the Hudson, towards Albany, car ried his arms into New Jersey, and ad vanced upon the Delaware. When, afterwards, Burgoyne entered Ticon deroga in triumph, Howe embarked upon the expedition against Philadel phia ; and thus the army of Canada was deprived of the assistance it ex- * Botta s " History of the War of Independence" vol. ii.. p. 328. 508 THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGN OF 1777. [Ife. Ill, pected from New York. The ruin of the whole enterprise is clearly attribut able to this want of co-operation. Immediately after the victory of Sara toga, Gates, whose duty it was to com municate his success to the commander- in chief, neglected this evident propriety, and dispatched his aid-de-camp, Wil kinson, to carry the good news direct to Congress. On being introduced into the Hall, he said : " The whole British army has laid down arms at Saratoga; our own, full of vigor and courage, ex pect your orders : it is for your wisdom to decide where the country may still have need of their services. * Congress passed a vote of thanks to General Gates and to his army, and Wilkinson was appointed brigadier-general by brevet. They decreed that Gates should be presented with a medal of gold, to be struck expressly in commemoration of so glorious a victory: on one side of it was the bust of the general, with these words around : " HOEATIO GATES, Dud strenuo ; and in the middle, Comitia Americana. On the reverse, Burgoyne was represented in the atti tude of delivering his sword; and in the back-ground, on the one side, and on the other, were seen the two armies of England and of America. At the top were these words : Salus regionum septentrion. ; and at the foot, Hoste ad Saratogam in deditione acc&pto. Die XVH Oct. MDCCLXXVII. The kindness and consideration of the Americans towards their vanquish ed foes deserve great praise. The sick and the wounded were carefully at tended to, and in every way the British officers and troops were made to feel that their conquerors were as generous as they were brave. General Schuyler was particularly magnanimous. The Baroness Reidesel, in her Narrative, makes mention, in the warmest terms, of his courtesy and politeness to her self and others. "Some days after this," are her words, " we arrived at Al bany, where we so often wished our selves ; but we did not enter it as we expected we should victors ! We were received by the good General Schuyler, Jiis wife, and daughters, not as enemies, but kind friends, and they treated us with the most marked atten tion and politeness, as they did General Burgoyne, who had caused General Schuyler s beautifully finished house to be burned. In fact, they behaved like persons of exalted minds, who deter mined to bury all recollection of theit oivn injuries in the contemplation of our misfortunes. General Burgoyne was struck with General Schuyler s generosity, and said to him, You show me great kindness, though I have done you much injury. That was the fate of war, replied the brave man ; let us say no more about it. " Burgoyne proceeded to Boston, and was well treated ; but it was not lon^ O before difficulties arose. Congress was not at all satisfied with the prospect of the British soldiers sailing for England, to relieve others who would be dis patched immediately to America; and taking advantage of several pretexts, more or less urgent, they finally re fused to allow the embarkation of the troops at all.* " We shall not under- * See Marshall s "Life of Washington? 1 vol. i., Cn. 111.1 BURGOYNE S PROCLAMATION. 509 take to decide," says an able historian, " whether the fears manifested by Con gress had a real foundation, and we shall abstain as well from blaming the imprudence of Burgoyne, as from prais ing the wisdom, or condemning the dis trust of Congress. It is but too cer- pp. 230-32. An English writer, speaking of this matter, uses the following language : " The troops were long detained in Massachusetts ; they were afterwards sent to the back parts of Virginia, and none of them were released but by exchange. It was obviously the aim of Congress to keep five thousand men out of the field ; but the means which they employed for the accomplishment of their purpose were dishonor able, and they lost more in character than they ained in strength. Honesty is the best policy for tain, that in these civil dissensions and animosit es, appearances become real ities and probabilities demonstration. Accordingly, at that time, the Amer icans complained bitterly of British perfidy, and the English of American want of faith." nations, as well as for individuals ; but the conduct of the Americans in the matter under consideration, had more of the trick and artifice of low traffickers, than of the fearless integrity becoming the rulers of a powerful people. Some of the allegations by which they attempted to justify themselves were false, and some frivolous. They affected to distrust British faith and honor; but it is easy for a man at any time to accuse his neighbor of bad intentions, if that were to be sustained as a valid plea for his own dishonesty." APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III. I. BURGOYNE S PROCLAMATION. By JOHN BURGOYNE, ESQ., lieutenant-general of his majesty s armies in America, colonel of the queen s regiment of light dragoons, governor of Fort William, in North Britain, one of the representatives of the Commons of Great Britain, and commanding an army and fleet employed on an expedition from Canada, etc., etc. The forces entrusted to my command, are de signed to act in concert, and upon a common principle, with the numerous armies and fleets which already display in every quarter of Amer ica, the power, the justice, and, when properly sought, the mercy of the king. The cause in which the British arms is thus ex erted, applies to the most affecting interests of the human heart ; and the military servants of the crown, at first called forth for the sole pur pose of restoring the rights of the Constitution, now combine with love of their country, and duty to their sovereign, the other extensive incitements, which form a due sense of the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes and ears of the tem perate part of the public, and the breasts of suf fering thousands, in the provinces, be the melan choly appeal, whether the present unnatural rebellion has not been made a foundation for the completest system of tyranny that ever God, in his displeasure, suffered for a time to be exercised over a froward and stubborn generation. Arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of prop erty, persecution, and torture, unprecedented in the inquisition of the Romish church, are among the palpable enormities that verify the affirma tive. These are inflicted, by assemblies and com mittees, who dare to profess themselves friends to liberty, upon the most quiet subjects, without dis tinction of age or sex, for the sole crime, often for the sole suspicion, of having adhered in principle to the government under which they were born, and to which, by every tie, divine and human, 510 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III. [B K . they owe allegiance. To consummate these shock ing proceedings, the profanation of religion is added to the most profligate prostitution of com mon reason ; the consciences of men are set at naught ; and multitudes are compelled not only to bear arms, but also to swear subjection to an usurpation they abhor. Animated by these considerations ; at the head of troops in the full powers of health, discipline, and valor ; determined to strike where necessary, and anxious to spare where possible, I> by these presents, invite and exhort all persons, in all places where the progress of this army may point, and by the blessing of God, I will extend it far to maintain such a conduct as may justify me in protecting their lands, habitations, and families. The intention of this address is to hold forth se curity, not depredation to the country. To those whom spirit and principle may induce to partake the glorious task of redeeming their countrymen from dungeons, and re-establishing the blessings of legal government, I offer encouragement and employment ; ari-d, upon the first intelligence of their association, I will find means to assist their undertakings. The domestic, the industrious, the infirm, and even the timid inhabitants, I am de sirous to protect, provided they remain quietly at their houses ; that they do not suffer their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage to be se creted or destroyed ; that they do not break up their bridges or roads ; nor by any other act, di rectly or indirectly, endeavor to obstruct the oper ations of the king s troops, or supply or assist those of the enemy. Every species of provision, brought to my camp, will be paid for at an equitable rate, and in solid coin. In consciousness of Christianity, my royal mas ter s clemency, and the honor of soldiership, I have dwelt upon this invitation, and wished for more persuasive terms to give it impression. And let not people be led to disregard it, by con sidering their distance from the immediate situa tion of my camp. I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces under my direction and they amount to thousands to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain and America. I con sider them the same, wherever they may lurk. If, notwithstanding these endeavors, and sin cere inclinations to effect them, the frenzy of hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand ac quitted in the eyes of God and men, in denouncing and executing the vengeance of the state against the wilful outcasts. The messengers of justice and of wrath await them in the field : and devas tation, famine, and every concomitant horror, that a reluctant, but indispensable prosecution of mili tary duty must occasion, will bar the way to their return. JOHN BURGOYNE Camp, at Ticonderoga, July 2, 1777. By order of his Excellency, the lieut.-general. ROBERT KINGSTON, Secretary. To JOHN BUKGOYNE, ESQ., lieutenant-general of his majesty s armies, in America, colonel of the queen s regiment of light dragoons, governor of Fort William, in North Brilain,^one of the representatives of the Commons of Great Britain, and commanding an army and fleet employed, on an expedition from Canada, etc., etc. Most high, most mighty, most puissant, and sub lime general! When the forces under your command arrived at Quebec, in order to act in concert, and upon a common principle with the numerous fleets and armies which already display in every quarter of America, the justice and mercy of your king, we, the reptiles of America, were struck with unusual trepidation and astonishment. But what words can express the plenitude of our horror, when the colonel of the queen s regiment of light dragoons advanced towards Ticonderoga. The mountains shook before thee, and the trees of the forest bowed their lofty heads ; the vast lakes of the north were chilled at thy presence, and the mighty cataracts stopped their tremendous career, and were suspended in awe at thy approach. Judge, then, Oh ineffable governor of Fort William, in North Britain, what must have been the terro^ dismay, and despair that overspread this paltry continent of America, and us, its wretched in habitants. Dark and dreary, indeed, was the prospect before us, till, like the sun in the hori zon, your most gracious, sublime, and irresistible proclamation, opened the doors of mercy, and snatched us, as it were, from the jaws of annihila tion. We foolishly thought, blind as we were, that your gracious master s fleets and armies were come to destroy us and our liberties ; but we are CH. Ill J BURGOYNE S PROCLAMATION. r>n happy in hearing from you (and who can doubt what you assert ?) that they were called forth for the sole purpose of restoring the rights of the Con stitution, to a froward and stubborn generation. And is it for this, I sublime lieutenant-gen eral, that you have given yourself the trouble to cross the wide Atlantic, and with incredible fa tigue, traverse uncultivated wilds ? And we un gratefully refuse the proffered blessing ? To re store the rights of the Constitution, you have called together an amiable host of savages, and turned them loose to scalp our women and chil dren, and lay our country waste ; this they have performed with their usual skill and clemency ; and yet we remain insensible of the benefit, and unthankful for so much goodness. Our Congress have declared independence, and our Assemblies, as your highness justly observes, have most wickedly imprisoned the avowed friends of that power with which they are at war, and most profanely compelled those, whose consciences will not permit them to fight, to pay some small part towards the expenses their country is at, in supporting what is called a necessary defensive var. If we go on thus in our obstinacy and in gratitude, what can we expect, but that you should, in your anger, give a stretch to the Indian forces under your direction, amounting to thou sands, to overtake and destroy us ? or, which is ten times worse, that you should withdraw your fleets and armies, and leave us to our own misery, without completing the benevolent task you have begun, of restoring to us the rights of the Con stitution ? "We submit we submit most puissant colonel of the queen s regiment of light dragoons, and governor of Fort William, in North Britain. "We offer our heads to the scalping-knife, and our bel lies to the bayonet. Who can resist the force of your eloquence ? Who can withstand the terror of your arms ? The invitation you have made, in the consciousness of Christianity, your royal mas ter s clemency, and the honor of soldiership, we thankfully accept. The blood of the slain, the cries of injured virgins and innocent children, and the never ceasing sighs and groans of starving wretches, now languishing in the jails and prison- Bhips of New York, call on us in vain ; whilst your sublime proclamation is sounded in our ears. Forgive us, our country ! Forgive us, dear posterity. Forgive us, all ye foreign powers, who are anxiously watching our conduct in this im- portant struggle, if we yield implicitly to the per suasive tongue of the most elegant colonel of her Majesty s regiment of light dragoons. Forbear, then, thou magnanimous lieutenant- general 1 Forbear to denounce vengeance against us ; forbear to give a stretch to those restorers of constitutional rights, the Indian forces under your direction. Let not the messengers of justice and wrath await us in the field, and devastation, and every concomitant horror, bar our return to the allegiance of a prince, who, by his royal will, would deprive us of every blessing of life, with all possible clemency. We are domestic, we are industrious, we are infirm and timid : we shall remain quietly at home, and not remove our cattle, our corn, or forage, in hopes that you will come, at the head of troops, in the full powers of health, discipline, and valor, and take charge of them for yourselves. Behold our wives and daughters, our flocks and herds, our goods and chattels, are they not at the mercy of our lord the king, and of his lieutenant- general, member of the House of Commons, and governor of Fort William, in North Britain ? A. B. C. D. E. F., etc., etc., etc. Saratoga, July 10, 1777. POETIC VERSION OF THE PROCLAMATION. [ATTRIBUTED TO FRANCIS HOPKINSON.] BY John Burgoyne, and Burgoyne, John, Esq. And grac d with titles still more higher, For I m Lieutenant-general, too, Of George s troops both red and blue, On this extensive continent ; And of Queen Charlotte s regiment Of light dragoons the Colonel ; And Governor eke of Castle Wil And furthermore, when I am there, In House of Commons I appear, [Hoping ere long to be a Peer,] Being a member of that virtuous band Who always vote at North s command ; Directing, too, the fleet and troops From Canada, as thick as hops ; And all my titles to display, I ll end with thrice et cetera. The troops consign i to my command, 512 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III. . m. Like Hercules to purge the land, Intend to act in combination With th other forces of the nation, Displaying wide thro every quarter What Britain s justice would be after. It is not difficult to show it, And every mother s son must know it, That what she meant at first to gain By requisitions and chicane, She s now determin d to acquire By kingly reason ; sword and fire. I can appeal to all your senses, Your judgments, feelings, tastes and fancies ; Your ears and eyes have heard and seen, How causeless this revolt has been ; And what a dust your leaders kick up ; In this rebellious civil hickup, And how, upon this curs d foundation, Was rear d the system of vexation Over a stubborn generation. But now inspired with patriot love I come, th oppression to remove ; To free you from the heavy clog Of every tyrant demagogue, Who for the most romantic story, Claps into limbo loyal Tory, All hurly burly, hot and hasty, Without a writ to hold him fast by ; Nor suffers any living creature, [Led by the dictates of his nature,] To fight in green for Britain s cause, Or aid us to restore her laws ; In short, the vilest generation Which in vindictive indignation, Almighty vengeance ever hurl d From this to the infernal world. A Tory cannot move his tongue, But whip, in prison he is flung, His goods and chattels made a prey, By those vile mushrooms of a day, He s tortured, too, and scratch d and bit, And plung d into a dreary pit ; Where he must suffer sharper doom, Than e er was hatched by Church of Rome. These things are done by rogues, who dare Profess to breathe in Freedom s air. To petticoats alike and breeches Their cruel domination stretches, For the sole crime, or sole suspicion [What worse is done by th inquisition ?] Of still adhering to the crown, Their tyrants striving to kick down, Who, by perverting law and reason, Allegiance construe into treason. Religion, too, is often made A stalking horse to drive the trade, And warring churches dare implore, Protection from th Almighty power ; They fast and pray : in Providence Profess to place their confidence ; And vainly think the Lord of all Regards our squabbles on this ball ; Which would appear as droll in Britain As any whim that one could hit on ; Men s consciences are set at naught, Nor reason valued at a groat ; And they that will not swear and fight, Must sell their all, and say good night. By such important views there pres t tc I issue this my manifesto. I, the great knight of de la Mancha, Without Squire Carleton, my Sancho, Will tear you limb from limb asunder, With cannon, blunderbuss and thunder ; And spoil your feathering and your tarring And cagg you up for pickled herring. In front of troops as spruce as beaux, And ready to lay on their blows, I ll spread destruction far and near ; And where I cannot kill, I ll spare, Inviting, by these presents, all, Both young and old, and great and small, And rich and poor, and Whig and Tory, In cellar deep, or lofty story ; Where er my troops, at my command Shall swarm like locusts o er the land. (And they shall march from the North Pole As far, at least, as Pensacole,) So break off their communications, That I can save their habitations ; For finding that Sir William s plunders, Prove in the event apparent blunders, It is my full determination, To check all kinds of depredation ; But when I ve got you in my pow r, Favor d is he, I last devour. From him who loves a quiet life, And keeps at home to kiss his wife, And drinks success to king Pigmalion, And calls all Congresses Rabscallion, With neutral stomach eats his supper, Nor deems the contest worth a copper ; On. III.] CORRESPONDENCE OF GATES AND BURGOYNE. 513 I will not defalcate a groat, Nor force his wife to cut hi3 throat ; But with his doxy he may stay, And live to fight another day ; Drink all the cider he has made, And have to boot, a green cockade. But as I like a good Sir Loin, And mutton chop whene er I dine, And my poor troops have long kept Lent, Not for religion, but for want, Whoe er secretes cow, bull or ox, Or shall presume to hide his flocks ; Or with felonious hand eloign Pig, duck, or gosling from Burgoyne, Or dare to pull the bridges down, My boys to puzzle or to drown ; Or smuggle hay, or plow, or harrow, Cart, horses, wagons or wheelbarrow ; Or thwart the path, lay straw or switch, As folks are wont to stop a witch, I ll hang him as the Jews did Ilaman ; And smoke his carcase for a gammon. I ll pay in coin for what I eat, Or Continental counterfeit. But what s more likely still, I shall, (So fare my troops,) not pay at all. With the most Christian spirit Gr d, And by true soldiership inspir d, I speak as men do in a passion To give my speech the more impression. If any should so hardened be, As to expect impunity, Because procul a fulmine, I will let loose the dogs of Hell, Ten thousand Indians, who shall yell, And foam and tear, and, grin and roar, And drench their moccasins in gore ; To these I ll give full scope and play From Ticonderog to Florida ; They ll scalp your heads, and kick your skins, And rip your , and flay your skins, And of your ears be nimble croppers, And make your thumbs tobacco-stoppers. If after all these loving warnings, My wishes and my bowels yearnings, You shall remain as deaf as adder, Or grow with hostile rage the madder, I swear by George, and by St. Paul, I will exterminate you all. Subscrib d with my manual sign To test these presents, JOHN BURGOYNE. VOL. I. 67 IL EXTRACT FROM GATES S AND BURGOYNE S CORRESPONDENCE. GENERAL Burgoyne had complained of the harsh treatment experienced by the provincial prisoners taken at Bennington, and requested that a surgeon from his army should be permitted to visit the wounded ; and that he might be allowed to fur nish them with necessaries and attendants. " Duty and principle," he added, "make me a public enemy to the Americaas, who have taken up arms ; but I seek to be a generous one ; nor have I the shadow of resentment against any in dividual, who does not induce it by acts deroga tory to those maxims, upon which all men of honor think alike." In answer to this letter, General Gates, who had just taken command of the American army, said, " that the savages of America should, in their warfare, mangle and scalp the unhappy prisoners who fall into their hands, is neither new nor extraordinary, but that the famous Lieutenant-general Burgoyne, in whom the fine gentleman is united with the soldier and the scholar, should hire the savages of Amer ica to scalp Europeans, and the descendants of Europeans ; nay, more, that he should pay a price for each scalp so barbarously taken, is more than will be believed in Europe, until authenticated facts shall, in every gazette, confirm the truth of the horrid tale. " Miss M Crea, a young lady, lovely to the sight, of virtuous character, and amiable dispo sition, engaged to an officer of your, army, was, with other women and children, taken out of a house near Fort Edward, carried into the woods, and there scalped and mangled in a most shock ing manner. Two parents, with their six chil dren, were all treated with the seme inhumanity, while quietly resting in their once happy and peaceful dwelling. The miserable fate of Miss M Crea was particularly aggravated, by being dressed to receive her promised husband ; but met her murderer employed by you. Upwards of one hundred men, women and children, have perished by the hands of the ruffians, to whom, it is asserted, you have paid the price of blood." To this part of his letter, General Burgoyne re plied, " I have hesitated, sir, upon answering the other paragraphs of your letter. I disdain to justify myself against the rhapsodies of fiction and calumny, which, from the first of this contest, 514 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III. 1IL it has beea tin unvaried American policy to prop agate, but which no longer impose on the world. I am induced to deviate from this general rule, in the present instance, lest my silence should be construed an acknowledgment of the truth of your allegations, and a pretence be thence taken for exercising future barbarities by the American troops. " By this motive, and upon this only,, I con descend to inform you, that I would not be con scious of the acts you presume to impute to me, for the whole continent of America, though the Tvealth of worlds was in its bowels, and a paradise npon its surface. " It has happened, that all my transactions with the Indian nations, last year and this, have been clearly heard, distinctly understood, accurately minuted, by very numerous, and in many parts, very unprejudiced persons. So immediately op posite to the truth is your assertion, that I have paid a price for scalps, that one of the first regula tions established by me at the great council in May, and repeated and enforced, and invariably adhered to since, was, that the Indians should re ceive compensation for prisoners, because it would prevent cruelty ; and that not only such compen sation should be withheld, but a strict account demanded for scalps. These pledges of conquest, for such you well know they will ever esteem them, were solemnly and peremptorily prohibited to be taken from the wounded, and even the dying, and the persons of aged men, women, chil dren, and prisoners, were pronounced sacred, even in an assault. " In regard to Miss M Crea, her fall wanted not the tragic display you have labored to give it, to make it as sincerely abhorred and lamented by me, as it can be by the tenderest of her friends. The fact was no premeditated barbarity. On the contrary, two chiefs, who had brought her off for the purpose of security, not of violence to her person, disputed which should be her guard, and in a fit of savage passion in one, from whose hands she was snatched, the unhappy woman be came the victim. Upon the first intelligence of this event, I obliged the Indians to deliver the murderer into my hands, and though to have pun ished him by our laws, or principles of j-ustice, would have been perhaps unprecedented, he certainly should have suffered an ignominious death, had I not been convinced from my cir cumstances and observation, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that a pardon under the terms which I presented, and they accepted, would be more efficacious than an execution, to prevent similar mischiefs. " The above instance excepted, your intelli gence respecting the cruelty of the Indians is false. "You seem to threaten mo with European publications, which affect me as little as any other threats you could make ; but in regard to Amer ican publications, whether your charge against me, which I acquit you of believing, was penned from a gazette, or for a gazette, I desire and demand of you, as a man of honor, that should it appear in print at all, this answer may fol low it." CH. JV.J EFFECT OF THE VICTORY OF SARATOGA. 515 CHAPTER IV. 1777-1778, PEOGEESS OF THE WAE DtJEING 1777-8. Effect of the victory of Saratoga Meeting of Parliament Need of confederation and union Measures adopt* I Circular letter of Congress Winter-quarters at Valley Forge Intense suffering of the army Sad details Causes of the want of supplies for the army Distresses among the officers Washington strongly advocates the half-pay system Washington s trials Invidious comparisons Attempt to ruin his reputation Con- way a Cabal Persons connected with it Anonymous letters, etc. Washington s letter to Laurens Party in Congress Board of War Gates s and Mifflin s asseverations Conway s confession Magnanimity of Washington s conduct Course of the French ministry Diplomatic experiences Effect of the victory of Saratoga upon the views of the French court Lord North s conciliatory hills France determines to act with decision Treaty with France Notice of it to the English court Beaumarchais s connection with American affairs Conciliatory plans sent to America Terms offered Rejoicings at the treaty with France Address by Congress to the Inhabitants of the United States Royal Commissioners Attempts at negotiation Reply of Congress Botta s remarks on the course pursued by the Americans British foraging expeditions Lafayette at Barren Hill. APPENDIX. TO CHAPTER IV. I. Articles of Confederation. II. The Battle of the Kegs. THE victory of Saratoga made it cer tain, that the Americans had entered upon the contest with England, with a determination to achieve their inde pendence. Reverses, many and severe, had not discouraged them; there was no appearance, whatever, of a dispo sition to yield; there was every evi dence, that the people were resolved at all hazards, to maintain their rights and liberties. And now, when, by a for tunate concurrence of favoring circum stances, they had obtained a great vie- tory, they were better than ever prepared to persist in the attitude they had assumed, and also to enter upon alliances with foreign pow ers, suitable to the dignity and import ance of a brave and a free people. Parliament met as usual in Novem ber of this year. The customary ad dresses in answer to the royal speech 1777. were moved, but they were not carried without opposition. In the House of Lords, the celebrated Earl of Chatham, then sinking under the infirmities of age and disease, proposed an amend ment, by introducing a clause recom mending to his majesty an immediate cessation of hostilities, and the com mencement of a treaty of conciliation, " to restore peace and liberty to Amer ica, strength and happiness to England, security and permanent prosperity to both countries." In his speech, he ani* madverted with much severity on the employment of the savages as auxili aries in the war, although it is true that their aid had not been disdained under his own administration. This amend ment, like every other proposal of con cession and conciliation, was lost; and the ministerial measures received large majorities in their favor, so confident 516 PROGRESS OF THE WAR DURING 1777-8. . 111. were the administration, that the ex pedition under Burgoyne, would be crowned with success. On the 3d of December, the news of the victory of Saratoga reached England. Astonishment and dismay were the consequence ; Lord North and the ministry were immediately at tacked by the opposition. Profoundly mortified and vexed, the ministry en deavored to shift the blame from them selves to the commanders of the army in America. They asserted that they had done every thing which could be done, to warrant success, and depre cated condemnation without full in quiry. A temporary respite was ob tained by the ministry, by the adjourn ment of Parliament to the 20th of January, ITT 8. In a previous chapter we have spoken of the measures taken to effect a more solid and effective union of the various colonies, so as to enable Congress to act with vigor and efficiency. It was plain that something must be done, for Con gress had no powers or rights, except in so far as the states chose to recognize them, by carrying out its resolves. As a government, it was certain that Con gress could not efficiently discharge the duties expected from its position : in herent defects attached to the revo lutionary government, and it was fast breaking down, as well from the want of executive authority over the people of the whole country, as from the fu tility of any federative union among sovereign states, which leaves the ex ecution of the measures.adopted in gen eral council, to the separate members of the confederacy. Early in October, the approach of the British having compelled Congress to retire to Yorktown, the Articles of Confederation were taken up and discussed from day to day, 1777 until the middle of November. At that date, they were adopted for recommendation to the states,* and the following circular letter was addressed to the several legislatures, urging their adoption. " Congress having agreed upon a plan of confederacy for secur ing the freedom, sovereignty, and in dependence of the United States, au thentic copies are now transmitted for the consideration of the respective legis latures. The business, equally intricate and important, has in its progress been attended with uncommon embarrass ments and delay, which the most anxious solicitude and persevering dili gence could not prevent. " To form a permanent union, ac commodated to the opinion and wishes of the delegates of so many states, dif fering in habits, produce, commerce, and internal police, was found to be a work which nothing but time and re flection, conspiring with a disposition to conciliate, could mature and accom plish. Hardly is it to be expected that any plan, in the variety of provisions essential to our union, should exactly correspond with the maxims and polit ical views of every particular state. Let it be remarked, that, after the most careful inquiry and the fullest informa tion, this is proposed as the best which could be adapted to the circumstances * See Appendix I., at the end of the present chap ter. CH IV.] CIRCULAR LETTER OF CONGRESS. 517 of all, and as that alone which affords any tolerable prospect of general rati fication. Permit us, then, earnestly to recommend these articles to the imme diate and dispassionate attention of the legislatures of the respective states. Let them be candidly reviewed under a sense of the difficulty of combining in one general system the various senti ments and interests of a continent di vided into so many sovereign and in dependent communities, under a convic tion of the absolute necessity of uniting all our councils and all our strength, to maintain and defend our common lib erties. Let them be examined with a liberality becoming brethren and fel low-citizens, surrounded by the same imminent dangers, contending for the same illustrious prize, and deeply in terested in beino; forever bound and O connected together by ties the most in timate and indissoluble. " And finally, let them be adjusted with the temper and magnanimity of wise and patriotic legislators, who, while they are concerned for the pros perity of their more immediate circle, are capable of rising superior to local attachments, when they may be incom patible with the safety, happiness, and glory of the general confederacy. " We have reason to regret the time which has elapsed in preparing this plan for consideration. With additional solicitude, we look forward to that which must be necessarily spent before it can be ratified. Every motive loudly calls upon us to hasten its conclusion. "More than any other consideration, it will confound our foreign enemies, defeat the flagitious practices of the dis affected, stiengthen and confirm our friends, support our public credit, re store the value of our money, enable us to maintain our fleets and armies, and add weight and respect to our counsels at home, and to our treaties abroad. " In short, this salutary measure can no longer be deferred. It seems essen tial to our very existence as a free people ; and without it, we may soon be constrained to bid adieu to inde pendence, to liberty, and to safety; blessings which, from the justice of our cause, and the favor of our Almighty Creator, visibly manifested in our pro tection, we have reason to expect, if, in an humble dependence on his divine providence, we strenuously exert the means which are placed in our power. To conclude, if the legislature of any state shall not be assembled, Congress recommend to the executive authority to convene it without delay ; and to each respective legislature, it is recom mended to invest its delegates with o competent powers ultimately, in the name and behalf of the state, to sub scribe articles of confederation and per petual union of the United States, and to attend Congress for that purpose on or before the 10th day of March, 1788." Washington, whose intimate sym pathy with the people was never lost for a moment, was very loth to exercise the large powers with which he had been entrusted by Congress, and it was a severe trial to him, to be compelled to use forcible means to obtain supplies for the army. In every step which he took, he manifested a deep sense of his responsibility, while he never failed to display firmness and decision, 518 PROGRESS OF THE WAR DURING 1777-8. [BK. III. 1T77. mingled with great prudence and dis cretion.* In a council of the officers, a great variety of opinions was expressed, as to the most eligible place for winter-quar ters for the army. Washington, com pelled to decide the -question himself, fixed upon Valley Forge, as we have before stated; a deep and rugged val ley, about twenty miles from Philadel phia; bounded on one side by the Schuylkill, and on the other by ridges of hills. The soldiers were too miser ably deficient in suitable clothing, to be exposed to the inclement winter under tents merely: it was therefore deter mined that a sufficient number of huts should be erected, to be made of logs, and filled in with mortar, in which they would find a more effec tual shelter.f The whole army began its march towards Valley Forge, * It was in December, J777, that Mr. Bushncll, the inventor of the American torpedo and other sub marine machinery, set afloat in the Delaware a con trivance which frightened the British not a little. This was a squadron of kegs, charged with powder, to explode on coming in contact with any thing. The ice prevented the success of this contrivance, but as a boat was blown up, and some of the kegs ex ploded, the British, at Philadelphia, not knowing what dreadful affairs might be in the water, fired at avery thing they saw during the ebb tide. For Mr. rlopkinson s " Battle of the Kegs," we refer the reader to Appendix II., at tho end of the present chapter. f It is not pleasant to put it on record, but the legislature of Pennsylvania, vexed at the loss of Philadelphia, found it in their hearts to complain of Washington going into winter-quarters. This drew from him some pretty plain words on this point: " We find gentlemen, without knowing whether the army was really going into winter-quarters or not, reprobating the measure as much as if they thought that the soldiers were made of stocks or stones, and equally insensible of frost and snow ; and moreover? as if they conceived it easily practicable for an in ferior army, under the disadvantages I have de- in the middle of December: some of the soldiers were seen to drop dead with cold ; others, without shoes, had their feet cut by the ice, and left their tracks in blood. After the most pain ful efforts, the troops at length reached their destined quarters. They immedi ately set about constructing their habi tations upon a regular plan. In a short time, the barracks were completed, and the soldiers lodged with some slight de gree of comfort. It is impossible, however, to express in words, the intense suffering which the army was called upon to endure at Valley Forge. Utterly destitute of al most every thing necessary to support life; tattered and half-naked; some few of the soldiers had one shirt ; many only the moiety of one ; and the greater part, none at all. Numbers of these brave men, for want of shoes, were compelled to go barefoot over the frozen ground. Few, if any, had blankets for the night. Great num bers sickened ; others, unfitted for ser vice by the cold and their nakedness, were excused by their officers from all military duty, and either remained in scribed ours to be, which are by no means exagger ated, to confine a superior one, in all respects well appointed, and provided for a winter s campaign, within the city of Philadelphia, and to cover from depredation and waste, the states of Pennsylvania and New Jersey I can assure these gen tlemen, that it is a much easier and less distress ing thing, to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room, by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. However, although they seem to haro little feeling for the naked and distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for them, and from my soul I pity those miseries, which it is nmthcr in my powei to relieve nor prevent." CH. IV.] SUFFERINGS OF THE ARMY AT VALLEY FORGE. 519 their barracks, or were lodged in the houses of the neighboring farmers; and nearly three thousand men were thus rendered incapable of bearing arms. Sadly in want of even straw, to render their huts fitted, in this slight degree, for the occupancy of human beings, the soldiers, overwhelmed with lassitude, enfeebled by hunger, and be numbed with cold, in their service by day and by night, had no other bed in their huts except the bare and humid ground. This cause, joined to the others that have been related, propa gated diseases : the hospitals were as rapidly replenished as death evacuated them ; and their administration was no less defective in its organization than that of the camp. The unsuitablenes s of the buildings in which they had been established, the excessive penury of every kind of furniture, and the multi tude of sick that crowded them, speed ily produced its natural result. The hospital fever broke out in them, and daily swept off .the vigorous and more active, as well as the feeble and worn- down defender of his native land. It was not possible to remedy this sad state of things, by needful changes of linen, for they were utterly unpro vided in this respect ; nor by a more salubrious diet, when the coarsest was scarcely attainable ; nor even by medi cines, which were either absolutely wanting, or of the worst quality, and adulterated through the shameless cu pidity of the contractors : for such, in general, as has been justly said, has been the nature of these furnishers of armies, that they should rather be de nominated the artisans of scarcity; they have always preferred money to the life of the soldier. Hence it was, that the American hospital resembled more a receptacle for the dying than & refuge for the sick : far from restoring health to the diseased, it more often proved mortal to the well. This pes tilential den was the terror of the army. The soldiers preferred perishing with cold in the open air, to being buried alive in the midst of the dead. Whethei it was the effect of inevitable necessity, or of the avarice of men, it is but too certain, that an untimely death carried off many a brave soldier, who, with bet ter attentions, might have been pre served for the defence of his country in its distress. Certainly nothing could be imagined to equal the sufferings which the Amer ican army had to undergo in the course of this winter, except the almost super human firmness with which they bore them. A small number, it is true, se duced by the royalists, deserted their colors, and slunk off to the British army in Philadelphia ; but these were, for the most part, Europeans, who had entered the continental service. The true-born Americans, supported by their patri otism, and by their profound Venera tion and love for Washington, display ed invincible perseverance ; they chose rather to suffer all the extremes of famine, and of frost, than to violate, in this dark hour of peril, the faith they had pledged to their country. Had Howe possessed enterprise enough to attack the patriot army at this time, disastrous must have been the conse quences. Without military stores, and without provisions, how could the 520 PROGRESS OF THE WAR DURING 1777-8. .[IMC. Ill Americans have defended their en trenchments? Besides, to enter the field anew, in the midst of so rigorous a season, was become for them an ab solute impossibility. On the 1st of February, 177 8, four thousand of the troops were incapable of any kind of service, for want of clothing. l^TS. The condition of the rest was very little better. In a word, out of the eleven or twelve thousand men that were in camp, it would have been difficult to muster five thousand fit for duty. The reader cannot fail to have been surprised, that the army should have been deficient in supplies of food, in a country abounding with provisions. A few words of explanation seem to be needed, to account for such a fact. Early in the war, the office of commis sary-general had been conferred on Colonel Trumbull, of Connecticut, a gentleman well fitted for that import ant station. Yet, from the difficulty of arranging so complicated a department, complaints were repeatedly made of the insufficiency of supplies. The sub ject was taken up by Congress; but the remedy administered, served only to increase the disease. The system was not completed till near midsum mer; and then its arrangement^ were such, that Colonel Trumbull refused the office assigned to him. The new plan contemplated a number of subor dinate officers, all to be appointed by Congress, and neither accountable to, or removable by, the head of the depart ment. This arrangement, which was made in direct opposition to the opin ion of the commander-in-chief, drove Colonel Trumbull from the army. Con gress, however, persisted in the system ; and its effects were not long in unfold ing themselves. In every military di vision of the continent, loud complaints were made of the deficiency of supplies. The armies were greatly embarrassed, and their movements suspended, by the want of provisions. The present total failure of all supply was preceded by issuing meat unfit to be eaten. Repre sentations on this subject had been made to the commander-in-chief, and communicated to Congress. That body had authorized him to seize provisions for the use of his army within seventy miles of head-quarters, and to pay for them in money or in certificates. The odium of this measure was increased by the failure of government to provide funds to take up these certificates when presented. At the same time, the pro visions carried into Philadelphia, were paid for in specie at a fair price. The temptation was too great to be resisted. Such was the dexterity employed by the inhabitants in eluding the laws that notwithstanding the vigilance o* the troops stationed on the lines, they often succeeded in concealing their pro visions from those authorized to impress for the army, and in conveying them to Philadelphia. Washington, urged on by Congress, issued a proclamation, re quiring all the farmers within seventy miles of Valley Forge, to thresh out one half of their grain by the 1st of February, and the rest by the 1st of March, under the penalty of having the whole seized as straw. Many farmers refused, defended their grain and cattle with muskets and rifle, and in some in- GH.1V.] WASHINGTON URGES HALF-PAY FOR THE OFFICERS. 521 stances burnt what they could not de fend. It may well be believed, that Wash ington was filled with anguish at the calamities of the army. But nothing gave him more pain, than to see his soldiers exposed to the most injurious example ; the officers openly declared their design of resigning their commis sions; and many of them had already left the army, and returned to their famil es. This determination was prin cipally owing to the depreciation of paper money ; it was become so con siderable, and the price of all articles of consumption, as well for this reason as from the difficulties of commerce, was so prodigiously advanced, that the officers, far from being able to live as it became their rank, had not even the means of providing for their subsistence. Some had already exhausted their pri vate resources ; others had become deep ly involved in debt ; and it was evident that, unless some steps were taken to prevent it, the army would ere long be deprived of nearly all its best and most efficient officers. "Washington spared no exertions to remedy this evil ; besides holding out every encouragement in his power to his officers, he besought Congress to take some steps to meet the emergency. With great force and clearness,* he urged upon Congress to secure half-pay to the officers after the war, either for life, or for a definite term. Disclaim ing absolutely any personal interest in the settlement of this question, he ob served, that it was easy to talk of pat- * See Sparks s " Life of Washington" pp. 25S-63. VOL I. 68 riotism, and to cite a few examples from ancient history, of great enter prises carried by this alone to a sue- cessful conclusion; but that they who relied solely upon individual sacrifices for the support of a long and bloody war, must not expect to enjoy their illusion long ; that it was necessary to take the passions of men as they are, and not as it might be wished to find them ; that the love of country had in deed operated great things in the com mencement of the present revolution ; but that to continue and complete i^, required also the incentive of interest and the hope of reward. Congress manifested, at first, very little inclination to adopt the propo sitions of the commander-in-chief, either because they deemed them too extra ordinary, or from reluctance to load the state with so heavy a burden, or, finally, because they thought the grants of lands to the officers and soldiers, of which we have already spoken, ought to satisfy the wishes of men possessed of any moderation. But at length, in the spring of 1778, submitting to what seemed to be a necessity, they decreed an allowance of half-pay for life to the officers of the army, with the reserva tion, however, to the government, of the power to commute it, if deemed ex pedient, for the sum of six years half- pay. A short time after, this resolu tion was reconsidered, and another passed, which restricted the allowance of half-pay to seven years, dating from the end of the war. These measures, though salutary, were not taken till too late, and, moreover, were not sufficient ly spontaneous on the part of the gov- PROGRESS OF THE WAR DURING 1777-8. [BK. ITL eminent. Already more than two hun dred officers of real merit had given up their commissions ; and it was again ex emplified on this occasion, that a ben efit long delayed, and reluctantly con ferred, loses a large part of its value in the eyes of those whom it is intended to serve. It would seem, that Washington had a sufficiently heavy burden upon his shoulders, in the harassing cares and anxieties of his position, and that he might have been spared from trials of another sort, to which he was exposed at this time ; but Washington expe rienced what every great and good man must expect to meet with in an envious and malicious world. Thus far, apparently, little else than ill suc cess had attended the military exploits of the commander-in-chief. He had been compelled to retreat continually before a powerful enemy. New York and Philadelphia had been lost ; and there was almost nothing of a brilliant or striking character in what had trans pired during the war, under Washing ton s immediate direction. On the other hand, the victory at Saratoga, had thrown a lustre around Gates s name, which far outshone, for the time, the solid and enduring light of Wash ington s noble and patriotic devotion to his country. It was the first great victory of the war, and it was a victory Which necessarily had a most important effect upon the future prospects of the United States. No wonder, then, that restless and envious men should make invidious comparisons between the hero of Saratoga and the commander-in-chief. No wonder, that Washington should suffer from detraction, and the in trigues of dissatisfied and scheming men, to whom his unsullied virtue, pu rity and integrity, were invincible ob stacles to every design of theirs to pro mote selfish or ambitious ends. A direct and systematic attempt was made to ruin the reputation of Wash ington, and from the name of the per son principally concerned, this attempt is known by the title of Con/way s Cabal. General Gates, and General Mifflin, of the army, and Samuel Adams, and others in Congress, had more or less to do with this matter. Gates and Mifflin had taken offence at something, and were at no time well disposed towards Washington ; Conway, a restless, boast ful, and intri^uinsr character, was dis- / O O appointed in not receiving the appoint ment of inspector-general. Adams, and some of the New England members, do not seem ever to have cordially liked Washington s appointment as command er-in-chief ; and now, when the capture of Burgoyne had been effected by the northern army, without the interven tion of Washington, the malcontents ventured to assume a bolder attitude. Anonymous letters were freely circu lated, attributing the ill success of the O American arms to the incapacity, or vacillating policy of Washington, and filled with insinuations, and exagger ated complaints against the command er-in-chief. Washington was not unaware of O what his enemies were attempting ; but it was not till after the victory of Saratoga, that the matter assumed a definite shape. Wilkinson, on his way to carry the news to Congress, divulged CH, IV.] ANONYMOUS LETTER TO HENRY. 523 part of a letter from Con way to Gates / which was communicated to Washino-- Q ton by Lord Stirling. A correspond ence ensued, which is well worth read ing, especially as it sets forth, in a very transparent manner, the dignity and uprightness of the father of his country. The result showed, how deep a hold he possessed upon not only the confidence, but also the love and veneration of his country. One of these anonymous epistles just spoken of, was sent to Mr. Laureus, president of Congress, and was intend ed to operate upon that body. An other was dispatched to Patrick Henry, governor of Virginia. Both these gen tlemen forwarded the letters directly to Washington. We quote the letter received by Henry, as illustrating the mode in which it was intended to ruin the reputation of the commander-in- chief. "YORKTOWN, January 12, 1778. " L)EAR SIK, The common danger of our country first brought you and me together. I recollect with pleasure the influence of your conversation and eloquence, upon the opinions of this country in the beginning of the present controversy. You first taught us to shake off our idolatrous attachment to royalty, and to oppose its encroach ments upon our liberties with our very lives. By these means you saved us from ruin. The independence of Amer ica is the offspring of that liberal spirit of thinking, and acting, which followed the destruction of the sceptres of kings and the mighty power of Great Britain. "But, sir, we have only passed the .Red Sea. A dreary wilderness is still before us, and unless a Moses or a Joshua are raised up in our behalf, we must perish before we reach the prom ised land. We have nothing to fear from our enemies on the way. Gen eral Howe, it is true, has taken Phila delphia ; but he has only changed his prison. His dominions are bounded on all sides by his out-sentries. Amer ica can only be undone by herself. She looks up to her councils and arms for protection; but alas! what are they? her representation in Congress dwindled to only twenty-one members her Adams, her Wilson, her Henry, are no more among them. Her coun cils weak, and partial remedies applied constantly for universal diseases. Her army what is it? a major-general be longing to it, called it a few days ago in my hearing, a mob. Discipline unknown, or wholly neglected. The quarter-mas ter and commissary s departments filled with idleness, ignorance and peculation ; our hospitals crowded with six thou sand sick, but half provided with neces saries or accommodations, and more dying in them in one month, than per ished in the field during the whole of the last campaign. " The money depreciating without any effectual measures being taken to raise it the country distracted with the Don Quixote attempts to regulate the prices of provisions, tm artificial famine created by it, and a real one dreaded from it. The spirit of the people failing through a more intimate acquaintance with the lauses of our misfortunes ; many sub mitting daily to General Howe, and more wishing to do it, only to avoid ;he calamities which threaten our coun- 524 PROGRESS OF THE WAR DURING 1777-8. [Bic. III. try. But is our case desperate ? by no means. We have wisdom, virtue, and strength enough to save us, if they could be called into action. The northern army has shown us what Americans are capable of doing with A GENERAL at their head. The spirit of the south ern army is no ways inferior to the spirit of the northern. A Gates, a Lee, or a Con way would, in a few weeks, render them an irresistible body of men. The last of the above officers has accepted of the new office of inspec tor-general of our army, in order to re form abuses ; but the remedy is only a palliative one. In one of his letters to a friend, he says, a great and good God hath decreed America to be free or the * * * * and weak coun sellors would have ruined her Ions o ago ; you may rest assured of each of the facts related in this letter. The author of it is one of your Philadelphia friends. A hint of his name, if found out by the hand- writing, must not be mentioned to your most intimate friend. Even the letter must be thrown in the fire. But some of its contents ought to be made public, in order to awaken, enlighten, and alarm our country. I rely upon your prudence, and am, dear sir, with my usual attachment to yc/a, and to our beloved independence, " Yours, sincerely, " His Excellency P. HENRY." In reply to the letter of Mr. Laurens, enclosing the anonymous communica tion received by him, Washington, un der date of January 31st, wrote 177. as follows : " I cannot suffi ciently express the obligation I feel to you, for your friendship and politeness upon an occasion in which I am so deeply interested. I was not unap- prized, that a malignant faction had been for some time forming to my pre judice ; which, conscious as I am of having ever done all in my power to answer the important purposes of the trust reposed in me, could not but give me some pain on a personal account. But my chief concern arises from an apprehension of the dangerous conse quences which intestine dissensions may produce, to the common cause. "As I have no other view than to promote the public good, and am un ambitious of honors not founded in the approbation of my country, I would not desire in the least degree to sup press a free spirit of inquiry into any part of my conduct, that even factioi- itself may deem reprehensible. TH* anonymous paper handed to you, ex hibits many serious charges, and it is my wish that it should be submitted to Congress. This I am the more inclined O to, as the suppression or concealment may possibly involve you in embar rassments hereafter, since it is uncer tain how many, or who, may be privy to the contents. " My enemies take an ungenerous ad vantage of me. They know the deli cacy of my situation, and that motives of policy deprive me of the defence I misrht otherwise make against their in- O O sidious attacks. They know I cannot combat their insinuations, however in jurious, without disclosing secrets which it is of the utmost moment to conceal But why should I expect to be exempt from censure, the unfailing lot o: an CH. RESULTS OF CONWAY S CABAL. elevated station? Merit and talents, with which I can have no pretensions of rivalship, have ever been subject to it. My heart tells me, that it has been my unremitted aim to do the best that circumstances would permit ; yet I may have been very often mistaken in the judgment of the means, and may in many instances deserve the imputation of error." It is evident, from the proceedings of Congress for some time preceding, that there was a considerable party in that body, which lent themselves to this disgraceful attempt against "Wash ington s good name. The appointment of a new Board of War, of which Gates and Mifflin were members, together with a projected expedition to Canada, without at all consulting Washington, were clear indications of the purposes of the Cabal, to endeavor to force the Commander-in-chief to resign his post in disgust.* But Washington was not to be moved from his steadfastness. * Washington, in reply to certain insinuations which had reached him, wrote thus to a friend in New England : " I can assure you, that no person ever heard me drop an expression that had a ten dency to resignation. The same principles that led me to embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain, operate with additional force at this day ; nor is it my desire to withdraw my services, while they are considered of importance in the pres ent contest : but to report a design of this kind, is among the arts which those who are endeavoring to effect a change, are practicing to bring it to pass. I have said, and 1 still do say, that there is not an offi cer in the United States, that would return to the sweets of domestic life with more heart-felt joy than I should. But I would have this declaration accom panied by these sentiments, that while the public arc satisfied with my endeavors, I mean not to shrink from the cause ; but the moment her voice, not that of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shall do it with as much pleasure as ever the weary traveller re- thed to rest." Lafayette, also, whose love and venera tion for the man who called him his friend, knew no bounds, although at tempted to be nattered and cajoled into favoring the Cabal, openly and posi tively refused to have any connection with it. " I am bound to your fate," he wrote to Washington, " and I shall follow it, and sustain it, as well by my sword, as by all the means in my pow er." And the army, as a whole, were roused to deep indignation at the au dacious designs of certain restless and intriguing men against the beloved commander-m-chief. Gates and Mifflin, in letters quoted by Gordon, strongly asseverated that they were in nowise partakers in any plan for removing Washington from his post. Con way, too, made some efforts of a similar kind ; but it may be regarded as certain, that the two for mer knew very well what was going on, and were prepared to profit by the result;* and as to the latter, his am- * Shortly after the surrender of Burgoyne, Gates took occasion to hold with Morgan a private con versation. In the course of tliis he told him, con fidentially, that the main army was exceedingly dissatisfied with the conduct of General Wash ington, that the reputation of that officer was rapidly declining, and that several officers, of great worth, threatened to resign, unless a change was produced in that department. Colonel Morgan, fathoming in an instant the views of his commanding officer, sternly, and with honest indignation, replied, " Sir, I have one favor to ask. Never again men tion to me this hateful subject ; under no other man but General Washington, as commander-in- chief, will I ever serve." Firm that time Gates treated Morgan with marked coldness and neglect; and in the official account of the surrender of Bursoyne, did not even mention Morgan s name, although that distinguished officer s strvices wera well and widely known to the army and the coun try. See Graham s " Life of General Morga-i," pp. 172. 173. PROGRESS OF THE WAR DURING 1777-8. 177. 526 bitious aims and unscrupulous conduct, soon produced an unlocked for termi nation of his career. Excessively un popular in the army, he threw up his office of inspector-general, and in the latter part of February, he was wounded in a duel with Gen eral Cadwalader. Supposing his wound to be mortal though he afterwards re covered under the influence of sudden remorse, he wrote to "Washington in the following terms: "I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, written, or said any thing disa greeable to your Excellency. My ca reer will soon be over ; therefore, jus tice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the great and good man. May you long enjoy the love, veneration, and esteem of these States, whose lib erties you have asserted by your vir tues." It is superfluous, perhaps, to call the reader s attention to the fact, but no one, we are sure, can examine this por tion of our country s history, without a feeling of profound respect and admira tion for the magnanimity, the modera tion, the self-command, and the nobil ity of soul which marked the whole course of Washington during this pain ful and vexatious trial. May his ex ample never be without effect upon those who glory in the name of coun trymen of Washington !* * Mr. Irving gives the following anecdote, fur nished to him by Judge Jay. " Shortly before the rleith of John Adams, I was sitting alone with my [_BK. Ill 1777. As has been already intimated, in speaking of the foreign relations of the United States, France was only waiting for some positive surety, that the Amer icans would sustain the contest against o the mother country, before she was willing openly to enter the field as the ally of the new republic. Although the Americans had not fal tered, or manifested any disposition to yield to England, yet the issue was still somewhat uncertain. It was not im possible, that the colonies might be in duced to come to terms with the mother country, even if they were not reduced by force of arms. The French minis try were apprehensive, that so soon as France should join the Americans, England might see fit to concede every thing asked for by the colonies, and thus England and America beiniy at c > o peace, France might have the war on her hands alone, and without any pur pose to be gained worthy of the strug gle. Hence her policy was so shaped, that she held out encouragement, just in proportion to the news of success, or failure, in the contest with England. father, conversing about the American Revolution. Suddenly he remarked, Ah, William ! the history of that Revolution will never be known. Nobody now alive knows it, but John Adams and myself. Surprised at such a declaration, I asked him to what he referred. He briefly replied : The proceedings of the old Congress. Again I inquired, What pro ceedings T He answered, Those against Washing ton ; from first to last, there was a most bitter party against him. " As the old Congress held its sessions with closed doors, nothing but what that body saw fit to disclose, was made public. We have no doubt that, had it not been for this, the members of the Cabal would never have dared to venture upon an) open attempt to injure Washington with the army and the people. Cu. IV.] THE FRENCH ALLIANCE. 521 Pursuing invariably the route marked out by reason of state, which admir ably suited her convenience, France, on the one hand, amused the British min isters with protestations of friendship, and on the other, encouraged the Amer icans with secret succors, by the uncer tainty and scantiness of them, inflaming their ardor, and confirming their reso lution by continual promises of future co-operation. Unshackled in her move ments, she thus pledged herself to no party, but tranquilly waited to see what course things would take. The agents of Congress did not fail, however, to urge and besiege the cabi net of Versailles to come at length to a final decision. But the French minis ters, as usual, alleged a variety of ex cuses in support of their system of pro crastination ; at one time, that the fleet expected from Newfoundland, crowded with excellent seamen, was not yet ar rived ; at another, that the galleons of Spain were still at sea ; and at another, some new excuse was invented. Thus alternately advancing and receding, never allowing their intentions to be fathomed, they kept the Americans in continual uncertainty. Finally, the com missioners, out of all patience, and de termined, if practicable, without wait ing longer, to extricate themselves from O O I the perplexing and annoying position in which they were placed, drew up, about the middle of August, a strongly worded memorial, sug gesting very plainly the possibility, that America might, after all, either give up in despair, or yield to the con cessions of England, and thus France be deprived of all the ardently wished 8777. for advantages she would gain by Eng land s losing her rich and valuable col onies in America. This memorial, however, did not pro duce the desired result, and England was again approached with a propo sition to recognize the independence of the United States, and secure, after that^ every advantage she might desire to possess. It was forcibly represented, that if the British ministry knew how to profit by the occasion, it depended on themselves to stipulate an arrange ment so conducive to the prosperity of Great Britain, that she would seek in vain to procure herself similar advan tages by any other means. But the British government, elated with the first successes of Burgoyne, and per suaded that victory would certainly at tend his arms, refused to listen to any overtures for accommodation, and re jected the proposition with disdain. The blindness of the British ministers was incurable, and they persisted in re fusing to receive America as an ally, o while it was possible, choosing rather to treat her as an enemy, to be reduced to absolute, unconditional submission. The victory of Saratoga gave a new aspect to American affairs in Europe, and equal sagacity and ability were manifested in the attention devoted to the foreign interests of the United States. -fc -* The same express that carried to Eng land the news of the surrender of Bur goyne, was the bearer of dispatches, the drift of which was to insinuate, that the Americans, disgusted by the excessive delays of the French, and indignant at not having received, in the midst of their reverses, avowed and more effica/- 528 PROGRESS OF THE WAR DURING 1777-8. cious succors, were eagerly desirous of an accommodation with England, and to conclude with her a treaty of com merce, provided she acknowledged their independence. In order to give more weight to this suggestion, it was added, that the colonists would feel particular gratification in a reconciliation with the mother country; whereas, in the contrary case, they would be compelled to throw themselves into the arms of the inveterate and implacable enemy of England. In the then position of affairs, the British ministry, anxious, if possible, to terminate the quarrel with America, before the breaking out of hostilities with France, introduced two bills into the House of Commons: the first de clared, that Parliament would impose no tax or duty whatever, payable within any of the colonies of North America, except only . such duties as it might be expedient to impose for the purposes of commerce, the net produce of which should always be paid and applied to, and for. the use of the colonies in which the same shall be respectively levied, in like manner as other duties collected under the au thority of their respective legislatures, are ordinarily paid and applied-; the second, authorized the appointment of commissioners by the crown, with power to treat with either the constituted au thorities, or with individuals in Amer ica ; but that no stipulation entered into should have any effect till approved in Parliament. It empowered the com missioners, however, to proclaim a ces sation of hostilities in any of the col onies ; to suspend the operation of the [BK. Hi. non-intercourse act ; also to suspend, during the continuance of the act, so ranch of all, or any of the acts of Par liament which have passed since the 10th day of February, 1763, as relate? to the colonies ; to grant pardons to any number or description of persons ; and to appoint a governor in any col ony in which his majesty had hereto fore exercised the power of making such appointment. The duration of the act was limited to the 1st day of June, 1779. As soon as Lord North had brought in his Conciliatory Bills, the French clearly perceived that the time had now come for them, to act with de cision.* Accordingly, M. Gerard, in behalf of France, informed the Amer ican commissioners, on the 16th of December, " that after a long and ma ture deliberation upon their proposi tions, his majesty had determined to recognize the independence of, and to enter into a treaty of commerce and alliance with, the United States of America ; and that he would not only acknowledge their independence, but actually support it with all the means * It may be well here to state, that as, previous to the recognition of independence by the court of France, it was necessary that the intercourse with the American agents should be conducted indirectly and with the utmost secrecy, the French government rendered their secret assistance through the agency of M. Bcaurnarchais, who, so far as appears, was more desirous of serving himself than the Americans The mode in which he converted the gratuitous aid of the French court into articles of charge, in his ac counts with Congress, and especially his retaining in his hands a million of livres out of the subsidy grant ed by the French king, are matters worthy of the reader s investigation. He will find a full account, with the documents, in Pitkin s "Political and Civii History of the United Statts," vol. i., pp. 402-23. CH. IV.] LORD NORTH S CONCILIATORY PLANS. 1778. in his power ; that perhaps he was about to engage himself in an expen sive war upon this account, but that he did not expect to be reimbursed by them ; in fine, the Americans were not to think that he had entered into this resolution solely with a view of serving them, since, independently of his real attachment to them and their cause, it was evidently the interest of France to diminish the power of England, by sev ering her colonies from her." On the 6th of February, 1778, a treaty of commerce was signed by Franklin, Deane, and Lee, on the part of the United States, and by M. Ge rard, on the part of France, together with a treaty of defensive alliance, in case war should be the con sequence of this commercial connection. The essential and direct end of this al liance was, "to maintain the liberty, sovereignty, and independence, abso lute and unlimited, of the United States, as well in matters of government as of commerce." Official notice of this treaty was communicated in March, by the French ambassador, to the court of London, couched in the most approved diplo matic terms, but by no means free from sarcastic pungency. We give the con cluding portion of this document as an illustration of the way in which men can say one thing, while they mean quite another. ( In making this communication to tLe Court of London, the king is firmly persuaded, that it will find in it fresh proofs of his majesty s constant and sin cere dispositions for peace ; and that his Britannic majesty, animated by the VOL. I. 09 same sentiments, will equally avoid every thing that may interrupt good harmony: and that he will take, in particular, effectual measures to hinder the commerce of his majesty s subjects with the United States of America from being disturbed, and cause to be ob served, in this respect, the usages re ceived between trading nations and the rules that may be considered as subsist ing between the crowns of France and Great Britain. " In this just confidence, the under written ambassador might think it su perfluous to apprize the British ministry, that the king, his master, being deter mined effectually to protect the lawful freedom of the commerce of his sub jects, and to sustain the honor of his flag, his majesty has taken in conse quence eventual measures, in concert with the United States of North Amer- Truly, such a communication as this, was well calculated to rouse the spirit of England, and to provoke its king and people to seek redress in war. " If as Botta acutely says it was one of those shrewd turns which are not un usual among princes in their reciprocal intercourse, it was also one of those which they are not accustomed to for give." Copies of Lord North s plans lor conciliation were dispatched in ad vance, and reached America about the middle of April. Governor Tryon had them printed, and had the assu rance to send copies to "Wash ington, with the request that he would aid in circulating them, " that the people at large might be acquaint- 1778. 530 PROGRESS OF THE WAR DURING 17/7-8. . m ed with the favorable disposition of Great Britain towards the American colonies." "Washington immediately forwarded the papers to Congress. The terms now offered by the British ministry would, at the beginning of the struggle, have been received with great satisfaction. But the position of affairs was very different, in 1778, from what it was three or four years before. Independence had been resolved upon, and independence the Americans were determined to have, at any sacrifice. Washington urged with great force, .hat nothing less than independence, would possibly answer ; no terms short of this, would be of any avail ; " a peace on other terms, would be a peace of war." Congress held the same views, and, on the 22d of April, unanimously resolved, that the offers of the British ministry could not be accepted. At the same time, they ordered the bills to be published in connection with their pro ceedings, and circulated throughout the country. It deserves to be noted here, that this action of Congress was taken ten days before it was known that the French had entered into a treaty with the United States. The news of this auspicious event reached Congress, on the 2d of May. The treaties were immediately ratified, and great rejoicing spread throughout the whole country.* On the 6th inst., in pursuance of the orders issued by * " In national events, the public attention is generally fixed on the movements of armies and fleets. Mankind never fail to do homage to the able general and expert admiral. To this they are justly entitled ; but as great a tribute is due to the statesman, who, from a more elevated station, determines on measures in which the the commander-in-chief, the whole army in camp at Valley Forge, participated in the general joy and satisfaction, and appropriate religious exercises were ob served with great unanimity. The whole ceremony was conducted with excellent order, and was closed with an entertainment, music, patriotic toasts, etc. A few days later, Congress pre pared an " Address to the Inhabitants of the United States." It is a docu ment of considerable interest, written in an animated but rather turgid style, and was calculated to have a powerful effect. Congress also recommended, that it be read in all the churches, by the ministers of various denominations. The reader will, we are sure, be inter ested in a paragraph or two from this Address. "The haughty prince who spurned us from his feet with contumely and disdain, and the Parliament which proscribed us, now descend to offer terms of accommodation. Whilst in the full career of victory, they pulled off the maak, and avowed their intend ed despotism. But having lavished in vain the blood and treasure of their subjects in pursuit of this execrable pur pose, they now endeavor to ensnare u& with the insidious offers of reconciliation They intend to lull you with fallacious hopes of peace, until they can assemble new armies to prosecute their nefarious designs. If this is not the case, why do they strain every nerve to levy men general safety and welfare of empires are involved. This glory in a particular manner, belongs to the Count de Vergennes, who, as his Most Christian Majesty s minister for foreign affairs, conducted the conferences which terminated in these treaties. 1 Ramsay s "History of the American Rewluiion? p. 379. CH. IV.] OFFERS OF THE BRITISH COMMISSIONERS. 531 throughout their islands ? why do they meanly court every little tyrant of Eu rope to sell them his unhappy slaves ? why do they continue to iinbitter the minds of the savages against you? Surely this is not the way to conciliate the affections of America. Be not, therefore, deceived. You have still to expect one severe conflict. Your for eign alliances, though they secure your independence, cannot secure your coun try from desolation, your habitations from plunder, your wives from insult or violation, nor your children from butch ery. Foiled in their principal design, you must expect to feel the rage of dis appointed ambition. Arise then ! to your tents ! and gird you for battle ! It is time to turn the headlong current of vengeance upon the head of the de- Btroyer. They have filled up the meas ure of their abominations, and like ripe fruit, must soon drop from the tree. Although much is done, yet much re mains to do. Expect not peace, whilst any corner of America is in possession of yonr foes. You must drive them away from this land of promise, a land flowing indeed with milk and honey. Your brethren at the extremities of the continent, already implore your friend ship and protection. It is your duty to grant their request. They hunger and thirst after liberty. Be it yours, to dispense to them the heavenly gift. And what is there now to prevent it ?" Early in June, the Earl of Carlisle and Messrs. Eden and Johnstone, ar rived in Philadelphia, as the royal com missioners, sent out in pursuance of the plans for conciliation adopted by Lord North. Sir Henry Clinton, who had succeeded Howe as commander-iii-chief, requested a passport for Dr. Ferguson, the secretary of the commissioners, to proceed to Yorktown, and lay certain papers before Congress. Washington, not deeming the matter within his province, declined, until he could have the instruction of Congress, who sus tained him in refusing the passport. The commissioners, impatient of delay, sent on the papers through the ordi nary medium of a flag, addressed to the president of Congress.* The commissioners offered, in their letter, to consent to an immediate ces sation of hostilities by sea and land ; to agree that no military force should be kept up in the colonies without the consent of Congress ; and also, both to give up the right of taxation, and to provide for a representation in ParhV- ment. They promised to sustain, and finally pay off, the paper money then in circulation. Every inducement, short of the recognition of independence, was held out, to lead the colonists to return to their allegiance. But if, when rely ing upon their own strength alone, they had refused to listen to such overtures, they were not likely to do so now that they were assured of the support of France. By order of Congress, the president of that body wrote as fol- * Acting under a strong impulse, Lafayette -was induced to send a challenge to the Earl of Carlisle, who, as he thought, had impeached the honor of France, in the communications which were made by the commissioners to Congress. The Earl, we are glad to say, declined a resort to this barbarous mode of settling the points in dispute between England and France. I 532 PROGRESS OF THE WAR DURING 1777-8. [B K . m. lows to the commissioners : " I have re ceived the letter from your Excellencies, dated the 9th instant, with the en closures, and laid them before Congress. Nothing but an earnest desire to spare the further effusion of human blood could have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so disre spectful to his Most Christian Majesty, the good and great ally of these States, or to consider propositions so deroga tory to the honor of an independent nation. The acts of the British Parlia ment, the commission from your sov ereign, and your letter, suppose the people of these States to be subjects of the crown of Great Britain, and are founded on the idea of dependence, which is utterly inadmissible. I am further directed to inform your Excel lencies, that Congress are inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust claims from which this war originated, and the savage manner in which it hath been conducted. They will therefore be ready to enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with treaties already sub sisting, when the king of Great Britain shall demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose. The only solid proof of this disposition will be an explicit acknowledgment of these States, or the withdrawing his fleets and armies." The British commissioners remained several months in the country,"" and * The commissioners published their final mani festo and proclamation to the Americans, on the 3d of October, and on the 10th, Congress issued a cau tionary declaration in reply. No overtures were made to the commissioners from any quarter; and uot long alter they embarked for England. Thacher. 1778. made many and various attempts to accomplish the objects of their mission ; but without success. They were compelled to return to Eng land baffled and disappointed. Thus the Americans, as an eloquent historian suggests steady in their resolutions, chose rather to trust to their own for tune, which they had already proved, and to the hope they placed in that of France, than to link themselves anew to the tottering destiny of England; abandoning all idea of peace, war be came the sole object of their solicitude. Such was the issue of the attempts to effect an accommodation; and thus were extinguished the hopes which the: negotiation had given birth to in Eng- o o o land. By not consenting to concessions until the time for them was passed, the English themselves furnished a justifi cation of the refusal of the Americans. It cannot be positively affirmed that these overtures, on the part of England, were only an artifice, to divide the Am ericans among themselves, to detach them from France, and to have them afterwards at their discretion ; but it is certain, that after so many rancorous animosities, so many sanguinary battles, in his " Military Journal," states, that " Governor Johnstone, one of the commissioners, with inex cusable effrontery, offered a bribe to Mr. Reed, a member of Congress. In an interview with Mrs. Ferguson, at Philadelphia, whose husband was a roy alist, he desired she would mention to Mr. Reed, that if he would engage his interest to promote the object of their commission, he might have any office in the colonies, in the gift of his Britannic majesty, and ten thousand pounds in liand. Having solicited an in terview with Mr. Reed, Mrs. Ferguson made her communication. Spurning the idea of being pur chased, he replied, " that he was not worth pur chasing, but such as he was, the king of Great Britain was not rich enough to do it." LAFAYETTE AT BARREN HILL. 533 after the innumerable excesses of rap ine, cruelty and lust, the Americans could not be blamed for believing that the British ministers designed to en snare them. The wound was incurable, and friendship could not be restored. This was universally admitted to be true ; and whoever will reflect atten tively upon the long series of events which we have related up to this time, will perceive that the Americans were always constant in their resolution, the English always versatile, uncertain, and wavering. Hence it is not at all surprising, that those found new friends, and that these not only lost theirs, but also made enemies of them at the very moment when they could do them the least harm, and might receive the most from them. Vigorous resolutions pre vent danger ; half measures invite and aggravate it. Washington s position and activity during the winter and spring, had seri ously straitened the British army in Philadelphia for forage and fresh pro visions. A portion, at least, of the people of Pennsylvania were not ill aifected to the royal cause, nor without a desire to supply the troops, while many more were willing to carry victuals to Philadelphia, where they found a ready market, and payment in gold or silver; whereas the army at Valley Forge could pay only in paper money of uncertain value. But it was not easy to reach Philadelphia, nor safe to attempt it ; for the American parties often intercepted them, took the pro visions without payment, and not un- frequently added corporal chastisement. The first operations on the part of the 1778. British, therefore, in the campaign of 1TY8, were undertaken in order to pro cure supplies for the army. About the middle of March, a strong detach ment, under Lieutenant-colonel Maw- hood, made a foraging excur sion, for six or seven days, into New Jersey. Acting out the spirit of a threat, made by the royal commission ers to increase the horrors of war, they bayonetted in cold blood some fifty or sixty of the militia, and returned to Philadelphia with little loss. Early on the morning of the 4th of May, the British came suddenly upon some mil itia at Crooked Billet, about seventeen miles from Philadelphia ; but the Amer icans effected their escape with the loss of their baggage. On the 7th of May, the British undertook an expedition against the galleys and other shipping which had escaped up the Delaware, after the reduction of Mud Island, and destroyed some thirty or forty vessels and some stores and provisions. The undisputed superiority of the British naval force, and the consequent com mand of the Delaware, gave them great facilities in directing a suitable arma ment against any particular point ; and the movements of the militia, on whom Congress chiefly depended for repelling sudden predatory incursions, and for guardi:? the roads to Philadelphia, were often tardy and ineiiieiciiv. The roads were ill guarded ; and the Brit ish commonly accomplished their forag ing, and returned to camp, before an adequate force could be assembled to oppose them. We close the present chapter with a brilliant exploit of the gallant La- 534 PROGRESS OF THE WAR DURING 1777-8. Ifl. fayette. Washington, quite certain that the British were preparing to evacuate Philadelphia, ordered Lafayette to cross the Schuylkill, and take post at Barren Hill, about twelve miles in front of the army at Valley Forge. He planned his piquets and videttes, and sent out patrols on all the roads by which it was probable the enemy would ap proach him. About two miles on his left was Whitemarsh, where a number of roads form a junction. The mar quis intrusted the guard of these roads to some militia, whom he ordered there, but who never went. A quaker, infer ring from the marquis s directing him to provide lodgings for the night, that he intended remaining there, sent infor mation of it to the enemy, who by their spies having obtained intelligence of the marquis s situation, formed an in stantaneous design of surprising him. For that purpose, on the night of May the 19th, General Grant marched out of Philadelphia with full seven thou sand men, und a number of cannon. By taking, the Frankfort road, and crossing the country through the old York road and Whitemarsh, the next morning he entered the road on which the marquis was, about two miles in his rear, at Plymouth meeting-house. From this place to Matson s Ford on the Schuylkill is about one mile and a quarter, the only ford by which the marquis could effect a retreat, and about two miles from Barren Hill church. Other troops were advancing to take the marquis in front, and to co operate with General Grant- who in stead of hastening to and securing the ford, marched down toward the ma^ quis on the main road, by which mean the latter gained intelligence of the other s being in his rear. The marquis, happily, by an instant decision, re treated by the road leading from Bar ren Hill church to Matson s Ford, and had nearly effected his retreat over the Schuylkill before the enemy were sen sible of their error. They then doubled their pace to come up with his rear ; but his retreat was so handsome and timely, that the troops were all crossed and formed before they could come near the ford in force. His whole loss was no more than nine men. The American army had early information of the marquis s danger, and were in great anxiety about him. They began firing some of their heaviest artillery, hoping as the wind being fair, the sound would be conveyed to the enemy in such a manner as to excite mistaken apprehensions ; which they think was the case, as the enemy, after the mar quis had crossed, made a precipitate march back to Philadelphia, seemingly under an apprehension that they should be pursued and attacked by the whole army. Had General Grant marched down at once to Matson s Ford, and se cured it, the marquis, with his select corps, must have surrendered or been cut to pieces ; and their loss would have al most fatally endangered the entire army, :u. IV.] ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 5.",5 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV. I. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. To all to whom these presents shall come, we, the undersigned, delegates of the states affixed to our names, send greeting. WHEREAS, the delegates of the United States of America in Congress assembled, did, on the fifteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy- seven, and in the second year of the independence of America, agree to certain Articles of Confedera tion and perpetual Union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Is land and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Caro lina, and Georgia, in the words following, viz. : Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States of New Hampshire, Massa chusetts Buy, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jer sey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Vir ginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. ARTICLE 1. The style of this confederacy shall be, "The United States of America." ARTICLE 2. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Con federation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled. ARTICLE 3. The said states hereby severally en ter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general wel fare ; binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence what ever. ARTICLE 4. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship, and intercourse among the \<c<- pie of the different states ill this Union, the frtv inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vaga bonds, and fugitives from justice, excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states ; and the people of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions, as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any state to any other state, of which the owner is an inhabitant ; provided also, that no imposi tion, duties, or restriction, shall be laid by any state on the property of the United States or either of them. If any person guilty of or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor, in any state, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon demand of the gov ernor or executive power of the state from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his offence. Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to the records, acts, and judicial pro ceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other state. ARTICLE 5. For the more convenient manage ment of the general interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such man ner as the legislature of each state shall direct to meet in Congress on the first Monday in Novem ber, in every year, with a power reserved to each state to recall its delegates or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead for the remainder of the year. No state shall be represented in Congress by 536 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV. [BK. in. less than two, uor by more than seven members ; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years ; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or another for his benefit, receives any salary, fees, or emoluments of any kind. Each state shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the states, and while th.cy act as members of the committee of the states. In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each state shall have one vote. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress ; and the members of Con gress shall be protested in their persons from ar rests and imprisonments, during the time of their going to and from and attendance on Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. ARTICLE 6. No state, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty, with any king, prince, or state ; nor jhall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, ac cept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state ; nor shall the United States in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. No two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance whatever, be tween them, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying accurate ly the purposes for which the same is to be en tered into and how long it shall continue. No stato shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States in Congress assembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress to the courts of France and Spain. No vessel of war shall bo kept up in time of pc-ace by any state, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the United States ! in Congress assembled for the defence of such state or its trade ; nor shall any body of forces be kept up "by any state in time of peace, except such num- tar only as, in the judgment of the United States in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defence of such state ; but every state shall always keep up a well regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and have constantly ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field-pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage. No state shall engage in any war without the consent of the United States in Congress assem bled, unless such state be actually invaded by enemies or shall have received certain advice of a, resolution being formed by some nation of In dians to invade such state, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the United States in Congress assembled can be consulted ; nor shall any state grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States in Congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state, and the sub jects thereof, against which war has been so de clared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States in Congress as sembled, unless such state be infested by pirates in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States in Con gress assembled shall determine otherwise. ARTICLE 7. When land forces are raised by anj state for the common defence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall be appointed by the legislature of each state respectively, by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such state shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the state which first made the appoint ment. ARTICLE 8. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be de frayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several states in proportion to the value of all land within each state granted to or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be es timated according to such mode as the United States in Congress assembled shall from time to time direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of CH. IV.] ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 537 the legislatures of the several states, within the time agreed upon by the United States in Con gress assembled. ARTICLE 9. The United States in Congress as sembled shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, ex cept in the cases mentioned in the sixth article ; of sending and receiving ambassadors ; entering into treaties and alliances provided, that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective states shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatso ever ; of establishing rules for deciding in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States shall be divided or appropriated ; of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace, appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and estab lishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures provided, that no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge cf any of the said courts. The United States in Congress assembled shall also bi! the last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting or that hereafter may arise between two or more states concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause what ever ; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following : whenever the legislative or executive authority or lawful agent of any state in controversy with another shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in ques tion, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by order of Congress to the legis lative or executive authority of the other state in controversy, and a day assigned for the appear ance of the parties, by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint by joint consent commissioners or judges, to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question ; but if they cannot agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United States, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners begin ning until the number shall be reduced to thir- O teen ; and from that number not less than seven VOL. I. -70 nor more than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence of Congress, be drawn out by lot ; and the persons whose names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the con troversy, so always as a major part of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the deter mination : and if either party shall neglect to at tend at the day appointed, without showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being present shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each state, and the secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing ; and the judgment and sentence of the court to be ap pointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive, and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or to appear, or defend their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive, the judgment or sentence and other proceedings, being in either case trans mitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress for the security of the parties con cerned : provided, that every commissioner, be fore he sits in judgment, shall take an oath, to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the state, where the cause shall be tried, " well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the bestof his judg ment, without favor, affection, or hope of reward :" provided also, that no state shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States. All controversies concerning the private right of soil, claimed under different grants of two or more states, whose jurisdictions, as they may re spect such lands and the states which passed such grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of juris diction, shall, on the petition of either paity to the Congress of the United States, be finally de termined, as near as may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respect ing territorial jurisdiction between different states. The United States in Congress assembled shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respec tive states- -fixing the standard of weights and 538 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV. [B K . III. measures throughout the United States regulat ing the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians not members of any of the states ; pro vided that the legislative right of any state within its own limits be not infringed or violated estab lishing and regulating post-offices from one state to another throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same, as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office appointing all of ficers of the land forces in the service of the United States excepting regimental officers ap pointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States making rules for the gov ernment and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations. The United States in Congress assembled shall have authority to appoint a committee to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated " a committee of the states," and to consist of one delegate from each state ; and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be ne cessary for managing the general affairs of the United States, under their direction to appoint one of their number to preside, provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of pres ident more than one year in any term of three years to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defray ing the public expenses to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmit ting every half-year to the respective states an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted to build and equip a navy to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make re quisitions from each state for its quota, in pro portion to the number of white inhabitants in such state ; which requisition shall be binding, and thereupon the legislature of each state shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them, in a soldier-like manner, at the expense of the United States ; and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equip ped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by tne United States in Congress assembled : but if the United States in Congress assembled, shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge proper that any state should not raise men or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other state should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped, in the same manner as the quota of such state, unless the legislature of such state shall judge that such extra number cannot safely be spared out of the same ; in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip, as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared. And the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equip ped, shall march to the place appointed, and with in the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled. The United States in Congress assembled shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and ex penses necessary for the defence and welfare of the United States or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war, to be built or pur chased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander-in-chief of the army or navy, unless nine states assent to the same ; nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day, be >deter- mined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United States in Congress assembled. The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that no pe riod of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six months ; and shall publish the jour nal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy : and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each state on any question shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired by any delegate ; and the delegates of a state or any of them, at hia or their request, shall be furnished with a tran script of the said journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several states. ARTICLE 10. The committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United States in Congress as Cn. IV.] ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. Bembled, by the consent of nine states, shall from time to time, think expedient to vest them with ; provided that no power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise of which, by the Articles of Confederation, the voice of nine states in the Con gress of the United States assembled is requisite. ARTICLE 11. Canada, acceding to this confeder ation, and joining in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to, all the advantages of this Union; but no other colony shall be admitted into the same unless such ad mission be agreed to by nine states. ARTICLE 12. All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted, by or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. ARTICLE 13. Every state shall abide by the decision of the United States in Congress as sembled, on all questions which, by this confed eration, are submitted to them. And the ar ticles of this confederation shall be inviolably ob served by every state, and the Union shall be perpetual ; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such al teration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterward confirmed by the legis lature of every state. And whereas it has pleased the great Governor of the world to incline the hearts of the legisla tures we respectively represent in Congress, to approve of and to authorize us to ratify the said Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union : know ye, that we, the undersigned delegates, by vir tue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do> by .these presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said Articles of confederation and perpetual Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained ; and we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which, by the said confederation, are submitted to them ; and that the articles thereof shall be in violably observed by the states we respectively represent; and that the Union be perpetual. In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands, in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, the ninth day of July, ic the year of our Lord one thousand seven hun dred and seventy-eight, and in the third year of the independence of America. New Hampshire. "WILLIAM CLINGAN, JOSIAH BAETLETT, JOSEPH REED. JOHN WENTWORTH, JR. Delaware. Massachusetts Bay. THOMAS M KEAN, JOHiN HANCOCK, JOHN DICKINSON, SAMUEL ADAMS, NICHOLAS VAN DYKE, ELBRIDGE GERRY, FRANCIS DANA, Maryland. JAMES LOVELL, JOHN HANSON, SAMUEL HOLTEN. DANIEL CARROLL. Rhode Island. WILLIAM ELLERY, HENRY MARCHANT, JOHN COLLINS. Virginia. RICHARD HENRY LEE, JOHN BANISTER, THOMAS ADAMS, JOHN HARVIE, Connecticut. FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT ROGER SHERMAN, LEE. SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, OLIVER WOLCOTT, North Carolina. TITUS HOSMER, JOHN PENN, ANDREW ADAM& CONSTABLE HARNETT, JOHN WILLIAMS. New York. JAMES DUANE, South Carolina. FRANCIS LEWIS, HENRY LAURENS, WILLIAM DUER, WILLIAM HENRY DRAY GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. TON, JOHN MATTHEWS, New Jersey. RICHARD HUTSON, JOHN WITHERSPOON, THOMAS HEYWARD, JR. NATH. SCUDDER. Georgia. Pennsylvania. JOHN WALTON, ROBERT MORRIS, EDWARD TELFAIR, DANIEL ROBERDEAU, ED. LANGWORTHY. JONATH. BAYARD SMITH. II. BATTLE OF THE KEGS. BY FRANCIS HOPKIXSON.* GALLANTS, attend, and hear a friend, Trill forth harmonious ditty, Strange things I ll tell, which late befell, In Philadelphia city. * The Messrs. Duyckinck, in the " Cyolopadia of Antertoan Literature," (vol. i. p. 209) giro an interesting account of the lift and valuable services of this distinguished man. The ballad her* given is one of the best known of his many effective eoitribuUM in behalf of his country s cause. 540 BATTLE OF VHE KEGS. K. III. Twas early day, as poets say, Just when the sun was rising, A. soldier stood, on a log of wood, And saw a thing surprising. As in amaze he stood to gaze, The truth can t be denied, sir, He spied a score of kegs or more, Come floating down the tide, sir. A sailor, too, in jerkin blue, This strange appearance viewing, First damned his eyes, in great surprise, Then said, " Some mischief s brewing. " These kegs, I m told, the rebels hold, Packed up like pickled herring, And they re come down, t attack the town, In this new way of ferrying." The soldier flew, the sailor too, And scared almost to death, sir, "Wore out their shoes to spread the news, And ran till out of breath, sir. Now up and down, throughout the town Most frantic scenes were acted ; And some ran here, and others there, Like men almost distracted. Some fire cried, which some denied, But said the earth had quaked ; And girls and boys, with hideous noise, Ran through the streets half naked. Sir "William, he, snug as a flea, Lay all this time a snoring ; Nor dreamed of harm, as he lay warm, In bed with Mrs. Loring. Now in a fright, he starts upright, Awaked by such a clatter ; He rubs his eyes, and boldly cries, " For God s sake, what s the matter ?" At his bedside, he then espied, Sir Erskine at command, sir, Upon one foot he had one boot, And t other in his hand, sir. w Arise I arise 1 Sir Erskine cries, The rebels more s the pity Without a boat, are all afloat, And rang d before the city. " The motley crew, in vessels new, With Satan for their guide, sir, Pac ked up in bags, or wooden kegs, Come driving down the tide, sir. " Therefore prepare for bloody war j These kegs must all be routed, Or surely we despis d shall be, And British courage doubted." The royal band, now ready stand r All ranged" in dread array, sir, With stomachs stout, to see it out, And make a bloody day, sir. The cannons roar from shore to shore, The small arms make a rattle ; Since wars began, Pm sure no man Ere saw so strange a battle. The rebel dales, the rebel vales, With rebel trees surrounded, The distant woods, the hills and floods ; With rebel echoes sounded. The fish below swam to aed fro r Attack d from every quarter ; Why sure, thought they, the deviFs to pay Mongst folks above the water. The kegs, tis said, though strongly made Of rebel staves and hoops, sir, Could not oppose their powerful foes, The conquering British troops, sir. From morn till night, these men of might Displayed amazing courage ; And when the sun was fairly down, Retired to sup their porridge. An hundred men, with each a pen, Or more, upon my word, sir, It is most true would be too few, Their valor to record, sir. Such feats did they perform that day, Against those wicked kegs, sir, That years to come, if they get home, They ll make their boasts and brags, sir. END OF VOL. I. HOME USE CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT MAIN LIBRARY General Library ^Cal Berkeley YE