HISTORY OF EDUCATION DURING THE MIDDLE AGES AND THE TRANSITION TO MODERN TIMES BY FRANK PIERREPONT GRAVES, Ph.D. PROFESSOR OF THE HISTORY AND PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION IN THE OHIO -STATE UNIVERSITY AUTHOR OF "A HISTORY OF EDUCATION BEFORE THE MIDDLE AGES" Nefo gork THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1915 All rights reserved Copyright, 1910, By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. S«t up and electrotyped. Published September, igio- Reprinted January, 1912 ; July, 1913 ; January, July, 1914; July, 1915- NortoooB ^ress J. S. Cushing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. TO MY WIFE HELEN WADSWORTH GRAVES fefr S^ m i t •=»* st> c~-\ «^ PREFACE This book is a continuation of my History of Educa- tion before the Middle Ages, and holds in general to the same point of view and method of approach. It may, however, be used quite independently of that volume as a textbook or a work of reference upon educational history between the sixth and the eighteenth centuries. In either case, it is hoped that a sufficiently clear and detailed account is given to afford an accurate picture of the period covered, and to interest students in some of the more important origins of modern educational procedure. The extensive quotation of the sources and the selected lists of supplementary reading should con- tribute materially to these ends. No apology is necessary, I trust, for continuing to view the educational process from the standpoint of the development of individualism. The period of the Middle Ages and the subsequent four centuries of reaction lend themselves to this method of interpretation with engag- ing facility. Nevertheless, I have striven never in the interest of this method to slur the facts nor force their construction, and have deferred all serious attempts at generalization until after the data have been pre- sented. As in the former volume, I have also under- taken to furnish a background and a perspective for the history of education by interweaving a liberal measure of political material. Although this part of the narra- viii PREFACE tive is, because of the growing complexity of the times under consideration, necessanly less connected than in my work upon ancient education, such an historical setting may tend to acquit me of the charge of peda- gogical aeroplaning. At any rate, a life-line of general history is sadly needed by the average student of edu- cation. In making this work accurate, I have received aid from several quarters. I am much indebted to my colleagues, Professors E. H. McNeal and Clarence Perkins, for the pains they have expended in checking up the descriptions of an historical layman, and to my former colleague, Professor J. H. Coursault, of the University of Missouri, for his frank but kindly criticism of the educational facts in the book and of my method of presenting them. I owe an even larger debt to my colleague, Professor A. E. Davies, who has throughout the preparation of this treatise been ever at my service as a critic and guide, and has found time in a very busy life to make many suggestions and improvements. F. F. G. July i, 1910. CONTENTS PART I THE MIDDLE AGES CHAPTER I PAGE The Problem of the Medieval Period i The Middle Ages as a Period of Assimilation. The Middle Ages as a Period of Repression. CHAPTER II MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS ... 4 *■'' Rise and History of Monasticism. The Rule of Bene- dict. The Libraries, Multiplication of Manuscripts, and Original Writings of the Monasteries. Organization of the Monastic Education. The Three Ideals of the Monastic Education. The Monastic Course of Study and the Seven Liberal Arts. The Methods of Teaching and the Texts > Used in the Monastic Schools. How Monasticism Affected the Middle Ages and Civilization in General. CHAPTER III Charlemagne's Revival of Education . . . . 25 / Rise of the Franks and the Empire of Charlemagne. Charlemagne's Improvements in Administration. Charle- magne's Efforts to Improve Learning. Alcuin and the Palace School. Educational Improvement in the Monastic and Other Schools. The Course of Study and the Or- ganization in the Schools. The School of Alcuin at the Monastery of Tours. Rabanus Maurus and Other Pupils of Alcuin. ix CONTENTS CHAPTER IV PAGE The REvrvAL of Education under Alfred ... 36 Alfred's Desire to Extend and Improve Education. The Establishment of Schools and the Importation of Edu- cators. Alfred's Personal Assistance to Learning and Education. Significance of Alfred's Educational Work. CHAPTER V The Mohammedan Learning and Education . The Rise of Moslemism and Its Absorption of Greek Culture. The Brothers of Sincerity and Their Scheme of Higher Education. The Moorish Colleges. Elemen- tary Education. Stimulating Effect upon Europe of the Moslem Education. CHAPTER VI The Educational Tendencies of Mysticism and Scho- 47 The Nature and Rise of Christian Mysticism. The Edu- cation in Mediaeval Mysticism. The Development of Mysticism. The Character of Scholasticism. The His- tory of Scholastic Development. .The Tendency of' Scholasticism. Its Educational Organization and Content. The Method of Presentation. Scholasticism and Its In- fluence. The Relations of Mysticism and Scholasticism to Education. CHAPTER VII The Education of Feudalism and Chivalry . . 63 The Origin of Feudalism. Chivalry and Its Develop- ment. The Ideals of Chivalric Education. The Three Stages of Education Preparatory to Knighthood. Knight- hood. Training of Women. The Effects of Chivalric Education. CONTENTS CHAPTER VIII PAGE The Educational Work of the Friars .... 72 The Purpose of the Friars. Their Organization and Methods. Their Influence upon Education and Progress. CHAPTER IX The Medieval Universities 76 General Causes of the Rise of Universities. The His- tory and Purpose of the Universities. Privileges Granted to Universities. Organization of the Universities. The Courses of Study. The ''Methods of Study. Degrees. The Value of the University Education and Its Effect upon Civilization. CHAPTER X The Development of Cities and New Schools . . 96 The Rise of Commerce and Cities. The Gild, Burgher, and Chantry Schools. CHAPTER XI The Passing of the Middle Ages . . . . . 100 The Growth of National Spirit. The Development of Vernacular Literature. Mediaeval Art. Summary of the Middle Ages. PART II THE TRANSITION TO MODERN TIMES CHAPTER XII The Renaissance and Humanistic Education . . 106 The General Tendencies of the Renaissance. The Renaissance and the Revival of Learning. Humanism and the Humanists. xii CONTENTS CHAPTER XIII The Humanistic Education in Italy .... Causes of the Awakening in Italy. Petrarch and His Influence. The Development of Greek Scholarship. Chrysoloras and His Pupils. The City Tyrants as Hu- manists. The Court School at Mantua and Vittorino da Feltre. The Relation of the Court Schools to the Uni- versities. Attitude of the Humanists toward the Church. Ideals of the Humanistic Education. The Content, Method, and Organization. Decadence of the Italian Humanism and the Rise of Ciceronianism. CHAPTER XIV The Humanistic Education of the North . The Spread and Character of Humanism in the North- ern Countries. The Development in France. Budaeus. Corderius. College de Guyenne. Classical Studies in the German Universities. Groot and the Hieronymian Schools. Wessel, Agricola, Reuchlin, and Hegius.~ Jakob Wimpfeling. Erasmus, the Leader in Humanistic Educa- tion. The Fiirstenschulen and the Gymnasien. Me- lanchthon and His Organization of Schools. Sturm's Gymnasium. The Early Humanistic Movement in Eng- land. Greek at Oxford. Greek at Cambridge. Human- istic Influences at the Court. Elyot's Governour. Vives. Ascham's Scholemaster : John Colet and His School at St. Paul's. Humanism in the English Grammar Schools. Formalism in the Grammar Schools. English Grammar and Public Schools To-day. The Grammar Schools of America. The Aim of Humanistic Education in the North. The Connection of Northern Educational Organ- ization with the Reformation. The Course of Study. The Formalization of Humanistic Education. CONTENTS CHAPTER XV PAGE Educational Influences of the Protestants * . -179 General Causes of the Reformation. Luther's Revolt. Educational Features of Luther's Religious Works. Luther's Chief Educational Works. The Civic Aim of Education. The Organization of Education by the State. Industrial and Academic Training. Religious, Human- istic, and Other Content of Education. Rationality in Method. Melanchthon, Sturm, Bugenhagen, Trotzen- dorf, and Neander. Zwingli's Revolt. Zwingli's Educa- tional Foundations and Treatise. Calvin's Revolt. Calvin's Encouragement of Education, and the Work of Corderius. Spread of Calvinist Education. Knox and the Elemen- tary Schools of Scotland. Henry VIIFs Revolt. Effect upon Education. The Civil and Universal Aim of Protes- tant Education. The Foundation of Elementary Schools. Effect upon Secondary Schools and Universities. The Curricula. The Lapse into Formalism. CHAPTER XVI The Education of the Catholics 208 The Council of Trent. Loyola and the Foundation of the Society of Jesus. The Constitutiones and the Ratio Studiorum. The Lower and Upper Colleges. The Hu- manistic Curriculum of the Lower Colleges. The Philo- sophical and Theological Courses in the Upper Colleges. The Pralectio. Memorizing. Reviews. Emulation. Corporal Punishment. Estimate of the Jesuit Schools. The Oratorian Schools. The Little Schools of the Port Royalists. The Curriculum and Texts. Methods. The Closing of the Little Schools. La Salle and the Christian Brethren. The Aim, Organization, Curriculum, Method, and Results. Catholic Education of Girls. Fdnelon. Religious and Repressive Aim of Catholic Education. The Organization of Catholic Schools and Universities. CONTENTS The Humanistic and Religious Curricula. The Teachers and Methods. Results of Education during the Refor mation. CHAPTER XVII The Beginnings of Realistic Education The Relation of Realism to the Renaissance and the Reformation. The Nature of Realism. The Earlier Realism, Verbal and Social. The Earlier Realists. Rabe- lais. The Training of the Whole Man. The Informal Method. The Influence of Rabelais. Montaigne. His Aim, Means, Subjects, and Method of Education. The Effects of Montaigne's Theories. Mulcaster. Natural Education. Elementary Education. Higher Training. Education of Girls. Improvements in Teaching. Re- sults of Mulcaster's Positions. Milton. His Definition of Education. His ' Academy. 1 Early Realism in Locke. His Aim, Means, Content, and Method of Education. Influence of Locke's Thoughts. The Effect of the Earlier Realism. CHAPTER XVIII Sense Realism in Education The Development of Realism. Bacon and his New Method. Solomon's House and the Pansophic Course. The Value of Bacon's Method. Ratich's Attempts at School Reform. His Extravagant Claims. His Realistic Methods. The Educational Influence of Ratich. The Education and Earliest Work of Comenius. The Janua Linguarum. The Vestibulum, Atrium, Orbis Pictus, and Other Janual Works. The Didactica Magna. Pan- sophia. The Threefold Aim of Education. Universal Education. The Four Periods in the School System. The College of Pansophia. Encyclopaedic Course. The Mother School. The Vernacular School. The Latin School. The University. Method of Nature. Disci- pline. Effect of the Comenian Principles upon Education. Locke as a Sense Realist. Realistic Tendencies in the Elementary Schools. Secondary Schools. Universities. PAGE CONTENTS CHAPTER XIX PAGE Educational Influences of Puritanism, Pietism, and Rationalism 296 Reaction to the Conditions in Church and State. Puri- tanism and Its Contributions to Education. Results of Puritanism. Rise of the Pietists. Francke. His Insti- tutions. Aim, Course, Methods, and Influence. Decline of Pietism. Rationalism in England and France. Locke's Disciplinary Theory. Effects of Locke's Edu- cational Theories. Voltaire and the Encyclopedists. The Hardening of the Puritan, Pietistic, and Rationalistic Movements. CHAPTER XX The Progress before Modern Times .... 315 The Middle Ages. The Awakening. Preparation for Rousseau and the French Revolution. The Modern Spirit. Index 319 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION DURING THE MIDDLE AGES AND THE TRANSITION TO MODERN TIMES PART I — THE MIDDLE AGES CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM OF THE MEDIAEVAL PERIOD The Middle Ages as a Period of Assimilation. — A present-day historian tersely defines the ' problem ' of Civilization during the Middle Ages as follows : — " To make out of the barbarized sixth century, stagnant and frag- mentary, with little common life, without ideals or enthusiasms, the fifteenth century in full possession again of a common world civiliza- tion, keen, pushing, and enthusiastic." 1 According to this interpretation, it was the office of the The Middle Middle Ages to enable the rude German hordes, who had 3,f es fl f s r e a ^ u " everywhere taken possession of the decadent ancient the Greek, world, to rise gradually to such a plane of intelligence christian™ 1 and achievement that they might absorb the civilization elements of antiquity and become its carriers to modern times. ^J^jj Through the conquest of the Roman world by these bar- barian tribes, the four factors which were destined to be the most influential in modern civilization — the Greek, the Roman, the Christian, and the German — came to meet in the early part of the sixth century and for a 1 George Burton Adams, op. cit., p. 1 1. A HISTORY OF EDUCATION time to exist side by side. And it was the mission of the succeeding centuries to fuse these divergent elements into one organic whole. But such a process was necessarily slow. Rome had absorbed and combined with her legal and political insti- tutions the rich intellectual and aesthetic contributions of Greece. Also in becoming Christian she had institu- tionalized this religion and given it the form of a legal morality. The problem now was the assimilation of this culture with that of the German barbarians who had con- quered Rome, and the uniting with the Greek, Roman, and Christian factors of the freer and more elastic institutions of these people. But Rome had been greatly sapped of her vitality and strength, and nearly a millennium passed before these diverse elements were blended. £(f Yet gradual as the movement was, it began almost immediately. While still flushed with their victories, the rough warriors must have found themselves in the presence and under the spell of Roman organization and culture. . The government, wealth, art, and technical skill of ancient Rome were everywhere evidenced in the roads, bridges, buildings, and cities that challenged their interest and admiration. The concept of a universal empire as the only possible civil order had been impressed upon the Germans through long contact with it. They also found in the organization of the Catholic Church a visible enshrinement of this imperial idea, which spoke with authority and finality to all nations. Moreover, the classic literature and the Graeco-Roman schools were still preserved, though in a diluted form, in the Christian educational institutions. The barbarians were inevitably impressed with a sense of the superiority of Roman institutions 1 and civilization, and they began, ofttimes unconsciously, to imitate and borrow from what must have appeared to them a completed and absolute system, divinely sanctioned. 1 Not only did the Germans hold in mind as a goal of perfection the general imperial organization, but they even tried to retain the various offices and official titles. once more tolerated. THE PROBLEM OF THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD 3 The Middle Ages as a Period of Repression. — Conse- quently, the mediaeval period was primarily one not of progress, but of absorption. The watchword was author- ity and the conformity of the individual to the model set, and there was a constant tendency to realize the This resulted ideals of life in concrete form. Therein appears both j n an authori- the weakness and the strength of the Middle Ages. It ardTnda" " was only through the formation of the right social habits, f. ubordina - . J . , ,, . riii- tlon °f tne or institutions, that the leavening of the barbarians was individual to possible, but it was this crystallization through authority a n e d mod ^ set ' thatr made individualism and further ideals difficult. wasaimos7 SS Little advance could be made until the social habits u^Hndivid- could be reshaped and new ideals tolerated. A machine uaiism was is a most effective and economical instrument, but it permits no variation, originality, or advancement over the pattern. Hence Rashdall most aptly characterizes the situation in the Middle Ages, when he says : — "Ideals pass into historic forces by embodying themselves in institutions. The power of embodying its ideals in institutions was the peculiar genius of the mediaeval mind, as its most conspicuous defect lay in the corresponding tendency to materialize them." 1 Assimilation and repression are thus the key to the Middle Ages, and until the bondage to authority, con- vention, and institutions was broken, progress was- im- possible. But, as will be seen, there grew up within mediaevalism itself factors that, with the development of intelligence, were destined to lead to individualism and advancement. Slowly but surely, the repression was re- moved, and modern culture grew out of this fusion of Ger- man barbarism with Christianity and classical antiquity. 1 Universities in the Middle Ages, Vol. I, p. 5. CHAPTER II MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS In all this mediaeval assimilation, it was but natural that the Church should stand as the chief guide and schoolmaster of the Germanic hosts. Christianity had become the authoritative religion of the Roman world, and, through the complete organization of the Church with the Bishop of Rome as its head, its power became practically unlimited. Now while Christian culture and education had been greatly influenced by Graeco-Roman learning, the Church had become very suspicious of this training, and in 529, by the decree of Justinian, had suc- ceeded in having the pagan schools closed. This left Christian education without a rival, and, although the episcopal schools persisted to some extent, it tended to find its chief expression in the ' monastic,' or fourth type of Christian schools, 1 with their reversion to the 'otherworldly' ideal. Rise and History of Monasticism. — But to under- stand the monastic schools, which were so much wider and more enduring in range of influence than any Chris- tian type which had preceded, it will be necessary to examine the movement and institution out of which they arose. Monasticism resulted in a time of moral decay from the desire of some within the Church for a deeper religious life. By the third century Roman society had .become most corrupt. All hope of self-government had gone, class was arrayed against class, and the privileged orders reveled in luxury and depravity, while the rank « or a brief account of the schools of Early Christianity, se- r -'ives, v of Education before the Middle Ages (New Vor!., . - 296. MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS 5 and file were poor and oppressed. Religious enthusiasm likewise declined. Christianity was no longer confined to small extra-social groups meeting secretly, but was represented in all walks of society, and mingled with the world. It had become thoroughly secularized, and even the clergy had in many instances yielded to the prevailing worldliness and vice. 1 Under these circum- stances there were Christians who felt that the only hope for salvation rested in fleeing from the world and its temptations and taking refuge in an isolated life of holy devotion. Hence there grew up within Christianity that form of solitary living known as monasticism, with its ' ascetic cism,' or discipline of the body in the interest of the high- est spirituaTTife? "Some of the "elements of asceticism appeared m'Ch'ristianity, through various sects, like the Manywith- Therapeutae, Gnostics, and Montanists, even during the socktvfoto first two centuries of its history, although it was not the deserts of until the third century that any number of Christians ^f^Jed^Hfe adopted such a mode of living. As corruption increased of asceticism in the Roman world, many abandoned their homes, or a*" 1 ^ ^ 011 - were driven from them by persecution. They withdrew farther and farther from society, until they reached the seclusion of the mountains, where they dwelt alone in caves. Thus these first Christian hermits were literally 1 monks,' 3 and the dreary deserts and solitudes of lower Egypt naturally furnished them with a suitable dwell- ing-place. They pursued a life of prayer, contempla- tion, and repression of the body, even to the extent of practicing vigil and fasting, flagellation, exhaustive labor, 1 For a description of this decadence in its various phases, see Graves, op. cit., pp. 234-235, 267, and 275-277. 2 But long before Christianity, monasticism existed in many types of religion and philosophy and among a variety of races and peoples. Per- haps it appears earliest in India, with the Brahman self-torture, but among the Greeks, as early as the sixth century B.C., the Pythagoreans established a strict ascetic regime. Somewhat later, there were similar tendencies among the Cynics and the Stoics, and in Plato's emphasis upon the ideal life and meditation, especially as continued in Neoplatonism. There were also several ascetic sects among the Jews. 8 The word is derived from the Greek m#nos, which signifies ' alone.' A HISTORY OF EDUCATION owed ihony aosts of ers. Before long, however, these monks began to live together, and the first mon- astery was founded by Pachomius about the middle of the fourth century. This form of monasticism was extended into Europe A merciless exposure to heat and cold. Their food _onsisted mostly of bread and water, whjrte oil, salt, and such fruits and vegetables as could easily be obtained, may occasionally have been used as luxuries. The first to court this life of isolation and repression was one Paul, who during the third century escaped from per- secution into the Egyptian desert, and was generally regarded as the founder of the hermit life. He was fol- lowed by that Anthony who is reputed to have had so many encounters with 'the evil one,' and by hosts of others until the caves of Egypt were everywhere filled with recluses. The social instinct, however, still existed even'in these anchorites, and before long the abodes of tne more famous hermits were surrounded by the huts and dens of disciples. This led to the foundation of monasteries or common dwelling-houses, in which the monks lived apart in separate cells, but met for meals, prayers, com- munion, and counsel. 1 The first monastery was organ- ized by Pachomius, about the middle of the fourth century, and was located on the island of Tabennae in the Nile. The founder divided his fourteen hundred followers into bands of tens and hundreds, with an appropriate official over each group and with all finally subordinate to himself. 2 This form of monasticism was more humane than the solitary, and soon came to pre- vail. The influence of Pachomius was extended over all Egypt and into Syria and Palestine until there were some seven thousand monks living under his ' rule ' or code. From the East this coenobitic ('common life') monas- ticism was introduced into Greece by Basil, who had studied it in Egypt, Syria, and Palestine, and into Italy 1 A good picture of this type of Egyptian monasticism can be formed by reading the description of Philammon's life in Abbot Pambo's /aura at Scetis, given in Kingsley's Hypatia. 2 He coul ■'. .as this term ■• time restriv trior or head, but was ap- plied to every monk. MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS 7 and Gaul by Athanasius during his flight from Alexan- by Basil, dria to escape the Arian persecutions, and half a cen- Atl janasius, 1 . 1 x ' 1 t> . . and Jerome, tury later by Jerome, who came to Rome from his and there, monastery in Bethlehem in order to evangelize. But " nde ^Augus- . . . . ,,, , ,.y_ tine, Cassian, monasticism in the West took on a very different char- and Benedict, acter from that of the Orient or even from that in lo^rd more Greece. The passivity in living and the self-torture of active pur- the East could not appeal to the energetic people of the sults " West and gave way to more active pursuits and milder discipline. The codes of Pachomius and Basil were replaced by those of St. Augustine and Cassian in the fifth century, and of Benedict in the sixth, and the monks turned to the cultivation of the soil, the preserv.-ion of literature, and teaching, under these rules. The discipline of Benedict, while based on that of his predecessors, was far broader and more practical, and had a wide range of influence. It was extended by his pupil, St. Maur, into Gaul, and in the eighth cen- tury was widely spread by Boniface, ' the apostle to the Germans.' Meanwhile, there were developing in Ireland a school in Ireland a of theology and a type of monasticism of quite a differ- o^onasti? 6 ent kind. Britain had been Christianized while still cism arose, a Roman province, but during the fifth century the sorp'tfon^f country was reheathenized through its occupation by which into the Angles and Saxons. The Christianity there was Christianity, crowded back into Ireland and parts of Wales, and, learning and through its isolation from the rest of the Church, came grefdyTtimu^ to vary from that of Rome. Irish Christianity adopted lated. a different time for Easter, and other peculiar ecclesi- astical usages, and preserved a high development of learning for some time after it had been driven from the Continent. During the sixth century, through a fugitive monk called Columba, 1 Celtic Christianity spread as a 1 According to Montalembert, O'Donnell, or ' Columba,' was con- demned to exile as the result of a quarrel with his abbot and king over his making a copy of the Psalter surreptitiously. See The Monks of the West, Vol. II, pp. 15-24. He founded a monastery upon the west coast of Scotland, which became the prototype of many similar institutions. 8 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION type through the ..juthern part of Scotland and into Northumbria, and in the sixth and seventh centuries it was extended throughout Gaul. Before the arrival of Irish Christianity in northern England, however, Roman Catholicism and the Benedictine rule had been introduced into Kent and the southern kingdoms by a prior named Augustine, who, in 597, had been sent by the pope to evangelize England. Within a couple of generations the two types of Christianity came seriously into conflict, especially in Northumbria, until, through the king of that territory, Roman Catholicism was recog- nized as authoritative at the Council of Whitby in 664, and Celtic Christianity withdrew to Ireland or was ab- sorbed by the Roman Church. An immense enthusiasm for the church, culture, and literature of Rome resulted from this merging of the rival organizations, and the monasteries of England, such as Wearmouth and Yar- row, became the great centers of learning for Europe. The Bene- The discipline of Benedict continued largely to control dictine • rule ' the monasteries of Western Europe. 1 While each house adopted!^? remained independent, practically all adopted the ' rule ' as Benedict himself wrote it, or in a modified form. But as the monastic lands and wealth increased, and *he monks grew luxurious, and lax in their attention to •eligious duties, from time to time there sprang up lew movements, which undertook to introduce reforms nto the monastic system of living. Of such a nature /ere the efforts of Benedict of Aniane, the Cluniac monasteries, 2 Dunstan in England, St. Bruno, and the ter orders known as Augustinians, Carthusians, Cister- ans, Franciscans, and Dominicans. 3 Every succeeding foundation strove to outdo all the others in strictness, * 1 The popularity of the Benedictine rule was due in large part to Pope Gregory I (590-604), who, as a former monk of the order, gave it the benefit of his influence, and through the missionary, Augustine, another Benedictine, it received authoritative standing in England. 2 For Cluny, Citeaux, Camaldoli, etc., as seats of reform of the dictine monasticism, see Milman's Latin Christianity, Vol. IV, pp. 228- 236. 8 See Chapter VIII. MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS but the ' rule ' of each one had its ultimate basis in that of Benedict. The Rule of Benedict. — Owing to the importance of the Benedictine code, it will be necessary to examine some of its provisions, and note their effect upon mo- nastic institutions. The 'rule' consists of a prologue and seventy-three chapters, and deals with the organ- ization, worship, discipline, admission, ordination, and other administrative functions of a monastery. 1 Bene- dict appreciated the temperament of the West and the needs of the times, and gave especial prominence to the doctrines of labor and of systematic reading. His forty-eighth chapter declares : — "Idleness is the great enemy of the soul, therefore the monks should always be occupied, either in manual labor or in holy reading. The hours for these occupations should be arranged according to the seasons, as follows : From Easter to the first of October, the monks shall go to work at the first hour and labor until the fourth hour, and the time from the fourth to the sixth hour shall be spent in reading. After dinner, which comes at the sixth hour, they shall lie down and rest in silence ; but any one who wishes may read, if he does it so as not to disturb any one else. Nones shall be ob- served a little earlier, about the middle of the eighth hour, and the monks shall go back to work, laboring until vespers." These seven hours of labor might be increased in har- vest time, if necessary, while in winter, from October to Lent, an extra hour was added to the two hours of reading, and during Lent still a fourth hour. By the requirement of manual labor Benedict pro- fessedly intended to keep the robust and active monks from temptations and from brooding, 2 but it was event- ually by this means also that the desperate material 1 For the complete ' rule,' see Thatcher and McNeal, Source Book for Medioeval History, pp. 432-485. 2 In Lecky we read that "a melancholy, leading to desperation, known to theologians under the name of ' acedia,' was not uncommon in monasteries. The frequent suicides of monks, sometimes to escape the world, sometimes through despair at their inability to quell the propensities of the body, sometimes through insanity produced by their mode of life, and by their dread of surrounding demons, were noticed by the early Church." TheBenedic tine 'rule' required at least seven hours of manual labor and two hours of reading ; the labor re- sulted in great ma- terial im- provement, and the read- ing in the preservation of learning. A HISTORY OF EDUCATION conditions, produced by the barbarian inroads, were largely reduced to law and order. Through the agency of the monasteries, swamps were drained, forests cleared, and the desert regions reclaimed ; the peasants were trained in agriculture, and the various crafts and in- dustries were preserved ; the abandoned fields were repeopled, and the beginnings of cities formed anew. On the other hand, the requirement of daily reading proved the means of preserving some semblance of learning and reviving a literary education. The Libraries, Multiplication of Manuscripts, and Origi- nal Writings of the Monasteries. — If the monks were to read, manuscripts had to be collected and reproduced. Hence the monasteries became the depositories of an- cient literature and learning, and the interest in the collection and care of books increased as monasticism developed. Benedict, in the chapter from which we quoted above, gives some directions for the care of books. He even mentions a ' library,' but probably the books were not kept in a special room at first. They seem to have been placed in the cloister of the monastery, where they would be most accessible to the monks, and locked in presses when not in use ; but before long a regular library room with seats and other conveniences for reading was arranged. The Cluniacs further ap- pointed a special official to care for the library and the books, and th.e Carthusians and Cistercians even allowed outsiders to borrow books upon stated terms, and seem to have provided two sets of books, for lend- ing and reference respectively. But the monastic libra- ries were very limited both in the number of the books and the character of their subject matter. The works in the average monastery were mostly religious in nature, as literature for its own sake was a conception unheard of in monastic times. Most libraries, too, contained but a few hundred volumes, although a few, like Fulda, St. Gall, and Croyland, came to have a thousand or two, and the Novalese in Italy, according to Montalembert, had risen to sixty-five hundred by the time of its de- MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS II struction in the tenth century. Nevertheless, the library- became so important a feature of the monastic environ- ment that in 1170 a sub-prior of Normandy voiced a general sentiment when he declared : clans trum sine armario est quasi castrum sine armament ario ('a mon- astery without a library is like a castle without an armory'). The multiplication of manuscripts for the sake of ob- This resulted taining duplicates for the monks or for exchange with in the exten ~ 1 1 1 r ° r Slve copying other houses soon became a part of the work of the ofmanu- monasteries. 1 Those who were especially skilled or sacred'ano? 1 were too weak or disabled to carry on rough toil, were secular, and allowed to put in their seven hours of labor in making book-Trade^ copies of manuscripts. Others must also have under- inthemonas- taken it when the weather made it impossible to work tenes ' outside, and in the convents that eventually arose for women the copying of manuscripts was the chief form of labor. Each monastery soon had a scriptorium ('writ- ing-room ') in one end of the building, and occasionally regular cells for copying were provided. While copies were multiplied mostly of the Scriptures Sacra (' sacred writings '), 2 the Christian Fathers, the missals, and brevi- aries, many of the Latin classics likewise helped to occupy the time of the monks, and were in this way preserved for the day of awakening. Although much of the copying may have been done automatically, with more regard for neatness and ornamentation than ac- curacy or meaning, it was intended that the content of the works should have its intellectual and moral influence upon the copyists. This multiplication and exchange of manuscripts by the monks must have been main- tained upon rather a large scale. Until the cathedrals, palaces, and castles also came to collect manuscripts, and, through the art of printing, copies became more common, the monasteries were engaged in what might be termed a species of book-trade. 1 It was begun at Viviers, Italy, in 539 by Cassiodorus, but the example was soon followed by all the Benedictine monasteries. 2 This included not only the Scriptures, but all other works elucidating religious or ecclesiastical truths. A HISTORY OF EDUCATION But the monasteries did not confine their efforts ta copying the works of others. In fact, it has gradually come to be realized that the monks were the authors of a vast amount of original literature. While the sub- ject matter is somewhat circumscribed, the quantity of monastic writings illustrates how absurd was the old notion of the ' Dark Ages.' Most of their productions were upon religious topics, such as commentaries upon the Scriptures or the Christian Fathers, The Lives of the Saints, and the sermons or moral tales called Gesta Romanorum ('Deeds of the Romans'), 1 but they also wrote histories of the Church, the monasteries, and the times. History, however, was not viewed in those days so much with reference to the facts as to the glory and advancement of the Church, and these accounts are con- sequently filled with superstition, inaccuracy, bias, and impossibility. They are, nevertheless, practically the only documents of the times that we possess. After making due allowance for the view-point of the writers, we shall get from them the best picture of the life, thought, and institutions of at least the earlier Middle Ages. Organization of the Monastic Education. — The life in the monasteries was a species of education in itself, and even in the 'rule' of Benedict there was no provision for anything more formal. However, since very early the monks were required to read, collect libraries, and copy manuscripts, it is not surprising that regular schools had arisen within the monasteries even a century before Benedict's time. And by the ninth century nearly all monastic houses had also schools for the children of the neighborhood, and, as time passed, many prescriptions concerning education were added to the Benedictine code. Literary education was at first recognized and then emphasized until all the monasteries of repute were also known for the learning and education maintained. Such, for example, were Monte Cassino, Bobbio, Pom- 1 These Gesta Romanorum were merely popular tales {fabliaux) that had been given a moral twist. MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS 13 posa, and Classe in Italy; Fulda, Reichenau, Hirschau, Gandersheim, Wissenbourg, and Hersfeld in Germany ; St. Gall in Switzerland ; Fontenelle, Fleury, Ferrieres, Corbie, Tours, Toul, Cluny, and Bee in France; and Canterbury, York, Wearmouth and Yarrow, Glaston- bury, St. Albans, Croyland, and Malmesbury in Eng- land ; all of which furnished excellent advantages for the times. Many other monasteries, however, gave little or no attention to learning. The course may often have and a course lasted eight or ten years, as boys of ten or even less of from ei s ht were sometimes received into the monastic schools, and came about. no one could become a regular member of the order be- fore he was eighteen. Later, boys were also admitted who never expected to enter the order, although they were to be priests. These latter were called externi (' outsiders ') in distinction to the oblati ('those offered'), who were preparing to become monks. The Three Ideals of the Monastic Education. — While The chief some importance was thus attached to learning and in- rn u I n 3 a S s t , i c of tellectual development, the main aim of monastic educa- education tion was the discipline and repression of the body. The jessed in training in all its aspects was primarily intended to make the ideals of monks. It was a course in ascetic living, and its goal is °haUty, C and summed up in the three ideals that appear in the usual poverty. oath of a monk before admission, of which the following is an example : — " I, brother (name), a humble monk of the monastery of St. Denis in France, in the diocese of Paris, in the name of God, the Virgin Mary, St. Denis, St. Benedict, and all the saints, and of the abbot of this monastery, do promise to keep the vows of obedience, chastity, I and poverty. I also promise, in the presence of witnesses, steadfast- ness and conversion of life, according to the rules of this monastery and the traditions of the holy fathers." These three ideals, — ' obedience, chastity, and._p.qy- erty,' represented the various practices deemed neces- sary in monastic life. Each concept monasticism sought to defend by quotations from the Bible, and only by their joint practice and irigraining in the life of the individual was it believed that the soul could be purified 14 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION and saved. ' Obedience ' was felt to be an essential ideal for the training of a monk, as his superiors were held to be the representatives of God, and the effect of this submission upon the untamed Germans was most beneficial. By ' chastity ' the monastics meant celibacy, and this was believed to be ' more blessed than mar- riage,' as one could accomplish so much more for reli- gion if his attention v/ere not distracted by family duties. Likewise, the monks felt that it would be difficult for one who was not wedded to ' poverty ' to escape the hardening and debauching influences of the time. Thus monastic education sought for the sake of salva- tion to oppose three of the fundamental obligations of the existing society, — allegiance to the state, care of the family, and economic provision for the future, and in this sense it might be regarded as anti-social. To come to such a conclusion would be, however, to view a mediaeval institution from the modern point of view, as well as to ignore the tremendous contribution to social development made by these ideals. However unsuited they may seem at the present time, it was through them that the lives of the crude and ruthless warriors of the day were softened, and society was to a large extent reorganized upon a higher and more effective level. The Monastic Course of Study and the Seven Liberal Arts. — The subject matter that was used by the mo- nastic schools to carry out these ideals varied from time to time. In the first schools, founded by Cassian, the course was of an elementary and narrow sort, and was intended to prepare for only the bare duties of the mo- nastic life. The embryo monks were required to learn to read, in order to study the Bible ; to write, that they might copy the sacred books ; and to calculate, for the sake of computing Church festivals. This limited train- ing became even more formal and illiberal under the immediate successors of Cassian, but by the time of Benedict, the Christians, having succeeded in establish- ing their ideals, felt that the pagan culture was no longer threatening and began to introduce tne Graeco- MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS 15 Roman learning into the course of study. By this time the pagan authors themselves had somewhat fallen into disuse, but practically none of the actual knowledge of the classical times had disappeared. It remained in that condensed and rather dry form known as the Seven Liberal Arts. This canon of the proper studies, which was adopted by the monastic and other mediaeval schools, is of so much importance as to demand a detailed account both of its origin and its content. It was a gradual evolu- tion from Graeco-Roman days, but became the especial topic for many treatises during the fifth and sixth cen- turies. 1 The discrimination of these liberal studies may be said to have begun with Plato, whose scheme of education included two groups oPsubjects, — the lower, consisting of gymnastics, musical practice, and' letters, and the higher, made up of arithmetic, geometry, musi- cal theory, and astronomy. These ' liberal ' Subjects, grammar, during the later days of Greece and the Roman Repub- dSectic. a Jlfd lie, gradually combined with the ' practical ' studies of arithmetic, the sophists, —rhetoric and dialectic, and, after various musTc'fand changes, the pagan course settled down about the be- astronomy, ginning of the Christian era into grammar (or literature), rhetoric, and dialectic, arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. It is known, for example, that when the Roman Varro (1 16-27 B.C.) wrote upon the Hellenized school curriculum, he included all seven, although he added also medicine and architecture. While other writers of later Rome were not as definite This canon in their conception of the liberal arts and omitted one or Je?i faedby another of the subjects in their treatment, by the time the fourth of the decadence of Roman education, in the fourth encydopi n - d century a.d., this canon of the Greek schools must have die treatises become fairly well fixed. The best illustration is found byCapena, 11 in the Latin writer, Martianus Capella, who in the early St. Augus-' r J tine, Boe- thius, Cassio" 1 An interesting and scholarly discussion of the subject is found in Abel- dorus, and son's The Seven Liberal Arts (New York, 1906), and a more detailed Isidore, account of 'grammar' and 'rhetoric' in Paetow's The Arts Course at Mediceval Universities (Urbana, Illinois, 1910). 1 6 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION part of the fifth century produced a treatise upon the seven liberal arts, known as De Nuptiis Philologies et Mercurii. It is a dry allegorical account of the marriage of the god Mercury with the congenial maiden Philology, at which each of the seven bridesmaids, — Grammatical, Dialectica, Rhetorica, Geometrica, Arithmetica, Astro- nomia, and Hartnonia, narrates her antecedents and de- scribes the subject she represents. It was about this time that the Christians began to realize that this pagan course might be of service to them in the study of theology, and began themselves to write on the liberal arts. Even St. Augustine (354-430) 'justified these studies on the ground of ' despoiling the Egyptians,' and wrote treatises upon all of them, except astronomy. Thus he most fully influenced the Western world in accepting this curriculum, but a formulator of the liberal arts whose works were more widely read in the Middle Ages was the supposed Christian, Boet/iius 1 (481-525). He wrote especially upon logic and ethics, which made up the content of the mediaeval 'dialectic,' and upon arithmetic, geometry, and music. A further contribution was made in the sixth century by Cassiodorus, 2 the founder, and later the head, of the monastery of Viviers, who in his DeArtibus et Disciplinis Liberalium Literarum ('On the Liberal. Arts and Sciences-') first regularly used the term 'the seven liberal arts,' and justified this specific number by reference to the seven pillars of wisdom mentioned in Proverbs. 3 From this time on the seven liberal arts were recognized by the Christians as the orthodox secular studies preparatory to theology. With Isidore (566-636), the bishop of Seville, the term becomes definitely fixed, and the first three subjects are classed as the trivium and the other four as the quad- 1 He was claimed as a Christian and his writings were much copied and used by the monastic schools, but while some of his expressions might be so interpreted, he was undoubtedly pagan in most of his conceptions. 2 The early part of his activity was spent as chief counsellor to Theodoric, the Ostrogothic king, who had defeated Odoacer and taken possession of Italy. See also footnote, p. II, a Proverbs, IX, 1. MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS 1 7 rivium. This distinction appeared in his Etymologic or Origines, an encyclopaedic work, containing all the meager knowledge of the day, which he wrote for his monks and secular clergy. The first three of its twenty books treated the seven liberal arts, and the trivialities and absurdities they contain mark the retrogression in learning that had gradually come about in the successive treatises. However, from this time on the program of the seven liberal arts was traditional in mediaeval edu- cation, and Isidore became the chief authority in the monastic schools. But while at no time after the sixth century did the Until the Church or the monastic schools show themselves seri- ^lury ously hostile to any of these secular studies, certain of grammar the liberal arts were more emphasized at various periods, werVmost" and the quality of instruction in some subjects varied at prominent, different times. The importance attached to a subject were forced^ seems in each case to have been in keeping with the aside by the needs of the period. Up to the twelfth century, since of dlSic" 1 an acquaintance with the Latin language and literature and mathe- was absolutely necessary, and dialectic and mathematics matlcs - were as yet but little developed, stress was laid upon the study of grammar and rhetoric, but, as will appear in the chapter on Scholasticism, in the later centuries of the Middle Ages, when cogency in thought and argu- ment had become all important, dialectic was emphasized, and when mathematical knowledge came in with the Saracens, arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy were especially favored by the stronger minds. It should also be remembered that while this cur- ah subjects riculum was not a broad one, the scope was much wider broadTnn than would be supposed from the mere names of the content than subjects. 'Grammar' was simply an introduction to ^pp^ literature, and, after gaining some facility in Latin from the through simple proverbs, epigrams, and fables," the names - pupils read some of the classic and Christian authors themselves. 1 The works most read seem to have been, 1 Recent investigation has shown that the amount of classic literature was beyond the belief of the most enthusiastic mediaevalists. See Specht, Geschichte des Unterrichtswesens in Deutschland, pp. 296-394. c 1 8 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION on the one hand, first and foremost the ^Eneid of Vergil, 1 and then some of Terence, Horace, Statius, Lucan, Persius, and Juvenal ; and on the other, Juven- cus, Prudentius, and Sedulius. But little of the Greek literature, however, was known, except through the me- dium of translations. 2 ' Rhetoric,' which, in accordance with mediaeval needs, was intended especially as an aid to writing official letters and drawing up legal documents, had to include also some knowledge of history and law. 3 While throughout the Middle Ages dialectic was similar to the formal logic of to-day, it paved the way in the later period for the problems of metaphysics. ' Arith- metic ' consisted at first of little more than the calcula- tion of Church festivals, but in the tenth century, with the introduction of columnal calculation, and later of the Arabic notation and symbols, the content was very greatly increased. Similarly, ' geometry,' which from the first included some knowledge of geography and geometrical concepts, was gradually enlarged to embrace the complete system of Euclid and all the existing knowl- edge of geography and surveying. Likewise, while 1 astronomy ' was at first limited to a practical knowledge of the courses of the planets and the changes of season, Ptolemy's treatise and Aristotle On the Heavens gradu- ally found their way in through the Saracens, and, at the close of the Middle Ages, considerable mathematical 1 During the Middle Ages Vergil was esteemed as the embodiment of wisdom, and, while the Christians tried to break from him as evil in doc- trine, they seem to have been quite unable. Such features of his writings as were inconsistent with the thought and ethics of the age were harmon- ized by regarding them as allegorical. As his wisdom came to be con- sidered more than human, legends grew up in which he figured as a prophet and magician. From such tales, when expanded and embellished, there sprang the material for various Old French romans and fabliaux. See Comparetti's Vergil in the Middle Ages. 2 Greek was preserved somewhat longer in the British Isles, but prob- ably not even Alcuin was much acquainted with the original literature. The pagan classics were generally distrusted by men who were absorbed in saving their souls. 8 Later, this phase of rhetoric developed into a professional branch known as ars dictaminis or dictamen prosaicum, which, while short-lived, gave birth in Italy to the more specialized ars notaria, which was closely related to civil law. See Paetow, The Arts Course, Chapter III. MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS 1 9 astronomy and physics were included. And although 1 music ' comprehended at the beginning only sacred compositions, in the end it covered a broad study of the history and theory of music. Thus, as the Middle Ages developed, while the content of the course of study in the monastic, as in the other, schools varied from time to time, it could at no period be considered really meager. The Methods of Teaching and the Texts Used in the in method Monastic Schools. — So, too, in the matter of method, *£« ^chers while the teachers of the monastic schools were far from sideTabie° n ~ attaining to modern theory, they seem to have possessed ^nd^kMi some pedagogical skill. Their interest in the art of in- although' struction is also shown in the fact that, beside such gen- mf^ "^"^ eral encyclopaedic works as those of Capella, Boethius, to Ee largely Cassiodorus, and Isidore, a large number of texts upon used# each one of the liberal arts has survived. The general method of teaching was that of question and answer. As an illustration of the drill of the times when applied to the first word of the ^Eneid, the follow- ing has been extracted from Priscian : — " What part of speech is arma f " " A noun." " Of what sort ? " " Common." " Of what class ? " " Abstract." u Of what gender ? " " Neuter." " Why neuter ? " " Because all nouns whose plurals end in a are neuter." " Why is not the singular used ? " " Because this noun expresses many different things." As copies of the various books were scarce, the in- structor often resorted to dictation, explaining the mean- ing as he read, and the pupils took the passage down upon their tablets and committed it. The reading-books preparatory to the study of literature, many of which are still extant, were generally arranged by each teacher, and careful attention was given to the etymo- logical and literary study of the authors to be read. There naturally was an unusually large number of com- mentaries upon Vergil. 1 1 See footnote 1 upon p. 18. Abelson speaks of these commentaries as divided into four groups, — literary, rhetorical, eulogistic, and allegorical. 20 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION As to texts, the leading works upon grammar, and those upon which most of the later treatises were based, were written by the Roman grammarians, Donatus (fourth century) and Priscian (sixth century). These texts were, however, poorly adapted to boys who learned Latin as a foreign language, and during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries there sprang up a series of gram- mars, of which the Doctrinale of Alexander of Villedieu, and the Grczcismus of Eberhard of Bethune, were the most important. 1 The 'new' grammars devised a sys- tem of syntax, and, for the sake of memorizing, were often written in verse. As rhetoric was no longer con- cerned with declamation and panegyric, the rhetorical works of Cicero and Quintilian were rarely used as texts on the subject, although the writings of these authors were not infrequently referred to as themselves models of the best style. The various mediaeval textbooks dealing with the art of prose writing, included rather a compendium of official letters, famous legal documents, and forms relating to daily life. The proper divisions of a letter or a document and the method of producing each part were also definitely described in the treatises. 2 The texts upon dialectic were in the earlier Middle Ages mostly confined to the encyclopaedic writings on the liberal arts, but during the period of scholasticism, spe- cific works on the various subjects were produced by nearly every writer of prominence. Dialectic was first based upon Latin translations of a few works of Aristotle, but toward the end of the twelfth century there came an influx of the ' new ' Aristotle through the Moors, and soon all his works were in the possession of the Chris- tians. After the tenth century there was also a large 1 At the University of Paris the most remarkable grammarian was John Garland, whose chief works are Clavis Compendii, Compendium Gram- matice, and Accentuarius. 2 Alberich 6f Monte Cassino, in the latter half of the eleventh century, wrote a text on the new art. in which he taught the division of a letter into five parts, salutatio, benevolentiae captatio, narratio, petitio, con- clusio. The art reached its height at Bologna with the famous master, Boncompagno. MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS 21 number of texts upon arithmetic and geometry. In astronomy, besides the encyclopaedic works, there were special editions and adaptations of the treatises of Ptolemy and Aristotle. The elaborate De Musica of Boethius lasted well into the day of universities, but several commentaries were also written during the ninth and tenth centuries by less known authorities. How Monasticism Affected the Middle Ages and Civili- Monasticism zation in General. — Much, then, is owed to the Christian acc ° m - monasteries for preserving and spreading humanity and for S ma1e n riai h culture. While we cannot always trust the unstinted progress and praise of Montalembert, we may easily sympathize when he declares : — "To that unfortunate multitude condemned to labor and priva- tion, which constitutes the immense majority of the human race, the monks have always been prodigal, not only of bread, but at the same time of a sympathy efficacious and indefatigable — a nourish- ment of the soul not less important than that of the body." Monasticism arose from a protest against vice and corruption, and pointed the way to a deeper religion and a nobler life. It tamed the spirits and refined the hearts and intellects of the German hordes. It culti- vated the, waste places and made " the deserts blossom as the rose." Through it barbarians acquired industrial skill and*perceived the true dignity of labor. The poor, the hungry, and the sick found asylum and succor at the and for the monastery door, and the weary traveller a hospice inside oHearntng 11 its halls. Monasticism preserved ancient culture and and educa- brought forth chronicles and religious works ; it con- tinued the classical schools and the traditions of educa- tion. It may not be that "without the monks we should have been as ignorant of our history as children," but we do have to rely upon them at present for many of our documents and sources of the Middle Ages, uncriti- cal and superstitious though they were, and it is scarcely possible that without the monasteries and monastic schools the Latin and Greek manuscripts and learning would have survived and been available when the human spirit was at length aroused from its lethargy of a thousand years. tion. 22 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION But it had periodic lapses from morality, piety, and industry, and was some- what op- posed to classical literature, and abso- lutely so to science and individual- ism. Nevertheless, it must be admitted that monasticism was infected with many faults of the times. There were periodic lapses from its piety and morality, espe- cially as the monasteries came to be wealthy, luxurious, and idle. While these times usually gave rise to new orders with additional strictness of living, carelessness in religion and industry, and even vice, often crept within the monastic walls. And in the matter of learning and education, although the amount of Graeco-Latin culture retained and original works produced is now known to have been very much greater than was previously sup- posed, it is equally certain that monasticism was always somewhat hostile to classical literature as representing the temptations of the world and opposing the ascetic ideal, and at all times its rigid orthodoxy prevented every possibility of science and the development of individualism. This is, of course, the secret of the unsparing criti- cism of such men as Voltaire, Gibbon, and Guizot, as far as it was not an outgrowth of their prejudices. Such wholesale condemnation is even more untenable for the historian than is the biased advocacy of Montalembert. The truth will, as usual, be found somewhere between the extremes. Perhaps the fairest picture is that given in the series of epigrams by a recent writer : — " Monasticism was the friend and foe of true religion. It was the patron of industry and the promoter of idleness. It was the pioneer in education and the teacher of superstition. It was the disburser of alms and a many-handed robber. It was the friend of human liberty and the abettor of tyranny. It was the champion of the common people and the defender of class privileges." 1 All the criticisms in this estimate were probably true of certain monasteries during a considerable part of their existence and of almost all monasteries at par- ticular periods, but in the main the merits cited are the more characteristic of this great institution. At any rate, in balancing these contradictions, the positive con- tributions of monasticism to the humanities and civiliza- 1 Wishart, Monks and Monasteries, p. 389. MONASTICISM AND THE MONASTIC SCHOOLS 23 tion must not be overlooked. While it may at times have retrograded, and did stand at every period in the way of actual progress, it was, after all, the chief means of enabling the Germans to keep alive and hand on to the modern world the light that had been kindled in them by their contact with antiquity. SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Alexander of Villedieu. Das Doctrinale (edited by Reichling in Monumenta Germanice Pcedagogica, XII). Bacon, R. Opera quadatn hactenus inedita (edited by Brewer). Boethius, A. M. T. S. De Arithmetica, De Musica,a.nd Interpre- tatio Euclid is Geometric Capella, M. De Nuptiis Philologia et Mercurii. Cassian, J. Institutio et Dialogi. Cassiodorus, M. A. De Ariibus et de Disciplinis Liber alium Literarttm. Donatus, A. Ars Grammatica. Eberhard of Bethune. GrcBcismus (edited by Wrobel in Cor- pus Grammaticorum Medii sEvi, Vol. I). Henderson, E. F. Historical Documents of the Middle Ages. Bk. Ill, Nos. I and IV. Isidore of Seville. Etymologic. Priscian. Institutio de Arte Grammatica. Robinson, J. H. Readings in European History. Vol. I. Thatcher and McNeal. A Source Book for Mediceval History. Pp. 432-492- II. Authorities Abelson, P. The Seven Liberal Arts. - Church, R. W. The Beginning of the Middle Ages. Clark, J. W. Libraries in the Mediceval and Renaissance Monas* teries. Comparetti, D. Vergil in the Middle Ages (translated by Benecke). Eckenstein, L. Woman under Monaslicism. ■■ Feasey, H. J. Monaslicism. Hallam, H. Europe during the Middle Ages. Hardy, R. S. Eastern Monasticism. Healy, J. Insula Sanctorum et Doctor urn; or Ireland^ Ancient Schools and Scholars. Hunt, W. The English Church (597-1066). Chaps. VI, X, XVII, and XVIII. 24 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Hyde, D. A Literary History of Ireland. Chaps. XIII-XVIII. Laurie, S. S. Rise and Constitution of Universities. Lectures II, IV, and V. Lecky, W. E. H. History of European Morals. Chap. IV. Milman, H. H. The History of Latin Christianity. Montalembert, C. F. The Monks of the West. Paetow, L. J. The Arts Course at the Medieval Universities with Special Reference to Grammar and Rhetoric (in University of Illinois Studies, Vol. Ill, No. 7). Parker, H . The Seven Liberal Arts. Putnam, G. H. Books and Their Markers during the Middle Ages. Sandys, J. E. A History of Classical Scholarship. Vol. I (sec. ed.). Specht, F. A. Geschichte des Unterrichtswesens in Deutschland. Stanley, A. P. History of the Eastern Church. Taylor, H. O. Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages. Voigt, E. Das Erste Lesebuch des Triviums in den Kloster-und Stiftsschulen des Mittelalters. Wishart, A. W. A Short History of Monks and Monasteries. Woodhouse, F. C. Monasticism, Ancient and Modern. Zimmer, H. The Irish Element in Mediceval Culture. CHAPTER III CHARLEMAGNE S REVIVAL OF EDUCATION While the ecclesiastical organization was the main element, it was not the only means of furthering the assim- ilation that was going on in the Middle Ages. Although Rome had perished and the fragments of her dominions were in constant opposition and turmoil, occasionally the political factor had its effect upon mediaeval civilization and education, especially as the idea of a universal empire had never entirely vanished. Rise of the Franks and the Empire of Charlemagne. — For nearly three centuries after the fall of Rome, the inroads of the barbarians and the disintegration of the Roman civil organization, culture, and system of educa- tion went on. But by the eighth century conditions had settled somewhat, and a new social order and grouping about a Frankish king had come to pass. The ' Franks' consisted of a confederation of German tribes that alone had succeeded in establishing a permanent kingdom which was neither taken by other barbarian tribes nor reconquered by the Eastern emperor. By the middle of the sixth century, under the Merovingian kings, they had spread over what is now France, Belgium, Holland, and most of western Germany, and, through the rise of the more vigorous Carolingian dynasty in the seventh and eighth centuries, their control became even wider and the sovereignty more centralized. Karl Martel greatly strengthened the Frankish rule and the Caro- lingian dynasty by his repulse of the Saracens at Tours in 732. Two decades later, his son, Pippin the Short, consummated a family alliance with the pope, and, severely chastising the Lombards, who were threatening 25 The Franks alone of all the Germans established a permanent kingdom, and under the Caro- lingians cen- tralized the sovereignty. 26 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Rome, turned over a goodly strip of their land to the pontiff. Pippin's son, Karl the Great or Charlemagne 1 (742-814), deposed the troublesome dukes of Aquitaine and Bavaria, forced the Lombards to recognize him as their king, conquered the pagan Saxons, crowded the Saracens back of the Ebro, subdued the fierce Slavs and Bohemians, and generally completed the erection of Frankish supremacy into a single Christian empire^ This unification was recognized by the unexpected crowning of Charlemagne as Emperor of the Romans by the pope upon Christmas day, 800. And that act from the head of the Church Universal may fairly be regarded as a climax in the absorption of the Roman organization by the Germans, who thus, through the Franks, became the means of transmitting it as a basic element in modern society. Just as our religious inherit- ance from Rome was made possible through the organi- zation of the Roman Catholic Church, so the heritage of Roman political and legal institutions has come to us through the establishment at this time of what was destined, when somewhat curtailed, to be known as the Holy Roman Empire. Charlemagne's Improvements in Administration. — But Charlemagne readily saw the difficulty of holding to- gether his wide and heterogeneous dominions, and his administration was as wisely conducted as his conquests. While still king of the Franks, he abolished the indepen- dent tribal duchies and divided them into districts under counts, responsible directly to the central government; and, as the hostile peoples were pushed back, he created military districts to prevent incursions and put margraves' 1 (' counts of the border ') in charge of them. As a check upon the counts and margraves, he sent out missi dominici ('royal commissioners'), who should report to him what was going on in the various districts. To assist in the central government, he had a council of 1 At this time the Franks were all Germans, and the French form of the name is indefensible, except as the result of usage. 2 I.e. Mark plus Graf. CHARLEMAGNE'S REVIVAL OF EDUCATION 2 7 nobles and ecclesiastics, with whose sanction he issued decrees called capitularies to all parts of his realm. Charlemagne's Efforts to Improve Learning. — The great monarch, however, even before becoming emperor, had realized that a genuine unity of his people could be brought about only through the inner life by means of a common language, culture, and set of ideas. To pro- duce this, he felt that a revival of learning was necessary, and sought to spread such of the Roman culture as had been preserved. By the latter half of the eighth cen- tury there had been a great loss in knowledge and education. The Gallic learning of the fifth and sixth centuries was disappearing, the copying of manuscripts had almost ceased, and the monastic and cathedral schools had been sadly disrupted. Charlemagne reveals the conditions of the times in writing the Abbot of Fulda : — "We have frequently received letters from monks and in them have recognized correct sentiments, but an uncouth style and lan- guage. The sentiments inspired in them by their devotion to us they could not express correctly, because they had neglected the study of language. Therefore, we have begun to fear lest, just as the monks appear to have lost the art of writing, so also they may have lost the ability to understand the Holy Scriptures ; and we all know that, though mistakes in words are dangerous, mistakes in un- derstanding are still more so." A similar lack of education seems to have prevailed To improve among the ' secular ' * clergy, the nobility, and most ^["^"had others who might have been expected to be trained, fallen into a although the leading churchmen must still have had, condition, beside their knowledge of ecclesiastical Latin, some Charlemagne acquaintance with the classical authors and the compila- J^wSearned tions of the seven liberal arts by Boethius, Cassiodorus, scholars of and Isidore. Evidently Charlemagne had a keen sense pe^of - of the situation, and he made every effort to improve it. Pisa, Paul To assist him in his endeavors, he summoned the lead- Indesp^daUy the Saxon 1 This term was used of the clergy, — priests, bishops, etc., given to Alcuin. parochial and other duties in society. They lived in the world {saculum), as opposed to the monastic or 'regular' clergy, who lived according to rule {regula). 28 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION ing scholars of the day. His father's educational ad- viser, Peter of Pisa, was already with him, and through him he secured the services of Paul the Deacon, a prom- inent scholar of Lombardy. But more influential than either of these was Alcnin (735-800), whom Charle- magne called in 782 from the headship of the famous cathedral school at York to be his chief minister of education. This school had become, perhaps, the most prominent center in Europe, since, as we have noted, 1 learning had reached its height in England after it had largely vanished from the Continent, and Alcuin became the means of renewing the Graeco-Roman training. Peter was growing very old and Paul was unpractical, and both of these refined Lombards were jealous of the Frankish supremacy and showed themselves out of sym- pathy with the rude and boorish warriors of Frankland. Neither objection held of Alcuin, for Anglo-Saxon inter- ests were quite removed from the interference of the Franks, and Alcuin had, through a previous acquaint- ance, come to be a great admirer of Charlemagne and his achievements. Moreover, he was just enough older so that the impetuous monarch was willing to listen to his advice with grace. Through this English scholar, Charlemagne revived the monastic, cathedral, and par- ish schools, 2 and had a new higher institution, known as the Palace School, started at the head of his educational system. Alcuin and the Palace School. — We may properly consider first the last named institution. It was soon organized at the court of the great king by Alcuin and the three teachers he had brought from York. 3 Charle- magne himself studied here under the Saxon educator, and with him his queen, his three sons and two daugh- ters, his sister, son-in-law, and three cousins, and various 1 See pp. 7-8. 2 For an account of these types of schools, see Graves, History of Edu- cation before the Middle Ages, pp. 281, 286, and 294. 3 According to Maitre, this school had existed for several generations, but was given a new life by Alcuin. CHARLEMAGNE'S REVIVAL OF EDUCATION 29 prominent ecclesiastics and scholars of Frankland, in- cluding his biographer, Einhard. Alcuin must have but adapted found that a somewhat different mode of teaching was hls met .hod necessary with the adults from the formal one used with fheagj o B f '° the more plastic minds. As in the monastic schools, 1 his p u p' 1s - the plan for instructing the youth was the 'catechetical' method, in which a definite answer was arranged for each of a fixed set of questions. Usually the replies were learned and given by the pupil, although originally the teacher indicated the proper answers. This is shown in the following selection from The Disputation of Pip- pin, which is supposed to have taken place when that prince was about sixteen : — " Pippin. — ' What produces speech ? ' Alcuin. — ' The tongue.' P. — ' What is the tongue ? ' A. — i The whip of the air. 1 p. __ « What is air ? ' A. — < The guardian of life. 1 P. — ' What is life ? ' A. — ' The joy of the good, the sorrow of the evil, the expectation of death.' " "P. — ' What is rain ? ' A. — ' The reservoir of the earth, the mother of fruits. 1 P. — 'What is frost? 1 A. — 'A persecutor of plants, a destroyer of leaves, a fetter of the earth, a fountain of water. 1 P. — ' What is snow ? * A. — ' Dry water. 1 " 2 But a more discursive method must have been em- ployed in the Palace School with the older people, who could not memorize as rapidly and would not be as will- ing to regard the instructor as a final authority. Cer- tainly the vigorous Charlemagne, with his eagerness and curiosity for learning, can hardly be thought of as tamely submitting to Alcuin without disputation and suggestion, and at times even attempts to prove that scholar inconsistent. Often he seems to have strained the patience of his tactful master, and occasionally led to a mild rebuke. Among the subjects taught in the Palace School seem 1 See p. 19. 2 For the rest of the naive metaphorical explanations of this colloquy, see Alcuini Opera, Migne, C. I., 975, seqq., quoted by Mombert, Charles the Great, pp. 244-245. 3Q A HISTORY OF EDUCATION He there taught gram- mar, rhetoric, dialectic, arithmetic, astronomy, and theology. Charlemagne also issued capitularies to the abbots and bishops, and thus re- vived or established schools at the monas- teries, cathe- drals, and villages. to have been grammar, including some study of the Latin poets and the writings of the Church Fathers, rhetoric, dialectic, arithmetic, astronomy, and theology, but Alcuin appears to have had but little command of the Greek learning, except in translation. Charlemagne had previously learned grammar from Peter of Pisa, and he now acquired from Alcuin the higher branches. According to Einhard, " he spoke foreign languages beside his own tongue, and was so proficient in Latin that he used it as easily as his own language. Greek he could understand better than he could speak. He was devoted to the liberal arts." This may be some- what doubtful, but we may well believe the pathetic picture : " He tried to learn to write, keeping his tablets under the pillow of his couch to practice on in his leisure hours. But he never succeeded very well, because he began too late in life." Educational Improvement in the Monastic and Other Schools. — Nor did Charlemagne limit his endeavors to educating himself and his relatives and friends. Be- sides establishing the Palace School, he undertook to revive the monastic, cathedral, and parish schools. With the cooperation of Alcuin, he did everything within his power to increase facilities and improve standards. In 787 he issued an educational capitulary to the abbots of all the monasteries, of which the copy sent to Fulda has come down to us. After reproving the monks for their illiteracy in the words already quoted, 1 he writes : — "Therefore, we urge you to be diligent in the pursuit of learning, and to strive with humble and devout minds to understand more fully the mysteries of the Holy Scriptures. For it is well known that the sacred writings contain many rhetorical figures, the spiritual meaning of which will be readily apprehended only by those who have been instructed in the study of letters. And let those men be chosen for this work who are able and willing to learn and who have the desire to teach others, and let them apply themselves with a zeal equaling the earnestness with which we recommend it to them." 1 See quotation on p. 27. CHARLEMAGNE'S REVIVAL OF EDUCATION 31 In apparently the same year that Charlemagne sent out this capitulary, it is stated that " he brought with him from Rome into Frankland masters in grammar and reckoning, and everywhere ordered the expansion of the study of letters." Two years later he wrote a more urgent capitulary to the abbots and bishops, in which he specified the subjects to be taught in the mo- nastic and cathedral schools and the care to be taken in teaching them. Moreover, the missi of Charlemagne were instructed to see that the provisions of these capitu- laries and other educational efforts were carried out to the letter, and there is evidence for believing that the instructions were generally obeyed by the abbots and bishops. Schools seem to have been everywhere re- vived or established for the first time in the various monasteries, cathedrals, and villages, and the instruction at such places as Tours, Fulda, Corbie, Bee, Orleans, and Hirschau became famous. To insure this revival, according to the Monk of St. Gall, the monarch ordered that only those most interested in learning and edu- cation should be appointed to important dioceses and abbacies. The Course of Study and the Organization in the Theeiemen- Schools. — All the monastic and cathedral schools of S/^Jry- 3 Frankland thus came to offer at least a complete ele- where taught, mentary course, and some added considerable work in ^ d e |° a ^o higher education. Reading, writing, computation, sing- the trivium ing, and the Scriptures were taught first, but, beyond ^ u ^ ad7 this, instruction in grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic was often given, and in the more famous monasteries the quadrivium also appeared in the course. The schools in the villages, under the care of the parish priests, furnished only elementary subjects. In these schools, besides the rudiments, were taught the Lord's prayer, the creed, and the Psalms. to Tuition was generally become monks or priests, but for the higher work a free, 1 small fee was sometimes paid by the laity. As a rule, ^mostcom- elementary education was gratuitous and open to all. puisory. 32 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION This is shown to have been the case in the diocese of Orleans, if we may judge from the episcopal letter of Theodulf, which requires that " the priests hold schools in the towns and villages, and if any of the f aithf u I to intrust their children to them for the learn in letters, let them not refuse to receive and teach nch children. . . . And let them exact no price from tl children for their teaching, nor receive anything from them, save what the parents may offer voluntarily from affection." Indeed, Charlemagne almost m e$ elementary education compulsory by decreeing in his capitulary of 802 that "every one should send his son to study letters and that the child should remain at school with all diligence until he should become well in- structed in learning." in 79 6Aicuin The School of Alcuin at the Monastery of Tours. — monaster 'of After fourteen years of strenuous service, Alcuin was Tours, where anxious to retire from the active headship of the school iished a a" system, with its difficulties and discouragements. To model mo- this desire his royal master yielded and made him abbot nastic school, f t h e monastery of St. Martin at Tours, the oldest and most wealthy x in Frankland. But even here his edu- cational work did not cease. He soon established a model house of learning and education, whither there flocked to him the brightest youthful minds in the empire. As these rapidly became prominent as teachers and churchmen, Alcuin's influence came to be even wider than before, and the standard of learning in all the schools was greatly raised, and had a At this center he introduced the deepest learning in donafinfl^-" ^ e Scriptures and liberal arts, and wrote a number of ence, educational works, mostly along the lines,4aid down by Augustine, Cassiodorus, Isidore, and Baeda. 2 Further, through a large correspondence with kings and the higher clergy, during the eight years that intervened before his death, his influence was extended for several 1 The Archbishop of Toledo is known to have reproached Alcuin with being the master of twenty thousand slaves. -See pp. 15-17 and 38. CHARLEMAGNE'S REVIVAL OF EDUCATION 35 generations and reached to lands beyond the Carolingian sway. Alcuin, however, was by nature conservative and timid, and with his retirement from the world and the near approach of death, he became decidedly set and narrow. His fear of the dialectic and the more advanced but became views of certain Irish scholars, " with their versatility in * et and nar " everything and their sure knowledge of nothing," who were drifting into Frankland, is almost ludicrous. He advises Theodulf, the new head of the Palace School, to hold to the ' old wine,' and urges the emperor to secure vigorous exponents of the old faith, lest the heresy spread. " You have by you," he writes, " the tomes of both secular learning and of the Church's wisdom, wherein the true answers will be found to all your inquiries." Similarly, he was inclined to counsel his pupils against the classic poets, even Vergil, his former favorite, saying : " The sacred poets are enough for you ; you have no need to weaken your minds with the rank luxuriance of Vergil's verse." But while he became thus ascetic and hostile toward anything new, this is not remarkable under the circumstances, and he must be credited until the last with the highest ideals, he greatest energy, and even a certain breadth of vdsion. Rabanus Maurus and Other Pupils of Alcuin. — While Alcuin's at the death of Alcuin practically all positions of educa- ^"^' nus tional importance were held by his pupils, the monastic Maurus of school of Fulda was destined under Rabanus Maurus ^nutd'and" (776-856) to become the great center of learning, advanced hi: Rabanus was probably the most esteemed pupil of fdeScon- Alcuin, 1 and in many ways he was a man of broader tent, and gauge than his master. While he wrote even more mfluence ' prolifically than Alcuin upon grammar, language, and theology, he did not cling to the traditional subjects, and was not afraid to emphasize the new training in dialectic. Moreover, he enriched the formal study of grammar by a genuine training in literature, and advo- 1 Alcuin gave him his surname, taking it from St. Maur, the most be- loved disciple of Benedict. D 34 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION cated the reading of the classic poets. Through his influence, too, the mathematical subjects of the curricu- lum were expanded into considerably more than the calculation of Church festivals, and he even made bold to ascribe all phenomena to natural laws, rathei than to some mysterious cause. Thus he became a forerunner of the later movement of scholasticism. Wiethe The pupils of Rabanus were even more numerous rish learn- than those of Alcuin, and but few scholars or teachers ddecfunder of the next generation are not to be attributed to Fulda. ie master- However, the great scholar of East Frankland but con- tinued the influence of his master in the West, and it would be difficult to separate the part played by each. Further, there was mingled with the Alcuinian growth the cross-fertilization of Irish learning. This came to Frankland especially through the mastership of Joannes Scotus Erigena (8 1 0-876) x at the Palace School in the middle of the ninth century. Thus during this century and the first half of the next, through the political tran- quillity brought about by the Carolingians, there arose a marked revival in education. Most of the monasteries of the Continent and England for several generations enthusiastically supported schools and fostered learning Curricula were expanded, and many famous scholai , appeared. Theological discussions and other evidences of renewed intellectual activity sprang up. Owing t£ the weakness of Charlemagne's successors, the attacks of the Northmen, and the general disorder of the empire, learning gradually faded once more. But while the re- sults of the revival are somewhat disappointing, intellec- tual stagnation never again prevailed. It is clear that even in the period of retrogression between the end of Charlemagne's influence and the greater activity of scholasticism, some educational traditions must have survived. Through the revival of the great Frankish monarch the classical learning was recalled to conti- nental Europe from its insular asylum in the extreme West. 1 See pp. 49-50 and 51. CHARLEMAGNE'S REVIVAL OF EDUCATION 35 SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Alcuin. Opera Omnia (emendata cura et studio Froebenii). Einhard. Life of Charlemagne. Henderson, E. F. Historical Documents of the Middle Ages. Book II. Jaffe, P. Monumenta Alcuiniana {Bibliotheca Rerum Germani- carum, VI). Rabanus Maurus. Opera Omnia (Migne, Patrologia Latina, CVII-CXII). Robinson, J. H. Readings in European History. Vol. I, Chap. VII. Thatcher and McNeal. A Source Book for Mediceval History. Pp. 26-60. II. Authorities Abel and Simson. Jahrbiicher des Frankischen Reiches unter Karl den Grossen. Band II. Adams, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chaps. VII and VIII. Adamson, R. Alcuin (article in Dictionary of National Biog~ raphy). Barnard, H. German Teachers and Educators. Drane, A. T. Christian Schools and Scholars. Chaps. V and VI. Gaskoin, C. J. C. Alcuin, His Life and His Work. Henderson, E. F. A Short History of Germany. Vol. I, Chap. II. Laurie, S. S. Rise and Constitution of Universities. Lect. III. Lorenz, F. Life of Alcuin (translated by Jane Mary Slee). Mombert, J.I. A History of Charles the Great. Monnier, F. Alcuin et Charlemagne. Mullinger, J. B. The Schools of Charles the Great. Townsend, W. J. The Great Schoolmen of the Middle Ages. Chap. II. West, A. F. Alcuin and the Rise of Christian Schools. CHAPTER IV THE REVIVAL OF EDUCATION UNDER ALFRED A work for education similar to Charlemagne's and possibly inspired by it was that of Alfred the Great (848-901), king of the West Saxons. It was, however, on a smaller scale, and was more personal and local in character. In Britain for several centuries there had been continual warfare between the various tribal king- doms established by the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes, until in 827 all had been brought under the overlordship of Wessex. But a little later the Northmen, or ' Danes,' as they were called by the Anglo-Saxons, conquered all the country north of the Thames, and were prevented from extending their sway into Wessex only by Alfred, who had come to the throne in 871. This monarch, however, instead of attempting to reestablish the su- premacy of Wessex, devoted his energies to developing the realms that remained to him. Alfred's Desire to Extend and Improve Education. — After the fashion of Charlemagne, Alfred improved the political administration of his country, displaying great breadth and sagacity, but his chief resemblance to the Frankish emperor rests on his interest in education. Just before his reign began, learning in England appears to have sadly retrograded since the days of Alcuin, and Wessex was probably the most ignorant kingdom in that land. But few lettered men were left, even in the more cultured towns. Alfred writes : — "So general became the decay of learning in England that there were very few on this side of the Humber who could understand the Church service in English, or translate a letter from Latin into Eng- lish ; and I believe that there were not many beyond the Humber who could do these things. There were so few, in fact, that I cannot remember a single person south of the Thames when I came to the throne." 36 THE REVIVAL OF EDUCATION UNDER ALFRED 37 Alfred desired to lift this incubus of ignorance from his people. He expressed the wish "that all free-born youth now in England, who are rich enough to be able to devote themselves to it, be set to learn as long as they are not fit for any other occupation, until they are well able to read English writing; and those afterwards be taught more in the Latin language who are to continue learning, and be promoted to a higher rank." The Establishment of Schools and the Importation of Educators. — To carry out this ideal, Alfred encouraged many schools at the monasteries. He also had the schools in general improved and increased in number, and personally supervised a Palace School for* the edu- cation of his sons, " the children of almost all the nobility of the country, and many who were not noble." Here the pupils were taught reading and writing, both in Latin and Saxon, and acquired the Psalms, Saxon poetry and other literature, and some of the liberal arts. However, with the exception of the Welsh bishop and chronicler, Asser, there were scarcely any men in the kingdom of sufficient education to aid him. But Asser tells us : — "God at that time, as some relief to the king's anxiety, yielding to his complaint, sent certain lights to illuminate him, namely, Wer- frith, bishop of the church of Worcester, . . . Plegmund, a Mercian by birth, archbishop of Canterbury ; Ethelstan and Werwulf, his priests and chaplains, also Mercians by birth. These four had been invited from Mercia by King Alfred, who exalted them with many honors and powers in the kingdom of the West Saxons. . . . But the king's commendable desire could not be gratified even in this ; wherefore he sent messengers beyond the sea to Gaul, to procure teachers, and he invited from them Grimbald, priest and monk, a venerable man and good singer, adorned with every kind of ecclesi- astical training and good morals, and most learned in the holy Scriptures. He also obtained John, priest and monk, a man of most energetic talents, and learned in all kinds of literary science and skilled in many other arts." Thus, curiously enough, as Charlemagne had resorted to Lombardy and York, Alfred went to the Continent for men of reputation, to help in improving the schools. Grimbald was drawn from the Flemish monastery at To m;ike elementary education universal and afford some higher training, Alfred im- proved and increased the schools in general, and super- vised a Palace School ; 38 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION St. Omer to become Abbot of Winchester, and John the Old Saxon was invited from Corbie to take charge of the new monastery and school established at Athelney. Alfred's Personal Assistance to Learning and Educa- tion. — Of course old works were recovered and new texts were prepared for the work in the schools, but the most striking contribution to educational facilities was the translations made by Alfred himself. He attempted to open up to the pupils and the people at large the learning and information that had previously been con- fined to the clergy and nobility, and to that end ren- dered from Latin into English the best books of the time. For example, he translated into the vernacular the Consolations of PJiilosophy of Boethius, the Univer- sal History of the World, compiled by Orosius, the His- tory of the Church in England, written by Baeda, and the Pastoral Charge of Pope Gregory the Great. 1 These works, chosen as the leading productions of the day, afford a concrete example of the lamentable way in which knowledge and culture had, through a lack of interest, declined since the day of Rome. 2 For- tunately, Alfred was an editor as well as a translator, and by abridging at times, expanding at others, and com- menting throughout, he added a spice, enthusiasm, and intelligibility to each work that was entirely his own. Through him, too, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was com- piled, in order that the people might become acquainted in the vernacular with the history of their own country. Significance of Alfred's Educational Work. — In these ways Alfred gave a new impulse to education among the West Saxons and elsewhere in England, very much as Charlemagne had upon the Continent. He greatly increased the opportunities for schooling, restored much 1 Plummer undertakes to show to what extent each of these was the work of Alfred himself. See Alfred the Great, pp. 140-196. 2 If Alfred had known Herodotus, Thucydides, Livy,*nd Tacitus, he would have preferred their works to the dreary compend of Orosius. So he would have found Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, and Epictetus preferable to the decadent philosophy of Boethius. THE REVIVAL OF EDUCATION UNDER ALFRED 39 of the old learning, opened the best Latin works of the and restored day to his people, and produced the first prose writings Jld?° f - he in England. He thus helped on the day of awakening, ° earning- for, while the mediaeval turmoil and narrowness ruled supreme for some centuries after his day, conditions in England were never as dark again. SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Asser. Annales JElfredi (translated by E. Conybeare). Cheyney, E. P. Readings in English History. Chap. V, II. Giles, J. A. Six Old English Chroniclers. Pp. 51-77. Stevenson, J. (Translator). Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Thorpe, B. Ancient Laws and Institutes of England (edited by Plummer). II. Authorities Adams, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chap. VIII. Bowker, A. (Editor). Alfred the Great. By Harrison, Oman, Earle, Pollock, and others. Conybeare, E. Alfred in the Chroniclers. Giles, J. A. Life and Times of Alfred the Great. Green, J. R. A Short History of the English People. Chap. I. Green, J. R. The Conquest of England. Chap. IV. Hunt, W. The English Church (597-1066). Chap. XII. Morley, H. English Writers. Vol. II, Chap. XII. Pauli, R. Life of Alfred the Great (translated by Thorpe). Plummer, C. The Life and Times of Alfred the Great. Espe- cially Lectures V and VI. Ransome, C. An Advanced History of England. Chap. VI. Traill, H. D. (Editor). Social England. Vol.1. Turner, S. History of the Anglo-Saxons. Especially Vol. IV, Bk. V. CHAPTER V THE MOHAMMEDAN LEARNING AND EDUCATION The Rise of Moslemism and Its Absorption of Greek Culture. — One of the most important influences in awakening mediaeval Europe was the revival of learning and education that came through the advent of the Mos- lems into Spain. In the early part of the seventh cen- tury, when Moslemism first appeared, one would hardly suppose that it could become a means of renewing edu- cation. The founder of this religion, Muhammed, or Mohammed, was almost illiterate, and the revelations that he claimed to have received were for nearly a generation handed down by tradition. The Koran, or sacred book of this faith, was not committed to writing until about 650. It appears to be a curious jumble of the Judaistic, Christian, and other religious elements with which Mo- hammed had become acquainted during his early travels. As long as this religion was confined to the ignorant and unreflecting tribes of Arabia, it served its purpose without modification, but when it spread into Syria and other cultured lands, 1 it came in contact with Greek philosophy, and had to be interpreted in those terms, in order to appeal to the people there. Antioch, Edessa, Nisibis, and other places in Syria had become famous for the Greek learning cultivated by their catechetical schools. These schools had grown up during the third and fourth centuries through the expulsion from the Eastern Church of those who had amalgamated the 1 During the ten years that elapsed between Mohammed's famous hegira ('flight') from Mecca in 622, and his death, the whole of Arabia was con- verted, and under the caliphs ('representatives'), who immediately suc- ceeded him as head of the religion, it was spread by the sword over Persia, Syria, and Egypt. 40 THE MOHAMMEDAN LEARNING AND EDUCATION 41 Greek philosophy with their Christianity. 1 The acces- sion of the followers of Nestorius, whose Hellenized theology had in 431 been proscribed by the Council of Ephesus, 2 very greatly increased the importance of these cities, as intellectual centers. Here, from about the middle of the sixth century, the Nestorian Christians accumulated, in addition to the translations that were already there, a large range of the original Greek treatises on philosophy, science, and medicine. The works of Aristotle and Neoplatonism were especially sought, and, by the middle of the seventh century, when the Moham- medans came in contact with the Nestorians, these Christians had already become thoroughly imbued with the spirit of Hellenism. In order to make converts to Moslemism, a syncretism of this faith with Hellenism was necessary. Within a century, through the Nestorian scholars, the Mohammedans began to render into Arabic from the Syriac, or from the original Greek, the works of the great philosophers, mathematicians, and physi- cians. During the next two hundred years the move- ment continued to grow, and by the tenth century such Mohammedan cities as Damascus, Bagdad, Basra, and Kufa were renowned for their learning. It was this interest in Greek learning that impelled the head of the Moslem religion, the caliph Almaimon, early in the ninth century to beg the emperor at Con- stantinople to allow Leo the mathematician to come to Bagdad, saying: where the catechetical schools and Hellenized Christianity had taken refuge. " Do not let diversity of religion or of country cause you to refuse rjjy, request. Do what friendship would concede to a friend. In return, I offer you a hundred weight of gold, a perpetual alliance and peace." 1 An account of these catechetical schools is given in Graves, History of Education before the Middle Ages, Chap. XIV. 2 Nestorius was Patriarch of Constantinople from 428 to 431, and his especial antagonist was the notorious Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, who was largely influenced by jealousy. For an account of this controversy, see Rainy, The Ancient Catholic Church (New York, 1902), pp. 376- 392. 42 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION But the masses of the Moslems were sus- Dicious of Thus the thinkers in the Moslem schools of Syria undertook to root out the supernatural from the Moslem religion and to render its tenets more reasonable. A mysticism not unlike that of the Christian Gnostics resulted, and the Neoplatonism, as well as the Aristo- telianism, of the Nestorians received a new lease of life. The Brothers of Sincerity and their Scheme of Higher Education. — But besides the Greek science and philos- ophy, the Arabs absorbed similar matter from other peoples, such as the Hindu mathematical learning, and added many new ideas of their own. Among the Moslems arose such scholars as Avicenna (980-1037), who wrote many treatises on mathematics and philosophy, and a System of Medicine that was an authority for five centuries, and Algazzali (1058-1111), whose philosophi- cal and theological productions were most numerous and influential. The combination of Moslemism with Greek philosophy was especially embodied in an Etwyclopeedia, or course of study, formulated about the year 1000. The resulting system was arranged at Basra by the Moslem society that called itself the Brothers of Sincerity,™ It presupposed an elementary training, and may thus be regarded as the higher education of the Mohammedans. It is composed of fifty-one treatises grouped under the four general heads of Propaedeutics, Natural Science, Metaphysics, and Theology. These treatises deal at first with concrete subjects, -and then with the more complicated problems of life, uritil the theories of divine law are reached. Under this last head there is given a dogmatic exposition of the Moslem faith, and in this feature the Encyclopaedia differs radically from all Greek philosophy. Nevertheless, it is probably the best attempt at a harmonization of philosophy with revelation, and is the one complete educational system that the mediaeval world affords. If the Brothers of Sincerity had succeeded in getting the Mohammedans generally to accept their scheme, modern civilization would probably have been hastened by several centuries. But the masses of the superstitious THE MOHAMMEDAN LEARNING AND EDUCATION 43 and fatalistic Arabs were as suspicious as the mediaeval Greek leam- Christians of the Greek learning, and toward the end of j."^ 3 "? xh 5 the eleventh century the Hellenic scholarship and educa- Ko^of tion, and the rationalized theology of the Brothers of SfstoSJjS" Sincerity were driven from the Orient. Fortunately, it wasdrfaa was able to find refuge in the more liberal caliphates of orimttaio Africa and Spain, where the Mohammedans had settled Africa and after their repulse from Frankland in the eighth century. 1 Spain> Here the Encyclopaedia and other works had a large influence not only upon the Arabs of the West, who were known as Moors, but upon the later Jewish thinkers and the Christians. Among the Moorish writers was the celebrated Averrocs (1126-1198), who undertook to unite the doctrines of Aristotle with those of Moslemism. 2 Throughout the Middle Ages he was the authoritative ' commentator ' on the great philosopher. The Moorish Colleges. — The stimulus thus given to higher education led to the founding of great schools at Cordova, Granada, Toledo, Seville, Alexandria, Cairo, and elsewhere by the Moors. At these places, during the eleventh century, when in the Christian schools of the East and West alike learning was at a very low ebb, where were the Mohammedans were teaching arithmetic, geometry, ^^ed u^ trigonometry, physics, astronomy, biology, medicine, leges, with surgery, logic, metaphysics, and jurisprudence. These jJJSJSK Moorish institutions were colleges in the literal sense, for ks, sciences, the students lived in them together with the professors, and phiioso- Through these colleges the highest spirit of culture and investigation flourished. The sciences were greatly advanced, Arabic 3 notation was introduced in place of the cumbersome Roman numerals, many inventions and discoveries were made, and practical achievements, like navigation, exploration, commerce, and industries, were 1 Karl Martel had checked their advance by the battle of Tour* in 732. See p. 25. 2 For a most complete account of Arabic metaphysics, see Renan's Averro'is et I'Averroisme. 3 It has long been called ' Arabic ' from the source of its introduction into Europe, but the Arabs, of course, got it first from the Hindus. 44 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION developed. Hence Draper is naturally led " to deplore the systematic manner in which the literature of Europe has contrived to put out of sight our scientific obligations to the Mohammedans." And it was in the colleges of the Moors that the mediaeval Christians afterward found a model for their universities. It would, indeed, be difficult to overestimate the remarkable influence of the Moorish development upon European civilization. Elementary Education. — But the Mohammedans, both of the East and the West, did not limit themselves to higher education. Elementary schools for both boys and girls sprang up in practically all cities and towns that came under their influence. Children went to school at five. If they belonged to a poorer family, they remained only three years, when they went into some trade or industry, but children of the wealthy attended school until they were fourteen, and, wherever it was possible, they were encouraged to travel with a tutor. These elementary schools taught religion, reading, writing, grammar, versification, arithmetic, and geography. The chief reading-book was the Koran, but, as Draper shows, they must have taught geography by means of globes, while the Church doctrine of Rome and Constantinople was still asserting that the earth is flat. Stimulating Effect upon Europe of the Moslem Edu- cation. — These Mohammedan schools, especially the. higher, naturally proved a great stimulus to education in the West. While learning had now largely disap- peared from the Christian schools of the East, in those of Western Europe, through the example of the Mos- lems, it began to revive. By the middle of the twelfth century, Raymund, Archbishop of Toledo, had the chief Arabic treatises on philosophy translated into Castilian by a learned Jew, and then into Latin by the monks ; while Frederick II, head of the Holy Roman Empire, had scholars render the works of the Aristotelian com- mentator, Averroes, into Latin. Such translations had, however, passed through several media, and, in conse- quence, were not at all accurate. Renan describes one THE MOHAMMEDAN LEARNING AND EDUCATION 45 rendering of Averroes as "a Latin translation of a Hebrew translation of a commentary on an Arabic translation of a Syriac translation of a Greek text of Aristotle." But stimulated by this taste of the Greek learning, the Christians sought a more immediate version. Half a century later, when the Venetians took the city of Constantinople, and the works of Aristotle were re- covered in the original, the Western world hastened to have translations made directly into Latin. But during the thirteenth century the orthodox Mohammedans overwhelmed the Hellenized Moslemism and came to control even in Spain, and it was left to the Christian schools and the Jewish philosophers to continue the work of the Moslem scholars and institutions. Mos- lemism had returned to its primitive stage, but it had brought back learning, especially the works of Aristotle, to Christendom, and a worthy mission for progress was thereby performed. Thus the Graeco-Roman learning, which had been driven out of Europe by orthodox Christianity, found its way back through the Moham- medans, and the circular process was complete. As the classical learning had been restored from the West during the revival of Charlemagne, it returned from its refuge in the East through the movement of the Sara- cens. 1 After the orthodox Mohamme- dans came into control in Spain, Moslemism returned to its primitive stage, but it had brought learning back to Chris- tianity. SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Brothers of Sincerity. Encyclopedia. Lane, E. W. Selections from the Koran. Muller, Max. Sacred Books of the East. Vols. VI and IX. II. Authorities Adams, G.-B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chap. XI. Arnold, J. M. Islam : Its History, Character, and Relation to Christianity. Bosworth-Smith, R. Mohammed and Mohammedanism. !The influence of the Moors and their scholarship will be more patent after a study of scholasticism and the universities. See Chapters VI and IX. 46 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Coppee, H. History of the Conquest of Spain by the Arab-Moors. Especially Bk. X. Davidson, T. The Brothers of Sincerity (in International fournal of Ethics. July, 1898). Draper, J. W. History of the Intellectual Development of Europe. Vol. I, Chaps. XI and XIII, and Vol. II, Chaps. II and IV. Freeman, E. A. History and Conquests of the Saracens. Muir, W. The Rise and Decline of Islam. Neale, F. Rise and Progress of Islam. Scott, S. P. History of the Moorish Empire in Europe. Stobart, J. W. H. Islam. Weil, G. Geschichte der Islamitischen Volktr. CHAPTER VI THE EDUCATIONAL TENDENCIES OF MYSTICISM AND SCHOLASTICISM We must now turn to a consideration of the mediaeval philosophy and its effects upon education. Like most other periods of civilization, the Middle Ages made some attempt to formulate its attitude toward the problems of life. Its two chief methods have been generally known me two me- as ' mysticism ' and ' scholasticism.' These methods di * VA } m ? tn - • i . 11 •»«■.., ods of phi- were, in a way, opposed to each other. Mysticism, the losophy are earlier movement, was emotional and immediate, while ^SLSL. scholasticism, which did not reach its height until toward and^schoias- the close of the Middle Ages, was rather intellectual ticism -" and mediate in method. Yet the later mystics, in the end, borrowed the dialectic of the soholastics, while apparently most hostile to it, and, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the two methods coalesced. The Nature and Rise of Christian Mysticism. — The Mysticism is prior method, mysticism, may be described as an effort ^j d?rect° to grasp through intuition the ultimate reality or the communion Divine essence, and thus qbtain direct communion with WIth God - the highest. To the mystic, God is an experience, not an object of reason ; and his religion stresses the reali- zation of the Divine to such an extent that the individual shall lose himself therein, and all relations save that between himself and God become comparatively unreal. Mysticism is a life of contemplation and devout com- munion, and usually appears in history when a religion has begun to harden into formulae and ceremonial, and constitutes a reaction of spirit against letter. Thus it it arose in arose in Christianity from much the same causes as 2"im23oii monasticism, — the vice and corruption of the Roman of spirit world, the growing secularization of the Church, and the aEaini 47 4 8 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION demand for more immediate religious experiences. Most mystics were also monks, but mysticism constantly re- curred without reference to monasticism and endured far beyond the monastic period. 1 Mysticism appeared in Christianity as early as the writings of the disciple John, the apostle Paul, and the first Christian Fathers, but it was upon the principles of Plotinus (205-270), who is generally regarded as the founder of Neopla tonism, and upon the procedure implied in certain mystical writings of the fifth century by the Pseudo- Dionysius, 2 that the mediaeval mystics first based their training. These works developed a species of esoteric Christianity, of which the following summary of Dio- nysius may serve to give an idea : — " All things have emanated from God, and the end of all is return to God. Such a deification is the consummation of the creature, that God may finally be all in all. The degree of real existence possessed by any being is the amount of God in that being — for God is the existence in all things. The more or less of God which the various creatures possess is determined by the proximity of their order to the center. The chain of being in the upper and invisible world through which the Divine Power diffuses itself in successive gradations is the Celestial Hierarchy. The Ecclesiastical Hierarchy is a correspond- ing series in the visible world. The (three) orders of Angelic natures and of priestly functionaries correspond to each other. "The highest rank of the former receives illumination immediately from God. The lowest of the heavenly imparts divine light to the highest of the earthly hierarchy. Each order strives perpetually to approxi- mate to that immediately above itself, so that all draw and are.drawn towards the center — God." 3 1 Mysticism appeared, too, before the day of Christianity in the Brah- manic ' absorption ' and the Buddhistic ' nihilism,' in the contemplative asceticism of the Essenes, in Plato's doctrine of the 'mystic vision' obtained only by speculation, in the esoteric ' knowledge ' of the" Gnostics, the ecstatic intuition and repudiation of the sensible and material in Neoplatonism, and in the syncretism that Philo makes of the Old Testa- ment and the Platonic writings. See Graves, History of Education before the Middle Ages, pp. 78-79, 188-189, and 283-285. 2 These forgeries were attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite, who was alleged to be a convert of the apostle Paul, and are an accommodation of the theosophy of Proclus to the claims of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Read Inge's Christian Mysticism, Chaps. Ill and IV. 3 Taken from Vaughn's Hours with the Mystics, pp. 113-115. were EDUCATIONAL TENDENCIES OF MYSTICISM 49 The Education in Mediaeval Mysticism. — From such There... Neoplatonic doctrine did the mystics obtain their elabora- hdd '° '«-' tion of the Platonic psychology and their educational £X"o P ui- practice. Gradually they came to hold that there are anim;l '. h «- three aspects to the soul, — the lowest or animal, through Superhuman, which it is connected with the body ; next, the human ani1 ,lirr '' by which it reasons ; and finally, the superhuman, through Sing!- which there is union with the divine intelligence. There P urin P a,ion . are thus three degrees of intensity in soul experience, and anTperfec"' the highest can be obtained only by withdrawal from tion - the world of activity and sensation into that of thought, since pure existence, or God, can be reached and grasped only through the exclusion of sense. Hence the train- ing of the mystics came to include three definite steps, and to consist in a most extreme type of discipline. First, during the stage of purification, one was to clear the way by getting rid of the impressions of sense ; then, illumination might be obtained through a contest with the life within until good (feeds were performed by habit ; when finally, in the stage of perfection, one might, by viewing and assimilating, approximate to the life of God. The Development of Mysticism. — It can be seen that Thus logical by the time this analysis of the soul and its training was farnTtobe made, the method of the first Christian mystics had used to been greatly changed. Logical gymnastics had come X^STfor to be used to strengthen the mind for the mystic con- the mystic •templation, and the immediacy of the religious experi- ^n, empla " ence had become reconciled with considerable discussion of the stages through which the soul had to pass in attaining a vision of the Divine. This trans£ormation of mysticism was greatly advanced by Joannes Scot us Erigena (810-876), whom we have seen to have been instrumental in introducing dialectics and broader learn- ing into Europe. 1 Erigena used the writings of the Pseudo-Dionysius as the basis of his own doctrines,* but to a great extent rejected emanation and pantheism, and 1 See p. 34. 50 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION made more of an attempt to describe the intervening steps by which the soul reaches the Divine. Three centuries later, the monastic reformer Bernard of Clairvaux (1091-1153) went further in defining the and through three distinct stages through which reason passes in the later^ rising to its vision of the Divine, although he still held Erigena, that more exalted than the highest of these is an ecstatic VkTorine? 6 state, like that of St. Paul, by means of which one and Bona- suddenly obtains a direct view. Even more minute dis- m n sticfs'm~ tinctions were recognized, and a more systematic con- came to com- sideration of mysticism was made in the twelfth century scholiast! 1 - b Y Hu i° and Richard of St. Victor} and in the thir- cism. teenth century by Bonaventura? a student of these Victorine monks. Six divisions of the soul were dis- tinguished, and as many stages in education devised. Schoiasti- The Character of Scholasticism. — This adoption of noUn'dicate dialectics by mysticism shows how fully it had come to any particu- combine with the philosophic method known as scholasti- but^pecui- 3 ' cism. The name of this later movement is derived from iar method the term doctor scholasticus, which was applied during mediaeval 1 " tne mediaeval period to the authorized teachers in a period. monastic or episcopal school, for it was among these ' schoolmen ' that scholasticism started and developed. Like mysticism, it does not indicate any one set of doc- trines, but is rather a general designation for the pecul^ iar methods and tendencies of philosophic speculation' that arose within the Church about the middle of the ninth century, came to their height in the twelfth and the thirteenth, and declined rapidly during the following century. The most striking characteristics of scholasti- cism are the narrowness of its field and the thoroughness with which it was worked. The History of Scholastic Development. — Since it was 1 St. Victor was an Augustinian monastery founded by William of Champeaux (see p. 80) at the beginning of the twelfth century, which became very influential in awakening piety. It grew very rich, and propa- gated similar foundations in Italy, England, Scotland, and Lower Saxony. 2 For the further development of scholastic mysticism, see Inge's Christian Mysticism, pp. 140-148. EDUCATIONAL TENDENCIES OF SCHOLASTICISM 51 assumed that the Church was in possession of all final truth, which had come to it by Divine revelation, the aim of the schoolmen at first was to show how these doctrines were consistent with each other and in accord- ance with reason. In the earliest stages 'of scholasti- cism, however, even this naive supposition that reason and dogma were in harmony did not prevent the Church from becoming suspicious of any attempt to explain its doctrines on the basis of reason. This is obvious in the attitude of the Church toward Erigena, who, though primarily a mystic, is generally accounted the first of the scholastics. His efforts to show that all true philoso- phy is identical with Church doctrine met with scant favor. 1 It was felt that faith was sufficient and did not stand in need of rational defense. But Erigena was simply a couple of centuries in ad- vance of his time, for the same attitude in Anselm (1033-1109) met with the heartiest approval and prob- ably led to his promotion in the Church. Anselm be- lieved in the accord of reason with dogma, but held that faith must precede knowledge and that doubt as a pre- liminary step to belief could not be tolerated. His position is shown in the full title of his main work, — Monologue of the Method in which One may Account for his Faith. He makes among others the following ex- plicit statements : — " I do not seek to know in order that I may believe, but I believe in order that I may know." ''The Christian ought to advance to knowledge through faith, not come to faith through knowledge." " The proper order demands that we believe the deep things of Christian faith before we presume to reason about them." If one is not successful in his attempts to understand, Anselm holds, let him desist and submit to the will of God as manifested in the doctrines of the Church. Such a failure, however, he did not deem likely, and he him- self spent much time in elucidating the various dogmas, 1 This convicticn that faith and reason were in harmony is apparent as early as Clement n the Alexandrian school. Its first aim was to show how the ' re- vealed ' doc- trines of the Church ac- corded Willi reason. While in this attitude Erigena seems to have been in advance of his times. Anselm was heartily ap- proved for the same po- sition later. 52 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION WithAnselm and Roscel- linus began the dispute between the ' realists ' and 'nominalists.' ' Nominal- ism ' implied the suffi- ciency of rea- son and was thus hereti- cal. Roscellinus was mar- tyred, but a great growth in the use of reason is ap- parent in the position of Abelard. such as the Trinity and the Atonement, and became famous for his ' ontological * argument for the existence of God. 1 With Anselm and his great opponent, Roscelin or' Roscellinus (1050-1106), a canon of Compiegne, the dispute between the realists and nominalists became fixed, and divided the schoolmen into two camps. Real- ism, of which Anselm was the exponent, is based upon Neoplatonism, and that scholastic held with Plato that ideas are the only real existence and individual objects are merely phenomena (' appearances'). To the realists, therefore, universals or class names had real existence, and the more general a term the more real it was. Ros- cellinus and the subsequent adherents of nominalism, on the other hand, held that the class term is only a name, which can be used of a number of individual ob- jects. The realists maintained that the senses are de- , ceptive, and human experience is too limited to form the basis of an independent judgment. To them rea- son was reliable only as it supported revealed doctrine, and so realism became the orthodox position of the Church. Nominalism, on the contrary, implied the sufficiency of reason, and was, therefore, logically de- structive of dogma. But Roscellinus was unconscious of the heresy in his position, and vigorously attacked Anselm's doctrines, particularly those concerning the Trinity. The martyrdom of Roscellinus in 1106 effectually suppressed nominalism for two centuries, but human reason had been given more scope and began to exer- cise itself in dialectic without consideration of any ser- 1 The ' ontological ' argument and his doctrine of the Trinity appear in the Proslogion, and his position on the Atonement in his Cur Deus Homo. He argued that God must exist because we ail have the idea of a most per- fect Being, and if this Being did not possess all possible qualities, includ- ing existence, another might be more perfect. This argument, which came illy from Augustine, was riddled by the monk G to have appealed to Descartes, Leibnitz, and other great phil:.sophei - have failed to distinguish between the idea of a thing and its obje reality. This distinction would not, of course, trouble. 1 medieval rer like Anselm, since to him the only realities were ideas. EDUCATIONAL TENDENCIES OF SCHOLASTICISM 53 vice to doctrine. A great growth in the use of reason is apparent in the position of Pierre Abelard 1 (1079^ 1 142), the greatest of the schoolmen. Philosophically, Abelard held to conceptualising and undertook to mediate between realism and nominalism. He held that, while a class term has no objective existence, it is not merely a sound or a word, out of all relation to individual objects, but an expression of a similarity of qualities in objects. 2 His 'con- While his attitude in this matter of universals seems ^p*^ 1 ' 5 ™ ' irenic, his inexorable logic led him to reverse the posH buthis™£«j tion of Anselm and the realists. He felt that the onlyA^ed^n justification of a doctrine is its reasonableness, that rea- jandinvesti- son must precede faith, and that it is not sinful to doubt. gaUon - Hence in the prologue to his chief work, the Sic et A on (' Yes and No '), he holds : — " Constant and frequent questioning is the first key to wisdom. . . . For through doubting we are led to inquire, and by inquiry we perceive the truth. As the Truth Himself says: 'Seek and ye shall find, knock and it shall be opened unto you. 1 ... Now when a number of quotations from various writings are introduced they spur on the reader and allure him into seeking the truth in pro- portion as the authority of the writing itself is commended." Accordingly, on each problem he presented a number of selections from the Scriptures and the Christian Fathers that were clearly in conflict with each other. *He thus indicated that Christian doctrine was by no means a settled matter, and stimulated investigation in the place of an unthinking adherence to tradition and authority. The extent to which he dared to go in his endeavors in behalf of inquiry and reason is shown by the fundamental doctrines that he challenged in his Sic et Non. Among his questions are these : 3 — " Should human faith be based on reason, or not? " "Is God tripartite, or not?" " Do the Divine Persons mutually differ, or not ? " 1 Also often Latinized as Petrus Abelardtis. 2 He even thought that the name might be said to have had real exist- ence as a concept in the Divine mind before Creation took place. 3 There were one hundred and fifty-eight questions in all. 54 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION "Is God the Father the cause of the Son, or not?" "Can God be resisted, or not?" " Does God know all things, or not?" "Did man's first sin begin through the devil, or not? " "Do we sometimes sin unwillingly, or not?" " Does God punish the same sin both here and in the hereafter, or not ? " Abelard's own interpretations of the Trinity and other doctrines were decidedly rationalistic. His life was. therefore, filled with bitter opposition and persecution, but the tendency he fostered was destined to spread. This tendency was magnified by several movements of the times. By the contact of Europeans with the Greek philosophy through the Mohammedans in Spain, and more directly, in the thirteenth century, through the recovery of the Aristotelian Ethics, Physics, Meta- physics, and other works, the scholastic world was in- troduced to a mind of the highest order that did not devote itself exclusively to theology. In this way the development of the scholastic thought was brought to a culmination. When the Church saw that its whole sys- tem was threatened, and that it had failed to suppress the uprising by burning heretics and anathematizing Aristotle, it donned the Aristotelian armor itself and utilized the works of the Greek philosopher for its own. defense. Through an authoritative interpretation, Aris- totle himself was used as a means of suppressing reason* Reason thereafter was made identical with Aristotle, whose authority was not to be disputed. The inquiry was not as to what is rational, but what does Aristotle say on the subject. Thus were philosophy and theology once more allied, and during the thirteenth century scholasticism reached its zenith. Among the more prominent schoolmen of this period were Alexander of Hales (P-I245), the 'irrefragable' doctor; Albertus Magnus (i 193-1280), the 'universal' doctor; Bona- ventura (1221-1274), 1 the 'seraphic' doctor, Thomas 1 Bonaventura has been seen (p. 50) to combine scholastieis.. mysticism. While his pietistic tendencies made him a mystic, his analyses and classifications place him among the leading schoolmen. EDUCATIONAL TENDENCIES OF SCHOLASTICISM 55 Aquinas (1225-1274), the ' angelic ' doctor; Duns Scotus ( 1 274-1 308), the ' subtle ' doctor ; and William of Occam ( 1 280-1 347), the 'invincible' doctor. Of all these Aquinas stands preeminent. Like his Of these master, Albertus, he strove to support the tottering Aquinas wis dogmas of the Church. It had become evident that and™"'" faith and reason are not always in harmony. This, p""" a . Aquinas held, does not imply a contradiction. Reason' fastiulhe as far as it can go, is in accord with faith, but truths Sa?Cath°r have been revealed that are beyond the range of reason, orthodoxy? ' C and faith, through which one secures them, is the highest ™ n JJSJJ?' power of the mind. Hence, after the method of Aristotle, revelation Aquinas reduced all existence to a hierarchy, making ^dp 6 ^ " body subordinate to soul, matter to spirit, philosophy to Aquinas wia theology, and the secular to the ecclesiastical. This J^;' |j ■;,',,',' '. ,y position is obvious in his great treatise, Smnma Theologice between the ('The Sum of Theology'), which has remained up to j^sSX!* the present as the basis of orthodoxy in the Roman Catholic Church. 1 But the separation of revelation and reason becomes more marked from the position of Duns Scotus and William of Occam in the dispute with which scholasticism declined and came to a close. 2 While the disciples of Aquinas, who still inclined somewhat toward realism, maintained that the intellect of God is supreme and that his will is determined by his knowledge, they were opposed by the argument of Scotus and Occam Two types of that God must be a completely free will, for if -his will ^th^^'j. is determined by an eternal truth above him, there is ecey_to em- something superior to God. Hence with them truth f^^^ % and falsehood are established by the fiat of God, and reason, ecclesiastical dogmas are not matters of reason, but purely of faith. As a result of this breach between 1 There were numerous Summa Theologice written by various school- men. They did not represent the peculiar views of the author, but were intended to present in a systematized form the authoritative teaching of the Church. 2 After the time of Aquinas scholasticism met with a marked and rapid decline. It descended into endless quibbles and trivialities. Such school- men as Gerson (1363-1429), who desired greater warmth and spiritual experience, leaned more toward mysticism. 56 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION revelation and reason, there arose two types of truth, and a tendency grew up to choose that type which was supported by reason. The Tendency of Scholasticism. — Thus there is summed up in scholasticism a series of movements that tended to awaken the mediaeval mind. Scholasticism began as an effort to vanquish heresy in the interest of the Church dogmas, which until then it had not generally been necessary to explain. At first it was held that faith must precede reason, and where reason was incapable. of penetrating the mysteries of revealed doctrine, it must desist from its efforts. But the conviction was growing that human reason is reliable and that truth can be reached only through investigation. The complete revolution that this threatened was for a -time averted, but a separation of the spheres of revealed and rational truth led to an emphasis of the truth which had reason on its side. The schoolmen were, then, throughout attempting to rationalize the teachings of the Church, and to present them in scientific form. As an education, scholasticism aimed also at furnishing a training in dialectic and an intellectual discipline that should make the student both keen and learned in the knowledge of the times. Its Educational Organization and Content. — The schoolmen were generally identified with educational in- stitutions of one sort or another. The origin of scholas- ticism, it has been indicated, 1 came through the teachers in the monastic and episcopal schools of the period, but the intellectual awakening bound up in the movement tended to bring about a development of those schools into universities, especially in the North of Europe. However, the rise of universities will require separate discussion, and the scholastic organization must be con- fined here to the monastic and episcopal schools. The course of study in these schools came, toward the close of the Middle Ages, to consist in the beliefs of the Seep. totelian deduction. tcmization are found in Peter the Lombard's Sententi* EDUCATIONAL TENDENCIES OF SCHOLASTICISM 57 Church and the limited learning of the times arranged consisted m in a systematized form largely on the deductive basis ! helimited of the Aristotelian logic. This knowledge could all be Ih^tiSfs? grouped under the head of philosophical theology. The s >' s,ema,i *ed great doctrines of the Church, — the Trinity, Atonement, of the aS predestination, and other concepts, were taught, and all secular material, even the most abstract of philosophical problems, was dealt with from a theological point of view. The Method of Presentation. — Admirable illustrations illustrations of the way in which these doctrines were usually pre- of this sv* sented can be found in the Sentential (' Opinions ') of Peter the Lombard ( 1 100-1 160), 1 a pupil of Abelard's and a teacher at Paris, and in the Summa Theologies, already mentioned as the chief work of Aquinas. These aml A q u,na s' manuals, especially the Sentential, 2 were generally used TkZfyim. as texts in the schools of the time. The work of Aquinas has four main parts, under each of which is grouped a number of problems. Every problem is con- cerned with some funda menta l doctrine, and is further divided into several sud sIHm After the problem has been stated, first the argH Bf and. authorities for the' various solutions other tm^^pe. orthodox one are given and refuted in regular order, then the proper solution with its arguments is set forth, and finally, the different objections to it are answered in a similarly systematic way. The Sentential is likewise divided into four parts, and under each head Peter cites the arguments for the unorthodox side before drawing his conclusion. This general method of presentation so current in scho- This dog- lastic times, with its formal deductions and finalities, seems matic method decidedly dogmatic to us to-day. But there is little doubt elastic than but that, as a result of the influence of Abelard's Sic ct jtwouidhave »!■• i-i iii 1 been, through Non, it was much more elastic than it would have been, the influence While Abelard intended to arouse free inquiry and does °J^ t e ^ s not undertake in any place to do more than indicate the 1 Peter was inspired by the enthusiasm and eloquence of Abelard, but did not abandon his own orthodoxy. 2 Norton (Mediceval Universities, p. 77) indicates that there may have been several hundred commentaries written on this work. 5S A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Scholasti- cism has generally been under- estimated. It was too much system- ized, but systemization is natural to reasoning beings, and this tendency did a great service for knowledge and accuracy in thinking. The field was limited by the strict orthodoxy of solution that seems on the whole to be most satisfactory, the form at least of his method appears in practically every mediaeval textbook after his day. While such a method as Abelard's may well be judged to be weak in yielding definite didactic results, it must have greatly assisted the cause of reason and the freedom of thought. Scholasticism and Its Influence. — As a whole, the work of the schoolmen has been underestimated. From the time that scholasticism rang its own knell until the opening of the nineteenth century, it was never studied sympathetically or in historic perspective. In the years following its decline there was a tremendous reaction against it, and it was the habit of philosophers and scientists, especially those of the sixteenth and seven- teenth centuries, to sneer at and condemn utterly its peculiar method and content. It was urged that it had ruined all spiritual realities by its extreme systemization of religion, that it dealt with mere abstractions, with a slavish adherence to Arisigfcte, and that it indulged in over-subtle distinctions arflB •* BB?al quibbles, couched in the most absurd jargon. Vfl mfy But no movement can oB^Srly judged apart from its historic connections. Unless we consider the origin and environment of scholasticism, we are sure to do this tend- ency a grave injustice. It must be admitted that the schoolmen did reduce all the knowledge of the day to an extreme logical system, based upon the deductive method of Aristotle, which became a great obstacle to progress and the revival of learning. But since it is the nature of reasoning beings to analyze, compare, and classify, the schoolmen had to resort to some system, and the only available method was that of the great Greek philosopher. In this way, however, they also did a great service to knowledge. They found a confused mass of traditional and irrational doctrines and practices, and made them systemat ic, rational, and ..scientific, and greatly assisted accuracy in thinking. Moreover, the range of knowledge with which the scholastics were permitted to deal was exceedingly narrow. Unless they EDUCATIONAL TENDENCIES OF SCHOLASTICISM 59 would subject themselves to persecution and martyrdom, the church, they could defend only such theses as the Church hold ancl the sul >- to be orthodox; and they were, therefore, obliged to il*"!'!'!'I,. exercise their keen analytic minds most intensively, and til V so divided, subdivided, and systematized their material the Stifle beyond all measure. It is but natural under such cir- method <"d cumstances that the spirit of religion should be crushed, Sff^aYua and that more emphasis should be placed upon theories S*eneS!af than experience. daia'inV'' Nor is it remarkable that the subject-matter with SSS? which the schoolmen dealt should seem to be mere metaphysical abstractions from which only formal prin- ciples could be derived. The value of the scholastic material and the completeness of its data were not scanned at all critically, but the scientific method had not been invented as yet, and scholasticism did much to make it possible. It may also be granted that the But schoias- 1 scholastic discussions not only did not seem to con- li . c discus - / ,,.-.,. * , , sions were cern actual life in their content, but even appeared to often not as have little validity in thought, and ofttimes consisted of abs " rd J ° ■ ' ..... as they seem, mere argument over words and of extreme hair-splitting, and the criti- But this does not indicate that they were altogether u l s s i m g f ° I j ar _ purposeless or as absurd as they seemed. For example, gon is. unfair, the celebrated inquiry of Aquinas as to the number of angels that could stand on the point of a needle contains more sense than appears on the surface, and is simply an attempt to present the nature of the Infinite in con- crete form. The further censure of scholasticism for using a ridiculous and incomprehensible jargon is equally unfair. While the later schoolmen may have carried scientific terms to an extreme, as in the case of their classifying and their quibbling, they are not the only ^hoiasti- ^ offenders, and the very invention of a technical language ated phiioso- has contributed much to modern accuracy of termi- P, h e y f™™ un _ nology and the definition of truth since their day. consciously In fact, as a result of the terrific struggle to overcome jj^J^. * the traditions, authority, and oppression of the Middle thority, and' Ages, and witn the necessity for ridding progress of all P^Se^nd obstacles of outworn method and content, we have been acute minds. 60 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Both mysti- cism and scholasticism were of great benefit to mediaeval education, and helped prepare the way for an intellectual awakening. blinded ta the way in which scholasticism fulfilled its mission. The discussions of the schoolmen resulted in liberating philosophy from theology, and, without in- tending it perhaps, scholasticism aided the cause of human reason against authority. It greatly stimulated intellectual interests and for several centuries must have constituted the only real intellectual training. It pro- duced the most subtle and acute minds of the age, made great intellects far more common in succeeding periods, and through its own development made the scholastic attitude impossible. The Relations of Mysticism and Scholasticism to Edu- cation. — Thus, while both these mediaeval trends of thought are of more importance to the history of philos- ophy than to the development of education, they are not without considerable educational significance. Neither one crystallized m a new educational institution, but both found some means of expression in the existing schools of the monasteries and cathedrals. The mystic training throughout proved the means of securing lofty and immediate religious experience, and was of great benefit to monastic education, especially in periods of stagnation or actual retrogression. Scholasticism brought about *a tremendous intellectual activity and gave to the monastic and episcopal institutions a hew life, which was to a large extent consummated in the universities that afterward arose. The awakening, mental and moral, produced by these two movements, helped to prepare the way for the Renaissance and the Reformation, and while not preserved in any special type of school, mysticism and scholasticism cannot be neglected in any account of education. EDUCATIONAL TENDENCIES OF SCHOLASTICISM 6 1 SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Abelard. Sic et Non. Anselm. Cur Deus Homo, Monologion, and Proslogion (translated by Deane in the Religion of Science Library). Aquinas. Summa Theohgice (translated by Rickaby). Bernard of Clairvaux. De Consideratione, De Contempt u Mundi, and De Gradibus Humilitatis. Bonaventura. Rcductio Artium ad Theologiam. Dionysius Areopagitica. De Coeli Hierarchia, De EccUsia Hier- archia, and De Mystica Theologia. Erigena. De Divisione Naturce and De Pradestinatione. Hugo of St. Victor. Didascalion (see Das Lehrbuch in Samm- lung Padagogischer Schriften, Band XXI IP), De Sacramcntis, and Eruditio Didascalica. Peter the Lombard. Sentential. Plotinus. Enneades VI. Richard of St. Victor. De Contemplatione. II. Authorities Church, R. W. Saint Anselm. Compayre, G. Abelard. Pt. I, Chaps. I and II. De Wulf, M. History of Mediaeval Philosophy (translated by Coffey). Drane, A. T. Christian Schools and Scholars. Pp. 170-217. Draper, J. W. Intellectual Development of Europe. Vol. II, Chap. I. Emerton, E. Medieval Europe. Chap. XIII. Erdmann, J. E. The . History of Philosophy (translated by Hough). Vol. I, Pt. II. Haureau, B. Histoire de la Philosophic Scholastique. Inge, W. R. Christian Mysticism. Inge, W. R. Personal Idealism and Mysticism. La Croix, P. Science and Literature in the Middle Ages. Pp. 47-53- Laurie, S. S. Rise and Constitution of Universities. Lects. V, VI, and IX. McCabe, J. Abelard. Maurice, F. D. Mediceval Philosophy from the Fifth to the Four- teenth Century. Milman, H. H. History of Latin Christianity. Bk. XIV, Chap. III. Mullinger, J. B. The Schools of Charles the Great. Chap. V. Mullinger, J. B. The University of Cambridge. Chap. III. Oman, J . C. The Mystics, Ascetics, and Saints of India. A r FPVCATION nt 111. CHAPTER VII THE EDUCATION OF FEUDALISM AND CHIVALRY The Origin of Feudalism. — Feudalism was an order Astfae rf society and government which gradually grew up in the Middle Ages out of certain private relations. Feu- lal elements existed throughout the mediaeval period ilongside of the regular political organization, and when, mder the successors of Charlemagne, the monarchy jjj >;'_ir.v"; v,-;5,;< ar.'i : .:.^.i : z\-c:. : i. \\:.r.. itr.izi '.'. is.'.'. :.:..■: :yjr. *r. ■•;■-•: r*!.i*. :..'.-. =.: : s. "•;-;.'.', -.: ..-.:-.. I:. -.:.•.- ,-- ^j;- sett led conditions of the early Middle Ages, small land- wafer ' wners, and freemen lacking land altogether, came to J*®^ lepend upon some powerful neighbor for protection, a gar md to seek from him a dependent tenure of land. In irae these lords acquired a genuine sovereignty over heir tenants, and were regarded as rulers as well as sersonal superiors. Taxes were paid them, and a sys- em of private courts and legal fines grew up. The enants went to war under the leadership of their lords, md military service on horseback became generally ittached to the holding of land. Often the lane subdivided and lower orders of nobility thus arose. In his way, about the year 900, the feudal relations that lad at first been private and subsidiary were, through ack of a strong central control, erected into a regular :orm of government 1 This system was not disrupted mtil toward the close of the Middle Ages, when certain suzerains or overlords? who had been earlier chosen from :heir own number by the feudal nobles, succeeded in urning themselves into genuine sovereigns. 1 Adams (Civilization during the MiddU Ages, pp. 19+-217) ghres a :.:■<-. i-.-.z. '.:* ar. : l;:::-:;--:-:^:::::^:-- "•=.;■• :r. --;:; :zt ? :~s.z nstitutions of the pracarium and patreciniumweie combined and adopted >y the Franks, and of how, through the introduction of military service as 1 condition of land tenure, aided by grants of 'immunity' and by usurpa- '-1 6 4 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Hence, by the tenth century, there came to be a great social gulf between the nobility, who owned the land and lived in castles, and the peasantry, who tilled the soil and supported them. It is, of course, the life of the nobles that gives picturesqueness to the times. Their only serious business was fighting with spear, sword, or battle-axe, in their own quarrel or that of their feudal superior. These battles of the Middle Ages were con- ducted by companies of mailed knights charging on horseback, and consisted largely of feats of arms per- formed in personal combat. To prepare for this war- fare, mock combats may have been occasionally engaged in as early as the ninth century. Within two centuries, however, these mimic encounters became organized into a definite species of pastime called a tournament, and, during the following centuries, they degenerated into mere pageants and were eventually carried to an absurd extreme. 1 When the knight was not engaged with war or the tournament, as he had few intellectual resources, he amused himself with hunting or hawking, or with feasting, drinking, and minstrelsy in the great hall of the castle. Chivalry and Its Development. — The good social usage of these times has been known ever since as chivalry, 2 and is as little susceptible of explanation as the code of manners of any other period. The best idea of it is obtained from the popular literature of that day, which deals almost entirely with the knight and his ideal behavior. While chivalry differed somewhat in different places and from time to time, it may in general be divided into two periods. Chivalry before the middle of the twelfth century may be considered that of the Jieroic age, during which the ideal knight was extraor- dinarily strong and brave, and was devoted to God, his country, and king. This crude but vigorous period, however, of which Raoul de Cambrai and the Chanson 1 Scott's Ivanhoe furnishes us with a lively picture of these institutions, but the descriptions of this author must be taken with a grain of allowance. 2 French chevalerie ('knighthood'), an abstract noun derived from ckeval ('horse '). THE EDUCATION OF FEUDALISM AND CHIVALRY 6$ de Roland '(' Song of Roland ') are the typical expression, was succeeded by an age of courtesy. The characteris- tics of this later period appeared first in the wealthy nobility of southern France, and were largely the prod- ucts of the stereotyped organization into which chivalry fell during the Crusades. The ideals and rules of chiv- alry became fixed and formal, and the art of horseman- ship and the management of the lance and sword were developed and settled. Instead of the simple and natural relations growing out of primitive social condi- tions, we find gallantry, the graces of society, and romantic adventures as the chief ideals of the period. The lyrics of the Provencal Troubadours and the German Minnesingers, the longer narrative poems based upon the Arthurian legends, classical stories, and the German sagas, give expression to the artificiality and extravagance of this age, and the absurdities to which it went marked the dissolution of feudalism. The Ideals of Chivalric Education. — It was out of this Out of this latter stage, however, that chivalric education arose, ^ivlirkedu- The ideals of knightly conduct and of education for the cation with life of chivalry may be summed up under service and x llx\t\an ° f obedience. These manifestations of loyalty were to be honor, and rendered to God, as represented by the organized s allantrv - Clvurch, to one's lord, or feudal superior, and to one's lady, whose favor the knight wore in battle or tourna- ment. The three ruling motives of chivalry were, there- ^ fore, religion, honor, and gallantry. The feudal knight was expected to show reverence for his superiors and gentleness toward the weak and defenceless. He was to be brave and chivalrous in battle, to defend the Church ^ff°u?u„^ ii- i. . i i • i • knighthood a and his religion, and to hold womankind in high esteem, training was The Three Stages of Education Preparatory to Knight- g^^ome, hood. — There may be said to have been three periods andas'page : in the training of a knight. First, until the child was. jjJ^gBJ' seven or eight, he was trained at home by his mother. 1 of some lord. 1 An ingenious, but rather tedious and uncritical reconstruction of the chivalric education can be found in Gautier's Chivalry, Chaps. V-XX, where, in the form of a story, he describes the life of a knight from birth to death. v 66 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION During this stage he began his religious education, learned respect and politeness tovvard his elders and obedience to his superiors, and laid the foundation of rugged health and strength. \ After this, it was the custom with the gentry from the highest to the lowest degree to place the boy in the castle of some secular lord or prominent churchman, to ^rtormed obtain a knightly training in ' courtesy.' ' l Usually the personal nobleman chosen was his father's feudal superior, 2 kTrdlndiad 13 although, in the case of kings and great feudal princes, learned ' their sons were occasionally trained at their own palaces. Courtesy ^ The °oy had now become a page? and took his place from the among the inferior members of the household. The be'Xmhis chiti part of his training came through the performance physical of personal duties for his lord and lady. However, he education. alsQ aC q U i re( i f rom the lady the etiquette of love and honor, and learned chess and other games. In most cases, too, he was taught to play the harp and pipe, and to sing, to read and write, and to compose in verse. Occasionally he was given some knowledge of Latin, and, in England during the later period, of French. Outside the castle, the pages were trained in running, wrestling, and boxing, and those who had them in charge were further commissioned to "lerne them to ryde clenely and surely, to drawe them also to justes ; to lerne them were their harneys." 4 Such training for the tournament was probably obtained by tilting at the ring or a dummy man known as the 'quintain.' At fourteen or fifteen the youth passed to the grade of squire. 5 The squires of the house waited upon the lady, and with her they played chess, walked, hunted, 1 I.e., curialitas, or breeding at the curia ('court'). 2 This custom would seem to have arisen from the suzerain's originally taking his vassal's son as a hostage for the behavior of the father. 8 Page ('assistant servant') was a late term, and a more common designation was damoiseati (' little lord ') or valet (' little vassal'). 4 Furnivall, Forewords, ii, on Early Education in England in The Babees Book. 5 Squire is a contraction of esquire, which comes from the Old French esquier, a development from the Latin scutarius ('a shield-bearer'). THE EDUCATION OF FEUDALISM AND CHIVALRY 67 and hawked. They also often carved, handed around the viands, served the wine, and presented water for the hands of the guests. But their chief service was to the knight. They not only made their lord's bed, helped him to dress, and slept near him at night, but groomed his horses and attended him upon the tournament ground or the actual battle-field. Usually the honor of per- forming the martial duties fell to the senior squire, who displayed the knight's banner, kept his armor and weapons in condition, made him ready for the fray, and furnished him with fresh lances or protected him with the shield in times of peril. Thus by practice the squire learned all the warlike arts, — to ride and handle shield, spear, and armor, and to joust and fight with the sword or battle-axe. Toward the close of this stage of his he also education the embryo knight also chose his lady-love. Jdy-bve, She was usually older than he and might be married and learned or not, but to her he was to be ever devoted, — even verses and after he married some one else. This accounts for the dance, squire's expertness in verse-writing and dancing, as shown in Chaucer's description of him : — " He could songs make, and well endite, Just and eke dance, and well pourtraie and write ; So hote he loved, that by nighterdale (night time) He slept no more than doth the nightingale." 1 Knighthood. — When the squire became twenty-one At twenty- he was knighted. _3Xhe final ceremony was preceded °qu ir e e was by many religious observances. After a season of fast- knighted ing, purification, and prayer, the candidate entered the ^m^^ church in full armor, and spent a night in vigil and ceremonies, holy meditation. 2 In the morning he was shriven, and received the eucharist, and after presenting his sword to the priest, who blessed it upon the altar, he took a solemn oath " to defend the church, to attack the wicked, to respect the priesthood, to protect women and the 1 This is given as in the partially modernized quotation of Mills. 2 Sometimes squires were knighted upon the field of battle, before they were of age, for some special act of valor. 68 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION poor, to preserve the country in tranquillity, and to shed his blood, even to its last drop, in behalf of his brethren." His sword was then returned and he was charged by the priest "to protect the widows and orphans, and to restore and preserve the desolate, to revenge the wronged, and to confirm the virtuous." 1 By so doing, it was promised, he would obtain everlast- ing joy. He then knelt before his lord, who laid his own sword upon the shoulder of the candidate and ordinarily addressed him thus : — " In the name of God, of our Lady, of thy patron Saint, and of St. Michael and St. George, I dub thee knight ; be brave, bold,. and loyal." Such was the preparatory training and the inaugura- tion into knighthood. It can easily be seen that this chivalric education contained but little that was intel- lectual, though it afforded an excellent discipline in " the rudiments of love, 2 war, and religion." Training of Women. — Girls were also educated during the regime of chivalry in the castle of some knight or lord. Their training consisted more exclusively in per- sonal service, household duties, good manners, music, and pleasing conversation. In general, there was scarcely any intellectual element in it, save learning to say their prayers, play the harp, and sing various poems, although in the case of some maidens of the noblest birth, a little study of language and literature was made, and it was even said of the Earl of Warwick's daughter : " " She was thereto courteous, and free and wise, And in the seven arts learned withouten miss.'" These, however, must have been exceptional cases. The Effects of Chivalric Education. — This chivalric training of the Middle Ages contains many anomalies 1 Mills, Chivalry, pp. 48-54, gives a complete description of these inaugural ceremonies. A little different account is given by Froissart in the knighting of William IV, emperor of Germany. 2 ' Love ' is to be understood not only in the sense of devotion to the opposite sex {par amours), but also with the broader meaning of kind- ness and courtesy. THE EDUCATION OF FEUDALISM AND CHIVALRY 69 and contradictions. The elements in the mediaeval Thisanoma- knight were curiously mixed, and every virtue seems to i ous e * u ?*- 11 liii 1 • • r~, , tionofchiv- have been balanced by a correlative vice. The knights airyproduced were recklessly courageous in battle, but their anger, crudf^eif 5 when aroused, was ungovernable, and their cruelty was respect' and extreme. There are several instances of a single knight, ^women"* in a crisis, charging headlong upon an entire army, and and gross there are many records of the most brutal slaughter of Saiityand prisoners. Discretion, self-control, and mercy could not extrava- have been among the knightly virtues. A great self- fnTbad " ' respect and a disdain for petty meannesses were also kith, supposed to characterize the true knight, but these too often reacted into an overweening pride and a tenacious insistence upon his own rights. The feudal claims of his inferiors and servants were scrupulously observed by every knight, but the persons themselves were gen- erally regarded with scorn and contempt. There was no such duty as courtesy to one's subjects, and the most crying fault of chivalry was the tendency to regard all inferiors merely as ministers to one's pleasure. So, too, although great respect for womanhood was held to be essential to the knightly conduct, if the women were beneath a certain rank, no such consideration was expected, and the chivalrous convention was quite compatible with the laxest conversation and morals. Moreover, while the knights were rated largely accord- ing to their ideas of liberality and hospitality, the result was a great love of display and an extravagance beyond measure. The general notion of ' liberality ' was to have a vast army of retainers wearing one's ' livery,' 1 and to excel all others in pomp and splendor. The Earl of Cornwall boasted of having entertained thirty thousand guests, and even after a most liberal allowance is made in the estimate, it is easy to see that ' hospi- tality ' and wastefulness were sometimes synonymous. 1 Livery may originally have had reference to the ' allowance ' (libera- tura or liberatio) of cloth or rations that were parcelled out to every member of the household. See Ransome, History of England, p. 383 ; Stubbs, Constitutional History, III, p. 547 and note. 7° A HISTORY OF EDUCATION No wonder, then, that Richard the Lion-hearted, the very type of late chivalry, should frankly admit that his ' three daughters ' were pride, rapacity, and luxury. As for the knightly word of honor, so much vaunted, it would, if accompanied by certain forms, be held sacred under trying circumstances, but should these forms be omitted, a decided breach of good faith was not infre- quent. There was often a complete disregard for the most solemn agreements. Hence it was that William of Normandy seems^ to have had little hope of holding King Harold to his promise, except for the holy relics by which he had sworn. As a whole, however, the chivalric training had a beneficial effect upon the society of the times. It was not all militarism, parade, convention, and deception. It helped to organize and refine the turmoil and bar- barism of mediaeval Europe, and was an effective instru- ment in raising the position of women. To this extent chivalry was a healthful discipline for medievalism. And incidentally there flowed from it a happy conse- quence. While this peculiar training was often extrava- gant, artificial, and ' worldly,' by that very tendency it did much to counteract the 'otherworldly ' ideal of rao- nasticism and the general asceticism of the period. It encouraged an activity in earthly affairs and a frank enjoyment of this life. In this way it gave rise to the first distinctive literature since Graeco-Roman days. The virile narratives of the heroic age and the beautiful lyrics of the age of courtesy alike have lasted long after the dissolution of the society that produced them. Chivalry itself became fixed and conventional, but it had done its work for civilization. THE EDUCATION OF FEUDALISM AND CHIVALRY 7 1 SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Cheyney, E. P. Documents Illustrative of Feudalism. {Transla- tions and Reprints, Vol. IV, No. 3.) Froissart, J. Chronicles (translated by Bourchier and Berners). Furnivall, F. J. (Editor). The Babees Book (including The Book of Curteisie, Boke of Nurture, Boke of Kerynge, The Booke of Demeanor, etc.). Malory, T. Morte D" Arthur. II. Authorities v Adams, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chaps. IX and XI. Bulfinch, T. Age of Chivalry. Cornish, F. W. Chivalry. Cutts. E. L. Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages. The Knights, Chaps. IV, VIII, and IX. Emerton, E. Introduction to the Middle Ages. Chap. XV. Furnivall, F. J. Early Education in England (in The Babees Book). 7 Gautier, L. Chivalry (translated by H. Frith). Guizot, F. The History of Civilization. Vol. IV, Lect. 6. Henderson, E. W. A Short History of Germany. Vol. I, Chap. V. Lacroix, P. Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages. Feudalism, The Crusaders, and Chivalry. Martin, H. Histoire de France. Vol. III. Mills, C. The History of Chivalry. Vol. I, Chaps. I-V, and Vol. II, Chap. VII. Round, J. H. Feudal England. Schulz, A. Das Hofische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesinger. Scott, W. Essay on Chivalry. CHAPTER VIII THE EDUCATIONAL WORK OF THE FRIARS The Purpose of the Friars. — A large contribution to the development of scholasticism in its later stages was made through the monastic orders known as the mendi- cant friars?- These orders did not, like the earlier monks, spend their time in prayer and solitary con- templation, but mingled with the world. They en- deavored to combat by peaceful methods the Albigenses and Waldenses, two groups of heretics that had sprung up in the twelfth century as a protest against the shock- ing abuses in the Church. 2 The friars made it their busi- ness to wander about among the people, living on char- ity, to set an example of piety and self-sacrifice, defend and propagate the orthodox faith, and awaken the peo- ple to renewed spirituality. To command the situation and make converts among all classes, they obtained an excellent training in theology, philosophy, and debating, and strove to communicate the proper education to others. With this purpose in view, they endeavored to control education and train the intellectual leaders of the times. Their Organization and Methods. — The Franciscans, or 'gray friars,' were originally followers of Francesco Bernardone of Assisi, who had abandoned a life of luxury to minister to the poor and sick. The Rule of St. Fran- cis commanded: — "• 1 Friar is derived from the Latin frater. 2 This seems to have been the deliberate purpose of Dominic in organ- izing his order. He was a Spanish monk, who had gone with his bishop among the Albigenses to dissuade them from their heresies. Francesco, however, had in mind only an imitation of Christ's life, and the conver- sion of heretics was incidental with the Franciscans. 72 THE EDUCATIONAL WORK OF THE FRIARS 75 " The brothers shall appropriate nothing to themselves, neither a house, nor a place, nor anything ; but as pilgrims and strangers in this world, in poverty and humility serving God, they shall confi- dently go seeking for alms." The order was authorized by the pope in 12 12. The The Dominicans, or 'black friars,' were instituted by a priest Dominicans of noble birth named Dominic de Guzman, and in soughtV 12 1 7 the pope sanctioned the order. 1 The Domini- education cans were carefully trained in the higher studies, and whOethe' especially sought to direct the policy of the uriiver- cans tended sides and other educational institutions. "Hence," to remain says Rashdall, "the headquarters of the Dominicans in ^[fclnT" Italy were fixed at Bologn a, in France at Paris, where a less inteiiec- colony was established from their first ftrnrTdation in found!! they 12 17: in England their first convent was at Oxford, necessary to These central houses from the first assumed the form of ^t^auhe Colleges: and a Dominican convent ere long was estab- universities lished in every important University town." Thus these f^menT friars secured members with the highest theological edu- bers trained cation of the age and eventually obtained a large share in theolo sy- in the control of the theological teaching of the uni- versities everywhere. They stood for a stanch support of all Church doctrines, and included such well-known schoolmen as Albertus Magnus and his even greater pupil, Thomas Aquinas. The Franciscans tended to remain more democratic and less intellectual. They devoted their lives to the relief and training of the poor and needy, but while some did not believe in the higher learning, they, too, soon found it necessary to make converts at the universities and have their members given a training in theology. In 1230, the Franciscans first founded a convent at Paris and before long they became almost as active intellectually as the Dominicans. Many Franciscans were well educated, and among the members of the order were such distinguished scholastics as Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura,Duns Scotus, and William of Occam. 1 A good brief account of the rise of the friars can be found in Wishart's Monks and Monasteries, Chap. V. 74 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Rashdall also tells us: — "Other mendicant orders — Carmelites, Austin Friars, and others of less importance — likewise established convents at Paris and sent novices to the Theological Schools, but the)' played a comparatively small part in the life of the University." Their Influence upon Education and Progress. — Hence the friars did much for education. They gave their members a far broader training than monks generally- received and among them were found many intellectual and educational leaders. They also instructed the peo- ple both informally in virtue and doctrine, and through their control of the universities and other institutions. While the origin and aim of the two great orders were so similar, each has been stamped with the personality and genius of its founder. The defense of orthodoxy re- mained the main purpose of the Dominicans, and preser- vation of the lines laid down by their early masters is apparent in all their later philosophy and teaching. On the other hand, the Franciscans have ever been the authors of new social, philosophical, and theological movements. While at first they were united in their efforts, a rivalry soon sprang up between the two organizations, which is reflected in the controversy of Duns and Occam with the followers of Aquinas. 1 But this opposition in theology and philosophy was a health- ful thing for the times, since it tended to arouse discus- sion and break up all settled authority. It has even been declared that " the intellectual history of Europe for the next two hundred years is intimately bound up with the divergent theological tendencies of the two great Orders of S. Dominic and S. Francis." More- over, when orders of such standing as the two sets of friars were often accused of heresy by each other, the common man could not well be blamed for following the dictates of reason and refusing to conform to eccle siastical dogma in every detail. i See p. 55. THE EDUCATIONAL WORK OF THE FRIARS 75 SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Henderson, E. F. Historical Documents of the Middle Ages. Bk. Ill, No. VIII. II. Authorities Cutts, E. L. Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages. The Monks, Chap. V. Drane, A. T. History of St. Dominic. Draper, J. W. Intellectual Development of Europe. Vol. II. Chap. II. Jessopp, A. The Corning of the Friars. Little, A. G. Educational Organization of the Mendicant Friars in England {Royal Historical Society, New Series, Vol. VIII). Little, A. G. The Grey Friars in Oxford {Oxford Historical So- ciety, Vol. XX). Macdonell, A. The Sons of St. Francis. Milman, H. H. History of Latin Christianity. Bk. IX, Chaps. IX and X. Mullinger, J. B. The University of Cambridge. Chaps. I, III, and V. Oliphant, Mrs. M. O. Saint Francis of Assist'. Rashdall, H. Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages. Vol. I, pp. 251-253 and 362-392, and Vol. II, pp. 376-386. Sabatier, P. Life of St. Francis. CHAPTER IX THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITIES General Causes of the Rise of Universities. — In dis- cussing scholasticism and the friars, we have already had occasion to anticipate a description of the mediaeval universities. These were the product of what was highest and best in the Middle Ages, and their growth is necessarily bound up with all the history and con- tributions of the times. The development of universi- ties is intimately connected with that of the Empire, the Church and papacy, the older schools, and many other institutions of mediaeval days. They arose from the old cathedral and monastic schools, and were brought into prominence through the broadening influences of the later Middle Ages. The contact with Arabic science and culture and Greek philosophy through the Crusades and the Moors in Spain, the interest in dialectic and theological discussions, with its development of scholas- ticism, the wider horizon produced through a knowledge of the Orient and of different customs and traditions, the reaction from ' otherworldliness ' resulting from the ideals of chivalry and the growth of cities and wealth, the consequent emphasis upon secular interests and knowledge, all played a part in creating the intellectual atmosphere that was necessary for the growth of these organizations. The mediaeval scholars eagerly scanned the liberal and professional courses of the Moorish colleges at Cordova, Granada, Seville, and Alexandria, and new groups of studies, broader methods, and, above all, great teachers, began rapidly to appear. Students crowded to the seats of learning at the old schools, and before long these institutions had come to be known as ' universities.' 76 THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITIES 77 The History and Purpose of the Universities. — Such were the general factors in the evolution of all the mediaeval universities, but while all were more or less the product of the influences named, no two sprang from exactly the same set of causes. The oldest of the universities was that at Salerno, Salerno early near Naples. This organization seems to have been b e e af m f e a the simply a school of medicine, and Rashdall attributes its mSica? origin primarily to the survival of the old Greek medical ^oo 1 be- works in this part of the peninsula. 1 While other cities survival of" of southwestern Italy were interested in medicine, Salerno ^ed^f reek in particular became the center of medical study because worksfthe of its reputation as a health resort, gained chiefly f rom t^ace ° f its mild climate, but partly also from the mineral springs arf/thT' there. Greek medical writings were translated into staminus C ° n * Latin by the sixth century, and from the early part of the eleventh century Salerno seems itself to have been productive of medical works. By the middle of the century the revival of medicine was well under way and Salerno was known as the leading place for medical study. A great impulse was given the school by a con- verted Jew called Constantinus Africanus, who had wandered through India, Babylonia, and Egypt, and everywhere studied medicine. He had fled to Salerno from Carthage, and during the latter half of the eleventh century compiled and translated Hippocrates and va- rious other Greek and Arabic authorities on medicine. Salerno was further assisted by the visit of Robert, Duke of Normandy, who came there in 1099, after the first Crusade, to be cured of a wound, and, with his returning knights, spread the fame of the school to all parts of Europe. Salerno, however, was never chartered but it was as a regular university, and it was not until 1231 that it ^g^as^ received any official recognition. Frederick II at that regular uni- time gave it the monopoly for medical training in his ^not and realms in place of the school of medicine at the Uni- become a model for 1 Laurie and Mullinger give more prominence to the influence of the othe , run '- Saracen medical writers than does Rashdall, who bases his conclusions versi ies ' upon Daremberg and Renzi, the authorities on the history of medicine. 78 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION versity of Naples, which he had created some seven years earlier. But this organization never became, like Bologna and Paris, a model for the foundation of later universities. It is, therefore, of less consequence in the development of universities, and by the fourteenth cen- tury it had met with a permanent decline. The interest of southern Italy in medicine was paral- leled by the attention to Roman law in the north of the peninsula. Amid all the changes that had come from the various conquests by Goths, Lombards, and Franks, the cities of northern Italy had never alto- gether lost their independence. This was especially true of the Lombard cities, which in the end expelled the counts or bishops that had for a time attempted to rule them, and even prevented the German emperors from ever making their nominal sway over them a real one. In undertaking to defend their independence, these cities made an especial study of Roman Law, in order to present some special charter, grant, or edict from the old Roman emperors upon which their claims might be founded. A knowledge of the Roman civil law had never altogether died out in northern Italy, but this struggle for independence caused an enthu L siastic revival of the study. 1 There were several centers renowned for their pursuit of this subject, but early in the twelfth century Bologna became preeminent. This city, which had hitherto been known for its school of liberal arts, was now made famous by the lectures upon law of one Irnerius. For the first time the entire Corpus Juris Civilis (' Body of Civil Law '), a compila- tion of Roman law made by eminent jurists in the sixth century by order of the emperor Justinian, was collected and critically discussed. This expansion of the subject required the separation of civil law from rhetoric, of which it had previously been a branch, and forced stu- 1 The former conclusion that the study of Roman jurisprudence was caused by the discovery of the Pandects of Justinian through the capture of Amain by Pisa in 1135 has since 1831 been shown by Savigny to be out of keeping with the natural evolution of events. THE MEDIAEVAL UNIVERSITIES 79 dents who would study it to give it their entire atten- tion. The law students thus became differentiated from those in liberal arts, and Bologna came to be known as a great school of civil law. But this city was destined to become also the seat of the study of canon law. Influenced by the scientific treatment of the Corpus Juris Civilis, a monk of Bologna, named Gratian, was impelled to furnish the Church with a code no less systematic and complete. Accord- ingly, he undertook in 1 142 to harmonize all edicts, legislation, and statements of popes, councils, Church fathers, and Christian emperors in a convenient text- book upon canon law. This work, known as the Decretum Gratiani ('The Decree of Gratian'), 1 was organized after the plan of Abelard's Sic et Non, and gave the authorities upon both sides of each mooted point in ecclesiastical law. It was almost immediately recognized as the authority upon the subject, and Gra- tian became nearly as important in the development of Bologna and other universities as Irnerius. Canon law was made a separate study from theology, of which it had previously been a part, and attracted a large num- ber of students. Thus the school at Bologna was greatly enlarged in its work, and was chartered as a university by Frederick Barbarossa in 11 58, probably as a recognition of the services of its masters in support of his imperial claims. By the beginning of the thirteenth century, its fame had become widespread, and it is estimated that there were about five thousand students in attendance. 2 There had been a course in liberal arts for a long time at Bologna, and, besides the civil and canon law, medi- cine was added in 13 16, and theology in 1360, although these subjects never became very prominent. and as a school of canon law through the Decretum of Gratian. In 1158 it was char- tered as a university by Frederick Barbarossa, and other courses were eventually added. 1 After various additions had been made, it was generally known in the fifteenth century as Corpus Juris Canonici. 2 Odofredus, the jurist, states that there were ten thousand students, but Rashdall holds that an allowance of at least one half must be made for the mediaeval tendency to exaggerate. 8o A HISTORY OF EDUCATION The Univer- sity of Paris grew out of the cathedral school of Notre Dame, especially when under Abelard, and was first chartered by Louis VII in 1180. The development of the universities in France and England is not as easy to trace as in Italy, but they seem to have been more directly the product of the special interest in dialectic and scholasticism that a A peared in this part of Europe. Of all the organizations north of the Alps the first foundation was that at Par ; which was by far the most famous of all media universities. This university grew out of the cathe school of Notre Dame, which had acquired consider,, reputation by the earliest part of the twelfth century under the headship of William of Champeaux. But the intellectual movement was more largely developed by the brilliant and attractive Abelard} who taught in Pa is at various periods between 1108 and n 39. While well under thirty, Abelard had defeated both his chief masters, Roscellinus, the nominalist, and William of Champeaux, - who was an extreme realist. In 11 17 he succeeded to the position from which he had driven William in humiliation, and, through his eloquence, versatility, tact, and great intellectual endowment, drew thousands of students.to Paris from all nations. McCabe estimates " that a pope, nineteen cardinals, and more than fifty bishops and archbishops were at one time among his pupils." He lectured especially upon dialectic and theology, and greatly stimulated free discussion and the liberation of reason. His successor was his pupil, Peter the Lombard, who became the author of the great mediaeval textbook upon theology entitled Sententia . Thus Abelard became the progenitor of the university, although it was not until almost a generation after his death that it could really have been organized. It was first formally recognized by the king, Louis VII, in 1 1 80, and eighteen years later it had its privileges sub' stantially increased by Pope Celestine III, but it was only in 1200, after canon law and medicine had been added to the liberal arts and theology, that it received complete recognition by the act of Philip Augustus. 1 See pp. 53 f. THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITIES 8 1 As we have seen, Salerno failed to reproduce its type, Bologna, the but Bologna, and even more Paris, became the mother ' st udeml _ of universities, for many other institutions were organ- teranwthe /;ed after their general plans. At Bologna the students, P atte ™ for wlv were usually mature men, and, as a result of their universities ,pc leal environment, very independent, had entire lnth e South; ;e of the government of the university. They th?' master- Led the masters and determined the fees, length univ ersity/ rm, and time of beginning. But in Paris, where the North? the students were younger, the government was in the hands of the masters. Consequently, new foundations in the North, where Paris was the type, usually became ' master-universities,' while those of the South were • ttudent-universities.' The universities that arose in Italy, France (with the exception of Paris), Spain, and Portugal, were patterned after Bologna, and those which grew up in England, Scotland, Germany, Sweden, and Denmark, followed Paris. But besides the universities that grew gradually, or sprang up rapidly as a result of migration from other organizations, sovereigns or eccle- siastics not infrequently started new institutions full- fledged, in order to produce more lawyers and other learned men or to propagate the Catholic faith. "Thus during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries During the it became fashionable for the authorities, civil and ^ teenth ecclesiastical, to charter existing, organizations or to fourteenth found new ones. In England, Oxford began in the ^"rstties second half of the twelfth, and Cambridge at the begin- sprang up ning of the thirteenth century, although their first i^g^'d recognition by charter cannot easily be ascertained, by the Of the Italian universities, Naples was, as we have Slrewwe" noted, established by imperial decree in 1224, Padua least seventy- arose two years earlier through emigration from Bologna, nme of them - and Arezzo grew up about the same time, although not recognized until 1355. The universities of Palencia, Salamanca, and Valladolid in Spain and that of Lisbon in Portugal were also founded during the thirteenth century. The next foundation in France after Paris was that made by Pope Gregory IX at Toulouse in 82 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION H 1233, and this was followed by Montpellier later in the century and by a number of others during the next century. The first German university, that of Prague, was not instituted until 1348, but, before the close of the century, Vienna, Erfurt, Heidelberg, and Cologne had sprung up, and twice as many more appeared within the next hundred years. By the time the Renaissance was well started, at least seventy-nine 1 universities were in existence in the different countries of Europe. All of these foundations were not permanent, however, for some thirty have, in the course of time, become extinct, and those which remain are much changed in character and course. Naturally enough from their origin, all the universities came to be located, not like the old monas- teries in remote places, but in the centers of population. Privileges Granted to Universities. — From the time of the earliest official recognition of the universities, a large variety of exemptions, immunities, and other special privileges were conferred upon the organizations, or upon their masters and students, by popes, emperors, kings, feudal lords, and municipalities. The universities were in many instances taken under the immediate pro- tection of the sovereign, and were allowed to have special courts of their own, independent of civil jurisdiction, and complete autonomy in all their internal affairs. Both these privileges are granted in the document known as the Habita* of Frederick I, or 'Barbarossa.' This emperor, in 11 58, for the benefit of the students of Bologna, issued the following general edict : — " We, from our piety, have granted these privileges to all scholars who travel for the sake of study, and especially to the professors of divine and sacred laws ; namely, that they may go in safety to the places in which the studies are carried on, both they themselves and their messengers, and may dwell there in security. For we think it fitting that, during good behavior, those should enjoy our approval 1 There may have been others, of which the records have disappeared. 2 Habita is the first word in the charter. The document is sometimes called the Authentic Habita, since it was placed by Pertz among the authentica or originalia instrumenta. THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITIES 83 and protection, who, by their learning, enlighten the world, and mold the life of our subjects to the obedience of God, and of us, his minister. . . . Therefore, we declare by this general and per- petual law that hereafter no one shall be so rash as to inflict any injury on scholars, or to impose any fine upon them on account of an offense committed in their former province. And let it be known to violators of this decree, and to local rulers at the time who have neglected to punish such violations, that a fourfold restitution of property shall be exacted from all who are guilty, and that the brand of infamy shall be affixed to them by the law, and they shall be forever deprived of their offices. " Moreover, if any one shall presume to bring a suit against the scholars on any ground, the choice in the matter shall be given to the scholars, who may summon the accusers to appear before their professors or the bishop of the city, to whom we have given juris- diction in these circumstances. But if, indeed, the accuser shall attempt to take the scholar before another judge, even if his cause be most just, he shall lose his suit because of such attempt." The provisions of the Habit a were repeated for vari- ous universities by other monarchs. Perhaps the mos^ sweeping protection and immunity were contained in the edict of Philip Augustus, by which all citizens of Paris who saw any one striking a student were required to seize the offender and deliver him to the judge, and the provost of the city and all judges were commanded to hand over the cases of the student criminals to the ecclesiastical authority. These privileges seem to have been suggested in the first place by provisions made by the Roman emperors for students in the old universities. Similarly, there were conferred upon masters and students other general privileges with which the emperors had favored the philosophers, rhetoricians, and grammarians of the pagan schools. 1 Persons connected with the med iae val un i- versities were reli eved from all taxation, andT except jn exemption tim es of eme rg ency, frorn _rnili'tar y service . Rupert I, in" founding the U niverslty 7 of Heidelberg, makes the following grant to masters and students : — " When they come to the said institution, while they remain there, and also when they return from it to their homes, they may freely 1 See Graves, A History of Education before the Middle Ages, pp. 265- from taxation, s 4 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION /? <^ carry with them, throughout all the lands subject to us, all things which they need while pursuing their studies, and all the goods necessary for their support, without any duty, levy, imposts, tolls, excises, or other exactions, whatever." Similarly, before this, teachers and scholars were declared at Paris to be exempt from " tallia} customs, and personal taxes, in coming or going," and the charter of Leipzig in the next century relieved the property of that organization of " all loswige} exactions, contribu- tions, steura, 1 and taxes, and from the control of the citizens." These exemptions applied not only to the corporation, students, and masters, but often to the bell- ringers, booksellers, bookbinders, parchment makers, illuminators, messengers, and others serving in a more or less menial capacity. The universities had also certain recognized privileges that had originated as customs with the early universi- ties, but were specially granted by the civil or ecclesi- astical authorities as a formality to institutions already exercising these rights, or to new universities that wished to be on a par with them. Such was the jus ubique do- cejidi, or the right of a university to license masters to lecture anywhere without further examination, and the cessatio, or privilege of suspending lectures, when uni- versity rights were infringed. In the latter case, unless the wrongs were immediately redressed, the suspension was followed by an emigration of the university to another town. Thisco uld easily be -xLotte-Hv-mediasval days_jwhen . _unjy£rsities. jdid_ not Jiave_aJiy^ bi lildi ngs of their own and there was no need of expensive lihranes, laboratories, and other equipment. So, in 1209, Cam- bridge got its first real start through an exodus from Oxford. Sometimes a special invitation would be issued to a university exercising the cessatio- to. come to, another country. Thus the University of Oxford in 1229 met 1 Taxes whose purpose is not exactly known. From tallia probably the feudal taille was developed, and from steura the Modern German Steicer must be derived. See Ducange, Glossarium Media et Infimtz Lalinitatis. The piling up of synonyms with little or no distinction seems to be com- mon in legal documents at all ages. THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITIES 85 with its most substantial increase through King Henry III, who promised the striking masters and scholars of Paris — " If it shall be your pleasure to transfer yourselves to our kingdom of England and to remain there to study, we will for this purpose assign to you cities, boroughs, towns, whatsoever you may wish to select, and in every fitting way will cause you to rejoice in a state of liberty and tranquillity." * There were, of course, a number of less important These privi- privileges that were peculiar to the various localities, j?g e siedto but those mentioned were generally held by all the d^taft^" universities. Through such special rights the univer- . c * s a e n °J. ,he sities obtained a great power and became very independ- students"" 8 ent. Soon the liberty allowed to students degenerated into recklessness and license. The students seemed to have become dissipated and quarrelsome. Clashes were common not only with the townspeople, but even among themselves. Each nation was at times unsparing in its abuse of the others. We are informed, for instance, through the mutual recriminations of the students at Paris, that there were among them many drunkards, spendthrifts, fops, gluttons, bullies, roues, and adven- turers. 2 After all allowance is made for the prejudice and exaggeration of the various nations, it is evident that the students had to some extent become uncleanly, bad-mannered, and immoral. This is especially seen in the life of the so-called wandering students. This class arose from the freer life consequent upon the decline of monasticism and from the sanctioning of migratory habits by the example of the friars. Like these orders, the students_begged_their w a y yas... they wandered from uni- vexsit^Lj^ja2n^rsity_.__.They became rollicking, indolent, shiftless, and evenjieiojLS^_arid_ many found the life_so attractive that th^TrnadeJtjer manent and _organized a 1 The full text is translated in Norton's Readings on Mediceval Uni- versities, pp. 95-96. See also Rashdall, Universities in the Middle Ages, Vol. II, pp. 392 and 546. 2 See the description in Jacques de Vitry's Historia Occidentalis, Lib. II, c. 7, translated in Munro, Translations and Reprints, Vol. II, No. 3. 86 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION mock 'order' or gild of wandering students known as Goliardi 1 or vagantes? The one compensating feature of this degeneracy was the production of jovial Latin and German songs to voice their frank appreciation of forbidden pleasures, and their protest against restraint and the formalism and corruption of the Church. Vari- ous collections of these songs have come down to us. 3 The following translation of the Song of the Open Road, in which every couplet was followed by an imitation of a bugle call, will afford some idea of the recklessness and exuberance of this vagabond student life : — " We in our wandering, Blithesome and squandering, Eat to satiety, Drink to propriety ; Laugh till our sides we split, Rags on our hides we fit ; Craft's in the bone of us, Fear 'tis unknown of us ; Brother catholical, Man apostolical. Say what you will have done, What you ask 'twill be done ! Folk, fear the toss of the Horns of philosophy ! Here comes a quadruple, 4 Spoiler and prodigal ! As the Pope bade us do, Brother to brother's true : Brother, best friend adieu! Now I must part from you ! Tara, tantara, teino ! Organization of the Universities. — From its historical origin the nature of the mediaeval university was similar 1 The word is probably derived from the French gaillard ('gay'). The similarity of the term to Golias (' Goliath ') seems to have suggested their taking him as a patron saint. 2 In the latter part of the thirteenth century there grew up a type of younger wandering students known as scholares vagantes, who learned the elements from wandering masters in search of a school. They were also sometimes accompanied by still younger boys, known as ABC shooters. 3 See especially Symonds, Wine, Women, and Song, or the reprints in Mosher, Medi&val Latin Students' Songs. 4 The quadrivium, of which they thus bid honest people beware. THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITIES 87 to that of the gilds. This is shown in its complete of students name, — Universitas Magistrorum et Scholarium (' the and teachers < body of masters and scholars'). The term universitas th e d school or did not imply originally, as often claimed since, an insti- ? ts seat was tution where ' everything ' is taught, but it was used of ; sSS any legal corporation, and only in the lapse of time g eneral «' was it limited, without qualifying words, to a particular W&S USe ' body. 1 It_sJgjn^eii_a_xompany of persons that had a^embled_fQ T , sfudy T - and, hk e- any- other giloV had_i)r- ganized fo r_thjs.-Sake of proJ^ctiojysiriceJihey were in a town where they were regarded as strangers. Thus it did not refer to a place or school at air,~l)ut to the teachers and scholars. When it was desired to express the abstract notion of an academic institution, studium generate was the phrase used. This indicated a school or place where students from all parts of civilization were received, and was contrasted with a studium par- ticulare, which taught only a few from the neighbor- hood. The students of each studium generate naturally University grouped themselves according to the part of the world u^" 15 werc from which they came, and the charters were sometimes grouped conferred upon the nationes ('nations') separately, ^J^. as these organizations had usually preceded the forma- tion of the university. T Jie nations, ho wever^ soon began to combine for th e sake of obtaining greater privileges . and power. B y the early part .of __the_ thir= tp.ent-h c entury, the st udents of Bologn a h ad me r ged- th^hijDrganiz ations into two bodies^ ^the universitas citramontanorum ( ' Cisalpine corporation '), composed of se venteen nations, a nd the universitas uttramontano- rum ('Transalpine corporation'), made up of eighteen; but not for some three centuries were these two united, and each The University of Paris included the four nations of " at ^ ns -J° r s _ e France, Picardy, Normandy, and England. 2 Every ius ' to repre- year each nation chose its chief, who was called the sentlt - 1 During the fourteenth century the word universitas came to be used alone of the institution of learning. 2 In later centuries England was replaced by Germany. 88 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION consiliarius ('councilor'). 1 It was his duty to repre- sent the nation, guard its rights, and control the con- duct of its members. Each'fac- On the side of the masters, the university became uity,; which organized into faculties. The word facultas was origi- meanta* yft^My used of a special department of knowledge, and department/ then applied to a body of masters teaching a particular edge,°soon range of subjects. Hence there arose the four faculties elected its _ f arts, law, medicine, and theology, or even five, where and the deans l aw was divided into civil and canon. 2 But few uni- and "con- versities, however, had the four faculties, and those they elected the possessed were very unequal in strength. Even at its •rector.' height Paris had no faculty of civil law, while in theology it shared what was practically a monopoly with the English universities. Law was in most univer- sities the leading faculty. Each faculty came to elect a decanus (' dean ') as its representative in the university organization. The deans, together with the councilors of the student bodies, elected the rector, or head of the university. This officer, however, had only such powers as were delegated to him. In the South the rector was usually a student, but in the North, where the masters controlled, he was generally chosen from the faculty of arts. The Courses of Study. — The content of the courses offered by each faculty differed greatly in the various universities, and was somewhat modified from time to time even in the same university. However, during the The course^ thirteenth century it came in each case to be rather included the definitely fixed by papal decree or university legislation, seven liberal and practically no departure from the course laid down some of the was allowed. 3 For the course in arts, which occupied Arf't 3th ° f 1 In Pa " S ** e Was known as tne procurator ; in Oxford and Cambridge as procurator or proctor, or sometimes in Cambridge as rector. 2 Paetow {Arts Course at Medieval Universities, pp. 55-58 and 81-84) has shown that there were separate faculties and distinct degrees in ' grammar ' from those in ' arts,' and that Bologna had a separate faculty in ars notaria, if not in ars dictaminis, which conferred the degree of doctor notaries. 3 A clear and comprehensive treatment of the university courses is found in Norton's Mediaval Universities (Cambridge, 1909), pp. 37-80. THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITIES 89 some six years, the compendia and texts on the liberal arts already referred to, 1 Donatus and Priscian, and Alexander of Villedieu and Eberhard of Bethune 2 on grammar, Boethius on rhetoric, dialectic, arithmetic, and music, Alberich and Boncompagno on avs dictaminis^ Euclid on geometry, Ptolemy on astronomy, and other standard works, were in general use, but they were en- riched during this period by the additions of the Arabic treatises on mathematics and dialectic and many other new texts. The course in arts also included many of the works of Aristotle. Some of his logical treatises had been previously known, and during the thirteenth century the rest of the Organon, and the Ethics, Politics, Poetics, and Rhetoric, and his works upon natural science, came to be translated either from the Arabic or the original and used as texts. Thus in 121 5 the following course in arts was prescribed for Paris by Robert de Courcon : — " The treatises of Aristotle on logic, both old and new, and the two Priscians 4 are to be read in the regular course. On feast-days nothing is to be read except philosophy, rhetoric, quadrivialia, the Barbarisms, 5 the Ethics, and the Topics. 6 The books of Aristotle on Metaphysics or Natural Philosophy, or the abridgments of these works, are not to be read." 7 But this ' liberal ' course did not contain any of the modern studies, such as history or modern languages and literatures, and it devoted little attention to Roman classics, and, outside of Aristotle, none at all to Greek. Moreover, probably at no university were all the works mentioned in use, but rather there were different selec- tions made in each institution. The course in law generally consisted of two parts, — 1 See pp. 14-21. 2 See p. 20. 3 See p. 18, footnote 3, and p. 88, footnote 2. 4 The first sixteen books of Priscian's grammar were known as the major, and the last two as the minor. 6 The third book of Donatus, Ars Major. 6 A logical treatise of Boethius. 7 The Church was at this time still a trifle distrustful of Aristotle. 90 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION civil and canon. 1 In the former, the Corpus Juris Civilis was the authorized text. This work now included the Code, or compilation of imperial edicts, the Digest* of opinions of Roman jurists, and the Institutes, which was an introductory text for students. The official treatise for the study of canon law was the Deere turn Gratiani. That consisted of three parts on ecclesiastical offices, the administration of canon law, and the ritual and sac- raments, respectively. In the faculty of medicine were included the Greek treatises by Hippocrates (c. 460-375, B.C.) and Galen (c. 130-200, a.d.), together with the works of certain Saracen, Jewish, and Salernitan physicians. The chief of these latter treatises seem to have been the medical Canon of Avicenna, 3 the Liber Febrium and Liber Die- tarum written by Isaac Judaeus, and the Antidotarium by Nicolaus of Salerno. 4 The students of theology put most of their time upon the four books of Peter the Lombard's Sent entice, al- though the Bible was studied incidentally. This neglect of the Scriptures for the scholastic theology and the traditions of the Church, which was so characteristic of the Middle Ages, is thus stigmatized by the advanced thinker, Roger ('Friar') Bacon (1214-1294): — " Although the principal study of the theologian ought to be in the text of Scripture, in the last fiftyyears theologians have been principally occupied with questions in tractates and Summce, — horse-loads composed by many, — and not at all with the most holy text of God. And accordingly, theologians give a readier reception to a treatise of scholastic questions than they do to one about the text of Scripture." 6 The Methods of Study. — The training of a mediaeval 1 See pp. 78 f. 8 Sometimes called Pandects. 8 See p. 42 for Avicenna. * For the details of a general course in medicine, see Rashdall, Uni- versities in the Middle Ages, Vol. II, Pt. I, p. 123; for that of Paris, Monro, Meducval Student, pp. 16-17; for that °f Oxford, Rashdall, op. tit., Vol. II, Pt. II, pp. 78Q and 454 f. 6 See Brewer's translation of Bacon's Compendium Siudii Theologia. THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITIES 9 1 student consisted not only in acquiring the subjects mentioned, but in learning to debate upon them. The ac- quisition of the subject matter was accomplished through lectures, which consisted in reading and explaining the textbook under consideration. This was rendered The texts, necessary by the scarcity of manuscripts, which had to be ^sseiTwere used until the invention of printing, and the difficulty in read and ex- purchasing or renting copies of them. Each work con- {^eTecuirers sisted of a text and commentaries upon it. The glosses, and taken which had often grown to such proportions as com- o^nvTstiga- pletely to overshadow the original, consisted of explan- tion by the atory notes, summaries, cross-references, and objections students - to the author's statements. 1 To these the teacher might add a commentary of his own as he read. Odo- fredus, the jurist, thus describes his procedure at Bologna : — " First, I shall give you summaries of each chapter before I proceed to the text ; secondly, I shall give you as clear and explicit a state- ment as I can of the purport of each Law (included in the chapter) ; ^y<^* thirdly, I shall read the tex t with a view to correcting it ; fourthly, *^ I shall briefly repeat the contents of the Law ; fifthly, I shall solve apparent contradictions, adding any general principles of Law (to be extracted from the passage), and any distinctions or subtle and useful problems arising out of the Law with their solutions." * The master must often have had to read the passage repeatedly, in order that all might grasp it, and he ordinarily read slowly enough for the student to treat his commentary as a dictation. There was always con- siderable objection to rapid reading, and even university regulations were made against a master's lecturing so fast as not to permit of full notes. Naturally, such a method afforded little freedom in thinking. There could be no real investigation, but simply a slavish following of the text and lecture. The whole exercise was carried on in Latin, which had to be learned by the student before coming to the university. The training in debate was furnished by means of 1 An excellent illustration is given in the selection from Gratian in Norton's Mediaval Universities, pp. 59-75. ^^ 2 See Rashdall, Universities, Vol. I, pp. 219-220. 9 2 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION A training in debate was also fur- nished by- means of formal dis- putations between students. Upon pass- ing the ex- amination at the end, a student he-'. urn- a ' master ' or ' doctor ' : formal disputations, in which one student, or group of students, was pitted against another. In these contests, which also were conducted in Latin, not only were authorities cited, but the debaters might add arguments of their own. Sometimes a single person might exercise himself by arguing both sides of the question and com- ing to a judgment for one side or the other. This debating had been instituted to afford some acuteness and vigor of intellect, and, compared with the memoriz- ing of lectures, it served its purpose well, but by the close of the fifteenth century it had gone to such an extreme as to be no longer reputable. The aim came to be to win and to secure applause without regard to truth or consistency. Degrees. — After three to seven years of study and training, the student was examined on his ability to dis- pute and define. If he passed, he was admitted to the grade of master, doctor, ox professor. The taking of this degree signified that the candidate had, as in the gilds and other mediaeval organizations, passed through the stages of 'apprentice' and 'journeyman,' and presented his ' masterpiece.' x He was now ready to practice the craft of teaching and to compete with the other masters for students. The degrees 'master' and 'doctor' seem to have been originally about on a par with each other. 2 The master's examination, which gave the license to teach anywhere, was private and most formal, while that for the doctorate was public and mostly a ceremonial. As soon as a candidate was successful in the one, he immediately proceeded to the other, upon which oc- casion he received both the license to teach and the doctor's degree. 3 Accompanied by friends, and fellow- 1 See p. 97. So the German universities still use Arbeit of the aca- demic 'masterpiece,' — the doctoral dissertation. - A fuller discussion of these_synonyms is found in Rashdall, Universi- ties, Vol. I, pp. 21-22. 8 The German universities to-day combine the two, and at the comple- tion of his course, create the candidate philosophies doctor et artiuni « agister. But the master's degree has now generally come to be inferior the doctorate, as in France and America. THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITIES 93 students and preceded by a trumpeter, he marched to the cathedral in state. There, after a speech and a formal defense of some thesis against picked opponents, he was presented to the archdeacon of the diocese, who con- ferred the degree upon him with a formula not unlike that used on similar occasions in modern universities. 1 The baccalaureate, or bachelor's degree, was at first not a real degree, but simply permission to become a candidate for the license. During the thirteenth century, thebacca- however, it came to be sought as an honor by many not at^sfsim" intending to teach, and after the lapse of two centuries permission it became generally recognized as a separate degree. to enter. The Value of the University Education and Its Effect The univer- upon Civilization. — The defects in the training of the ^L y s meaner, mediaeval universities are obvious. The content of their fixed, and course of study was meager, fixed, and formal. It leaned [he^ethods toward dogmatism and disputation, and dealt entirely were stereo- with books, without a genuine desire for the discovery l yP ed ; of facts or the revelation of truth. It neglected com- pletely the real literature of the classical age, and cared little for developing the imagination and the aesthetic side of life. Similarly, the methods of teaching were stereotyped and 'authoritative. They permitted little that savored of investigation or thinking. >S These, however, were the general faults of the Middle but these Ages, and the universities were evidently the product of W raHauhf of" the growing tendencies to break through them and burst the Middle the fetters of the intellect. Despite their adherence to ^l^'niv'Ssi- dogmatism and their seeming opposition to investigation, ties did much they did much to foster intellectual development. They ^Sual were the greatest encouragement to subtlety, industry, and development, thoroughness, and their tendency toward speculation was J^tmTnds 6 primarily responsible for the modern spirit of inquiry and possible. rationality. The activity they nurtured made possible such minds as those of Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, and Eras- mus in intellectual and literary lines; Wyclif, Huss, and Luther in the theological and ecclesiastical field ; and 1 For the form used at Bologna, see Rashdall, Universities, Vol. II, PP- 734-735- 94 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Friar Bacon, Copernicus, Galileo, and Francis Bacon in the realm of realism and science. They were Even as an institution the universities were of im- mediate'as- mediate assistance in promoting freedom of discussion sistance in and advancing democracy. They became the repre- moderating se ntatives of secular and popular interest, and mod- absolutism. r i i i i erated greatly the power of the papacy and absolute sovereignty. They were regarded by all classes as a court of arbitration, and to them were referred disputes between the civil and ecclesiastical powers, Paris, through its location, numbers, and government, was especially powerful. When appealed to by the king, Philip VI, it compelled the pope, John XXII, to retract his judgment and humbly apologize, and the same in- stitution, half a century later, was most instrumental in forcing the abdication of John XXIII and Benedict XII, and thus closing the scandalous papal schism. 1 , The influence of the universities liberalized all mediaeval in- stitutions, and aided greatly in advancing the cafuse of individualism and carrying forward the torch of civiliza- tion and progress. \ SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Denifle, H. Die Statuten der furisten-Universitat Bologna, 1317- 1347- Denifle, H., and Chatelain, A. Chartularium Universitatis Parisieusis. Henderson, E. F. Select Historical Docwnents of the Middle Ages. Pp. 262-266. Munro, D. C. The Mediceval Student (Translations and Reprints, Vol. II, No. 3). Norton, A. O. Readings in the History of Education. Mediceval Universities. Ogg, F. A. Source Book of Mediaeval History. Chap. XXI. Robinson, J. H. Readings in European History. Vol. I, Chap XIX, IV. Schmeller, J. A. Carmif.. on). Symonds, J. A. Wine, IV, 1 See D'Achery, p. 777 f. THE MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITIES II. Authorities 95 Abelson, P. The Seven Liberal Arts. Barnard, H. An Account of Universities {National Education, Pt. III). Bresslau, H. Handbuch der Urkundenlehre fur Deutschland und Italien. Compayre, G. Abelard and the Origin and Early History of Uni- versities. Denifle, P. H. Die Entstehung der Universitaten des Mittelalters bis 1400. Drane, A. T. Christian Schools and Scholars. Pp. 366-475. Emerton, E. Mediceval Europe. Chap. XIII. Fournier, P. J. M. Les statuts et privileges des University fran- caises. Giesebrecht, W. Die Vaganten oder Goliardi mid ihre Lieder. Haskins, C. H. The Life of a Mediaeval Student {American His- torical Review, 1 897-1 898). Haskins, C. H. The University of Paris in the Sermons of the Thirteenth Century {American Historical Review, 1904, pp. 1-27). Jessopp, A. The Coming of the Friars. Chap. VI. Jourdain, C. M. G. Histoire de P Universite de Paris. Kaufmann, G. Die Geschichte der deutschen Universitaten. Laurie. S. S. The Rise and Early Constitution of Universities. Lyte, H. C. M. A History of the University of Oxford. Chaps. I-VI. Mullinger, J. B. University of Cambridge. Mullinger. J. B. Universities (Encyclopaedia Britannica). Newman, J. H. Historical Sketches. Vol. Ill, Chaps. XIV-XVI. Paetow, L. J 1 . The Arts Course at Medieval Universities (The University of Illinois Studies. Vol. Ill, No. 7). Parker, J. The Early History of Oxford. Paulsen, F. The German Universities (translated by Thilly and Elwang). Rashdall, H. The Universities of Ettrope in the Middle Ages. Savigxy, F. Geschichte des Romischen Rechts im Mittelalter. Sheldon, H. D. Student Life and Customs. Walden, H. On the Origin of Universities and Academic Degrees. Woodward, W. H . (Editor). Mediaeval Schools and Universities. CHAPTER X THE DEVELOPMENT OF CITIES AND NEW SCHOOLS The Crusades gave a great impulse to commerce, manufac- tures, and industries, and thus con- tributed to the growth of cities The Rise of Commerce and Cities. — An important influence upon civilization and education during the later Middle Ages was that produced by the increase in commerce. Foreign trade had never died out since Roman days, despite the injuries wrought by the bar- barian invasions, as the nobles had always need of luxuries and the Church of articles of utility in its serv- ices. But the demand for vessels and transports during the Crusades, and the desire for the precious stones, silks, perfumes, drugs, spices, and porcelain from the Orient afterward, gave a tremendous impulse to com- mercial activity. Thus communication between the states of Europe was greatly facilitated, new commercial routes and new regions were opened, geographical knowledge was increased, navigation was developed, maritime and mercantile affairs were organized, manu- factures and industries were enlarged, currency was increased, and forms of credit were improved. All this tended toward a larger intellectual view and a partial dissipation of provincialism and intolerance. The most important consequence of this industrial awakening was the rise and growth of cities. The old Roman towns of Italy and Gaul revived and grew rap- idly in size and wealth, and new cities sprang up around the manorial estates and monasteries as manufactures, trade, and commerce increased. The people in these cities rebelled against the rule of their lords and either expelled them altogether or secured from them for a monetary consideration a charter conferring more liberal rights and privileges. For example, a charter granted by Henry of Troyes in 1175, stipulated as follows: — 96 THE DEVELOPMENT OF CITIES AND NEW SCHOOLS 97 " All persons living in the said city shall pay each year twelve deniers and a measure of oats as the price of his domicile ; and if he wishes to have a portion of ground or of meadow, he shall pay four deniers rent an acre. The inhabitants of said town shall not be forced to make war nor go on any expedition, unless I myself am at their head. I grant them besides the right to have six magistrates, who shall administer the common affairs of the town. No lord, cavalier, or other shall take from the town any of its inhabitants for any reason." As manufactures and trade developed, the merchants and the and other citizens grew rapidly in wealth and importance, of^bTrghTr and before long the burgher class had a recognized class. position by the side of the clergy and nobility. The burghers became educated, and were soon appealed to for counsel by the kings. The Gild, Burgher, and Chantry Schools. — But besides 'Gilds' for the general organization of the towns, separate craft j^eaiso* gilds had also been established, to prevent any one who established, had not been regularly approved from practising the ™J,5Srfai" trade he represented. Under the gild system, one had training grew to spend from three to ten years learning his craft, first Jjj* flowed as an apprentice with no wages, and later as a journey- by'giid_ man, working for the public only through his master, schools.' The number of apprentices was limited, and the craft otherwise regulated and protected. "The masons of Paris, for instance, had to observe these regulations : — " No one shall have more than one apprentice in his trade, and if he has an apprentice, he shall engage him for not less than six years' service, but of course he may engage him for a longer term of service and for more money, if he is able to do so. If he engage him for less than six years, he shall be fined twenty sous. The mason, how- ever, may take another apprentice as soon as the first apprentice shall have completed five years." In this way there had grown up a species of industrial education with three definite stages in its organization. Before long, too, the gilds developed a formal means of education, which has ever since been known as the gild schools. A famous foundation of this sort is recorded in the report of Edward VI's commissioner, who tells us con- cerning the city of Worcester : — H 98 A HIbTORY OF EDUCATION " There hath byn tyme owt of mynde, a ffree scole kept within the said citie, in a grete halle belongyng to the said Guylde, called Trinite Hall ; the scholemaster whereof for the tyme beyng hath hade yerely, for his stypend, ten pounds ; whereof was paid, owt of the revenues of the said landes, by the Master and Stewards of the said Guylde for the tyme beyng, vi li., xiii s., iii d. ; And the resy- dewe of the said stypend was collected and gathered of the denocioun and benyvolence of the brothers and systers of the said Guylde." x Although the gilds demanded a new type of instruc- tion, their schools were still taught by the clergy, — usually the priests who had been retained to perform the neces- sary religious offices for the members of the organizations concerned. The gild schools were generally elementary in character, but they not infrequently afforded some secondary instruction. While most of the work was in the vernacular, courses in Latin and other higher subjects were also afforded, and some of these gild schools, like Merchant Taylors' of London, have endured and attained to great repute as secondary institutions. As the gild But as the gild organization's gradually merged with mer an edwith S tnose °* tne towns, the gild schools were generally ab- thosf of the sorbed in the institutions known as the burgher schools. eliTschoois Another type of institution that came into prominence wereab- toward the close of the Middle Ages and was also ^burgher sometimes united with the burgher schools, was the schools, chantry school. These chantry organizations arose out iim« c S ame" °f bequests by wealthy persons to support priests who to embrace should ' chant ' masses for the repose of their souls, for restitutions. wnen ^e priests were not engaged in this religious duty, they were required to do some teaching. In this way all the various schools within a town were often combined, and many new foundations of a similar nature were made. These burgher schools were largely controlled and sup- ported by the public authorities, although still generally These taught by priests. They came to represent the interests schoofs r of the merchant and artisan classes, and gave instruction paved the i n subjects of more practical value than had any of the lanationlS 1 " schools hitherto. Such institutions sprang up everywhere 1 Quoted from Toulmin Smith's Ordinances of Engiish Guilds by Monroe, Thomas Platter, p. 1 7. THE DEVELOPMENT OF CITIES AND NEW SCHOOLS 99 during the later Middle Ages, and while they were still inspected by the clergy, and the Church struggled hard to bring them under her control, the number of lay teachers in them gradually increased, and thus paved the way for the secularization of education that took place during the Reformation. SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Cheyney, E. P. English Towns and Gilds {Translations and Re- prints, Vol. II, No. 1). Gross, C. The Gild Merchant. Jones, G. Studies in European History. VIII and IX. Smith. T. English Gilds. Zeller, B. (Editor) . EHistoire de Erance racontee par les Con- temporains. Zeller, B. Mceurs et Institutions du XIII Sikle. II. Authorities Adams, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chaps. X- XII. Ashley, W. J. An Introduction to English Economic History and Theory. Cunningham, W. The Growth of English Industry and Commerce. Cunningham, W. Essay on Western Civilization in its Economic Aspects. Mediaeval and Modern Times. Chap. III. Cutts, E. L. Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages. The Merchants. Chaps. Ill and VI. Draper, J. W. History of the Intellectual Development of Europe. Vol. II, Chaps. IV and V. Guizot, F. The History of Civilization. Lects. VII and VIII. Kriegk, G. L. Deutsches Biirgerthum in Mittelalter. Monroe, P. Thomas Platter and the Educational Revival of the Sixteenth Century. Pp. 3-18. Wilda, W. E. Das Gildenwesen im Mittelalter. Wilken, F. Geschichte der Kreuzzuge. CHAPTER XI THE PASSING OF THE MIDDLE AGES The Growth of National Spirit. — It can now be seen that a new spirit had begun to creep into European civilization. Even before scholasticism had come to its height, or the universities were well under way. it would seem that the Middle Ages were passing. The struggle j between a world-wide political power and a universal ism spiritual organization was drawing to a close through the downfall of the former. Frederick II, ruler c Holy Roman Empire, was in 1245 deposed by Inno- cent IV, head of the Imperial Church of Rome, al- though the civil monarch continued the struggle until his death five years later. This victory of the Church over the Empire had largely been aided by the growth of feudalism, which had worked itself out to a logical conclusion and split the Empire into fragments. For centuries afterward the emperors were mere figure- heads, elected in each case because of their very weak- ness politically. But feudalism and the Church were themselves being undermined by new economic and political forces. The Crusades, which had continued upon a large scale during most of the twelfth century and in a smaller and more spasmodic way for another hundred years, while a failure from the standpoints of religious or military achievement, had very important results upon civilization. Thousands of crusaders were overcome by the rigors of the journey or butchered by hostile peoples before reaching the Orient, and the leaders became more absorbed in opposing their fellow- Christians of the East or in outwitting each other than in overcoming the Turks. But this very snaring of dangers by all nations y all clashes of people THE PASSING OF THE MIDDLE AGES IOI tended to level social distinctions and to bind Christen- dom together in a common purpose. It made evident their common needs and desires. The old nobility and the former allegiances were largely ruined, and the universal claims of the Church were greatly broken. The inherent weakness of feudalism began to appear, and national monarchies and national patriotism arose in the place of this mediaeval order of societv. The degeneracy of the papacy also promoted the culture of a national spirit. The Development of Vernacular Literature. — In many other ways marked changes in the mediaeval ideas and habits became evident. The break-up of the old au- thority and repression was apparent not only in new political institutions, but also in the altered aesthetic productions of the times. A literature of the people a new type was beginning to arise. Before the eleventh century of literature, the written literature of Europe, since it dealt mostly ve^naciiar, e with ecclesiastical and learned subjects, was usually in also began to Latin, although there seem to have been songs, poems, and stories that were passed down in the vernacular, and, in England, the Story of Beowulf and other prose and poetry were actually written down. But with the eleventh century a large popular literature was rapidly appearing in the national languages that had now been well developed. The earliest form of these writings is found in the heroic poems of France. These deal with national themes of a semi-historical character, such as the deeds of Charlemagne and his knights, especially with the Saracen foe, and are known as the chansons de geste. Thus, 'during the eleventh and twelfth cen- turies appeared such productions of the Trouvhres % or poets of Northern France, as the Chanson de Roland, Aymeri de Xarbonne, and Raoul de Cambrai} But in the latter half of the twelfth and during the thirteenth century, when the fervor of the Crusades was at its height, and the later and more artificial forms of 1 See pp. 64 f. 102 A. HISTORY. OF EDUCATION chivalry held sway, there arose another type of poems, consisting of accounts of knightly adventures, with love and extravagant devotion to women as the central theme. The spirit of this later period is first displayed in the lyrics of the Troubadours} These poets belonged to Southern France, where were the greatest wealth and luxury, but their songs were soon imitated by the bards of England and Germany. In the last named country the poets were known as Minnesingers, because they sang of love. 2 At this time, too, were composed the narrative poems based on the stories of King Arthur and his knights, the search for the Holy Grail, classical tales concerning the Trojan heroes, Alexander, Caesar, and others, and the German sagas, of which the best example is, perhaps, the Niebclungenlied (' Song of the Niebelungs '). Sometimes these themes were combined, as in the famous Parsifal of Wolfram von Eschenbach, where the Arthurian legends are united with that of the Holy Grail. During this period also were produced short tales in verse known as fabliaux. They were in- tended only to amuse, and were broadly humorous, and at times even obscene. 3 German, as well as Latin, pro- ductions adapted to the spirit of the times, are also found in the rollicking songs of the wandering students, which, like the fabliaux, satirized the monks and priests, and the constraint of the times, and voiced their joy in riot- ous and illicit pleasure. 4 All this literature shows what change was taking place in the spirit of the age and in the type of audience for which it was written. These interesting and amusing, although at times coarse and vulgar, productions were 1 See p. 65. 2 The Middle High German Minne signifies • love.' The most famous of the Minnesingers were Walther von der Vogelweide and Wolfram von Eschenbach. 3 They were soon recast in prose, and became the basis of Boccaccio's Decameron, iviargaret of Navarre's Heptameron, some of Chaucer's Can- terbury Tales, arid even of a number of indecent stories of the present day. 4 See p. 86. THE PASSING OF THE MIDDLE AGES 103 clearly intended for the people of the town and tavern, which did not exist until the later Middle Ages. Yet they savor of the protest against the uniformity and absolutism still prevailing, and illustrate the progress toward the individualism of the Renaissance. Mediaeval Art. — With the development of cities, Art also wealth, and a new literature, art also began to appear, appeared, although painting consisted mostly of illuminations in works 0/ architecture. While most religious and secular books, illustrative of the text or for the purpose of decoration. It contained very many art was shown in the cathedrals symbols and was done according to stereotyped rules. Sculpture was also carried on, but was largely subordi- and their nate to architecture, which was the chief art of the Mid- decorations, die Ages. Hence the works of the sculptor were mainly thirteenth decorations upon pillars, altars, pulpits, choir screens, century secu- %r, -ii • 1 t 1 lar buildings and clergy seats. 1 hese still appear in those beautiful began to be cathedrals of the later Middle Ages, with their delicate constructed, towers, flying buttresses, exquisite windows, and massive pillars, which have not been equaled in modern archi- tecture. By the thirteenth century secular buildings, especially gild and town halls, of a similar finish and beauty, began to be constructed. Summary of the Middle Ages. — This development in ah this the spirit of politics, literature, and art, while not affect- showman 6 " 1 ing educational ideals, institutions, and practices directly, intellectual is an indication of the intellectual activity of the times. wouM^ndf- However the earlier period may be characterized, the cate the thirteenth century cannot be said to be altogether lack- ^etern? ° f ing in the development of culture, and under no circum- 'Dark Ages. 1 stances can it be regarded as the 'Dark Ages.' But, as Yet, during we intimated at the outset of our study, 1 during the early ^^ y A part of the Middle Ages there was a general fading of there was a the literature, culture, and institutions of Greece and f*™™ l o{ the Rome. Between the fifth and eighth centuries, with the Graeco- inroads of the uncouth German tribes, there had come ^™ t f" n g n ~ about an increasing decline of Roman civilization. The Roman buildings, art treasures, libraries, and systems of 1 See Chapter I. 104 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION education had been mostly destroyed or lost, and even the magnificent Roman roads, which had so facilitated commerce and communication, were permitted to fall into disuse and decay. Civil order was largely ruined, and a class of people came into control who were too un- trained for classic learning and culture to continue, But barbarous as the Germans were, they were des- tined to absorb the Graeco- Roman civilization and the Christian ideals, and, amalgamating them with their own institutions, to pass them on to modern times. To stop the decay and bring these mediaeval people up to the level of the past, it was necessary to set an authoritative standard and repress all variation on the part of the individual. The human intellect was confined to narrow limits, and all efforts to obtain truth by investigation were discouraged. Yet such bondage of the human spirit was unnatural, and the fetters upon individualism were bound to be broken. Throughout the Middle Ages there were periodic tendencies to rebel against the system. In fact, mediaevalism contained within itself the germ of its own emancipation. During the eighth century, as the barba- rians began to settle down and re-group themselves under Frankish kings, there came about a new order, culmi- nating in the Carolingian revival of education. While conditions were never as desperate again after this ad- vance, the disruption of Charlemagne's empire, the hard- ening of the feudal system, various civil wars, and the isolation of many parts of Europe, led before long to an- other decline. However, the bonds of absolutism and feudalism were gradually weakened, national monarchies and a secuiar spirit began to arise, and by the twelfth and g thirteenth centuries a new revival, material and intellectual, had begun to appear. Several developments gave evidence of the expansion within, and helped to produce it. The worldly appeal of chivalry, the broadening of horizon produced by contact with the Moors, and through the Crusades, together with the growth of cities, gilds, com- THE PASSING OF THE MIDDLE AGES 105 merce, wealth, and luxury, the development of literature and art, and, above everything, the emancipation of thought and reason through the discussions of scholasti- cism and the foundation of universities, — all helped by accumulation to make the last two centuries of the Middle Ages a period of increased activity and progress. And from this there was destined shortly to arise a great awakening of the human spirit and that revival of classic culture known as the Renaissance. PART II — THE TRANSITION TO MODERN TIMES CHAPTER XII THE RENAISSANCE AND HUMANISTIC EDUCATION The General Tendencies of the Renaissance. — »A study of the Middle Ages has revealed how restricted and stereotyped intellectual activity had become, and how largely the cultural products of Greece" and Rome had| disappeared. Equally obvious were the efforts of the( human spirit to burst through its confinement and unij formity, and attain to some freedom of expression and a t renewed individualism. The repression was slowly breaking almost from the time it was formed, but while there was a definite revival during the latter part of the eighth and the first half of the ninth centuries, and one much more marked in the twelfth and thirteenth, it was not until the latter half of the fourteenth century that the movement made itself really felt. At that time the transition was greatly accelerated, and it became evident that the dormant period had at length given way to the dawn. „ There appeared a gen- eral intellectual and cultural progress that began to free men from their bondage to ecclesiasticism and induce them to look at the world about them. The absolute adherence to an 'otherworldly' ideal that was character- istic of early Christianity and monasticism, the suspicion of the Latin and Greek classics, the restriction of learn- ing, the reception of the teachings of the Church without investigation, and the basing of all reasoning upon deductions therefrom were by this time rapidly disap- pearing. Such tendencies were clearly being ropjaced by a genuine joy in the life of this world, a broader field 106 THE RENAISSANCE AND HUMANISTIC EDUCATION \QJ of knowledge and thought, and a desire to reas on and deal with ad ideas more cr itically . Uniformity and repression through authority were clearly giving way to renewed and enlarged ideals of individualism. The pur- pose of education was gradually coming to be no longer an attempt to adapt the individual to a fixed system, but to produce a differentiation of social activities and to encourage a realization of the individual in society. The days of mere absorption and assimilation were passing. The Renaissance and the Revival of Learning. — This The Middle tremendous widening of the intellectual, aesthetic, and ^"i 1 *^, social horizon is generally known as the Renaissance activity of ('new birth'). Such a description, although it is now u hei ^ h own ' well fixed in historical terminology, may appear too rapidity of strong. It seems to imply a long interval of hibernation f^fiei P the° n during the mediaeval period from which there had at term length come an awakening. Whereas, we have seen ornew 2 " 06 ' that the Middle Ages, while largely fixed and limited in birth.' •their intellectual scope, certainly possessed considerable activity of their own, and the expanded outlook of the revival can be traced back to economic, political, and social factors that gradually arose during this very period of restriction. Yet, if the rapidity of the emanci- pation that resulted from these forces and the difference in the viewpoint of the two periods be taken into account, the term 'Renaissance' will seem more appropriate. It may be taken to indicate that the spirit of the Graeco- Roman development had returned, and that possibility of expression was granted to the individual once more. Hence the new era may well be viewed as "a re-birth of emotions and faculties long dormant, an awakening of man to a new consciousness of life and of the world in which he lives, and of the problems which life and the world present for the thinking mind to solve, and to a consciousness also of the power of the mind to deal with these problems." I But this period is also properly known as a Revival 1 Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, p. 365. [o8 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION of Learning. The awakening preceded the recovery of classical literature and learning, but mtellec ual freedom was very greatly heightened and forwarded thereby. 1 The only food at hand that could satisfy the intellectual craving of the times was the literature and culture of the classical peoples. The discovery that the writings of the ancient world were filled with a genuine vitality and virility, and that the o ld authors had _dealt with wor ld probl ems in a profound and masterly fash ion, and with far more vision than had ever been possible for the restricted mediaevalists, gave rise to an eager desire and enthusiasm for the classics that went beyond all bounds. As we have seen, 2 a knowledge of classical literature had never altogether disappeared, and various works had been preserved by the monks and others. To search out the manuscripts of the Latin and Greek writers, the monasteries, cathedrals, and castles were now ransacked from end to end. The manuscripts found were rapidly multiplied, and the greatest pains were taken to secure the correct form of every passage. The texts of the different manuscripts were carefully compared and re- vised in the light of history. Thus, besides the recov- ery of old knowledge, a better method of criticism and a development of the critical judgment were produced that were quite impossible under the scholastic system of the Middle Ages. r _ Humanism and the Humanists. — Because of their emphasis upon the beauty of this world and upon human affairs, rather than upon the life to come, the devotees of the new movement were generally called humanists, and in later times the intellectual phase of the Renais-. sance became known as humanism? The new learning 1 The old statement that the Renaissance was caused by the accidental recovery of classical works, or, still worse, by the Greek teachers taking refuge in Italy after the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, shows an ignorance of the social movements in the Middle Ages. 2 See p. 15 and footnote on p. 17. 8 Of course the development of painting and sculpture, and the prog- ress of discovery, during the Renaissance were fully as remarkable as the revival in literature, but they have little place here. Painting began in the THE RENAISSANCE AND HUMANISTIC EDUCATION 109 was regarded as that which taught mankind how to live most fittingly. So when he has discussed this type of education, the youthful enthusiast of Ferrara writes at the close of his treatise 1 : — " Learning and training in virtue are peculiar to man ; therefore our forefathers called them lutvianitas, the pursuits, the activities, proper to mankind." These humanistic scholars were not the first to read the works of classical Latin, as this interest had been kept alive throughout the Middle Ages, but they were the first to reject the hard and narrow ' other- worldliness ' of mediaevalism and f to find through the classics a joy in living and an inspiration to achieve- ment in this life./ With the" revival of these classical models, the humanists began to produce a literature of their own, such as had not existed since the palmiest days of Rome. Poetry, drama, and romances flourished, and the new motives eventually resulted also in the beginning of historical and social writings. Through the humanists and their works the spirit of modern times was ushered in. fourteenth century, but did not come to its height until the latter part of the fifteenth century with such masters as Fra Angelico and Botticelli in Florence and the Van Eycks in Holland, and in the sixteenth with Raph- ael, Michael Angelo, and Leonardo da Vinci in Rome, Andrea del Sarto in Florence, Titian in Venice, and Holbein and Diirer in Germany. Later came the Flemish Rubens and Van Dyck, the Dutch Rembrandt, and the Spanish Velasquez. 1 B. Guarino in his De Ordine Docendi et Studendi. CHAPTER XIII THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY Causes of the Awakening in Italy. — This general tendency toward an awakening was apparent throughout Western Europe, but it first became evident in Italy. There were several special reasons why this part of the country should be the foremost to feel an intellectual quickening. They are mostly connected with the fact that Italy was at this time the natural center of activity. This holds true of the political and commercial spheres even more than of the religious, but one main source of the early restiveness in the Italian peninsula appears in the fact that the seat of the Church was at Rome. The Italians were almost too close to the papacy to have the respect for that organization which was held by the rest of Christendom. They felt that the days of the pope as a great international authority above all secular powers had passed. The pontiff was clearly no longer interested, as in the time of the Cluniac popes, in insisting upon a spiritual supremacy that should include all nations, but was engaged with local Italian politics. He was at- tempting to maintain himself as a petty temporal ruler or to secure some small principality for his nephews or other relatives. It appeared that the large revenues that still came rolling in from all parts of Europe were being expended to increase the papal possessions or pro- mote some small Italian war. Hence the people of Italy came to" regard the Church merely as a great business organization, and became rather skeptical about the divine institution and authority of the pope. They began to think for themselves outside the scholastic system. The chief factor, however, in producing mental alert- ness and early development in Italy was the political circumstances of her mediaeval history. This country THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY III was a regular storm center for civic and interstate quarrels. 1 In the first place, Italy never became a uni- fied nation, but remained to a large degree a series of independent city-states. This was due to the fact that the country was legally a part of the Holy Roman Empire the continual under the rule of the king of the Germans, who was jSJJjJl™ never able to make his control effective there. In the early period there was a count over each city who was supposed to represent the emperor, but was really a sort of feudal lord. Within the cities, however, the rule of the counts was soon disputed by the bishops, whose jurisdictions often coincided with those of the counts, and, as the bishops were generally supported by the people, the counts were eventually expelled. But the bishops, too, before long., fell under the suspicion of the cities, which then gradually (iooo-iioo) took over the sovereign rights into their own hands and chose their officials by ballot. However, only a few of the influential families were allowed to have any voice in the government, and the other classes were constantly striving for representation. There was also a continual struggle between the higher and lower gilds, and between the great lords, who, after the decay of feudalism, had come into the cities from their castles. 2 Disgusted with this party strife and confusion, most of the cities at length allowed the government to slip into the hands of some usurper. Usually these despots concealed at first the real nature of the government by a misleading title, and by having their powers voted them anew each year, 3 1 A good account of the political situation and the part it played in de- veloping individualism is given in Burckhardt, The Renaissance in Italy, Parts I and II. - This was the underlying cause of the strife in Italian cities between the Guelphs and the Ghibellines. It was not so much that one party favored the pope and the other the emperor, as the historic opposition of two great families to each other and their seizure of this pretext as a basis of party differences. 8 Such was the case with the podesta, capitano del popolo, and other similar offices in the various cities. Sometimes, however, as with Francesco Sforza at Milan, the government was seized by a condottiere, or leader of mercenary troops, who had been employed by the city. A HISTORY OF EDUCATION but the dictatorship generally became permanent ( 1 250-1450), and the hereditary rule was vested in cer- tain families. Hence, throughout its mediaeval history Italy had undergone constant turmoil in politics. There were continual struggles with the emperor, conflicts between the several cities, and civil strife in the cities themselves. One result of this political unrest was that the citizens, were kept constantly on the outlook for their own safety and interests, and their" wits were greatly sharpened. 1 Even the exile, into which one party or another was con- stantly forced, had the effect of broadening their vision and bringing out the greatest possibilities within them. And so, where birth counted for little, and ability and energy might at any time win control, these cities of Italy became very democratic and independent. Individualism was greatly heightened and a natural opening afforded for the Renaissance. But there was yet another important factor in the intellectual development of Italy. This is found in the commercial intercourse of the Italian cities with other countries, which, for various physiographic and historic reasons, had become extraordinarily active. The coast- line and harborage of Italy are, in proportion to the area of the country, the greatest of any in Europe, and during the Crusades the Italian cities obtained the most exten- sive trade relations that had ever been known. Venice, Genoa, and a few other ports of Italy for a time controlled the commerce of the world, and through these channels unprecedented wealth and luxury poured into the lap of Europe. This commercial activity and contact with different traditions had a remarkable intellectual effect, and tended to open the minds of the Italians, break up their old conceptions, free them of prejudice, and increase their thirst for learning. It should be noted, furthermore, that the ghost of the classic ages still haunted its old home. A knowledge 1 This intellectual alertness was in many instances heightened by the necessity of drawing up or modifying the constitution of the city. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 113 of the Latin tongue had never ceased to exist in Italy, and many manuscripts of the Latin and Greek authors had been preserved. 1 The influence of the old writers during the Renaissance was due to what had long been known rather than to the discovery of a great deal that was new. There was needed in Italy only an intellec- tual quickening sufficient to shake off the thraldom to the Church and produce an appreciation of classical literature and culture in order to bring back this spirit of the past into real pulsating life. In this way, from a combination of a variety of forces, These vari- there becomes more and more evident in Italy a remark- ous factors able widening of the intellectual, aesthetic, and social return to in- horizon. Authority began to give way to independence dividuaiism and reason, and the individual burst his mediaeval bonds for the and obtained faith in himself. " In the Middle Ages," ^P^ n . ce declares Burckhardt, "human consciousness lay dream- sided 'men. ing or half awake beneath a common veil. The veil was woven of faith, illusion, and childish prepossession, through which the world and history were seen clad in strange hues. Man was conscious of himself only as member of a race, people, party, family, or corporation — only through some general category. In Italy this veil first melted into air ; man became a spiritual indi- vidual, and recognized himself as such. In the same way the Greek had once distinguished himself from the barbarian. At the close of the thirteenth century Italy began to swarm with individuality ; the charm laid upon human personality was dissolved ; and a thousand figures meet us, each in its own special shape and dress." Thus there was a return to the ideals of individualism that existed in the classical civilization, and men of many-sided development appeared once more. " When this impulse to the highest individual development," adds the authority quoted, " was combined with a power- ful and varied nature, which had mastered all the 1 There were also occasionally anachronistic revivals of the Roman senate and other features of the ancient government. See the revolts of Crescentius and of Arnold of Brescia. ii4 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION elements of the culture of the age, then arose the 'all-sided man' — /' uomo tmiversale — who belonged to Italy alone. Men there were of encyclopaedic knowl- edge in many countries during the Middle Ages, for this knowledge was not confined within narrow limits. . . . But in Italy, at the time of the Renaissance, we find artists who in every branch created new and perfect works, and who also made the greatest impression as men. Others, outside the arts they practiced, were masters of a vast circle of spiritual interests." There is not space here to describe the work of every one of these ' all-sided ' men, but some of them are of such importance to the history of culture and education, as theorists or practical men, that some mention of them cannot be omitted. Petrarch and His Influence. — Probably the man who should stand as the earliest 1 great humanist was Fran- cesco Petrarca (1304- 13 74), or Petrarch, as he is com- monly called. In him we find the very embodiment of the Renaissance spirit. 2 He completely repudiates the ' otherworldly ' ideal of mediaevalism, and is keenly aware of the beauties and the joy of this life. He emphasizes the present and the opportunities for self- development in this world. In him appear the modern desire for personal fame, and an aggressive faith in his own ability to gain it. There is evident in him at all times a marked individualism and an abhorrence of an appeal to authority. He does not hesitate to attack the most hoary of traditions, and to rely upon observation, investigation, and reason. Hence he strongly reacts 1 The world-renowned Dante, who belonged to the generation before Petrarch, can hardly, despite his modern independence and individualistic tendencies, be considered a real humanist. The picture of the future life that is portrayed in the Divina Commedia and his theology in general are thoroughly mediaeval, and his interest in Vergil, Homer, and other classical writers, who appear in his great epic, was not unknown in other works of the Middle Ages. Monroe regards Dante's 11 Convito as the natural link between the mediaeval period and the awakening. 2 See the interpretation of Petrarch in Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, pp. 375-377. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 115 from scholasticism, and objects to the absolute depend- ence upon Aristotle, who had so fully become the philosopher of the Church. He says: — " I believe that Aristotle was a great man, and that he knew much ; yet he was but a man, and therefore something, nay, many things, may have escaped him. I am confident, beyond a doubt, that he was in error all his life, not only as regards small matters, where a mistake counts for little, but in the most weighty questions, where his supreme interests were involved." 1 Likewise, Petrarch's impatience with the conservatism and narrowness of the universities, which he stamps as 1 nests of gloomy ignorance,' is vented in such tirades as the following : — " The youth ascends the platform mumbling nobody knows what. The elders applaud, the bells ring, the trumpets blare, the degree is conferred, and he descends a wise man who went up a fool." 2 Consequently, he feels a kinship with the thinkers He felt a and writers of the past age, when independence, aes- kinship with the past and thetic culture, and breadth were given more scope, and endeavored holds that their works must be recovered before their andeit™ spirit can be continued. This led to a tremendous en- culture. thusiasm for the Latin classics, and, while Petrarch had been bred to the law, much of his life was spent in restoring ancient culture. He devoted himself during his extensive travels largely to collecting manuscripts of the old Latin writers, which had previously been widely scattered, and endeavoring to repair in them the ravages of time. He likewise inspired every one he met with a desire to gather and study the works of the classic authors. Petrarch's own works, too, whether literary, critical, His classical or ethical, are naturally filled with the classic spirit. Kimtahis Besides the beautiful sonnets, ballads, and other lyrics Epistoia, d Viri: '" trio u Africa. that appear in his Canzoniere ('Collection of Songs"), j^f/usfand 1 Petrarch, De Sui Ipsius et Multorum Ignorantia in Opera (1581) pp. 1042- 1043. 2 See Mullinger, A History of *he University of Cambridge, Vol. I p. 382, note 2. 1 6 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION for which he is especially known to literature, he wrote a large number of Latin works, which, while now little mentioned, had the greatest effect upon the times. Among other writings, he produced several collections of Epistola ('Letters'), a work of erudition called De Viris Illustribus (' On Famous Men '), and an epic poem on Scipio Africanus known as Africa. Some of his letters were indited to Cicero, Homer, and other classical persons as if they were still living. The climax of his career was reached at the age of thirty-six. In that year he was invited by both the University of Rome and the University ci Paris to become their poet laureate. He chose to be honored by the former institution, and on Easter of 1 341 he was publicly crowned with a laurel wreath on the Capitol at Rome. After this, he visited many Italian cities, and was received in honor by all. He did much to spread the Renaissance spirit, and became the literary and scholastic progenitor of a multitude that proved greater than he. But, as a modern authority has said, " if he was, before many generations, excelled in more than one respect, it was only as the discoverer of the New World would ere long have had to give way before the knowledge of a schoolboy." 1 Thus, in the words of Renan, Petrarch was 'the first modern man.' 2 Among the younger scholars and literary men around Petrarch was Giovanni Boccaccio (131 3-1 375). While a great admirer and correspondent of the elder humanist, Boccaccio never met him until the brief visit of Petrarch to Florence in 1350. 3 Before this the youthful poet 4 had resided at the court of Naples, where literary men were numerous, and had already displayed his admira- tion for the ancients, advanced far in his classical studies, 1 Voigt, Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums, Vol. I, p. 22, quoted by Robinson and Rolfe, Petrarch, pp. 8-9. 2 Renan, Averroes, p. 328. 8 See Petrarcha, Epistola de Rebus Familiar ibus, XXI, 15, and Epistola; de Rebus Senilibus, V 3. 4 Cf. the final phrase of the epitaph he wrote for himself, — studium fuit alma poesis. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 117 and produced in Italian a number of important ro- mances, tales, and poems with classical allusions, of which the most famous is his Decamero?ie (' Ten-Day Book '). But in Florence he developed, through the influence of Petrarch, a perfect passion for the ancient writers, and devoted most of the rest of his life to classical culture. He obtained a wide knowledge of the Latin writers, and searched out, preserved, and had copied as many ancient manuscripts as possible. So keen was his interest in the classics, that, upon visiting the library at Monte Cassino and finding it neglected and badly mutilated, he is said by a pupil to have been moved to tears. x A younger humanist enthused through Petrarch's Barzizza, the work was Gasparino da Barzizza ( 1 370-143 1). Barzizza m ° st * cno1 - earned a larger reputation for scholarship than either humanists, Petrarch or Boccaccio. He became a great collector of ^^S- 21 ^- . r —.. , °_ thused By the manuscripts of Cicero, and was the first to approach p«trarch. the study of that author in a critical and analytic spirit. He treated Latin as a living tongue and did not hesitate to modify the standard vocabulary and style of Cicero for the purposes of his day. The Development of Greek Scholarship. — Numerous other humanists were descended from the coterie of Petrarch, but with all this revival of Latin literature, for some time there was little done with the Greek. Dur- ing the Middle Ages that language had almost disap- peared in Europe, and the greatest Greek authors were accessible only through Latin translations. 2 Even the authoritative philosopher of the Church, Aristotle, was known simply through a small and unimportant part of his writings. Of Homer there existed in Latin the merest summary .of the Iliad, written by Silius Italicus, for even the translation of Livius Andronicus had been 1 See Benvenuto on Dante, Paradiso, XXII, 74 f., quoted in full by Sandys, Classical Scholarship, Vol. II, p. 13. - Where the names of Greek poets or philosophers are cited in mediae- val writers, it is to be assumed that this knowledge comes at second hand from the Latin versions. Il8 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION lost. The other great writers, — historians, poets, and orators, had fared even worse. Attempts But a knowledge of the Greek language and litera- tTp trardi ture st ^ P erSlSte d in the Eastern empire, and the hu- iiocclcdo, ' manists of Italy were, through the works of the Latin feara^reek autnors > constantly directed back to the writings of the Greeks, and became eager to read them in the original. Attempts were made by several humanists to learn Greek. Greece and Constantinople were frequently visited, and active efforts made to secure copies of the Greek authors. Petrarch had begun Greek under Bar- laam, a Calabrian Greek, who had been sent as an envoy from Constantinople, but his study of the lan- guage had been interrupted. Later, when a friend 1 sent him a copy of Homer, Petrarch pathetically wrote : — "Thy Homer is dumb to me, while I most certainly am deaf to him. Nevertheless, I am delighted at the very sight of him.'" 2 In the same letter he thanks his friend also for a manuscript of Plato, and, in an epistle to Boccaccio, urged that scholar to translate the Homer into Latin. 3 Boccaccio had been able to secure the guidance of a pupil of Barlaam named Leonzio Pilato, and had thus become the first humanist to gain any real knowledge of the Greek language. At the request of Petrarch, Pilato and Boccaccio made a translation of the Iliad and Odyssey. While this version was in wretched Latin, it gave all of Homer to the humanists, and greatly en- couraged the study of the Greek authors. Thus, before the close of the fourteenth century, teachers of Greek often came to be invited to Italy. In 1453 Constantinople fell into the hands of the Turks, and the Greek scholars fled to Italy, carrying with them many treasures of literature. No labor or expense was spared in discovering and copying these manuscripts, or in multiplying translations of the Greek authors^ In this way, by the second half of the fifteenth century, a 1 Nicolaus Syocerus, another envoy from Constantinople. J See Epistolx Varice, XX, p. 998. *Epistokc De Rebus Senilibus, VI, p. 807. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 119 sufficient number of the Greek, as well as of the Latin, classics was secured to lay the foundations of modern scholarship. Not until then did texts of the authors and works on inflection and syntax become common and simple enough to make Greek learning a part of the training of every educated man. Chrysoloras and His Pupils. — The first great man of but not until learning to settle in Italy and teach Greek was Manuel *396. when /~i 1 / \*i ttti tt • -i , Chrysoloras Chrysoloras (1350-1415). When sent to Venice by the settled in Eastern emperor in 1393 to implore aid against the ^ al y- dldthe Turks, he was besieged by the young Italian scholars to classics be- give them Greek lessons during his stay. Three years come g ener - later, he was invited to the professorship of Greek, which the influence of Boccaccio had established at Florence for Pilato, and readily accepted. With shorter or longer intervals of absence, for sixteen years he taught here and in Pavia, Venice, Milan, Padua, and Rome. He started schools in various cities, made a series of trans- lations of Greek authors, and composed a work on Greek grammar called Erotcmata ('Questions'), which long remained the basis of Greek instruction for the Italians. From his efforts sprang several generations of scholars, who made the great works of Greek literature known throughout Europe. So, just as the revival of classical Latin had been started by Petrarch, a second impulse was given the Renaissance through the instruction of Chrysoloras in Greek. Among the first Italian pupils of Chrysoloras was Among the Niccolo de Niccoli (1 364-1437), who was instrumental in J-^sotoras inducing the Signory of Florence to call that scholar to were Niccolo the university. Niccoli acted as literary minister to t d h e e jj^jj" Cosimo de' Medici, 1 and advised him in his purchase of minister to manuscripts and his distribution of financial assistance M° e d^° ; de ' to scholars. His biographer 2 tells us that " if he heard of any book in Greek or Latin not to be had in Florence, he spared no cost in getting it ; the number of the Latin 1 See p. 122. 2 Vespasian, Vita di Niccolo, p. 473. 20 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION books which Florence owes entirely to his generosity - cannot be reckoned." And he allowed any one who wished, to consult or borrow his books or discuss them with him. Before his death, he had collected or copied with his own hand some eight hundred volumes, and be- queathed them for public use to the library of San Marco. 1 Another well-known pupil of Chrysoloras was Leo- nardo Bruni (1369-1444). 2 He had previously been a student of civil law, but upon the arrival of Chrysoloras he declared to himself that "there are in every city scores of doctors of civil laws ; but should this single and unique teacher of Greek be removed, thou wilt find no one to instruct thee." As a result, Bruni began to study under Chrysoloras. He became devoted to Greek literature, and made excellent translations of Homer, Plato, Aristotle, Demosthenes, Plutarch, and other Greek writers. He also left works of his own composition, including a treatise on humanistic education called De Studiis et Literis (' On the Study of Literature '). Guarino da Verona* (1374-1460), however, was the most famous humanist to study under Chrysoloras. For five years he was in the home of that scholar at Con- stantinople, after Chrysoloras had first returned from Italy. In 1408 the young humanist came back, and, through the influence of Bruni, started a private school of classics at Florence under the patronage of Niccoli and other prominent citizens. When the University of Florence was reopened four years later, he was ap- pointed to the professorship of Greek previously held by Chrysoloras. Here and at Venice and Padua he trained in Greek a number of brilliant young scholars, including Vittorino. In middle life, Guarino undertook the train- ing of Leonello, son of Niccolo d'Este, the Marquis of 1 Half of the volumes were placed in the Marcian collection, but the other half were kept by Cosimo for the Medicean library. See Symonds, The Revival of Learning, pp. 173-174. 2 Sometimes called d'Arezzo or Aretino from his birthplace. 8 He was usually known as da Verona or Veronese from his birthplace, but he was also called Guarino dci Guarini. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN !«ALY ITAU ydttl Ferrara, but was allowed to receive other ycWths into the school. Thus a species of court school was founded which was continued even after a university was opened at Ferrara, and Guarino was made one of the professors. From Guarino's teaching came many distinguished and scholarly humanists. Among them was his son, the where he was brilliant Battista Guarino (1434-1513), who succeeded *^tso^ ^ to his chair at Ferrara and continued his methods. This Battista; younger Guarino at twenty-five wrote a well-known treatise on humanistic education called De Ordine Docendi et Studendi (' On the Method of Teaching and Studying '). Other famous humanists to feel the influence of Chrysoloras were Braccolini Poggio (1 380-1459), who, and Poggio, through the patronage of Niccoli, was rivaled only by ^J^ned Guarino as a finder of manuscripts, and Francesco Filclfo vergerio. ( 1 398-1481), who had been trained in Latin by Barzizza, and in turn had among his pupils the two great humanist popes, Nicholas V and Pius II. But probably the most remarkable pupil of Chrysoloras was Pietro Paolo Vergerio (1 349-1420), or Vergerius. Although already one of the most learned scholars of the day, he did not disdain at fifty years of age to sit with the youths at the feet of the great Byzantine scholar. A few years after studying with Chrysoloras he wrote the most widely /read treatise on the humanistic education, De Ingenuis Moribus et Studiis Liberalibus (' On Noble Character and Liberal Studies '). The City Tyrants as Humanists and Founders of Edu- The city ty- cation. — Thus during the fifteenth century there ap- {^S^ peared a host of famous humanists, skilled both in Latin add luster to and Greek. A powerful support to the efforts of these scholars resulted from the rivalry of the Italian cities. The tyrant in control of each place was keenly aware of his usurpation and the illegitimacy of his title, and had to rely largely upon city pride to maintain his power. " With his thirst of fame and his passion for monu- mental works, it was talent, not birth, which he needed. In the company of the poet and scholar, he felt himself their rule. A HISTORY OF EDUCATION in a new position, almost, indeed, in possession of a new legitimacy." 1 In order to appeal to a people of intel- lectual acumen and classical enthusiasm, he was forced to do everything possible to propagate the humanistic movement and make his city illustrious. Perhaps the most typical examples of these humanist princes are found among the Visconti at Milan and the Medici at Florence. The former extended their power over northern Italy and culminated with the brilliant, though corrupt, Gian Galeazzo Visconti (i 378-1402). He founded a library at Pavia, reorganized the univer- sity at Piacenza, and was generally a liberal patron of art, literature, and scholarship. The Medici showed a similar interest in humanism, and made their power secure in this way even more than through political ability. Cosimo de Medici (1 389-1464), the first to rule Florence and the founder of the dynasty, sympathized greatly with scholars, and, through Niccoli, furnished them with the means of forwarding their ambitions. 2 It was in his time that Gemisthos Pletho was induced to come from Greece and establish the Platonic Academy in Florence. Cosimo also projected a great public library, and within two years had forty-five authors in two hundred volumes copied from libraries at Milan, Bologna, and elsewhere. These books formed the nucleus of the famous Medicean library, which its founder left with a collection of some eight thousand volumes. 3 Cosimo had a worthy successor in his grand- son, Lorenzo de' Medici (1448-1492), ordinarily known as il Magnifico (' the Magnificent'). Lorenzo was a model prince, humanist, and public benefactor. He encouraged Greek learning and twice sent an agent to Greece to procure manuscripts. To give luster to his rule, he gathered about him and maintained a famous 1 Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, p. 9. 2 See pp. 119 f. 8 See Vespasiano, Vita di Cosimo, cc. XII, seqq. This library, also called the Laurentian from its proximity to the Church of San Lorenzo, to-day contains about twelve thousand manu- scripts, many of which are important and valuable to classical scholars. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 1 23 circle of humanists and artists, including Politian, Miran- dola, da Vinci, and Michael Angelo. But, besides the Visconti and the Medici, Federigo da Montefeltro, who had assumed the title of Duke of Urbino, Francesco da Carrara, Lord of Padua, Niccolo d' Este, Marquis of Ferrara, Alfonso of Naples, and other princes later showed a like activity in for- warding the new learning and culture, and in attract- ing scholars to their courts. The humanists would otherwise have found it difficult to maintain themselves, as they were not for some time encouraged to teach in the universities, and could not hope to make a living from writing books. Their only prospect lay in the~^~ patronage of one of the princes, who were able to use both their private resources and the funds of their cities. The Court School at Mantua and Vittorino da Feltre. — schools grew In some instances these court circles promoted the new up at the learning informally, but often, where a scholar had been these tyrants, taken into the family of a prince as a private tutor, chil- dren of the neighboring aristocracy were associated and a regular school was started. Court schools of this sort soon existed at Florence, Venice, Padua, Pavia, Verona, Ferrara, and several other cities. The most famous of these schools was that organized by Vittorino da Feltre 1 ( 1 378-1446) at Mantua. Vittorino had been trained at Padua in the very home The best of Barzizza, the greatest of living Latinists, and under J™^ ^^ the influence of the humanistic ideas 2 and example of was that es- Vergerius. When he had obtained his degree, he re- J^'j^^ mained in Padua and studied mathematics under the of Mantua ablest of private masters. In 141 5, after staying in ^^^ Padua as student and teacher for nearly a score of the famous years, he took up Greek with Guarino in Venice. Five ^{g^ years later he returned to Padua, where he received vittorino J da Feltre. 1 His name was really Vittore dai Rambaldoni, but he was generally known as da Feltre from the town of his birth. Feltre was in northeast Italy, near Venice. 2 For the treatise of Vergerius on humanistic education, see pp. 121 and 131 f. 124 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION pupils in his own house and looked after their morals as well as instructed them in the humanities. Thus when he was called at forty-five to found a school for the children of Gianfrancesco Gonzaga, Mar- quis of Mantua, Vittorino had received the best possible education of the times in Latin, Greek, and mathematics, and had greatly distinguished himself as a teacher and a man of piety. The marquis wished to secure a lead- ing humanist to add luster to his court, and, failing to induce Guarino, turned to the other great light, whom Guarino himself had recommended. Vittorino disliked courts and the morals of court life, but finally replied: — " I accept the appointment, on this understanding only, that you require from me nothing which shall be in any way unworthy of either of us : and I will continue to serve you as long as your own life shall command respect." These conditions were granted and were abided by until the day of Vittorino's death, twenty-three years later. The marquis and his wife allowed him to shape the school exactly as he wished, and granted him sup- port and sympathy in every move. The location of the school was ideal. It occupied a former pleasure-house situated on a little eminence in the park surrounding the palace. The building was large and dignified, and most handsomely proportioned. Inside, the rooms were high, and the corridors broad, although, to give the place a studious atmosphere, Vittorino had stripped it of its sumptuous furnishings. The beautiful meadows surrounding furnished an ample and attrac- tive playground. By an adaptation of the former name, Vittorino most happily called the school La Casa Qioc osa ('The Pleasant House'). 1 Vittorino and the princes lived in the schoolhouse, and scions of the leading Mantuan families, together with the sons of Vittorino's personal friends 2 and promising boys of every de- 1 This was simply a play upon the former name of La Casa Zoyosa (• House of Pleasure ' ). 2 Among others were the sons of such distinguished scholars as Guarino, Poggio, and Filelfo. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 1 25 gree, 1 who were received into the school at his request, dwelt near enough to be under his immediate supervision. He was most strict in his selection of masters and of at- tendants, that the morals of the pupils might be of the highest. Likewise, the 'father of his scholars,' as Vit- torino held himself to be, looked out for their food, clothing, and health, and shared in their games, interests, and pleasures. It was the intention of Vittorino to He aimed secure for his pupils that harmonious development of at a harmon - mind, body, and morals that the old Greeks had ment of Ve ° P ~ known as a 'liberal education.' He emphasized the mind, body, practical and social side of the individual's efficiency, an moras, and wished to prepare his pupils for a life of activity and service, and not merely to create rhetoricians and pedants. As a pupil of his put it, his desire was to educate young men " who should serve God and state in whatever position they should be called upon to occupy." To accomplish this, Vittorino felt that the best sub- by means of jects were those connected with the grammatical and ^^of th e literary study of the Greek and Roman writers. The classics, pupils learned to converse in Latin from the begin- ning, and there were games with letters for the youngest and simple exercises to train them in clear articulation and proper accent and emphasis. Also, before the boys were ten, they were drilled in memorizing and reciting with intelligence the easier portions of classic authors. This elocutionary work, which was increased in length and difficulty as the boys grew older, gave them an excellent grasp of vocabulary, rhythm, and style. As they advanced, the pupils read a variety of Latin writers, and soon took up Greek. They then carried on a study of the Hellenic poets, orators, and historians, and continued those of Rome. The Church Fathers, both Latin and Greek, were also studied. Thus every class 1 Each pupil paid in proportion to his means; the poorest, of whom there were sometimes as many as seventy, were not only taught free, but even clothed and boarded without charge. -26 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION of subject matter was obtained from the classical and patristic writers, and even the study of the seven liberal arts was retained, although with a different relative im- portance and a new interpretation as to content. The mathematical subjects were especially enlarged in scope, and taught in connection with drawing, mensuration, sur- veying, and other applications. Because of the lack of books, the teaching was carried on largely by dictation. The works of Guarino and Chrysoloras gave the pupils some command of inflections, but their knowledge of vocabulary, idiom, and syntax had to be acquired induc- tively. The master usually dictated the vocabulary and inflections of the passage, then translated and explained it, commented on the style, and drew moral lessons from the subject matter. There was, further, a careful driK in Latin and Greek composition and in translating from Latin into Greek. As we have noted, physical and moral education were insisted upon quite as fully as intellectual. Vittorino introduced especially fencing, wrestling, dancing, ball- playing, running, and leaping, in all of which he was himself an expert. The purpose of these, however, was to aid and stimulate the mental powers. Likewise, he believed that there could be no true education without religion, and both by precept and example inculcated piety, reverence, and religious observances. As it* has been pointed out, the Christian authors, especially Au- gustine, were largely read, but Vittorino believed that truth and moral beauty could be derived also from the classic writings. The use of dictation enabled him to expurgate at will, and throughout he chose the passages to be read with reference to character building. But the general method of Vittorino was the most notable feature of his school. He was completely ab- sorbed in his pupils. He carefully studied their ability, interests, and the career contemplated by each. He has been quoted as saying : — "We are not to expect that every boy will display the same tastes or the same degree of mental capacity ; and, whatever our own THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 12? predilection may be, we recognize that we must follow Nature's lead. Now she has endowed no one with aptitude for all kinds of knowl- edge, very few, indeed, have talent in three or four directions, but every one has received some gift, if only we can discover it." On the basis of this conception, Vittorino selected the *• studies and method best suited to each intelligence, and thus inaugurated a thoroughly elastic course for the school. Under such circumstances, it is not remarkable that the discipline of the school was mild, and corporal punishment was almost unknown. The appellation of ' Pleasant House ' must have seemed to the pupils to be no misnomer. Thus Vittorino's was the most potent influence upon "Vittorino the educational practice of the times. He introduced the ened t th° ad " wider curriculum and brought out the real spirit and indi- curriculum, vidualism of the classics. He saw the important rela- Gr^eif'har- tion of the physical to the mental, the necessity for moral monious d& and religious elements in education, and carried out the JjjKJtfi' Greek ideal of harmonious development. Intuitively, pated much he anticipated much of modern pedagogical theory, Iheory^He especially in his regard for the personality of the stu- made a pro- dent. Questions of aim, content, and method that were p^sslo'n'on in a state of flux when he began his work at Mantua the times, were definitely settled before his death. Vittorino natu- rally made a profound impression upon all his contem- poraries and pupils, and educated a large number of distinguished ecclesiastics, statesmen, scholars, teachers, and rulers. Well might his successor, Platina, declare that "the death of this man was a bitter grief not merely to a single state, but to all Greece and Italy." The Relation of the Court Schools to the Universi- The Man- ties. — Such were the court school at Mantua and the Sftjpta? educational work of the greatest schoolmaster of the of many early Renaissance. The description has been given s^o r ol c s ° urt somewhat in detail, because the training of the Mantuan school is broadly typical of that at the other court schools, and of the Renaissance education in general. The school of Guarino at Ferrara, 1 for instance, differed 1 See pp. 1 20 f. 128 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION These schools soon rivaled or supple- mented the universities, which gradu- ally took up the new learning. 'slightly in aim and curriculum, but it made use very largely of the Greek and Latin literature, and recog- nized the importance of physical and moral, as well as intellectual, training in the making of a well-rounded man. These court schools, while taking pupils very earh often retained them until they were twenty-one, ani -covered as much, if not more, ground than the aits course of the universities. They were, in a way, com- petitors of the older institutions. A student might, for the sake of a degree, go from a court school to the university, but, as a rule, if what he wished were a general course, 1 he would be satisfied with the greater prestige that came from being a pupil of one of the distinguished humanists that the court schools were generally able to retain at their head. In fact, the want of hospitality, if not the actual hostility, of universities to the new learning, often stimulated the growth of court schools. At Mantua there was no university, and the court school re- mained independent, while the school of Guarino, nec- essarily from the connection of that scholar, always had close relations with the University of Ferrara, but in many instances where the university was especially conservative, a court school was set up by its side as a professed rival. Gradually, however, the new learning crept into all the universities, and the classical literature of the Greeks and Romans largely took the place of the former grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic. Before the close of the fifteenth century, Florence, Padua, Pavia, Milan, Ferrara, Rome, and other cities had admitted the humanities to their universities, and the other university seats were not long in following their example. Attitude of the Humanists toward the Church. — It would seem that some of the humanists were able to combine the pagan culture with their Christian princi- ples. Such was the case with Vergerius, Bruni, Guarino, 1 If he desired a professional training in law, medicine, or theology, he would, of course, be obliged to go to a university. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 1 29 and Vittorino, who sought to use the ancient learning, together with the Christian writers, as a means of teach- ing morals. But the implications of humanism were Some of the logically destructive of Church dogma and tradition, if J^™d?ated not of all Christianity. With some humanists the new the church learning really resulted in a revival of paganism and a a a d a r nisrn ed repudiation of the Church. This seems to have been true at least of Poggio and Filelfo, and partially so of Valla, who were inclined to substitute humanism for Catholic allegiance. Valla (1407-1457), 1 who was the Valla, most most learned of the humanists and the first great humanists critical scholar in the modern sense, even went so was far- far in his opposition as to deny the apostolic origin his criticism. of the Symbolum Apostolicum ('Apostles' Creed'), to declare the Constantini Donatio ('Donation of Con- stantine ') 2 a forgery, and, in his Adnotationes, to subject Jerome's Vulgate translation of the New Testament to a critical comparison with the Greek original. But very few ventured to attack the doctrines of the Most Church so directly, or to give vent to the skepticism |jo m e a v n e is,s, e they felt. The majority were genuinely indifferent, or mainedin stayed in outward conformity to the dogmas, with a ° u r t r ^f t rd a c n ° ( J" complete irreligion within. 3 In fact, many who were some, like enthusiastic supporters of the new learning and were of ^'dPius v , pagan disposition attained to places of great prominence even became in the Church". . Two pupils of the skeptical Filelfo even ^mm'the" came to the papal throne as Nicholas V (1 398-1455) Church, and Pius II (1405-1464). The former, when only a monk, went deeply into debt to secure manuscripts of the classical authors, but was given financial assistance by Cosimo de' Medici. After his elevation he used the 1 Lorenzo delta Valle, generally known as Laurentius Valla, was for a short time a pupil of Vittorino at Mantua, and became an itinerant pro- fessor of philosophy and classics at Pavia, Milan, Genoa, Ferrara, Mantua, and Naples. 2 This was a document by which the emperor Constantine was alleged to have given the pope temporal power over Italy, in return for a miracu- lous cure from leprosy. 8 On this phase of the revival, see especially Owen's Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance. 130 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION money that came in from the papal jubilee of 1450 to make the collection from which the Vatican library sprang, 1 and was obviously more interested in classical works and scholarship than in theology and the Church. So Pius II, while still Ainea Silvio, or AZneas Sylvius, wrote a treatise on the humanistic training known*? as De Liberorum Educatione (' On the Education of Chil- dren '). He was also the author of many poems, novels, comedies, orations, and letters in the classical style, although, upon his election to the pontificate, he aban- doned the humanists and his former liberalism. The most extreme devotion to humanism in a church official, however, is exhibited in the case of the papal secretary, Pietro Bembo (1470-1547). He was accom- plished, amiable, and worldly, and while a collector of classical books and manuscripts and an author of many works, slavishly imitated Cicero in all his style and com- pletely reverted to paganism. He used Jupiter Maximus as the designation of God the Father, Apollo for Christ, and divi to indicate the saints, 2 and warned his colleague Sadoleto to "avoid the Epistles of Paul, lest the style of the Apostle should spoil his taste." Bembo was, how- ever, only typical of the degenerate humanism of the times. He was the literary ruler at the brilliant court of Leo X (1513-1521), who, though pope, was a true son of his father, Lorenzo the Magnificent, in his love of art, ancient literature, and paganism. Humanism had now hardened into a formalism, and the prevailing tendency had come to be that known as ' Ciceronianism.' Ideals of the Humanistic Education. — But during its height Italian humanism evidently tended to encourage personal development and individual expression rather than authority. From our study of the various Italian humanists and their work, it has been possible to see how different were the ideals from those of the medi- 1 See Vespasiano, Vita di AHccolo V, cc. XXV, seqq. 2 It is probably Bembo at whom Erasmus is tilting in his Dialogus Ciceronianus, when he satirizes the paganized description of Christian conceptions. See Miss Scott's translation, pp. 66-71. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 131 aeval period. Life was no longer viewed in prescribed and formal fashion, and education had a far wider out- look than merely on its ecclesiastical and theological sides. The ' otherworldly ' ideal had given way to the Graeco-Roman aim of securing as much satisfaction as poss^le out of this life. The isolation of the monk, the, contemplation of the mystic, and the discussions of the 'schoolmen were being abandoned, and there was a marked tendency to return to the conception of a 'liberal education ' portrayed by Plato, Aristotle, Cicero, and others of the ancients. The various educational treatises of the times by such The human- men as Vergerius, Bruni, Barbaro, ALrieas Sylvius, Bat- and practice tista Guarino, Vegio, and Porcia, and the pedagogical held to the procedure of the great schoolmasters, Guarino da deSpment Verona and Vittorino da Feltre, alike show a remark- oftheindi- able agreement in respect to this aim of education, mentally, They all hold to the ideal of a well-rounded man, fitted physically, for the society in which he is living and adapted to its and morall y- institutions. They advocate complete development of . the individual, mentally, physically, and morally. Ver-, gerius, for example, recommends "that education which \ calls forth, trains, and develops those highest gifts of| body and of mind which ennoble men, and which are I rightly judged to rank next in dignity to virtue only." 1 This was certainly the practice of Vittorino and the Mantuan school. At the same time, the practical side of this individual which re- development was duly emphasized. The humanists felt efficiency, 01 * 1 that culture and breadth of view were not ends in them- selves, but were to be developed for the sake of citizen- ship or efficiency in statecraft. Thus ^Eneas Sylvius quotes Cicero as reproaching Sextus Pompey for too great devotion to abstract studies, and declares : — " His reason was that the true praise of men lies in doing, and that, consequently, all ingenious trifling, however harmless in itself, which withdraws our energies from fruitful activity, is unworthy of the true citizen." 2 1 De Ingenuis Moribus, § 3. 2 De Liberorum Edtuatione, § 8. 132 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Again, Vittorino alludes to this sentiment of Cicero in consoling his friend, Ambrogio, for his want of leisure for study, resulting from administrative duties. A simi- lar view is attributed by Vergerius to Aristotle. 1 This practical view, however, while it included a de- sire for personal distinction and the modern notion of individual reputation and glory, did not limit itself to mere material success, and nothing is more decried than sordidness and pleasure-seeking. " For to a vulgar temper," says Vergerius, "gain and pleasure are the one aim of existence, to a lofty nature, moral worth and fame." 2 The Content of the Humanistic Education. — This lofti- ness of purpose, breadth of view, and efficiency, the humanists believed, is to be obtained primarily through the ancient literatures. "The foundations of all true learning must be laid in the sound and thorough knowl- edge of Latin," writes Bruni. 3 To this he would proba- bly have added, with Battista Guarino : " I, wish now to indicate a second mark of an educated man, which is at least of equal importance; namely, familiarity with the language and literature of Greece. . . . Without a knowledge of Greek, Latin scholarship itself is, in any real sense, impossible." 4 But while the value in these classic languages did not consist merely of a drill in grammar, this subject was regarded as very essential, simply because it was a key to unlock the literature. " To attain this essential knowledge," Bruni claims, " we must never relax our careful attention to the grammar of the language," 3 while yEneas Sylvius calls grammar " the portal to all knowledge whatsoever." 5 In every case, however, a wide range of reading in the literature was recom- mended. Cicero, Vergil, Livy, Sallust, Curtius, Horace, Quintilian, Statius, Ovid, Terence, and Juvenal ori\»the one hand, and, on the other, Homer, Hesiod, Theocritus, 1 Op. dt., § 4. 2 Op. cit., § 3. 8 De Studiis, § 1. 4 De Or dine Docendi, Op. cit., § 5. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 1 33 Plato, Aristotle, and the dramatists and historians, seem to have been generally used in the humanistic course. " That high standard of education to which I referred at the outset," says Bruni, "is only to be reached by one who has seen many things and read much. Poet, orator, historian, and the rest, all must be studied, each must contribute a share. Our learning thus becomes full, ready, varied, and elegant, available for action or dis- course in all subjects." 1 This material was held to be valuable also for moral and religious training, as well as intellectual and aes- thetic, and Bruni adds : " None have more claim than the subjects and authors which treat of religion and of our duties in the world ; and it is because they assist and illustrate these supreme studies that I press upon your attention the works of the most approved poets, histo- rians, and orators of the past." The works of the the Christian Christian Fathers, both Latin and Greek, the Bible, ^ aad creed, Lord's Prayer, and Hymn to the Virgin were works, likewise to be read for this purpose, together with the works of the pagan writers. Thus the mediaeval rhetoric and dialectic gave way to an absorption in the classic writers and a study of the languages and literatures of ancient Greece and Rome. But besides the classical and Christian literature, there and of seems to have been some room in this broad course for ^Sc^and' mathematics, natural philosophy, and astronomy, and, music;' to some extent, for music, singing, and dancing. Ora- tory, history, and ethics were taught from the works of the classic authors themselves. The physical side was nurtured by various exercises, and through which were partly an inheritance from the court training ^exercises" of chivalry and partly a revival of the aesthetic ideals inherited of the Greeks. " It will thus," declares JEneas Sylvius a n 7,h e lvalry to the young prince, " be an essential part of your edu- Greeks. cation that you be taught the use of the bow, of the sling, and of the spear; that you drive, ride, leap, and swim. These are honorable accomplishments in every 1 Op. cit., last section. 34 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION one, and therefore not unworthy of the educator's care." 1 Method of the Humanistic Teachers. — Thus the cur- riculum of the humanistic education contained a wide range of elements, — intellectual, aesthetic, moral, and physical. But it was not expected that every one should study thoroughly all subjects, and, as we have seen in the practice of Vittorino, 2 the course was largely adapted to the ability and interest of each pupil. Of the various ' disciplines ' Vergerius declares : — " It must not be supposed that a liberal education requires ac- quaintance with them all, for a thorough mastery of even one of them might fairly be the achievement of a lifetime. Most of us, too, must learn to be content with modest capacity as with modest for- tune. Perhaps we do wisely to pursue that study which we find most suited to our intelligence and our tastes, though it is true that we cannot rightly understand one subject unless we can perceive its relation to the rest. The choice of studies will depend to some extent upon the character of individual minds. For whilst one boy seizes rapidly the point of which he is in search and states it ably, another, working far more slowly, has yet the sounder judgment and so detects the weak spot in his rival's conclusions. The former, perhaps, will succeed in poetry, or in the abstract sciences ; the latter in real studies and practical pursuits." 3 It has already been shown, in the case of Vittorino, how this study of the disposition of each pupil and close personal contact stimulated the interest and obviated in the humanistic training 4 the need of brutal discipline. While emulation was occasionally appealed to, corporal punishment was practically unknown. Organization of the Humanistic Education. — These educational aims, studies, and methods of humanism were carried out informally in the guidance of the home before the boy went to school. From earliest infancy, mothers 6 undertook to train the character, manners, 1 Op. cit., § 2. 3 De Ingenuis Moribus, § 4. 2 See pp. 123-127. 4 See pp. 126 f. 5 During the Italian Renaissance girls, as well as boys, were often care- fully educated, and we have several instances of noted women humanists. To one of these, the daughter of the Duke of Urbino, Bruni dedicated his treatise On the Study of Literature. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 1 35 speech, and physique of their children according to was eventu- the highest humanistic standards. But, as we have t a 1 ? he - d u m £ ted found in viewing the history of humanism, 1 these ideals verities, first took on a genuine institutional form in the schools founded at the courts of the city despots. These court schools were sometimes connected with the universities, and gradually the universities themselves, after some- thing of a struggle, admitted the new learning to their curriculum, where it speedily thrived and multiplied. Humanistic education in Italy thus became completely organized. Decadence of the Italian Humanism and the Rise of At the close Ciceronianism. — Toward the close of the fifteenth cen- ^en^ 65 " tury, however, this liberal education of the humanists century, in Italy began to be fixed and formal. Until the death Smifeed of Nicholas V, the ideals, content, and meaning of this and formal, training were constantly expanding, but through the j^e^ and latter half of the century there was a gradual narrow- social eie- ing and hardening, and during the early years of the ^"aceTby sixteenth century the degeneration became complete, a drill in This was the age of the purists. It began with the e rammar - formal and pretentious artificialities of Valla, 2 especially as crystallized in his book on Elegantia Latince (' Ele- gancies of Latin '), and reached its height under the dictatorship of Bcmbo and the Medicean pope, Leo X. 3 As the subject matter became institutionalized, the literature of the Greeks and Romans failed more and more to be interpreted in terms of life. Instead of giving understanding and meaning to certain activities suitable for mankind, the study of the humanities be- came an end in itself. The aim of education came to be a mastery of ancient literature and of the preliminary training in grammar, and emphasis was placed upon the form rather than the content of the classical writings. The aesthetic, moral, social, and physical elements were gradually read out of education, and the humanistic training became simply a preparation for the formal life of the times. 1 See pp. 123 and 127 f. a See p. 129. 8 See p. 130. 136 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION In the course of study, grammatical drill was more and more emphasized as a means of formal discipline. Etymological and syntactical scholarship received almost exclusive attention, and was supplemented only by a rhetorical and stylistic study of Latin authors, such as Plautus, Terence, Vergil, Ovid, and especially Cicero. In fact, before long the course was limited almost en- tirely to the last-named writer, and the new learning fell into that decadent state afterward called Ciceronianism. It consisted in an attempt to teach a perfect style with Cicero as a model, and to give one a conversational knowledge of Ciceronian Latin. The structure, meta- phors, and vocabulary of all Latin writing had to be copied from the phrases of Cicero, and the literature of the day became little more than a sequence of model passages from that author. The humanistic curriculum thus lapsed into a formalism almost as barren as that of the schoolmen, except that Ciceio, rather than Aristotle, became the authority. To acquire the diction of this writer, the pupil was required to make a long and careful study of his works. In the satire of Erasmus on Ciceronicuiism, the devotee brags that he has read no other author for seven years. He declares that he " has compiled an alphabetical lexi- con of Cicero, so huge that two strong carriers well sad- dled could scarcely carry it upon their backs ; a second volume even larger than this, in which are arranged alphabetically the phrases peculiar to Cicero ; and a third, in which have been gathered all the metrical feet with which Cicero ever begins or ends his periods, and their subdivisions, the rhythms which he uses in between, and the cadences which he chooses for each kind of sentence, so that no little point could escape." The Ciceronian in his dialogue further holds that one whose style is pure will not use any grammatical form what- soever not in Cicero, saying : — "There is no exception. A Ciceronian he will not be in whose books there is found a single little word which he cannot show in the writings of Cicero ; and a man's whole vocabulary I deem as spu- THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 137 rious as a counterfeit coin, if there is in it even a single word which has not the stamp of the Ciceronian die ; for to Cicero alone, as the prince of eloquence, it has been given by the gods above to stamp the coin of Roman speech. 11 1 This is, of course, an exaggeration of the Ciceronian tendency, but the pupil apparently was ordinarily ex- pected to commit lists of Ciceronian words, phrases, introductions, and perorations, and to indite letters, make conversations, and construct orations in the Cicer- onian style. All textbooks of the period seem to have been arranged with these objects in view. The boys were taught formal grammar upon the basis of Cicero, as if their minds worked like those of an adult. Fine grammatical distinctions of as subtle an order as the quibbles of the scholastic dialectic came to be made, and memory rather than reason became the basis of acquisi- tion. Such methods, sadly lacking in the power to stim- The methods ulate interest, were inevitably accompanied by corporal ^j"^^^, 1118 punishment, which was inflicted quite as unsparingly to and were produce conformity to the stereotyped course as to in- by C co^oraf d sure proper conduct. Hence, by the early part of the punishment, sixteenth century, the humanistic education of Italy had become almost as 'cribbed, cabined, and confined,' and fully as formal, as that of the days of scholasticism. The interest in life and its opportunities, and the pursuit of self-culture in the broad sense, seem for the most part to have gone to seed. Italian humanism, however, had at its best been largely individual and personal, and had looked more to the joy in living than to social improvement and the advance- ment of morals. The desire for liberty of expression and an immortality in this world, and the enthusiasm for pagan culture that are patent in the life and writings of early humanists, like Petrarch and Boccaccio, are found to have degenerated eventually into license, immorality, paganism, and sacrilege, with a consequent neglect of 1 The whole of the Dialogus Ciceronianus should be read. The excel- lent translation recently made (New York, 1908) by Izora Scott, from which the passages above have been taken, makes this an easy matter for English readers. 138 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION all things religious. Thus the humanistic movement in Italy became formal and crystallized, and subversive of all real progress. It had largely defeated its own ends, and the mission of humanism to refine the manners and morals, to purify religion, and advance society, was left for the achievement of other countries than the states of Italy. SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Norton, A. O. Readings in the History of Education. Chapters on The Renaissance. OGG, F. A. A Source Book of Mediaeval History. Chap. XXVI. Prendilacqua, F. Intorno alia vita di Vittorino da Feltre. Robinson, J. H. Readings in Europeati History. Vol. I, Chap. XXII. Robinson, J. H., and Rolfe, H. W. Petrarch. A Selection from His Correspondence. Scott, Izora (Translator). Cicerotdanus by Dtsiderius Erasmus. Vespasiano da Bisticci. Vite di Uomini Illustri del Secolo XV (edited by Mai and Bartoli). Whitcomb, M. A Literary Source Book of the Italian Renaissance. Woodward, W. H. Vittorino da Feltre. (Includes a translation of De Ingenuis Moribus of Vergerius, De Studiis et Literis of Bruni, De Liberorum Educatione of ^neas Sylvius, and De Ordine Docendi et Studendi of Battista Guarino.) II. Authorities Acton, Lord (Editor). The Cambridge Modern History. Chap. XVI by Jebb and Chap. XVII by James. Adams, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chap. XV. Barnard, H. The Renaissance in Italy. (American fournal of Education, Vol. VII, pp. 413-460). Burckhardt, J. The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (translated by Middlemore). Drane, A. T. Christian Schools and Scholars. Chap. II. Draper, J. W. History of Intellectual Development in Europe. Vol. II, Chaps. II-VI. Farrar, F. W. (Editor). Essays on a Liberal Education. Essay I, §§ IV-V. Guizot, F. History of Civilization. Vol. I, Lect. X. Jebb, R. C. Humanism in Education. Laurie, S. S. Educational Opinion since the Renaissance. Chaps. I-IL THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION IN ITALY 1 39 Monroe, P. Text-book in the History of Education. Chap. VI. Mullinger, J. B. A History of the University of Cambridge. Vol. I. Owen, J. The Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance. Sandys, J. E. A History of Classical Scholarship. Vol. II, Bk. I. Schaff, P. The Renaissance. Symonds, J. A. A Short History of the Renaissance in Italy. Chaps. III-IV and VII-XI. Symonds, J. A. Giovanni Boccaccio. Symonds, J. A. Renaissance in Italy. The Revival of Learning. Thurber, C. H. Vittorino da Feltre {The School Review, Vol. VII. pp. 295-300). Voigt, G. Die Wiederlebung des Classischen Alterthums. Woodward, W. H. Vittorino da Feltre and Other Humanist Educators. Woodward, W. H. Education during the Renaissance. ' CHAPTER XIV THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH The Spread and Character of Humanism in the North- ern Countries. — Until almost the end of the fifteenth century the Renaissance was largely confined to Italy. In the Northern countries sporadic humanists appeared here and there by the middle of the century, but the movement could not have been at all general. But the introduction of printing gave the humanists a new means of preserving the classical learning and of extending its sphere of influence. This art, invented in Germany about 1450, was brought into Italy some fifteen years later by pupils of Johann Fust, and spread through France, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Spain, England, and a dozen less important states before the close of the century. In 1472 an edition of Vergil was struck off in Florence, and after this the multiplication of all texts was rapid and continuous. As a result, the revival of learning and the renewed spirit of independence and criticism could not be limited to a single country. The Renaissance and the classic ce the ^literature leaped the Alps, and made their way first into Teutonic " £ France, and then into the Teutonic_£anntries, England, England! and anc * elsewhere. At first, humanistic scholars wandered elsewhere ia into the North, soon others were invited in large numbers the North, ^ patrons of learning, and, at length, students from the Northern countries thronged into Italy for instruction. Toward the close of the fifteenth century the humanists outside the peninsula became very numerous, and the movement, during the sixteenth century, after it had lost its vitality in Italy, came to its height in the Northern lands, and did not sink into a formalism until the vej^end of the century. Through the invention of printing, humanism spread into THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH 141 But the character and effects of the Renaissance and humanism in the North differed greatly from those in the country of their origin. The peoples of the North, especially those of Germanic stock, were naturally more religious than the brilliant and mercurial Italians. With them the Renaissance led less to a desire for personal development, self-realization, and individual achievement, and took on more of a social and moral color. With the great Italian educators, it was, indeed, felt that the humanistic training should lead to symmetrical develop- ment and social efficiency, but largely for the sake of the individual's happiness and fame. Whereas the prime purpose of humanism in the North became the improvement of society, morally and religiously, and much less attention was paid to the physical, intellec- tual, and aesthetic elements in education. The classical revival here pointed the way to obtaining a new and more exalted meaning from the Scriptures. Through the revival of Greek, Northern scholars, especially the Germans and the English, sought to get away from the ecclesiastical doctrines and traditions, and turn back to the essence of Christianity by studying the New Testa- ment in the original. This suggested a similar insight into the Old Testament, and an interest in Hebrew also was thereby aroused. In consequence, to most people in the North a renewed study of the Bible became as important a feature of humanism as an appreciation of the classics, and the purer religious and theological con- ceptions that eventually resulted mark the Reformation as a logical accompaniment of the Renaissance. Thus the Northern humanism was at the same time both broader and narrower than that of Italy. But this can best be understood by a more detailed account of the movement in the various countries of the North and a study of the more prominent figures in each case. The Development of Humanism in France. — It was but natural that the first of the Northern states to take up the new scholarship should be France. During the days of scholasticism this country had been the great where it took on more of a social and moral color. Northern - scholars sought an insight into the New Testament by studying it in the original Greek, and- this sug- gested a study of Hebrew for the Old Testament France, which had, during the scholastic period, been the intellec- 142 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION intellectual center of Europe, and had yielded its posi- tion only as the humanistic enthusiasm swept ovei Itaiv. Before the middle of the fifteenth century it began to take hold of the new learning. By 1458 a professorship of Greek was established at the University of Paris and occupied by a certain Gregorio of Tiferno, and a dozen years later it was filled by a native Spartan named Hermonymus. The humanistic movement, however, was especially stimulated in France through the expedi- tion into Italy of Charles Ylll in 140.} and that of Louis X 1 1 some four \ oars later. The former monarch claimed to have inherited the kingdom of Naples among other possessions, and, in his efforts to secure it. temporarily occupied Florence and Rome. His successor also claimed Milan through his grandmother, who was a member of the Yisconti family, and seized this city as well as Naples ^1498-1500). While these under- takings of France had uo immediate political results, for Charles was soon glad to escape from Italy, and the more able Louis sold his title to Naples and was driven out of Milan, yet a lasting impression was thereby made upon the art and literature of the North. The French had come into direct contact with humanism at its sources, — Milan, Florence, Rome, and Naples, and their admiration was challenged by the evidences of classical culture, intellectual activity, modernness, and individualism that they met there. They were incited to recover their lost prestige, and. from the end of the fifteenth century, the French scholars and printers, in their struggles to further humanistic ideals, became the foremost in Europe. Budaeus and His Treatise. — Owing to the narrowness and conservatism of the universities, which existed in spite of the chair of Greek at Paris, the new learning met at first with formidable opposition. Happily, it found an influential patron in the youthful Francis I (15 1 5-1 547), who succeeded Louis XT I. Under his protection, many prominent ma scholars and educators appeared. Among these the most doughty THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION 01 THE NOP. 'HI '4! champion of the ancient classics was found in Guillaume Bud/ Ot Budaus (1468-1540;. He read widely, b lated, and taught the Greek and Latin authors. He also produced a treatise on humanistic education, which he entitled De I 'Institution du Prince ('On the Instruc- tion of the Prince';, and dedicated it to the young I Francis. 1 This work was intended to be propagandist and inspirational rather than instructive, and contains much that is trite, but it accomplished a great deal for classical training. " Every man,'' writes Budaeus, "even if a king, should be devoted to philology." By that he means all liberal learning or 'humanities,' which is so called because, without it, man would become a mere animal. This training, he holds, can be obtained only through Latin and Greek, especially the latter, about which he is most enthusiastic. Shortly after writing this treatise, Buda;us was appointed royal librarian. He then began earnestly to collect classical manuscripts, and assisted in the foundation of the famous humanistic press of the Estiennes. Later, he succeeded in getting the king to complete his plans for a great humanistic institution of learning, and the College of France, with its chairs of Greek, Hebrew, and Latin, was established. Thus by the time of his death, France was fairly com- mitted to humanistic training. Corderius as Schoolmaster and Author. — Another en- thusiast on the classical learning was Mathurin Cordier ( 1 479- 1 564 j, or Maturinus Corderius, as he is more commonly called. He had a successful teaching ex- perience and displayed a strong advocacy of the human- istic education at various colleges in Paris and Bordeaux. When well along in life, he listened to a call from his old pupil, Calvin, who was now administering the affairs of Geneva, and went to that city to organize and teach in the reformed schools of Switzerland. Among his early writings is a book on Latin inflections and syntax called De Corrupti Sermonis Emendatione Libellus (' A 1 So Vc-rgerius, Bruni, ALntas Sylvius, and B. Guarino had addressed their treatises to scions of royalty or the nobility. B idaeu - humanistic treatise and co. '■■•"/. ;: an . . -::S--. Corderius taught and advocated the human- istic educa- tion in France and Switzer- land, and wrote De 144 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Emendatione Little Book for the Amendment of Corrupt Speech '), a «fa upon which was intended to improve Latin style in the French the study of schools. In Switzerland he wrote four books of Collo- Latm. ^/ y U i a ^ Colloquies '), with the purpose of training boys, by means of conversations on timely topics, to speak Latin with facility. The De Emendatione taught Latin through the medium of French, making a simultaneous study of both languages, but from his Colloquies, which give an excellent picture of the school life of the times, and from accounts of the curricula in Switzerland, it is seen that he must have changed his plan of teaching after he came to Switzerland. Here, it would seem, Latin had scarcely been the traditional means of in- struction, and to raise the tone of scholarship, it was necessary to require Latin to be spoken at all times. The Colloquia came in the latter part of the sixteenth century to have the widest circulation of any textbook, and was translated into English and other languages. The College de Guyenne and Other Schools. — Gradually all the schools of France began to respond to the new training. It would hardly be possible or desirable to describe many of them, but the College de Guyenne at typicafofthe the seaport of Bordeaux, which was one of the first to the French ^ ee ^ tne humanistic impulse, may well be considered in detail. The reorganization of this institution had been undertaken by the humanistic educator, Gouvea, and the staff of the school always included several distinguished scholars, such as Corderius and Vinet. From the latter we have a description of the actual course and adminis- tration there in vogue. According to him, " this school was especially intended for learning Latin," but it also included other subjects in its course. It consisted of ten classes in secondary work, and two years more in philosophy, which partially overlapped the faculty of arts in the university. Latin and religion were taught throughout the grammar school, and Greek, mathe- matics, rhetoric, and declamation could be taken in the last three or four classes. The course in philosophy consisted largely of the Aristotelian works on logic and THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH 145 natural science. The methods employed in the school seem to have been admirable for the times. The pupils were introduced to the rudiments of Latin through the vernacular, and developmental methods and enlivening disputations were used. Naturally severe punishments seem not to have been needed. Probably the general conditions at this college of Bordeaux were typical of the humanistic schools everywhere in French cities during the sixteenth century. Classical Studies in the German Universities. — By this time humanism had also spread through the Teu- tonic countries. Even the German universities had begun to respond to the humanistic influences. While the University of Paris was for a generation the center of the new learning, as early as the middle of the fifteenth century, wandering teachers of the classics began to visit the higher institutions in the German states and left their impress upon them. In 1494 The Germai Erfurt established a professorship of Poetry and Elo- ^tabHshed 3 quence, which covered the field of classic literature, and chairs of within a short time the university had been completely j^hum^ reformed upon a humanistic basis. So Leipzig, in 15 19, istic univer- under the great Duke George, introduced more polished fQ^^" e translations of Aristotle to replace those of the old schoolmen, and lectures were given on Cicero, Quin- tilian, Vergil, and Greek authors. Many other univer- sity centers, — Heidelberg, Tubingen, Ingoldstadt, and Vienna were similarly transformed, and a number of new universities were humanistic from their foundation. Such were Wittenberg, which was started as early as 1502, and Marburg, Kbnigsberg, and Jena, which were founded nearer the middle of the century. 1 And before the close of the first quarter of the sixteenth century, humanism had prevailed in practically all of the German universities. 1/ The Hieronymian Schools. — But probably the earliest TheHiero- and most influential factor in German humanism ap- "£K| 1 Much of this remodeling and extension was due to the influence of Melanchthon. See pp. 156 f. L 146 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION peared in the education furnished by the religious order known as the Brethreii of the Common Lot or the Hiero- nymians} Most of the first leaders in humanism were connected with this brotherhood either as members or pupils. The order was founded in 1376 by Geert Groot ( 1 340-1 384) at Deventer, Holland, and was composed of pious men devoted to industry, learning, and popular education. They maintained themselves by copying manuscripts, and gave instruction to the poor. In some places they founded schools and superintended all the classes ; in others they acted as assistants in schools already existing. Naturally they at first stressed in- struction in the Bible and the vernacular, and taught reading, writing, singing, and conversation in ecclesias- tical Latin. But as the Italian influence began to be felt in the upper countries, although the Hieronymians still held to their moral and religious motives, they broadened the course by the addition of humanistic elements. They retained their Christian training, but added the classic literature and Hebrew. While the education they offered was generally elementary and secondary, and consisted mostly of Latin and Greek, it included rhetoric and theology in the higher classes, and the Brethren often expanded the course so that in several instances it covered the work of the faculty of arts in a university. Before the opening of the Renais- sance in the North they had established a chain of forty-five houses, extending through the Netherlands, the German states, and France, and within a generation this number had trebled. The Brethren were in control of the famous institutions at Deventer, Zwolle, Liege, Louvain, Mechlin, Cambrai, and Valenciennes, and founded the College de Montaigu.in connection with the University of Paris. Before the close of the sixteenth century, there were two thousand students in attendance at Devejiter, and several hundred at ten or a dozen other of the Hieronymian institutions. The constant visits of 1 The order was sometimes known from its patron saints, Jerome and Gregory, as the Hieronymian or Gregorian. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH 1 47 members of the order to Italy and the frequent change of their teachers brought about an interchange of knowl- edge, which silently molded public opinion and exerted a tremendous influence for humanism and higher ideals. The Hieronymian schools, especially those at Deventer and Zwolle, became recognized centers of intellectual interests and humanism. They were visited by wander- ing scholars, and the pupils that were trained there strengthened the new learning as teachers in the uni- versities and schools throughout the Netherlands and Germany. Wessel, Agricola, Reuchlin, and Hegius. — The first Wesseiin- educator of importance to introduce humanism into these humanism schools seems to have been Johann Wessel (1 420-1 489). into the He had received his first schooling at Zwolle, and after Schools, studying and teaching the classics and Hebrew in Cologne, Paris, Florence, and Rome, returned to his early school as an instructor. His interest was in teach- ing even more than in scholarship, and he held that "the scholar is known by his ability to teach." He had, in consequence, a marked influence upon humanistic edu- cation, and sent out a number of distinguished pupils. Among those influenced by him while at Paris were Rudolphus AgricoL • 1 ( 1443- 148 5) and Johann Reuchlin (145 5- 1 522). Agricola studied later in Pavia, Ferrara, Agricola and elsewhere in Italy, and after absorbing all the best {^classics, influences of the Renaissance, returned as a humanistic and wrote a missionary to his own \ barbarous, unlearned, and un- l^™*™ 5110 cultured ' people. At Heidelberg and Worms he lec- tured on the classics, and while he could never be induced to tie himself down to the routine of a single institution, he showed at all times a genuine interest in good schools. Toward the close of his life he wrote a humanistic treatise, De Formando Studio (' On the Regulation of Study '), and he was regarded by all the other human- ists as the most potent influence in introducing the study 1 He is best known by this Latinized form of his name, but he was originally Foelof Huysman (' farmer '). This tendency for educators to translate tht ir names became one of the formal marks of humanism. / 148 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION of classics into the North. Erasmus in particular de- clares that he was inter Grcecos Grcecissimus, inter Latinos Latinissimus. Reuchlin, the friend of Agricola, had a somewhat similar influence, but gave more atten- tion to Hebrew. After studying at Paris with Wessel and at other humanistic centers, he taught Latin, Greek, and Hebrew at the Universities of Heidelberg, Ingold- stadt, and Tubingen. He prepared a Latin lexicon, many editions of Greek classics, and a combined gram- mar and lexicon of the Hebrew language, to which he applied the words of Horace, — exegi monumentum are perennius ('I have raised a monument more lasting than bronze'). Alexander Hegius (143 3- 1498). for a whole generation the head of the school at Deventer, was also connected with Agricola. Although ten years older, he studied Greek under him, and modestly said : " I learnt from him all I know or men suppose me to know." Hegius introduced many reforms in texts and methods, and wrote a treatise, De Utilitate Lingua Grceca (' On the Utility of the Greek Language'). During his time there graduated from Deventer a large number of leading humanistic scholars and teachers, including Erasmus, the most famous humanist of the North. The Work of Jakob Wimpfeling. — But before endeav- oring to do justice to the work of that brilliant cosmo- politan scholar, Erasmus, we must first consider the influence of Jakob Wimpfe Unz x (14^0-1.^28), who was an earlier product of the Hieronymian education. He was educated in the school of Schlettstadt in Alsace, which was an offshoot of Deventer, and became the means of training several humanists of reputation. He obtained further education at the humanistic universities of Basel, Erfurt, and Heidelberg, and became a profes- sor, dean of the faculty of arts, and finally for two years rector, in the last named institution. He lecturer! upon the classical authors and St. Jerome, and wrote a num- ber of treatises upon education. Of these the most 1 Also less properly written Wimpheling or Wympfe.'ing. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH 1 49 prominent are Isidonens Germanicus (' An Introductory- Book for Germans '), which was the first educational treatise in the Northern humanistic period, and deals with the proper curriculum and methods, as well as deeper educational principles and problems ; and Ado- lescentia (' Youth '), which advocates moral principles by means of selections from the Bible and the classics, and makes an attempt to analyze the mental processes of the child. He also embodied his theories in several text- books. Wimpfeling's humanism was of a broad but I""" religious type. While he sought to stress the content Herecom- rather than the form of the classics, and recommended ^^selec- a wide selection of Greek and Latin authors, he held to tion of the social and moral aim in their study. " Of what use," ^hors but he asks, "are all the books in the world, the most learned held to the writings, the profoundest researches, if they only minister ^^| ^ to the vainglory of their authors, and do not, or cannot, while a true advance the good of mankind ? . . . What profits all £ f ?™£'£ e e our learning, if our character be not correspondingly from the noble, all our industry without piety, all our knowing Church - without love of our neighbor, all our wisdom without humility, all our studying, if we are not kind and chari- table?" However, while a true reformer, like Erasmus he never broke from the Church. He had a great influ- ence upon humanism and his pupils, and, because of his prominence, he was frequently called upon by educators and rulers for advice concerning their schools. Hence he has sometimes shared with the Protestant Melanchthon y the title of Germanics preceptor (' the teacher of Germany'). \/ Erasmus, the Leader in Humanistic Education. — ^^iSfcs" Desiderius Erasmus 1 (1467-1536), while still a pupil at ^Deventer, Deventer, exhibited remarkable ability in the new learn- Paris.Oxford, ,, , ,.,,.-' . -ji and various ing, and when he was only eight his greatness is said to Ita ij an have been prophesied by Agricola while on a visit to ^jjj^ Hegius. After leaving Deventer, Erasmus furthered his occupied the knowledge of Latin and Greek at the College de Montaigu chair of 1 His name was originally Geert Geerts ('Gerard, the son of Gerard'), but he turned Geert, which means ' well-beloved,' into its Latin and Greek univalents, respectively. See note on p. 147. 50 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION at Paris, where in 1499 he met a number of English stu- dents, and was by them induced to visit Oxford. Here he became acquainted with Colet and More, and studied under Grocyn and Linacre. Afterward he insisted that no one need go to Italy, if he could learn of Linacre, adding : " To me any one who is truly learned is an Ital- ian, even if born among savages." Yet Erasmus could not help sighing for the Mecca of all devoted humanists, and, after struggling with poverty in the North for seven years, he at length found it possible to visit the ancient libraries, meet the learned men, and pursue the study of Greek at Venice, Florence, Padua, Bologna, and Rome. In 1 5 10, he returned to England, and for four years occu- pied the chair of divinity at Cambridge. During this period he also lectured gratuitously upon Greek, and afforded Colet much help in establishing his school at St. Paul's. Three years later he undertook the project of a new humanistic college at Louvain, but in 1422, when the Reformation controversies began, he retired to Basel. In this home of humanism and the printing art, he found time to edit, translate, and produce works of his own until his death. Thus Erasmus traveled widely, met all the prominent scholars of his day, and made great contributions to humanism and social reform. While he was bitterly opposed to the corruption and obscurantism of ecclesi- astics, he believed, like Wimpf eling, that the remedy lay, not in a division of the Church, but in the study of classics and the Church Fathers and in the general removal of ignorance. Accordingly, he gave much time to improv- ing the facilities for humanistic education. He helped Colet and Lily with their Latin Grammar, 1 translated into Latin the Greek grammar of Theodore of Gaza, wrote a work on Latin composition, known as De Copia Verborum et Rerum, and an elementary textbook of Latin conversations on topics of the day, called Colloquia, trans- lated or edited a large number of the Greek and Latin classics, and, through his Adagia ('Adages'), made the 1 See p. 170. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH 151 sayings of the ancients familiar to all. Similarly, he pro- duced an edition of Valla's Adnotationes on the New- Testament, edited the New Testament and translated it into Latin, and popularized the Gospels, and Jerome and other Christian Fathers through paraphrases. Better known, however, is the direct work which Erasmus per- formed in undertaking to reform the foibles and abuses of his times by means of satires. The Adagia, which was nominally a compilation of proverbs, maxims, and witty sayings, was really intended to expose ecclesiastical abuses, and the Colloquia, although in the form of a text- book, was a terrible arraignment of prevailing conditions in education, religion, and society, while his Encomium. Morice{ 1 Praise of Folly ') mercilessly scored the absurdi- ties of monks and priests. In his Dialogns Ciceronianus (' Dialogue on Ciceronianism '^as has been pointed out, he turns to a different theme. Here he ridicules the narrower tendency of humanism by having its advocate explain his system of education and translate the Chris- tian creed into the heavy pagan conceptions of Cicero. Erasmus also made positive contributions to educa- tional theory, and, besides his references to the subject in the Colloquia and Ciceronianus, he wrote De Pueris Statim ac Liberaliter Instituendis ('On the Liberal Education of Children from the Beginning'), De Ratione Studii ('On the Right Method of Study'), De Civilitate Mornm Puerilium ('On Courtesy of Manners in Boys '), and other treatises. His statement of the aim of educa- tion is best given in the De Civilitate, where he says : — "The first and jjjpst important part is that the youthful mind may absorb the seeds 1 of piety ; next, that it may love and thoroughly learn the liberal arts ; third, that it may be prepared for the duties of life ; and fourth, that it may from the earliest years be straightway accustomed to the rudiments of good manners." These ideals, — piety, learning, moral duty, and manners, which he repeatedly approaches elsewhere from different angles, are connected each with the other, and together stand for all that goes to make up social 1 See pp. 136 f. To reform abuses, he wrote sat- ires, — Adagia, Colloquia, Encomium Morice, and Dialogus Ciceronianus, He also produced educational treatises, — Colloquia, Ciceronianus, De Pueris, De Ratione, and De Civilitate. His educa- tional aim was a combi- nation of piety, learn- ing, morals, and man- ners. 52 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION efficiency. The religious is nol looked upon as some- thing distinct from the rest of training, for in the plan of Erasmus, all that illumines the individual is held to elevate him and the social order of which he is a part. Accordingly, Erasmus appears everywhere to believe in universal education, — education for the poor as well as the rich, for women as for men, and holds that the amount and kind of education should be based upon ability rather than upon wealth, birth, or sex. In the De Pucris he shows that education should start in infancy, and that children should be trained by their mothers in health, habits, and control until they are six or seven years of age. The elements of reading, writing, and drawing, and some knowledge of familiar objects and animals, should also be given them at this time by methods as informal as possible. He advises the use of stories, pictures, games, and object teaching rather than mere memory, and, with a belief in such appeals to interest, he naturally feels that " teaching by beating is not a liberal education, and the schoolmaster should not indulge in too strong and too frequent lan- guage of blame." At seven the boy's education is to be taken over by his father, or, in case that is impossible, by a tutor or a day school. Now he is to be given a thorough human- istic training in the Scriptures, the Christian Fathers, and the classics. The Greek and Latin authors that should be read and the methods of teaching the classics are detailed in the De Raiione. These subjects, Erasmus believes, present all that is needed as a standard of liv- ing or for a reformation of society, but he maintains that a sufficient range must be had to get fully into their spirit. Grammar, too, is to be studied only as a neces- sary gate to literature and the content of the classical writers. At the outset of the De Ratione, Erasmus says : " But I must make my conviction clear that, whilst a knowledge of the rules of accidence and syntax is most necessary to every stu- dent, still they should be as few, as simple, and as carefully framed as possible. I have no patience with the stupidity of the average THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH 1 53 teacher of grammar, who wastes precious years in hammering rules into children's heads. For it is not by learning rules that we acquire the power of speaking a language, but by daily intercourse with those accustomed to express themselves with exactness and refinement, and by the copious reading of the best authors. Upon this latter .point we do well to choose such works as are not only sound models of style, but are instructive by reason of their subject matter. . . . Some proficiency of expression being thus attained, the student devotes his attention to the content of ancient literatures. It is true, of course, that in reading an author for purposes of vocabulary and style the student cannot fail to gather something beside. But I have in mind much more than this when I speak of studying 'content. 1 ' For I affirm that with slight qualification the whole of attainable knowledge lies inclosed within the literary monuments of ancient Greece. This great inheritance I will compare to a limpid spring of whose undented waters it behooves all who truly thirst to drink and be restored." Therefore, he holds that mythology, geography, agri- culture, architecture, military tactics, natural history, astronomy, history, music, and other subjects, must be studied for the sake of the light they throw upon clas- sical writers. Informal methods are also to be continued during this stage. A vocabulary is first to be acquired through objects and conversation, and even when formal grammar is taken up, he holds that it should never be an end in itself. Hence the humanism of Erasmus is of the broader The human- sort. It involves a grasp of ideas and content, and is m u S / s ^ r t a the not confined to a mere study of language and form, and broad type. the methods of acquisition appeal to interest. But while both his ideals and his practical suggestions in education seem remarkable for the day, they must have been largely typical of the Hieronymian schools and of Northern humanism in general. It simply represents the culmination of the union between the biblical train- ing of the Brethren and the new education in the classics. The Furstenschulen and the Gymnasien. — It can thus be seen what a profound effect the Hieronymian schools had upon education, and how greatly those who had studied in them influenced the universities and other educational institutions. But there were other schools 54 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION The ^ ' Gymnasien ' grew out of the cathedral and upper burgher schools, and were under the control of the cities. that were even more directly the outgrowth of humanism in the North than the Hieronymian. The cathedral, burgher, and other city schools offered accommodations scarcely sufficient for their own locality, and, as they had to furnish both elementary and secondary education at the same time, their course was necessarily limited. Therefore, to meet the demand for well-prepared officials in church and state, Duke Moritz of Saxony in 1543 opened a public boarding-school in two of his cities, where the more brilliant sons of native citizens might be fitted at public expense for the university and ecclesi- astical and civil leadership. Moritz afterward added to the number of these schools, and his example was fol- lowed by the heads of other Protestant states of Ger- many, although these state schools were never very numerous. They became^ because of their origin, gen- erally known as Fiirstenschulcn (' princes' schools '), but, since their endowment came largely from the monas- teries, which had been secularized in the Protestant states, they were often popularly referred to as Kloster- schulen ('cloistral schools'). 1 While their foundation came about in a different way, they greatly resembled the ' court schools ' 2 of Italy in general aim and course of study. Since their chief purpose was to produce leaders, temporal and spiritual, a comprehensive pro- gram of humanistic studies almost equivalent to that of the universities, was furnished. A more typical and lasting institutional development of the Renaissance in the North, however, was the set of schools known as Gymnasien. They grew largely out of the old cathedral and upper burgher schools, and from the beginning differed from both the FurstenscJinlcn and the Hieronymian schools in being under thecontrol of the cities and in not being boarding-schools. This tendency to establish humanistic schools for the benefit of the municipality, rather than for state and church, 1 They were also called Landesschulen. Schools, pp. 38, 98, 140, 144, and 196-198. 2 See pp. 123 and 127 f. See Russell's German Higher THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH 1 55 grew rapidly in the German states, and the Fiirsten- schulen were afterward merged in the system, although their course was somewhat beyond that of the former Latin schools of the cities. Some of the oldest and most important of these institutions for the nobility, Meissen (1543), Pforta(i543), Grimma(i55o), and Ross- leben (1554), while remaining boarding-schools, are classed among the leading gymnasia to-day. The Hie- ronymian schools also in most cases became Gy-mnasien, but some of them came under the control of the Jesuits. The organization and curriculum of these municipal The humanistic schools were slowly developed during the curriculum « first half of the sixteenth century. They substituted the Latin,. and, later also the Greek, classical literature for the grammar, rhetoric, and mediaeval Latin of-Jthe old courses, and eventually replaced the dialectic with mathematics. As peculiar to the Germanic humanism, the Greek of the New Testament and Hebrew were often added. The burgher school at Nuremberg in 1495 was the first to add 'poetry,' or classical literature, to its course, and the other higher schools of the various cities soon took up the subject. But the most definite shaping of the gymnasial idea was effected through the organization of the Latin school at Eisleben in 1525, and of the system in Saxony three years later, after the plan of Melanchthon, and through the foundation of the Strasburg gymnasium in 1538 by Sturm. The public influence of these two men was so wide that a separate treatment of their work is required. Melanchthon and His Organization of Schools. — The early Through Reuchlin, his scholarly great-uncle, Philip Me- J^™^ 11 lanchthon 1 (1497-1560) had, by the time he was seven- Meianch- teen, obtained a thorough training not only in Greek, thon - Latin, Hebrew, and biblical exegesis, but in logic, mathematics, history, law, and medicine. He had 1 He was known as Schwartzerd (' black earth ') until, in recognition of humanistic attainments most remarkable for a boy, Reuchlin translated his surname into Greek. i 5 6 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION been very influential in reviving humanism at the Unl versities of Heidelberg and Tubingen, while a student there, and was already considered one of the most learned scholars of the day. In 1518, when the Elector of Saxony asked Reuchlin to recommend a young scholar to teach Greek at the University of Wittenberg, the great humanist wrote in reply : — " Melanchthon will come, and he will be an honor to the uni- versity. For I know no one among the Germans who excels him. save Erasmus of Rotterdam, and he is more properly a Hollander." As soon as he had delivered his inaugural address, Melanchthon became one of the most popular lecturers the institution had known, and Luther, who was now well established there, declared that "all students of theology are clamoring to learn Greek." Through his association with Luther, Melanchthon was soon turned toward theology, and lectured on New Testament, Old Testament, and dogmatics as well as the Greek and Latin classics. But while he is generally known to history for theological works and his- part in the Reformation, his influence upon the education of the times was probably even greater. Except that it was limited to Germany, his work in furthering humanistic education was similar to that of Erasmus. Not only did Melanchthon renew and extend humanism at Wittenberg, as he had previously done at the other universities with which he had been connected, but through him-several new universities were founded on a humanistic basis. He also wrote Greek and Latin grammars, and produced editions of various classics, and clear and well-arranged school books upon rhetoric, dialectic, ethics, hiitorv, physics, and other subjects. The esteem in which he was held at the university and his great interest in his students gave him a peculiar power equalled by very few teachers. Hence his influence was largely extended throughout Germany by means of his pupils, amo: whom were many of the most renowned schoolmaster 1 Such, for example, were Camerarius, Trotzer, : F, and Neander. has even been said that every great rector, except Sturm, had been a pi THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH 157 of the following generation. Likewise, the advice of Melanchthon was sought personally or through corre- spondence by princes, magistrates, and educators, and his genius for organization, methods, and texts was felt everywhere in his native land. Small wonder, then, that by the time of his death there was scarcely a city in all the German states which had not been touched by his influence, or that he has ever since been by common consent referred to as Germanice prceceptor. The influence of Melanchthon upon the Gymnasien came through his educational recommendations to the Elector of Saxony in 1528. He had three years previ- ously, at the request of x the Count of Mansfeld, organ- ized a school at Eisleben, and in 1526 had assisted in the foundation of an % Oberesckule ('higher school') at Nuremberg. His success as an organizer led in 1527 His appoint- to his appointment as Schulvisitant for Saxony, and Y^** the next year his ScJuilplan, contained in the Visita- visitant' tionsbuch, was enacted into /law. The Latin schools, ^[/his " 7 which were thereby established in every town and vil- sdmipian. lage of the electorate, were to be divided into three classes, as had been the school organized by Melanch- thon at Eisleben, but his former plan was somewhat simplified as the result of experience. "The first class," His division he advised, " should consist of those children who are ° n f t l h ^ h s r c e h e ools learning to read ; the second class of those who have classes. learned to read, and are now ready to go into grammar ; while when these children have been well trained .in grammar, those among them who have made the great- est proficiency should be taken out and formed into the third class." In the elementary class the children first learned to read and write from a Latin primer prepared by Melanchthon, which contained the alphabet, the Lutheran creed, the Lord's prayer, and other prayers. They then read from the Grammar of Donatus and the Precepts of Cato, memorized Latin words, and were :aught music. In the next grade they were trained in >f Melanchthon's, while Sturm was among those who went to him for cunseL i 5 8 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION etymology, syntax, and prosody, and read first from such easy works as the Fables of y£sop, the Pedology of Mosellanus, and the Colloquies of Erasmus, and later from the comedies of Plautus and Terence. More specific attention was also given to the Scriptures, the Lord's prayer, the creed, the Commandments, the Psalms, the Proverbs, the Gospels, and the Epistles. The youths who were selected for the highest class read Vergil, Ovid, and Cicero, and were given a more thorough train- ing in grammar, especially prosody, and in logic and rhetoric. The pupils of the two upper grades were also practiced constantly in Latin composition, and were required to converse in Latin almost exclusively. These institutions of Saxony were thus intended chiefly to fit boys for the university, and were rather narrow in ideals and course. They were literally ' Latin' schools, for no Greek or Hebrew appears anywhere in the course ; much less the vernacular, mathematics, science, or history. Nevertheless, it was from these municipal secondary schools, when the course had been somewhat modified and expanded, that the Gymnasien sprang. A generation later the general plan in a modi- fied form was copied by the duchy of Wiirtemberg, and other states followed the example until the ' gymnasium ' became the chief type of school in the German system. Sturm's Gymnasium at Strasburg. — But ah educator who gave a greater impulse to the foundation of Gym- nasien, and, as a practical schoolmaster, had more influ- ence upon their course, was Johann Sturm (i 507-1 589). This man was the organizer, and for forty-five years the rector, of the famous classical school or gymnasium at Strasburg. He had received a humanistic training at the Hieronymian school at Liege and at the Universities, of Louvain and Paris. By the time of his call to Stras- burg, at thirty-one years of age, he had a large reputa- tion as a classical scholar and a private teacher of Greek and Latin. Sturm had a definite set of ideals for his school, which he states as follows : — THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH 1 59 "A wise and persuasive piety should be the aim of our studies, school,— But were all pious, then the student should be distinguished from piety, knowl- him who is unlettered by scientific culture and the art of speaking. ed S e ' and Hence, knowledge and purity and eloquence of diction should be- e °1 uence - come the aim of scholarship, and toward its attainment both teachers and pupils should sedulously bend every effort. 1 ' In other words, as Sturm puts it more tersely else- where, " the end to be accomplished by teaching is threefold, and includes piety, knowledge, and eloquence." ' Piety ' he believed to be cultivated mainly through the catechism and creed, while ' knowledge ' with him consisted chiefly in an acquaintance with the Latin and some of the Greek literature, and ' eloquence ' meant the ability to speak and write Latin readily and ele- gantly, so that it might be used as a medium of inter- course in the outside world. Hence his ideals, which seem to have been practically those of his contem- poraries, except that they were more clearly expressed, were more restricted than those of Erasmus, or possibly even of Melanchthon. To attain these educational ends, Sturm worked out Its organiza- a gymnasial organization of ten classes, 1 upon which ciassS^be the pupils entered at six or seven years of age. This followed by was to be followed by a university course for five years courses/five more. The content of the course in the gymnasium, years, which alone concerns us here, is well known from the sketch given in his Best Method of Opening an Institu- tion of Learning, published at the founding of the school, from the Classic Letters of instruction written to the teachers of the various classes in 1565, and from the records of a general examination of the school, which took place still thirteen years later. As these three documents agree in all essentials, it would seem that Thecunicu- there was little change in the curriculum during the JjJ™^** management of Sturm. 2 For 'piety,' the Lutheran 1 In his original plan he had only nine classes, but, from the Classic Letters and the examination records, it would seem that this number was increased to ten. - The course is given in full by classes in Barnard's German Teachers and Educators, pp. 196-208. l6o A HISTORY OF EDUCATION catechism was studied in German for three years, and in Latin for three years longer. The Siinday Sermons were read in the fourth and fifth years, and the Letters of Jerome also in the fifth year, while the Epistles of Paul were carefully studied from the sixth year through the rest of the course. On the 'knowledge' and 'elo- quence ' side, Latin grammar was begun immediately and the drill continued for four years, during which the pupil passed gradually from memorizing lists of words used in everyday life and reading dialogues that em- bodied them to the translation of Cicero and the easier Latin poets. In the fourth year exercises in style were begun, and this was accompanied by a grammatical and literary study of Cicero, Vergil, Plautus, Terence, Mar- tial, Horace, Sallust, and other authors, together with letter writing, declamation, disputation, and the acting of plays. Greek was begun in the fifth year, and after three years of grammatical training, Demosthenes, the dramatists, Homer, and Thucydides were under- taken. While other authors than Cicero were read, the object of this training clearly was to acquire an ability to read, write, and speak Ciceronian Latin. Words, phrases, and expressions from Cicero's works were carefully committed to memory, and the main emphasis throughout was upon form, with little regard for content. The Latin and Greek were largely regarded as an end in them- selves. The last three grades made a little study of rhetoric, and the highest included a little logic, astron- omy, and geometry, but otherwise there were no studies besides the classics and religion. The mother tongue was neglected, no mention was made of geography, his- tory, or natural sciences, and but little of mathematics, and there was no connection indicated between the school and the world outside. Under these circum- stances, it would be surprising if the chief educational methods were not those of imitation and memory. Obviously, toward the close of the sixteenth century, humanism had come to be about as forma) and narrow THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH l6l in Germany as in Italy. Sturm would have made as good ism in a subject for the satire of Erasmus as Bembo or any ^ a h ™ m other of the Italian Ciceronians. Yet his gymnasium toward the was an enormous success, and profoundly influenced sixteenth 116 not only the education of his own times, but of the century, next three centuries. Students flocked into Strasburg by thousands, among them many youthful noblemen and princes, and Sturm seems to have trained most of the leading educators of the next generation. His Theinflu- pupils became the headmasters of all the most promi- | nc ££ f nent schools and organized many new institutions of and Charterhouse (1609). Other old sflP^, like Christ's Hospital (1553), and Dulwich I (1619), are generally admitted, as are also some of the stronger foundations of Queen Victoria's reign, — Chel- tenham (1841), Marlborough (1843), Rossall (1844), Wellington (1853), Haileybury (1862), and Clifton (1862). The Public School Year Book recognizes more than twenty other schools that may be ranked as ' pub- lic ' schools, and many others claim this dignity that would not be so considered outside of the immediate locality. v"^ The Grammar Schools of America. — It was after these The first 'grammar' schools of the mother country that the first schoohTof secondary schools in America were modeled and named In many instances the fathers of the American colonies such as Roger Williams, William Penn, John Daven- eied and port, Theophilus Eaton, and Edward Hopkins, had been JheEngHsh educated in the grammar schools of England, and natu- grammar rally sought to transplant these institutions to their new fhehoid of* home. The Boston Latin 1 School was founded as early humanism as 1635, and other towns of Massachusetts — Charlc town, Ipswich, Salem, Dorchester, Newbury, Cambridge, [^adity and Roxbury — followed the example before the middle 1 Of course ' grammar ' is used in the sense of ' Latin grammar,' and the schools were known either as ' grammar ' or ' Latin ' schools. They were also sometimes called ' free ' schools. the Ameri- can colonies ere mod- is after- ward more loosened. 174 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION of the century. Similarly, the towns of Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, and Pennsylvania, and the counties of Virginia and Maryland, had in many cases founded grammar schools before the close of the century. After the act of 1647 by the General Court of Massa- chusetts, whereby it was ordered that " where any towne shall increase to ye number of 100 families or house- holders, they shall set up a gramer schoole," these borrowed secondary institutions were generally made compulsory in the various communities through the colonial legislatures. The American grammar schools, like their prototypes, were secondary and sustained no real relation to the elementary schools. They^fere in- tended to prepare pupils for college, although <^^^the college had not yet been established, and, li colleges, their ideal was " the service of God in and commonwealth," the chief form of which wj Christian ministry. Hence their course, which covel only seven years, consisted chiefly in reading the classics • and the New Testament, and used among its texts the ^ Grammar of Lily and the Colloquies of Corderius. The course, like that of the English grammar schools, was, however, not as barren as it appeared, since ethics, his- tory, and other subjects were studied through the medium of the classic authors. Moreover, educational traditions were, of course, more flexible in the United States, and the hold of the narrower humanism upon secondary edu- cation was more readily loosened during the subsequent stages of the ' academy ' and the ' high school.' Never- theless, even in America formal classical training re- mained confused with liberal education, and, with little modification, lasted well into the nineteenth century. The Aim of Humanistic Education in the North. — After this extended survey of the Renaissance and hu- manistic education in the various European countries north of Italy, it can easily be seen that these move- and religious; ments took on rather a different color here from what erar^Md"" thev did in the peninsula that gave them birth. While aesthetic. the humanism of the North was narrower in not con- The aim of humanistic education in the North was more social, moral THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH 175 cerning itself so much with self-culture, personal de- velopment, and the opportunities of life in all directions, it had a wider vision through interesting itself in society as a whole and in endeavoring to advance morality and religion everywhere. It took less account of the literary and aesthetic aspects of education, but it sought to re- move the abuses of Church and State by abolishing ignorance and superstition. If not as broad, it was at least deeper than the self-centered movement of the South. It was democratic and social in its trend, where the Italian Renaissance was more aristocratic and indi- vidual. sequence, most of the humanists of the North religious or social reformers, and in Germany, 'and England humanism passed over into the lation. Erasmus differed from Luther only in lg that education would eventually effect the changes. So Melanchthon is ranked as a reformer, but he was fully as much a humanist, while the great humanistic educator, Sturm, was in hearty sympathy with the Reformation. Lefevre and others gave the first impulse to Ftench Protestantism through their translation of the Bible. Colet endeavored to dethrone dogma and tradition through a better inter- pretation of St. Paul. The Northern Educational Organization. — Hence the The educa- educational institutions of the North, such as the uni- *! onal '"f' 14 ' • • »r\ tt- ii»-i 11 tions ofthe versities, colleges, Hieronymian schools, biirstensclmlen, North Gymnasien, and grammar schools, became the seats of moral development. Until the time of the Jesuit in- and the stitutions, the typical humanistic schools were usually Reformatlon - supported by the Reformation cities and were under Reformation leaders, and the chief educational influence of the Reformation, as will be seen, appeared in the foundation of humanistic schools and universities under the cities and states. Thus the two movements were generally fused in the institutions of education. The Course of Study. — As in Italy, the curriculum of these humanistic foundations consisted mostly in the / fused the Renaissance i 7 6 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION The renewal of Greek was used to fur- nish a key to the New Testament. mastery of Latin and Greek, but the renewal of Greek meant a key to the New Testament and the abolition of irrational tradition rather than the revelation of a new joy in living. The Italian. Renaissance re-created the liberal education of Plato and Aristotle, . Cicero and Quintilian, but the movement in its Northern spread found in the classics a means of religious reform, and later, a new interpretation of theology. The Formalization of Humanistic Education. — With the rise of the Reformation, however, the humanistic movement in the North seems to have completed its mission. By the middle of the sixteenth century the spirit of criticism, investigation, and intellectual activity had begun to abate, and by the opening of the seven- teenth century, humanistic education in the North, as in Italy, had become almost as formal as education inflj mediaeval times, except that literary and linguistic sub- jects had replaced dialectic ard theology. In the study of the classics, l'11 emphasis was placed upon grammar, linguistics, and style. Form was preferred to content, and methods became memoriter and imitative, with the inevitable accompaniment of brutal discipline. Thus in Italy and the North, the attempts of the Renaissance to break up uniformity of life and thought, to overthrow authority and repression in Church and State, and to allow some latitude of expression to the individual, had hardened into a new type of formalism, and a new awakening was needed to revi 'iy education and society in general. SUPPLEMENTARY READING Sources Allen, P. S. The Letters of Rudolph Agricola. Ascham, R. The Scholemaster (Arbor Reprint). Brinsley, J. Lucius Literarius : or the Grammar Schoole. Bude, G. De I' Institution du Prince. Chaloner, T. (Editor). Moriae Laudatio of Erasmus. Elyot, T. The Boke named the Governour. Freundgen, J. (Editor). Wimphelifigs Piidagogischer Schriften. THE HUMANISTIC EDUCATION OF THE NORTH 1 77 Hoole, C. (Editor). The School Colloquies of Corderius. Melanchthon, P. De Corrigendis Studiis. Monroe, P. Thomas Platter (contains Platter's Autobiography). Nichols, F. M. The Epistles of Erasmus. Norton. A. O. Readings in the History of Education. Chapters on the Renaissance. Pater, W. The Praise of Folly, Colloquies, and Educational Writings of Erasmus. Scott, I. A Translation of Erasmus 1 Ciceronianus (with Intro- duction by P. Monroe). Sturm, J. De Liter arum Ludis Recte Aperiendis Liber. Taverner, R. Proverbes or Adagies of Erasmus. Vives, J. L. De Disciplinis Libri XX. Whitcomb, M. Select Colloquies of Erasmus. Whitcomb, M. Source Book of the German Renaissance. Woodward, W. H. Erasmus concerning Education (contains the treatises, De Ratione and De Pueris). II. Authorities Acton, Lord. The Cambridge Modern History. Vol. I, Chaps. XIII, XVI, and XVII, and Vol. II, Chap. XIX. Adams, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. Chap. XV. Barnard, H. English Pedagogy. First Series, pp. 21-76, and Second Series, pp. 1-176, and 401-405. Barnard, H. German Teachers and Educators. II-V. Barnard, H. The American Journal of Education. Vol. IV, No. X, §§ VIII and IX ; No. XI, § VII ; and No. XII, § XI. Brodrick, G. C. A History of the University of Oxford. Chap. VII. Brown, E. E. The Making of Our Middle Schools. Chaps. II-VII. Drummond, R. B. Erasmus, his Life and Character. Eggleston, E. The Transit of Civilization frotn England to America in the Seventeenth Century. Einstein, L. The Italiari Renaissance in England. Chap. I. Emerton, E. Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam. Froude, J. A. Life and Letters of Erasmus. Jebb, R. Eras?nus. Johnson. J.N. The Life of Thomas Linacre. Knight, S. The Life of Dr. John Colet. Kuckelhahn, L. Johannes Sturm, Strassburgs Erster Schulrector. Laurie, S. S. Educational Opinion from the Renaissance. Chaps. III-Vand VII. Leach, A. F. English Schools at the Reformation. Lupton, J. H. Life of John Colet, D.D. Lyte, H. C. M. History of the University of Oxford. Chaps. XII- XVI. Monroe, P. Thomas Platter. Pp. 39-75. Mullinger, J. B. The University of Cambridge. Chap. IV. 1^8 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Nohle, F. History of the German School System. (Report of U. S. Commissioner of Education, 1897-98, Vol. I, pp. 26-44.) Paulsen, F. The German Universities (translated by Thilly and Elwang). Chap. II, § I. Putnam, G. H. Books and their Makers. Vol. I. pp. 317-347. Quick, R. H. Educational Reformers. Chaps. Ill and VII. Richard, J. W. Philip Melanchthon. Pp. 1 25-141. Russell, J. E. German Higher Schools. Chaps. II-IV. Sandys, J. E. Harvard Lectures on the Revival of Learning. Sandys. J. E. History of Classical Scholarship. Vol. II, Chaps. VIII and X. Seebohm, F. The Oxford Reformers, fohn Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More. Staunton, H. The Great Schools of England. Watson, F. Maturinus Corderius. (The School Review, Vol. XII, Nos. 4, 7, and 9.) Watson, F. Notices of Some Early English Writers on Education. (Report of U. S. Commissioner of Education, 1902, Vol. I, pp. 481-509.) Watson, F. The English Grammar Schools to 1660. Woodward, W. H. Erasmus concerning Education. Woodward, W. H. Education during the Renaissance. Chaps. V-VIII, X-XI, and XIII. CHAPTER XV EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF THE PROTESTANTS General Causes of the Reformation. — The revolt of the Protestants from the Catholic Church, a movement generally known as the ' Reformation,' * may be regarded largely as an outgrowth of the Renaissance. ■ It began to appear as the humanism of the North reached its height in the early part of the sixteenth century. The opposition to repressive authority that was characteristic of the age was felt in the case of ecclesiastical, as of cultural, educational, and social matters, but the Church stubbornly resisted the efforts toward reformation and emancipation in doctrine and ritual. The transforma- tion was, therefore, not effected* gradually and quietly, but came to pass through force. * The immense wealth, large numbers," and trained intellects of the supporters of the ecclesiastical institutions made it possible for a long time to thwart the spirit of the age, and the result was revolution rather than evolution. For several centuries there had been those within the There had Church who had earnestly striven to purify it of various ous^nempts abuses, and when peaceful measures had failed, serious to revolt rebellions had, upon some occasions, ensued. In the church 6 as thirteenth century there occurred the uprisings of the in the case Albigenses and Waldenses, which were in the one case gen'ses^nd crushed by the tortures of the Inquisition, and in the Waldenses, other kept in isolation until the Waldenses had merged with the later reformers. 2 1 This description is somewhat unfair. The endeavor to purify the Church existed before the time of any separation, and such men as Wimp- feling, Erasmus, and Montaigne were as true reformers as Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin, although bitterly opposed to any division in Catholic Chris- tianity. 2 These early heretics of southern France differed somewhat in position. The Waldenses, or followers of Peter Waldo of Lyons, imitated the simple life of Christ and the early Christians, but refused to accept the doctrines 179 [8o A HISTORY OF EDUCATION A century and a half afterward, reaction to the extra? agance, corruption, and nepotism of the papal court, especially while at Avignon (i 305-1 377), had brought sympathy and substance to the revolt of JohnJ^/yclif ( 1 320-1 384). But while this leader had been protected from the wrath of the Church by a division of political parties in England, and died peaceably, great efforts had been made to exterminate his followers, the ' Lollards.' However, through the marriage of Richard II to Anne of Bohemia, the Bohemian students had become gener- ally acquainted with the works of Wyclif , and the reform movement had been spread throughout that country by Johann Huss (i369-i4i5)and others. While Huss had been burned as a heretic, and his followers held in check by persecution, the Hussite feeling had never altogether died out. Similarly, the Councils of Pisa (1409) and Con- stance (1414), which were held to decide who really was pope and to bring about a general reformation ' in head and members,' were, while, peaceful, an organized oppo- sition to supreme authority and traditional abuses. None of these attempts achieved anything permanent, but during the sixteenth century, as the result of the social and intellectual conditions of the times, there arose a series of revolts against the papal authority that re- sulted in the establishment of a church or set of churches outside of Catholic Christianity. While each revolt had some peculiarities of its own, there were underlying them all certain general causes that indicated their connection with the Renaissance. It has been seen in the foregoing chapter how the humanistic revival, with its tendencies toward individualism, had, in the more pious countries of the North, taken on a moral and religious aspect, and had resulted in efforts to secure a more accurate trans- lation of the Scriptures, without regard to the traditions and practices of the Church, and would not obey the sinful clergy. The Albigenses, on the other hand, completely rejected Christianity, and held that the Old Testament Jehovah, whom the Church worshiped, was the evil power of the universe. These latter were named from Albi^a. town in the south of France, where their influence was centered. See p. 72. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF THE PROTESTANTS l8l and dogmas of the Church. At the same time that eccle- the sixteenth siastical pomp and ceremony had come to such a height, sedeToA-e- there was present in the sixteenth century an evident volts that tendency to consider theology unnecessarily complicated g^reteT 3 and to react toward a simpler faith. Many were seeking outside of to read the Bible for themselves and to stress repentance Christianity rather than the outwarcLforms of-religion. This had led to a freedom of discussion and a criticism of the conduct of monks, priests, and theologians, and of other abuses in the Church. Moreover, outside of Italy, the national sentiment that had arisen produced a feeling against the secular powers exercised in each country by the pope. Causes of Luther's Revolt. — Such were the senti- ments and conditions of the times that will explain the success of the reformers in general. Their main sup- port grew out of the spirit of the day. But to under- stand the Reformation and its effect upon education, it will be necessary to study briefly the situation and the character of the leader in eacn revolt. The acts of Luther, har- Martin Lttt/ier (1483-1 546), the earliest and most promi- *pirhul nent reformer, first engage our attention. Luther's struggles, attitude did not grow primarily out of the Renaissance, h °™histifi d ca- but was rather the result of his spiritual struggles, tion by faith.' Anxiety for his soul's welfare drove him at twenty-two to enter an Augustinian monastery near the humanistic University of Erfurt, where he had been studying. Here, despite all fasting, vigils, and penance, he found himself harassed by doubts concerning his salvation, until at last he decided to rely upon the Divine mercy toward those who truly repent rather than upon mere outward ' good works.' x But there was an intellectual, as well as a moral, side to Luther's nature, so that he was not satisfied until, on the basis of Augustine's writ- ings, he worked out his ' justification by faith ' into a logical and systematic theory. This doctrine he de- fended and taught tenaciously, especially after he was 1 To the extent that the Protestant Reformation made an immediate knowledge of God possible for each individual soul, the movement may be regarded as an outgrowth of mysticism. See p. 47. 182 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION He chal- lenged Tet- zel to a de- bate on the value of ' in- dulgences.' After his contest with Eck, realiz- ing that he was in con- flict with the Church, and feeling the human- istic and individual- istic tend- encies of the times, he attacked the transferred to a theological professorship at the Uni- versity of Wittenberg. He attacked Aristotle and the schoolmen with great vigor, appealing to primitive Christianity and the right of free thought, and in this way his movement becomes identified in spirit with the Renaissance. In 1 5 17, when a Dominican friar named Tetzel came to Wittenberg to sell ' indulgences ' and made claims that seemed to emphasize outward forms and contravene -'justification by faith,' 1 Luther felt logically bound to challenge him to a debate, and nailed ninety-five theses concerning the value of indulgences to the church door at Wittenberg. This was a common university custom, and apparently he had no idea of breaking from the Church. He hardly supposed that his disputation, which was written in Latin and was in scholastic form, would be read by any save scholars. 2 Yet within a fortnight all Germany, and at the end of a month all Christen- dom, were acquainted with his declarations and probably recognized their significance more clearly than he. However, after his contest with Dr. Eck, two years later, in which he was led to deny the authority of both pope and council to determine the belief of the indi- vidual, Luther must have realized that he was in open conflict with the whole organization of the Church. But being of an obstinate temperament, and feeling that he was supported by the humanistic and individualistic tendencies of the times, he gradually grew more overt, and attacked the church doctrines and the papacy in popular pamphlets. In 1520 he was excommunicated by the pope, but burnt the 'bull,' and the following 1 It is a popular belief among Protestants that an ' indulgence ' is a for- giveness of sin before its commission, or even a license to commit it, but this has no foundation, and did not constitute Luther's objection to the doctrine. He felt that it stressed penance rather than penitence, and was, therefore, superfluous. For Tetzel's Sermon on Indulgences, see Robinson and Whitcomb, Early Reformation in Germany, pp. 9-1 1. 2 A translation of these theses will be found in any good source book covering the Reformation. See Robinson's Readings, Vol. II, pp. 58-62, or Robinson and Whitcomb, Early Reformation in Germany, pp. 11-19. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF THE PROTESTANTS 1 83 year he was summoned by the emperor, Charles V, to papacy, and appear before the Diet at Worms and answer for his demned'at heresies. At the trial he was simply asked whether the Diet of certain writings were his, and was not allowed to defend Worms - his conclusions, and when he refused to retract unless he were refuted by the Scriptures, the diet declared him an outlaw. Educational Features of Luther's Religious Works. — while in Since the thirteenth century it had been well under- ^ in ? atthe stood that both the emperor and the decrees of the Lmhertrins- imperial diet had but little power, but since no one ^ ted j* e knew just hQW 'effective an edict like that of Worms jnent. an± might prove, 1 Luther was spirited away by his friends "^^ to a castle called 'the Wartburg.' The nine months to get it be-' spent in hiding gave him an opportunity, long desired, ^ tfie He to awaken the minds and heart?' of the common people also wrote by a translation' of the Greek Testament into colloquial Jjj^fc- language. "A dozen years late*, in 1534, he had com- theinstruc- pleted a translation of the en ire Bible, and af terward Jl£JL °[ the revised it twice. There had been many vernacular translations before, but this was the first in modern High German, and it fixed a definite standard for the language. Its educational effect in getting the masses to read and reflect must have "been very great. For the further instruction* of the people, whom he found ex- ceedingly ignorant, he produced, in 1 529, two catechisms, one for adults" and the other for children. And every--' where through the volumes i of addresses, sermons, and letters that he has left are found aHusions to the organi- zation of education and sound pedagogical advice. Luther's Chief Educational Works. — Many of the To improve efforts of Luther in behalf jf education, then, were evi- S'SSfhia dently incidental to his reh ; ous and theological devel- Letter to opment. But he also ma. e very early more direct ^X^T* 1 The Diet of Worms was followed by a series of diets that attempted ^f^ous to enforce its findings. Little, howe /er, could be done until the emperor Sermon. returned from his foreign wars. Even then he was obliged, because of, the interference of France and dissensions within his own ranks, to con- sent, in 1555, to the Peace of Aug°*/urg, whereby each German state was allowed to choose between the Lutheran and Catholic confessions. \<> v ■••• N <-•>..-. : , •-.-•'-• cV education ot the times, Wbkh N coi:Ui tr«Wmi: all iK- la(lctlv'Uiihii<. it'r imv n*u£h(. *iui only through dtml W »uM|H|'l'> writ- (tllWH d UkU 11 ana . Itnii. > .; untied «uh auawtn an.-. » loucutlv op| v uis-n the -'iM(t. ATIOSAL INFLUENCES OF fHE PROTESTANTS 185 serve, and utili ze every treasure and advantage. . - - Though there were 00 souL nor heaven, nor hell, bat only the civil government, V.-,..': '.'.' •• v v - . -••: £ ■..-.■:■■:.. .: >.-.". -/i' •.«:': -:-. " . '•': ".'.i.'. 1' oar spiritual interests ? . /T For the establishment of the best schools everywhere, both fflTboys and girls, it is a sufficient consid- eration that society, for the maintenance of civil order and the proper > regulation of the household, needs accomplished and vdl-trained / ■:.'::. >-.:.-: <• .■■.-.:. f tlM of Education by the State — Educa- « tional institutions, he believes, should, on that account, be maintained at public expense for even' one — rich and poor, high and low, boys and girls alike. Parents are, however, frequently too selfish, ignorant, or bu look out for the schooling of their children, and " it will, therefore, be the duty of the mayors and councils rcise the greatest care over the young." In his .er mon h e even goes so far as i o maintain : — '-. civil authorities are ur n to compel the people to send their children to school. . . If the government can com- . pel such citizens as are fit for military' sen-ice to bear spear and rifle,* to mount ramparts, and perform otf. » martial duties in time of war ; how much more has it a right to compel the people to send their children to school ! " This is the first hint since rne Roman days of a system of education supported and controlled by the State, which before very long was destined to become general in Germany and then through* at the world,. 1 Industrial and Academic ] raining. — The most impor- HeadTo- tant innovation of Luther, however, was his desire to ^ d ft Jj? toe *" introduce schools in which 'he common people could be ^cvupaaon, fitted for their occupations in life. He likewise wished "fkiffSt to correlate the school more closely with the home, brighter " My idea," he says on this matter, "is that boys should J**P»k» spend an hour or two a day in school, and the rest of 1 This suggestion becomes an actuality in the organization of the schools -y in 152% by Luther's colleague, Melanchthon, at the request of ^ the elector, Jobann. See pp. .'57 and 187. That wtm, of comae, much more thoroughly a state system than the subsidization and partial control of -an schools by the en»peror and was 'he forerunner of ill management See Graves, History of Education before the Middlt Ages, -207. 1 86 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION iages were ' i .ght by : -.easing. the time work at home, learn some trade and do what- ever is desired, so that study and work may go on to- gether." But he does not limit education to an industrial training. He also plans a more academic course for " the brightest pupils, who give promise of becoming accomplished teachers, preachers, and workers." Religious, Humanistic, and Other Content of Education. — The chief study in the school, Luther very naturally holds, should bf- the ftible . _" Where the Holy Scrip- tures are not the rule," he says, " I should advise no one to send his child." And again he declares: "The soul can do without everything except the Word of God." Next to the Scriptures he held the catechism to be necessary. 1 But the great reformer was also a humanist, and, like the other humanists of the North, recommends the ancient languages — . ^atin, Greek, and Hebrew — for the light they would throw upon the Scriptures and the patristic writers. He likewise approves of rhetoric and dialectic, which were veiy valuable subjects in those days of controversy, and he makes a decided advance in advocating history, natural science, vocal and instru- mental music, and gymn?stic exercises. History is advised, not only, as was c Dmmon with the humanists, for the sake of illustrating moral truth, but also for the purpose of understanding s >cial institutions. The study of nature had a bearing upc » religion, and was intended to reveal " the wonders ol omnipotence of God." He value both for the body and 61 "driving away all care heart." Rationality in Method and Competency in Schoolmasters. — The methods that Luther proposed were a decided ad- vance upon those of the narrower humanism. They were to be less mechanical and memoriter, and to appeal more to interest and rationality. He would utilize the natural activity of children and not atterr.pt to repress, them, and 1 Hence the translation of the Bible and 'he preparation of catechisms may well be regarded as part of his educational work. Divine goodness and the considered gymnastics of he soul, and music a means i.nd melancholy from the EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF THE PROTESTANTS 1 87 would make use of concrete examples, wherever possible. Languages he would teach less by grammar than by practice, since, " while printed words are dead, spoken words are living ; on the printed page they are not so forcible as when uttered by the soul of man through the mouth." And it is his recognition of the need of proper method that leads him to comment upon the importance of the teacher's function as follows : — "An industrious, pious schoolmaster or teacher, who faithfully trains and educates boys, can never be sufficiently recompensed. . . . Next to the ministry, it is the most useful, greatest, and best calling; and I am not sure which of the two is to be preferred. For it is hard to make old dogs docile and old rogues pious, yet that is what the ministry works at ; but young trees, though some may break in pieces, are more easily bent and trained." The Embodiment of Luther's Ideas in Schools by His Luther's Friends, Melanchthon and Sturm. — The organization, ^"^£101- content, and method advocated by Luther in his Letter, tionaiized by Sermon, and other writings, were worked out in actual JJf^ 111 institutions by his friends and associates, especially Melanchthon. The year after the Letter was published, the Protestants were requested by the Count of Mansfeld _ to establish in Luther's native town of Eisleben an elementary and secondary school, which should put his educational theories into practice. This institution, as - has been stated in the preceding chapter, 1 was established — through Philip Melanchthon (1479—^60), and became a V^. prototype of the Gymnasien. We have also noted how three years later, in 1528, Melanchthon was likewise engaged by Luther's protector, Johann, Elector . 2 Saxony, to reorganize the schools of that state, and the plan he formulated was, after modifications, adopted in many other places. An account of the work of the humanist and reformer, Johann Sturm (1 507-1 589) at Strasburg, which, although on the basis of the decadent humanism, influenced all Europe, has likewise been given. 2 Bugenhagen. — Many other institutions and school 1 See p. 157. 2 See pp. 158-16*, IS8 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION systems, which have not been mentioned, were organized by the colleagues of Luther and Melanchthon. A noted humanist named Johann Bagenhagcn ( 1485-1558) was in 1520 attracted by Luther to Wittenberg, and three years later became professor of theology there. He had pre- viously taught in classical institutions, and from now on he was engaged in reorganizing the churches in the cities and states of northern Germany. In all these places, by his general ' church order ' to each, he made ample provision for schools. Through his order for Hamburg in i520,forinstance, he organized a single Latin school with a rector and seven teachers, together with a German school for boys and one for girls in every parish. The curriculum of the Latin school, which taught Latin, Greek, Hebrew, dialectic, rhetoric, mathematics, cate- chism, and singing, would seem to have been taken directly from the Lutheran pattern. Eight years after- ward the church order of Brunswick provided two classical schools, two vernacular schools for the boys, and four for the girls, so located in the city that all children could conveniently reach a school. Within half a dozen years, similar requirements were made in Liibeck, Minden, Gottingen, Soest, Bremen, Osnabriick, and other cities, and throughout some entire states of Germany, such as Holstein and Bugenhagen's native duchy of Pomerania; 1 and in 1537 the system of Hamburg was introduced into Denmark. ) Trotzendorf. — Another collaborator of Luther's, Val- entin Trotzendorf 2 (1490-1556), made some very striking improvements in his school at Goldberg, Silesia. He reorganized this school in 1531 on the basis of the ideas of his teacher, Melanchthon, and during the quarter of a century that he was rector, it became very famous as a humanistic and religious institution. The aim and course of study were practically those of the reformers, but, 1 From this duchy, Bugenhagen is sometimes called Pomeranus or Dr. Pommer. 2 His real name was Friedland, but he was born in the village of Trotzendorf. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF THE PROTESTANTS 1 89 in addition, he instituted a system of student government, after the plan of a Roman republic, which elected its own offi- cers. As an outgrowth of this organization, he resorted to a species of monitorial method in teaching. The stu- dents in the higher classes instructed the younger pupils, and were thus given a training to become regular teachers. Neander. — Michael Neander 1 (1525— 1595), another and by pupil of Melanchthon, likewise conducted a successful broad d hu- S Latin school after the plan of the reformers. He had manistk already obtained some experience in a Latin school, ^feid 1 al when, upon the recommendation of Melanchthon, he was at twenty-five made rector of the cloistral school at Ilfeld in the Harz. Neander found his life work in building up this institution. He formulated a course of study running from the sixth to the eighteenth year of the pupil, and by the nature of this curriculum, he showed himself more liberal and daring than any other Northern schoolmaster. He even ventured, at the height of humanism, to question why Greek and Latin should be taught at all, and showed his true humanistic spirit by adding history, geography, science, and music to the course, and by reforming the methods of teaching gram- mar, rhetoric, and dialectic. He was forced to make texts for his own needs, and although he never had any assistant, he found time to publish thirty-nine books and prepare the manuscripts for some fourteen more, This school was considered by Melanchthon the best in the country, and its pupils from the beginning occupied most important positions in Church and State. Those who entered the university took precedence of all who were prepared elsewhere. Causes of Zwingli's Revolt. — About the same time that Luther's breach with the Church was coming to a crisis, another successful, though less eventful, revolt was beginning in northern and central Switzerland under the leadership of Ulrich' 1 Zwingli (1 484-1 531). His 1 Neander is the Hellenized form of Neumann, which was his name originally. 1 Perhaps more properly written Huldreich. 190 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION reforms were more directly the result of Northern hu- manism than of any such serious personal and spiritual struggles as those of Luther. Zwingli was born in a wealthy family, and had been able to obtain the most complete education that the times afforded. Ke learned from Erasmus and others that there was little basis in the Bible for the traditional theology, and became him- self a deep student of essential Christianity as depicted in the New Testament. He read the accounts carefully in the original Greek, even committing the Epistles of Paul to memory, and began the study of Hebrew to get at the meaning of the Old Testament. After about a dozen years in the priesthood, he was chosen preacher for the Cathedral at Zurich, and in 15 19 began his at- tack upon the dogmas and abuses of the Church. He denounced the sale of indulgences, and had a friar who was selling them driven out of Zurich. As many of the towns of Switzerland, including Zurich, were, by an old agreement, allowed to administer their own religious affairs, Zwingli was able, by securing the support of the town, to bring about a fairly peaceful revolution. He gradually dropped one tradition or form of the Church after another, until, within five years, he had abolished even the celebration of the mass. In the matter of the eucharist he went much farther than Luther and held that the ordinance was simply a commemoration of Christ's atoning death. Luther, in consequence, refused Christian fellowship to Zwingli, but since many adopted the latter's position, another complication was intro- duced among the reformers. Zwingli's Educational Foundations and Treatise. — Zwingli made the extension of educatiomal facilities a part of his reform. He founded a number of humanistic institutions, and introduced elementary schools into Switzerland. In 1523 he published in Latin his Brief Treatise on the Christian Education of Youth, which he translated into the Swiss dialect the following year. l 1 The Latin title was Praeceptiones pauculae, quo paclo ingenui ado- lescentes formandi sunt, but as translated in the Swiss German it read EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF THE PROTESTANTS 1 91 In the plan outlined by this work, Zwingli arranged a systematic course on the Bible so that the material of the Gospels and Epistles was gradually developed. The classics and Hebrew were likewise advocated to bring out the true meaning of the Word. Similarly, he ad- vised the study of Nature, as revealing the handiwork of the Almighty, and inculcating reverence and love. From the practical turn of his temperament, which he had in common with most reformers, he was led to recommend arithmetic, surveying, and music, and to propose almost a Greek palaestral course in running, jumping, putting the shot, and even wrestling. The reforms of Zurich soon spread to the other towns, but were vigorously resisted with arms by the Catholic cantons, and, during the conflict that followed, Zwingli was slain at the battle of Kappel in the prime of life. His position was maintained by his successor in the cathedral, but his work was overshadowed and merged during the second generation of reformers in the more aggressive movement of Calvin* Causes of Calvin's Revolt. — Jeati Calvin *(i 509-1 564) was among the French Protestants who were forced to flee from the persecutions of the king, Francis I, in 1535. Protestantism in France had begun through the influence of Northern humanism and the study of the Greek Testament. As a result of the keener insight thus obtained, many of the traditional forms were re- jected, and a doctrine akin to the 'justification by faith ' was preached there even before the time of Luther. But the revolt which started at Wittenberg must also have had some effect upon Calvin. That reformer had received an excellent legal and theological education, and had naturally a logical and judicial mind of great strength. Consequently, he did not content himself Zwingli was slain in battle, and his move- ment was merged in that of Calvin. Calvin's re- volt grew out of the study of the Greek Testament. He was the first Protes- tant to undertake a positive sys- tem of theology. Leerbichlein ( i.e. Lehrbuchlein ) wie man die Knaben christlich unter- weysin und erziehen soil. See Schmid, Geschichte der Erziehung, Vol. X, pp. 695 ff. 1 Calvin is abbreviated from the Latinized form (Calvinus) of the original French, Cauvin. 192 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION At Geneva he worked out his the- ology, and established colltges, to the manage- ment of one of which he called Cor- derius. The theory of Corderius, as shown in his De Emendation* and Collo- quia. with merely attacking Catholic doctrine, but was the first Protestant to undertake a positive system of theology, formulating among other doctrines that of ' predestina- tion.' He based his position upon the infallibility of the Bible, rather than that of the pope and the Church. Calvin's Encouragement of Education, and the Work of Corderius. — The call of Calvin from Basel, where he had first settled after leaving France, to reorganize the civil and religious administration of the city of Geneva, gave him an excellent opportunity for working out his doctrines. While he was much engrossed in religious disputes, he established colleges at Geneva and elsewhere, and in other ways undertook to found schools and pro- mote education. He succeeded, too, in persuading his former teacher, Maturinus Corderius (i 479-1 564), 1 to come to Switzerland, and organize, administer, and teach "in the reformed colleges. From 1546 to 1559 Corderius managed the institution at Lausanne, and for the last five years of his life, although past eighty, he taught in the College de la Rive in Geneva under the headmaster- ship of another. From his two chief works, De Emenda- tione and Colloquia} we learn the character of the course he favored and obtain a vivid account of the life and methods of the schoolmaster and pupils in his day. Clearly the ideal for education with Corderius was the pietas literata ('learned piety') of Melanchthon, Sturm, and the other Northern humanists. In the De Emcn- datione, after stating his purpose of developing a good French and Latin style in the pupils, he expresses the desire " that youths not only may be stirred to speaking -Latin, but also # stimulated to the leading of a noble life. For we have interspersed in the whole of this little work, as the opportunity offered, a number of exhortations to live a pious and Christian life." A similar attempt at moral and religious training, while teaching Latin, is made in the conversations upon everyday topics in the Colloquia. From this work, too, we may infer that in 1 See pp. 143 f. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF THE PROTESTANTS 1 93 the Calvinist schools psalms were sung every day, public prayers were offered, selections from the Bible repeated, questions asked concerning the sermon, and other re- ligious exercises urged upon the pupils. The College at Geneva. — That humanistic and religious subjects made up the usual curriculum of the Calvinist colleges, we can easily perceive from the course of the College de la Rive at Geneva, which has been preserved to us in the 'constitution' of 1 559- 1 In the seven classes of this school the pupils first learned their letters and how to form syllables, then they were taught reading and grammar from the French-Latin catechism, and finally they studied Vergil, Cicero, Ovid, Caesar, Livy, and Latin composition. Greek was begun in the fourth year, and, beside such classical authors as Isocrates, Xenophon, Polybius, Homer, and Demosthenes, and the translation of Latin into Greek, they read the Gospels and Epistles in the original. In the higher classes, as in the other Reformation schools, they studied logic from such a text as Melanchthon's, rhetoric from the speeches of Cicero and Demosthenes, and elocution by the deliv- ery of two original orations each month. Spread of the Calvinist Education. — Colleges of the Calvinist type rapidly spread among the Huguenots of France, who by this means soon became far better edu- cated than the rest of their countrymen. Also as Geneva became, about the time of Calvin, a city of refuge for all the oppressed, Protestants from many countries im- bibed the religious and educational ideas of Calvin, and brought them back to their native lands. Thus Cal- vinism and a regard for a humanistic, religious, and universal education were carried not only through Switzerland, France, and Germany, but were taken up by the persecuted Netherlander^, the English Protes- tants of Mary's time, and the Scotch in the days of Mary, Queen of Scots, and, being also adopted by the English Puritans, found their way into America. The College de la Rive, its seven classes, and the human- istic and religious subjects taught in each. French, Ger- man, Dutch, English, and Scotch Protestants, fleeing to Geneva, bring back Calvinistic education with them. 1 See Woodward's Education during the Renaissance, pp. 158 ff. 194 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Knox and the Elementary Schools of Scotland. — But of all the men influenced by Calvin, probably his contem- porary, /tf/^z Knox (i $05-1572), who headed the religious revolt in Scotland, was the most forceful, and did the most important work for education. It was largely through him that the first free elementary schools were established in Scotland under the control of the parishes, and education was freed from its bondage to feudalism, ecclesiasticism, and royalty. These schools were to give instruction in reading, writing, and religion, with the Bible as text, and they have done a wonderful work in raising the level of intelligence and morality in Scot- land. 1 Through them, since they have not always stopped with elementary education, 2 the sons of even Scotch laborers and peasants have been able to rise to positions of the greatest dignity. Causes of Henry VIII's Revolt, — England also tended to break from the doctrines of the Church. This was somewhat the result of humanism, and possibly of the doctrines of Luther, 3 which had later spread into Eng- land, but the immediate cause of the breach was the attack made upon the Church by the king and govern- ment. Henry VIII (reigned 1 509-1 547), wanting a male heir, and being tired of his wife, attempted to secure a divorce through the pope. When the pope forbade his doing this, Henry took advantage of the independent political spirit of England and persuaded the country that the pope was interfering with their internal affairs. In 1533 the king induced Parliament to forbid all legal appeals to any authority outside the country, and then had his marriage set aside by the 1 In the matter of free elementary education, Scotland preceded Eng- land by more than two centuries. In England, until 1870, education was furnished almost entirely through endowed • grammar ' or ' public : schools, private schools, or institutions maintained by religious or philanthropic societies. 2 See pp. 199 f. 8 It is not unlikely that Lollardism also furnished a congenial soil for individuality in interpreting the Scriptures. While the Lollards as an organized sect no longer existed, the spirit of Wyclif was still abroad in the land. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF THE PROTESTANTS 1 95 subservient court of Archbishop Cranmer. He further had himself recognized as head of the national church, and was given the right by Parliament to appoint all bishops and to receive the payments that were formerly made by English ecclesiastics to the pope. The Effect of Royal Confiscations upon Education. — He also con- On the ground that the monks were practicing fraud monastic 16 and immorality, in 1536 Henry began to confiscate the lands monastic lands and property. Within a decade he sup- and s r en7 rty ' pressed over six hundred monasteries, ninety colleges, little of the twenty-three hundred free chapels, and one hundred education 1 " hospitals, and thereby secured an annual income of one His succe's- hundred and fifty thousand pounds. .About one half of ^ J£ w n a r t d the plunder thus secured Henry spent upon coast de- do 'much fenses and a new navy, and much of the remainder he better " distributed among his favorites and supporters. Very little of this money was spent for education, higher or secondary, to atone for the wholesale destruction of schools and colleges he had wrought. The effect upon education of the reign of his successor, Edward VI (1547-15 5 3), was very similar. 1 It was formerly sup- posed that this latter monarch used the income which he secured from the monastic and chantry foundations in the cause of education. Leach has, however, shown that " never was a great reputation more easily gained and less deserved than that of King Edward VI as a founder of schools." Elementary and secondary schools were old institutions in England, and did not begin with the Reformation. There were in existence from the time of the Middle Ages schools upon cathedral, monastic, col- legiate, hospital, gild, chantry, and independent foun- dations, and these were much more numerous before the Reformation than afterward. Prior to the reign of Henry VIII, even the smallest towns and villages would *The basis of Edward's action was, however, quite different. "At the very time Henry was dissolving the Chantries he was prosecuting people for not believing in Purgatory. The Parliament of the Protector Somerset placed their action on religious grounds. They dissolved the Chantries because they condemned the objects of the Chantries." See Leach, English Schools at the Reformation, pp. 65 ff. 196 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION seem to have had elementary schools, and no boy would need to go a great distance for a ' grammar ' school, whereas the small number of students at the close of the Reformation shows the effect of the legislation in the days of King Henry and his son. Some schools The Later Increase in Grammar Schools. — Of the des r tro°ed three hundred ' grammar ' schools that had probably anda y come down from the Middle Ages, however, some, by great many foe terms of the parliamentary acts, were not destroyed, others were \ J * J ~7 endowed by and popular sentiment caused others to be refoundea. during y the en And after the establishment of St. Paul's School by days of the Dean Colet, 1 the number of 'grammar' schools was and thefest ver y largely added to, though by the philanthropy of Stuarts. All wealthy men rather than out of the spoils of the monas- !he S cur d dc P u- ed teries - During the reign of Elizabeth (1 558-1603) and lumofthe of the first two Stuart kings (1603-1 649) these founda- hamanSm. tions were greatly increased by grants of land and money. All of these schools, largely following the ex- ample of St. Paul's, adopted the Northern ideals of humanism, 2 and furnished a curriculum of classics and religious training. The latter became based, of course, upon the teachings of the Church of England. These schools were intended to be open to rich and poor alike, an ideal, as has been shown, 3 that was afterward lost sight of, and it was hoped that every parish might soon have one of these schools, and furnish preparation for the university to all boys of intelligence. The Anglican The Puritans and Their Education. — Despite his radi- mained mid- ca ^ cnan g es in the administration of the Church, Henry way, and the VIII made few departures from the old doctrines. He to U form S thei d i ns i ste e be ave for maintaining the work of the order. He insisted suitably early that no Jesuit college should be located where andsCp d suitable provision could not be made for buildings and ported, equipment, support of the professors, and a steady at- tendance, or where the social and political conditions were unfavorable to freedom of action. These regula- tions were extended and made more definite by his successors, and the Jesuits have been widely known for the generous gifts and bequests that have come into their hands, and for their wisdom of administration. They have steadfastly opposed any tuition fee or any- thing else that might interfere with their securing the ablest recruits possible. Gratis accepistis, gratis date Tuition is ('freely ye have received, freely give') commanded the ^iauis" Constitution, 1 and while in some places colleges were tinctions founded especially for the nobility and princes, usually permitted! no social distinctions have been permitted, and the poor and lowly born have mingled indiscriminately with the aristocratic and wealthy. The Humanistic Curriculum of the Lower Colleges. — The course of study in the Jesuit colleges was the natural product of the period in which they were started. In the lower school the curriculum was originally of the -jf ^d^N humanistic and religious type, and seems to have been i ng cicero- somewhat modeled after that of the Hieronymian £^^'1832 schools, and may also have been influenced by the somemodern ideas of Sturm. 2 Their humanism, at any rate, soon J^ swere 1 Pars IV, Cap. VII, n. 3. 2 Some have claimed that Sturm copied the Jesuit system rather than 214 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION became of the narrower sort, and was limited largely to a drill in speaking and writing Ciceronian Latin. Ali study of the vernacular was forbidden, unless special permission was obtained from the provincial, and, ex- cept on a holiday, nothing but Latin coulcL ever__be spoken. The first three classes were devoted to a careful study of Latin grammar, and a little of Greek ; in the fourth year, ufiHer the name of hmnanitas, a number of the Greek and Latin poets and historians were read ; while the last class, to which two years were usually. given, took up a rhetorical study of the classical authors. Only slight variations in the curriculum were allowed after 1599, until 1832, when there was a re- vision by which a little work in mathematics, the natural sciences, history, and geography was added. However, the classics remain to-day the largest element of the stadia inferiora, and the course is still weighted with formalism. 1 Moral and Social Training. — The social, moral, and religious training has, however, from the first been con- sidered very important. Boarding colleges^ caj led Convictus, where the pupils could be constantly under the care of the Jesuit fathers, were established as early as the generalship of Laynez (1 556-1 565). In these institutions, Christian instruction, prayers, meditation, and all religious observances, such as daily mass and frequent confession, were in constant practice, and de- termined efforts were made to remove all vicious ten- dencies from the life of the youths. Moreover, the Jesuits, in spite of the formal character of their course, have shown themselves eminently wise and practical in worldly matters. Their pupils have ever been famous for their suavity and polished manners, and the facility the reverse. Probably both systems were the product of the times, and each affected the other. 1 This restriction, however, is not admitted by Hughes, who claims in his Loyola (p. 93) : " As the new sciences came into vogue, they received at once the freedom of this city of intellect; and here they received it first." THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 21 5 with which they handle Latin, once the medium of in- tercourse between nations. The Philosophical and Theological Courses in the Upper in the upper Colleges. — The curriculum of the upper colleges or conges universities of the Jesuits has regularly offered three a course 8 ^ 11 years in philosophy, followed by a theological education j^n^os" of six years. The training in ' philosophy ' now includes phy!" leading not only logic, metaphysics, psychology, ethics, and {^de^ree- natural theology, but also work in algebra, geometry, and a bourse trigonometry, analytics, calculus, and mechanics, and ie ad * eo |ofhe such natural sciences as physics, chemistry, geology, doctorate in astronomy, and physiology, together with outside elec- ^V 11 ?- tives. This philosophical course leads to the degree of Master of Arts, if the student passes successfully in a public examination upon all the subjects. After the course in philosophy, most of the Jesuits teach in the lower colleges five or six years, 1 while they are still in large sympathy with youth. In the ' theological ' course four years are devoted to a study of the Scriptures, Hebrew, and other Oriental languages that may throw light upon the Bible, together with church history, canon law, and electives, as well as theology proper. After this, there is offered a further training of two years, to review the work in philosophy and theology, and to prepare a thesis for public presentation. At the end of this course, the candidate for graduation defends his thesis and undergoes another public examination, and, if successful, is awarded the degree of Doctor of Divinity. The universities now also offer, in the place of theology, courses in law and medicine under faculties from out- side the order, and this professional work leads to, the appropriate degrees. Excellence of the Jesuit Teaching. — The methods of ah teachers teaching and the splendid qualification of the instructors carefully 6 were the most distinctive features of the Jesuit colleges, trained. When one considers how little attention had up to that time been given to the preparation of teachers, the 1 They ordinarily begin by teaching in the first class and advance reg- ularly through the entire six years. 216 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Instruction was imparted orally in the ' praelectio,' in which was given first the general meaning and then the detailed ex- planation. /To fix the subject in the mind, short hours and brief lessons were ^assigned, extent to which their system of pedagogy was from the first developed seems most remarkable. No one could become a teacher in the lower colleges who had not passed through the philosophical course and exhibited a singular degree of talent, while the professors. in the universities had to complete the theological course of six years. The 'Praelectio.' — Although Jesuits have written a number of textbooks, instruction in the colleges, higher and lower, was generally imparted by the teacher orally, and memorized in the case of the pupils in the second- ary work, or taken down in lecture notes by those in the universities. The form of instruction was the so- called prcelectio, which, in the subjects of the lower col- leges, meant an explanation of the passage being studied, or lectures upon the topic under consideration, in the case of the universities. This method of presenta- tion consisted in giving : first, the general meaning of the whole passage or proposition ; then, a more detailed explanation of the construction or the phraseology ; next, similar thoughts or expressions in the works of other poets, historians, or philosophers ; fourthly, infor- mational comment upon the history, geography, and manners and customs, or other ' erudition ' concerning the passage ; then a study of the rhetorical figures, and of the propriety and rhythm of the words ; and finally, the moral lesson to be drawn from the passage. Tendency toward Memorizing. — Such a method as this obviously implied an exceedingly careful preparation on the part of the teacher, and a reliance almost entirely upon memory by the student. In fact, the greatest stress was, from the very nature of the Jesuit ideals, placed upon memorizing, even to the exclusion of rea- soning. To fix~trie~~subjects firmly in the mind, short hours, few subjects, and brief lessons were found neces- sary. The lower colleges had a session of two hours and a half in the morning and two in the afternoon, and often a day's work was limited to three or four lines of a Latin author and was practically one continuous reci- month, and year. THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 217 tation. For this reason, too, the Ratio Stndiornm in- sists : pliiribus diebus fere singula prcecepta inculcanda sunt ('usually each rule must be impressed for several days'). They hoped by means of such brief assign- ments to keep the health of both master and pupil at its maximum, and produce a concentration of attention. Loyola himself, in his endeavor to make up for lost time in his education, had grasped at too many subjects. Suffering thereby both in health and achievement, from the first he decided to limit the number of subjects and the length of the lessons in the Jesuit schools, and to organize the work with an eye to economy of effort. Reviews. — Likewise, in the system of the Jesuits, re- and regular views were always systematic and frequent, and the he^each" motto of the Jesuit method was repetitio mater studiornm day, week (' repetition is the mother of studies '). Each day began with a review of the preceding day's work and closed with a review of the work just accomplished. Each week ended with a repetition of all that had been cov- ered in that time. The last month of every year re- viewed the course of the year, except in the three lowest classes, where the whole last half of the year was a repetition of the first half. 1 The students also obtained a complete review of the secondary course after their philosophical training by teaching in the studia infcriora, and the work in philosophy and theology was reviewed during the last two years of the theological course. Emulation as a Stimulus to Interest. — So, while the curriculum of the Jesuit colleges was not very broad in scope, it was most thorough and systematic. However, because of the emphasis upon memorizing, it would be difficult to account for the amount of interest displayed by the pupils of the Jesuits and the pleasantness of their schools, were it not for some other features of their methods whereby an indirect interest is aroused. The chief element in this borrowed interest comes from emu- 1 The brightest boys could, on that account, be advanced every half- year and could accomplish the work of all three grades in eighteen months. 218 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION lation. As Ribadeneira, the friend and biographer of Loyola, tells us : — " Many means are devised, and exercises employed, to stimulate the minds of the young, — assiduous disputation, various trials of genius, prizes offered for excellence in talent and industry. These prerogatives and testimonies of virtue vehemently arouse the mind of the students, awake them even when sleeping, and when they are aroused and running on with a good will, impel them and spur them on faster." x Among the devices used to promote this rivalry was the appointment of the most able and responsible pupils as decuriones. These student officers, after reciting the lesson themselves to the teacher, heard the others in groups known as decurics ('squads'). Besides this stimulus, the pupils were arranged in pairs as csmuli ('rivals '), whose business it was to check on the conduct and studies of each other, and thus keep up their interest and energy. In addition to this constant rivalry of individuals, public disputationcs between two sides were engaged in each week. The sides were sometimes known as 'Rome' and 'Carthage,' and much zest was shown in the work. From the lowest classes upward the form of ' disputation ' called concertatio was employed. This consisted in a debate upon the grammatical, rhe- torical, poetical, and historical features of the lesson. Usually the prefects and teachers served as judges, and prizes and half holidays were awarded the victorious side or any one who especially distinguished himself. Simi- larly, discussions of a higher type upon humanistic, dia- lectic, and philosophical subjects were conducted by the more brilliant students in voluntary societies known as academics. Poems, speeches, dialogues, and declama- tions all formed part of the program, and membership in these associations was a much coveted honor. Infrequency of Corporal Punishment. — In this way, despite the ever present authority and the tremendous memory grind, the Jesuit schools had little occasion to appeal to corporal punishment or severe discipline 1 Bollandists, July, tome VII, nn. 376-377. THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 219 They showed a decided advance over the harshness of- flicted, it was their times. The pupils even in the early days were outsfde^he 16 led and not driven, and the Jesuits were masters of order, and kindness and tact. In the sixteenth century, Bader, checkupon the Provincial of Upper Germany, said : — bad conduct. " Let not the Prefects consider their authority to consist in this, that the students are on hand in obedience to their nod, their every word, or their very look ; but in this, that the boys love them, ap- proach them with confidence, and make their difficulties known. . . . The pupils should be led to see that penalties are necessary and are prompted by affection ; and let it be the most grievous rebuke or penalty for them to know that they have offended the Prefect." Occasionally a corrector, usually from outside the or- der, had to be engaged for some of the more refractory pupils, but even in that case punishment was never in- flicted for poor standing in studies, but only as a check upon bad conduct. Estimate of the Jesuit Schools. — The Jesuit educa- The Jesuit tion, then, seems to have been in advance of that in ^sTste" most schools at the time of its foundation. It had the matic and advantage of being organized upon a systematic and {h^teafhers thorough basis, and was administered by a set of splen- were well didly trained teachers through the best methods that | n a e l "ch ools were known in that day. The schools were interesting were interest- and pleasant, and were open without money and without plf^m and price to all who had the ability and desire for that type tin- Jesuits of education. The Jesuits, too, were devoted to their %^j£ voted duty, and were wedded to their ideals of self-denial, poverty, obedience, and fealty to the pope. They were indefatigable in their efforts to advance mankind spirit- ually and intellectually, and to promote the cause of Catholicism. The chief criticism that might be made of their schools rests in their insistence upon absolute authority and^ the consequent opposition to indi vidua lity. The Jesuits consistently observed the caution" of the Ratid Studioruni : — "Also in things which contain no danger for creed and faith, nobody shall introduce new questions on any important topic, nor 220 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION But the Jesuits held to authority, memorizing, rivalry, pas- sivity, and opposition to investigation. The schools grew tremen- dously and spread throughout the world, and the Jesuits trained most of the great minds of the period. an opinion, without sufficient authority or without permission of his superiors ; nor shall any one teach anything against the doctrines of the Church Fathers and the commonly accepted system of school doctrines ; but everybody shall follow the approved teachers and the doctrines accepted and taught in Catholic academies."' With such an ideal, it would be impossible to develop education in keeping with the varying spirit and de- mands of the times, and if progress is held to be in any measure dependent upon the toleration of individual- ism, the Jesuit system of courses, subjects, and methods would seem to have been too uniform and fixed. It de- pended very largely upon memory and appeal to inter- est through a system of rivalry, honors, and rewards. It cultivated a passive and reproductive attitude in the pupil, and, while there were always some scientists and thinkers among the Jesuits, their course of study logi- cally tended to discourage investigation and independence. The results of such an education are likely to incline toward the stereotyped and mechanical. Effects of the Jesuit Education. — Nevertheless, the Jesuits furnished the most effective education during the latter half of the sixteenth, the entire seventeenth, and the early part of the eighteenth, centuries. The growth of their schools was phenomenal. When Loyola died, although he had at first thought of limiting the order to sixty members, there were already one hundred colleges, and the Jesuit educators had penetrated Ire- land, Scotland, Hindustan, Japan, China, and Abyssinia, as well as Europe. Under Acquaviva the number of colleges and universities had grown to be three hundred and seventy-two, and a century and a half after the death of Loyola, there were seven hundred and sixty- nine institutions spread throughout the world. The lowest number of students in attendance at any of these colleges during the seventeenth century was about three hundred, and in several of the larger centers there were between one and two thousand. Paris had nearly fourteen thousand at the fourteen colleges within its borders, and the college at Clermont is said to have run THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 221 up to three thousand. At a modest estimate, there must have been some two hundred thousand students in the Jesuit colleges, when the education of the order was at its height. Hence it came about that the Jesuits trained most of the great minds of the times, Protestant as well as Catholic. The graduates of their schools seem to have become prominent in every important activity of life. Nearly three thousand noted authors in all countries, including such men as Tasso, Calderon, Corneille, Moliere, Bossuet, and Diderot, were pupils of the Jesuits ; and they everywhere trained men of affairs, like the noted general and statesman, Don Juan of Austria, General Tilly, Cardinal Richelieu, and the Due de Luxembourg, marshal of France. / By the middle of the eighteenth century, however, the But they ideals and content of education were/greatly changed, ^aifethe and the Jesuits failed to change their course so as to content of meet the new conditions. As a result, the training, being ^JJmpS a n achronis tic, came to lack efficiency. Moreover, the with the Jesuits them selves, Vho had at first rejected all prefer- c^'^"^] ment or influence in the Church or State, had become efficiency, powerful and ambitious. They deteriorated into a great ^ted into political machine, and interpreted their abbreviated motto, a political • A. M. D. G., ad maiorem Dei gloriam (' for the greater machine - glory of God'), as meaning the advancement of the Church and the interests of their own order. While it is not likely that they went so far as always to claim that "the end justifies the means," or indulged systematically in the other forms of casuistry of which they have been accused, their ethical ideals certainly became less strict. They seem to have been indulgent toward many forms of moral abuse when committed in the interest of the order, and they quarreled frequently and arbitrarily with different bishops, governments, and universities, and with the Dominicans and other monastic orders. Finally, after they had been banished from nearly every country of Europe, in 1773 the pope himself, Clement XIV, "recognizing that the members of this society have not a little troubled the Christian commonwealth, A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Subsequent orders were influenced to make edu- cation part of their work. The Orato- rians became a teaching order in France in 1611. and that for the welfare of Christendom, it were better that the order should disappear," dissolved the Society of Jesus. The individual members became missionaries or settled down individually as educators in the various dioceses. Forty years later the order was restored by Pius VII, but, owing to the development of educational ideals and organization, their work has never since be- come relatively as effective or held as important a place in education. One important result of the Jesuit interest in educa- tion and of their care in crystallizing their ideas in in- stitutions is the effect they have had upon subsequent orders in making education an integral part of their work. The DominicansTandTlri a~less degree~~ftr5~ J Fra.n- ciscahs, had given some attention to education, but they had sought to make their influence felt through the existing schools and universities, and had not spread institutions of their own throughout the world. But after the foundation of the Jesuits, education of the diffusive sort became the rule with the orders, and was adopted by the Oratorians, Jansenists, Piarists, Christian Brothers, the Protestant Pietists, and many other reli- gious societies. yj The Establishment and Results of the Oratorian Schools. — However, some of the later teaching orders organized within the Catholic Church were quite opposed in their education to the Jesuit principles of absolute authority and memorizing. Of these the earliest was the Oratory of Jesus, which held to the rationalistic philosophy of Descartes, and advocated the primacy of reason rather than memory. It had been started in Italy 2 during the sixteenth century as a monastic order, though with no vows beyond those of the secular priesthood, but in 161 1 an independent organization was, through Pierre (later Cardinal) de Berulle, effected in France, where it became a teaching order. Its members established a 1 The founder was St. Philip Neri. The order took on a new life in England during the nineteenth century through (Cardinal) John Henry Newman. THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 223 set of secondary schools, and devoted themselves to the training of parish priests. The Oratorians, therefore, departed from the somewhat mechanical and ostentatious training of the Jesuits, and were much nearer the deeper education of the Port Royalists, to whom they became very friendly. Their course permitted a greater liberty and latitude on the theological side than did that of the Jesuits, and they emphasized the vernacular, modern languages, history, geography, natural sciences, and philosophy. In consequence of the interest aroused in this subject matter, the Oratorians found little need in their instruction of resorting to corporal punishment, and believed that praise, threats, and rewards furnished sufficient means of discipline. While the Oratorians naturally came under the suspi- cion of the Jesuits and others who held to authority and the traditional curriculum, they were, from the first, very successful in their educational work. Almost immediately they had a large number of schools under their control, including the well-known college at Jui£Ly, founded in 1638. Many noted teachers also camefrom this organization. Such were Lamy, who published a Treatise on the Sciences in 1683, Thomassin, who, dur- ing the years 1681-1690, produced a series of MetJwds for the study of languages, literature, and philosophy. Among other members of the order were Malebranche, Mascaron, Massillon, Lecointe, and Lelong. When the Jesuits were disbanded in 1773, the Oratorians obtained charge of secondary education in France, and while they were themselves dissolved later, they were reor- ganized in 1852, and have always been of some impor- tance as an educational order. The Jansenists and Their Doctrines. — Another teach- ing congregation within the Church, much more opposed to the principles of the Jesuits, was that known as the fansenists, or Gentlemen of Port Royal. The doctrines of this order were formulated in 162 1 by Cornelius Jan- sen ( 1 585-1638), a professor in the University- of Louvain and afterward Bishop of Ypres, but were more sedu- They empha- sized the ver< nacular, modern lan- guages, history, geography,., natural sciences, and philosophy. , They had a number of schools under their control, and educated many noted teachers. 224 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION The Jansen- ists adopted the philos- ophy of Des- cartes, but held to the natural cor- ruption of humanity. They, there- fore, founded ' little schools ' at Port Royal and else- where, to possible. lously propagated throughout France by his friend, Jean Duvergier de Hauranne (i 581-1643), more often called by the name of his monastery, ' Saint-Cyran.' In France, the Cistercian convent of Port Royal des Champs at Chevreuse near Versailles became known as the center of Jansenism. 1 While this order was bitterly condemned by the Jesuits and occasionally pronounced against by various popes, the members persisted in calling them- selves Catholics and for about a century succeeded in doing their work within the Church. They were oppose 1, however, to the prevailing doctrines of penance and confession, and, appealing, as Luther had, to the Scrip- tures and St. Augustine, they professed to be bringing the Church back to its original principles. Like the Oratorians, they had adopted the philosophy of Descartes and held to the development of reason. They were also not unlike Calvin in denying the freedom of the will and claiming that only a few can be saved. Hu- manity was regarded by them as naturally corrupt, ex- cept as it is properly watched and guided. Evil, they felt, could be eliminated only by moral and religious, not to say ascetic, surroundings. The « Little Schools ' of the Port Royalists. — Because of this harsh and rather pessimistic belief, they desired to increase the number of the elect by removing what few children they could from the temptations of the world and suitably preparing them to resist the assaults of the devil. In 1643 they started a school on this basis in the convent at Port Royal, which had been vacated by the nuns, and similar institutions quickly sprang ap in the vicinity and then spread through Paris. With the idea of carrying out their purpose of careful over- sight, these schools usually took only twenty to twenty- five pupils, and each master had under him five onsix boys whom he never allowed out of his immedia ;u-^ 1 This was partly due to the influence of its abbess, Mere Angelique, who was a sister of Antoine Arnauld, professor of theology at the Sor- bonne and an ardent Jansenist, and partly to Saint-Cyran himself, who war spiritual adviser to the Cistercian nuns of Port Royal. THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 225 pervision day or night. 1 For this reason, and in order that they might not seem to be competing with the uni- versities, as the Jesuits were, the Port Royalists called their institutions petites ecoles (' little schools'). They took in children at nine or ten, before they could be seriously contaminated, and usually kept them through the impressionable period of adolescence. From the beginning, however, Saint-Cyran made it understood : " If the children turned out intractable and unwilling to submit j the discipline under which^I wished them to live in this house, it should be in my power to dismiss them without those from whom I had received them bearing me any ill-will for it.*' The Port Royal Curriculum and Texts. — Since the Reason, Port Royalists held that character was of more impor- ^emorv^was tance than knowledge, and~reason was to be developed developed; rather than memory, these ' little schools ' sought to ^ ^f *" r _ impart an education that should be sound and lasting nacuiar, rather than brilliant and superficial. Unlike the Jesuits ^^J 1 and other educators of the times, they did not start the Greek children with Latin, but with the vernacular, since this Indium* 6 was within their comprehension. As, however, French French, and contained no literature suitable to pupils of an early age, andgeometry translations of Latin works, after proper modification to train the and editing, were put in the hands of the children. The pupils read versions of the Fables of Phaedrus, the Comedies of Terence, and the Letters of Cicero, and thus obtained a pleasant introduction to literature. As soon as they possessed a feeling for good works and desired to read them, they began the study of Latin through a minimum grammar written in French, and soon took up the Latin authors themselves, rendering them into the vernacular. Greek literature was treated in similar fashion. In order that the reason might be trained, the older pupils were also taught logic and geometry. The course of study, however, was mostly literary, and had 1 In discussing the origin of the first 'little school,' Saint-Cyran tells us : " I only intended to build it for six children, whom I would have l chosen throughout the city of Paris, as it might please God that I should i meet with them." reason. 226 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION The Port Royal Gram- mar, the Port Royal Logic, and the Elements of Geometry. Reading was taught pho- netically. no regard for science or original investigation. It paid little attention to physical training. Port Royal sought to present the education of the past most effectively, but did not see beyond it. The textbooks of the ' little schools ' seem to have been largely written by Antoine Arnauld (1612-1694). 1 The Port Royal Grammar was produced by him with the aid of Claude Lancelot (161 5- 1695), while Pierre Nicole (1625-1695) collaborated with him on the Port Royal Logic, which was for the most part a polemic in favor of Descartes' principles against the scholastic type of philosophy. He also wrote an Elements of Geometry, which so pleased Blaise Pascal (1623-1662) that he abandoned a similar work of his own. The Phonetic Method, the Neglect of Emulation, and the Spirit of Piety. — The methods of the Port Royal schools introduced innovations as striking as their cur* riculum. They departed from the usual plan of teaoif* ing their pupils to read by means of the alphabet and spelling, and declared : — "It seems, then, that the most natural way would be, that those who are teaching to read should, at first, only teach the children to know their letters by their value in pronunciation ; and that thus, to teach to read in Latin, for example, they should give the same name e to simple e, ae, and oe, because they are pronounced in the same way ; and the same to i and y ; and also to and an, as they are now pronounced in France. Let the consonants also only be named by their natural sound, simply adding e mute, which is necessary in order to pronounce them. Let those which have several sounds, as c, g, t, and s, be named by the most natural and usual sound. And then they would be taught to pronounce separately, and without spelling, the syllables, ce, ci,ge, tia,tie, and Hi. These are the most general observations on this new method of teaching to read.'" This idea had been originated by Pascal and intro- duced at Port Royal through his younger sister, Jacque- line, who was in charge of the girls there. It was included by Arnauld and Lancelot in their grammar, from which the quotation above is taken. Quite as revolutionary as this phonetic method in 1 See footnote on p. 224. THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 227 reading was the refusal of the Port Royalists to permit No rivalry the use of emulation and prizes in their schools. They n* t s te p d er and rightly claimed that such an interest is extrinsic, and the schools that the only true rival of any pupil is his own higher garnestne 6 self, but their exclusion of rivalry resulted, on the whole, and pleasant- in in difference, and laggin g attention. They were never f^j° fthe able to secure the enefgyT-earnestness, and pleasing colleges, environment of the Jesuit colleges. They did, however, piety was succeed in inculcating a general spirit of piety without cul * ivated the formal teaching of either doctrine or morals. They in g formally held that piety comes rather through atmosphere and tau s ht - surroundings than by direct instruction. Saint-Cyran thought no pains too great to secure pious and fitting teachers, and when obtained, he enjoined them "to speak little, put up with much, pray still more." The Closing of the 'Little Schools. » — The 'little The Jesuits schools' of the Port Royalists were allowed to exist but f^j^xivto for a brief while. The first one was not opened until 1643, ciosertie and by 1661 they were all closed by the order of Louis p on Royalist tr-i-iT 1 1 1 • n r .i t 1 -r. , • schools, and XIV through the influence of the Jesuits. 1 But this thereby victory of the Jesuits cost them more dearly than any ^^1°^^ defeat they ever sustained. Not only did it lose them sympathy, but it gave the Jansenists occasion and oppor- tunity to issue tracts against Jesuitism that have given it unpleasant notoriety ever since. The Lettres Provin- ciales^ Provincial Letters ') and the Pense'es (' Thoughts ') of Pascal have proved the most terrible arraignment the Jesuits have ever received. While the Gentlemen of Port Royal were thus forced The Port to cease their formal work as schoolmasters, they be- theTblcame came educators in a larger sense, and produced a great educators in variety of writings upon their system of thought and ^^rotT^ training. Besides the textbooks already mentioned, manytrea- Arnauld published the Regulation of Studies in the Sucation. Humanities, which describes the literary instruction of the Port Royalists after some modification as the result of experience. Lancelot also published his Methods for 1 See Cadet, Port Royal Education, pp. 58 ff., for a discussion of the jealousy of the Jesuits. 228 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Rollin and his Treatise on Studies. ' Catechism ' schools, the Piarists, and the Brethren of St. Charles. the study of language, literature, and philosophy ; and Nicole, by whose works Madame de Sevigne was so largely influenced, contributed The Education of a Prince. Varet wrote a work on Christian Education. Coustel produced his Rules for the Education of Chil- dren, and many other Jansenists of the time- published treatises embodying the Port Royal education. The Jansenistic principles were also applied to the education of women by Jacqueline Pascal, who had written out The Regulations for the Girls' School at Port Royal. Later on Charles Rollin (1661-1741), who had twice been rector of r the University of Paris, summarized in his Traite' des Etudes ('Treatise on Studies') the reforms that had been wrought in the university and the lower schools through replacing the formal and dogmatic edu- cation of the Jesuits with the Jansenistic methods and rational philosophy. Thus, although their schools had to be abandoned, the Port Royalists^ continued to teach /by means of messages to the people v at large, and their Inew ideas upon classical and literary education have affected France and many other countries ever since that time. La Salle and the Christian Brethren. — The Jansenists and Oratorians were, however, like the Jesuits, engrossed with secondary and higher education, and gave little heed to the education of all the people in the rudiments. The Protestants, it has been seen, began early to be interested in universal elementary education, and during the seventeenth century many Protestant countries es- tablished systems of elementary schools. 1 But not much was undertaken by the Catholics until toward the close of the century, although a few attempts were made be- fore this. There were 'catechism' schools founded at the churches; the Council of Trent indorsed them, and the great Jesuit, Canisius, wrote a manual for their especial use. More noteworthy was the organization started by the order known as Patres Pitri-um Scholarum (' Fathers of the Pious Schools'), or Piarists, which was 1 See pp. 197-200. THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 229 founded at Rome in 161 7 by Jose Calasanzio, and authorized by Pope Gregory XV in 1621, for affording a public education in religion and the rudiments ; and that of the Congregation of the Brethren of St. Charles, organized at Lyons in 1666 by Charles Demia for the elementary instruction of poor children. But, upon the whole, little advance was made. The few elementary schools that had come into existence were weakened by quarrels of the authorities, the teachers were often with- out intellect or moral fitness, and the curriculum was not clearly distinguished from that of the secondary schools. H o we ver, in 1 684, Jean Baptiste de la Salle ( 1 6 5 1 - 1 7 1 9 ), La Salle probably influenced somewhat by the example of Demia, christian** 5 founded the Institute of the Brethren of the Christian Brethren to Schools} This order was destined, with little or no ^jj* ele " resources, to do almost as large a work for elementary schools, education in France and other Catholic countries as the Jesuits did for secondary training. But owing to the determined opposition of the clergy, and the teachers of the schools already established, the Christian Brethren were not recognized by the pope until nearly forty years after their organization. The Religious and Repressive Aim of La Salle. — La LaSaiiewas Salle was a priest with a delicate constitution, but an ascetic and almost superhuman energy and consecration. 2 He had secured his own education only by a most heroic strug- gle, and turned his attention to the instruction of the poor with unabated zeal. He became intensely devout and ascetic, and made his life one of constant self-sacri- fice and devotion to the education of the lowly. The Rule of his society declared : — "The spirit of the Institute consists in a burning zeal for the instruction of children, that they may be brought up in the fear and 1 " For a name they chose that of ' Freres des Ecoles Chretiennes,' Brothers of Christian Schools, which was probably soon abbreviated into the well-known title of ' Freres Chretiens,' or Christian Brothers, so famil- iar to us." See Wilson, The Christian Brothers, Chap. VII. 2 English readers will find an interesting and sympathetic account of La Salle's life in Wilson, op. cit., Chaps. II-III, VI-IX, and XII- XVII. 230 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION love of God, and led to preserve their innocence where they have not already lost it ; to keep them from sin, and to instil into their minds a great horror of evil, and everything that might rob them of their purity. In order to maintain and abide in this spirit, the Brothers of the Society shall labor continually by prayer, by teach- ing, by vigilance, and by their own good example in the school, to promote the salvation of the children entrusted to them by bringing them up in a truly Christian spirit, that is to say, according to the rules of the Holy Gospel." The religious and repressive nature of his educational aim was evident everywhere in his schools. There was scarcely a moment in the day when some of the pupils were not kneeling in prayer, and mass, confession, spirit- ual reading, and sacred singing were also practiced at all hours ; * and both teacher and pupils were required always to be quiet in their actions. In order that the necessity of speaking might be removed as far as pos- sible, La Salle invented a system of signs, and in other ways endeavored to suppress all noif~ and restrain every evidence of freedom. This Was, of course, out of keeping with the best possibilities for progress, but was a natural reaction from the noisy schools of the times. The Institutions of the Christian Brethren and The Conduct of Schools. — The first school of this type was established by La Salle himself at Rheims in 1679, before the foundation of the order. A decade later, under the Christian Brothers, schools of this type soon spread through Paris and the rest of France. In 1685, in order to secure suitable teachers, he opened a seminary for schoolmasters at Rheims, and a little later also one at Paris, with which he connected a practice school. These normal schools likewise spread to different centers. In addition, he founded a technical school for boys at St. Yon, near Rouen, and another at Paris, and this type of instruction also increased rapidly. In all these schools of the Christian Brothers, tuition was free. 1 Mrs. Wilson outlines the time-table of the school day on pages 129- 131 of The Christian Brothers. Four hours would seem to be allotted to prayer and religious exercises, and probably six hours more on Sunday were given to Divine service and catechetical study. THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 23 1 The plan of the elementary schools of the order was worked out during the first generation of their existence, and was crystallized in a system of definite rules. This Conduct of was published in 1720, 1 under the title of Conduite a Sch .°° ls de- V usage des Ecoles Chretiennes, and is usually known in plan of the English as the Conduct of Schools. The code was quite order - as uniform and repressive as the Ratio Studioruni of the Jesuits, but changes and revisions, to adapt the rules to the spirit of the times, have been more often allowed. The Curriculum, Method, and Discipline of the Ele- Training in mentary Schools. — The course of study in the schools JJjjJU' 00 ' 1 of the Christian Brethren was generally limited to the reading, writ- rudiments. A training in religion, good manners, 2 read- a"fthmetic ing, writing, and- arithmetic made up the main curric- ulum. A little elementary Latin, however, was taught in the higher grades through the medium of the ver- nacular, as in the Port Royal schools. The technical Manual schools furnished, besides, work in manual training and tramm s- in industrial and commercial pursuits. From the beginning, the Christian Brothers taught The'simul- by the 'simultaneous ' method. By this was meant the tan f, ou ?' ,. . . r . J , ,. method. division of the school into classes rather than the in- struction of' each pupil individually. This seems a per- fectly natural procedure now, but at that time, when even the Jesuit masters had each pupil recite separately, it was a great advance in educational economy. The normal schools started by La Salle 'also contrib- improve- uted much to advancing the efficiency of teaching. For j^cners. the first time, teachers of ability and training were made possible for the elementary schools. According to an account of f he times, 3 the elementary teachers just before La Salle's day consisted of sextons, retired soldiers, inn- keepers, old-clothes men, wig-makers, masons, cooks, and 1 La Salle must have drawn up the Conduct about 1695, but after ret i r ' ing from the headship of the order, he revised it carefully, and it was printed fur the first time the year after his death. 2 La Salle considered a training in politeness so important for Christian culture, that he wrote a special manual for his schools called Les Regies de la Bienscance el de la Civilite Chretienne. 8 See Victor Plessier, Histoire d'une A cole Gratuite. JSLk 232 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION others who had failed in their own employment, and ignorance and immorality alike were characteristic of the class. Contrasted with such persons, it can be seen how superior were the teachers in La Salle's schools. Mechanical, Nevertheless, the ' simultaneous ' method soon became memoriter, mechanical, memoriter. and repressive, and resulted in a and repres- . . . . r r .. sive methods, lack oi incentive on the part of the pupil, in conse- and the ferule q uence interest and control had to be secured by means and rod and * ' i • 1 espionage. of frequent penances and severe corporal punishment. Reprimand was occasionally used, and even expulsion, although only as a last resort. The official instruments of correction — the ferule and the rod — are carefully described in the second part of the Conduct of Studies, which treats of discipline. Here also are specified the exact offenses that are to be punished, and the number of blows to be administered for each misdeed. Espio- nage and tale-bearing likewise had \q be encouraged for the maintenance of order. Rapid The Educational Results of the Christian Brothers. — fpre^d of n the The schools of the Christian Brothers, however, met with Christian a rapid growth. By the time of La Salle's death, the num- fchoo?s S and ^er °^ nouses belonging to the brethren had grown to be the extension twenty-seven and the membership of the society had be- scJpe' 1, come two hundred and seventy-four. Before the close of the eighteenth century, there had been a further in- crease to one hundred and twenty-two schools and over eight hundred brothers, so that facilities were furnished for thirty-six thousand pupils. During the nineteenth century, in spite of vicissitude and persecution, the brethren and their institutions were diffused over all the states of Europe and America, amid Catholics and Prot- estants alike, and the scope of their labors and instruc- tion was very greatly extended. While great changes in the curriculum and method of these schools have taken place from time to time, they are still predomi- nantly ascetic in their tone. There is, nevertheless, much to admire in the history and system of the Christian Brothers and in the wonderful work they have done for elementary education among the Catholics. THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 233 Catholic Education of Girls. — Likewise, before the close of the seventeenth century, some attempt was made by Catholic writers and educators to provide for the training of women, but the suggestions made were generally conservative and unsatisfactory. TLven/acqite- Austere line Pascal (162 5-1 661) in her Regulations seems to w th °ei!ne f have been very austere and to have applied the Port Pascal; Royal methods to the education of girls in a much less satisfactory way than did the writers on the training of boys. 1 The Letters of the Marquise de Sevigne 2 ( 1626- the Letters of 1696) to her daughter show that she was much inter- soigne? de ested in education, but she formulated no definite system, and the in- The educational work of the Marquise de Maintenon MaSjufcede (163 5-1 7 19), who bore such an intimate relation to Maintenon Louis XIV, was likewise unfruitful. While at first atSt - c y r - breaking from the convent idea in the school she had founded at St. Cyr, and endeavoring to give a fairly broad and literary course, she later reverted to the as- cetic ideal, although it was tempered by her desire to fit the girls for society and motherhood, as well as for the veil. Her Letters and Conversations on the Education of Girls and her Counsels to Young Women Who Enter Society, however, are filled with good sense and sound pedagogy. The Educational Aim, Course, and Method of Fenelon. — Fenelon These works were probably produced while the mar- ^J^"^ 1 */ quise was under the influence of Francois Fe'nelon 3 Girls that (1651-1715), who was one of the greatest theorists that b h e ^ d s u h c ° a ^ d d has ever dealt with the education of .women. His writ- for real ings have not only been read by Catholics of the time but by persons of all sects in every age. In his De impulses V Education des Filles ( ' On the Education of Girls ' ) Fenelon holds : repressed " Women, as a rule, have still weaker and more inquisitive minds than men ; therefore it is not expedient to engage them in studies 1 See p. 228. 2 The Letters of Madame de Sevigne have been excellently translated and edited by Mrs. S. J. Hale (Boston, 1878). 3 This was the name of the family estate; Fenelon's own name was Francois de Salignac de la Motte. duties, and that their should not be altogether 234 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION that may turn their heads. . . . Their bodies as well as their mind? are less strong and robust than those of men. As a compensation, nature has given them for their portion neatness, industry, and thrift, in order to keep them quietly occupied in their homes. But what follows from this natural weakness of women? The weaker they are. the more important it is to strengthen them. Have they not duties to fulfill, and duties, too, that lie at the foundation of all life? . . . We must consider, besides the good that women do if properly brought up, the evil they may cause in the world when they lack a training that inspires virtue. 1 ' Girls should, therefore, from earliest infancy, be trained for real duties in a real world. Their natural impulses should not be altogether repressed, as in the convent education of the times, but only directed. He emphasizes the objective method, and bases it upon the instinct of curiosity, and attempts to make study agreeable. All instruction, both intellectual and moral, he holds, should be given indirectly, and to that end, he believes in making use of fables and dialogues. Later, when he became tutor to the grandson of Louis XIV, he wrote collections of Fables, Dialogues des Morts ( ' Dia- logues of the Dead '), and his famous Aventures de Tele'- tnaque ('Adventures of Telemachus : ), and in other ways tried to carry his theories of informal education into effect. 1 Results of Fenelon's Theories. — However, Fenelon's works were in singular contrast to the constraint of the Catholic teaching orders and schools of the period. They had little influence upon the education of women at the time, except perhaps temporarily upon the school at St. Cyr. Even the Convent of New Catholics, of which Fenelon himself was the Superior at the time of producing his chief educational work, was a school for the education of women and girls proselyted from Protestantism, and was dogmatic and ascetic in character. In fact, Fenelon's own educational practice is in keep- 1 Fenelon's training of this young duke of Burgundy was most suc- cessful. The prince has been described as "terrible from his birth, pas- sionate, vindictive, and even cruel by nature." Fenelon, however, discovered the right modes of appeal, and soon made " another man of him and changed such fearful faults into contrary virtues." THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 235 ing with that of his day, and he took an active part in the Catholic reaction that had been begun by the Jesuits a century and a half before. He was a man of char- acter and thoroughly amiable, but he held it his duty to force a universal acceptance of Catholicism throughout France. He and Madame de Maintenon were among those who persuaded the king in 1685 to revoke the toleration that had been granted by the Edict of Nantes for nearly a century. Such, however, was the sentiment of the times that even the most liberal Catholics, like Madame de Sevigne, rejoiced at the establishment of religious unity, and Fenelon was rewarded for his loy- alty and zeal by appointment to the archbishopric of Cambrai. The Religious and Repressive Aim of Catholic Edu- Catholic cation. — It is now obvious that the aim of the Catholic 2J° n a education had reverted to its old position. Its object training in became, in general, the training of youth in religious authc°rity and observances and in submission to the authority of the and opposed Catholic Church. To this ideal was added the purpose ^de* 3 of ridding the world of the dangerous heresies of Prot- estantism. Reason was held, except by the Jansenists and Oratorians, who did not exert much influence, to be out of place and to be utterly unreliable as a guide In education and life* But the religious conception of edu- cation was held by the Protestants in common with the Catholics, and as' the Protestant creeds became more fixed, dogmatic, and suspicious of reason, there was little difference in principle'between the educational positions of the two great religious parties. The Organization of the Catholic Schools and Universi- Few ties. — The Protestants, however, had found it wise to place the support and control of education. in the hands of the princes and the State. They could no longer edu^atVon 7 leave it, as the Catholics did, absolutely to the Church, at public which was a sort of state within the State. Owing to ex P ense - this secular control and their position on"universal intel- ligence, the Protestants had generally established state school systems and held to the duty of providing stances in Catholic states of 236 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION and requiring elementary education at public expense. Of this the Catholics, from their different administra- tion of the schools and their different conception of re- ligion, did not in general see the necessity, although the Christian Brothers and others undertook a great work in this direction, and Duke Albrecht V of Bavaria actually ordered throughout his state the establishment of 'Ger- man ' schools with instruction in reading, writing, and the Catholic creed. In secondary and higher education the Jesuits fur- nished the most thorough and well-organized schools for all countries, but here, too, the subordination of the in- dividual to authority and the Church was insisted upon. The same attitude was taken in Germany and elsewhere by the universities that remained loyal to Catholicism and in the few new Catholic universities that were founded at this time. As compared with the Protestants, little was done by the Catholics for any stage of the education of women. Notwithstanding the excellent theories of Fenelon and the practical efforts of Jacqueline Pascal and Madame de Maintenon, the training of girls remained of the aus- tere type of the convent, and did not give attention to much beyond the forms of religion. The Curricula. — The course of study in the Catholic institutions was the logical product of their ideals and organization, and of the times. While the schools of the Christian Brothers trained their pupils in the rudi- ments, as well as in religion, and the Oratorians and the Port Royalists somewhat emphasized the vernacular studies, history, and philosophy, yet, upon the whole, the content of education was largely religion and human- ism of the most formal type. In this respect, the Jesuits, like the Protestant Sturm, had a tremendous influence upon the schools of Europe and America for two centu- ries, and it has been an open question as to which of the two was the more important factor in this coloring of the curricula. The Teachers and Methods. — While the Jesuits and THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 237 the Christian Brothers were the first educators in history 1/ to undertake the training of teachers, and their work was most thoroughly done, both orders tended to preserve the most formal and stereotyped methods. In spite of Memory, the example of the Port Royalists, they emphasized reason 1 and memory at the expense of reason, and held to complete controversial imitation without any allowance for individuality or va|e d cultl " originality. They insisted upon the importance of tra- dition and authority, although, like the Protestants, they endeavored to cultivate controversial skill. In all in- The teachers stances, as a matter of course, the teachers were of the f^ ^ My Catholic clergy and usually from the regular teaching teaching orders. orders - Results of Education during the Reformation. — Hence, The Refor- except for launching the idea of civil support and control, ™ mpHshed the Reformation accomplished but little directly making little for for individualism and progress either through the Prot- Js m lv a nd al " estant revolts or the Catholic awakening. Education progress, fell back before long into the grooves of formalism, repression, and distrust of reason. There resulted a tendency to test life and the educational preparation for living by a formulation of belief almost as much as in the days of scholasticism. A new measure for realizing individualism 1 and freedom from the bondage of tradition, and an opportunity to investigate and search for truth, were needed. Such a further fulfillment of the spirit of the awakening was to be found in the parallel and later educational movement now usually known as realism. SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Barnard, H. American Journal of Education (Volume XXVII, pp. 165-175, contains a translation of the Jesuit Ratio Studiorum as it appears in the Constitution of 1558). Cadet, F. Port Royal Education (contains extracts from the lead- ing Port Royal educators, translated by A. D. Jones). La Salle, J. B. Conduct of Schools. Lupton, K. Ftnelorts Education of Girls. M'Crie, T. Provincial Letters of Pascal. 238 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Pachtler, G. M . Ratio Studiorum (Monumenta Germanics Peda- gogica, II, V, IX, and XVI). Robinson, J. H. Readings in European History. Chaps. XXVIII- XXIX. Robinson, J. H., and Whitcomb, M. Early Reformation in Ger- many (Translation and Reprints, II, No. 6). Rollin, C. Traite des Etudes (Nouvelle edition par Letronne). Waterworth, J. (Translator). Decrees and Canons of the Council of Trent. Wight, O. W. (Editor). Adventures of Telemachus (translated by Hawkesworth). Wight, O. W. (Translator). Thoughts of Pascal. II. Authorities Arnold, M. Popular Education in France. Azarias, Brother. Essays Educational. Barnard, H. A?nerican Journal of Education. Vols. XIII, 477- 486; XIV, 455-483; XX, 211-216; XXIII, 17-46; XXVII, 165-175; XXVIII, 1-16; XXX, 481-490, and 705-736. Barnard, H. German Teachers and Educators. Pp. 229-256. Beard, C. Port Royal. II, Chap. II. Brown, H. C Thejansenists and Their Schools {The Educational Review, Vol. VI, pp. 485-492 ; VII, pp. 64-70). Browning, O. Educational Theories. Chap. VIII. Cadet, F. Port Royal Education (translated by A. D. Jones). Cartwright, W. C. The Jesuits, Their Constitution and Teach- ing. Chaps. II — III. Compayre', G. The History of Pedagogy (translated by Payne). Chaps. VII-VIII, and X-XII. Creighton, M. A History of the Papacy during the Period of the Refortnation. Fisher, G. P. The Reformation. Chap. XI. Griesinger, T. The Jesuits. Gu'illaume, L. Les Jesuit es et les Classiques Chretiens. Hughes, T. Loyola and the Educational System of the Jesuits. Laurie, S. S. Educational Opinion from the Renaissance. Chap. VIII. Lindsay, T. M. A History of the Reformation. Bk. VI. Magevney, E. The Jesuits as Educators. Mertz, G. K. Die Pddagogik der Jesuiten. Munroe, J. P. The Educational Ideal. Chap. VI. Nohle, E. History of the German School System. (Report of the U. S. Commissioner of Education, 1897-1898, pp. 29-39.) Quick, R. H. Educational Reformers. Chaps. IV and XI. Ravelet, A. Blessed J. B. de la Salle. Russell, J. E. German Higher Schools. Pp. 36-41, 50-58, and I37-I4I- THE EDUCATION OF THE CATHOLICS 239 Sainte-Beuve, C. A. Port Royal. Schwickerath, R. Jesuit Education. Symonds, J. A. Renaissance in Italy. The Catholic Reaction, Vol. I. Tollemache, M. French Jansenists. Ward, A. W. The Counter-Reformation. Wilson, Mrs. R. F. The Christian Brothers. CHAPTER XVII THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION While the Renaissance and the Reformation were harden- ing into formalism, a new means of expression was found in ' realism.' This move- ment im- plied a method by which ' real ' things may be known, / The Relation of Realism to the Renaissance and the Reformation. — From what has preceded, it will readily appear that the movement of t^ie seventeenth century called realign was an outgrowth of the same underlying forces as the humanistic awakening of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and the social and religious reforma- tion of the sixteenth and seventeenth. In the last four chapters we have noted how, through literary and thetic means, the intellectual quickening in Italy issued in individual development, and how later the same un- folding in the NoqdtJi came to stress "the infinite value of each human souTp' and the importance of every indi- vidual's judging for himself in religious and theological matters. Now it was while the movement of the Ren- aissance was everywhere losing its vitality and declin- ing into a narrow ' Ciceronianism,' 1 and the Reformation was hardening once more into fixed concepts and a dog- matic formalism, appealing to authority and systems of belief, 2 that the awakened intellect of Europe tended, through the channel of ' realism,' to find still another mode of expression. The process of emancipating the individual from tradition and repressive authority had not altogether ceased, but had simply varied its form of manifestation. The Nature of Realism. — This new movement of real- ism also held to the reliability of the individual judgment. It implied a search for a method by which real things may be known, and held that real knowledge comes through the reason or through the senses rather than 1 See pp. 135-137 and 176. 240 2 See pp. 204 f. and 237. THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION 24 1 through memory and reliance upon tradition. 1 The and in its most distinct form of realism interpreted ' real things ' str j ct # est con - . ,..,... . r . . . . & notation as individual objects, and was an application of the new might be spirit and methods of the awakening to investigation in ^'edthe , 1 • a t e ,i-i--- " early scien- the natural sciences/ In fact, realism in its strictest tific • move- connotation might well be denominated the 'early scien- [^n"^'^. tific' movement. 3 This would, however, seem to limit scurethe the term to the later and more definite development that ^™the° n it reached in what has been called ' real ' or ' sense' Renaissance realism, and to obscure its origin and its close connec- madon^'" tion with the Renaissance and Reformation as part of the same freeing of the human intellect from the bonds of dogma. And while 'sense' realism cannot be said to appear as a distinct movement until the formulation of the scientific method by Bacon early in the seven- teenth century, its roots run back into the other move- ments of the awakening for at least a century before that time. Even in the humanistic movement, although there is not much evidence of interest in objects as the true realities, there seems to be a tendency to break from a restriction to words and set forms and an effort to seek for the ideas, or ' real things,' back of the written words. It was such abroad type of humanism, of course, that marked the Renaissance in the first place, and it was not until the sixteenth century that it tended to harden into a formalism. But during the period of decline there is also a clearly marked effort to- return 1 Philosophically, this position has been known as ' rationalism ' when, ' ■ as with Descartes and his school, it was held that whatever appears clearly ' • and distinctly is true, or as 'empiricism' when the reliability of the indi- » \ s. vidua] was transferred to sense experience, as in the case of Locke and Hume. * The movement is, therefore, almost the opposite of scholastic ' real- ism' (see pp. 52 f.) in the Middle Ages, and should not be confused with it. ^ In each case, the significance depends upon what is to be considered the 'real' thing, — ideas or individual objects. 8 With this interpretation in mind, Rrowning {Educational Theories, Chapters III-VTI) divides educational thinkers into three classes, ' human- ^ ists,' who wish to educate by means of the classics; ' realists,' who would » use the works of nature; and 'naturalists,' who aim rather at a training, outside of schools and knowledge, for the development of character. R \ \ 242 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION to the better ideals of the earlier days and to oppose the artificial formulations into which humanism was crystal- lizing. By advocates of this broader humanism, form was considered of importance only as a doorway to con- tent, and it was hoped to make the classical literatures a means of studying human life, motives, and institu- tions. The broader The Earlier Realism, Verbal and Social. *— This broader humanism, humanism may, therefore, as properly be called ' verbal ' or human- , ... ,. 11 1 i 1 istic' realism, or ' humanistic realism, and may be regarded as the and the forerunner of sense realism. With its emphasis upon attempt . , , • . . '■ , , \ , to adapt content often went the study of social and physical actuafiMn phenomena, in order to throw light upon the meaning known as ' of the passages under consideration. There seems also i^ZLHwt. to have been an attempt on the part of several writers ism, together ■ . r . 1 .. r . ,. form a bridge to adapt education to actual living in a real world and to ismto h sense~ P re P are young people for the concrete duties of life. realism. This latter phase of the renewed humanism was most frequently stressed in the education of young aristocrats. It usually involved a study of the customs, institutions, and languages of other countries through travel under the care of a tutor or residence in a foreign school. Such a movement has been known as 'social' realism, but it cannot easily be distinguished from ' verbal ' real- ism. While one element or the other may seem to be more prominent in a certain treatise, the two phases of education are largely bound up in each other, and both tendencies appear in most authors of the times. They seem to be but two sides of the same thing and to con- stitute together a natural bridge from humanism to sense realism. The Earlier Realists. — Hence it happens that while most educators continued during the sixteenth and seven- teenth centuries to make up the course of study from classical elements, the attitude, in the case of some, at least, was very different from what it had been. These reformed humanists or early realists wished to use the reaihtiTused classical authors to understand life and nature through the classical an appreciation of what had been the highest produc- THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION 243 tions of the human mind, and to make education a authors to preparation for real living. Erasmus, for example, is u ( n e derstand scathing in his ironical description of Ciceronianism, and position of justifies grammar simply as a gateway to ideas and real Erasmus, things. He declares : — "Knowledge seems to be of two kinds: that of things and that of words. That of words comes first, that of things is the more important. ... So, then, grammar claims the first place and should be taught to youth in both Greek and Latin. . . . Having' acquired the ability to speak, if not volubly, certainly with correct- ness, next the mind must be directed to a knowledge of things." Elsewhere 1 we have seen that Erasmus was vehe- mently opposed to wasting time upon the details of ac- cidence and syntax, and that he felt the main purpose of grammar was to unlock the content of the classics. Through this literature he believed that a knowledge of reality came, and that geography, natural history, and agriculture should be studied for the sake of the lierht ,„ . . ii • {->• -i 1 n/r i 1 1 Melanch- they throw upon it. Similarly, Melanchthon states : — thon, " I always endeavor to introduce you to such authors as will in- crease your comprehension of things while they contribute toward enlarging your language. These two parts belong together, and have sworn friendship, as Horace says, so that one stands and is supported by the other, because no one can speak well if he does not understand what he wishes to say, and again knowledge is lame without the light of speech." Neander, too, ventured to question the value of the Neander, classics where no real knowledge was obtained, and Jicham? d recommended the study of history, geography, science, and music for making clear the ideas of the ancients. 2 Elyot was also found to advocate Greek and Latin for their content and preparation for life, 3 and Ascham criticises the schools of the day for their grammatical grind and their neglect to bring the student into an understanding of the authors themselves. 4 Rabelais and His Works. — More radical innovations The life of than any that appear in these other early realists, how- R^eiais. 1 See pp. 152 f. 2 See p. 189. 8 See p. 165. * See p. 167. 244 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Rabelais constructed a theory of education in which the whole man was to benefit. ever, are implied in the skits of Luther's contemporary, the madcap Rabelais, upon the formal classicism, and in his suggestions for a more rounded and valuable course of study. Francois Rabelais (1495— 1 553) was the son of a French innkeeper, but was educated for a career in the Church. His appetite for letters and science, together with his interest in the beautiful scenery amid which he was reared, led to his abandonment of the monastery and to entrance upon a roving existence. He studied medicine, but, while engaged in its practice, spent most of his time in producing works of scholar- ship, and his world-famed Gargantua and Pantagruel. These were the stock names for giants in the romantic writings of the day, and by caricaturing- these stories he found a most effective way of appealing to the people of his generation and drawing attention. to the current abuses. For the same reason, these works are indecent almost beyond hope of intelligent expurgation, 1 but be- neath all the obscene farce there runs a serious purpose. The Training of the Whole Man. — The Gargantua and Pantagruel, which are continuous in plpt, 2 consti- tute a revolt from the narrower humanism and ecclesi- astical abuses. They are filled with biting sarcasm against the monasteries and their courses .of study, but are no more sparing in their ridicule of the Calvinistic and Lutheran dogmatism. But these works are not altogether negative, for Rabelais does endeavor also to construct a theory of education on broad principles. In his scheme the whole man is to benefit. Together with the intellect, the senses are to be trained ; the body, as well as the mind, is to be nurtured ; character and a religious spirit are to be developed ; and the pupil made competent to take his place in a world of .men, and to perform with ease and dignity all that manhood demands. 1 Fleury {Rabelais et Ses GLuvres) has most nearly succeeded in a disin- fected version. _ Cf. also Besant's Readings in Rabelais. 2 The series contains five books in all, the last four of which belong to the Pantagruel. The third is the masterpiece, while the last two are much inferior and do not concern us here. THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION 245 The Informal Method of the Gargantua. — To achieve instead of a this for Gargantua, his father, after finding the ordinary drn^thebo 1 grammatical drill a humiliating failure, finally has the is to' receive boy begin a course of informal training quite in contrast j^/n^ with to the former plan. The Scriptures are read and ex- a tutor, plained to him during his bath upon arising, and the sky is observed and its appearance compared with that of the evening before. While dressing he is exercised in a review of the previous day's work, and after break- fast he is read to for three hours. Then he and his tutor adjourn to the tennis-ground and play until they are in a profuse perspiration. While rubbing down and dressing for dinner, they repeat extracts from the les- sons learned earlier in the day. At the dinner-table they discuss the origin, history, and use of various comestibles, and then give thanks to God for his bounty. Next, Gargantua spends an hour playing cards, thereby learning the science of numbers, while the three hours following are given to writing, drawing, and lettering. The- remnant of the afternoon is spent in out-of-door sports, and after the evening meal come cards, music, a short practical lesson on astronomy, and a review of the day's proceedings. Thus Rabelais would, by a most natural method, af- ford a well-rounded education. Instruction is divorced from formal humanism, although six hours a day is de- voted to books. Due attention is paid to the common affairs of life and to physical training, and, while no time is spent upon mass and daily services, expositions of the Bible, brief prayers at thejaroper times, and other religious lessons are given. No moment of the day is wasted, and no corporal punishment seems necessary. - The Broad Education to be Secured. — Gargantua's Thepupiiis education is interrupted by war, but in the Pantagmel x a ancle™ fan- letter that the giant writes his son gives a specific state- guages, his- ment of the subjects Rabelais thought should be mastered r ° r p y h , y c ° smog ' under this scheme of education. He declares : — geometry, 1 See Bk. II, Chap. VIII. 246 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION arithmetic, music, the sciences, and religion. Rabelais was in advance of his time, and had little effect upon the schools of the period. The life and Essais of Montaigne. " First, Greek, as Quintilian advises ; secondly, Latin ; and then, Hebrew, because of the Holy Scriptures. Likewise, Chaldee, and Arabic ; and form thy style, as to Greek, after Plato ; as to Latin, after Cicero. Let there be no history which is not firm in thy mem- ory, to which end cosmography will help thee. Of the liberal arts, I gave thee a taste of geometry, arithmetic, and music, when thou wast still little, no older than five or six ; pursue the rest and search out all the laws of astronomy." Besides this study of languages for the sake of the content, and of history, geography, and the mathematical subjects, Gargantua is represented as insisting upon a careful training in zoology, botany, geology, and religion, and issuing a final injunction : " In short, let me see thee an abyss of learning." The Influence of Rabelais. — In the construction of such an educational scheme, however, Rabelais shows himself as extreme as in his wholesale condemnation of everything done in his time, and we may well take issue with him in regard to the amount and character of the studies he proposes for the curriculum, but his basal principle that one's entire nature should feel the bene- fit of education marks him as many generations in ad- vance of his time. His curriculum, too, while human- istic, is far from being of the narrow and formal sort, and by its study of nature helps to open the way to realism. It is not easy, however, to point out any direct effect that this broader humanism, or early realism, of Rabelais may have had upon the schools of the period. But the writings of Montaigne, Locke, Rousseau, and other educational theorists show the stamp of his influence. Montaigne and His Educational Essays. — Toward the end of the sixteenth century and during the seventeenth, this tendency to interpret humanism more realistically and to make education a means of coming in touch with society, takes more definite form in such exponents as Montaigne in France, and Mulcaster, Milton, and Locke in England. Michel, Seigneur de Montaigne (1 533— 1592), as his title implies, belonged to the aristocracy, and assumed a more refined attitude than his bourgeois compatriot, Rabelais. He traveled much, wrote upon THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION 247 a variety of literary topics, and became one of the most brilliant prose authors the world has known. His chief work consists of three volumes of Essais, of which On Pedantry and On the Education of Children 1 especially give his educational views. Opposition to Formal Humanism. — While Montaigne He ridicules is never as extreme as Rabelais, throughout these essays {^JIS^c he launches ridicule and even invective against the pre- education of vailing narrow humanistic education, with its memorizing the times ; of words and forms. Of this ' pedantry ' he says : — " We only toil and labor to stuff the memory, and in the mean- time leave the conscience and understanding unfurnished and void. And like birds who fly abroad to forage for grain, and bring it home in their beak without tasting it themselves to feed to their young ; 30 our pedants go picking knowledge here and there out of several authors, and hold it at the tongue's end, only to distribute it among their pupils. . . . But the worst of it is, their scholars are no better nourished by it than themselves : it makes no deeper impression upon them than upon the other, but passes from hand to hand, only to make a show, to be tolerable company, and to tell pretty stories ; like a counterfeit coin, of no other use or value but as counters to reckon with or set up at cards. 1 ' With such a training, Montaigne holds that it is not remarkable that " when the youth comes back from school after fifteen or sixteen years, there is nothing so awkward and maladroit, so unfit for company or employ- ment; and all that you shall find he has obtained is that his Latin and Greek have made him a more conceited blockhead than before." Ideas as the Aim of Education. — This is a typical and holds illustration of the early realist's attitude, with its protest ^remcTre against mere memorizing without understanding and important the failure to prepare for concrete living. From such a than words ' point of view, unless the thought of the author is grasped by the pupil and has become a part of him, the classical 1 The latter essay (Bk. I, Chap. XXV) is an expansion of a part of the former (Bk. I, Chap. XXIV), written for his patroness, and, as the title indicates, is more constructive. There are, likewise, many hints of his educational positions in the brief treatise On the Affection of Fathers to Their Children (Bk. II, Chap. VIII) and in other essays. 248 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION education has failed of its purpose. " Let the master not only examine him about the words of his lesson," says Montaigne, " but also as to the sense and meaning of them, and let him judge of the profit he has made, not by the testimony of his memory, but that of his understanding." And he further insists : " Let but our pupil be well furnished with things, words will follow but too fast. ... I hold whoever has in his mind a clear and vivid idea, will express it in one way or another." From this it can be seen how Montaigne, like other early realists, uses 'things' as synonymous with 'ideas,' and how the broader humanism shades over into sense realism. Travel the Best Means of Education. — But Montaigne also holds that, even under the most favorable circum- stances, books and the mere acquisition of knowledge are not the most important things in life, and should not be the final aim of education. The real purpose of all training is to shape our character and make us useful and efficient. " The advantages of study are to become better and wiser," and it is the part of the teacher to inspire a love for moral living in his pupil and make him see " that the height and value of true virtue con- sists in the facility, utility, and pleasure of its exercise." Since virtue comes from experience and breadth of vision rather than from reading, Montaigne advocates travel 1 rather than schools as a means of education. He declares : — " That we may whet and sharpen our wits by rubbing them on those of others, I would that a boy should be sent abroad very young. ... I would have this the book my young gentleman should study with most attention ; for so many humors, so many sects, so many judgments, opinions, laws, and customs, teach us to judge aright of our own, and inform our understanding to discover its imperfection and natural infirmity. 1 ' Like Rabelais, Locke, and Rousseau, Montaigne in- tended that this travel and the rest of education should 1 Rabelais had previously implied this, and Milton, Comenius, Locke, and Rousseau afterward gave similar advice. THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION 249 be private and under the care of a tutor. This precep- tor, he held, should be a man of the world, one " whose head is well tempered rather than well filled." Subjects and Training to be Acquired. — Montaigne's The chief belief in educating for character by means of experience be^wbso^ explains his idea that the chief study should be " philos- phy, 1 but ophy, or at least that part which treats of man and his tkma/sub!" offices and duties." He even asks : "Since philosophy jects should is that which instructs us to live, why is it not commu- fmparted nicated to children ? . . . Philosophy has discourses equally proper for childhood and for old age." But " having taught the pupil what will make him more wise and good," Montaigne believes that some of the tradi- tional subjects, — logic, rhetoric, geometry, and physics, may be imparted, but they are of less importance. He even admits the need of Latin and Greek in the educa- tion of a gentleman, 1 although he maintains that one should first study his own language and those of his neighbors. He also stresses physical exercise and adds : Physical exercise and " I would have his outward behavior and mien, and the disposition t he ' harden- of his limbs formed at the same time. It is not a soul, it is not a in £P rocess - body that we are training ; it is a man, and we ought not to divide him into two parts. 11 In this respect he was followed by Locke and Rous- seau, who may likewise have taken from him the ' hard- ening process,' or the inuring of the boy to heat and cold, to make him hardy and vigorous- Advanced Methods of Teaching. — Montaigne's sugges- Disapproval tions as to method were also advanced. We have already ^ f zl ^| mo " seen his disapproval of the memoriter plan in vogue. 2 Elsewhere he asserts that "to know by rote is no knowledge," and he recommends the more flexible method of " instructing him sometimes by discourse and sometimes by reading ; sometimes his tutor shall put the author himself into his hands, and sometimes only the Greek* 11 marrow and substance of him." He further holds that learned by "a man should not so much repeat his lesson as practice ? P em. mg 1 Locke makes a similar argument for Latin. See p. 258. 2 See p. 247. 250 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION While Mon- taigne's doctrines influenced the schools but little, they popu- larized many educational improve- ments. Mulcaster in his Positions and Elemen- tarie shatters the restricted humanism and ap- proaches sense realism. it," and so recommends that Latin and Greek be learned by speaking them. 1 If such effective and pleasant methods were adopted, Montaigne believes that the existing discipline, " presenting nothing but rods and ferules," would be unnecessary, and that schools would no longer be 'mere prisons.' The Effects of Montaigne's Theories. — It may not be possible to show the influence of Montaigne's educa- tional doctrines upon the schools of the times, but they must have been widely read and have done much to popularize many improvements in the content and methods of education. While Montaigne was not him- self a teacher, these confidential discourses have made a large contribution to educational theory and practice. They seem to have directly influenced Locke and Rous- seau, and many others through them, and it is quite apparent that Montaigne's practical program of studies led naturally into the sense realism of Bacon and Comenius. Mulcaster's Advanced Position. — In England an excel- lent instance of these tendencies of the earlier realism is seen in the advanced theories of the English school- master, Richard Mulcaster (i 530-161 1). This writer seems not only to have shattered the old idols of the restricted humanism, but to have been approaching some of the new constructions of sense realism. Mulcaster was given a classical education at Eton, Oxford, and Cambridge, and almost up to his death was in charge of one of the most famous ' grammar ' schools in Lon- don. From 1 561 to 1586 he was headmaster of Mer- chant Taylors', and during the years 1 596-1608 he held the same office at St. Paul's. Nevertheless, in both his great educational works, Positions (1581) and Eleme7i- tarie (1582), 2 he gives especial attention to primary 1 This method was probably suggested to him by his own experience in studying with a German tutor who knew no French and had to com- municate with him in Latin. 2 The full titles are Positions Wherein Those Circumstances are Ex- amined for the Training up of Children either for Skill in their Booke or THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION 25 1 training, praises English as a means of education, and expressly flouts authority. "It is not so," he says, "be- cause a writer said so, but because the truth is so." His Advocacy of a Natural Education. — Mulcaster's attitude in these matters proceeds from his general advocacy of an education more in keeping with nature than was that in vogue. He states : — " The end of education and training is to help nature to her per- fection, which is, when all her abilities be perfected in their habit. . . . Consideration and judgment must wisely mark whereunto Nature is either evidently given or secretly affectionate, and must frame an education consonant thereto." * He, therefore, holds that the ' ingenerate ' abilities of He analyzes each child should be examined, that a proper education jnto^wk ■ may be given him, and he attempts a psychological 'memori'e/ analysis as the basis of his philosophy of education, fjon ■' and™* He finds that there are to be considered three main recommends powers of the mind, — "wit to take (or perception), develop^ memorie to keep, and discretion to discern (or judg- ment. ment)." On the development of the last, which functions in morality, he lays considerable stress, in order that the children may " learn to discern that which is well from ill, good from bad, religious from profane, honest from dishonest, commendable from blameworthy, seemly from unseemly." Like Montaigne, too, he be- Physical lieves in physical education and the training of the whole educatlon - man on the ground of " the soul and body being co- partners in good and ill." His Emphasis upon Elementary Education. — Like the He thinks other humanistic realists, Mulcaster lacks faith in the J}*!, Receive classical fetish of the times. Moreover, he seems to a classical imply that too many are receiving a classical educa- education, but holds tion for the good of the country or themselves, by thataii „ 1 • should have asking : — an eleiren . Health in their Bodie, and The Elementarie, Which Entreateth Chiefly of ary rainmg ' the Right Writing of the English Tung. Only the first part of the latter work was ever completed. 1 When necessary for intelligibility, Mulcaster's orthography has been modernized. 252 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION " To have so many gaping for preferment, how can it be but that such shifters must needs shake the very strongest pillar in that state where they live ? ... If that wit fall to preach which were fitter for the plough, and he to climb a pulpit, who is meant to scale a wall, is not a good carter ill lost, and a good soldier ill placed ? " Mulcaster holds, however, that all should have ele- mentary training in reading and writing English, and in drawing and music. Those who can go no further will need this training in the vernacular "for religion's sake and their necessary affairs," while those who are to take up Latin and the higher education should have it first, because "we are directed by nature and propertie to read that first which we speak first, and to care for that most which we ever use most." And his pride in the mother tongue blazes forth more clearly in his Elemen- tarie, where he exclaims : — " I do not think that any language is better able to utter all argu- ments either with more pith or greater plainness than our English tongue." Higher and Other Training. — This elementary educa- tion is to engage the pupil until he is twelve, when those fitted for it are to begin the ' grammar ' school. They will, Mulcaster believes, then acquire.more in a second- ary education between twelve and sixteen than if they started Latin at seven. The university, which next fol- lows for those of ability, is to include "colleges for tongues, for mathematics, for philosophy, for teachers, for physicians, for lawyers, for divines." Mulcaster does not, however, believe foreign travel as essential to education, as do Montaigne, Locke, or even Milton, although he admits its value. But Mulcaster devotes much more space than Montaigne or Milton, and fully as much as Locke, to a description of the proper physi- cal training. 1 Although his account does not embody any peculiar doctrine, like the 'hardening process,' 2 it is very broad, and includes dancing, wrestling, fencing, 1 Some two thirds of his forty-five Positions, although not much over one third of the actual number of pages, are included in this part of his work. 3 See pp. 249 and 308. THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION 253 running, leaping, swimming, riding, hunting, and shoot- ing, and an outline of the necessary knowledge of anatomy, physiology, and hygiene. The Education of Girls. — While Mulcaster gives first Girls to be attention to the boys, because of their greater political tr a inedwit h 1 . J . , , ° .. , , r reference to importance, he is progressive enough to "admit young their ability maidens to learn," and this he defends on four grounds, and aim in — " the custom of our country, our duty towards them, their natural ability, and the worthy effects of such as have been well trained." As in the case of their brothers, too, the girls are to be trained somewhat with reference to their ability and aim in life. They are to be taught reading, writing, drawing, and music, just as the boys are, but the study of the professions is to be replaced by that of housewifery. In some cases they may even be taught the classic and other languages. Improvements in Teaching. — Mulcaster wishes the The pupil method of education to be equally in conformity with ^^j. 136 nature, and he insists that the pupil shall be neither forced nor forced nor repressed. In the matter of discipline, re P ressed - while he feels that "the rod may no more be spared in schools than the sword may in the princes' hand," the offenses that he has in mind for its administration are altogether those against morality. It is also of interest to notice the importance that Mulcaster attached to securing good teachers, and his insistence that elemen- tary work is the most difficult and that the teachers of this stage should have the smallest number of pupils and be paid more than any of the others. He wished Teachers also, as has been indicated, to have teachers trained in f^f n |5g # r a separate college of the university upon the same pro- fessional basis as doctors, lawyers, and clergymen. The Results of Mulcaster's Positions. — The advanced Muicaster's theories and suggestions of Mulcaster seem to have been [J^""^ but little reflected in the immediate education of the at the time, times. Even the schools of which he was the head ^^3 were distinctly Latin schools, and were for the most part the later conducted upon the traditional basis. However, he must, reallsts - through his proposed reforms in aim, organization, and 254 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION method, have had a far-reaching effect upon the later realists and the realistic trend in modern education. In fact, while there is not as much direct reference to sense training and a scientific content in Mulcaster's course of study as in even that of Rabelais and Milton, by his ad- vocacy of the vernacular and especially by his attempt at a science of education, he may be regarded as more nearly approaching sense realism than any other of the broader humanists. According to some authorities, Mulcaster, rather than Bacon, Ratich, or Comenius, should be considered the first writer to embody the genu- ine spirit of sense realism in his works. Some of his ideas, too, seem not to have been utilized until much later than the period of sense realism. His suggestions that girls should have a complete training, that the initial work in education is the most important and diffi- cult, and that teachers should be trained for every stage of the work, it has remained for the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to realize. Milton's Opposition to the Formal Humanism. — An- other important illustration of the broader humanism, while not containing propositions as advanced as those of Mulcaster, is found some three quarters of a century later in the Tractate of Education by the great poet and scholar, 1 John Milton ( 1 608- 1 674). While a remarkable classicist himself, Milton objects to the usual humanistic education with its " grammatic flats and shallows where they stuck unreasonably to learn a few words with lamentable construction," and declares that the boys " do for the most part grow into hatred and contempt of learning." He claims that " we do amiss to spend seven or eight years in scraping together so much miserable Latin and Greek as might be learned otherwise easily and delightfully in one year." He especially stigma- tizes, as Locke did later, the formal work in Lafin com- position, " forcing the empty wits of children to compose 1 Milton's fame as the author of Paradise Lost and other poems has obscured the fact that he conducted a private school for nine years, and was an industrious scholar and an active pamphleteer during middle life. THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION 255 themes, verses, and orations, which are the acts of ripest judgment and the final work of a head filled by long reading and observing." An Encyclopaedic but Humanistic Program. — It is not, and advo- however, the study of classics in itself that Milton op- ^her'than poses, but the constant harping upon grammar without words, regard to the thought of the authors, for " though a lin- guist should pride himself to have all the tongues that Babel cleft the world into, yet if he have not studied the solid things J in them as well as the words and lexicons, he were nothing so much to be esteemed as any yeoman or tradesman competently wise in his mother dialect only." In this statement, as well as elsewhere, it is obvious that by ' things ' Milton, like Montaigne, 2 meant ideas and not objects. Even in his recommendation of a.most ency- Herecom- clopaedic program of studies, which is usually one of the "^"ck^se marks of the sense realist, he seems to imply the human- die p C rofram, istic rather than the later realism, although he wrote includin g . ... ' & sciences, but halt a century after Bacon Und was a younger contem- also a broad porary of Comenius. 3 While this curriculum includes framing m 11 r 1 1 • • 1 Latin and large elements of science and manual training, and espe- Greek, and dally emphasizes a knowledge of nature, it affords the broadest training in Latin and Greek, and, after the sciences fashion of broader humanism in general, undertakes to teach agriculture through Latin, and natural history, geography, and medicine through Greek. On the whole, it is an education of books, and the enormous load of languages, — Italian, Hebrew, Chaldee, and Syriac, as well as Latin and Greek, — together with mathematics, sciences, and other studies, would make such a course impossible, except, as some one has said, for a ' college of Miltons.' As with some of the other humanis.tic realists, notably Montaigne, Milton also would have considerable time given, toward the end of the course, to the social sci- ences, — history, ethics, politics, economics, theology, — and to such practical training as would bring one in touch 1 Italics mine. 2 See p. 248. 3 The Tractate is dedicated to Samuel Hartlib, who was also the friend and patron of Comenius, and a well-known sense realist. much time on the social. 256 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Travel at home and abroad. He defines education from the standpoint of fitting one's envi- ronment. The ' Acad- emy ' is to provide a secondary and higher education. It was after- ward adopted in a modified form by the non- conformists and by America. with life. He likewise advocates the experience and knowledge that would come from travel in England and abroad. Milton's Definition of Education. — Thus, in the place of the usual restricted conception of humanistic edu- cation, Milton would substitute a genuine study and understanding of the classical authors and a real prepa- ration for life. While he piously states the aim of learn- ing as "to repair the ruins of our first parents by regaining to know God aright," he is more specific later when he frames his famous definition : — "I call therefore a complete and generous education that which fits a man to perform justly, skilfully, and magnanimously all the offices both private and public of peace and war." The Academy of Milton. — The school in which Milton would carry out his ideal education he calls an Acad- emy, and states that it should be held in " a spatious house and ground about it, big enough to lodge one hundred and fifty persons." This institution should keep the boys from the age of twelve to twenty-one, and should provide both secondary and higher education, " not heeding a remove to any other house of scholar- ship, except it be some peculiar college of Law or Physic." And he adds : " After this pattern as many edifices may be converted to this use, as shall be needful in every city throughout this land." Strangely enough, as will be seen later, 1 this curriculum and organization of Milton's, exaggerated as they were, found a partial embodiment and a function in a new educational insti- tution. ' Academies ' based upon this general plan were organized to meet the exigencies of the English non- conformists, and afterward afforded the name and pat- tern of a species of secondary school that was for a time predominant in America. Early Realism in Locke's Thoughts. — The t broader or realistic humanism also appears later than Milton's time in John Locke (1632- 1704). As will be shown • 1 See pp. 291-293. THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION 257 later, 1 Locke based most of his educational positions upon sense realism or upon formal discipline, but in Some Thoughts concerning Education, he has many ele- ments that remind us strongly of Montaigne, Milton, and Mulcaster. The resemblance to Montaigne is es- pecially noticeable, although he lived a century later than the French writer. The Thoughts embodied Locke's Locke holds experience as a private tutor in the family of the Earl *" ^ of Shaftesbury, and consists of a set of practical sugges- that tions for the education of a gentleman,, rather than a scholar. The recommendations, therefore, appear to be somewhat at variance with the underlying principles of Locke's philosophy and the intellectual training sug- gested in his other educational work, Conduct of the Understanding. 2 The Chief Aim of Education. — Like Montaigne, Locke character is holds that book education and intellectual training are ^^ance of less importance than the development of character in education. and polish. After treating bodily education at consid- erable length, he states the aims of education in the order of their value as " Virtue, Wisdom {i.e. worldly wisdom), Breeding, and Learning" and later adds : — " Learning must be had, but in the second place, as subservient only to greater Qualities. Seek out somebody that may know how discreetly to frame his Manners : Place him in Hands where you may, as much as possible, secure his Innocence, cherish and nurse up the good, and gentlv correct and weed out any bad Inclinations, and settle in him good Habits. This is the main Point, and this provided for, Learning may be had into the Bargain." Education through a Tutor and Travel. — Such a train- The proper ing, Locke agrees with Montaigne, can be secured only 1 ™™ S through personal attention, and the young gentleman thr °"g th a er should be given a tutor when his father cannot properly jhan^choo"^ look after his training. Likewise, he feels that, " to form a young Gentleman as he should be, 'tis fit his Governor should himself be well-bred, understanding the Ways of 1 See pp. 287-289 and 306-310. 2 The Conduct grows directly out of the philosophy of Locke, as given in his famous Essay concerning the Human Understanding. s \ 2 5 8 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Travel at the right time. Locke is opposed to the narrow humanism, but thinks Latin neces- sary to a gentleman, and should be taught by speaking. Carriage and Measures of Civility in all the Variety of Persons, Times, and Places ; and keep his Pupil, as much as his Age requires, constantly to the Observation of them." This private training is infinitely to he pre- ferred, Locke holds, to that "from such a Troop of Play-fellows as schools usually assemble from Parents of all kinds." Locke also believes, with Montaigne and Milton, in foreign travel as a means of broad education and adaptation to living. He thinks, however, that it should not, as it usually did, come at the critical period between sixteen and twenty-one, but either earlier, when the boy is better able to learn foreign languages, or later, when he can intelligently observe, the laws and customs of other countries. Broader Humanism and Improved Methods in Intel- lectual Education. — Locke approaches the earlier realists even more closely in showing scant respect for the nar- row humanism and tedious methods of the grammar schools. He declares specifically : — "When I consider what ado is made about a little Latin and Greek, how many Years are spent in it, and what a Noise and Business it makes to no Purpose, I can hardly forbear thinking that the Parents of Children still live in fear of the Schoolmaster's Rod, which they look on as the only Instrument of Education ; as a language or two to be its whole Business." Yet Locke agrees with Montaigne again 1 in thinking Latin is, after all, "absolutely necessary to a Gentle- man," but that " 'tis a Wonder Parents, when they have had the Experience in French should not think (it) ought to be learned the same way, by talking and reading," 2 instead of through grammar, theme-writing, versifica- tion, and memorizing long passages. Greek, however, Locke does not regard as essential to a gentleman's education, although he may in manhood take it up by himself. Other Acquisitions. — As a further part of 'intellectual 1 See pp. 249 f. 2 When conversation is impossible, he recommends the use of inter- linear translations. THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION 259 education,' Locke holds that, " besides what is to be had Dancing, from Study and Books, there are other Accomplishments J^n^fenc necessary for a Gentleman," — dancing, horseback rid- ing.wrestiing, ing, fencing, and wrestling. The pupil should also, he and a ,rade - contends, " learn a Trade, a manual Trade; nay, two or three, but one more particularly." This the future gentleman should acquire, not with the idea of ever engaging in it, but for the sake of health and of " easing the wearied Part by Change of Business." 1 Influence of Locke's Thoughts. — Thus throughout the Asahuman- ' intellectual education ' in his Thoughts, Locke appears jftic Realist; * mostly as a humanistic realist after the pattern of encopTs Montaigne and Milton. On the other hand, his method^"|j^s o * nd in ' physical education ' and ' moral education ' in this the grammar work, and his attitude toward intellectual education in his Conduct of the Understanding, are largely disciplinary or sense realistic and can be better discussed elsewhere. 2 The influence of the elements of 'humanistic realism in. him, as in Montaigne,' Mulcaster,' and Milton, was not immediate, but appears rather in his successors -among educational theorists and in the later organization and curriculum of English education. Rousseau and other reformers clearly owe many incidental suggestions and details to Locke, 3 and to him is in some measure due the great development of the physical and ethical sides of education in the public and grammar schools of Eng- land, together with the tendency of these institutions to consider such aspects of rather more importance than the purely intellectual. His plea for a tutor as the means of shaping manners and morals has also prob- ably had its effect upon the education of the English aristocracy. The Effect of the Earlier Realism. — Thus there seems The early schools in practice. to have been in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ^etumTo 5 1 Rousseau, however, when he borrowed the suggestion, put it upon the economic ground that if the pupil lost his fortune, he would have the trade to fall back upon. 2 See pp. 306-311. 8 This Rousseau fully acknowledges in the Amile, although he does not hesitate to criticize the English realist and to base his system on a very different set of underlying principles. 260 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION the broader humanism, and held to ' reaLthings,' or ideas, and to real living, rather than to words and memorizing. Since the change was in method rather than content, it is difficult to determine how far the education of the day was affected. a decided tendency toward a disruption of the tradition- alism and formalism into which humanism had crystal- lized. In this movement appears also an effort to bring education into touch with society and to make it a prepa- ration for real life. While this whole tendency seems to be a reaction to the formalized products of the Renais- sance, it was caused by the same awakening of the human intelligence from which humanism had originally sprung, and to a large extent advocated the same material in education. It was its attitude in insisting upon content rather than form that was so different, although this, too, was similar to that with which humanism had begun. 'Real things,' or ideas, rather than words and phrases, and real living rather than mere memorizing, were now emphasized. The movement, therefore, seems to be a species of return to the animating spirit and method of the Renaissance, and to constitute a natural bridge between the emphasis upon verbal forms in narrower humanism and that upon individual obje'cts in sense realism. It was at once a species of realistic humanism and of humanistic realism. Since this change was more in the method of present- ing the subject matter than in the content of the course itself, it is difficult to determine to what extent the edu- cation of the day was affected. But* so many theorists espousing the cause o'f the broader humanism* could not have existed without some support from the educational sentiment of the times, or without having in time some reflex influence upon the institutions. With all the pro- verbial conservatism and slowness of schools, they must have responded somewhat to the contemporary spirit, and the classics were probably taught everywhere with more regard to the underlying thought and the bearing of their content upon actual life. Without this attitude upon the part of the schools, it would be impossible to account for their adoption of sense realism as a matter of natural evolution. THE BEGINNINGS OF REALISTIC EDUCATION 26 1 SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Besant, W. Rabelais (in Foreign Classics Series'). Fowler, T. Lockers Conduct of the Understanding. Morris, E. E. Milton's Tractate of Education. Quick, R. H. (Editor). Lockers Some Thoughts concerning Edu- cation. Quick, R. H. (Editor). Mideast er's Positions and Eletnentarie. Rector, L. E. (Translator). Montaigne's Education of Children. Urquhart, T. (Translator). Works of Rabelais. Woodward, W. H. Erasmus concerning Education (contains the De Ratione and De Pueris). II. Authorities Adamson, J. W. Pioneers of Modern Education. Chaps. I, VII, X, and XIV. Barnard, H. American Journal of Education. Vol. II, pp. 76-85 ; IV,46i-478; XIV, 147-158; XXII, 181-190; XXIII, 151-160; XXIV, 179-184; XXVIII, 745-748. Barnard, H. English Pedagogy. Pp. 145-198. Second Series, pp. i77-3 2 4- Brooks, P. Milton as an Educator (in Essays and Addresses, pp. 300-319). Browning, O. History of Educational Theories. Chaps. V-VII. Compayre, G. History of Pedagogy. Pp. 91-110. Fowler, T. Locke (in English Men of Letters Series). Frazer, A. C. Locke. Hazlitt, W. C. The Works of Montaigne. Introduction. Laurie, S. S. Educational Opinion since the Renaissance. Chaps. V-VI, IX, and XII-XIV. Laurie, S. S. Essays and Addresses. Chap. IX. Lowndes, M. E. Michel de Montaigne. M asson, D . The Life of Milton . V ol . 1 1 1 , pp . 1 86-2 5 5 . Monroe, P. Text-book in the History of Education. Chap. VIII, pp. 442-461. Morris, E. E. Milton's Tractate of Education. Introduction, I-III. Munroe, J. P. The Educational Ideal. Chaps. II and V. Oliphant, J. The Educational Writings of Richard Mulcaster. Owen, J. Skeptics of the French Renaissance. Chap. I. Quick, R. H. Educational Reformers. Chaps. I— II, V-VI, VIII, andXII-XIII. Street, A. E. The Education of Gargantua (in Critical Sketches). Watson, F. Mulcaster and Ascham. Woodward, W. H. Education during the Renaissance. Chaps. XII-X1II. Woodward, W. H. Erasmus concerning Education. Chaps. II and V. CHAPTER XVIII SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION The Development of Realism. — But the realistic awak- ening did not stop with reviving the idea back of the word or with the endeavor to bring the pupil into touch with the life he was to lead. The earlier or humanistic realism simply represents a stage in the process of transition from the narrow and formal humanism, to the movement of sense realism. This later form of realism was a reflection of the great scientific development of the latter part of the sixteenth and the first, half of the seventeenth centuries, with its variety of discoveries and inventions. The first great step in this movement was that taken by Copernicu^. Not until 154J was his hypothesis of a solar system published, but as early as 1496 there had been a dissatisfaction with the existing Ptolemaic interpretation, and a groping after a more satisfactory explanation of the universe. After Coper- nicus, other great discoverers rapidly arose in Italy, France, Holland, and England, and the spirit of the new movement was felt in philosophy and education. Many new discoveries in science and inventions were made, and philosophy began to base itself upon reason andjthe senses. Kepler made it possible to search the heavens, Galileo reorganized the science of physics, and an air-pump was invented by Guericke. This scientific progress was accompanied on the philosophic side by the rationalism of Descartes and the empiricism of Locke. The educational theorists, as a result, began to introduce science and a knowledge of real things into the curriculum. It was felt that humanism gave a knowledge only of words, books, and opinions, and did not even at its best lead to a study of real things. Hence new methods' and new books were produced, to shorten 262 . SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 263 and improve the study of the classical languages, and new content was imported into the courses of study. The movement also included .an attempt at a formulation of scientific principles in education and an adaptation of education to the nature of the child. Bacon and His New Method. — The new tendency, Bacon, in however, did not appear in education until after the opposition to time of Francis Bacon (1 561- 1626). The use of the Han method" scientific method by the various discoverers was largely published his unconscious, and it remained for Bacon to formulate organum, what he called the method of 'induction ', and, by advo- by means of eating its use, to point the way to its development as a thoughtaii scientific theory of education. He is, therefore, ordi- ™ t e a " n m t ight narily known as the first sense realist. According to complete Dr. Rawley, his biographer, Bacon, while still at the ^Trud? 6 University of Cambridge, conceived a disgust for Aristotle's philosophy as it was then taught At any rate, it is known that even during the busiest part of his public career he undertook in sporadic works to combat the Aristotelian method, and to form a new pro- cedure on the basis of 'the scientific discoveries of the day. Not until 1620, however, did he publish his great treatise on inductive reasoning called Jvovttm Organum ('new instrument') in opposition to Aristotle's work on deduction. In behalf of his treatise Bacon argues that, as the hand is helpless without the right tool to aid it, so the human intellect. is -inefficient when it does not possess its proper instrument or method, and, in his opinion, all men are practically equal in attaining to complete knowledge and truth, if they will but use the mode of procedure that he describes. This new method of seek- ing knowledge he contrasts with that in vogue, as follows : " There are and can be only two ways of searching into and discov- ering truth. The one flies from the senses and particulars to the most general axioms, and from these principles, the truth of which it tak^s for settled and^immovable, proceeds to judgment and the discovery of middle axioms. And this way is now in fashion. The other de- rives axioms from the senses and particulars, rising by a gradual and unbroken ascent, so that it arrives at the most general axioms last of all. This is the true way, but as yet untried." 264 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Hence Bacon would begin with particulars, rather than use the a priori reasoning of the syllogism, as advocated by the schoolmen under the impression that this was the method of Aristotle. Before, however, one's observations can be accurately made, Bacon felt it would be necessary to divest oneself of certain false and ill-defined notions to which humanity is liable. These preconceptions of which it is necessary to be rid are his famous 'idols,' which he declares to be of four classes: — " Idols of the Tribe, which have their foundation in human nature itself; Idols of the Cave, for every one, besides the faults he shares with his race, has a cave or den of his own ; Idols of the Market- place, formed by the intercourse and association of men with each other ; and Idols of the Theatre, which have immigrated into men's minds from the various dogmas of philosophies and also from wrong laws of demonstration." And one Nor should the new method end with a mere collec- wiuf n ar- St ° P ti° n °^ particulars. This proceeding- Bacon believes to ticuiars. be useless and fully as dangerous for science as to gen- eralize a priori, and holds that these two polar errors together account very largely for the ill success of science in the past. He declares : — . " Those who have handled sciences have been either men of ex- periment or men of dogmas. The men of experiment are like the ant ; they only collect and use : the reasoners resemble spiders ; who make cobwebs out of their substance. But the bee takes a middle course ; it gathers its material from the flowers of the garden and the field, but transforms and digests it by a power of its own. Not unlike that is the true business of philosophy ; for it neither relies solely or chiefly on the powers of the mind, nor does it take the matter which it gathers from natural history and mechanical experi- ments and lay it up in the memory whole, as it finds it ; bi la 3 it up in the understanding altered and digested. Therefore, from a closer and purer league between these two faculties, the experi- mental and the rational (such as has never yet been made), much may be hoped." In the second book of the Novum Organum Bacon begins, though he does not complete, a more definite statement of his method. Briefly stated, his plan was, after ridding the mind of its prepossessions, to tabulate carefully lists of all the facts of nature. It seemed to The facts must be tabu- lated and the ' forms ' dis- covered. SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 265 him a comparatively easy task to make, through the cooperation of scientific men, a complete accumulation of all the facts of science. After this data was secured, the next step would be to discover the ' forms ' of things, by which he means the underlying essence or law of each particular quality or simple nature. Such an af| straction could be achieved by a process of comparing the cases where the quality appears and where it does not appear and of excluding the instances that fall under both heads until some ' form ' is clearly present only when the quality is. ^ Then, as a proof, another list may be drawn up where the quality appears in different degrees and where the ' form ' should vary correspondingly. Solomon's House and the Pansophic Course. — A de- Themem- scription of what Bacon thinks may be expected when bers . of ' Sol °" ,. r . . .- it- • 11 • 1 mon s this scientific method is systematically carried out can House' on be found in his fable of The New Atlantis. The in- %*% de _ habitants of this mythical island are described as having vote them- in the course of ages created a state in which ideal sani- scientific tary, economic, political, and social conditions obtained, research.^ The most important institution of this society is its ' Solomon's House,' an organization in which the mem- bers devoted themselves to scientific research and in- vention, and in their supposed investigations Bacon anticipates much that scientists and inventors have to- day only just begun to realize. He represents these Utopian scientists as making all sorts of physical, chemi- cal, astronomical, medical, and engineering experiments and discoveries, including the artificial production of me'-alr the forcing of plants, grafting and variation of species, the infusion of serums, vivisection, telescopes, microphones, telephones, flying-machines, submarine boats, steam-engines, and perpetual-motion machines. While Bacon was not a teacher and nowhere explicitly Probably states his views on education, it would seem from the ^eved thtt description of ' Solomon's House ' as if this English education philosopher must have believed that education ought to f s °imn a h r ave be organized upon the basis of society's gradually accu- organization, mulating a knowledge of nature and imparting it to all 266 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION pupils at every stage, as far as they could comprehend it. Such certainly was the plan of Ratich" and Come- nius, who later on worked out the Baconian plans in education, and .this dream of pansopJiiti ('all wisdom ') for all schools was ardently desired by the later realists in general as the foundation of their educational organi- zation and of their course of study. The Value of Bacon's Method. — In estimating the method of Bacon, it is difficult to be fair. The impor- tance of his work has been as much exaggerated by some as it has been undervalued by others. He reacted from the current view of Aristotle's reasoning, and, taking his cue from the many scientific workers of his time, formulated a new method In opposition to what he mistook as the position of the great logician. He very, properly rejected the contemporary method of attempting to establish a priori the first principles of a science and. then deduce from them by means of the syllogism alL the propositions which that science could contain. But in endeavoring to create a method whereby any one could attain all the knowledge of which the human mind was capable, he undertook far too much. His effort to put all men on a level in reaching truth resulted in a most mechanical mode of procedure and neglected the part played by scientific imagination in the framing of hypotheses. Scientific method is not at present satisfied to hold, as Bacon did, that because all observed cases under certain conditions produce a particular effect, every other instance not yet observed will necessarily have the same property or effect. The modern proce- dure is rather that, when certain effects are observed, of which the cause or law is unknown, the scientist frames an hypothesis to account for them ; then, by the process of deduction, tries this on the facts that he has collected ; and if the hypothesis is verified, maintains that he has dis- covered the cause or law. Yet this is only a more explicit statement of what has always been implied in every pro- cess of reasoning. The method had certainly been used by the later Greek philosophers, and it, as well as the SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 267 syllogism, had even been formulated by Aristotle, al- though this part of his work was not known in Bacon's day. Bacon cannot, therefore, really be said to have invented a new method. It is also evident that he failed to ap- preciate the work of Aristotle and the function of genius in scientific discovery. But he did largely put an end* to the vestigial process of a priori reasoning, and he didA call attention to the necessity of careful experimentation; « and in ductio n. Probably no book eveFmade~a greater revolution in modes of thinking .or overthrew more prejudices than -Bacon's Novum Organnm. It represents the culmination of the reaction that had been growing up through the Renaissance, the Reformation, and the earlier realism. As far as education is concerned, while not skilled or interested in the work himself, Bacon affected profoundly the writing and practice of many who were, and has done much to shape the spirit of modern education. His method was first applied directly to education by a German known as Ratich, and, in a more effective way, by Comenius, a Moravian. Ration's Attempts at School Reform. — Wolfgang von Ratich ap- Ratke (1571-1635), generally called Ratich from an g^J^ abbreviation of his Latinized name, 1 was born in Wilster, method to Holstein, and first studied for the ministry at the Univer- ^cS! sity of Rostock. Later, he continued his studies in especially England, where he probably became acquainted with the |^f m a n g g e work of Bacon. Before long, realizing that he had an incurable defect in speech which would keep him from success in the pulpit, he decided to devote himself to educational reform. He planned to apply the principles of Bacon to the problems of education in general, but he intended especially to reform the methods of language teaching. In 1 61 2 Ratich memorialized the imperial diet, while it was sitting at Frankfurt, and asked for an investiga- tion of his methods. Two professors from the University 1 I.e. Ratichius. 268 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION of Giessen were commissioned to examine his proposi- tions, and afterward the University of Jena similarly had four of its staff look into the matter, and in each case a favorable, not to say enthusiastic, verdict was reached. When, however, on the strength of such reports, the town council of Augsburg gave him control of the schools of that city, he was not able to justify his claims, and the arrangement was abandoned at the end of a year. Having appealed to the diet again without encourage- ment, Ratich began traveling from place to place, trying to interest various princes or cities in his system. He was befriended by Dorothea, Duchess of Weimar, who induced her brother, Prince Ludwig of Anhalt-Kothen, to provide a school for Ratich. This institution was furnished with an expensive equipment, including a large printing plant ; a set of teachers that had been trained in the Ratichian methods and sworn to secrecy were engaged ; and some five hundred school children of Kothen were started on this royal road to learning. The experiment lasted only eighteen months, and, largely owing to Ratich's inexperience as a schoolmaster, was a dismal failure. The prince was so enraged at his pecuniary loss and the ridiculous light in which he was placed that he threw the unhappy reformer into prison, and released him only at the end of three months upon his signing a statement that he had undertaken more than he could perform. After this, Ratich tried his hand at Magdeburg, where he failed again, mostly as the result of theological differences, and then was enabled to present his principles to Oxenstiern, the chancellor of Sweden, but he never really recovered from his dis- appointment in Kothen, and died of paralysis in Erfurt before he could hear from Stockholm. His Claims. — Although there was considerable merit in the principles of Ratich, he had many of the ear- marks of a mountebank. Such may be considered his constant attempts to keep his methods a profound secret, and the spectacular ways he had of presenting the ends they were bound to accomplish. In writing the SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 269 diet, he promised by means of his system : — first, to extravagant, teach young or old Hebrew, Greek, and Latin without dif- keepTn^witij ficulty and in a shorter time than was ordinarily^ devoted realism. to any one language ; secondly, to introduce schools in which all arts and sciences should be thoroughly taught and extended ; and, lastly, to establish uniformity in speech, religion, and government. As Ratich stated them, these claims seem decidedly extravagant, but as far as he expected to carry them out, they were but the natural aims of an education based upon realism and the Baconian method. His Realistic Methods of Teaching Languages and Other ■■ First study Subjects. — The rules of procedure used by Ratich and ^^d CU ' his disciples have been extracted by Von Raumer from "one thing a work on the Ratichian methods published after the ^ *,}&*" system had become somewhat known. 1 In linguistic principles training he insisted, like all realists., that one " should p^cticeS first study the vernacular " as an introduction to other Kothen. # " languages. He also held to the, principle of "one thing at a time and often repeated." By this he meant that, in studying a language, one should master a single book. At Kothen, as soon as the children knew their letters, they were required to learn Genesis thoroughly for the sake of their German. Each chapter was .read twice by the teacher, while the pupils followed the text with their finger. When they could read the book perfectly, they were taught grammar from it as a text. The teacher pointed out the various parts of speech and made the children find other examples, and then had them decline, conjugate, and parse. In taking up Latin, a play of Terence was used in a similar fashion. A translation was read to the pupils several times before they were shown the original ; then the Latin was translated to them from the text ; next, the class was drilled in gram- mar ; and finally, the boys were required to turn German sentences into Latin after the style of Terence. This method may have produced a high degree of concen- 1 Methodus Institutionis Nova Ratichii et Ratichianorum, published by Johannes Rhenius at Leipzig in 1626. 270 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION tration, but it was liable to result in monotony and want of interest, unless skillfully administered. Another methodological formulation of Ratich's, whereby he insisted upon " uniformity and harmony in all things," must have been of especial value in teaching the grammar of different languages, where the methods and even the terminology are often so diverse. Simi- larly, his idea that one should "learn first the thing and then its explanation," which was his w*ay of advising that the details and exceptions be deferred until the entire outline of a subject is well in hand, would un- doubtedly save a pupil from much confusion in acquiring a new language. And some of his other principles, which applied to education in general, are even more distinctly realistic. For example, he laid down the pre- cept, "follow the order of nature." Although his idea of 'nature' was rather hazy, and his methods often con- sisted in making fanciful analogies with natural phe- nomena, yet his injunction to make nature the guide seems to point the way to realism. Moreover, his atti- tude on " everything by experiment and induction," which completely repudiates all authority, went even farther and quite out-Baconed Bacon. And his addi- tional recommendation that " nothing is to be learned by rote" looked in the same direction. Finally, these real- istic methods were naturally accompanied by the humane injunction of "nothing by compulsion." The Educational Influence of Ratich.— Thus Ratich not only helped shape some of the best methods for teaching languages, but he also anticipated many of the main principles of modern pedagogy. In carrying out his ideas, however, he was uniformly unsuccessful. This was somewhat due to his charlatan method of presenta- tion, but more because of errors in his principles, his want of training and experience as a teacher, and the impatience, jealousy, and conservatism of others. He must have been regarded by his contemporaries in gen- eral as a complete failure, whenever they contrasted his promises with his performances. Nevertheless, it is SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 27 1 clear that he stirred up considerable thought and had a wide influence. He won a great many converts to his principles, and, through the texts and treatises written as a result of the movement he stimulated, his ideas were largely perpetuated and expanded. In the next generation came Comenius, who carried out -practically all the principles of Ratich more fully, and thus, in a way, the German innovator, unpractical as he was, be- came a sort of spiritual ancestor to Pestalozzi, Froebel, and Herbart. The Education and Earliest Work of Comenius. — Jan Amos Komensky (1 592-1671), better known by his Lat- inized name of Comenius, was born at Nivnitz, a village of Moravia. He was, by religious inheritance, a de- voted adherent of the Protestant sect called Moravian Brethren} While he became bishop of the Moravians, and devoted many of his writings to religion or theo- logical polemics, this does not concern us here, except as it affected his attitude as an educational reformer and a sense realist. In his schooling, as the result of careless Comenius guardianship of his inheritance, Comenius did not come was t T rained 1 -ii-T- i 11 • 1 • ■ 1 ■ 1 lna Latin to the study of Latin, the all-important subject in his day, school and at until he was sixteen. This delay must, however, be re- Herborn - garded as most fortunate for education, as his maturity enabled him to perceive the amount of time then wasted upon grammatical complications and other absurdities in teaching languages, and was instrumental in causing him to undertake an improvement of method. After his course in the Latin school, Comenius spent a couple of years in higher education in the Lutheran College of Herborn in the duchy of Nassau, 2 where he went tc 1 The Moravian or Bohemian Church, officially known as Unitas Fratrum, is generally considered Lutheran in doctrine, but its religious descent goes back of Luther's time to the Bohemian martyr, Huss, and it has always preserved a separate organization.' There are now three 'provinces' of Moravians, the German, British, and American. They number in all about thirty-five thousand members, of whom some twenty thousand are in the United States. 2 The University of Prague, to which Comenius would naturally have gone, was at this time in the control of the'Utraquists, a Hussite sect opposed to the Moravians. 272 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION He taught at Prerau and wrote his Easier Grammar In the Janua, the first of his remark- able series of texts on the study of Latin, he was influ- enced by Ratich and Bateus. prepare for the ministry of his denomination, and at the University of Heidelberg. Then, as he was still rather young for the cares of the pastorate, he taught for four years (1614-1618) in the school at Prerau, Moravia. Here he soon made his first attempt at a simplification of Latin teaching by the production of a work called Grammaticce Facilioris Prcecepta ('Precepts of Easier Grammar'). Next (1618-1621) he became pastor at Fulneck, and, after a series of per- secutions, resulting from the Thirty Years' War, dur- ing which he and his fellow pastors were dr.iven from pillar to post, he settled in 1627 at the P^ .ish town of Leszno. 1 The Janua Linguarum. — This place becai the cen- ter from which most of his gifeat contribu s to edu- cation emanated. During his residence h, .fourteen years as rector of the Moravian Gymnasium here, he accomplished many reforms in the schools, .and began to embody his ideas in a series of remarkable.,, ixtbooks. The first of these works was produced in i6 a and has generally been known by the name of Janua fyinguarum Reserata ('Gate of Languages Unlocked'). ,-> was in- tended as an introductory book to the study of Latin, 2 and consisted of an arrangement into sentences of sev- eral thousand Latin words for the most fa'miliar objects and ideas. The Latin was printed on the right-hand side of the page, and on the left was given a translation in the vernacular. By this means the pupil obtained a grasp of all ordinary knowledge and at the same time a start in his Latin vocabulary. In writing this text, Comenius may have been somewhat influenced by Ra- tich, the criticism of whose methods by the professors at Giessen 3 he had read while at Herborn, 4 but he seems to have been more specifically indebted both for his 1 This town, now called Lissa, is a part of Prussia. 2 In the first edition it was called Jatiua Lingua Latina Reserata. 8 See pp. 267 f. * As, however, Ratich had failed to answer the letter of inquiry he wrote him from Leszno, Comenius must have largely worked out the plan inde- pendently. SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 273 method and the felicitous name of his book to a Jesuit known as Bateus, 1 who had written a similar work. The Vestibulum, Atrium, Orbis Pictus, and Other Janual The Vestibu- Texts. — It was soon apparent that the Janua would be l . u " 1 ' vas an ,.«• 1. «■ 1 • 1^ 1 r^ • introduction too difficult tor beginners, and two years later Comenius \o\h&janua, issued his Vestibulum ('Vestibule') as an introduction to ^thhdbook- it. While the Janua contained all the ordinary words of the Paia-° ' the language, — some eight thousand, — there were but a f * ; * h a the few hundred of the most common in the Vestibulum. Orbispictus, Both of t^e works, however, were several times revised, ^ e e f^ua 0i modified, fA]st^, methods found in Vives, 1 Bateus, Ratich, Andrere, 2 ingsofmany Frey, 3 and Bodinus, 4 but it owes a greater debt for its otllcrs - pansophic basis of education to the works of Bacon and even more to the Encyclopedia of Johann Heinrich Alsted, under whom Comenius had studied at Herborn. The Didactica seems to have been completed in the Moravian dialect 5 about the time the yanua first ap- peared, and must have been contemplated somewhat earlier. Hence, while this work was not translated into Latin and published until 1657, and was never printed in the language in which it was originally written until a century and three quarters after the death of its author, the point of view must have been established even before Comenius came to Leszno, and influenced him throughout his career. The Didactica as the Basis of All the Work of Comenius. — The Didac- The rest of the books of Comenius may be regarded ^ d ™^ as amplifications of certain parts of the Didactica. To piicit in the make his instructions on infant training more explicit, school t^a while still at Leszno, -he wrote the Informatorinm Skoly vernacular Materske (' Handbook of the Mother School'). 6 He also ^'jLTu'S 1 See p. 166. . Series - 2 Johann Valentin Andreae (1586-1654), court preacher at Stuttgart, attacked the formal religion and education of the time in numerous pamphlets. 8 Janus Caecilius Frey (?-i63i) was a German educationalist, living in Paris, who produced a number of practical works. 4 Jean Bodin (1530-1596) was a French writer on political theory, who published also an unusual educational treatise called Methodus ad facilem historiariim cognitionem. 6 Czech was spoken in Moravia. 6 This work was written first in Czech, although not published in that dialect for two centuries and a quarter. It was issued in German in 1633, and in Latin in 1657. Will S. Monroe has translated the Latin edition into English under the title of The School of Infancy (Boston, 1896). 276 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION supplemented the Didactica with a set of texts for the 'vernacular school' similar to the Janual series, which were intended for the 'Latin School' ; but, being written in an obscure dialect, these vernacular works were never revised and soon disappeared. 1 But the phase of the / Didactica most often elaborated both in his other works 1 and in his school organization was the realistic one of His attempts) pansophia ('universal knowledge '). This was most mani- at 'P an r j fest in his desire to teach at least the rudiments of all sop ia. ^ things to every one. It has already been seen how this principle was emphasized in his textbooks, such as the Janua and the Orbis P ictus. Also, after producing treatises upon Astronomy and Physics, he wrote, while at Leszno and Elbing, several works specifically on pan- sophia, of which the yanua Rerum ReseratdtL ' Gate of Things Unlocked') is the most systematic and complete. These works, while diluted by traditional conceptions but little beyond those of scholasticism, 2 show how far Comenius had advanced beyond previous attempts by organizing his data about large principles, instead of merely accumulating facts. Further, in his Didactica he recommends that a great College of Pansophy, or scientific research, 3 be established, and in 1641, just before his call to Sweden, he went to England, at the invitation of Parliament, to start an institution of this character there. At Patak he even undertook to estab- lish a pansophic school of secondary grade, as outlined in his PansophiccB Scholce Delineatio (' Plan of a Panso- phic School'). Pansophia a Ruling Passion with Comenius. — This idea of pansophia seems to have been most keen and vivid with Comenius all his life, but he was always pre- 1 The names of these texts, as he gives them in his Scholar Vernacula Delineatio, were Violarium ('Violet-bed'), Rosarium ('Rose-bed'), Viridarium ('Grass-plot'), Labyrinthitis ('Labyrinth'), Balsamentum ('Balsam-bed'), and Paradisus Anima ('Paradise of the Soul'). Cf. also the Didactica, Chapter XXIX, II. 2 For example, with Comenius the constituents of the universe are reduced to matter, spirit, and light. 3 He calls it a collegium didacticum. See p. 280. SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 277 vented from undertaking it to any extent by one accident or another, and was doomed to constant disappointment. Finally, shortly after his return from Patak, when Leszno was burned by the Poles, 1 Comenius barely escaped with his life, and his silva, or collection of pansophic mate- rials, upon which he had worked for forty years, was completely destroyed. He was now in his sixty-fifth year and had not the strength or courage to pursue his favorite conception further. . The Threefold Aim of Education. — While mystic and Education narrow at times, Comenius was a sincere Christian, and sh ° uld aim his view of life is most consistently carried out in his edge,°morai- conception of education. He hoped for a complete "y- and regeneration of mankind through an embodiment of P ' e: religion £ the purpose of education. This educational aim is snown in the following propositions, which he develops in successive chapters of the Didactica: — " (I) Man is the highest, the most absolute, and the most excel- lent of things created; (II) the ultimate end of man is beyond this life; (III) this life is but a preparation for eternity; (IV) there are three stages in the preparation for eternity: to know oneself (and with oneself all things), to rule oneself, and to direct oneself to God; 2 (V) the seeds of these three (learning, virtue, religion 8 ) are naturally implanted in us ; (VI) if a man is to be produced, it is necessary that he be formed by education." Thus, from his religious conception of society, Come- The lower nius works out as his aim of education knowledge, sSdbe morality, and piety, and makes these ideals go hand in controlled hand. It is to be noted, however, that his ideas about higher, what constitutes religion have advanced a long way • 1 The Moravians, who had suffered so severely from the Catholics dur- ing the Thirty Years' War, were in secret sympathy with the Protestant Swedes during their invasion of Poland. After the peace was declared, and several towns, including Leszno, were ceded to Sweden, Comenius foolishly published a letter of congratulation to the Swedish king, Charles Gustavus, and in retaliation, the Poles attacked Leszno and plundered it. 2 In the original, Se et secum omnia, Nosse; Regere; et ad Deum Dirigere. Cf. " Self-reverence, self-knowledge, self-control, — These three alone lead life to sovereign power." — Tennyson's CEnone. 8 I.e. eruditio, virtus seu mores hones'.as, religio sen pietas. A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Tbere ihould be one system of schools far aU, The ' schoo l of iIicjiumL- vernaci schoo l.' the • Lat school,' beyond those of mediaeval times. He regards educ don not as a moans oi ridding onesell ox .ill natural instincts, and of exalting the soul by degrading the body, but as a system for controlling the lower nature by the higher through a mental, moral, and religious training. Education should enable one to be« through the establishment oi moral habits, which are in turn to be formed and guided through adequate knowledge. Universal Kducation. — But as with Comcnius educa- tion is to prepare us to live as human, beings, rathei than to fit US tor station, rank, or oeeupalion, ho further holds: — ••(Yi in The young must be educated in common, .md for this schools are necessary ; (IX) all the young of both -4fc should be tent to school." Under these headings he shows that, while the parents are responsible for the education oi then- children, It has been necessary to set aside a special class of people for teachers and to create a special institution known els the school, ami that there should be one system o\ school for all alike, "hoys ami girls, both noble and ignoble, rich and poor, in all cities and towns, villages and hamlets." The Four Periods in the School System. —Later on. 1 the Didactica more fully describes the organization that Comenius believes would be most effective." The system should consist of tour periods oi six year,* each, ranging from birth to manhood. The first period oi instruction is thajfKrough infancy, which lasts up to the age of six, and the school is that ol the 'mother's lap." 2 Next comes childhood, which continues until the pupil is twelve, and for this is to be organized the ' vernacular,' or elementary, school. From that time u^ to eighteen, comes the period of adolescence, with its 'Latin, 1 or secondary, school. Jinally, during youth, from eighteen to twenty-four, the ' academy.' or university, together 1 Chapters XXVI] XXXI. 9 This u;is known as a, v.'/.; Mattmi Grtmii in the Latin translation, REA1 DUCAHON 279 with travel, should be the means of education. As to the distribution and scope of these institutions, Comenius u A mother school should exist in every bouse, a vernacular school in every hamlet and village, a Latin school in every dtf, and a uni- versity in every kingdom or in every pomace. The mother school and the vernacular school embrace all the young of both sexes. The !.-■. ':■■'.• ■/.. ?:■■•-.■ ■- ■■ ■■■ \- '.". .;■ •:■ :.■- ••■•■ •..••. ;.-;.-<: higher than the workshop ; while the university trains up the teachers • churches, schools, and states may never lack suitable leaders/ 1 Hence only those of the greatest ability, ' the flower of mankind,' were to go to the university. "A public ex- amination should be held for the students who leave the Latin school, and from its results the masters may decide which of them should be sent to the university and which should enter the other occupations of life. Those who are selected will pursue their studies, some choosing theol- ogy, some politics, and some medicine, in accordance :jeir natural inclination, and with the needs of the Church and of the State." Such an organization of schools as that suggested by Comenius would tend to bring about the custom of educating according to ability, rather than social status, rould thus enable any people to secure the benefit of all their genius. It was a genuine 'ladder' system a 'ladder' of education, open to all and leading from the kinder- gJ^j^J garten through the university, such as has been com- mended by Huxley in speaking of the American schools. At the day that Comenius proposed- it, this organiza- tion was some three centuries in advance of the times. Such an idea of equal opportunities for all could have been possible in the seventeenth century only as the educational outgrowth of a religious attitude like that of \ius, and may. well have been promoted in his case by the simple democratic spirit of the little band of Chr he was. 1 ] In the old cemeteries of the Moravian communities in the United lie side by side without distinction in regard to 280 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION a coopera- The College of Pansophia. — But beyond the university, of investi E a- which, tike the lower schools, was to make teaching its tion known chief function, Comenius held it to be important that Scho'iamm' 1 somewhere in the world there should be a Sckola Schc- larum or Collegium Didacticum, which should be devoted to scientific investigation. Through this pansophic college, learned men from all nations might cooperate, and, he holds, — " These men should . . . spread the light of wisdom throughout the human race with greater success than has hitherto been attained, and benefit humanity by new and useful inventions. For this no single man and no single generation is sufficient, and it is therefore essential that the work be carried on by many, working together and employing the researches of their predecessors as a starting-point. " Encyclopaedic Course at Every Stage. — This plan of a ' Universal College ' for research would seem to be a natural product of the pansophic ideal, which has been seen * to dominate all of the educational theory of Come- nius. Such an institution would form a logical climax to his system of schools, bearing, as he says, the same relation to them that the stomach does to the other members of the body by " supplying blood, life, and strength to all," for he holds that a training in all sub- jects should be given at every stage of education. Such universal knowledge, however, Comenius believes, should be given only in outline at first, and then more and more elaborately and thoroughly as education proceeds. The Didactica, accordingly, states : — " These different schools are not to deal with different subjects, but should treat the same subjects in different ways, giving instruc- tion in all that can produce true men, true Christians, and true scholars ; throughout graduating the instruction to the age of the pupil and the knowledge that he already possesses. ... In the earlier schools everything is taught in a general and undefined man- ner, while in those that follow the information is particularized and position, wealth, or color. The tombstones are laid flat upon the graves, and are exactly alike, except for size, so that none in this Christian family may appear more prominent than the other. A similar interpretation of the Master's 'brotherhood of man' is evidenced in all the Moravian social life. * See pp. 276 f. SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 28 1 exact ; just as a tree puts forth more branches and shoots each suc- cessive year, and grows stronger and more fruitful." 1 The Training of the Mother School. — In later chapters Even the of the Didactica and in his works for the special stages, course m Comenius gives the details of the pansophic training in school isle- each period of education. Even in the mother school, be ^ a - it is expected that the infant shall be taught geography, S ° P ' C history, and various sciences ; grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic; music, arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy; and the rudiments of economics, politics, ethics, meta- physics, and religion, as well as encouraged in sports and the construction of buildings. The attainment at this stage is, of course, not expected to be as formidable as the names of the subjects sound. It is to consist merely in understanding simple causal, temporal, spatial, and numerical relations ; in distinguishing sun, moon, and stars, hills, valleys, lakes, -and rivers, and animals and plants ; in learning to express oneself, and in acquiring proper habits. It is, in fact, very much like the train- ing of the modern kindergarten. The Course of the Vernacular School. — Similarly, the Sp the ver- vernacular school is to afford more advanced instruction "chooMs to in all literature, morals, and religion that will be of value afford in- throughout life, in case the pupil can go no further, aulubjecte The course is to include, b*eside the elements, morals, in case the' religion, and music, everyday civil government and £o P f ^e r go economics, history and geography, with especial reference to the pupil's own- country, and a general knowledge of the mechanic arts. All these studies are to be given in the native tongue, since it would take too long to acquire the Latin, and those who are to go on will learn Latin more readily for having a wide knowledge of things to which they have simply to apply new names instead of those of the vernacular. The Course of the Latin School. — The Latin School, while including four languages, — the vernacular, Latin, 1 Chapter XXVII, 4-5. This is practically the modern German method of teaching, known as that of ' concentric circles.' 282 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Greek, and Hebrew, is also to continue this encyclope- dic training. The seven liberal arts are to be taught in more formal fashion, and considerable work is to be given in physics, geography, chronology, history, ethics, and theology. In his description of the pansophic school that he undertook to establish at Patak, Comenius gives an even more specific account of the range of knowledge that should be gained in secondary educa- tion. He maps out seven classes, of which the first three are to be called 'philological,' and the other four to be known as 'philosophical,' 'logical,' 'political,' and 'theological' respectively. In the philological grades, he indicates that Latin is to be taught; arithmetic, plane and solid geometry, and music are to be gradually ac- quired ; and instruction is to be afforded in morality, the catechism, the Scriptures, and psalms, hymns, and prayers. So he gives exactly the amount of training in mathematics, the arts and sciences, and religion that is to appear in the next three classes, and arranges that Greek shall be studied and Hebrew begun. In the last class, the wide range of secular knowledge is to be con- tinued, and such theological matters as the relation of souls to God are to be discussed. The University Curriculum. — Finally, in the case of the university, Comenius maintains that "the curricu- lum should be really universal, and provision should be made for the study of every branch of human knowl- edge, " but " each student should devote his undivided energies to that subject for which he is evidently suited by nature," — theology, medicine, law, music, poetry, or oratory. However, "those of quite exceptional talent should be urged to^pursue all the branches of study, that there may always be some men whose knowledge is encyclopaedic." The Method of Nature. — Thus at every stage of edu- cation Comenius believes that there should be pansophic instruction. The way in which this knowledge is to be acquired, he also intends to have in full accord with sense realism. He insists that, in order to reform the SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 283 schools of the day, which were uninteresting, wasteful of One should time, and cruel, the 'method of nature' must be observed ^niethod^f and followed, for " if we wish to find a remedy for the nature,' defects of Nature, it is in Nature herself that we must SLtifehes look for it, since it is certain that art can do nothing ail things unless it irritate Nature." He then shows how Nature i'ahi'ty , ease accomplishes all things "with certainty, ease, and thor- andthor-^' oughness," 1 in what respects the schools have deviated ou s hness - from the principles of nature, and how they can be rectified only by following her plans. These principles concerning the working of nature were, however, not established inductively by Comenius, but laid down a priori, and were mostly superficial and fanciful analogies. The following quotation from the First Principle that he gives under the 'certainty' of nature, may serve as a specimen of his method : — " Nature observes a suitable time. For example, a bird that The analogy wishes to multiply its species, does not set about it in winter, when of the bird, everything is stiff with cold, nor in summer, when everything is parched and withered with heat ; nor yet in autumn, when the vital force of all creatures declines with the sun's declining rays, and a new winter with hostile mien is approaching ; but in spring, when the sun brings back life and strength to all." The schools deviate from this method of nature, he claims in the first place, because " the right time for mental exercise is not chosen," and to rectify the error, — "(I) The education of men should be commenced in the spring- time of life, that is to say, in boyhood (for boyhood is the equivalent of spring, yOuth of summer," manhood of autumn, and old age of winter). (II) The morning hours are the most suitable for study, for here again the morning is the equivalent of spring, midday of summer, the evening of autumn, and the night of winter." It is not remarkable that, with all his realistic tenden- The induc- cies, Comenius did not employ the inductive method to ^ "^^J any extent. He had inherited the notion that not all ployed to truth can be secured through the senses or by reason. any extent - He claimed that even Bacon's method could not be applied to the entire universe, all of which is included 1 I.e. certo, facile, solide. See Didactica, Chapters XIV-XVIII. 284 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION How the principles for following nature may be made ef- fective; the application of the gen- eral method to the sci- ences, arts, languages, morality, and piety. Impression must be insured by expression. in his pansophia. There are, he held, three media for knowledge, — the senses, the intellect, and revelation, and "error will cease if the balance between them is preserved." The natural sciences were young in the day of Comenius, and he was very limited in his grasp of their content and method. It is a sufficient merit that, imbibing the spirit of _ sense real ism, he had for the first time in history applied anything like induction to_teaching, and produced the most systematic anj^ thoroughjwork upon educational method that had been known. The Method Applied to Special Subjects. — After working out in the Didactica these general principles for following nature, Comenius renders his work much more practical by showing how such principles may be made effective in the ordinary schools. He then applies his general method to the specific teaching of various branches of knowledge, — sciences, arts (including read- ing, writing, singing, composition, and logic), and lan- guages, and to instruction in morality and piety. On this practical side of his method, he applies more fully the induction of Bacon. After showing the necessity for careful observation in obtaining a knowledge of the sciences, he gives nine useful precepts for their study, and while they are stated as general principles, they are clearly the inductive result of his own experience as a teacher^ Similarly, he formulates rules for instruction in the arts, languages, morality, and piety. The descrip- tion of special method in sciences, too, is thoroughly in harmony with realism in its insistence that, in order to make a genuine impression upon the mind, one must deal with realities rather than books. The objects themselves, or, where this is not possible, such repre- sentations of them as can be conveyed by copies, models, and pictures, must be studied. In the case of the lan- guages, arts, morality, and piety, impression must be insured by expression. " What has to be done, must be learned by doing." Reading, writing, and singing are to be acquired by practice. The use of foreign languages SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 285 affords a better means of learning them than do the rules of grammar. Practice, good example, and sympathetic guidance teach us virtue better than do precepts. Piety is instilled by meditation, prayer, and self-examination. Correlation.^ — As would be expected from the three- The study of fold interrelated aim and the encyclopaedic content of languages to education, Comenius everywhere in his method intends whh°that of d that all subjects shall be correlated. In particular, he ob J ects - holds : — " The study of languages, especially in youth, should be joined to that of objects, that our acquaintance with the objective world and with language, that is to say, our knowledge of facts and our power to express them, may progress side by side." 1 Discipline. — In the matter of discipline, as a natural Discipline is accompaniment of his improvements in method, Come- feculence* nius was in advance of his time. He holds that the end ancTshouTd of discipline is to prevent a recurrence of the fault, and £f re a ^ ™" y ls ~ it must be inflicted in such a way that the pupil will rec- for a moral ognize that it is for his own good.. Severe punishment bre&ch - must not be administered for a failure in studies, but only for a moral breach, and exhortation and reproof are to be used before resorting to more stringent measures. The Comenian. Principles and Their Effect upon Educa- tion. — Such was the work of Comenius, who may in the fullest sense be considered the first great educational reformer and the real progenitor of modern education. His position grew out of sense realism, but to the to sense encyclopaedic content and the natural method of Bacon, Ratich, and others, which he rendered more elaborate, consistent, and rational, he added his natural endow- ment of innate piety and a sense of the 'brotherhood of man.' Comenius made it evident that education should Education be a natural, not an artificial and traditional, process in 1^°^, harmony with man's very constitution and destiny, and with one's that a well-rounded training for complete living should ^^"' be everywhere afforded to all, without regard to sex, universal. social position, or wealth, because of their very humanity. 1 This principle, it has been seen (pp. 272-274), Comenius carried out in his series of Latin textbooks. ^k ♦ realism Comenius added the endowment of piety. 286 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION He outlined a regular system of schools and described their grading, and was the first to suggest a training for very young children. He held that bodily vigor and physical education were essential, and made sense train- ing an important part of the course. He further broad- ened and enriched the entire curriculum by subordinat- ing Latin to the vernacular and insisting upon geog- raphy, history, the elements of all arts and sciences, and such other studies as would fit one for the activities of life. He correlated and coordinated all subjects, and combined even the training in Latin with a knowledge of real things. This he accomplished through a series of textbooks that were a great advance over anything previously produced. Thus he greatly contributed to make education more effective, interesting, pleasant, and natural. However, for nearly two centuries Comenius had but little direct effect upon the schools, except for his lan- guage methods and his texts. The Janua was trans- lated into a dozen European, and at least three Asiatic, languages ; the Orbis Pictits proved even more popular, and went through an almost unlimited number of editions in various tongues ; and the whole series became for many generations the favorite means of introducing young people to the study of Latin. But until about half a century ago, the work of Comenius as a whole had purely an historical interest, and was known almost solely through the Orbis- Pictus. The great reformer was viewed as a fanatic, especially as the pansophic ideal turned out to be of only ephemeral interest. Humanism was too thoroughly intrenched to give way at once to realism. Nevertheless, the principles of Comenius were uncon- sciously taken up by others and have become the basis of modern education. Francke was • anticipated by Comenius in suggesting a curriculum that would fit one for life ; before Rousseau, Comenius intimated that the school system should be' adapted tothe*child rather than the child to the system ; Basedow largely modeled his SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 28; encyclopaedic content and natural method after the Orbis Pictus ; Pestalozzi revived the universal education, love of the child, and study of nature that appear in the works of the old bishop ; Herbart's emphasis upon char- acter and upon observation seem like an echo of Come- nius ; while the kindergarten, self-activity, and play, suggested by Froebel, had been previously outlined by the Moravian. Hence it happened that in the middle of the nineteenth century, when the works of Comenius were once more brought to light by German investigators, it was discovered that the old realist of the seventeenth century had been the first to deal with education in a scientific spirit, and work out its problems practically in the schools. His evidently was the clearest of visions and broadest of intellects. While it is easy to criticize him now, in the light of history Comenius is perhaps the most important individual in the development of modern education. Locke as a Sense Realist. — Among those who most directly felt the influence of Comenius was Locke. There are elements throughout the Thoughts, and to some extent in the Conduct, where he seems to have been affected by the concrete material and interesting methods of the great sense realist as clearly as he was elsewhere by the humanistic realism of Montaigne. 1 Even in the subjects he recommends for the education of a gentleman, where he was especially following Montaigne, Locke makes a selection, utilitarian in nature and wide in range, that reminds one of the encyclopaedic advice of Bacon, Ratich, and Comenius. He also resembles the sense realists in desiring 4;o begin with the vernacular studies, which with him are reading, writing, drawing, and pos- sibly shorthand. And when the piipil is able to take up a foreign language, Locke believes, with Comenius, that this should not be Latin, but the language of his nearest neighbor, — in the case of the English boy, French. After the neighboring language has been learned, Latin may b*» studied. Like the Moravian, too, Locke believes 1 See pp. 256-259. Pestalozzi, Herbart, and Froebel. Locke was influenced by sense realism, to the extent of introducing a utilitarian and encyclc- peedic cur- riculum, and in beginning with the vernacular studies and the lan- guages of one's nearest neighbors, 288 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION in correlating content studies with the study of lan- guages. He suggests : — " At the same time that he is learning French and Latin, a Child, as has been said, may also be enter'd in Arithmetick, Geography, Chronology, History, and Geometry, too. For if these be taught him in French or Latin, when he begins once to understand either of these Tongues, he will get a Knowledge in these sciences, and the Languages to boot. 1 ' In the matter of method also, Locke reminds one of Comenius and the other sense realists. He believes that " contrivances might be made to teach Children to read, whilst they thought they were only playing," and makes the suggestion of pasting the letters of the alpha- bet upon the sides of the dice. And further, — " when by these gentle Ways he begins to read, some easy pleasant Book, suited to his Capacity, should be put into his Hands, wherein the entertainment he finds might draw him on." Moreover, Locke is most thoroughly a sense realist in his theory of knowledge and the pedagogical recommen- dations that grow out of it. He holds that impressions are made through the senses by observation, and are only combined afterward by reflection. 1 The develop- ment, therefore, of such knowledge to the most complex ideas comes through induction, and in this way the sci- ences should be studied. Irf-the Conduct? he states : — " The surest way for a learner, in this as in all other cases, is not to advance by jumps, and large strides ; let that which he sets him- self to learn next be indeed the next ; i.e., as nearly conjoined with what he knows already as it is possible ; let it be distinct, but not remote from it ; let it be new and what he did not know before, that understanding may advance ; but let it be as little at once as may be, that its advances may be clear and sure." It is not surprising that, with such pleasant methods, Locke, like the realists generally, declares in his Thoughts that " great Severity of Punishment does but very little Good, nay, great Harm in Education." 3 He 1 This, of course, is brought out more clearly in his philosophical work, Essay concerning the Human Understanding. * § XXXIX. 3 His ideas in the Conduct would point to quite a different type of method and discipline. SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 289 prefers " Esteem or Disgrace " as the proper means of discipline, and maintains, as Comenius did, that corporal punishment should be for moral rather than intellectual remissness. Realistic Tendencies in the Elementary Schools. — The effect Obvious as the movement is in the seventeenth century, of sense the effect of sense' realism upon the schools seems to sfowandT* have been slow and indirect. The schools of those days, ^direct, as of other periods, had become highly institutionalized, £„' and the teachers were loath to break through any of elementary their established habits in respect to either content or therewas method. But in Germany during the seventeenth cen- j ncr eased tury there came a decided tendency throughout the ele- in^hever" mentary schools to increase instruction in the vernacular, macular and as recommended by Ratich and Comenius, and to learn tionofeie"°" first the German grammar rather than the Latin. With ment ary science this movement was joined. the increase in universal and compulsory education urged by the reformers, and an introduction of elementary science, in addition to the reading, writing, arithmetic, religion, and singing. At Weimar in 16 19, through a pupil of Ratich, a new sys- tem with universal education was organized, and in 1640 Duke Ernst, the Pious, of Gotha ordered Andreas Reyher to"prepare a Schulmethodiis based upon new lines. 1 Under this plan, w,hich was completed two years later, elementary instruction was afforded to both sexes throughout the duchy in the natural sciences, as well as in the usual rudiments and religion. This work in 'science ' consisted "in teaching the children to measure with the hour-glass and sun-dial, to observe the ordinary plants and animals, and to carry on other objective studies of a simple character. Many other attempts were made elsewhere in the German states, both in private and public education, and the same tendency appeared in the states of Italy, and in France, Holland, and England. Secondary Schools. — But the new realistic tendencies 1 See p. 199. 290 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION appear also in German secondary education. While it was not until the close of the seventeenth century thai there are any evidences of it in the Gymnasien and other preparatory schools, it becomes apparent by the middle of the century in the renewed activity of academies for the nobles. 1 After the Thirty Years' War, owing to the havoc wrought in the cities, the importance of the burghers gives way decidedly to that of the nobles, who find a compensation for the devastation of the country in a new splendor of living and a brilliant literature borrowed from the court of Louis XIV (1643-171 5), then at its height. For a century French influence domi- nated the courts of the German states, and, in place of humanistic education, there was developed a special training for the young nobles in French, Italian, Spanish, and English, in such accomplishments as courtly con- duct, dancing, fencing, and riding, and in philosophy, mathematics, physics, geography, statistics, law, geneal- ogy, and heraldry. This realistic training, while it in- cludes the sciences, is seen to lean rather toward the social features in the earlier realism of Montaigne 2 than the objective character of sense, realism. The educa- tional institutions in which it was embodied were not known as Furstenschnlen, but Ritterakademien (' acade- mies for the nobles '). Such academies were founded at Colberg, Liineburg, Vienna, Wolffenbuttel, and many other centers, before the close of the century. They originally covered the work of the Gymnasien, although they substituted modern languages, sciences, and knightly arts for the Greek and Hebrew, and added a little from the course of the university, but gradually they became part of the regular secondary system. Both in these schools and the Gymnasien the Comenian texts were used, but this was rather for the sake of their method of presenting Latin than because of the scientific content of these works. Later on, the Pietists' schools 3 also embodied all the See p. 154. 2 See pp. 246-250. 3 See pp. 300-305. SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 29 1 realistic elements which were borrowed by Francke from the suggestions in the writings of Comenius. The Pietists, however, adopted these ideas of the Moravian bishop largely for their religious side as a protest and reaction to the Rittcrakademicn and the ' rationalistic ' movement, although they did not hesitate also to stress the science content and the study of the vernacular. These realistic ideas, started by Francke at Halle, were modified and expanded by his colleagues, Semler and Hecker, and found their way to Berlin toward the mid- dle of the eighteenth century. They then spread throughout Germany until, before the close of that cen- tury, they were embodied by means of the Realschnlen ('realistic schools') in the regular school system of the different states. 1 These institutions, while retaining French and some Latin, have added also the ver- nacular, history, geography, geometry, mechanics, ar- chitecture, and various natural sciences, to their cur- riculum. In England such recommendations as those in Locke's in the Thoughts concerning moral and physical education, as f^" 1 ubL we have already noted, did much toward reshaping the schools, and practice of the grammar and public schools, but probably conformist" very few introduced even the elements of science into 'academies' their course. On the other hand, the academy recom- mended in Milton's Tractate of Education was actually organized in many places by the Puritans. The two thousand non-conforming clergymen who were driven from their parishes by the harsh Act of Uniformity in 1662, in many instances found school-teaching a con- genial means of earning a livelihood, and at the same time of furnishing higher education to the young dis- senters who were excluded from the universities and grammar schools. The first of these academies was that established by Richard Frankland at Rathmill in 1665, and this was followed by the institutions of John Woodhouse at Sheriffhales, of Charles Morton at New- 1 See p. 304. 292 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION ington Green, and of some thirty other educators of whom we have record. While these academies usually followed the humanistic realism of Milton, and, since their chief function was to fit for the ministry, included Latin, Greek, and Hebrew in their course, they were also rich in sciences and mathematics and the study of the social sciences, and the vernacular was especially emphasized. 1 The new tendency was also broadened and amplified by the writings of Locke, whose ThougJits became the great guide for the managers of the Puritan academies. In 1689, when the Act of Toleration put non-conformity upon a legal footing, the academies were allowed to be regularly incorporated. So in America, when the number of religious denomi- nations had greatly increased and the demands upon secondary education had expanded, the 'grammar' schools, with their narrow denominational ideals and their limitation to a classical training and college prepa- ration, proved inadequate, and an imitation of the Eng- lish academy arose as a supplement. The first suggestion of an 'academy' was made in 1743 by Benjamin Franklin. He wished to inaugurate an education that would pre- pare for life, and not merely for college. He accord- ingly proposed for the youth of Pennsylvania a course in which English grammar and composition, penman- ship, arithmetic, drawing, geography, history, the natural sciences, oratory, civics, and logic were to be emphasized. He would gladly have excluded the languages altogether and made the course completely realistic, but for politic reasons he made these subjects elective. His academy was opened at Philadelphia in 175 1, and similar institu- tions sprang up rapidly through the other colonies dur- ing the latter half of the eighteenth century. Shortly after the Revolution, partly owing to the inability or the unwillingness of the towns or the counties to maintain grammar schools, the academy quite eclipsed these 1 A detailed account of the history and curriculum of these academies is given in Brown, Making of Our Middle Schools, Chapter VIII. SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 293 institutions, and became for a time the representative type of secondary school in the United States. 1 The Universities. — The conservatism of the univer- The univer- sities toward realism has been even more striking than sities were that of secondary education. These higher institutions, it vatfve^the has previously been observed, were exceedingly reluc- a , do P , ! on of i. a. *. 1 .1 1 • v. . r^ 1 • & J , ,the sciences. tant to take up the classics, but after having adopted them as the substance of the course for a couple of centuries, they were long unwilling to exchange these subjects for others, or to make room for the sciences in any way. In Germany, as the result of its Pietistic origin, the in Germany University of Halle was realistic almost from its begin- £ v Jj> e end ning in 1692. Gottingen, the next institution to become eighteenth hospitable to the new movement, did not start it until ^"^denc 1737. But soon afterward the tendency became general, became 6 ™ and by the end of the eighteenth century all the German g« neral - universities, — at least, all under Protestant auspices, had created professorships in the sciences. The Eng- ^a^bd^e lish universities, Oxford and Cambridge, were much we™ slower, slower than those of Germany in adopting the new sub- j^^ 6 "J w jects, and even at the present day the sciences have not universities altogether obtained the standing of the classics. During ^g^J the professorship of Isaac Newton in the last half of the realistic seventeenth century, however, much was done toward movement- making Cambridge mathematical and scientific, and dur- ing the eighteenth century many chairs were established in the sciences, but it was not until toward the end of the nineteenth that this institution became famous for its science. The foundation of efficient municipal uni- versities in such cities as London, Liverpool, Manches- ter, and Birmingham, has greatly hastened the realistic movement in England during the past half century. Likewise, the bitter contest over the admission of sci- Theadmis- ence in the universities of the United States, in spite of jjJSJjjt their greater freedom from tradition and precedent, is United states still within the memory of many. ,s recent 1 See Brown, op. cit., Chapter IX. 294 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Bacon, F. Philosophical Works (edited by Spedding, Ellis, and Heath). Comenius, J. A. Great Didactic (translated by M. W. Keatinge), Orbis Pictus (English edition reprinted by C. W. Bardeen), and School of Infancy (translated by W. S. Monroe). Locke, J. Conduct of the Understanding (edited by Fowler), and Some Thoughts concerting Education (edited by Quick). Richter, A. Ratichianische Studien (Pts. 9 and 12 of Neudr'iicke Pddagogischer Schriften) . II. Authorities Adamson, J. W. Pioneers of Modern Education. Chaps. I-X. Ball, W. W. R. Short History of Mathematics. Barnard, H. American four nal of Education. Vols. V, 229-298 and 663-681, and VI, 459-466. Barnard, H. German Teachers and Educators. Pp. 311-388. Beard, C. The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century. Chap. XL Brown, E. E. The Making of Our Middle Schools. Chaps. VIII and IX. Browning, O. Educational Theories. Chap. IV. Butler, N . M. The Place of Comenius in the History of Education. Caird, E. University Addresses. Pp. 124-156. Cajori, F. A History of Physics. Church, R. W. Bacon. Compayre, G. History of Pedagogy. Pp. 121-137. Davidson, T. History of Education. Division III, Chap. I. Fischer, K. Descartes and His School. Fowler, T. Bacon's Novicm Organum. Hanus, P. H. The Permanent Influence of Comenius {Educational Aims and Values, VIII, 193-211). Kayser, W. fohann Amos Comenius. Pp. 1-148. Laurie, S. S. Educational Opinion since the Renaissance. Chaps. X-XI and XIII-XIV. Laurie, S. S. fohn Amos Comenius. Laurie, S. S. Teachers^ Guild Addresses. Chap. VI. Lippert, F. A. M. fohann Heinrich Alsteds padagogischdidaktische Reform-Bestrebungen undihr Einfluss auff.A. Comenius. Monroe, P. Text-book in the History of Edttcation. Chap. VIII. Monroe, W. S. Comenius and the Beginnings of Educational Reform. Munroe, J. P. The Educational Ideal. Chaps. III-V. Nichol, J. Francis Bacon. SENSE REALISM IN EDUCATION 295 Nohle, E. History of the German School System (Report of the U. S. Commissioner of Education, 1897-98, pp. 39-44). Paulsen, F. German Education (translated by Lorenz). Bk. III. Quick R. H. Educational Reformers. Chaps. IX, X, and XIII. Russell, J. E. German Higher Schools. Chap. III. Sped ding, J. (Editor). Life and Times of Francis Bacon. CHAPTER XIX EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF PURITANISM, PIETISM, AND RATIONALISM During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there also occurred a decided awakening in the religion and government of Europe. This, however, would seem to have been the product of the same causes as the revival in intellectual, moral, and social conditions marked by the Renaissance, the Reformation, and the rise of real- ism. It somewhat overlapped these other movements, and was in part connected with them, and in part was a reaction from them when they had become stereotyped and fixed. Reaction to the Conditions in Church and State. — We have already had occasion to notice how the stimulus in matters religious that took place during the Protestant revolts and the Catholic reformation had largely lost its vitality and lapsed once more into formalism. In France, Italy, Spain, and other Catholic countries, the Mother Church had again sunk into a traditionalism and author- itativeness almost as repressive as before the Reforma- tion ; in England, the National Church, while at first growing less and less ceremonial, had under the Stuarts become dogmatic and formal again ; while in Germany, the Protestant and Catholic states alike were set and literal in their interpretation of religion. A similar for- malism and despotism had for a longer period been growing up politically. Many states of Europe had at length become more unified through the development of strong national governments under absolute monarchs, and although these more stable conditions may be con- sidered to point in the direction of higher civilization, they proved anything but an unalloyed blessing. 296 EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF PURITANISM 297 While this religious and political situation obtained even in the small and disunited states of Germany and Italy, and in the Hapsburg dominions of Spain and Austria, it was more noticeable in such highly central- ized governments as those of France and England. In in France, France, the king had become more and more thoroughly a despot, who, by the end of the seventeenth century, no longer even went through the form of summoning the Estates-General, but made laws and levied taxes prac- tically to suit himself. The. nobility and the clergy, however, were exempt from taxation, and while still col- lecting their feudal dues or ecclesiastical tithes from the people, furnished them little protection or spiritual com- fort in return. The Catholic Church was all-powerful, and Protestants could not be legally married, have births recorded, or make wills. In England the power of Par- England, liament over taxes and legislation, which had been built up during the Middle Ages, became nominal during the Tudor period, and the sovereigns, by the exercise of tact, had been able to rule as practically absolute mon- arches. The situation was further complicated and ren- dered more intolerable through religious oppression. The Tudors had established a national church, in which the authority of the pope was denied, but many of the old forms and ceremonies were continued. The ' Puri- tans,' 1 who were dissatisfied with this half-way reform, 2 were required by Charles I (162 5- 1649) and his Arch- bishop Laud to conform to the national church. , This led to a political and religious revolt, in which the Puri- tans were for a time successful, and controlled England under Oliver Cromwell and his son (1649- 1660). But a reaction against the Puritan regime led to the restoration of the Stuarts and the expulsion of the Puritans from their parishes or even from the country, and conditions became more oppressive than ever. Even in Germany, Germany, 1 The term was originally applied to Low Churchmen, who objected to some of the doctrine and ritual, but it was soon loosely used and extended so as to include the Presbyterians and Independents as well. 2 See pp. 196,1". 298 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION where the various states were not yet centralized under a single head, 1 religion had become largely crystallized and formal. Most of the fervor of the Reformation had spent itself, and the prevailing Lutheranism had become bound down by creed and sacrament. Exactness of definition and correctness of belief had come to weigh more than religious emotion and purity of life. Similar conditions existed in all other countries and were bound to lead to a reaction. With the growth of intelligence and civilization, discontent with these despotic civil and ecclesiastical conditions in Europe was inevitable. In opposition to the prevailing formalism, great movements of protest, such as Puritanism in England, Pietism in Germany, and Rationalism in England and France grew up. Puritanism and Its Effects. — Puritanismwas originally an attempt to bring about a more active piety and a 'purer' conduct, but through a gradual increase in strength and the persecutions of the government, it be- came involved in politics and was most potent in the overthrow of the Stuarts. From its ranks, too, came several who contributed greatly to educational theory and to the improvement of the schools themselves. For example, the poet Milton was a stanch Puritan, and his Tractate of Education? which showed his opposition to the formal schools of the day, was but one of the several pamphlets of protest from his pen. He also wrote upon the freedom of the press, the tenure of kings, and religious toleration, and against the episco- pacy. 3 Moreover, as has already appeared,* the 'acad- 1 Of course the Hapsburg control of Germany was mostly nominal. 2 See pp. 254-256. 3 On the other hand, the great social philosopher Hobbes was stimu- lated to write through his royalist associations. He defended the absolutism of the monarch on the theory that the people had in the dim past agreed to hand over all their rights to a single person, in order to escape from continual warfare with one another, and could never be re- leased from their obedience. Therefore, with him, right and morality are the creation of the State, and religion and education should be controlled by the State. i See pp. 291-293. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF PURITANISM 299 emy' that he recommended in his Tractate formed a sort of model for the later non-conformist schools, and for the second stage of American secondary education. The Puritans thus greatly aided in bringing both civil and religious liberty to England and in improving the tone of morals and education. Nevertheless, the move- The degen- ment, like the revivals that had preceded it, seems to ?[acyof have degenerated, whenever it became dominant, into a into formalism quite as marked as that against which it was formalism ' a protest. It affected impossible and absurd ideals, and condemned all harmless amusements and pleasures. Ball-playing, bell-ringing, hunting, theater attendance, and dancing were placed in the same category with drunkenness, licentiousness, theft, lying, and profanity. Use of the Book of Common Prayer or scoffing at Puri- tans came to be considered equally heinous with loose- ness of living. The effort to stimulate 'pure religion and undefiled ' deteriorated into pride, narrowness, intol- erance, exaggeration, and occasional hypocrisy. The everyday conversation of the Puritans must have been filled with the fanaticism and cant that appears in the literature of the day, and wide was the divergence be- tween preaching and practice. Puritanism had largely become externality and form. Rise of the Pietists. — ■ Meanwhile, a great religious revival was taking place also in Germany. In the midst of the formalism into, which Lutheranism had fallen, there arose a set of theologians who were convinced of the need of moral and religious reform, and desired to make religion a matter of life rather than of creed. Among their number early appeared PJiilipp Jakob spenerand Spener (163S-170S), a pastor in Frankfurt, who insti- *£££&* tuted at his home a series of so-called collegia ,pietatis (' religious assemblies '), in which were formulated propo- sitions of reform. The views here represented seem to have been largely borrowed from Puritan writers. They did not advocate any new doctrine, but simply subor- dinated orthodoxy to spiritual religion and practical 300 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION morality. The movement spread rapidly, and made a great impression throughout Germany. The old ortho- dox theologians and pastors were grievously offended, and, from the name of the gatherings, the reformers became known in reproach as Pietists. 1 Francke. — From the standpoint of education, however, the most important Pietist was August Hermann Francke (1663-1727). Francke received an excellent education at Gotha Gymnasium, where he became acquainted with the reforms of Ratich and Comenius, and at the univer- sities of Erfurt, Kiel, and Leipzig, in which he studied theology and the languages, especially Greek and Hebrew. He first came into notice at Leipzig, where he had become a Privatdocent, by starting a Pietist society for careful discussion and pious application of the Scriptures. His attitude aroused the ill-will of the older professors and caused his dismissal. After a brief but stormy career as a preacher at Erfurt and as a teacher at Hamburg, he assisted in founding the Uni- versity of Halle, which became the center from which Pietism was diffused throughout Germany. Organization of His Institutions. — Here in 1692 Francke became a professor of the Greek and Hebrew languages, but was afterward transferred to his favorite subject of theology. To make ends meet, he was also appointed pastor in the suburb of Glaucha, and through this latter position his real work as an educator began. While catechizing the children who came to the parson- age to beg, he was shocked at their ignorance, poverty, and immorality, and resolved to raise them from their degradation by education. One day early in 1695, upon finding a contribution of seven guldens ($2.80) in his alms box, he started an Armenschule (' school for the poor ') in his own house and engaged a student of the university to teach it. As he was soon requested to open another school for those whose parents could afford to pay, he rented two rooms in a neighboring building, — 1 Like the names Puritan and Methodist, however, it was afterward adopted as a term of honor. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF PIETISM 30 1 one for the Armenschule and one for the Biirgerschule ('school for citizens'). Further, believing it of advan- tage to remove orphans from their old associations, he established a third institution for them, called the Waisenanstalt ('orphanage'), and later he subdivided all three organizations upon the basis of sex. Still in this same year, he undertook for a wealthy He also widow of noble family to educate her son together with founded some other boys, and his work in this direction grew schools*— rapidly into a secondary school, which came to be known ' Pa ?a- , as the Pddagogium. Two years later he started another ^sfhoia secondary course, for the purpose of preparing the i^^te brighter boys from the orphan and poor schools for the schuie/ and university, and this was called the Lateinische Hauptschule, ' Realsch uie; or Schola Latina, to distinguish it from the elementary schools, in which no foreign language was taught. As early as 1698, Francke likewise wished to organize a boarding-school where girls whose parents could afford it might obtain a training in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and other secondary subjects, and while at first this enterprise was on a small scale, within a dozen years the Ho here Tochter schuie (' higher school for girls ') became a regu- lar part of his system. Moreover, through his colleague, Semler, a secondary school of a more practical type, called the Realschule, in which the pure and applied sciences were taught, became associated in 1708 with the institutions of Francke. In addition to these elementary and secondary schools, and a • Semi- Francke was also enabled, through a gift of four thou- ceptomm: 86 * sand marks ($1000), to institute in 1695 a Sefninarium Prczceptorum ('seminary for teachers'), in which the theological students that taught in his schools might be trained. These students practiced teaching for two hours each day under the supervision and criticism of inspectors, and were boarded at a Frei-tisch (' free table'), established by means of the endowment. His Religious Aim in Education. — Even if we were His chris- not acquainted with the origin of Pietism, or with the {££ ^jgj*" practice in Francke's schools, the explicit statements in 302 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION his Brief and Simple Treatise on Christian Education 1 would make it evident that the educational aim underly- ing all his work was primarily religious training. " The chief object in view," says Francke, "is that children may be instructed above all things in the vital knowledge of God and Christ, and be initiated into the principles of true religion." He goes so far as to insist : " Only the pious man is a good member of society. Without sincere piety, all knowledge, all prudence, all worldly culture, is more hurtful than useful, and we are never secure against its misuse. "' His position is, therefore, a real return to the Refor- mation emphasis upon faith and non-ceremonial worship. Nevertheless, it has been clear that he was sufficiently affected by the times to found his schools somewhat with reference to existing social strata, and he distinctly declares : " In all instruction we must keep the pupil's station and future calling in mind." Course in His Different Schools. — Naturally, then, the subject most emphasized in all of Francke's schools was religion. \ln the elementary schools, four out of seven hours each day were given to Bible study, catechism, prayer, and pious observances, and the reading and writ- ing were based upon the Scriptures as materialj After learning to read, a pupil studied arithmetic for four hours, and vocal music for two hours each week. Incidentally, the course was enriched with a knowledge of 'real ' or use- ful things, such as the simplest facts of astronomy and physics, bits of geographical and historical information, and various household arts. In the Padagogiutn, not only was religion the chief study, but Greek and Hebrew were taught largely for the sake of exegesis, compositions were written in Latin upon Bible subjects, and French was learned through a New Testament in that language. The realistic turn to Francke's work also appeared in the training in the ver- nacular, in such studies as mr thematics, German oratory, 1 The full title is Kurzer und ' einfdltiger Unterricht wie die Kinder zur wahren Gottseligkeit und Chrhtlichen Klugheit anzufu.hr en sind. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF PIETISM 303 history, and geography, and in the elements of natural science, arts, and crafts, and of astronomy, anatomy, and materia medica. He also added the management of es- Realistic and tates, gardens, and vineyards, and such other knowledge ladles' 1 as the upper classes of society would find useful. As the pupils in the ScJwla Latina were not of sufficient social standing to demand it, the French and some of the practical studies of the Pddagogium were omitted, but the curriculum was otherwise the same. The Realschule course of went more fully into the mathematics, sciences, and use- L^^^he ful subjects than did the Pddagogium. The work in the Reaisc'huie, Tochterschide was not unlike that in the Latin school, ^hte 6 but included the household arts and other occupational schuie. studies and ' accomplishments.' Character of His Methods. — While the course in all ThS'indi- of Francke's schools was distinctly disciplinary in the- ^studied. ory, good pedagogy was not altogether neglected. The teachers were directed by his treatise to study each individual pupil, and were advised how to train children to concentrate, observe, and reason. Although much Memorizing memorizing was practiced, " children were not to be underltand- permitted to learn to prattle words without understand- ing was not ing them." This comprehension of the work was, of allowed - ^ course, increased by applying all studies to everyday Application life. The pupils wrote formal letters, receipts, and dinySfe St ° bonds, and their mathematical problems were based * upon practical transactions. The discipline in all the Mild disci- schools of Francke, in consequence, though strict, was P line - mild and humane. The Influence of Francke's Institutions. — From these 'Francke's schools, together with the orphanage, seminary, and ^J^iy, 'free table' as a nucleus, have developed the now cele- increased in brated organization known as Franckesche Stiftungen {ketone 11 ('Francke's Institutions'). "It is difficult to decide," *™* says Adamson, "whether the most surprising feature work. 1 ™ is their humble beginning, or their rapid growth and steady adaptation of means to ends." In spite of many controversies resulting from the Pietistic auspices of the institutions, at the death of Francke in 1727, there were 304 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION already in the elementary schools some seventeen hun- dred and twenty-five pupils of both sexes, in the orphan- age were maintained one hundred boys and thirty-four girls, while the Pddagogium had eighty-two, and the Schola Latina four hundred, boys, and two hundred and fifty students boarded at the ' free table.' These institutions have since been increased in num- ber, and there are now some twenty-five enterprises conducted in a large group of structures built about a double court. Among the additions are a printing-plant and bindery, a book-store, a Bible house, a drug-store and dispensary, and a home for women, as well as a Realgymnasium 2 and a Vorschule? Through these insti- tutions more than four thousand persons are being pro- vided with the means of an education or livelihood, and many good causes are advanced. Over one million marks ($250,000), coming from the endowment, state appropriations, tuition fees, and profits upon the enter- prises, are expended each year in maintaining the institutions. This work of Francke has had a great influence upon German education in several directions. The ' modern ' studies of the Pddagogium and Schola Latina have been a model for Prussia and all Protestant Germany, and have somewhat affected the curricula of the Gymtiasicn. The Realschule of Semler was brought in a slightly modified form to Berlin by Hecker, one of the teachers in the Pddagogium. From the capital it spread gradu- ally throughout Prussia, until it was taken into the public system, and is to-day one of the most important features. The seminary, or training-school for teachers, has been adopted by practically every one of the German states. Further, since in the various schools of Francke were realized the chief ideals of most educational re- formers up to that time, Germany was thereby given 1 A compromise between the Gymnasium and the Realschule, which has been quite common in Germany, but is now disappearing. - A preparatory school for the secondary schools, attended by children between six and nine. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF PIETISM 305 a concrete example of what it might best strive to imi- tate. Again, by means of teachers trained in his system ah Germany by the seminary, all Germany has been leavened by the has been spirit of the great Pietist. eavened - Decline of Pietism. — As to Pietism itself, however, But Pietism, while originally a protest against creed and ceremonial, too > became in later years it lost much of its living power and deterio- aKxed^ rated into a formalism in religious life and thought. It magnified even the smallest of daily doings into expres- sions of piety, and became, like Puritanism, pervaded with affectation and cant. To a great extent, its schools, with their spiritual purpose and content, then lapsed into merely inefficient classes in formal catechism, and all hold upon real living was lost. The religious revival of Spener and the educational impulse of Francke had become crystallized and fixed. Rationalism in England and France and Its Effects ; Locke, as an John Locke. — It was also during this period of Puritan- cfvlS ° f ism and Pietism that the world heard from the great religious rationalistic philosopher and educationalist, yohn Locke. wrote°severai While Locke's ancestry, was Puritan, this seems to have treatises, but had little influence upon his life and philosophy, except applications as he was ever the advocate of civil, religious, and philo- oftheration- sophic freedom. This tendency was increased by his osophy P in" close personal relations with the noted liberal, Lord his Essay. Shaftesbury. 1 In accordance with his convictions, Locke wrote two Treatises on Government, three Letters on Toleration, and an essay upon The Reasonableness of Christianity. Each of these works vigorously opposed absolutism and dogmatism, but they are all simply appli- cations of the thought underlying his great Essay con- cerning the Human Understanding. In this treatise, which was the product of his reflection during a score of years, he holds, as in the more special works, to the fruitlessness of traditional opinions and empty phrase- ology. He rejects all 'innate ideas,' or axiomatic prin- ciples, and charges that this tenet was imposed by 1 See p. 257. 306 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION masters and teachers upon their followers, " to take them off their own reason and judgment, and put them on believing and taking them upon trust without further examination." All knowledge, claims the Essay, comes rather from experience, and the mind is like white paper upon which ideas can be painted by 'sensation' and 'reflection.' 1 Locke further finds it necessary to deter- mine, when the ideas are once in mind, what they tell us in the way of truth. He holds that " knowledge is real only so far as there is a conformity between our ideas and the reality of things," and that, as we cannot always be sure of this correspondence, much of our knowledge is probable and not certain. We must, therefore, in each case carefully consider the grounds of probability, — "the conformity of anything with our own knowledge, observation, and the testimony of others." Locke's Disciplinary Theory in Intellectual Education.— To train the mind to make the proper discriminations in these matters, Locke claims that a formal discipline must be furnished by education. This attitude is made clear in his posthumous educational work, Conduct of the Understanding. As regards the aim of intellectual education, he holds in this work: — " As it is in the body, so it is in the mind ; practice makes it what it is, and most even of those excellences which are looked on as natural endowments will be found, when examined into more nar- rowly, to be the product of exercise, and to be raised to that pitch only by repeated actions. Few men are from their youth accustomed to strict reasoning, and to trace the dependence of any truth in a long train of consequences to its remote principles and to observe its connection ; and he that by frequent practice has not been used to this employment of his understanding, it is no more wonder that he should not, when he is grown into years, be able to bring his mind to it, than that he should not be able on a sudden to grave and design, dance on the ropes, or write a good hand, who has never practiced either of them." Concerning the best studies for producing this mental gymnastic, Locke says : — 1 This is his famous doctrine of the tabula rasa. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF RATIONALISM 307 He also advises a range of sci- ences to dis- pose the mind so as to be capable of any sci- ence. " Would you have a man reason well, you must use him to it be- and that the times, exercise his mind in observing the connection of ideas and best gymnas- following them in train. Nothing does this better than mathematics, tic f ? r rea- which therefore I think should be taught all those who have the zoning is time and opportunity, not so much to make them mathematicians as mathematics to make them reasonable creatures . . ., that having got the way of reasoning, which that study necessarily brings the mind to, they might be able to transfer it to other parts of knowledge as they shall have occasion." So Locke advises a wide range of sciences, not for the sake of the realistic knowledge obtained, but for in- tellectual discipline, " to accustom our minds to all sorts of ideas and the proper ways of examining their habi- tudes and relations ; . . . not to make them perfect in any one of the sciences, but so to open and dispose their minds as may best make them capable of any, when they shall apply themselves to it." Similarly, he implies that reading may become a means of discrimination. " Those who have got this faculty, one may say, have got the true key of books, and the clue to lead them through the mizemaze'of variety of opinions and authors to truth and certainty." Formal Discipline in Moral and Physical Training. — ■ The same disciplinary conception of the aim of educa- tion underlies most of Locke's recommendations on moral and physical training in Some Thoughts concern- ing Education. When in this work he comes to treat moral education, he declares at the start : — "As the strength of the body lies chiefly in being able to endure Hardships, so also does that of the Mind. And the great Principle and Foundation of all Virtue and Worth is plac'd in this : That a Man is able to deny himself his own Desires, cross his own Inclina- tions, and purely follow what Reason directs as Best, tho 1 the Appe- tite lean the other Way. . . . This Power is to be got and improv'd by Custom, made easy and familiar by an early Practice. If, there- fore, I might be heard, I would advise that, contrary to the ordinary Way, Children should be us 1 d to submit their Desires, and go without their Longings, even from their very Cradles. The first Thing they should learn to know, should be that they were not to have any Thing because it pleas'd them, but because it was thought fit for them." Hence, in Locke's opinion, morality comes about Moral train- ing he de- clares to be obtained by denying one's desires, 308 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION through submitting the natural desires to the control of reason, and thereby forming virtuous habits. In this light he discusses various virtues and vices as they occur to him, and insists that, in order that the proper habits may be ingrained in them, children should recognize the absolute authority of their fathers and tutors. The ideal upon which Locke bases his physical train- ing is also that of formal discipline, and has since been generally known as the ' hardening process.' His advice concerning this part of a pupil's training might be abridged as follows : — "Most Children's Constitutions are either spoil'd or at least harm'd by Cockering and Tenderness. The first Thing to be taken Care of is that Children be not too warmly clad or covered. Winter or Summer. The Face when we are born, is no less Render than any other Part of the Body. 'Tis Use alone hardens it, and makes it more able to endure the Cold. I will also advise his Feet to be washed every Day in cold Water, and to have his Shoes' so thin that they might leak and let in Water, whenever he comes near it. I should advise him to play in the Wind and Sun without a Hat. His Diet ought to be very plain and simple, — if he must needs have Flesh, let it be but once a Day, and of one Sort at a Meal without other Sauce than Hunger. His Meals should not be kept constantly to an Hour. Let his Bed be hard, and rather Quilts than feathers, — hard Lodging strengthens the Parts." Effects of Locke's Educational Theories. — The intel- lectual education advocated by Locke in his Conduct of the Understanding is evidently very different in content and method from that in the Thoughts. And although the Thoughts, as has been pointed out, arose from special circumstances, it is from this work, rather than the Conduct, that the educational position of Locke has ordinarily been estimated. In consequence, he has been classed by most educational writers as a realist of the humanistic or the sense type, with leanings toward Montaigne or Comenius, according to which set of ideas seemed to have been most emphasized in this work. 1 In truth, if we regard only the intellectual education of Locke's Thoughts and the resemblance it bears in inci- 1 See pp. 256-259 and 287-289. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF RATIONALISM 309 dentals or details to the recommendations of the realists, there is sufficient reason for these classifications. On similar grounds, Locke might be placed in the « natural- istic ' class with Rousseau, who, while criticizing him severely at times, admits a great indebtedness to him and has clearly taken many ideas from him with little modification. Locke as the Advocate of Formal Discipline. — But, although Locke stands in the apostolic succession of great educational theorists, selecting from the realists and influencing the naturalists, these interpretations cannot be considered at all adequate or in harmony with the whole spirit of Locke's rationalistic philosophy or his works upon other subjects. His peculiar point of view is exhibited in the Conduct, which was originally intended as an additional chapter and an application of the Essay, and in the positions taken on physical and moral training in the Thoughts. And the idea he gives here of training the mind by means of mathematics and other subjects so as to cultivate ' general power,' to- gether with his 'denial b£ desires ' in mora.1 education and the ' hardening process ' in physical training, would seem to make Locke the first writer to advocate the doctrine of ' formal discipline.' "~* Adherents of this theory hold that the study of certain subjects yields results out of all proportion to the effort expended, and gives a* -power that may be applied in any direction. It has been argued by formal disciplinarians, Position of accordingly, that every one should take these all-impor- JjSdjJ?" 1 tant studies, regardless of his interest, ability, or purpose narians. in life, and that all who are unfitted for these particular subjects are not qualified for the hig4*er~tftrtfe5~-and responsibilities, and are unworthy of educational con- sideration. These subjects are usually held to be the classic languages, to improve the 'faculty of memory,' and mathematics to sharpen the ' faculty of reason,' although strenuous efforts have been made by the scientists and others 1 to meet this argument by point- a See Proceeding: of the International Congress of Charities, 1893. 3io A HISTORY OF EDUCATION ing out the ' formal discipline ' in their own favorite studies. This doctrine of the formal discipline has had a tre- mendous effect upon each stage of education in practi- cally every country and during every period almost up to the last decade, when a decided reaction began. 1 The formal classicism of the English grammar and public schools and universities, and of the German Gymtiasien, afford excellent examples of the influence of formal discipline. While in the United States a newer and more flexible society has enabled changes to be more readily made, but a quarter of a century ago Greek, Latin, and mathematics made up most of the course in high schools, colleges, and universities, and until very recently the effete portion of arithmetic and the husks of formal grammar were defended in our ele- mentary education upon the score of 'formal discipline.' But, with the growth of science, the abandonment of the 'faculty' psychology, 2 and the development of educa- tional theory, the curriculum has everywhere been broadened, and the content of studies rather than the process of acquisition has come to be emphasized. It should, however, be recognized that Locke did not defend, but vigorously assailed, the grammatical and linguistic grind in the English public schools. 3 His attitude toward formal discipline sprang from his desire to root out the traditional and false, rather than to support the narrow humanistic curricula of the times. Section VII. E. B. Andrews makes this argument even for the study of Sociology. 1 See Adams, Herbartian Psychology, Chap. V ; Bagley, Educative Process, Chaps. XIII-XIV; Home, Training of the Will {School Review, XIII, pp. 616-628); O'Shea, Education as Adjustment, Chaps. XIII and XIV; Thorndike, Educational Psychology, Chap. VIII; Wardlow, Is Mental Discipline a Myth? {Educational Review, XXXV, pp. 22-32). Read also the more recent investigations, which tend to show that we have reacted too far. See the contributions of Angell, Pillsbury, Judd, and Ruediger in Educational Review, XXXVI, pp. 1-43, and 364-372, and Winch in The British Journal of Psychology, Vol. II, pp. 284-293. 2 See Graves, History of Education before the Middle Ages, pp. 196 and 213, for the origin and meaning of the ' faculty ' psychology. 3 See pp. 170-172. EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF RATIONALISM 311 His- philosophy and educational doctrines grew out of the rational- es purpose to. aid - the cause of liberty and reason, and cartes his esteem for mathematics as an intellectual training anTthe" shows his connection with Descartes. 1 It was, more- skepticism over, his doctrine that, developed to an extreme, eventu- ated in the destructive philosophy of the French ration- alists and the skepticism of Hume. While, therefore, Locke's imagery of the tabula rasa and his disciplinary theory have had an influence far beyond his times, it can hardly be supposed that he took that position in con- scious support of the conservative formal education of the English schools. He was in this, as in all his posi- tions, a radical and a rationalist. Voltaire and the Encyclopedists. — But Rationalism did The French not in England take the same direction or go to the ex- outl ? re ak treme it did in France. ' While the French were slower absolutism than the English to revolt against absolutism and eccle- was ™ Q . r t e ,° . ,. . & , . , , acute; it was siasticism, their conditions were more intolerable, and a reaction to when the outbreak came, it was much more acute. As th . e trac J ltlon - .... . • alism of the eighteenth century wore on, the reaction to the trar Church and ditional, irrational, and formal in Church and State, on\ fhe^nJif. to the one hand, and to the fanaticism, hypocrisy, and tismofthe formalism of Puritanism and Pietism on the other, grew Puntans - and became popular. Efforts came to be made to inter- pret life in the light of reason and to overthrow all customs and institutions that did not square with this test. The rationalistic movement, which had started in Eng- lish philosophic thought, was here popularized and put into, actual practice. The sensationalism and rationalism The ration- of Locke were greatly developed .by Montesquieu, L S cke°was Voltaire, Diderot, Condillac, D' Alembert, and others of developed by the French 'encyclopedists.' The most keen and brilliant Jne^incydt of all these writers was Voltaire (1694-1778), who well pedists.' 1 Locke had first been stimulated by Descartes, who was reacting from his Jesuit traditions. The effort to strip off preconceived opinions is similar in both, and while Locke rejects the ' innate ideas,' to whose certainty Descartes holds, he also believes in mathematics as the best means of disciplining the mind and of getting rid of the false. 312 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION serves as a type of the whole movement. With matchless wit and literary skill, in a remarkable range of writings, he championed reason against the traditional institutions of State and Church. Voltaire's chief object of attack was the powerful Roman Catholic Church, which at this time seemed to stand seriously in the way of all liberty, individ- ualism and progress, and the slogan with which he often closed his letters was, " crush the infamous thing." The Protestant beliefs he likewise repudiated as irrational. The other rationalistic writers had similar doctrines, and although the details of their ideas are hardly worthy of consideration here, they all produced writings upon edu- cation. In these they freely criticized the traditional school systems, and proposed new theories of organiza- tion, content, and method that must later have assisted to demolish the existing theory and practice in France. Thus Rationalism sought to destroy despotism, super- stition, and hypocrisy, and to establish in their place freedom in action, justice in society, and toleration in religion. But in casting away the old, it swung to the opposite extreme and degenerated into anarchy and skep- ticism, and at times even into materialism and license. In their fight against the despotic ecclesiasticism, the rationalists failed to distinguish it from Christianity, and wished in its place to create a religion of reason or na- ture. Their real opposition to the Church, however, was because it was irrational rather than because it was insin- cere, and they felt that it might have a mission with the masses, who were too dull and uneducated to be able to reason. So while Rationalism wielded a mighty weapon against the fettering of the human intellect, it cared little about improving the condition of the lower classes, who were sunk in poverty and ignorance, and universally oppressed. It endeavored to replace the traditionalism and despotism' of the clergy and monarch with the tyr- anny and dogmatism of an intellectual few. While brilliant, the movement was also artificial and stilted. Morality came to be merely a veneer,, — an observance of proper forms. The most vicious living was tolerated, EDUCATIONAL INFLUENCES OF RATIONALISM 313 providing appearances were maintained. There came about merely the exchange of one kind of formalism for another. The Hardening of the Puritan, Pietistic, and Rational- Puritanism istic Movements.- — Hence the reactions to formalism in deteriorafed the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries eventually imofanatf- hardened in each case into formalism of a new type. RaUonaHsm Puritanism and Pietism -to a great extent deteriorated into into fanaticism and hypocrisy, while Rationalism spread ske P tIclsm - into skepticism: and looseness of Hying. But during this period, as at other times in history, there was not a com- plete return to the point of departure. The stimulus in religion and political conditions disappeared again, but it not only left behind important by-products for society and education, but it also prepared the way for a higher development in the future. SUPPLEMENTARY READING I. Sources Descartes, R. Meditations. Locke, J. Conduct of the Understanding (edited by Fowler), and Some Thoughts concerning Education (edited by Quick) . Richter, A. August Hermann Francke, Kurzer und Einfaltiger Unterricht (Pt. X of Neudriicke Pddagogischer Schriften). II. Authorities Bagley, W. C. The Educative Process. Chaps. XIII-XIV. Bourne, H. R. F. The Life offohn Locke. Vol. II, pp. 253-269. Browning, O. Educational Theories. Chap. VII. Compayre, G. History of Pedagogy. Pp. 194-21 1. Erdmann, J. E. History of Philosophy (translated by Hough). Vol. II, pp. 104-116 and 153-170. Fowler, T. John Locke. Chaps. I-X. # Francke, K. German Literature as Determined by Social Forces. Chaps. VI-VIII. Fraser, A. C. Locke. Pts. I and II. Kramer, G. August Hermann Francke ; em Lebensbild. Laurie, S. S. Educational Opinion from the Renaissance. Chap. XV. Leitch, J . Practical Educationalists and their Systems. Pp. 1-5 1. Lowell, E.J. Eve of the French Revolution. 314 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION Macdonald, F. Studies in the France of Voltaire and Rousseau. May, T. E. Democracy in Europe. Vol. II. Chap. XII. Monroe, P. Text-book in the History of Education. Chaps. VIII and IX. Munroe, J. P. The Educational Ideal. Pp. 106-118. Nohle, E. History of the German School System (Report of the U. S. Commissioner of Education, 1897-98, pp. 45-62). O'Shea, M. V. Education as Adjustment. Chaps. XIII-XIV. Paulsen, F. Ger?nan Education. Bk. III. Quick, R. H. Educational Reformers. Chap. XIII. Russell, J. E. German Higher Schools. Pp. 60-66. Schlosser, F. C. History of the Eighteenth Century. Bk. I, Chaps. II and III. Thorndike, E. L. Educational Psychology. Chaps. Ill and VIII. Williams, S. G. History of Modern Education. Chap. X. CHAPTER XX THE PROGRESS BEFORE MODERN TIMES The Middle Ages. — It may be well now to pause at the gateway of modern civilization and education and make a brief survey of the progress that has taken place since pre-mediaeval days. During the Middle Ages, it has been seen that the key-note was adherence to author- ity and preparation for the life to come. Individualism was mostly repressed, and intellectual training was held within the confines of a few activities of a stereotyped sort. The cultural products of Greeccand Rome largely disappeared or were deprived of their vitality, and all civilization was restricted, fixed, and formal. The Awakening. — Bnt the human spirit could not be forever held in bondage, and, after almost a millennium of repression and uniformity, various factors that had accumulated within the Middle Ages produced an intel- lectual awakening. Some expression of individualism was once more attained, and the classics of Greece and Rome were again sought to nourish the renewed vigor. This period of intellectual restoration has been described by the word ' Renaissance,' and its vitality lasted during the fifteenth century in Italy and to the close of the six- teenth in the Northern countries. By the dawn of the seventeenth century, however, it had everywhere degen- erated into ' Ciceronianism.' This constituted a formal- ism almost as dense as that it had superseded, except that linguistic and literary studies had replaced dialectic and theology. A little later tnan the spread of the Renaissance through the North, yet overlapping it somewhat, came the allied movement of the ' Reformation.' This grew in part out of the disposition of the Northern Renaissance 3*5 The key-note of the Middle Ages was authority and repression. The period of intellectual awakening, or the ' Re- naissance," degenerated into Cicero- nianism ; the ' Refornr ation," or the religious and theological awakening, 3i6 A HISTORY OF EDUCATION to turn to social and moral account the revived intelli- gence and learning. A movement to reform church practice and doctrine appeared in the Protestant revolts and the Catholic reaction. Yet here also the revival abandoned its mission, and the tendency to rely upon reason rather than dogma hardened into formalism and a distrust of individualism. Again, in the seventeenth century, apparently as an outgrowth of the same forces as produced the humanis- tic and religious revivals of the two preceding centuries, came the movement known as ' realism.' When the Renaissance and Reformation had deteriorated into nar- row Ciceronianism on the one hand and dogmatic formal- ism on the other, the activity of the times took the form of a search for 'real things.' By this at first was merely intended a broader humanism and an effort to realize the idea back of the word, but it came before long to be expanded into a desire to deal with concrete objects. In a small and crude way the modern scientific move- ment had begun. Preparation for Rousseau and the French Revolu- tion. — Associated with this realistic tendency, on the religious and political sides came a quickening known in various forms and countries as Puritanism, Pietism, and Rationalism. These movements went on through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but eventually degenerated into fanaticism and hypocrisy or skepticism and anarchy. While it can be seen that the revival in each of these periods lapsed and hardened once more into a new sort of formalism, something in every era was accomplished for progress, and the social pendulum never swung back as far as the point from which it had started. Thus was the way opened for the absolute break from tradi- tion and authority that occurred during the latter part of the eighteenth century. At that time came yean yacques Rousseau (171 2-1 776) and the extreme reaction from all that had been built up during the centuries pre- ceding. Of this complete repudiation of the past and THE PROGRESS BEFORE MODERN TIMES 317 of the existing order of society, voiced by the Swiss- French philosopher, the most violent and marked symp- tom is found in the French revolution. The Modern Spirit. — This destruction of the entire Out of the social fabric, while most disastrous and costly at the ruin , sgrew • 11 1 r 1 „„ J modern time, was an inevitable result of the unwillingness to re- civilization shape society in accordance with changing ideals and efforMo har- conditions, and out of the ruins grew a nobler structure, monize the The social world must have come to an end, had it* JjjjfJJjjL paused with Rousseau and the French upheaval, but through this very demolition was ushered in the spirit of the nineteenth century together with modern civiliza- tion and progress. Individualism had at length tri- umphed and for a time ground authority under its heel, but when this extremity had been passed, the problem became how to harmonize, the individual with society, and how to develop personality progressively in keeping with its environment. That constituted the task for the modern reformers, and is the underlying desideratum for which modern society and education have ardently been striving. INDEX Abbot, 6 (footnote). ABC shooters, 86 (footnote). Abelard, 53, 57, 79, 80. Academise, 218. Academies, in England, 291, 298; America, 174, 292 f., 298. Academy, with Milton, 256, 291, with Comenius, 278, 282. Acquaviva, Claudio, 210, 220. Adagia, 151. Adams, George Burton, quoted, 1, Adnotationes, of Valla, 129, 151. Adolescentia, of Wimpfeling, 149. iEmuli, 218. /Eneas Sylvius, 130, 131, 132 f., (footnote), 162. Africa, of Petrarch, 116. Agricola, 147 f., 149. Albertus Magnus, 54, 73. Albigenses, 72, 179 (footnote). Albrecht V, of Bavaria, 236. Alcuin, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33. Alexander of Hales, 54, 73. Alexandria, 43, 76. Alfonso of Naples, 123. Alfred, education under, 36 ff. Algazzali, 42. Alsted, Johann Heinrich, 275. Altdorf, university of, 202. Alva, duke of, 199, 208. A. M. D. G., 22i. America, education in, 199 f. Anabaptists, 184 (footnote). Andreae, 275. Angelique, Mere, 224 (footnote). Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, The, 38. Anhalt-Kothen. See Kothen. Anselm, 51. Anthony, 6. Antidotarium, 90. ' Apprentice ' 92, 97. Aquinas, Thomas, 54 f., 73. Aretino, 120 (footnote). Arezzo, university of, 81. Aristotle, 18, 20, 41, 42, 115, 263, 264. Arithmetic, in pagan course, 15, 18. Armenschule, 300 ff . Arnauld, 224 (footnote), 226, 227. 298 ; Art, mediaeval, 103. Asceticism, in Christianity, 5. Ascham, Roger, 164, 166 f., 243. Asser, 37. Assimilation, key to Middle Ages, 3. Astronomy, in pagan course, 15; in later course, 17. Athanasius, 7. Atrium, 273. Auctarium, 274 (footnote). Augsburg, 161 (footnote), 268; peace of, 183 (footnote). Augustine, 8 (footnote). Augustine. See St. Augustine. Augustinians, 8, 181. Austin friars, 74. Authority, insistence upon, 219. Averroes, 43, 45- Avicenna, 42, 90. Avignon, papal court at, 180. Aymeri de Narbonne, 101. Bacon, Francis, 94, 254, 255, 263 B., 267, 269, 270, 275, 285. Bacon, Friar, 90, 94. Baeda, 32, 38. Balsamenlum, 276 (footnote). Barbarisms, of Donatus, 89. Barbaro, 131. Barbarossa,' 82. Barlaam, 118. Barzizza, 117, 121, 123. Basedow, 286. Basel, 150. Basil, 6, 7. Bateus, 273, 275. 319 320 INDEX Bee, 13, 31. Bembo, 130, 135, 161. Benedict, 7, 8, g, 12. Benedict of Aniane, 8. Benedict XII, 94- Beowulf, Story of, 101. Bernard of Clairvaux, 50. BSrulle, 222. Best Method of Opening an Institution of Learning, 159. Birmingham, university of, 293. Bobbio, 12. Boccaccio, 93, 116 ff., 118, 119, 137. Bodinus, 275. Boethius, 16, 38, 89; De Musica, 21. Bologna, university of, 78 f., 81, 82, 150. Bona ventura, 50, 54, 73. Boniface, 7. Bossuet, 221. Boston Latin School, 173. Bremen, education at, 198. Brethren of the Common Lot, 145 ff. Brinsley, John, 172. Brothers of Sincerity, 42 f. Bruni, 120, 131, 132, 133, 143 (foot- note). Brunswick, schools at, 188, 198. Budaeus, 143, 166. Biirgerschule, Francke's, 300 ff. Bugenhagen, educational work of, 188, 198, 201. Burckhardt, quoted, 113 f. Burgher, class, 97 ; schools, 97 ff. Cairo, 43. Calasanzio, Jose, 229. Calderon, 221. Calvin, 143, 191 f., 204, 224; educa- tional work of, 192 ff. Calvinist education, spread of, 193 f. Cambrai, 146. Cambridge, university of, 81, 84, 163 f., 202, 250, 263, 293. Canisius, 228. Canterbury, 13. Canterbury Tales, 102 (footnote). Canzoniere, 115. Carlstadt, 184 (footnote). Carmelites, 74. Carthusians, 8. Cassian, 7. Cassiodorus, 16, 32. Cathedral schools, under Charle- magne, 30 f . Catholic education, aim, 235 ; organi- zation, 235 f . ; content, 236 ; methods, 236 f. ; results, 237. Celestine III, 80. Cessatio, 84 f . Chanson de Roland, 64 f., 101. Chansons de geste, 101. Chantry schools, 98, 195. Charlemagne, 25 ff., 63, 101, 104; edu- cation under, 273. Charles Gustavus, 277 (footnote). Charles V, 183. Charles VIII, 142. Charterhouse, 173. Cheke, Sir John, 164. Cheltenham, 173. Chivalric education, preparatory stages, 65 ff. ; knighthood, 67 f.; training of women, 68 ; effects of, 68 ff . Chivalry, 64 ff. Christian Brothers, 228 ff., 236 ; educa- tional aim, 229 f . ; organization, 230; content and methods, 231 f. ; results, 232. Christian Education, Brief Treatise on, 3°2- Christian Education of Youth, Zwingli's treatise, 190 f. Christianity, religion of Roman world, 4- Christ's Hospital, 173. Chrysoloras, Emanuel, 119 ff., 126. Cicero, 20, 176. Ciceronianism, 130, 136 f., 160 f., 213 f., 243, 246, 315. Ciceronianus, Dialogus, 130 (footnote), 136, 151. Cistercians, 8. Cities, growth of, 96 f. Classe, 13. Classic Letters, 159. Clement XIV, 221 f. Clifton, 173. Cluny, 8, 13. Coadjutores spirituales, 212. Code, of Justinian, 90. Ccenobitic, 6. Colberg, 290. INDEX 321 Colet, 150, 163, 167 ff., 175. College de Guyenne, 144 f. College de la Rive, 192, 193. College de Montaigu, 146, 149. Colleges, 175, 193, 201. Colleges, Moorish, 41 ; of the Jesuits, 211 ff. Collegia pietatis, 299. Colloquia, of Corderius, 144, 172, 174, 192 ; of Erasmus, 150, 151, 158. Cologne, university of, 82, 163. Columba, 7. Comenius, 254, 255, 266, 271 ff., 287, 300. Commerce in the Middle Ages, 96. Conceptualism, 53. Concertatio, 218. Condillac, 311. Conduct of Schools, 231, 232. Conduct of the Understanding, Locke's, 257, 259, 287, 307 f., 308, 309. Consiliarius, 88. Constance, Council of, 180. Constantinople, taken by Venetians, 45 ; taken by Turks, 118. Constantinus Africanus, 77. Constitutiones, the Jesuit, 210, 212, 213. Convent of New Catholics, 234. Convictus, 214. Copernicus, 94, 262. Corbie, 13, 31. Corderius, 143 f., 192. Cordova, 43, 76. Corneille, 221. Corporal punishment, 166, 218, 285, 288 f. Corpus Juris Canonici, 79 (footnote). Corpus Juris Civilis, 78, 79, 90. Corrector, 219. Correlation, with Comenius, 285. Counter- reformation, 208 (footnote). Court, humanistic influences at the, 164. Court schools, 123 ; relation to the uni- versities, 127 f. Croke, Richard, 163. Croyland, 10, 13. Crusades, 65, 100 f., 104. Crusius, 161 (footnote). Cur Deus Homo, 52 (footnote). Czech, 275 (footnote). D'Alembert, 311. Dante, 93, 114 (footnote). D'Arezzo, 120 (footnote). 'Dark Ages,' 12, 103. Decamerone, 102 (footnote), 117. Decanus, 88. De Civilitate, 151. De Copia Verborum, 150. Decretum Gratiani, 79, 90. Decuriones, 218. De Emendatione, 144, 192. De Formando Studio, 147 f. De Geer, Ludovic, 273. Degrees, mediaeval universities, 92 f. De Ingenuis Moribus, 121. De Liber or um Educatione, 130. De I 'Institution du Prince, 143. Demia, Charles, 229. De Ordine Docendi, 121. De Pueris, 151. De Ratione, 151. Descartes, Rene, 222, 224, 262, 311. De Studiis et Uteris, 1 20. De Tradendis Disciplinis, 166. De Utilitate Gracce, 148. Deventer, 146, 147, 148, 149. De Viris Illustribus, 116. Dialectic, in pagan course, 15 ; meaning of, 18. Dialogues of the Dead, 234. Didactica Magna, 273 (footnote), 274 ff. Didacticum, collegium, 276 (footnote), 280. Diderot, 221, 311. Dietarum Liber, 90. Digest, of Justinian, 90. Disciplinary theory. See Formal dis- cipline. Disputationes, 218. Disputation of Pippin, 29. ' Doctor,' 92, 215. Doctor scholasticus, 50. Dominicans, 8, 73 ff., 221. Donation of Constantine, 1 29. Donatus, 20, 89. Don Juan of Austria, 221. Dorpat, university of, 202. Dort, synod of, 199. 'Double translation,' 166 £. Dulwich, 173. 322 INDEX Duns Scotus, 55. Dunstan, 8. ^cb, 182. i Education of Children, 247 f. [ Education of Girls, 233 f . " Edward VI, 195 ff., 202. Einhard, 29. Eisleben, 155, 157, 187, 198. Elbing, 273. Elegantia Latina, 135. Elementarie, Mulcaster's, 250 ff. Elementary education, under Charle- magne, 31 f. ; under Alfred, 37 t. ; under Moslems, 44. Elizabeth, queen, 167, 196. 'Eloquence,' as educational aim, 15Q. Elyot, Sir Thomas, 165, 166. Entile, Rousseau's, 259 (footnote). Empiricism, 241 (footnote), 262. Emulation, in Jesuit education, 217 f. Encomium Morice, 151. Encyclopedists, 311. Epistola, Petrarch's, 116. Erasmus, 93, 148, 149 ff., 156, 159, 161, 163, 166, 168, 170, 171, 243. Erfurt, university of, 82, 145, 148, 181, 300. Erigena, Joannes Scotus, 34, 49, 51. Ernst the Pious, 199, 289. Erolemata, 119. Essais, Montaigne's, 247. Essay concerning the Human Under- standing, 305, 309. Estiennes, 143. Ethics, Aristotle's, 89. Eton, 173, 250. Eucharist, Zwingli's position on the, 190, 204. Externi, 13, 212. Fabliaux, 102. Factors in modern civilization, 1 . Faculties, 88. ' Faculty,' 309, 310. Febrium, Liber, 90. Federigo da Montefeltro, 123. Fenelon, Francois, 233 ff., 236. Ferrara, 121, 123, 127, 147. Ferrieres, 13. Feudalism, 63 f., 100. Filelfo, 121, 124 (footnote), 129. Fisher, Bishop, 163. Fleury, 13. Florence, 119, 120, 122, 123, 128, 142, 150, 162. Fontenelle, 13. ' Formal discipline,' 306 ff. Formalism, 135 f., 176, 203 f., 237. 'Forms,' 265. Francis I, 142, 191. Franciscans, 8, 72 ff., 222. Francke, August Hermann, 286, 300 ff.: aim in education, 301 f.; course, 302 f.; methods, 303 ; influence of, 303 f- Franckesche Stiftungen, 303 f. Frankfurt, diet of, 267. Franks, 25 ff. Frederick I, 79, 82. Frederick II, 44, 77. Friars, mendicant, 72. Froebel, 271, 287. Fiirstenschulen, 153 ff., 175, 201, 290. Fulda, 10, 13, 31, 33, 34. Fust, Johann, 140. Galileo, 94, 262. Gandersheim, 13. Gargantua, 244 ff. Gaunilo, 52 (footnote). Geert Geerts, 149 (footnote). 'General,' the Jesuit, 211. Geneva, Calvin at, 192 ff. Geometry, in pagan course, 15; later, 18. 'Germaniae praeceptor,' 149, 157. German universities, classics in, 145. Gerson, 55 (footnote). Gesta Rotnanorum, 12. Giessen, university of, 267 f., 272. Gilds, 92, 97. Gild schools, 97 f., 195. Giocosa, la casa, 124. Glastonbury, 13. Gnostics, 5. Gottingen, education at, 188; univer- sity of, 293. Goldberg, 188. Goliardi, 86. Golias, 86 (footnote). Gonzaga, 124. INDEX 323 Gotha, education at, 198 f. Gouvea, 144. Governour, The, 165. Grammar, in pagan course, 15 ; mean- ing of, 17. Grammar schools, in England, 170 5., J75. !97 i-, 20I > 201 ; in America, 173 f- Grammatics Facilioris Pracepta, 272. Granada, 43, 76. Gratian, 79. Gratis accepistis, 213. Great Didactic, The. See Didactica Magna. Greek, in Italy, 117 ff.; at Oxford, 162 f. ; at Cambridge, 163 f. Gregorio of Tiferno, 142. Gregory I, the Great, 8 (footnote), 38. Gregory IX, 81 f. Grimbald, 37. Grimma, 155. ' Grocyn, William, 150, 162, 165, 168. Groot, Geert, 146. Guarino, Battista, 109 (footnote), 121, 131, 132, 143 (footnote). Guarino da Verona, 120 f., 123, 124, 126, 128, 131. Guericke, 262. Gymnasien, 153 ff., 157, 175, 201, 290. Eabita, Authentic, 82, 83. Haileybury, 173. Halle, university of, 293, 300. Hamburg, schools at, 188. 'Hardening process,' 252. Harold, king of England, 70. Harrow, 173. Hartlib, Samuel, 255 (footnote). Hecker, 291, 304. Hegius, Alexander, 148. Heidelberg, university of, 82,^83, 145, 147, 148, 156, 272. Helmstadt, university of, 202. Henry III, of England, 85. Henry VIII, 174, 195 ff., 202, 204. Heptameron, 102 (footnote). Herbart, 271, 287. Herborn, college of, 271 f., 272, 275. Hermits, first Christian, 5 f. Hermonymus, 142. Hersfeld, 13. Hessen-Cassel, education at, 198. Hessen-Darmstadt, education at, 198. Hieronymian schools, 145 ff., 154, 175, 213. Hirschau, 13, 31. Hobbes, 298 (footnote). Holland, school system of, 193, 199 f. Holstein, education at, 188, 198, 267. Holy Roman Empire, 26. Hornbach, 161 (footnote). Hughes, quoted, 214 (footnote). Humanism, 108 f. ; in Italy, no ff. ; in North, 140 ff. ; in France, 141 ff. ; in Teutonic countries, 145 ff. ; in England, 161 ff. Humanistic education, ideals of, 130 ff., 174 f. ; content, 132 ff., 175 f. ; method, 134; organization, 134 f., 175; results, 135 ff., 176. Hume, 311. Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, 161. Huss, Johann, 93, 180. ' Idols,' Bacon's, 264. // Conmlo, Dante's, 114 (footnote). Ufeld, 189. 'Induction,' 263 ff., 270, 283 ff., 288. ' Indulgence,' 182. Industrial education, 97. Inferiora studia, 212 ff. Informatorium Skoly Malcrske, 275. Ingoldstadt, university of, 14s, 148. 'Innate ideas,' 305, 311 (footnote). Innocent IV, 100. Institutes, of Justinian, 90. Isaac Judseus, 90. Isidoneus Germanicus, 149. Isidore of Seville, 16. Jacqueline Pascal, 226, 228, 233. Jansenists, 222, 223 ff., 228, 237. Janua Lingua Latince Reserata, 272 (footnote). Janua Linguarum Reserata, 272, 273, 286. Janua Rerum Reserata, 276. Jena, university of, 14s, 202, 268. Jerome, 7. Jesuit education, aim of, 210; organi- zation, 210 ff. ; content, 213 ff. ; method, 215 ff. ; results, 219 ff. 324 INDEX Jesuits, 155, 175, 209 ff., 228, 229, 231, 235, 236. John the Saxon, 38. John XXII, 94- John XXIII, 94- 'Journeyman,' 92, 97. Juilly, college at, 223. Jurisdictio, 63 (footnote). 'Justification by faith,' 181, 191. Justinian's Decree, 4. Jus ubique docendi, 84. Kepler, 262. Klosterschulen, 154. 'Knowledge,' as educational aim, 151, 160, 277 f. Knox, John, 194, 204. Konigsberg, university of, 145, 202. Kothen, Ratich at, 268, 269. Koran, 40, 44. Labyrinthus, 276 (footnote). Lamy, 223. Lancelot, 226, 227 f. Landesschulen, 154 (footnote). La Salle, 228 ff. Lateinische Hauptschule. See Schola Latina. Latimer, William, 163. ' Latin school ' of Comenius, 276, 278, 281 f. Lauingen, 161 (footnote). Lausanne, college at, 192. Laynez, Diego, 209 (footnote), 210, 214. Leach, quoted, 195 (footnote). Lecointe, 223. Lefevre, 175. Leipzig, university of, 145, 163, 300. Lelong, 223. Leo X, 130, 135. Leszno, 272, 274, 275, 276, 277 (foot- note). Letter to Mayors and Aldermen, 184, 187, 201. Liberatura, 69 (footnote). Libraries, in monasteries, 10 f. Liege, 146, 158. Lily, William, 150, 169, 174. Linacre, Thomas, 150, 162 f., 165. Lisbon, university of, 81. Lissa. See Leszno. 'Little Schools,' 224 ff. Liverpool, university of, 293. Locke, 246, 249, 252. 254, 256 ff., 262, 287 ff., 292, 305 ff., 312. Lollards, 180, 194 (footnote). London, university of, 293. Louis VII, 80. Louis XII, 142. Louis XIV, 227, 200. Louvain, 146, 150, 158. Loyola, Ignatius, 209 ff. Ludus liter arius, 172. Liibeck, education at, 188. Liineburg, 290. L'uomo universale, 114. Luther, Martin, 93, 156, 175, 181 ff., 201, 208; religious works of, 183; educational works, 183 f . ; theory of education, 184 ff. Luxembourg, due de, 221. McCabe, quoted, 80. Magdeburg, 198, 268. Maintenon, Madame de, 233, 235, 236. Malebranchc, 223. Malmesbury, 13. Manchester, university of, 293. Mansfeld, count of, 157, 187. Mantua, court school at, 123 ff. Manuscripts, in monasteries, 10 ff. Marburg, university of, 145, 202. Marlborough, 173. Mary, queen of England, 193, 196 (foot- note). Mary, queen of Scots, 193, 208. Mascaron, 223. Massachusetts, educational act of 1647, 174, 200. Massillon, 223. ' Master,' 92, 97. 'Master-universities,' 81. Mechlin, 146. Mecklenburg, education at, 198. Medicean library, 122 (footnote). Medici, Cosimo de', 119, 122 ; Lorenzo de', 122 f. Meissen, 155. Melanchthon, 155, 157, 175, 187, 189, 192, 198, 204, 243. Meminger, 161 (footnote). Memorizing, 216, 237. INDEX 325 Merchant Taylors', 98, 173, 250. Methodus Linguarum Novissima, 273 (footnote). Middle Ages, as period of assimilation, if.; as period of repression, 2 f ., 315- Milan, 142. Milton, John, 246, 252, 254 ff., 257, 259, 298 f. Minden, education at, 188. Minnesingers, 65, 102. Monasteries, 6; effect of, 9; manu- scripts in, 10 ff . ; original writings in, 12. Monastic education, organization of, 12; ideals, 13; content, 14 ff. ; methods, 19 ff. ; results of, 21 ff. ; under Charlemagne, 30 f., 32. Monasticism, rise of, 4 ; ccenobitic, 6 f . ; in West, 6 f. ; effects of, 21 ff. 'Monitor,' the Jesuit, 211. Monologion, Anselm's, 51. Montaigne, 246 ff., 250, 251, 252, 255, 257, 258, 259, 287. Montanists, 5. Monte Cassino, 12. Montesquieu, 311. Montpelier, university of, 82. ' Morality,' as educational aim, 151, 277 f. Moravian Brethren, 271, 277 (foot- note), 279. More, Sir Thomas, 150, 162, 164. Moritz, duke of Saxony, 154. Moslem schools, 40 ff . ' Mother School.' See School of In- fancy. Mulcaster, Richard, 246, 250 ff., 254, 259. Music, in pagan course, 15 ; later, 19. Mysticism, nature and rise of, 47 f . ; ed- ucation in, 49 ; development of, 49. Nantes, edict of, 235. Naples, 142; university of, 78, 81. Nassau, 271. National spirit, growth of, 100 f. 'Nationes,' 87. Nature, method of, 263 ff., 270, 282. Neander, educational work of, 189, 201, 243- Nestorius, 41, New Atlantis, The, 265. Newton, Isaac, 293. Niccolo de' Niccoli, 119 f. Niccolo d' Este, 123. Nicholas V, 120, 129 f., 135. Nicolaus of Salerno, 90. Nicolaus Syocerus, 118 (footnote). Nicole, 226, 228. Niebelungcnlied, 102. Nivnitz, 271. Nominalism, scholastic, 52 f. Northumbria, 8. Notre Dame, cathedral school at, 80. Novalese, 10. '. Novum Organutn, 263 ff., 267. Nuremberg, 157. Oblati, 13. Odofredus, 91. Oratorians, 222 ff., 235, 236. Orbis Pictus, 274, 286, 287. Organon, Aristotle's, 89, 263. Orleans, 31. Osnabriick, education at, 188. Oxenstiern, 268. Oxford, university of, 8i, 84 f., 162 f., 202, 250, 293. Pachomius, 6, 7. Padua, 131, 150; university of, 81. Padagogium, 301, 302, 303, 304. 'Page,' stage of feudal education, 66. Painting, during the Renaissance, 108 (footnote). Palace school, 2S ff. Palatium, 273 (footnote), 274. Palencia, university of, 81. Pandects, of Justinian, 78 (footnote). Pansophia, 265 f., 276 f., 280, 284. Pansophicce Scholae Delinealio, 276. Pantagruel, 244 ff. Paradisus Animi, 276 (footnote). Paris, university of, 80 f., 84, 85, 87, 89, 94, 142, 146, 158. Parish schools under Charlemagne, 30, 31. Parsifal, 102. Pascal, 226, 227. Patak, 273, 274, 276, 282. Patrocinium, 63 (footnote). 326 INDEX Paul, founder of hermit life, 6 Paul the Deacon, 28. Paul HI, pope, 209. Pa via, 128, 147. Pedantry, Montaigne's, 247. Pens its, Pascal Pestalozzi. 271 Peter of Pisa, : Peter the Lombard, 57, So, 9a Petrarch. 93. 114 ff-, 137- Pforta Philip Augustus, 8c. Philip D. 20S. Philip VI. 94. Philo, 48 (footnote). ' Phonetic * method. 1 \ Piarists, 222, 228 f. Pietas literata, 192. Pietists, 222, 290, 293, 29S, 299 f., 'Pietv.' as educational aim, 151, 1,9. 277 L Pilato, 118. Pisa, Council of, 180. PiusH. 121, 129 f. Pius VI I Platina, quotet 'Pleasant House/ 124 f., 127. Plotinus, 48. Poetics. Aristotle's. S9. Poggio, I2i, 124 footnote). 129. Politics. Aristotle' s, 89. Pomerania. education in, 1S8 f. : ■ Porcia, 131. Port Royal Grammar, 226. Port Royalist education, aim, 223 f. ; organization, 224; conter.: method, 226; results, 227 f. Port Royal Logic, 226. Positions, Mul caster's, :~z f Pnecarium, 63 (footnote). Praelectio, 216. Prague, university of. 82. ' Preceptor," the Jesuit. : : : . Predestination, 192. ' Prefect," the Jesuit, 211. Prisn'an, 20, 89. Professi. 212 f. 'Professor,' the Jesuit, 92, ill. Proslogion, 52 (footnote). Protestant education, aim, 197: or- ganization, content, and method, 197 ff. ; effect of. 203 ff. Provincial Letter ' Provincial," the Pseudo-Dionysius, 48 f., 162, 168. Ptolemy, : 'Public' schools in England, 172 f., .10. Puritan education. 196 f.. 29S. Quadrivialia, 89. Quintilian, 20, 176. - Rabelai ; Raoul d< . Rashdall, quoted. Ratich, 254. 500 Rationalism, 262, 20S, 305 ff., 316. Ratio Studiorum, 210, 219, 231. Raymund of Toledo. 44. Realgymnasiun; Realism, 240, 516; relation to the Re- naissance, 240 ; nature of verbal and social, 242 ff. ; effect of earlier, 259 ff. See also Sense realism. Realism, scholastic, 52, 257 (footnote). Realists, the earlier, 242 ff. Realschulen, 305, 504. 'Rector,' 88, 211. Reformation, 107, 315 f . ; causes of, 179 ff. ; Luther's revolt, 181 ff. ; ;j's revolt. 1S9 ff. ; Calvin's revolt, 191 ff. ; Henry \ ill's re- volt, 194 ff- Regulation of Studies, : : - Reichenau, 13. Renaissance, 105, rc>7, 260, 315. Renan. quoted 44 Repetitio mater studiorum, 217. Repression, key to Middle Ages, 3. Reuchli- Reviews, in Jesuit education, 217. Revival of Learning, 107 f. Reyher, Andreas, 289. Rheims, 230. I Rhetoric, Aristotle's, 89. INDEX 327 Rhetoric, in pagan course, 15 ; mean- ing of, 18. Richard the Lionhearted, 70. Richelieu, 221. Ritterakademien, 290, 291. Ritwyse, John, i6g. Robert of Normandy, 77. Rollin, Charles, 228. Rome, university of, 128, 150. Rosarium, 276 (footnote). Roscellinus, 52, 80. Rossall, 173. Rossleben, 175. Rostock, university of, 267. Rousseau, 248, 249, 259 (footnote), 286, 316 f. Rugby. 173. Rule, of Benedict, 9; of St. Francis, 72. Rupert I, 83. St. Albans, 13. C^ St. Augustine, 7, 16, 32. St. Bartholomew's Day, 208. St. Bruno, 8. St. Charles, Brethren of, 229. St. Cyran, 224, 225. St. Gall, 10, 13. St. Maur, 7. St. Paul's School, 150, 168 ff . ; 173, 196, 250. St. Victor, Hugo and Richard of, 50. St. Yon, 230. Salamanca, university of, 81, 209. Salerno, university of, 77, 81. Sapiential Palatium. See Palatium. Saros-Patak. See Patak. Saxony, the elector of, 157. Schenck, 161 (footnote). Schlettstadt, 148. Schola; Pansophicm Delineatio, 273 (foot- note), 276. Schola Latina, 301, 303, 304. Schola Ludus, 274. Schola Materni Gremii, 278 (footnote). Scholares vagantes, 86 (footnote). Schola Scholarum, 280. Scholastici, 212. Scholasticism, character of, 50 f. ; his- tory of, 50 ff . ; tendency of, 56 f . ; organization and content, 56 f. ; method, 57 f. ; influences, 58 ff. Scholemastcr, The, 164, 166 f. Schoolmen, 50. School of Infancy, The, 275 (footnote). Schulmethodus, Reyher's, 289. Schulplan, Melanchthon's, 157. Schulvisitant, Melanchthon as, 157. Schwartzerd, 155 (footnote). Scotland, parish schools of, 194, 200. Scriptorium, n. Seminarium Praeceptorum, 301, 304. Semler, 291, 301, 304. Sense realism, development of, 262 ff. ; representatives of, 263 ff. ; in ele- mentary education, 289 ; in second- ary schools, 289 ff. ; in universities, 293 f. Sentential, Peter the Lombard's, 57, 90. Sermon on Sending Children to School, 184, 187. Servetus, 204. Seven Liberal Arts, 15, 16. Sevigne, Madame de, 233, 235. Seville, 43, 76. Shrewsbury, 173. Sic et Non, Abelard's, 57, 79. Silius Italicus, 117. Silva, pansophic collection, 277. 'Simultaneous' method, 231. Smithy Sir Thomas, 164. Society of Jesus, 2og ff . Soest, jeducation at, 188. ' Solomon's House,' 265 f. Song of the Open Road, 86. Spener, Philipp Jakob, 2gg. 'Squire,' stage of feudal education, 66 f. Stockholm, 268. Strasburg, 155, 158, 187, 202. Stuart kings, 196. Sturm, Johann, 155, 158 ff., 166, 187, 192, 201, 213. Summa Theologies, of Aquinas, 55, 57. Sunday Sermons, 160. Superiora studia, 212 ff. Suppression of monasteries, 195 f. Suzerains, 63. Sweden, Ratich called to, 268; Come- nius at, 273. Switzerland, education in, 192 f. Symbolum A postolicum, 1 29. 328 INDEX Tabennae, island in Nile, 6. Tabula rasa, 306 (footnote), 311. Tasso, 221. Telemaque, 234. Tetzel, 182. Theodulf, 32, 33- Therapeutae, 5. Thesaurus, 273 (footnote). Thirty Years' War, 199, 209, 290. Thoughts concerning Education, Locke's, 257, 259. 287, 292, 306 f., 308, 309. Tilly, 221. Tochterschule hohere, 301, 303. Toledo, 43 ; archbishop of, 32 (foot- note), 44. Topics, of Boethius, 89. Toul, 13. Toulouse, university of, 81. Tours, 13, 31. Tractate of Education, Milton's, 254 ff ., 291, 298 f. Trasbach, 161 (footnote). Trent, Council of, 208. 'Trojans,' party of, 164 (footnote). Trotzendorf, educational work of, 188 Troubadours, 65, 102. Trouveres, 101. Tubingen, university of, 145, 148, 156. Tyrants, as humanists, 121 ff. 'Universitas,' 87. Universities, mediaeval, rise of, 76 ; history, 77 ff . ; privileges, 82 ff. ; organization, 86 ff . ; courses of • methods, 90 ff . ; de- effect, g3 f. 123- study, 88 ff . grees, 92 f. ; Urbino, duke of, Utopia, 165. Vagantes, 86. Valenciennes, 146. Valla, 129, 135- Valladolid, university of, 81. Vegio, 131. Venetians, take Constantinople, 45. Venice, 123, 150. Vergerius, 121, 123, 131, 132, 134. Vergil, 18. Vernaculx Scholm Delineatio, 276 (foot- note). 'Vernacular school,' of Comenius, 276, 278 f., 281. Verona, 123. Vestibulum, 273. Vienna, university of, 82, 145, 290. Violorium, 276 (footnote). Viridarium, 276 (footnote). Visconti, 122, 123, 142. Vittorino da Feltre, 120, 123 ff., 131. 132, 134- Vives, 166, 275. Volksschulen, rise of, 199. Voltaire, 311 f. Von Hutten/184 (footnote). Von Sickingen, 1G4 (footnote). Vorschule, 304. Vulgate, 129. Waisenanstalt, 301. Waldenses, 72, 179. ' Wandering students,' 85 f. Warham, Archbishop, 165. Wartburg, 183. Wearmouth, 8, 13. Weimar, education at, 198 ; duchess of, 268, 289. Wellington, 173. Wes^el, 147. Westminster, 173. William of Champeaux, 80. William of Normandy, 70. William of Occam, 55, 73- Wilster, 267. Wimpfeling, 148 f., 150. Winchester, 173. Wissenbourg, 13. Wittenberg, university of, 145, 156, 182. Wolfenbiittel, education at, 290. Wolfram von Eschenbach, 102. Wolsey, Cardinal, 164. Worms, 147 ; diet of, 183. Wiirtemberg, school system of, 161, 198. Wyclif, John, 93, 182. Xavier, Francis, 209 (footnote). Yarrow, 5 York, 13, , 13. 28. Zurich, 190. Zwingli, 189 ff., 204: cation, 190 ff. Zwolle, 146, 147. theory of edu- Printed in the United States of America. JT629 9 3 RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT TO— * 202 Main Library LOAN PERIOD 1 HOME USE 2 3 4 5 5 n ^£g9®mttmMSk 4BW7.WWi2.OR TO DUE OATIL LOAN PERIODS ABE 1 -MONTH. 3-WONTHS. AND 1-YEAA. RENEWALS: CAU. 4415) 642-4401 ^ DUE AS STAMPED BELOW JUN2HM 1 »j FORM NO. DD6, 60m, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY 1/83 BERKELEY, CA 94720 c 03m t STfl