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 THE 
 
 RETROSPECT. 
 
 PRICE HALF A CROWN.
 
 THE 
 
 RETROSPECT; 
 
 OR, 
 
 REFLECTIONS 
 
 ON 
 
 The State of Religion and Politics 
 
 I N 
 
 FRANCE AND GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 By the Rev. JOHN OWEN, AM, 
 
 FELLOW OF CORPUS-CHRISTI COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 
 
 Atque utinam Refpublica {^clifT^t quo caper at JIatu ; nee itt 
 homines non tarn co?nmutandarum rerum quam e'ueriendarum 
 cupidos incidilTet. 
 
 Cic. Off. lib. a. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR T. CADEr.L, IN THE STRAND. 
 
 1794.
 
 DC 
 ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 THE following Remarks 
 owe their exifcence to foine of the 
 late tranfalions in that infatuated 
 country againft which our arms are 
 now carried. The Author was of 
 the number of thofe who admired 
 with enthufiafm the Reformation 
 of the P'rench Monarchy, by the 
 events of the firfi: Revolution. 
 Having had opportunities of obferv- 
 ing the country at the very difli- 
 milar periods of July 1750 and 
 September i 795? he received im- 
 
 predion 3
 
 VI ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 preffions of a very oppofite nature, 
 und finds motives of abhorrence to 
 the later Revolutions in the prin- 
 ciples that led him to applaud the 
 frfl. The Reflections which enfue 
 were written with no ftudied at- 
 tention to method, and were dic- 
 tated by no influence but that of 
 conviction : they are fent into the 
 world in their imperfeft (late, left 
 the delays neceffary to render them 
 more worthy of the public patron- 
 age fliould preclude the ufes they 
 are intended to ferve. It was 
 judged unnecciTary to crowd the 
 pages with references to facts, as 
 the records of thcfe are in the 
 hands and recollection of every 
 one. If it be aflvcd, to what Tarty 
 
 the
 
 ADVERTISEMENT, vii 
 
 the Author belongs ; he can only 
 reply, That the fpirit of his fyfteni 
 is to fear God^ to honour the Kingj 
 ^nd to love the Brotherhood^ and 
 that, zealous to fupport the dignity 
 of his T'rofejfion^ the authority of 
 his Sovereign^ and the rights of his 
 Fellovj-JiibjeSisy he acknowledges 
 710 Tarty where thefe principles are 
 not revered. 
 
 Dec. 23, 1793, 
 
 THE
 
 THE RETROSPECT, 
 
 AT a period when a people, once 
 renowned for loyalty and refinement, are tramp- 
 ling under foot the rights of monarchy and 
 the fenfibilities of nature ; when unconciliated 
 by vengeful regicide they are demolifliing the 
 altars of chriltian adoration, and faniftioning, 
 by afts of uilirped LegiHation, the mofb out- 
 rageous blafphcmies againft the God of heaven : 
 at a period when the profeffional fupporters 
 of eftabliflicd devotion are immolating at the 
 altars of reviving paganifm all the dillinclions 
 of revealed religion, it becomes the duty of 
 all, upon whofe fcrviccs the public have any 
 claim, to oppofe tlie advances of that enthu- 
 fiafm which threatens to oven'prcad the world 
 with unexampled b:irbariim. 
 
 B Fore-
 
 ( ^ ) 
 
 Forcmofl in tlic rank of humiin inflrudors 
 the public teachers of Chriftianity fhould feel 
 iliemfelves particularly called upon to eredl a 
 barrier in fuch a crifis, againft the threatened 
 univerfality of infidel fcepticifm ; and in mo- 
 ments of fuch danger to crowd around the tot- 
 tering altars of national religion. To them arc 
 profeffedly committed the faithful oracles of re- 
 generative truth with them is lodged the 
 powerful artillery of chriftian defence from 
 them the public is taught to exped: the ge- 
 nerous effufions of inftruclive eloquence, and 
 the ufeful corroboratives of exemplary faith. 
 Conftituted by the original laws of the empire, 
 guardians of the public manners, it is theirs to 
 watch with adive jealoufy every departure 
 from acknowledged reditude; to anticipate the 
 confequences of infant herefics, and to proted 
 the fabric of national faith from the affaults of 
 profanenefs, and the ambufn of fophifby. 
 
 The Hiftory of the World prcfents no asra. 
 in which the very exillcnce of religion was fo 
 formidably threatened. In all the viciffitudes 
 of {)agan empire, regard was had to eftablillied 
 devoiion i and protection extended to the altars 
 of the (.\o{\-i : wliatever changes were introduced 
 
 into
 
 (3 ) 
 
 into their modes of government ; whatever re- 
 finements into their fyftems of faith, flill the 
 propriety of religious adoration remained un- 
 queftioned j and the jurifdiftion of the Deities 
 was confidered as paiamount to the threats of 
 the conqueror, or the decrees of the Legillator. 
 
 In the annals of paft times, the hand of re- 
 form has not unfrequently been ftretched to 
 heal the maladies of an unfound government : 
 orders once confecrated by public admiration 
 have been annihilated, and the idolized dif* 
 tinftions of a long antiquity have been con- 
 figned to oblivion, or to change: yet in all 
 the havock which fuch comprehenfivc regulations 
 have produced ; amidft all the tumult of war, 
 the rapacity of plunder, and the convulfions of 
 Revolution, the temples of the gods have flood 
 fecure from facrilegious violence j or, iffpoiled 
 of their votive treafures in the moment of vic- 
 torious infolence, they have fuffered more from 
 the enthufiafm of conqueft than the effrontery 
 of atheifm, and yielded rather to the thin'l 
 of pillage than the wantonnefs of infi Jeliry. 
 
 It was, indeed, referved for a nation in the 
 
 decline of Iier political greatncfs, and in the 
 
 B 2 prof- 
 
 s
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 profpcd of gathering calamities, to exhibit enOr* 
 mities againft Heaven and good faith, which the 
 mod extravagant legends of fabulous romance 
 have never recorded; it was refcrved for a 
 nation whofe dawning Freedom aftonilhed the 
 wife, captivated the generous, and conciliated 
 the bigottcd, to tarnilh the luflre of her re- 
 generated policy by adls of Legiflation, and 
 events of priv'ate example, which kindle re- 
 fentment in the brcafi: of Freedom, and fhock 
 the fenfibilities of the Patriot and the Cbrif- 
 tian. 
 
 It is impofiible to turn the eye of attention 
 upon the recent extravagancies of the French 
 Republic, without recoiling at the fanguinary 
 violence which marks its ads of public autho- 
 rity, and the enthufuiftic iniquity which ac- 
 companies the individual exertions of its moft 
 dirtinguifhed citizens. By a feries of events to 
 which maffacre and good fortune, the arti- 
 fices of fatfhion, and the fiuality of circumftances, 
 have equally contributed, all tiie happy regu- 
 lations of a purified Le^xiflation liave vanillicd ; 
 a Conflitution fonncd h}- ur.'.'-:d talents imd 
 Patrioiilin, has been rudely dcniolinicd; a 
 crude lyftem of changeful tyrannv lias been 
 
 iiiili-
 
 ( s ) 
 
 inflituted, and a handful of aflaffins have efta- 
 bliflied their thrones upon the ruins of wifdom, 
 of probity, and honor. 
 
 Who, that is not fteeled to the emotions o^ 
 mercy can regard with a fteady eye the bloody 
 progrefs of thofe faftious rulers, through al* 
 the (lages of their enormity, from the * day 
 that opened the veins of bleeding Patriotifm> 
 and yielded to Republican Cabal the furviving 
 fpoils of a debilitated Monarchy ? Who, that is 
 not abandoned to fixed infenfibility, can view 
 with patient fpcculation the lafl iniuks offered 
 to the fallen Monarch, the mockery which 
 affumed the forms of juftice, and the -f- fero- 
 city which drowned the accents of complaint ? 
 Warm with the blood of an unoffending Sove< 
 reign, the fcaffold receives (unexpected furvivor 
 of the laft indignities) his widowed Confort ! 
 Perfccuted by all the brutal expedients which 
 intoxicated fi6lion could devife, fhe is dragged 
 to that ilern tribunal where juftice frowns in 
 rigid horrors, and mercy never whifpered foft 
 acquittal! All the caprices of paft intrigue, 
 
 * Aiiguft loth. 
 
 t The drums beat v, hen he would have addrefled the 
 people. 
 
 B 3 all
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 all the tyrannies of revolutionary tumult arc 
 rudely charged upon this haggard ghoft of de- 
 parted beauty : but councils of intrigue, and 
 fyllems of diHifFedion, are not deemed charges 
 of fuificient turpitude to fatiate the demands 
 of greedy malice ; crimes mud be torn from 
 the abyfs of iniquity, and invention be tortured 
 to imagine faults which may tranfmit to future 
 times the name of Antoinette, under all the black 
 difgrace of unnatural deformity. But here let 
 the fcene for ever clofe ! Configned to eternal 
 oblivion be the memory of that tiibunal which* 
 in exhibiting the lad triumphs of an abandoned 
 faction, outftripped all the recorded atchievc- 
 ments of gigantic villany ! Peace to the allies 
 of that injured form, which, familiarized by 
 long habitudes to cowardly infolence, were yet 
 called to encounter thofe hideous (hocks which 
 no acquaintance with praclifed iniquity could 
 anticipate, and which no refources of mental 
 fortitude could fuftain ! Poflerity will glance 
 with cautious curiolity over this montlrous 
 fiction of ftubborn barbarity : recoiling fenfibi- 
 lity will dread to tear from its drear obfcu- 
 rity what nature hears not without horror, and 
 what the rifing ieelings of the human heart con- 
 fpire to difcredit. 
 
 The
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 The blow is now ftriick, the monarchy is 
 fubverted, and the laft fupporters of its de- 
 clining fplendor have been immolated at the 
 altars of a revengeful faction. Freedom has 
 feen, with agonizing throes, the glaring out- 
 rages that have been committed under her ban- 
 ners, and the aggravated crimes which have 
 covered her proftituted name. All the bonds of 
 fealty have been broken ; pledged allegiance 
 and covenanted faith have been publicly 
 violated ; and neither the didtates of policy, 
 nor the accents of mercy have prevailed, to 
 temper the unparalleled rigours of maflacre and 
 profcription. 
 
 Full as the career of iniquity had fliewn 
 itfelf, there yet remained a glimmering hope, 
 that, fick at length of havock and flaughter, 
 the guilty Demagogues would relax their glutted 
 tyranny ; and the loofened energies of public 
 virtue refume their intermitted functions : 
 There ftill remained amongft the hideous wade 
 of demolifhed thrones and abjured divinities, 
 a ray of cxpeftation, that, urged by frantic 
 patriotifm to inordinate revenge againft ancient 
 prejudices, the tide of rebellion would yer be 
 turned; and tlic, national enthufiafm be dif- 
 T 4 ciplined
 
 { 8 ) 
 
 ciplined by wholefome and permanent laws. 
 Circiimftances had indeed little encouraged fiich 
 expcdlation ; and the greater part of ihofe who 
 had diftingiiiflied themfelves by an attachment 
 to the revolutionary outline, renounced their 
 affeclion for a people, whofc inconfiflency had 
 marred their patriotifm ; and whofe vices had 
 rendered them unworthy of the public patronage. 
 There were not, however, wanting amongft the 
 ftrcnuous admirers of the firfl: Legiflature thofe 
 who, averfe to defpondency in an affair of fuch 
 lively intereft, ventured to flatter themfelves 
 that the nation would revert to its firft prin- 
 ciples, and that the foftcr yoke of a generous 
 monarcliy would yet fucceed to the opprefTive 
 bondage of an outrageous democracy. Amongft 
 thofe who, attached to monarchical authority, 
 fighed for the rcftoration of this falutary fyftem, 
 difcordant opinions ftill prevailed ; and the 
 wiflied-for accompliftimcnt of this neceflar}' 
 mcafure fecmcd to demand, in the view of 
 different individuals,' cxcriions of a different 
 nature. To the one, the united hoftilities of 
 the European powers appeared the only inflru- 
 nicnt which could clir.llife the infolencc of 
 uliirpcd authority, and rccal to reafon and to 
 loyaity an iniatiiartcl nation ; To the other, 
 
 tliC
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 the gentler maxims of a pacific policy appeared 
 more confonant with the didates of public 
 juftice and political expediency. The reafon 
 which guided thefe contradidory fyftems 
 might indeed be unequal, yet the integrity 
 alike in each. Speftators alone of thefe tumul- 
 tuous events, each laboured to afcend through 
 the chain of outrages which fucceeded each 
 other, to the remote caufes which gave birth to 
 all. The conclufions were different accord ingr 
 
 o 
 
 as the refearches had been more or lefs pro- 
 found, or conducted under a greater or lefs 
 degree of prepoffeffion. To fome the horrors, 
 which ftained the later seras, appeared the 
 defperatc fruits which fprung from the co-ope- 
 ration of internal cabal and foreign hoftility. 
 To others, the o;rowino- ravacres which defolatcd 
 all the remaining monuments of ancient efta- 
 blifliment, appeared the inevitable refult of thofb 
 early principles which diftateJ the fubverfion of 
 political diftinAions ; and infpired the luminous, 
 yet imprafticablc, code of human rights. 
 
 So novel indeed was the experiment in the 
 vicilhtudcs ot empires ; fo inllantaneous was 
 the converfion, and fo rapid the eftablilhment 
 of tiiii. regcnciaicd people, that the moft pro- 
 found
 
 ( lo ) 
 
 found fpeculation regarded it with ailonifhment, 
 and the moft difpaffionatc philofophy beheld it 
 with emhufiafm. In an event fo new in the 
 annals of Icgiflation, it were not to be wondered 
 at, that men, equal in underftanding, in 
 loyalty, and patriotifm, Ihould have adopted, 
 from the complicated tranfadtions, fentiments 
 which militated eflentially with each other : 
 It were not to be wondered at, that, regarding 
 the diflblution of ancient eftablifhments, and 
 the fabrication of new regulations, men accuf- 
 tomcd to the freedom of political difcuffion, 
 Ihould have had the hardinefs to approve or con- 
 demn, as the fads accorded with their received 
 fyftems, or contradicted their habitual maxims 
 of national policy. 
 
 The abrupt deftniclion of hereditary diftinc- 
 tions, the bold confifcation of the clerical trea- 
 furcs, the unqualified abolition of feudal pri- 
 vileges, provoked indignant murmurs on the 
 one hand, while they called forth the mofl 
 lively applaufc on the other. To thofe who 
 regarded with plauditory triumph the zeal 
 which combated ancient eftablifhments, the 
 ftupendous evils which thofe had produced 
 were prefcnt in all tiieir glaring extent. To 
 
 the 111
 
 ( " ) 
 
 them the hlftory of paft crimes was written in 
 blood ; and government appeared but a fabri- 
 cated expedient to plunder andopprefs mankind, 
 A nation infulted by an overgrown nobility, 
 feemed, in their view, to demand fome late 
 redrefs j and vengeance appeared not impro- 
 perly exerciied upon peculation, though fup- 
 ported by ancient inflitution ; and violence, 
 though fanctioned by immemorial ufage. On 
 the contrar}"-, thofe who flood aloof, while ad- 
 miration gazed on thefe brilliant tranfadions, 
 fixed with fteady eagernefs on that portion of 
 crime which entered into thefe ads of heroifm, 
 while they glanced with partial attention over 
 thofe complicate oppreffions which gave them 
 birth. Thefe fuffered themfelves to be engrofled 
 by the very natural commiferation of private 
 inconvenience j and made no allowance for that 
 torrent of indignation which centuries of 
 tyranny and wanton perfecutlon had infpired. 
 They paid no deference to the exafperated feel- 
 ings of a nation, efcaped from the lafh of 
 guilty authorities. In compaffionating the few, 
 they neglccled to confider the many ; and in 
 the fuffcrings of the innocent, forgot the atroci- 
 ties of the euiky. 
 
 It
 
 C '2 ) 
 
 It is eafy to fee how oppofite fcntiments might 
 enter minds equally difpofed to the fupport of 
 truth, upon a fubjed of fuch novelty, com- 
 plicacy, and political extent. The abolition ot 
 Ariftocracy might be ccnfidered by the one, 
 a political good ; by the other, a political evil ; 
 widi a fliew of argument in each contending 
 fcale, that would appear a juft counterbalance 
 the one to the other. In the one cafe, Ariftocracy 
 v.'oiild naturally find no inconfiderable advocates 
 amongft thoic whom private predilection, added 
 to the fuppofition of acknowledged utility, 
 had attached to its inflitution. Ten thoufmd 
 prejudices confpire to rivet the afiections to 
 ancient diflinclions; and the mind familiar- 
 ized to thclc by habits of long and unin- 
 terrupted intimacy, affbciates the laws which 
 prot.c6t their privileges with thofe which na- 
 ture herfclf promulges. It was natural that 
 eflablifliments of ancient prcfcription fhould 
 have found, amidit all their extravagancies, no 
 few defenders ; and under all their corruptions, 
 no n^iean apoiogifts. The brilliant lervices 
 wlii.h ihele have rendered to civilized focietv, 
 the lupport they have communicated in the 
 concufiK/iis of revolt, the dignity they have 
 conferred in the progrcffions of refinement, 
 
 what
 
 ( 13 ) 
 what they have added to the common fplendor, 
 what they have operated for the piibhc good, 
 might contribute to commend their fafhionable 
 influence, til] mankind had forgotten to mark 
 the boundaries between primitive right and 
 covenanted inftitution ; and learned to blend in 
 one common mafs, the diftind authorities of 
 nature and civil fociety. 
 
 On the other hand, tlie evils that grew out 
 of that pernicious ftock, the wild luxuriancy 
 of thofe multifarious Ihoots which penetrated 
 every part of the Gallic Empire, had converted 
 this imagined good into a real evil, rendered 
 it an infiipportable burden to the groaning fub- 
 jeds of its enormous tyranny, and given birth 
 to difordcrs more numerous and pernicious than 
 thofe it was intended to prevent. There is in 
 all inftitutions of human conftruclion, a point 
 bcj'ond which iniquity cannot extend ; a period 
 at which evil confummatcs its plenitude, and 
 violence defeats its own piirpole. In France, 
 at the a?ra of the Revolution, ariilocracy had 
 found this point. To this crifis had the over- 
 bearing infoiencc * of ihc nobles arrived 3 when 
 
 * Fuh R:ibauc!'i Fr-ch H:f:or:^ue. 
 
 f^^niclcfs
 
 ( '4 ) 
 
 fenfelefs pertinacity urged their extravagance^ 
 and infatuated obflinacy precipitated their down- 
 fal. It was then, while, intoxicated with re- 
 dundant authority, and bigotted to diflindlions 
 which were yielding to refinement, they carried 
 their licence to an excefs, which the circum- 
 flances of policy and of juftice mufb for ever 
 condemn, that the fparks of a rebellion already 
 ripened, kindled into flame : the exafperated feel- 
 ings of an indignant people, armed againft the 
 authority of their infulting rulers ; and big with 
 vengeance, annihilated for ever thofe eftablifh- 
 ments, under whofe licentious outrages they had 
 fo often bled. The blow was fudden and un- 
 premeditated J particular events haflcned on the 
 cataftrophe; and circumflances, which could 
 not be forefeen, precipitated the meafure. 
 Enthufiaftic with new and unfek fenfations, 
 the Legiflators of the country were feen to pafs, 
 in the paroxyfms of their zeal, all the bounds 
 of policy and juftice ; they abandoned that ex- 
 perience which might inftrud, for that inftind 
 V, hich muft miflead ; and, furrendering them- 
 lelves to the tranfports of recovered freedom, 
 they fapped the ftamina of their future prof- 
 perity, tore up the roots of implanted authority, 
 and committed all the props of national fecurity 
 
 to
 
 ( 15 ) 
 
 to the raging flames of an extravagant pa- 
 triotifm. 
 
 Perhaps the ruin which has fince extended 
 itfelf throughout the different departments of 
 civil authority, owes no fmall fhare of its pre- 
 fent magnitude to the unqualified abolition of 
 the ariftocratic orders. The extent of this evil 
 was not promptly apprehended by. that zealous 
 enthufiafm which, once embarked in cnterprizes 
 of reform, is not ulually confined within the 
 limits of prudent policy. It were, however, 
 cafy to difcover, in retracing the fleps of re- 
 volutionary operations, how inconvenient a 
 chafm muft have been created in the fcalc of 
 fociety, by the total abolition of orders fo 
 numerous, fo diverfified, and of fuch acknow- 
 ledged importance in the fphere of authority. 
 In them was annihilated that comprehenfive 
 link, which, in the fubfequcnt purity of go- 
 vernment, would have defined, by an inter- 
 mediate intereft, the monarch's grandeur and 
 the people's rights ; that link, by which the 
 contending advances of the one and the other 
 would have received an cffcdual correction, 
 and have been piefcrvcd amid ft all their con- 
 flicts in a conilitutional equipoiic. The demo- 
 lition
 
 ( i6 ) 
 
 lition of thcfe orders marred the unity of that 
 fyflem which was adopted by the firft reformers, 
 and left a dejideratum in the h\iiwt monarchy, 
 which all the energies of patriotic enthufiafni 
 could not fupply. 
 
 Amongft the internal caufcs of future ha- 
 vock, the abolition of Ariftocracy appears to 
 poiTefs the foremofl rank in thofe indifcreet 
 meafures which diforganizcd the body of the 
 empire, and precipitated the monarch's down- 
 fal. The exalted rank of chief magiftrate irt 
 an extenfive empire, demands fome medium to 
 tranfmitthofe rays infofrened luftre, which would 
 offend, by their tremendous majefty, the naked 
 fight. The diftancc is fo wide in the fphere 
 of created influence, between the throne and 
 the fubjcd, that all which iflues from the Ex- 
 ecutive Authority muft, in this cafe, appear 
 to 'rufli like the cataraft from the frownins; 
 precipice, inftead of defccnding (as it ought 
 to have done) by the mediums of a juft gra- 
 dation, and circulating through channels of 
 artful communication. France exhibited, in 
 this> inftance, an experiment of impracticable 
 policy; and vainly expeded from a defective 
 fyflem of garbled* authorities, all the brilliant 
 
 advantages
 
 ( 17 ) 
 
 advantages of the moft perfed governmen^. 
 But thefe deftroyed, a mighty void was feen in 
 the fphere of government ; and the furviving 
 orders were torn afunder by an a6t of baneful 
 reparation : the bulk ,of the people were left 
 to gize, at an awful diflance, upon the mo- 
 narch, who thus flood infulated amidft a de- 
 folate fphere, once peopled by the fupports of 
 his grandeur and the organs of his authority. 
 A thoufand jealoufies were now feen to obilruft 
 the concord of the exifting authorities, and 
 cmbarrafs the movements of the executive 
 power. The monarch faw, with anxious ap- 
 prehenfion, the bold advances which trenched 
 upon his reduced prerogative : The people 
 eyed with dread fufpicion, every exertion of 
 monarchical fovereignty, and laboured to con- 
 fine that power from which they apprehended 
 the return of ancient fervitude. Unfortunately 
 for fociety, all the confli(fls which found exiit- 
 encc between the rival parties, terminated in 
 favour of the populace. The torrent thus ac- 
 quired force from incffcftual oppoiiLion, till 
 order fell before the formidable engines of dif- 
 organization, and the riilng turbulence of 
 triumphant faclion acquired the zenith of its 
 influence. Then commenced that fpirit of de- 
 C termined
 
 ( -8 ) 
 
 tcrmincd anarchy, which cnimbled, in rapid 
 fiiccefllon, all authorities, and levelled, amidft 
 the ruins of extirpated tyranny, a fabric that 
 had held captive the admiration of Europe. 
 
 It would be readily admitted, that the boafted 
 principles of Gallic Policy (as expounded in 
 modern fyftems) approaches nearefl to the 
 flandard of ideal perfe6lion ; and that in the 
 per fe^ ion of fociety, a government by re- 
 prefentation is not only beft accommodated to 
 the wants of mankind, but affords the beft 
 fecurity againft t3Tanny and corruption. But 
 the manners of men have not yet acquired their 
 millennian foftnefsj nor is fociety arrived at that 
 point of polifhed excellence which is neceffary 
 to the conilituticn of lb pure a fyftem. The 
 focial virtues of mankind are perfected by flow 
 and gradual relinements ; and all the important 
 changes which have benefitted the world by 
 great and durable advant^<2:cs, have been effected 
 by patient induilry, and adopted wiih cautious 
 policy. To the confiruftion of a government, 
 no mean calculations arc requihte. It is not 
 luiiicient tliar tlie fvliem be pure, it muft 
 alfb be apt and practicable. The tempers of 
 mankind are varied in a tliouG.nd different 
 
 ihadesi
 
 { 19 ) 
 
 fliades ; they are moulded to different habits by 
 the varieties of chmate, of hiflory, and of 
 events ; their obedience is to be excited by 
 maxims fuited to their received opinions j 
 and their allegiance to be infured by expedients, 
 adapted to their national chara6ler. Refpeft 
 muft be paid to the extent of their knowledge 
 and the -caft of their morals j to the information 
 they pofTefs, and the virtue they difcover. la 
 France no fuch calculations vv^ere ever attended 
 to i and no fuch circumftances were ever fuf- 
 fered to have weight. The whole mafs of their 
 revolutionary fchemes was formed upon abflraft 
 principles of political fcience. All the expe- 
 riments of pafh ages were, by them, held in 
 difefteem ; and wlfdom appeared to utter her firft 
 oracles in their plans of Legiflation. All their 
 intellect, and all their enthufiafm, were abiorbed 
 in imagining fchemes of immaculate policy, 
 inilcad of purging the ancient channels of cor- 
 rupt authority, and giving energy to thofe re- 
 gulations which had been already ena<fted. 
 The confcquences of this fpccularion are now 
 fcen i and France will for ever regret the de- 
 ftrudion of thofe civilized diilinctions. Inter- 
 woven with th.c lincws of monarchical autho- 
 rity, dicy drew after them in their ,'ull, that 
 C z fiupendoj;
 
 ( 20 ) 
 
 ftiipendoiis fabric whof ruinsnow Tupport the 
 throne of anarchy and murder. 
 
 Whether Monarchy or Republicanifm be 
 moft favourable to general freedom, is a qiief- 
 tion which in reference to the reform of an- 
 cient empires, it muft now appear too late to 
 agitate. Ere the fatal experiment was made 
 upon that country, whofe name now revolts 
 the feelings of humanity; ere the rueful con- 
 lequences had proclaimed its inexpediency in 
 charaders of blood, men might have difcufied 
 with cool and harmlefs difccrptation a queflion 
 which ftill remained undecided in the theory 
 of politics. But, at a period like the prefent, 
 when ftained with the guilt of unprecedented 
 crmies, Republicanifm is ftalking in giant in- 
 Ibience over the ruins of a demolifhed Monar- 
 chy; when, brandilliing a more than tyrant 
 fceptre, it is faftening the chains of unparclleled 
 barbarifia upon the yielding iubjccls of its cruel 
 authorii-y ; v/hcn martvr'd Sovereigns heap 
 irs altars, and bleeding Patricjts adorn its or- 
 gies ; when h.oly fairli and Chrillian devotion 
 exhibit; their lacerated forms, and ily before the 
 demoLS of iis impiou;? idolatry; when the an- 
 cient profcircrs of cll:al)liihed religion are ab-
 
 ( 21 ) 
 
 juring with public blafphemy the God they 
 ferved; when the lioary prieft is immolating 
 his ancient funftions to the Baals of pretended 
 philofophy, and demolifhing thofe altars which 
 once fmoked with the incenfe of his facrifice 
 in fuch a moment, and in the face offuch enor- 
 mities, to move a queftion, were to offer an 
 apology ; and not to execrate, were almoft to 
 approve. 
 
 It is admitted, that in the earlier flages of 
 their Revolutionary Hiftory, when intent upon 
 modifying their internal government they ab- 
 llained from adts of outrage, the opinions of 
 mankind might be innocently divided upon the 
 wifdom and equity of their operations. When 
 they even arrived to that height of extravagance 
 which dethroned the JVTonarch, inverted the 
 laws, and gave up every valued inftitution 
 to caprice and change, nations unconncdled 
 with the confcquences thefe drew on, might 
 flill regard, without a neceffary intereft, the 
 progredive revolutions their authorities experi- 
 enced ; and individuals might ftill comment, as 
 their feelings or their judgment fuggefted, upon 
 the events that role before them ; but when 
 big with infolcnce, -or prompted by ambition; 
 
 C 3 when
 
 ( 22 ) 
 
 when harrafled by inconvenience or intoxicated 
 with fuccefs, they denounced in riotous phrenzy 
 all the conftituted authorities in Europe; 
 when, not content with a liberty themfelves had 
 eflablifhed, they wiflied to profelyte the world 
 at large to force their noxious draughts upon 
 the revolting palates of lefs fantaftic patriots, 
 and to crufade under the colours of a regene- 
 rative philofophy againft the tyrannies of the 
 world, they ceafed to be regarded with fpecu- 
 lative indifference: the bofoms of men began 
 to beat with generous indignation againft the 
 invaders of their fettled authorities, and the 
 menacing adverfaries of their ancient laws. 
 1 hey faw, in the denunciations of a powerful 
 people, the alarming precurfors of a gathering 
 frorm, and trembled for the fecurity of thofe 
 cftabliihments which cement the bonds of fo- 
 ciety. The flames of animofity were juftly 
 kindled againft the infolent pretenders to uni- 
 verfal empire; and the abhorrence of a nation 
 which menaced religion, good faith, and civil 
 authority, was not without reafon regarded 
 as a teft of virtue, of honour, and of pa- 
 triotifm. 
 
 Since
 
 ( ^3 ) 
 Since the commencement of thofe meafures 
 which have carried the Britiih arms againft this 
 infatuated country, the progrefs of iniquity in 
 their faftious Reformers has become more 
 rapid ; and the hideous mafs of their preced- 
 ing crimes has been augmented by enormities 
 *which find no parallel in the calendar of ini- 
 quity. The unexpeded check which their 
 ambition experienced in the repulfion of their 
 armies from our menaced Ally the precipitate 
 retreat of their debilitated forces from the 
 fattening foil of the conquered Netherlands 
 the defection of Dumourier, and the death of 
 Dampiere the fall of Valenciennes, of Mentz, 
 and Toulon ; thefe feverally agitated the pub- 
 lic fpirit: each event that damped their ardor 
 fliarpcned their acrimony, and turned their 
 lull of conqueft: into a temper of revenge. 
 Hence the dilb-aclions ot divided factions, and 
 the feverities that fell upon the weaker par- 
 tics ! Hence the fcaffold was feen to drink 
 up the blood of the innocent, and profcription 
 to replace the exhaufted treafures of fuccef- 
 five defeats! The caufe of enthufiafm could 
 alone be iupported by brilliant atchievements ; 
 and the Ihock that arrefled the current of prof- 
 perity, might prove fatal to the exiflence of 
 
 C 4 the
 
 ( 24 ) 
 
 the public delufion. To divert therefore the 
 mind from a contemplation of danger, and to 
 remove the impreflion of impending calamity, 
 fome barbarous expedients muft be devifcd to 
 keep the paffions alive ; and fome feats per- 
 formed of general intereft. Hence the ven- 
 geance which followed each event of national 
 defeat : Difappointments were healed by fome 
 bloody facrifice, and the wrongs of ill for- 
 tune were punifhed in the victims of her 
 caprice. The public was taught to regard the 
 arms of the Republic invincible by all but the 
 arts of corruption : Hence their towns are car- 
 ried by intrigue, their armies vanquiflied by 
 bribery the conquefts of their adverfaries are 
 faid to be made oftencr by circumvention than 
 by courage ; and all the defeats themfelves ex- 
 perience, are afcribed rather to the inexpe- 
 rience of the conquered than to the intrepi- 
 dity of the conquerors. The ill-fated leaders 
 of routed fquadrons are arraigned for crimes 
 in which Fortune has difappointed the exer- 
 tions of courage; and atone, by their lives, 
 for loiTes which they could not prevent : in 
 tliem failure is treated as a mark of incivifm ; 
 and a want of fuccefs rea;arded as a want of 
 fidelity. The country they fcrved is ictn to 
 
 fallen
 
 ( ^s ) 
 
 laften upon their declining prowefs ; to fupply 
 the default of their accufation by fidiitious 
 charges, and facrifice at the altar of vindidtive 
 refentment the guiklefs defenders of an un- 
 grateful authority. 
 
 But it is not their injuftice, it is not their 
 ingratitude, it is not their public violence that 
 provoke the indignation of Britifli fenfibility. 
 It is not that tearing up the inftitutions of an- 
 tiquity, and violating the ordinances of their 
 own eftablifhmenr, they are introducing ha- 
 vock and anarchy into every department of 
 their empire ; it is not that violating the faith of 
 nations, they arc trampling upon all the rights 
 of prolbate humanity ; it is not that profcrib- 
 ing the innocent and the virtuous, they are 
 exalting and dignifying the criminal and the 
 profligate; it is not for thefe confiderations, 
 powerful as they may be to wound the feel- 
 ings, that Englilhmen glow with generous in- 
 dignation : the crimes of France are of a ftill 
 deeper dyC;, and the enormities of this nation 
 pofi'efs ftill darker (hade? of guilt and profli- 
 gacy. It is, that braving the thunders of 
 Heaven, thcfe bold invaders of all that is ve- 
 ii^rable and facrcd in the inftitutions of the 
 
 world.
 
 ( 26 ) 
 
 world, have fpoiled fociety of its hallowed 
 fandiuaries, and deftroyed the altars of Chrif- 
 tian adoration : it is that rifmg above the 
 ordinary level of facrilegious infolence they 
 have carried the arms of deflruclive Refor- 
 maiion into the temples of immemorial wor- 
 fliip ; and not only fubverted the flirines of 
 a corrupt faith, but even profcribed, with un 
 recorded fccpticifm, the univerfal principle of 
 ail acknowledged Divinity ! 
 
 In our own country the public profeflion of 
 a religious character was, perhaps, in no pe- 
 riod of our hiflory more generally admitted ; 
 and the authentic fandions of the Chriftian 
 faith was in no period of reformed religion 
 more univerfally acknowledged. In a nation 
 like our own, numerous in its population, and 
 fublime in its public characlcr ; great in arms 
 and imperious in commerce, all the vices of 
 civilized luxury will find their place; but, 
 viewing in an cftimate of equitable allowance, 
 the prominent features of the Britifli character, 
 it will not be found that religious influence 
 exifls in fo reduced a j^ronortion as is gene- 
 rally imagined. That Chriflianity fails of its 
 due autliority in controlling the fallies of faQiion- 
 
 able
 
 ( 27 ) 
 
 able diffipation, and operating the purity of 
 dignified example, will readily be allowed ; and 
 thofe who are interefted in its univerfal domi- 
 nation, will fecretly deplore the obftruftions to . 
 its empire: yet, admitting the prevalence of 
 vice and corruption ; admitting the influence of 
 practical depravity, the flindiions of Chrlflianity 
 ftand at leaft undifputed; whatever corruptions 
 may tarnilli the condud, the fyftem of faith is 
 at leaft defended from facrilegious degradation; 
 whatever crimes or follies may deform the pu- 
 rity of pradical character, flill the bounds of 
 virtue and vice are religioufly preferved ; and 
 the rites of devotion are revered by thofc who 
 are abandoned, to the pollutions of vice and 
 immorality. We have not yet caught the con- 
 tagious influence of Gallic infidelity, nor be- 
 come profclyces to the credulity of their blafphe- 
 mous fcepticifm. \Ve hear with abhorrence the 
 rumour that reports their wretched philofophy : 
 and the violence they have offered to the flirines 
 of the Deity, endear to us more tenderly the 
 altars of domcdic worfliip. To us the honour 
 of Religion is of no fmall eftimation in the 
 fcale of public policy. The celebration of its 
 rites is by us maintained with a zeal and refpect 
 that pruchiin ks iiilluence in the fphere of 
 
 autho-
 
 ( 28 ) 
 
 authority ; all its {lindions are by us clafled 
 among the acknowledged records of undif- 
 puted veracity ; and the obfervancc of its infti- 
 tutionsis conneded with thefirft duties of civil 
 obligation. 
 
 Untouched therefore by the phrenzy of 
 political diftraftion ; uncontaminated by the 
 poifon of irreligious wanton nefs; the coun- 
 try we boait ftands exempt from the mala- 
 dies of that innovating Philofophy which, 
 in pufning refinements to all the heights of 
 imaginary excellence, attenuates the fincws of 
 Government, and evaporates the vigour of au- 
 thority. While fecure amidil the carnage of 
 obnoxious Adminillration, our Rulers poflefs 
 the public confidence ; while fafc from the 
 imprefTion of a foreign enthufiafm, our citizens 
 difcover the firmnefs of undeviatlng loyalty, it 
 becomes a duty of no common obligation 
 to cherilh the exiilcnce of this rational una- 
 nimity, and to protect the lobriery of the 
 public convidion by all the arts of a iaga- 
 cious policy, that the (liocks ot violence, or 
 the ftratagems of fubtle^y, may introduce no 
 vvcaknc^ into the eilablilhrnents of the empire^ 
 and iha'" the fabric of our Government, and the 
 
 indi-
 
 ( ^9 ) 
 
 inftitutions of our religion may be preferved In- 
 violate amidfl: the tumults of foreign hoftility, 
 and the turbulence of domeftic difcontents. 
 
 To meliorate the ftate of defedlive admini- 
 flration, to purge the channels of corrupt au- 
 thority, to drag forth influence from its hidden 
 fortrefTes, and drive from their lurking ambufh 
 the forces of opprcffion, are privileges dear to 
 the feelings of freedom ; privileges facred in 
 the code of Britifli rights : they are interwoven 
 with the principles of conftitutional independ- 
 ence, and are commended to our regard by 
 the fentiments of our firfl Legiflators, and the 
 example of our moft diftinguiflied patriots. 
 By thefe our anccilors have eftabliflicd that 
 freedom which, combining the energies of 
 authority with the rights of humanity, attracts 
 the fteady attachment of enlightened pairiotilm. 
 By thefe the privileges of a generous govern- 
 ment mufl be maintained in all the luftre of 
 original inftitution, and handjd down to a lare 
 poftcriiy untarnifhcd by Corruption, untoru by 
 licentioufnefs. There arc, however, periods 
 in the hiftory of a nation, in which principles, 
 the moft unalterable, mull iuficr a temporary 
 fufpenlion ; in which the ingenuous zeal of pa- 
 
 trioii':
 
 ( -.0 ) 
 
 trk)tic reform muft internilt its adive fundions. 
 There are moments in which the magnitude 
 of the evil is diminiOied by the dangers attend- 
 ing its removal ; moments, in which the vio- 
 lence of the remedy may furpafs the virulence 
 of the difeafe ; and the continuance may be 
 judged lefs formidable than the cure. It has 
 not, without reafon, been contended by thofe 
 who calculate the (late of fociety upon a fcale 
 of comprehenfive policy, that to fiich a period 
 England is now arrived ; and that the unparal- 
 leled crifis of political ferment offers no iecu- 
 rity for the wifdom of reforms. That falutary 
 correctives might with juftice be applied to the 
 different orders of exiltins; authoritv, is a truth 
 which obfervation attefts ; a truth which fhould 
 never be ceded to fear, nor iacrificed to ac- 
 commodation ; it is a truth which exifting 
 abufes proclaim, and which loyalty unites with 
 patriotifm to imprcfs indelibly upon the heart. 
 Tardinefs and exadion dcrradc our courts, and 
 venality and corruption ilifgrace our public 
 functionaries ; laws the moli riimrous have lur- 
 vived their ufcs, aod (latr.tcs the moil degrading 
 continue uncancelled. The Reprefentation of 
 the country has departed from its ancient purity, 
 and exhibits in its ftate of modern corruption, 
 
 a flrikino;
 
 ( 3' ) 
 a flriking coutraft to its primitive inflitution. 
 The facl is notorious -, and whatever fophiftry 
 may plead in its defence, the evils which flow 
 from its diftorted functions are not to be mea- 
 fured by any rule of conjeclure. In a country 
 conflituted upon the principles we acknowledge, 
 the ftrongeft fecurity for found adminiftration 
 exifts in the due balance of the feparate orders,- 
 and the juft proportion of that authority 
 which the laws of the empire have annexed to 
 each. The fureft means of prefcrving this 
 equipoife is, bv continuing inviolate the repre- 
 fentation, and by repelling corruption from 
 that important body, which is conflituted the 
 organ of the people's wiflies, and interpofsid as 
 a counterbalance aoainft arifbocratic influence. 
 The fplcndor of Arillocracy will lupport its 
 own privileges; and the throne of its authority 
 is not found to experience much flufluation. 
 It is in the fpirit of all bodies, to which focicry 
 has annexed fuch flattering diftimflions, to rr.ain- 
 tain their influence in its moft ample extcnr, 
 and to fuffcr no deduction from their wei[:;liL' in 
 the fcalc of political authority. This was early 
 feen in the hiilory of this country, u;iJcr a 
 tyrannical yet pufillanimous monarch ''-. The 
 
 *' Kir.g John. 
 
 deter.i.ined
 
 ( 3^ ) 
 
 determined jealoufy of the privileged ordefi 
 fcr bounds to the widening influence of the 
 crown, and preferved, by the coinpadnefs ot 
 their union, the fplendor of their privilege* 
 The memory of this event is immortalized by 
 the produdion of a charter, the proudefl in 
 the annals of the world ; and can only fall with 
 the falling conftitution. To the Ariftocracy. 
 of this country we owe fome gratitude ; nor can 
 we withhold a due veneration to that authority 
 which ftruck the rock from whence guflied the 
 fprings of freedom. Raifed upon thrones of 
 ancient dignity, furrounded by privileges of 
 ample extent, the Arlitocracy of the country 
 may be confidered as flourifliing in its proudefl 
 luxuriancy at the prefent day, and covering, 
 at lead, as wide a fphere as is compatible with 
 the fpirit of the conftitution. Yet, exalted as it 
 ftands In the fcale of fociety, generoufly as it 
 is endowed by the inftitutlons of the realm, it 
 poflefles but the luftre of a mild fupremacy, 
 and wields no weapons of defiance againft the 
 rights of the citizen, or the equal laws of the 
 em.pire : it was modified by ancient wifdom, 
 and circumfcribed by corrective patriotifm ; 
 it i.s clothed with thcdiftinctions of unopprcffive 
 fplendor, and furnlfhcd with tlic inilruments 
 of untyrannizing influence; ir is dcconitcd with 
 
 the
 
 ( 33 ) 
 the Infignia of patrimonial honours, and covered 
 with the fpoils of anceftral atchievements ; il is 
 furrounded with a blaze of ancient glory, and 
 glows with the luflre of recorded virtues ; its 
 monuments preferve the memory of our fame, 
 and the brighteft events of our hiftory are read 
 in its efcutcheons ; all the arms of violence arc 
 wrefted from its hands, and its exertions are 
 coerced by inviolable laws j its range is fixt by 
 impaflable hmits; its influence circumfcribed 
 by imperious authority ; it flands corrected and 
 controlled by that invincible energy which de- 
 fines and protedls the rights of all ; it claims no 
 pre-eminence in the guardianfhip of its property 
 above that of the humbleft freeholder ; its pof- 
 fcllions are fubjed: to the fame charters, arc 
 amenable to the fame judicature, and charge- 
 able (in fome few inflances excepted) to the fame 
 national burdens which arc meafured out pro- 
 portionably to the capacities cf all. 
 
 As a tumultuous outcry has been raifed againft 
 the cxiilcnce of ariflocratic diflin<5lions ; as 
 thefe have been reprefenteJ by the champions 
 ot republicanifm as abhorrent from nature, 
 and full of oppreiTion, it may not be amifs to 
 enter more at large into the political utility of 
 D fuch
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 fikh didiniflions, and die pofitive advantages 
 which thefe contribute in the adminiftration of 
 an extenfiv'c empire. The public ears have 
 indeed been fickened with the diffufe difcuffions 
 of queftions which involve the theory of poli- 
 tics ; but in deference to thofe able and acute 
 writers, who have inftrudled the world upon 
 fubjetfls of this fcience, fufficient attention ap- 
 pears not uniformly to have been paid to the 
 fimpler points of pracflicability and expedience, 
 upon which turns the excellence of political 
 fyftems. Nature has been reforted to as fovereigr,i 
 arbitrefs of civil right ; and her didates have 
 been affumed as the infallible oracles of admi- 
 niftrative authority. But furely it is contradidt- 
 ing the fenfe of mankind, to contend that the 
 refined policy of civilized life is to be judged 
 by the defeftive laws of primitive barbarifm. 
 To afcend through all the gradations of polilhcd 
 life, to wade backw^ard through all the regu- 
 lations of advanced focictv, to renounce the 
 aids of an experience operated by the toil o-f 
 fucceffive ages, is to lofe tlie privilege of x 
 mellowed wifdom, is to facrilice the advantages 
 of nroo;reflive civilization, and to encounter 
 all tiie unnecefiary dangers of an untried expe- 
 dient. There is bcfides, in the language of this 
 
 philofophy.
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 phllofophy, no fmall degree of weaknefs and 
 abfurdity. To contend diat nature is para- 
 mount to all authority : What is it but to contend 
 that the elements are fuperior to the mafs, and 
 the foundation to the fuperftrudture ? This may 
 or may not exift ; and its truth, in application 
 to civil government, will appear, not from a 
 comparifon of refinement in general with un- 
 adulterated fimplicity, but of the different forms 
 of civilized eitablifhment with the primitive 
 laws of nature. Were all in nature perfeft, 
 it might with reafon be contended, that every 
 projefted improvement of nature is an atft of 
 iifurpation, and every departure from her fim- 
 plicity is but a decline towards imperfection and 
 deformity. But no fuch perfeftion is found in 
 tliofe laws which Nature divulges ; and the 
 f3'flems which (he prefcribes have neither com- 
 prehenfion nor energy fufficient to commend 
 their application in a higher flate of civiliza- 
 tion. The fadt is, that Nature dictates alone 
 for that flate in which her impulfes can be with 
 fafety indulged j her reign is circumfcribed 
 within that fphcre and by that period in which 
 fcif-prefervation is found a principle competent 
 to the exigencies of life, and a fufficient fecu- 
 rity for the exiflence of harmony. But the mul- 
 D z tiplicatioa
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 tiplication of individuals multiplies thofe paf- 
 fions which would interrupt the focial agree- 
 ment and in proportion to the augmentation 
 focicty receives, the difficulty increafes of a 
 co-exiftence upon the narrow principles of na- 
 tural affociation, and by the fimple expedients 
 of primitive inftitution. Fidions become ne- 
 cefiary in the advancement of fociety, to en- 
 courage emulation in the fphere of active life ; 
 to check, with reciprocal jealoulies, the tur- 
 bulence of individuals ; to form jufl gradations 
 in the fcale of authority, and give a fpring to 
 the political machine, by communicating an 
 aftion among its feveral parts. Without ex- 
 panding this reafoning into all that extent of 
 which it would admit, it is eafy to fee how 
 out of fuch exigencies, and to accomplifli fuch 
 purpofes, diftinftions may arife which have no 
 exiftence in nature ; and how eftablidiments 
 may enter into the mafs of fociety, juftifiable 
 alone by the neceffity which gave them birth, 
 and the utiHty which commends tJicir continu- 
 ance. ,It is eafy to fee in fuch a contemplation of 
 the fubjeft, that government is, in all fhapes, 
 a fpecies of ufurpation ; and that all diflinftions 
 which compofe its inftitutions, or arife out of 
 its exiftence, are fo many violations of natural 
 
 funplicity ;
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 fimplicity ; and are as incompatible with ab- 
 
 ftradt right as they are conducive to general 
 fecurity. 
 
 Could we afcertain with jufl precifion a Pcate 
 of nature, a flate in v/hich the primitive rights 
 of man might be fully acknowledged, without 
 the inconvenience of arming each member of 
 the community againft the other; could we 
 picture to ourfelves that immaculate fociety, 
 who partake as the common offspring of na- 
 ture, all the luxuries of hei> bounty, and the 
 equal rights of her children, it would quickly 
 appear how little could be inferred from lo cir- 
 cumfcribed a groupe, in confidering the exi- 
 gencies of a numerous body ; and how dif- 
 fimilar the circumftances of fo confined a 
 community from the intricate complexities of 
 augmented fociety : it would readily be [ccn 
 how inadequate are the regulations which con- 
 duct the firfl to the coercive difcipline in the 
 adminiflration of the latter ; and, in fine, Iiow 
 inapplicable would be roafonings drawn from 
 the one, to anf\ver at all the circumliancei of 
 the other. 
 
 It might appear fupevfiuous to inffl upon 
 
 tlie incongruity ot natirrjl equality with poli- 
 
 I.) 3 tied
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 Ileal fuhordinat ion : in other circumftances than 
 the prefent, it would certainly become an ufe- 
 lefs enforcement of an undifputcd truth : ancj 
 it has been contended on the part of thofe 
 who brandifh the weapons of revolutionary law, 
 that no fuch equality as would reduce mankind 
 to one common ftandard is intended in their 
 creed ; that it forms no part of their fyftem, 
 and conftitutes no object in the fcheme of 
 their reform. I would gladly repofe in the 
 faith of fuch declaration ; nor would I fo far 
 impeach the good fenfe of this countr)'^ as to 
 fuppofe that principles fo inconfiftent with na- 
 tional freedom, principles fo fubverfive of po- 
 litical authority, can be cherithed by the re- 
 fpeft of any one whom the public regards with 
 veneration and eflecm. I would not for a 
 moment fuppofe that a conftitution which was 
 the relult of exerted talents and integrity ; a 
 conftitution v,hich blends the happy expedi- 
 ents of public honour and private fecurity ; a 
 conftitution for which heroes have fought and 
 patriots bled, fliould fo far have loft its weight 
 with thofe who are ftiaded by its influence as 
 to fall before the forms of an imaginary policy, 
 and yield to the pretenfions of a barbarous 
 equalization. 
 
 What
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 What may indeed have flieltered behind 
 the thick cover of a ftubborn Patriotifm ; 
 what may have entwined among the forward 
 flioots of fpontaneous io3'alty, it remains for 
 the readers of our future hiftory to decide ; 
 yet, indecifive upon the c/ueftion which re- 
 gards our own, we are but too fully en- 
 lightened upon the pohtics of our enemies ; 
 and however ambiguous may be the maxims 
 of our own reformers, no doubts can longer be 
 entertained upon the motives and the policy of 
 our neighbours. Whatever may have been con- 
 tended by their ancient advocates at periods 
 when the novel terms of their political creed 
 admitted a vague and equivocal interpretation, 
 the circumftances of fuch ambiguity have now 
 been fucceeded by events of explicit interpret 
 tation, and the grounds of their defence muft 
 be chano-ed, or thcmfelvcs conli2;ned to their 
 merited infamy. Whatever complexity might 
 be found in the outline of their original pro- 
 ceedings is now completely unravelled : their 
 fubfequcnt a(5ls have become the cleareft com- 
 ment upon their doubtful fyflcms, and bla- 
 zoned in bloody characlcrs the fcnfe of their 
 decrees. 1 he niail^: is jk)\v dropped on their part, 
 and the equality they publilh fpurns the veil 
 unce aJiunied or a juii and an equitable policy. 
 D 4 Lawlcls
 
 ( 40 ) 
 
 Lawlefs depredation fupports the polluted 
 thrones of their iifurping rulers, and maflacre 
 and profcription are expounding the text of 
 their civil code. All the bridled pafTions of 
 barbarous nature are purpofely let loofe upon 
 the higher orders of fociety ; the chara'fters 
 of the wealthieft individuals are impeached, 
 and the inviolable fanftuary of property forced 
 to exalt into confequence the plunderers of the 
 nation : havock marches with giant-flrides, and 
 popular phrenzy regards the carnage of fur- 
 viving probity with guilty exultation. While 
 afts of outrage were perpetrated in tumult j 
 while thefe were confined to the infolence of 
 a mob, though connived at and tolerated by 
 an inefficient judicature, nature might revolt 
 at the deeds of helliOi emprize yet the crime 
 was incomplete, and the infamy wanted its per- 
 feftion. But when the firfl authority of the 
 land is feen to originate plans of the moft glar- 
 ing iniquity ; when the Legiflative AfTembly en- 
 rolls amongft its records decrees of public fei- 
 zure and flagrant confifcation ; when by laws 
 of its own enadting the rich are humbled to 
 the infolence of the poor, and honour is tranf- 
 ferred to the refufe of mankind j when the 
 virtuous defenders of a jufb fubordination arc 
 butchered upon the fcaflbld, and the bull of an 
 
 analTii-^
 
 ( 41 ) 
 
 aflaflin -j- repofed amidft the flirines of the Gods ; 
 when outrages like thefe are originated and 
 fandioned by that authority wliich iias confti- 
 tuted itfelf expofitor of the law, it can no 
 longer remain a doubt with the virtuous in 
 what eftimation their principles are to be re- 
 garded : their condudV precludes at once pal- 
 liation and defence ; their fyftems and their ini- 
 quities are ^nitcn^Gnoo in each other ; and the 
 Defenders of their ToUcy mufl be confidered as the 
 Apologijis of their crimes. 
 
 But to return. Admitting therefore (and no 
 one will venture to difpute it) that diflinclions 
 which exift not in nature may yet become indif- 
 penfable to the peace and harmony of civiUzed 
 bodies, and be warranted in their inftitution by 
 the fovereign law of general utility ; admitting 
 alfo, that fiditious limits will imperceptibly arife 
 out of the circumftanccs of fociety in its progrefs 
 to refinement; admitting, that in bodies, whofc 
 members are numerous, fuch diftinctions mufl: 
 exift in a greater or lefs degree, and that whe- 
 ther permanent or Hucluating, whether here- 
 ditary or pcrfonal, fomc fiuitering appendages 
 will attach to thole whom authority or pro- 
 perty, public influence or private aggrandize- 
 pient have exalted above the rell ; allowing 
 
 thclc 
 t Marat.
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 llicfc points, it will appear that in all bodies 
 coalefcing into a compail of civil fociety, 
 whatever be their degree of purity, the fimpli- 
 city of Nature is dedroyed ; the laws of her pro- 
 mulging fuperfeded by thofe which neceflity 
 infpires ; or, if continued as the elements ot a 
 more comprehenfive legiilation, they are fo 
 modified bycircumftances, that they appear no 
 longer the fame. The diftinctions therefore of 
 Ariflocracy are not upon thefe principles unjuft, 
 becaufc they contradict Nature ; fince all the re- 
 gulations of civil fociety would in that cafe 
 come under the fame charadter. The fimplicity of 
 Nature merits indeed our admiration, and is un- 
 doubtedly to be obferved fo far as is confiftcnt 
 with the complicate neceffities of a numerous fo- 
 ciety J but when Nature iliail have delivered 
 iier oracles, they mull, after all, be tried by 
 the rule of utility, and fubmit to the paramount 
 authority of the public good. 
 
 Simplicity is indeed laid down bv the ftre- 
 nuous advocates of a free government, as cf-^ 
 fcntial to the exiflence of 2"cncral liberty ; and 
 it has been not a little infiRcd upon that a 
 rcprcfentativc legiflarion, unihackled bv the 
 prc-ciiiincncc of a Monarch, or the infxucncc 
 
 of
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 of an Ariftocracy, is the only fecurlty for the 
 rights of mankind. The theory, as defended 
 by its ableft advocates, poffelFes indeed no 
 fraall recommendation, and appears to offer 
 (fuppofing it pradlicable) no inconfiderable emo- 
 lument to the world at large. And were I con- 
 fident of individual virtue, were I fecurc of 
 private pairiotifra, 1 would readily alTent in 
 the choice of a Government to the uncorrupt 
 fimplicity (o ftrcnuoufly recommended. Had I 
 reliance upon the integrity of individu:il exer- 
 tions; could I repofe in the conftancy of public 
 fpirit, I would accede to the demands of 
 iinreflrifted freedom ; I would affign to the 
 delegates of the people an authority paramount 
 to all ccntrol, and make the organs of the 
 public voice the fole adminiftrators of the pub- 
 lic funftions; I would implead as innovations 
 all diftinclions that exifled not upon general 
 confcnt, and fuffer all authorities to bow to 
 the Majefty of the People. 
 
 But while the paflions of mankind pofTcfs 
 their turbulence ; while difcord divides the 
 bonds of union, and violence diftorts the 
 functions of reafon ; wh.ile interell tramples 
 upon integrity, and private emolunicnt Iwal- 
 Jovvs tip public virtue, 1 would not commit the 
 
 folid
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 folid concerns of a great empire to the mercy 
 or the caprice of a flucriiating body; 1 would 
 not feek a refinement to which the portion of 
 exifting virtue is not competent ; nor would I 
 fuffcr the veflcl of ftate to float, like the ark of 
 old, upon the heaving bofom of tumultuous 
 waves, nor expofc its ftability to the tampering 
 experiments of fucceiTive innovations. 
 
 It has been contended, that a Government 
 conftrucled upon principles of fimplicity, pof- 
 feffes advantages, to which a complicated fyftem, 
 like our own, can never pretend. I am ready 
 to allow the juftice of the obfervation with re- 
 fpedt to fome particulars: I am ready to admit 
 that ceconomy may be beft confuked, and the 
 evils of corruption mod fuccel^fully dcteclcd 
 in a fchemc of Government whofe parts arc 
 few, and whofe adminiftrators are not dignified 
 by the appendages of rank and influence: but 
 there is a defecl in all fuch fyftems, which pre- 
 ponderates in evil againfl; the combined advan- 
 tages which they pretend to beftow. Whatever 
 be their commendations in thefphere of theory, 
 to the eye of experience they prefent no 
 charms ; they want that permanence, tliat vi- 
 gor, and that uniform.ity which fyftcms cxhi- 
 
 biiing
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 biting more complicacy are found ro polTefs. 
 Notliing is more harraffing to the feelings, 
 nothing more formidable to the fecurity of 
 individuals, than a government whofe wheels 
 are lightly hung, and whofe laws are expofed 
 to the perpetual flufluations of difcretionary 
 policy. There is lefs evil in the fettled feve- 
 rity of rigorous defpotifm, than in the capri- 
 cious benignity of an unfteady freedom ; and 
 the poflible ills of repeated change prefent more 
 horror than the defined exadion:: of uniform 
 tyranny. 
 
 In ftates, where the rude hand of opprefTion 
 has enchained the national will, and impreg- 
 nated with defpotifm all the channels of au- 
 thority, the valfal learns to know his allotted 
 fphcrc, and to afcertain the limits of his circum- 
 fcribcd range ; he partakes, without alarm, the 
 Icanty boon afTigned him ; bends, by habitude, 
 to the circumftances of his lot, and finds in 
 the uniformity of public prote^ftion a countcr- 
 balance to the vvrono;s of fervitude. But in a 
 (late where the movements of Government are 
 lefs flcadily dircvftcd ; where the ardor of me- 
 lioration dcRro) s confidence in prefent dcci- 
 fionsi and where the ordinances of the cn^.pne 
 
 are
 
 ; 46 ) 
 
 arc committed rather to the difcufTion of the 
 philofopher than the execution of the magif- 
 trate, the evils of uncertainty pofTefs a banc- 
 til magnitude. There no roots can penetrate 
 the ftubborn foil ; no permanence confolidatcs 
 the blolToms of freedom, nor mellows into ma- 
 turity the fruits of wholefome authority. 
 
 Tranfported by the flattering delufion of the 
 moment, the enthufiaflic patriot exults in his 
 imagined fuperiority ; when fuddcnly the hori- 
 zon of his felicity is darkened ; the forces of the 
 reigning yield to the ftrength of the rifing fac- 
 tion, and the laws which were ftamped with 
 paft approbation are call into the new mould 
 of a more perfed; policy. Where, amidfl: fuch 
 clafliing fliclions, can private fecurity and reci- 
 procal confidence exert their gentle radiance ? 
 Jealous diftruft fits brooding around, and the 
 luperioriry that's fought or dreaded, moves the 
 pang of envious diicontent. 
 
 Ambitious to exalt himfcif in the public 
 cReem, by more than ordinary cfllirions of pa- 
 triotic zeal, each afpircs to rile a!)ovc the (itlicr 
 in the fcalc of cftimation, raihcr dian of virtue; 
 und as jcaloufy or envy, as hope or fear in-pire.
 
 ( 47 ) . 
 
 each labours to aggrandize his own fame in the 
 public opinion, by impeaching the purity of 
 fival patriotifm. Thus the harmony of focial 
 union is interrupted ; the tranquil pleafures of 
 tepofe are loft in the tumults of contentious ri- 
 valry ; and the gentler laws of attachment are 
 prOlcribed by the rigorous maxims of an un- 
 feeling Patriotifm. Hence, in the hiftory of 
 ancient ftates, fuch experiments appear in all in- 
 ftances to have been made without effedl ; and 
 from the accidents which were infeparable from 
 this feeming good, a thoufand ills of the mod 
 baneful malignity hav.^ been feen to flow. The 
 evil paffions have enjoyed an ample licence un- 
 der the faireft femblance of virtuous reftridion : 
 amidft the enthufiafm of an imagined liberty 
 have been felt the horrors of tenfold flavery : 
 and all the maladies of an unfound authority 
 have raged amidft the deluiive blaze of ideal 
 perfcclion. 
 
 It has been before remarked, that one of the 
 flronrrcft arfrumcnts in favour of fimplicitv in 
 the forms of Government, is the facility which 
 it offers in the dctecflion of its evils, and confc- 
 quently of remedying them with promptitude 
 and cficct. 
 
 Ther^
 
 ( 48 ) 
 
 There is, indeed, no doubt diat complicacy 
 and difficulty are pretty nearly conne6ied, and 
 that the cxifling defed in a complicate fyftem 
 may find fome fiieltcr amongfl: the multiplicity 
 of its parts. Allowing, however, that in a 
 Government like our own, the complicacy of 
 its ftrucfture baffles, in many particulars, the 
 detection of its evils ; and confequently prevents 
 the poflibility of cure, it muft at the fame time 
 be obferved, that this principle fo depreciated 
 gives to the conftitution a compaclnefs and fo- 
 lidity which fewer parts and lefs dependency 
 among them could not produce. To the exift- 
 ence of this complicacy we owe that tempered 
 equipoife which the reciprocal aftion of the 
 component orders effecls in their feveral func- 
 tions and departments : to this complicacy we 
 are indebted for that permanence which the 
 conftitution exhibits amidft all the viciffitudes 
 of Europe ; that ilubborn firmnefs by which 
 it defies the attacks of innovation, and outlives 
 the tumult of change : to this complicacy wc 
 owe the enere;y wiih which it rcilfts the (hafts 
 of popular violence, and evades the noflrums 
 of political quackery : to this, in fliort, we owe 
 that rigor which it polilircs in curbing the ob- 
 liquities of li>.-entiou(ners, while it encourages 
 
 the
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 the glow of freedom ; that invincible {lability 
 with which it meets the rage of party, and rifes 
 invulnerable from the ftorms of fadion : com- 
 pared by bonds of natural connection, and 
 fupplied with motives for emulous contention, 
 the orders thus at once unite and repel, coun- 
 teradt and coalefce; their feparate advantage 
 dictates the firft, their common intcreft urges 
 the lafl: ; their jcaloufies involve no difcord, 
 their harmony no intriguej and -their union and 
 their counteraction equally ferve the preferva- 
 tion of all. 
 
 It might further be remarked, that the faci- 
 lity of dctefting th(iunfoundners of the parts, 
 eftecmed among the mod advantageous cha- 
 rafterilVics of fimple forms of Government, may 
 not upon all principles be deemed a good. No 
 evil In a ftate can rife, in point of baneful mag- 
 nitude, above the turbulent mifchiefs of con- 
 tinual reform. The perpetual application of 
 remedial policy to the tranfient irregularities of 
 the governing fyilem, leads to debilities as in- 
 jurious and enervating to the body politic as 
 the continual tampering with medicinal potions 
 does to the natural conllitution. In all ftates 
 of civil focicty evil v. ill blend widi good, and 
 E vice
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 vice will adulterate the purity of virtue : while 
 humanity retains its wonted charadtcriftics, cor- 
 ruption will grow out of the noxious (lock of 
 human depravity ; and in the ample fphere of 
 an extended adminiftration the luxuriant fhoots 
 of private interefl will entwine among the vi- 
 gorous branches of pubhc principle. It were 
 vain to expedt in the imperfedt reign of poli- 
 tical virtue, an authority purged of all oppref- 
 fion, a patriotifm devoid of all felf-intereft : it 
 were vain to cxpeft that the orders of ftate 
 fliould drop the paffions of humanity, and that 
 public bodies fliould ftand exempt from that 
 bias which individuals obey. 
 
 Simplicity therefore, in the ftrudure of a 
 Government, is expofcd to objetlions of ferious 
 magnitude; and, in obviating the mifchiefs of an 
 intricate fyftem, gives birth to diforders of more 
 frequent recurrency, and more fatal extent than 
 ihofe which it affccfts to remove. While it ex- 
 pofes to ready dctefiion the nafccnt evil, it keeps 
 the public fpirit in a temper of jQucftuating un- 
 cerL-.inty; while it checks the inhnuations of gra- 
 dual corruption, it keeps alive the rankling 
 difcciiLcnts of a jealous patriotifm ; while it 
 curbs the growth of fubtle tyranny, it retards 
 
 the
 
 ( S' ) 
 
 the advancement of fleady authority; opens, by 
 a thoufand diflentions, the clofing wounds of 
 fa6lion, and adminiflers eternal fuel to the flames 
 of difcord. 
 
 Hitherto' we have proceeded upon the ab- 
 flrad: queftion of Theoretic PoUtics, and have 
 all along fuppofed a Government to be formed. 
 This, however, is not the fituation in which 
 we ftand: the queftion, as it regards ourfelves, 
 is not Whether we (hall eftablifh a fyftcm of 
 Monarchy or Rcpublicanifm ? but. Whether we 
 fhall exchange the latter for the former ? Whe- 
 ther we fliall fubvert the one, in order to efta- 
 blifli the other ? 
 
 Suppofing therefore, that the arguments in 
 behalf of Republicanifm were deemed valid in 
 the fcale of reafoning againft thofe which fup- 
 port the claims of Monarchy ; fuppofing, that in 
 the comparifon of difputed forms the fcale had 
 preponderated in favour of reprefentative autho- 
 rity ; the argument muil take a new turn when 
 applied to the demolition of an cxiding Govern- 
 ment; and the reafoning which demonftrated 
 in the cafe of election, would not have been 
 conclufive in the cafe ot exchange. 
 
 E 2 Pre-
 
 ( 5^ ] 
 
 Prejudice is the inevitable offspring of habit, 
 and, under fomc fliape and in a certain degree, 
 exercifes its influence over minds of ever}'' de- 
 fcription. Prejudices imbibed in early inflmcy ; 
 prejudices tranfmitted by fuccefTive generations, 
 and rendered dear by fuppofed advantages con- 
 ne<5led with' them, fhoot deep their roots into 
 the foil of affe(5lion, and are not eafily torn 
 from the tenacious bofom. It is true that in 
 proportion as the underftanding acquires its 
 vigor, and the mind perfects its information, 
 this habitual bias climininies its influence ; 
 and the mind, enlarged by comprehenfive fci- 
 ence, becomes more competent to equitable 
 decifion. Yet, even amidft the blaze of matured 
 knowledge, and in the zenith of advanced re- 
 finement, prejudices fiifier not a total extir- 
 pation : fome late remains ilill cling around 
 the heart, and chain the afleclion of m^ankind 
 to forms under which they once have fiourifiied, 
 and efhblilliments from which they once de- 
 rived prctecricn and fecurity. Whr.tcvcr there- 
 fore may be the rccoiTimcn^'itions of a ncv 
 fyrtem ; hov/cver fpecious n"!;ry be its advan- 
 tages; hov/cver it may rife in v/ifdcm and in 
 luftrc above the diminill^ed attractions of t>.e 
 old, yet tlicre are inconvcnicncics attending t!ie 
 
 cxchan:?e.
 
 { 53 ) 
 
 exchange, which nothing fhould induce man- 
 kind to encounter but corruption the moft 
 enormous, infolencc the moft oppreffive, and 
 mifery the moll profound. An hoft oi: inveterate 
 prejudices arm againft thofe reforms which would 
 tear down the monuments of ancient wifdom, 
 brand with ignominy all the inftitutions of an- 
 cient policy, and demolifh the idolized forms 
 of immemorial ufage. Some refpedl is in all 
 cafes to be paid to thofe attachments which a 
 fcries of ages has begotten, and which a long 
 familiarity has confolidated ; which have grown 
 out of early fenhbilities, and kept pace with 
 the vigor of progreffive pa(lion : thefe may be 
 purged by reafon, and molliued by relleftion; 
 they may be filenced by prudence, they may 
 be fupprelTed by fear ; yet, in moments of oc- 
 cafion, their embers will p;Iovv', and their vigor 
 revive : rebellious againil thofe authorities 
 which have combated their influence, they 
 will cmbarrafs the progreis of novel infl:itutions, 
 and fhow, by obllaclcs of ferious diflradtion, 
 that th'Uig'\ variable in {hc's energy, thev are 
 indcftructiblc in their cffencc ; and though di- 
 vifilile from the judgment, they are infeparablQ 
 from the heart. 
 
 E 3 At-
 
 ( 54 ) 
 Attached by long and felicitous experience 
 to a monarchical fyflem, the breaft of an Eng- 
 lifliman harbours ten thoufand prejudices in 
 favor of that authority from which he fup- 
 pofes himfelf to have derived fuch fplendid 
 advantages ; he looks back upon the aeras of 
 change recorded in the annals of his country, 
 and finds fome of the nobleft ftruggles of pa- 
 triotic virtue exercifed in fupport of that au- 
 thority v^'hich he is proud to cherifli; he calls 
 up to view the luminous events which circum- 
 fcribed the Monarch's throne, wiihout Qcrific- 
 ing the luftre of prerogative, and expanded 
 the rights of freedom without pouring in the 
 flood of licentioufnefs : he clanccs with horror 
 over that period which gave up the nation to 
 the havock of Republicanifm; over that period 
 in which a fyftem of unexampled opprefTion 
 was eftablidied by the pretended Reformers of 
 an abufed authority, and the boafling adhe- 
 rents of a meliorating policy. Would he lilence 
 the advocates of modern rctorm, he points to 
 that epoch of tumult and regicide when the 
 national fury was let loofc upon the orders of 
 flate, and all was given up to confufion ainl to 
 change : he bids them eye tlic dread ciilbrders 
 which followed thcfe events, and covered with 
 
 caU'
 
 ( 55 ) 
 
 calamity the face of the reahn. The bonds of 
 ancient compadl are diffolved, the forces of dif- 
 content are exalted, and the glory of England 
 is committed to the ravages of a faction : pro- 
 perty, talents, and equity, do homage to pover- 
 ty, ignorance, and injuftice: the extravagance 
 of a Monarch is replaced by the infolence of a 
 demagogue ; the ambition of nriefts fuccceded 
 by the cnthufiafm of fanatics, and the defpo- 
 tifm of one exchanged for the tyranny of many. 
 He fixes with attention upon the fliouts 
 which hailed departed fadion, and the triumphs 
 that purfued recovered Monarchy: he dwells 
 with rapture upon thofe efforts of Patriotifm 
 which again defmed the bounds of authority, 
 and gave, in the event of a great Revolution -j-, 
 an example at once to the opprcllbr and the op- 
 prefled : he traces, in the a6lors of this digni- 
 fied fccne, principles that echo to the feelings 
 of his heart : he regards tlicir laboiu's as teem- 
 ing v/ith wifdom, and abounding in interefl : 
 he eyes the caution wliich accompanied their 
 cntcrprizcr., and the prudence which tempered 
 their rciolves : he views them emulous of their 
 country's honour, and fUulious lo fupport the 
 
 t i68S. 
 - K 4 Ian-
 
 ( 56 ) 
 
 languid flate; holding together the divided 
 chain, and fupplying with proniptnefs the per- 
 nicious chafm : he obferves them reftoring ra- 
 ther than precipitating the tottering fabric, and 
 confohdating by a new force the debihtated au- 
 thority : he perceives amidft the didradions 
 of revolutionary tumult no fpiric of factious 
 riot; no rage oi confifcation and plunder : he 
 reads no tales of Haughtered innocence : he 
 hears no clamours of equalizing outrage : he 
 views the vacant throne furrounded by the con- 
 ciliated bands of difunited parties; the wheels 
 of ftate conducted by a ficlitious inftriiment 
 of fubflituted authority ; till the diadem was 
 placed upon a more deferving head, and 
 Government was rcftored to its accuftomed 
 energy. 
 
 If it be ftill contended that fuch reafoning 
 participates too ftrongly of prejudice, and that 
 the bias of opinion contributes more to its 
 prevalence than the ilrength of rcalon, it mufl 
 be replied, that there are prejudices nhich the 
 wife would not difown, nor tlic rational dif- 
 claim : prejudices which expediency prompts 
 us to cherilhj and which piudcncc fcrbius us 
 to renounce. Circumflanccs mifrht be affiLrned 
 
 ia
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 in human life which prefent formidable dan- 
 gers to naked contemplation; and fccnes in 
 which the mdnd, flripped of its native pre- 
 judices, encoupters a ferlous rifque. Nor is 
 this all ; fonie deference is furely due to the 
 uninfluenced cecifions of enli2,htcned minds ; 
 fome delicac}'' is furel_y to be exercifed in judg- 
 ing the public labours of experienced Lcgif- 
 lators : fome caution (liould be employed in 
 criticifing the talents and the patriotifm of thofe 
 who fpurned the tamenefs of abjed fubmiffion, 
 and caft the forms of ePcabliflicd authority in 
 the m.ould of generous freedom. Armed with 
 the forces of revolutionary law, they precipi- 
 tated the Monarch, yet prefcrvcd the monarchy; 
 they banidicd the tvrant, yet guarded invi- 
 olable the rights of tlic throne. Yet they were 
 not in a ftate of ignorance as to the different ad- 
 vantages of the varied modes of Government ; 
 nor v.ere they (as fom.c would pretend) left 
 afloat amidft the waves of political fcepticifm. 
 They could advert to pafl experience ; they 
 c<Duld borrow wifdom fro:n the condud of 
 preceding Lcgiflators. The evils of Monarchy 
 were felt by them in all their painful extent; 
 yet Monarcliy continued to pr'.ii TnT t'neir at- 
 fichmcnt, and determine their clioice. They 
 
 were
 
 ( 58 ) 
 were not ignorant of the claim which Rcpub- 
 licanifm might poflcfs, to a preference in the 
 conftitution of a Government: The experi- 
 ment had in their hiftory been tiijcl j and its 
 preienfions afcertained to their fuUell: extcni : all 
 its advantages mud have been prelbnt lo tlicir 
 view; all its recommendations flronp; in rhcir 
 recolledion : they could judge with cornpe- 
 tency how far it was fuited to the gcni is of 
 the people, and the condition of the cirrMre. 
 In addition to thcfe confidcrations, thty iiad 
 incitements to Rcpublicanifm, wiiich p.e.ther 
 the faftious in France nor the difcontentcd in 
 Britain could at this day pretend ro ex'.iibit. 
 Oaths and covenants the moft (acred had been 
 violated by the " Royal Prevaricator ; acts of 
 outrage and of tyranny had been ptrpeirated 
 by him in defiance of law, and in contempt of 
 remonftrance ; fear had prompted him to pre- 
 cipitate flight, and the country was now de- 
 livered from a deliberate tyranny. It ever 
 therefore Monarchy might be deemed inex- 
 pedient, it would furely be mofi reafonably fo 
 at a crihs when the enormities of the Soverei2;a 
 were read in the tumult of the country -. if 
 
 * James II. 
 
 ever
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 ever Republicanlfm might command a pre- 
 ference, it furely would moft naturally have 
 triumphed in that moment when the public 
 refentment erlowed ao;ain(l the fuo-ltlve Mo- 
 narch, and the diforganized authorities were 
 in a fituation to admit poliiical experiment. 
 Except therefore we maintain the piefump- 
 tuous claims to a lio^ht which never gleamed 
 upon preceding patriots ; except we cheriQi the 
 boaftful delufion of a knowledge which efcaped 
 the fages who have taught us, we mud .yield 
 fome deference to thofc who compafled the Re- 
 volution upon which we rcpofe : we miift allow 
 fome degree of weight to their decifions ; who, 
 amidfb the blaze of triumphant Patriotifm, im- 
 morLalized their attachment to limited mo- 
 narcliy. 
 
 Admitting therefore, that ancient prejudices 
 influence, to no fmall extent, the patriotic 
 fpirit of the prefcnt times ; and that habitual 
 bias acls powerful in rivetting our attachment 
 to monarchy, we have at lead the iatisfaclion 
 of treading in the 0.eps of no mean Patriots ; wc 
 have at Icafl: the confolation of iupportiiig an 
 authorit^ winch lound lupporters in the proudeill 
 Iu:ninar;c5 of Britilli hiilory. It is true, tiu- 
 
 Fa-
 
 ( 6o ) 
 
 Patriots of a centiny pad had not the advan- 
 tages of thofe fiiperior difcoverics which make 
 (o prominent a figure in the fpbcre of modern 
 poHtics : Prieftly had not dealt h-. republican 
 menaces ; Paine had not uttered Iiis cqualiz- 
 ing oracles. The defects of avxidcnt had not 
 been mar;nified into irremediable diforders j 
 the imperfeflions of humanity had not pro- 
 voked the violence of tumultuous affault -, nor 
 had the fcattered fririts of difaffedion ranged 
 their forces againfl: the depreciated inflitutions 
 of antiquity. It was not then acknowledged 
 in the fcience of politics, that revolutionary 
 law is the firfb principle of rational govern- 
 ment J or that the privilege of change was the 
 proudefl advantage of a free people : yet 
 Milton had darted the full glare of his repub- 
 lican fcepticifm ; yet S3'dncy had probed the 
 authority of Kings; and Locke had proclaimed 
 the dunes of rcfillancc. Proud therefore of 
 acting up to the wildom of fli^h ancefiors, we 
 me little emulous of outfiripping tlieir ntchicve- 
 ments ; we readily own the infaicnce their de- 
 cillons poflcfs ; and copy, without blufhing, 
 iiK: dignity of their example. 
 
 That
 
 ( 6i ) 
 
 That the conflitution of which we boaft, 
 and the conftitutioi we experience, poiTefs not 
 an accurate refcinblance to each ether we are 
 ready to allow : that in the multifarious move- 
 ments of an entire century the complicate wheels 
 of this political machine have incurred fomc 
 cmbarraffment, is a truth to which every rea- 
 fonable man muil fubfcribe; a truih which 
 men, higheH: in th.c confidence of Government 
 and the efteem of the public, have decidedly 
 avovveci j a truth which the mofh outrageous 
 advocates of the exifiing Government would 
 not prefume to controvert. But he dclcrves 
 little of his injured country vs'ho, in a moment 
 when revolutionary cndiuiiafm tlireatcns to ilib- 
 vcrt all the valuable diibnclions of civil facietv, 
 would draer to invidious li!:z;lit Iier latent Vveak- 
 nc Jcs, and infianie, by agijravated pictures of 
 exifting grievances, the i indling rebellion of her 
 difalicclcd members. It cann^'t, it o'.;oi;t not 
 
 ' Of 
 
 to be denied, tliat the innncncc o'i the Crov/n 
 has paucd t'^c conLiiruriGnal li;i:;r ; that the 
 fi)rccs of Aiiitocracy have exceeded rhoir ;uit 
 pi-Qpoi'tion ; that t!ic r^'prccnra^on bow/, in 
 manv particulars, to vena;!*}' :ind corrupnon ; 
 and that the natio^Tal bar.b-w-, have, by " .,.;;t.)n 
 wars and iar,gu:n:;ry pohcy, 'miniihid I'le
 
 public felicity, and added to the mafs of in- 
 evitable mifery ; but in a moment like the pre- 
 fcnt, a moment diftinguiflied by an unparal- 
 leled ferment of the public mind ; a moment 
 when the colours of anarchy are floating in the 
 air, and hoftilities are maintained againfb all 
 the promifcuous eftablifliments of authority 
 and fubordination, the eye of faithful Patri- 
 otifm will glance wiih gentle partiality over the 
 defeats which cloud, and rather fix upon thofe 
 excellencies which adorn the Government it 
 wifhes to preferve ; it will calculate the privi- 
 leges of that authority which modern innovators 
 aflail, and teftify its fidelity to the eflablifli- 
 mcnts themfelvcs, by referving the remonffrance 
 againft their defecfts to periods of lefs agitation, 
 and moments of leis dan":er. 
 
 Was it ever known, was it ever recorded, 
 that a government planned with the wifefh po- 
 licy, a government conducted by the mofl: un- 
 impeachcd fagacity, kept its juft line of uni- 
 form virtue; prefcrvcd unalterable its charac- 
 tcridic excellence ; repelled in every inilance 
 the aiiauhs of corruption, and triumphed com- 
 pletely over the defeds of accident ? The 
 fairell example which the world produces, is 
 
 that
 
 ( 63 ) 
 
 that government (o often infifted upon, the Re- 
 public of America ; and were the hiftory of this 
 country complete; had it counted up a due 
 feries of mellowing ages, it would ftand as an 
 ample refutation of all the reafonings offered 
 in fupport of a monarchy. But formed by the 
 imperious dictates of neccffity, produced froin 
 a combination of peculiar circumftances, Ame- 
 rica will lland for no example in deciding upon 
 the policy of this country : ten thoufand parti- 
 culars, which cannot here be adverted to, gave 
 naturally rife to the fyftem of government 
 which regulates that empire. Separated from the 
 feat of ancient Sovereignty by a wide ocean, 
 and ftill wider animofities, it were not to be 
 cxpcfled that a fyftem of authority wdnch had 
 excited their wars, drenched their fields, and 
 arrefted their commerce, would ever be adopted 
 by a people whom circumftnnccs had left to 
 the election of their government. How fdv the 
 fyilem which now llourilhes in fuch enviable 
 profpeiity, (hall maintain its exiflcnce in the 
 florms which future eveius may excite againil 
 tliis in conviion with other nations, it will re- 
 main f )r time and poikrity to decide : it is 
 our p;u't to J'cd^:c ot p'.il tranlaclions alone, 
 and to derive our maxims of pruciical policy 
 
 iVom
 
 ( 64,) 
 
 from thofe experiment, wliich having been in- 
 ftituted in paft ages, have fcen all the change? 
 of humafi event, and undergone all the vlcif- 
 fitudes 'which were . nec^flary to the pcrf^ccion 
 of their charafter. 
 
 But the pafyons of men are now heated to an 
 
 extraordinary d egret ; .a popular phrenzy reigns 
 among all the lower orders of fociety, and the 
 ruling principle of modern philofophy is the de- 
 ftrudlion of cxifting autliorities'; the falchion 
 of Teformation is brandiflied in bold defiance, 
 and threatens to humble, in levelled indif- 
 tinftion, all the. divcifified inftitutions of fociety. 
 The. queftion no longer is, Whether the go- 
 vernment we boafl have any defects ? but, AVhe- 
 ther it poflcfs any virtues? The contention 
 no longer is, V'/Lciher it deferve encomium? 
 but, Vrhethcr it be won''! prefervihg ? A thou- 
 fmd circiimflances confpire ro -ilicvv, that the 
 prefent moment is leis favourable lo raiional 
 reform than any vvi/ich hillory records :' the 
 events which are tninlaciing, and ,'fe doclrincs* 
 which .are pubiifhcd at Uic picfbnt crifis, are 
 not of iliat clKirader wliich the patient ope- 
 ntion of correC'Live* policy demands. The bu- 
 fmefs of reform is cool and deliberate ; the 
 
 conduct
 
 ( 65 ) 
 
 condud of revolution is rapid and enthnfiaftic ; 
 the one muft be tranfafted in moments of 
 tranquillity, the other muft be operated in the 
 bofom of confufion j to the one is requifite a 
 prudent policy, the other demands an enter- 
 prizing fyftem ; the one reforts ^to experience, 
 the other indulges in theory ; the former is 
 marked by cautious gradation, the latter is cha- 
 radterized by vigorous precipitance. It would 
 be fuperfluous to infift upon the ftrift appli- 
 cability which the formidable charadleriftics 
 of the latter polTefs, to the fermenting intem- 
 perance of modern politics : if therefore the 
 corredtion of abufes, if the remediation of de- 
 feds be the innocent objects of clamorous pa- 
 triotifm ; if behind the colours of reform no 
 harpies of equalization flielter their deftruftivc 
 venom j if thofe who demand the purification 
 wifli not the fubverfion of the conftitution, then 
 let them intermit thofe ill-timed remonftrances 
 which afhft the murmurs of fedition, and fhake 
 the attachment of unfetrled virtue; let the mi- 
 nute defefts of a government, impregnated with 
 wifdom and furroundcd with benignity, be 
 generouily covered to the eye of inquifitive dif- 
 ccntcnt ; let the lighter wounds of the confti- 
 tution be kept uripiobcd till the cutting blaft 
 F of
 
 ( 66 ) 
 
 of revolutionary phrenzy has dropped its fory, 
 and the hemiiphere of politics has recovered its 
 ferenity : then, under the aiifpices of reftored 
 tranquillity, the public mind will have reco- 
 vered that fteady vigor, that colleded energy, 
 which may enable it to reform the defects with- 
 outfacrificlng the excellencies of the conflitution, 
 and to remedy its debilitated fundions without 
 amputating its moft valuable eftablifliments. 
 
 But all is not yet loft ; amidft the clamours 
 of calumnious falfehood, the voice of truth has 
 not been drowned ; her accents have prevailed 
 above the rage of conflicting fentiments, and 
 Europe has witnelTed the fidelity of Britain. 
 Fired with enthufiafm at the events which broke 
 the fliackles of Gallic fervitude, we participated 
 indeed the triumphs of a people rifing in the 
 fcalc of dignity ; a people who fhowed thcni- 
 fclves deferving of an exalted freedom by unit- 
 ing the claims of loyalty and patriotifrn. But 
 falfe to honour, to loyalty, to patriotiim, the 
 countr}' once marked for the alylum of peaceful 
 arts; the countr}^ once dear to the feelings ot 
 the patriot bofom, now wakes the refcntment of 
 indignant virtue, and draws tears of blood ironi- 
 the eye of degraded freedom. 
 
 Did
 
 ( 67 ) 
 
 Did the early applaufe of Gallic emancipation 
 need apology, it would be eafy to dlfcover how 
 naturally fuch impreffions might be made upon 
 the BritiQi fenfibilities, ahve to all the tranfports 
 of generous poHcy. The eyes of Europe fixed 
 with aftonifhment upon that transformed people, 
 who from a ftate of immemorial fervitude 
 emerged into inilantaneous liberty ; the irritating 
 enormities which fowed the feeds of this fplendid 
 event, and the brilliant atchievements by which 
 it was effeifled, made too confiderable a figure 
 in the theatre of politics not to be confidered 
 of momentous importance. While courts and 
 cabinets regarded this example with political 
 alarm, and trembled for its influence upon their 
 vafTal fubjeds, the latter eyed it as an aufpi- 
 cious check upon the tyrannies of Europe, and 
 hailed it as the happy prcfage of their falling 
 chains. 
 
 In Britain, where liberal authority exerts its 
 empire ; where the rights of man are blazoned 
 in charters and acknowledged in juries, the 
 energies of a people afpiring at freedom could 
 not be regarded with indiftercnce. France had 
 for ages diilincruilhed herfclf as the rival of 
 the .Britifli powcr^ and the wanton difturber of 
 
 F 2, the
 
 ( 68 ) 
 
 the Britifh tranquillity. The memory of un- 
 provoked and expenfive wars, awakened by the 
 prefTure of every additional burden, kept alive 
 an animofity of no mean degree againft that 
 proud authority which had laboured by exciting 
 the dilTentions offlatcs to balance the fates of 
 Europe : an authority whofe intrigues had em- 
 broiled in repeated h:(lilities nations allied 
 by blood and intereft ; an authority whofe 
 councils had widened the wounds of difaffedlion, 
 fanned the fparks of difcontent, and thwarted 
 the means of reconciliation. 
 
 The Britifli nation could not view without 
 a fentiment of triumph the fubverfion of that 
 court, to which it owed the lofs of fo much 
 blood and the accumulation of fo much debt : 
 it feemed but a jufl retaruuion of political ven- 
 geance, th.at a court which had fupported a co- 
 lonial revolt againft the ronftituted authorities 
 of a rival nation, fhould fall an involuntary 
 viftim to the fame principles, and fuffcr a 
 defeat upon its own territories. The events 
 which compofed this diftinguiflied revolution 
 were not indeed charadlerized by perfecTt jufi'ce ; 
 but the atrocious guilt of the vanquiflied au- 
 thorities had poflefled too flrongly the public 
 
 al)hor-
 
 ( h ) 
 
 abhorrence to be cancelled by events of acci- 
 dental violence, or obliterated by acls of tran- 
 iient inJLiftice. The councils which iffued 
 from the Court of France were dlftinguKhed 
 by the features of intereft and intrigue ; and 
 the fpirit which impregnated its political mea* 
 fures partook alike of diiplicity and opprefhon. 
 Determined defpot in its own fphere, it fought 
 alliance with the legions of * diftant revolt ; it 
 cheriflied abroad thofe fyftems which it flificd 
 at home, and foftered a freedom in a foreign 
 foil which it never fuffered to germ within its 
 own domains, 
 
 The fentiment therefore which naturally rc- 
 fulted from the bloodlefs triumphs over this 
 defeated court, partook equally of generous 
 exultation and revengeful joy ; the fplendor of 
 the adts by which it was fubverted, no leG than 
 the humiliating debafement of an ancient rival, 
 commended to the rapture of Britifli fenfibility 
 a revolution which promifcd fuch advantages to 
 their future rcpofe. Britain, rejoiced with the 
 invidious enthufiaim of ancient Rome over fallen 
 Carthage, confidcred the deprelTion of its enemy 
 
 -* America.' 
 
 ]' 3 as
 
 ( 70 ) 
 
 3Li the inevitable ground-work of Its own pre- 
 eminence, and anticipated in the regulations of 
 1 purified authority the golden age of undif- 
 turbed empire. 
 
 The joy which attended thefe diftinguifhed 
 atchievements exhibited a vidtory over national 
 prejudice, which ilamped no common honour 
 upon the BritiQi charadber. The condud of 
 France had, in all ages, fet at variance two 
 people divided from each other by fuch nar- 
 row limits: this prejudice thus excited, was 
 blended with the elements of early inftrucllon, 
 and deemed effential to the purity of patriotifm j 
 the paffions were heated by recorded fadls, 
 and inflamed by infinuated fears till an uncon- 
 querable averfion was eflabliflied to that people 
 whofe perfidy we were taught to dread, and 
 whofe councils we had learned to defpife. The 
 great a6tors in every political game efcape their 
 due (hare of public infamy by the facred pro- 
 tedtion of cabinet fecrefy, or the inviolability 
 of exalted rank ; that odium therefore which 
 Ihould purfue the guilty authors, was in this, 
 as in other inftances, transferred to the inno- 
 cent inflruments ; and our averfion to the 
 councils faftened upon the executors of thorc 
 
 meafures
 
 ( 7' ) 
 meafures which interrupted the progrefs of o\ir 
 peaceful arts, and turned the current of public 
 adivity from commerce to war. 
 
 The prejudice thus generated had received 
 no httle confirmation from the diffimilarity of 
 poUtical temperament in the hiftoric charader 
 of the two nations. While every page of Eng- 
 iifli record exhibits fome combat in defence 
 of freedom, fome reclamation againft abufe, 
 fome indignation at tyrannic infolcnce, the 
 hiftory of France exhibited on the contrary a 
 long feries of defpotic conqueils, acquired over 
 the bending fervility of a padive multitude. We 
 fought in vain for Sydncys and Hampdcns in 
 the annals of Franc<j; for charters extorted 
 by virtuous oppofition, and defpotifm modified 
 by intrepid patriotifm. No lay of dignified free- 
 dom was feen to pierce the fettled clouds of 
 immemorial tyranny : the alarm never ap- 
 peared to have gone forth, till the fpoils of 
 opprefTion had precluded the pofl'biliry of rc- 
 fiftance ; and the evil was become of too fcnous 
 a magnitude to admit of a cure. SJcLloip. did a 
 murmur efcape lifts abjocl people till ruinous 
 war had depopulated their ilrccts, and r^hafily 
 famine had clclolated tlieir abodes. So uniforni 
 a coniidiance had marked thcu" chai-acler, lo 
 continued a ler\'i!itv ,'iad imnre^niatcd their con- 
 i^ 4 duel,
 
 ( 7^ ) 
 
 dud, that difgufled with the paft, we au- 
 gured ill of the future; nor deemed it poflible 
 that a people fhould emerge from flavery who 
 had difcovered fo little the energies of freedom. 
 
 Yet the ara which fixed the dawn of Gallic 
 freedom, fixed the downfal of Britifli prejudice. 
 Faithful to the principles of our forefathers, we 
 applauded that courage which broke the bonds 
 of ancient tyranny, and triumphed in the ex- 
 tenfion of that liberal policy which gave to a 
 nation, abandoned in all its epochs to proftrate 
 fervility, all the generous privileges of an ex- 
 alted freedom, 
 
 The enthufiafm, though widely, was not in- 
 deed univerfally felt. Diverfity of fyftem and 
 different degrees of fenfibility prevented the 
 uniformity of public opinion ; and murmurs 
 of diffatisfaftion were heard to blend among 
 the fhouts of acclamation. 
 
 It would be violating truth, it would be fa- 
 crificing juftice, to applaud the individual parts 
 of this tumultuous tranfaftion, and to cover 
 with admiration all the fpecific decrees of thele 
 dillinguiflied reformers. Tyranny had filled up 
 
 the
 
 ( 73 f 
 
 the ample meafures of its guilt; and over- 
 drained oppreffion had communicated an un- 
 known energy to this irritated people. The 
 blow was ftruck in that felicitous moment 
 which concurring circumftances united to de- 
 lign ; and all the indifcretions of enthufiafni 
 were infufed into the hafty fyftems of an im- 
 petuous patriotifm. It was eafy to imagine 
 that amidft the havoc of univerfal reform dif- 
 orders would find their place ; and that adls of vi- 
 olence would inevitably accompany the neceflary 
 modification of ancient eftablifliments : but 
 turning an eye upon the yet blacker catalogue 
 of courtly crimes, perpetrated under the guilty 
 prote6tion of ancient authority, the advocates 
 of this new fyflem found little difficulty in par- 
 doning the temporary injuftice of an unfettled 
 Legiflation; they carried their views forward 
 to the future moments of abated enthuilafm : 
 they anticipated the arrival of a more tranquil- 
 lized period; when a liberal policy fliould cor- 
 real the errors of elementary Icgillation, repair 
 the wounds of lacerated authorities, and remedy 
 the wrongs of expatriated exiles. 
 
 But vaniflicd are all thofe delufory hopes ; 
 and not Imagination's felf can conjure up a 
 
 ihado
 
 I 74 ) 
 
 fliade of future expectation. Foreign war and 
 internal fadion have torn afundcr the uniting 
 ipirits, have drawn out the deformities of na- 
 tional corruption, and given up to anarchy and 
 irreligion this promifing empire. The growing 
 influence of a republican afTociation, whole 
 forces had been encreafing during the reign of 
 the firft legiflature, acquired at length a fatal 
 augmentation; and rifing in the fcale of di- 
 vided authority, bore down all thofe inftitu- 
 tions which compofe the fplendid character of 
 the firft Revolution. All the milder lights of 
 equitable patriotifm were fwallowed up in the 
 blaze of this formidable fadion*. Before the le- 
 gions of fanguinary revolt were feento fall, the 
 debilitated forces of a difcreditcd Monarchy, 
 and with them fell all the furviving diftindions 
 of loyalty, humanity, and religion. From the 
 bloody epoch which fcaled their guilt and fet- 
 tled their authority, the terrors of the poign- 
 ard have triumphed over all the confiderations 
 of honour and fidelity; and partly from fear, 
 partly from corruption, each citizen has become 
 the afi^aflin of his neighbour. The digreffion 
 which this people has difplayed from all the 
 principles of political virtue, was indeed rapid 
 in the order of time, yet gradual in the chain 
 
 of 
 * The Jacobins.
 
 ( 75 ) 
 
 of events. Injuftice was feen to tarnirti the 
 fteady luflre of thofe atchievcments which the 
 firfl exertions of patriotic enthufiafm enrolled 
 amongft its nobleft afls ; relaxed authority 
 gave fcope to the viler paflions, and injuflicc 
 was fucceeded by a thoufand fiends of more fell 
 execution : public faith once violated, blood 
 and plunder became familiar objeds of fleady 
 contemplation : the refinements of virtue were 
 no longer owned ; the fenfibilities of humanity- 
 no longer felt ; injiiflice faw noobfi:acle; pro- 
 fcription acknowledged no bounds : the re- 
 formers of tyranny became the peculators of 
 their coimtry, and the foil of freedom was meU 
 lowed with the blood of the innocent. 
 
 Much might be pardoned by a nation like 
 our own, whofe generous policy aims at no 
 conqucftsi allows no tyranny : much might 
 be indulged to enthufiafiiic indifcretion by a 
 people whofe ftruggles for freedom have not 
 in all cafes kept within the channel of loyalty 
 and mercy ; a people whofe vigorous pa- 
 triotifm has itfelf, on fome occafions, broke 
 down the fences of ancient law, and fnatched 
 the fceptre from hereditary Sovereignty : but 
 jnfadabic revenge and unprincipled outrage 
 
 have
 
 ( 76 ) 
 have turned the fcale ; the feelings of fympathy 
 can find no intereft in murderous licence, and 
 guilt has cancelled every exilting claim to 
 mercy and indulgence. Equally awake to loy- 
 alty and to freedom, the Britiih nation fpurns 
 with honeft indignation the outrageous doc- 
 trines of an equalizing policy. Dear to Britons 
 are thofe fiflitious bounds which mark the gra- 
 dations of civil life, and preferve the balance 
 of eftablifhed orders. To them Monarchy af- 
 fumes no terrors, Ariflocracy no oppreffion, 
 and Subordination no fervility : with them 
 authority is mild, and obedience rational : with 
 them law acknowledges no diftindtion, and 
 juftice admits no exceptions : with them the 
 crimes of the great are meafured by the fame 
 rule of rigor which fixes the criminality of the 
 mean j and the wrongs of the domeftic are ex- 
 piated by the blood of the * noble. Jealous 
 therefore of thofe authorities which protect their 
 rights and guarantee their labours, Britons re- 
 gard with fteady veneration that conftitution 
 which fantaflic reformers aie anxious to de- 
 preciate ; this they cherilh as their deareft birth- 
 
 * Cafe of Earl Ferrers, executed for the murder of 
 liis fteward. 
 
 right,
 
 ( 77 ) 
 
 right, and leave to minds pofleffed by rebel- 
 lious intoxication, to digeft thofe purer fyftems 
 which would diibrganize all exifting eftablilh- 
 ments, and deftroy the univerfai fancftions of 
 civil authority. 
 
 Perhaps no crifis ever exhibited a more equal 
 experiment upon the temper of a nation, than 
 that which has lately exercifed the political 
 feelings of the Britilh public. Amidft the firll 
 effufions of Gallic enthufiafm, the energy of 
 Government appeared to flumber : it was juft 
 that a fiation, whofe proudeft boaft was free- 
 dom, fliould be fuffered to fpeak the language 
 of conviflion, and applaud or condemn the 
 tranfa(5tions of Europe, without the interfering 
 didates of an inquifitorial court. The multi- 
 farious difcuflion which filled up this interval, 
 excited no fmall commotion in the public ihi- 
 timcnt, and the enthufiafm of the people was 
 not a little captivated by the flattering preten- 
 fions of univcrlal freedom. The ferment which 
 thus agitated all ranks of focietv, afforded an 
 ample fcope to ihofe dilcontented factions, 
 and thole tuibuleiu indiviv'uals which haunt 
 the lurking receilei. of the purcll governments. 
 Among the firlt were found thole growing bo- 
 dies
 
 ( 78 ) 
 
 dies whom the common principle of ima- 
 gined oppreffion cements into a union of de- 
 c'ided animofity againft that authority under 
 which they pretend to fuffcr. Among the latter 
 were found thofe formidable adventurers who 
 chalk out no line of flcady condud for their 
 public labours, but, prompt to take advan- 
 tage of occafions, commit the full flock of their 
 talents and their credit to the doubtful hazard 
 of experimental policy. To thefe were added 
 the unprincipled and the licendous : all thofe 
 whofe interefl is found in the tumults of con- 
 fulion, and whofe profits arife from the difor- 
 ders of change. Thefe naturally ranked amongft 
 the admirers of fubverted authority, and blended 
 their licentious fhouts with the acclamations of 
 virtuous freedom. Had France maintained a 
 purer character, and confirmed by fublequcnt 
 refinements the fanguine prolpecls of her firft ad- 
 vocates ; had file continued her homage -f to 
 the Rejhrer of her Liberty, and guarded his 
 throne from violence and regicide ; had fhe 
 preferved from injury the franicrs of her laws, 
 and the guardians of her religion j had flic 
 
 \ Louis XVI. was fo filled, after bis ncccptance of the 
 iirft conflitiuion, 
 
 pro-
 
 ( 79 ) 
 
 proteded her citizens from plunder, and her 
 temples from facrilege : in a word, had (he 
 fiipported the fplendor of her firft decrees, and 
 maintained the fpirit of her primitive laws ; had 
 fhe realized the vifions of pacific empire, and 
 filled np thegraftid outline of defenfivc policy, 
 admiration might ftill have followed the blaze 
 of her fucceflive adts, and xm dangers have 
 accrued to the Britifli empire from the cnthu- 
 fiafm of her admirers, or the councils of her 
 advocates. But apoftate from the principles her- 
 felf had divulged j from principles to which 
 Ihe had pledged herfelf by compadts the moft fa- 
 cred, by oaths the moft inviolable, France now 
 afilimes a new chara6ler in the eye of Europe ; 
 and juiUy divorced from the affection of the 
 hop.ell and the virtuous, can retain no advo- 
 cates, but among tlie wicked and the factious. 
 Tiiofe who adored with proftratc veneration the 
 early tranfa^tions of her liril Legifiators, have 
 forwardly renounced their defeated expeclations, 
 and buried their affection for this abandoned 
 naiion in the tombs that cnclofc the man;4lcd 
 limbs of her n-uuiyred patriots. Thoy have fccn 
 with horror the dcilruciivc {)oignard planted i:i 
 the bofom of the moil virtuous citizens : ihcy 
 have beheld with inJiignant i'yinpathy the liril 
 
 re-
 
 { So ) 
 
 reformers of tyrannic authority blended In the 
 havoc of a promifciioiis maflacre, or furrendered 
 to the murderous fcaflfold under the infolent 
 mockery of a pretended fcntencc 
 
 Over their tombs fhall hover the gliding 
 forms of departed virtue ; and the urn that en- 
 clofes their relics be bathed with the tears of 
 dejeded freedom : the memory of their patri- 
 otifm fliall be embalmed by the grateful in- 
 cenfe of the Poet's mufe, and future ages fhall 
 read with faithlefs wonder of their elevation 
 and their fall. 
 
 The public fentiment has therefore been put 
 to the faireft trial, and the refult is moft ho- 
 nourable to the fidelity and the wifdom of a 
 powerful nation. The flagrant direliclion of 
 honour and virtue in the condu(5l of our ene- 
 mies, has taught us to renounce the enthufiafm 
 with which we eyed their freedom, and the con- 
 fidence we repofe in their policy. The pre- 
 judices which fell with the falling chains of 
 ancient tyranny, have now revived with the 
 reviving fpirit of foreign conqueft ; their fra- 
 ternizing vows liavc excited our abhorrence ; 
 and their infolent Aridcs for univcrfal empire 
 
 have
 
 ( 8. ) 
 
 have flamped them the Depredators of human 
 fociety. Such have been the feelings of the 
 Britifli public ; and generous refentment has pe- 
 netrated the nation. 
 
 Individuals and corporations have difputed 
 the palm of prompt obedience, and fworn to 
 oppofe with united influence the deflrudion of 
 civil authority : the rankHng animofities of 
 private diflent have fought, in the intcrmif- 
 fion of their divifions, to edablifli that calm 
 which the common danger demands, and con- 
 verted their arms of reciprocal contention into 
 the inftrum.ents of mutual defence. The com- 
 monwealth, emerged from the waves that threat- 
 ened her exigence, now rides in triumphant 
 fecurity, and looks back with horror upon the 
 tremendous gulphs which had opened for her 
 deftruclion : (he exults in the tried fidelity of 
 her fons, and acquires force from the impotent 
 machinations of her defeated antagonifts. 
 
 The cup of Gallic iniqiiiry aj^pears now to 
 be full ; and invention cannot create a picture 
 of incre^ifcd enormiiy. Dread infatuation feems 
 to have agitated the diilcmpcrcd minds of this 
 profiitutc people, ^nd urged tliem to all the va- 
 G rirtic^
 
 ( 82 ) 
 
 rieties of anarchy, murder, and facrilege. While 
 therefore the tremendous judgments of Heaven 
 are overfpreading fo large a portion of Europe, 
 let the inhabitants of the world learn righteouf- 
 nefs. Events have fo far feen their completion, 
 that mankind may now calculate the balance of 
 the whole, and deduce from the flupendous a6ts 
 of this mighty drama, the moft important leflbns 
 in religion and civil government. 
 
 The mercilcfs facrificc of a guiltlefs Monarch 
 may provoke our refentment againfl: the per- 
 petrators of fo foul a deed ; but when Nature 
 has paid the tribute of forrow, refleflion mud 
 pafs to other fources, in order that an event 
 of fuch publicity, a crime of fuch aggravated 
 enormity, may anfwer the ends of public in- 
 llrudion. AVe are not to refjard the fufferin^; 
 Monarch as a victim ofTered up at the flTrine 
 of inhumanity, nor confider the effufion of his 
 blood as the temerarious outrage of popular 
 tumult. In him we are to behold clemency 
 fuffering for the wrongs ot tyranny j and the 
 innocent expiating the crimes of the guilty. In 
 the angry populace which demanded this fi- 
 crificc, we arc to view :.' formidable terrors 
 of a people awakened from the torpor of Icr- 
 
 viiude
 
 ( 83 ) 
 
 vltude to the phrenzy of revolutionary ven- 
 geance. Wc may read in the ferocity of their 
 proceedings, a melancholy hiflory of that in- 
 fenfibility which defpotifm generates in the 
 outraged fubjed:, and learn the influence that 
 tyranny poiTefles in corrupting the native pro- 
 penfiiies of the heart. In the ruthlefs pro- 
 fcription of the degraded orders, the eye muft 
 turn from the cruel fufierings of unoffending 
 individuals, to confider thofe comprehenfive 
 principles upon which dcpmd the mighty 
 movements of united millions. Extended in 
 their number and privileges in their preroga- 
 tives beyond the bounds of even temperate in- 
 juftice, thefe orders had acquired a terrible 
 majelly, and wantoned in tiie liberd exercifc 
 of unchallifcd oppreflion. The fcale once turned, 
 no bounds could circumfcribc the burlting 
 flames of public indignation fwelled with the 
 memory of pad enormities, and heated by the 
 embers of unburicd infi:ks. In the frantic tri- 
 umphs which marked the demolition of their 
 once venerated orders, rcLiliited vengeance is 
 conrpicuoiifiy read^ and civil rights are iccn in 
 their turn to humble thole privileges which oiicc 
 fwallowed up all civil ri_^hts. 
 
 G 2 In
 
 ( 84 ) 
 
 In the rage that faftens upon the inftitutions 
 of religion, and the zeal that difieminates in- 
 fidelity and atheifm, are difcovered the remote 
 efTedls of that ancient policy which fubjugated 
 the confcienccs of men to the tyranny of priefls, 
 and excluded the bulk of mankind from the 
 ftudy of their religious faith. Taught to regard 
 their eftablilhed confefTors as the lole depofita- 
 ries of the Chriftian oracles, they, at length, 
 penetrated the fliallow deceit, and with a con- 
 fequence drawn from their authorized fyftems, 
 have madly deemed, that in abolilliingthe yoke of 
 an imperious pric-fthood, they are abfolved from 
 the obligations of religious authority. The ig- 
 norance once cherifhed by a defigning clergy is 
 now operating the eftablifliment of national in- 
 fidelity ; and the blood of martyred Huguenots 
 has fallen upon the heads of thofe whom the 
 convulfions of an empire has torn from the fane- 
 tuarics of their guilty authority. 
 
 Laftly. In the changeful f\ Ticms of thefe tri- 
 umphant anarch ids ; in the facility with which 
 they diflblve the bonds of pledged allegiance, 
 and fluctuate throu2;h all the varieties of 2:0- 
 vernmcnt, will be read tlie fcrnidable rifquc 
 which an empire incurs by the doubtful chance 
 
 of
 
 ( 85 ) 
 
 of political experiment. When once the finews 
 of a government arc dcllroyed, and its ancient 
 forms are facrificed to undifcriminating zeal, 
 not all the vigor of patriotic virtue, not all 
 the furviving energy of public fpirit will be fuf- 
 ficlent to check die inilux of licentioufnefs, 
 or infpire the enadlcd la'.vs with eifecti\;e au- 
 thcrity. The powerfLil enthufiafni which accom- 
 panied this revolution was ken. to dictate a 
 thoufand refinements upon ancient policy, whofe 
 praclicability and expedience were never de- 
 bated. In laudably deteiling the horrors of 
 tyranny, they rulhed into the full blaze of un- 
 bounded freedom, where, frantic with excels 
 of joy, they indulged in dreams of immaculate 
 pol'cy, and awoke in the arms of a fci^icn. It 
 was in tlds interval that wide dc(lru6tion was 
 carried into all the departments of eftabliflied 
 autl:ority. Abfolved from the control of ancient 
 laws, all orders were [ccn to blend in unwar- 
 rantable licence : the vigor which fhould coerce 
 being no longer felt, all the lluices of iniquity 
 opened upon the convulfed empire: before iis 
 impctuofuy funk the furviving rcliques of di- 
 lapidated grandeur ; ar.d Co hirge a portion of 
 Europe cxlnhiicd one extended fccnc of devafta- 
 tion and horror. 
 
 Amldil
 
 ( 86 ) 
 
 Amidft rcfledtions of fuch a nature, the 
 mind cannot dwell without advantage ; and 
 leflbns of moft falutary moment will not fail of 
 imprefTmg all ranks of poliHied fociety. If the 
 dread decree of univerfal anarchy be not 
 gone forth ; if the wafting meficnfrcrs of fate 
 are not compafTmg the diforgafiiz-uion of Chrif- 
 tian empires, the ditlerent orders of focial efta- 
 blilhment will perfect their wifJom l.-y the 
 events which have now tranfpired, and con- 
 folidate their authority by a fyftem of more per^ 
 feet policy. 
 
 Magijlrates will learn to venerate that law 
 themfelves adminiilcr, and to wield with dif- 
 crete energy the fceptre of authority. 
 
 Staiefmen will learn to infpire their councils 
 with equitable policy; to ceconomize the fruiis 
 of national induftry ; to baniih corruption from 
 their adiTiiniftrativc f.mctions, and to exalt above 
 every confidcration of intereft and aggrandize- 
 ment, the public good. 
 
 Nellies will learn to ufe with temper the pri- 
 vileges of their condition; to exert no wanton 
 tyranny over the humble dependents of their 
 
 acei-
 
 ( 87 ) 
 
 accidental influence, and to appear deferving 
 of the honours they inherit by the dignified 
 charaderiilics of an exalted virtue. 
 
 The Minijlers of Chrijlianhy will learn to 
 purify the fyftems they teach from all the fic- 
 tions of an intercfted theology ; they will learn 
 to guard againft the baneful confequences of 
 imperious dogmatifm and fanctimonious fupe- 
 riority j they will learn to dilTufe the mild lultre 
 of religious inftrudion through the darkened 
 fphere of ignorance and profligacy, and to beget 
 in the public mind a growing veneration for the 
 altars of national religion. 
 
 Lafily. ThQ Liferior Orders of Society will 
 acknowledfie the magi;nitude of rhofe calamities 
 which Change produces, and learn to cultivate 
 the unf.il'hionable virtue of political content: 
 they will learn to regard, with juil eflimation, 
 the folid advantnc^es of :l pcr.-nancnt authority, 
 and tremble to break up t'v.it venerable foil cue 
 of wliich iiavj llounilicd (uch generous fruits. 
 Secure in llic corra-ncy ci- iibcial proicciion, 
 they will drz-^A to er.cuiiricr the tumultuous 
 ha/.aid of a difiocated lv)verc;g:-'rv ; and ba- 
 lancing the ranial ^dt feels of a reigr.';jg fyflcni 
 
 airunil
 
 ( S8 ) 
 
 againft the Incalculable diforders of a new- 
 moulded authority, will fufier no delufive doc- 
 trines to warp their loyalty, or fophiilicate their 
 f atriotifm. Thus will all orders participate of 
 one common principle, ajid connect by motives 
 of mutual interell in bonds of flricler union. 
 The conditution will thus acquire a more com- 
 pjct ilabiiity, and its fainting fprings receive a 
 new .energy ; fear will be fuppianted by fidelity, 
 fubjedion replaced by obedience ; the harmony 
 of content will be amply extended, the influ 
 cnce of religion widel/ felt ; and the tranquillity 
 of Europe will not have been broken in vain, 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 ^
 
 /U:iNVM)l-^^ 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 
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 m 3 1 1989 
 
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