U A 
 
 250 
 58 
 
Ou 
 
 STTER ON THE MILITIA, 
 
 ADDRESSED TO 
 
 JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 LATE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES- 
 
AN 
 
 INQUIRY 
 
 INTO THE 
 
 IMPORTANCE OF THE MILITIA 
 
 TO A 
 
 A LETTER FROM 
 
 WILLIAM H. SUMNER, 
 
 ADJUTANT GENERAL OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, 
 
 TO 
 
 JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 LATE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES ; 
 
 HIS ANSWER. 
 
 BOSTON : 
 
 PUBLISHED BY CUMMINGS AND HILLIARD, NO. 1, CORNHILL. 
 
 TreadwelPs Power Press. 
 1893. 
 
UA 
 
FROM 
 
 WILLIAM H. SUMNER, 
 
 TO 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 LATE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Boston, May 3d, 1823. 
 SIR, 
 
 IN an address to governor Brooks, accompanying my 
 last annual return of the militia of this commonwealth, 
 I made some observations on its condition, of which I beg 
 leave to enclose to you a copy. My public situation has 
 made it particularly necessary for me to investigate 
 the uses of the militia, as a military institution ; but this 
 is not the only light in which it should be viewed. Its 
 effects on the manners, habits and laws of our ancestors, 
 are easily traced ; the advantages resulting to us from the 
 application of their principles, by the convention which 
 framed the constitution, to our new condition under it ; the 
 continued influence of the militia in producing pride of 
 character, respect for authority, obedience to the laws, 
 and a just subordination among the people, are reasons of 
 sufficient weight to make it questionable, whether it ought 
 
 M188198 
 
to be considered of the most importance as a civil or a 
 military institution. Yet, as, in the first point of view, it 
 is now hardly ever regarded, and, in the second, in my 
 opinion, not sufficiently so, I beg leave to trouble you with 
 some rem'arks on its utility, in both respects. Besides 
 the consideration of individual respect, my particular 
 inducement to address you on this subject, arises from the 
 sense I entertain of its importance, the open manner in 
 which the militia has been assailed, and, the belief I 
 have, that you will afford your support to an institution, 
 the maintenance of which, appears to be essential to the 
 preservation of our civil rights. 
 
 The pilgrims, who landed at Plymouth, seemed to have 
 been fully possessed of the value of military science ; for 
 they brought out a military leader, as well as ministers 
 and elders with them, knowing that they should not be 
 able to enjoy the rights of conscience, and their spiritual 
 privileges, without the aid of temporal power. Their 
 danger from the Indians convinced them, that this was a 
 subject which was not to be left to accidental acquirement; 
 and, in fifteen years after their landing, captain Myles 
 Standish and Lieutenant William Holmes, were appointed 
 " to teach the use of arms for the towns of Plymouth and 
 Duxbury." These officers were each allowed a salary 
 of 20 sterling a year, "to be paid in corn or beaver, as it 
 should then pass." As the settlement in other towns in- 
 creased, provision was made for their instruction in like 
 manner. To encourage attention to the subject, military 
 attainments were made the ground of honorary titular dis- 
 tinctions which were allowed by the express grant of the 
 civil government. It is remarkable, in the early old 
 colony records to observe, that those who filled impor- 
 tant civil offices are noticed by the appellation of Mr. 
 only, while such as held military commissions were 
 
always distinguished by the titles which their rank 
 conferred. 
 
 In founding their military establishments upon the love 
 of distinction, which animates mankind to the most extraor- 
 dinary exertions, our ancestors discovered that accurate 
 knowledge of the human character which deserves the 
 consideration of their descendants. The charter of the 
 school for military discipline, which was granted in Ply- 
 mouth in 1642, is so instructive on the point of the appli- 
 cation of many of those principles, which will always be 
 necessary for making good citizen soldiers, that I cannot 
 forbear to notice its leading characteristics. It provides, 
 
 " That the officers should be chosen by the association, 
 and approved by the court. 
 
 " That their exercise should be begun and ended with 
 prayer. 
 
 " That they should have a sermon preached to them 
 once a year, on the election of their officers. 
 
 " That none should be received into the company, but 
 such are honest and of good report, freemen and not 
 servants ; and that they should be well approved by the 
 officers, and the majority of the company. 
 
 " That every man who should be admitted as a member, 
 should be subject to the command of his officers, and 
 every delinquent, and those who should not keep silence, 
 or, who exercised jeering, fighting or quarrelling, should 
 be adjudged guilty of a misdemeanor, and punished ac- 
 cording to the order of military discipline, and the nature 
 of the offence. 
 
 " That every man who should be absent, except on good 
 occasion, or the hand of God was upon him, should pay 
 for his default ; and, if he refused, he should be distrained, 
 and put out of the list. 
 
 
6 
 
 ** That every man who entered the military list, and did 
 not provide his arms, should be put out of the list ; and 
 that all who came with defective arms, should be fined 
 sixpence for each article deficient. 
 
 " That all that are, or shall be elected, chief officers of 
 the military company shall be so titled, and forever after- 
 wards be so reputed, unless he obtain a higher place. 
 
 " That if any member of the company die, the members 
 shall assemble with their arms, upon warning, and inter 
 his corpse, as a soldier, according to his place and 
 qualitie. 
 
 " That none shall be taken into the company without be- 
 ing propounded, one meeting, before they shall be received; 
 and, that none shall be admitted, who shall not first take 
 the oath of fidelity." 
 
 The same principles are contained in the grant of the 
 first military company in Massachusetts, in 1638. That 
 company is now composed of between two and three hun- 
 dred members, who are principally active officers in the 
 staff and in the line of the militia. They frequently meet 
 together for drill and mutual instruction ; and the names of 
 some of the most distinguished military commanders in our 
 history are borne on its rolls. The patronage of all the 
 branches of the civil government, afforded to their public 
 ceremonies, which are performed, according to the requi- 
 sitions of their ancient charter, on the day of their annual 
 election of officers, has now a most salutary influence on 
 the militia, as well as on the institution itself, and makes 
 the anniversary of the Ancient and Honourable Artillery 
 Company one of the most interesting of our public festivals. 
 Thus early, and upon these principles, were laid the 
 foundations of the military taste and knowledge, which 
 enabled Massachusetts to manifest that martial prowess for 
 which her history, as a colony, is so much distinguished. 
 In all combined operations, she was able to turn out more 
 
than her quota of men, besides undertaking important ex- 
 peditions from her own resources. The organizing and 
 officering, the arming and training of the people, gave 
 them the ability to act with great celerity and confidence. 
 Recruiting for any projected expedition was always easy, 
 because all who joined it knew that they should do some 
 good. Success was almost certain, because every one 
 was determined not to sacrifice his domestic comforts, but 
 for an important purpose ; and all felt, that the continu- 
 ance of their civil privileges depended on the result of 
 their efforts. Whether, therefore, we see the Massachu- 
 setts troops engaged with the wily Indian in untrodden 
 forests ; embarking for foreign expeditions ; or assailing 
 regular fortresses, we witness that subordination in disci- 
 pline, which arises from a respect for authority ; that 
 cooperation in effort, which is indispensable in all confede- 
 racies; and that patience in suffering, which a confidence 
 in success, alone, can inspire. The security which reli- 
 gious freedom derived from the militia, in the early peri- 
 ods of our history ; the respect in which its leaders were 
 held ; its effects upon the manners of the people ; the union 
 of civil, religious and military authority in the same per- 
 son, and the well tested security of this deposit of power, 
 gave a civil importance and respectability to its institu- 
 tions, which those, who laid the foundations of our political 
 constitutions, knew how to value, and enabled us, who en- 
 joy their beneficial influence on our habits and laws, justly 
 to estimate. 
 
 All nations, to maintain their independence, must at 
 least, possess the means of defence ; and, those, who have 
 not the advantage of our local situation, cannot long ex- 
 pect to retain it, without the power of annoyance, also. 
 The militia is intended for defence only ; standing armies 
 for aggression, as well as defence. The history of all 
 ages proves that large armies are dangerous to civil lib- 
 
8 
 
 erty. Militia, however large, never can be ; for it is com- 
 posed of citizens only, armed for the preservation of their 
 own privileges. In time of war, the army should be in- 
 creased in proportion to external emergencies ; and, in 
 peace, it should always be so reduced, as not to excite any 
 apprehension of danger, from its power, to constitutional 
 freedom ; but, it does not thence follow, that the militia 
 should also be reduced. On the contrary, in proportion to 
 the want of the means of resistance, aggression is encour- 
 aged ; and therefore, as the army is diminished, the militia 
 should be cherished. These principles appear to have 
 been well understood, formerly in this state ; but a 
 change in the opinions of the people seems to be com- 
 mencing, founded on the erroneous notion that the militia 
 is a military institution merely, of no use in time of peace. 
 They who reflect upon the principles whereon the militia 
 was predicated, will at once perceive that this opinion is 
 fraught with danger to our civil rights ; while those, who 
 have adopted the error, do not confine their plan of reduc- 
 tion to this establishment. Some of them advocate the 
 abolition of the militia, without an increase of the army ; 
 and with some, the army not only is to be disbanded, but 
 the militia, also. The main defences of the country, are 
 to be wiped away, as with a sponge, the marine only ex- 
 cepted- Notwithstanding the navy by its skill and gallant- 
 ry, fought itself into the favour of the administration, as the 
 army did of the people; yet, 1 fear, that even this favour- 
 ite arm of defence, is less indebted to our political saga- 
 city for its preservation, than to the Algerines and pirates, 
 who have given occasion for its constant employment. 
 It is hoped that the danger to the public safety from 
 external causes, and the encouragement to domestic 
 licentiousness, which it is apparent would immediately 
 follow the adoption of these schemes, will prevent it ; 
 but, the very propositions themselves, shew in how 
 
9 
 
 little estimation those military attainments are held, by 
 many, which it has cost the nation a hundred millions of 
 dollars, and some of its best blood to acquire. . The great 
 advocates for retrenchment in public expenditure seem to 
 be governed by present impulses. They care not for the 
 future, and hardly ever look back. If they did, the ex- 
 perience of the country would not be lost upon them ; 
 for they would find, that although it required but one day 
 to declare war, it took us two years to make it effectual. 
 But so strong are their prejudices, and so determined are 
 they, in their course, it is almost impossible to convince 
 them that we shall not have perpetual peace. 
 
 If it were true that the heavens were so serene, as the 
 millenists held, but a few weeks since, their argument 
 would have no greater weight ; for in politics, as in na- 
 ture, the greatest storms follow the stillest calms. But, 
 if there are no black clouds portending thunder, there 
 are certainly some white ones, indicating squalls, in our 
 political sky. The length of time in which the temple of 
 Janus has been shut, and the consequent increase of the 
 means and objects of war ; the unprecedented claim of 
 Russia to the exclusive navigation of the broad bays of 
 the North Pacific, as her own narrow seas ; the imputed 
 design of England to take Cuba under her protection ; 
 the outlawry of representative governments, on the conti- 
 nent of Europe ; the indisposition of some of the nations 
 to take the " sovereign prescription' 5 for maintaining the 
 divine legitimacy of kings ; are causes, which will en- 
 gage some of them in contests, deeply affecting our sym- 
 pathies, if not our interests. Let not this nation, then, the 
 spirit of whose free constitutions pervades all governments ; 
 whose empire is extended to both oceans; whose com- 
 merce comprehends all seas ; whose flag floats triumphant 
 and whose eagle soars high, deceive itself by a belief 
 2 
 
10 
 
 that it is not more likely, than heretofore, to be drawn 
 into the vortex of contention, and that its views and 
 power will not be more regarded, than they have been, 
 in all the controversies of the great contending parties of 
 the world. 
 
 It can never be said that a nation, which derives its 
 whole revenue from commerce, is too remotely situated 
 to be involved by European contests. Whatever nations 
 are engaged, our interests will be affected ; and, when- 
 ever England becomes a belligerent, we may expect a re- 
 vival of our unsettled controversies about colonial trade, 
 neutral rights and blockade ; and should she impress 
 American sailors to man her fleets, however unwilling we 
 may be to renew the tug of war with her, it is not to be 
 expected that the national sentiment will again permit its. 
 government to barter the liberty of its citizens for com- 
 mercial gain. Aggression is provoked by weakness ; but, 
 whatever may be the subject of our differences with any 
 country, which respects our power, reconciliation may be 
 hoped for, without degradation. But a nation which 
 abolishes its War office, may as well discontinue its State 
 Department, also ; as they can discover but little ability 
 in diplomacy, who have not the sanction of force at com- 
 mand. If the history of former times is lost upon us, the 
 late admission by Spain, of the unexamined claim of the 
 British to " forty millions of dollars," as an indemnity for 
 losses by Spanish captures, teaches us how much it may 
 cost an unarmed nation to purchase even the neutrality 
 of a friend. Perhaps the history of the approaching war 
 may disclose, that, even those who would consider it as 
 ungenerous to assail a nation, which is fighting for the 
 right of establishing the basis of its own government, will 
 not fail to embrace so favourable an opportunity of extend- 
 ing their commercial monopoly to its foreign possessions, 
 
11 
 
 and of obtaining landed security for "their acknowledged 
 debt." 
 
 Prohibited as she is, from the sale of her manufactures 
 on the continent, by a system more exclusive than that of 
 Napoleon's, it is to be expected that England will seek new 
 markets for the products of her industry. If, by extend- 
 ing her own, she can reduce the sales of her commercial 
 rival ; if, by giving employment to her own ships she can 
 exclude ours from the ports of Cuba, the trade to which 
 employs more than one seventh part of the tonnage of the 
 United States ; and if, in securing these commercial privi- 
 leges, she can, at the same time, place herself in a situation 
 to command the gulf of Florida, and watch the navigation 
 of the Mississippi from the Moro Castle ; it cannot be sup- 
 posed that the nation, which, however overburdened with 
 taxation, has always maintained strong garrisons at Gibral- 
 tar, Malta, and the Cape of Good Hope, at an immense ex- 
 pense, will fail to embrace these advantages. By the 
 possession of Cuba the British will be able, from the naval 
 stations of Halifax, Bermuda and Havana, to form a block- 
 ading line upon our coast which would be almost irresistible. 
 Surely these are great designs, and, if their accomplishment 
 is incompatible with our rights and interests, furnish some 
 reason why the national defences should not now be razed. 
 
 The military position and trade of Cuba, make it de- 
 sirable, if Spain is unable to retain it, that its indepen- 
 dence should be guaranteed by both the British and 
 American governments. There would, then, be but little 
 danger of collision between them, from this source ; but, 
 while on the one hand, if the United States were willing 
 to add to its black population, by taking the island 
 into its confederacy, Great Britain would oppose it, so 
 long as she intended to retain Jamaica : so, neither, on 
 the other, can its surrender to that great naval power, be 
 
12 
 
 made, which, by its possession, could cut off the commer- 
 cial intercourse between the different ports of our coun- 
 try, render one third part of our population, and two 
 thirds of our territory dependent on it for the sale of their 
 productions, and exclude the United States from a market, 
 which employs, within six hundred tons, as much naviga- 
 tion as its trade to China, and all the ports of Russia, 
 Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, the Hanse towns, 
 Germany, Holland, the French, Spanish, Portuguese, and 
 all other European ports in the Atlantic, except the Brit- 
 ish, without awakening a feeling that will unite the great 
 agricultural, and navigating interests of the country in 
 opposition to the policy which admits it. 
 
 My object is not, however, to speak of particular causes 
 for cultivating the resources of national defence at this time ; 
 but, rather, to shew the necessity of always maintaining 
 them ; and 1 have only referred to the late sudden change 
 in the aspect of European affairs, as a fit example to illus- 
 trate my views. It is true, the policy of the United States 
 is peace ; but, the policy of peace is as much without the 
 control of nations, as the policy of war. The object of 
 the one or the other, by any power, is the promotion of 
 its own advantage ; and this is not always consonant to 
 the views of the interested. When these are defeated, 
 the policy of the nations will be changed ; not accord- 
 ing to the will of all, but of either. Since, then, none 
 can be sure of maintaining their peace, let us remem- 
 ber that preparation for war is its best preservative. It 
 is but a few years since this sentiment was as generally 
 entertained in this country, as in all others, which are 
 governed by wise councils ; but, to abolish the militia, 
 because there is no war, would be absurd. That reason 
 is applicable to the reduction of the army ; but, the army 
 and militia are raised from different causes ; and are sup- 
 
IS 
 
 ported upon different principles. They both contribute 
 to the same end, in war, and with so extended a frontier, 
 and indented a coast as ours, are, without doubt, both ne- 
 cessary for defence. The history of all ages shews 
 that civil governments, of every form, are occasionally 
 obliged to employ military forces for the preservation of 
 their authority. In free governments, then, that kind of 
 force should be maintained in peace, which is not 
 dangerous to liberty. But as military power, of some 
 sort, must always be at the command of the civil authority, 
 if the militia is to be abolished, the army should be in- 
 creased ; for, however much we may dislike the charac- 
 ter of the force, the preservation of our internal tran- 
 quillity, even, might demand its service. This very 
 apprehension, that a necessity for employing the army in 
 support of the civil power, might some time or other 
 arise, it is, which has heretofore kept the militia in a 
 respectable condition ; though now, strange as it may be, 
 sentiments are openly promulgated respecting it, which 
 no man, who valued his popularity, would have dared to 
 express, even five years ago. It is time, therefore, that 
 the public attention should be roused. This import- 
 ant interest should be looked at, in all its different 
 bearings ; for, unless there is an occasional reference to 
 the reason upon which even our most valuable institutions 
 are founded, they are in danger of being obliterated. 
 Changes in sentiment always effect alterations in laws. 
 In free governments, they depend upon, and follow each 
 other. If it be true, that " there is no danger from error 
 of opinion, where reason is free to combat it ;*" it is equally 
 as true, that unless reason does combat it, the error may 
 prevail. Viewing the subject as important, and believing, 
 that, strong as habit is, no system, however estimable, 
 can be long upheld by its force, without a just reflec- 
 
14 
 
 tion on its influence and uses, I am induced to make a 
 cursory investigation of the leading objections which have 
 been made to the militia, in order that their merit may 
 be ascertained, or their futility exposed. 
 
 The principal of these is to the trainings. This objec- 
 tion is urged by different people with different objects. 
 Some, without reflection on their design ; some, from 
 a belief of their inefficacy to accomplish it ; some, 
 from contracted views ; and others, because they inter- 
 fere with their personal enjoyments. To some, the noise 
 of the drum and fife is ungrateful, in time of peace ; and 
 in the opinion of others, the trainings introduce too much 
 frolicking in the busy season of the year. The gentle- 
 man complains that they deprive him of the use of his 
 servants, and dismount his coachman from the box 
 when he wants to ride : the farmer, that the season of 
 vegetation is short, and that they take his men from their 
 labour, when it is most needed ; and some of the stock- 
 holders, in the great manufacturing establishments, are 
 opposed to them, because they impede their operations. 
 If such objections as these are sufficient, they are fatal to 
 its usefulness, as a military system. It should be TiOted, 
 however, before we proceed to their consideration, that 
 the whole community have a right to be heard on this 
 subject, as well as that part of it which raises the objec- 
 tions ; and it will be admitted that, if the opinion of any 
 is entitled to particular weight, it is of that party which 
 performs the service. 
 
 What, then, do the soldiers say ? That close confine- 
 ment in the manufactories, and too steady employment 
 in any pursuit, injures their health, and that they need 
 some recreation ; that these military assemblies, in the 
 country, are their only holidays. In the city, there are 
 election days, and artillery elections, independent day 
 
15 
 
 ' celebrations, theatrical entertainments, and public shows 
 of all sorts. But in the interior, none of these civil festi- 
 vals are kept, excepting in a very few of the principal 
 towns ; and, if it were not for the trainings, the people 
 there would be without any public amusements ; and so 
 consonant and pleasant are they to their habits and feel- 
 ipgs, that even if the law did not require it, they say they 
 should voluntarily continue them. At the same time, they 
 
 - tell you that they need some amusement, and that these 
 are the only red-letter days .in their calendar ; they 
 ask if there are less in any country ; where they are so 
 well regulated ; or, where they contribute to such im- 
 portant ends ? Which are the public festivals, in Europe, 
 that are not protected by peace officers ; and what is the 
 need of them on these ? Where, in fact, say they, is ex- 
 cess so immediately restrained ; and, what other people 
 exhibit, on the day of their highest hilarity, the greatest 
 degree of subordination ? Is not all this true ? No 
 men toil with more constancy, work more hours, or ac- 
 complish more, than our labourers. During the whole 
 of the year they are busily employed ; but, for six months, 
 I consider New-England farmers as the hardest working 
 men on the face of the globe. Are four days too much, 
 then, for their recreation ? On the contrary, if the law 
 did not require militia trainings, for its .present useful 
 objects, it would be questionable, whether it might not 
 be for the advantage of society to encourage them, as a 
 relaxation from labour merely. 
 
 But if we look back, a few years only, when there was 
 no national force to save us, and reflect on the important * 
 interests which were protected by the militia, we shall 
 not be willing to rest the defence of this practice upon a 
 doubtful principle. Let us ask the manufacturing stock- 
 holders of 1814, (supposing the militia had not have been . 
 
16 
 
 called out,) who would have received their dividends ; 
 the gentleman, who could have rode in his coach, and 
 the farmer, who would have plucked his corn ? and, if 
 they are obliged to answer, the British, we cannot extol 
 the principle too much, which, at such small sacrifices, 
 has preserved such great interests. It was these very 
 holiday trainings which saved us. The enemy's fleet 
 was too long upon our coast to be ignorant that our mili- 
 tia came to the field supplied with ammunition and pro- 
 visions, organized, armed, equipped, trained and prepared 
 for action, and that, if they should not find them already 
 embodied, it would require but a few hours to assemble 
 them. They knew that, here they would have to assail 
 an armed community, in a high state of moral and mili- 
 tary discipline, so completely arranged that a considera- 
 ble portion of the troops would fall in, at their several 
 places of rendezvous, already sized and numbered, like 
 garrison companies. The organization, officering, arming, 
 equipping, and the drill of the militia, is entirely kept up by 
 the spirit which the trainings create. It is by these, that 
 every man knows his officers, and every officer his men, 
 their places of residence, and the best means of notifying 
 them for service. It is by its trainings and reviews, that 
 the emulation of the officers is sustained, the pride of the 
 soldiers excited, and their confidence in their officers 
 united and confirmed. It is to these, that we are to 
 ascribe that alacrity in its movements, and that ardour for 
 conflict, which has always been discovered by our militia, 
 whenever an occasion called them forth from their domes- 
 tic avocations, for actual service. 
 
 One of the designs of keeping the militia constantly or- 
 ganized, armed and trained, was to save the expense of 
 maintaining a large regular force. The plan was predicated 
 upon the principle, that the people should defend their 
 
17 
 
 own homes ; not that they should be called away for the 
 defence of others. It teaches them their dependence upon 
 their own exertions, and makes them ever watchful of 
 danger to those interests, for the protection of which, none 
 feel so great a solicitude as themselves. Thus it is, that, 
 always prepared to resist aggression, they are able to 
 pursue their domestic avocations and agricultural pursuits, 
 for the support of their families, upon the very soil which 
 they may be required to defend. 
 
 The mode of defence which was adopted, in this state, 
 at the commencement of the late war, by the executive 
 authority, (I speak of it in a military view only,) was 
 founded upon its full conviction of the confidence of the 
 people in their own ability to defend themselves. The 
 governor, in his letter to the secretary of war, justly set 
 forth the advantages resulting from the location and cha- 
 racter of our population and force; he says, "If the 
 president was fully acquainted with the situation of this 
 state, I think he would have no wish to call our militia 
 into service, in the manner proposed. 
 
 " Predatory incursions are not likely to take place in 
 this state, for at every point, except Passamaquoddy, 
 which can present an object to those incursions, the 
 people are too numerous to be attacked by such parties, 
 as generally engage in expeditions of that kind. 
 
 " General Dearborn proposed that the detached militia 
 should be stationed at only a few of the ports and places 
 on the east ; from the rest, a part of their militia were to 
 be called away ; this circumstance would increase their 
 danger; it would invite the aggressions of the enemy, 
 and diminish their power of resistance. 
 
 k ' Every harbour or port, within the state, has a com- 
 pact settlement, and generally the country, around the 
 harbours, is populous. The places contemplated in ge- 
 3 
 
18 
 
 neral Dearborn's specifications, as the rendezvous of the 
 detached militia, excepting in one or two instances, con- 
 tain more of the militia than the portion of the militia 
 assigned to them. The militia are well organized, and 
 would, undoubtedly, prefer to defend their firesides, in 
 company with their friends, under their own officers, 
 rather than be marched to some distant place, while stran- 
 gers might be introduced to take their places at home. 
 
 " In Boston the militia is well disciplined, and could be 
 mustered in an hour, upon any signal of an approaching 
 enemy ; and in six hours the neighbouring towns would 
 pour in a greater force than an invading enemy will 
 bring against it. 
 
 " The same remark applies to Salem, Marblehead, and 
 Newburyport, places whose harbours render an inva- 
 sion next to impossible. In all of them there are, in ad- 
 dition to the common militia, independent corps of infan- 
 try and artillery, well disciplined and equipped, and 
 ready, both in disposition and means, to repair to any 
 place where invasion may be threatened, and able to re- 
 pel it, except it should be made by a fleet of heavy 
 ships, against which nothing, perhaps, would prove any 
 defence, until the enemy should land ; when the entire 
 militia would be prepared to meet them. 
 
 " Against predatory incursions, the militia of each place 
 would be able to defend their property ; and in a very 
 short time they would be aided, if necessary, by the 
 militia of the surrounding country. In case of a more 
 serious invasion, whole brigades, or divisions, could be 
 collected seasonably for defence. Indeed, considering 
 the state of the militia in this commonwealth, I think 
 there can be no doubt that, detaching a part of it, and 
 distributing it into small portions, will tend to impair the 
 defensive power." 
 
19 
 
 Supported in his views of the ability and character of 
 the militia, by the best military councils, the governor did 
 not hesitate to place the authority, to call out and employ 
 the force under their commands, in the hands of the officers 
 themselves. But in a state, where the militia was not or- 
 ganized and trained, as well as armed ; where the popula- 
 tion was not sufficiently dense, when the beacon of danger 
 should be lighted, to be embodied immediately ; and where 
 there was not a general confidence in the intelligence of 
 the officers, as well as in the discipline of the men, an or- 
 der, which threw the whole responsibility of the defence 
 of the country upon those whose interests were at hazard, 
 instead of being viewed as a measure of. prudence, would 
 have been considered as the excess of temerity; yet, con- 
 fident of immediate support from the militia of the interior, 
 the people on the sea-board of the state, who were at all 
 times exposed to the sudden incursions of an ultra marine 
 invader, quietly pursued the occupations of peace for two 
 years after war was declared. 
 
 Again, when the general officers of the four divisions on 
 the sea-board, were assembled at the adjutant general's 
 office, in 1814, for the purpose of concerting measures of 
 defence against the land and naval forces which were col- 
 lecting on our coast, it was from the governor's knowledge 
 of their activity, discipline and skill, that he was induced to 
 order, that the militia, however small the body assembled, 
 which should be organized, should immediately attack 
 the enemy, if he attempted the invasion of any part of our 
 territory. It was their knowledge of it, that inspired the of- 
 ficers with the fullest confidence, that those who would thus 
 oppose the assailants, would be immediately supported by 
 the overwhelming force of an armed and concentred po- 
 pulation. Now, let me inquire, if such orders had have 
 been given to an untrained militia, instead of discovering 
 
20 
 
 determination and zeal, whether anxiety and dismay would 
 not have disheartened them ? But what was the fact? In 
 every instance they shewed the greatest degree of activity 
 and fortitude. They rallied quickly, and came unhesita- 
 tingly into the field, prepared for combat on their first 
 arrival. No better evidence of it can be adduced, than 
 what is derived from the fact which I witnessed, upon 
 an alarm at Wiscasset, in 1814; when, from the known 
 strength of the enemy in the neighbourhood, it was suppos- 
 ed there would be a necessity for the employment of a 
 greater force than was assembled for its protection. Upon 
 that occasion a company of artillerj', and two of light in- 
 fantry, composed of persons, who, at the time they were 
 notified, were engaged in their private pursuits, prepared 
 with three days provisions, and completely armed, uni- 
 formed and equipped, travelled through miry roads, a 
 distance of eighteen miles, from Hallowell, Augusta, and 
 Gardner, and reported themselves in less than twenty- 
 four hours from the time the videt was despatched 
 with the order for their assembling. This was not a 
 solitary instance. The same alacrity was discovered by 
 the militia of the metropolis and its vicinity, when the 
 Constitution frigate was chased into Marblehead, by a 
 superior force, and upon other occasions ; but, I mention 
 this case to show the advantage which has resulted from 
 training the militia in the interior towns of the state, as 
 well as in the more populous places on the sea-board. If 
 this plan was not generally adopted, instead of being 
 assembled on sudden emergencies, and discharged again 
 as soon as the occasion which called for them ceased ; 
 there would be the same necessity here, which exists 
 in other places, for ordering the militia out, at great ex- 
 pense, in anticipation of the occasion, and for keeping them 
 
21 
 
 in service until they had learned their duty, waiting for 
 an opportunity to display their newly acquired skill. 
 
 If it be asked how the militia protected us, when they 
 were never engaged ? I will ask, in turn, whether it is not 
 better to have one's power so respected by an enemy, 
 that he dare not encounter it, than, by its weakness, to 
 encourage him to assail it, with a confidence, or even a 
 hope, of its overthrow. In the one case, there is a triumph 
 without a battle ; in the other, if it be gained, it must be 
 attended with at least some sacrifices. 
 
 The general unevenness of our country; the nume- 
 rous obstructions to the progress of an enemy, which 
 its woods, rocks, ravines, rivers, meadows, mountains, 
 mills, stone walls, and villages present, are peculiarly 
 favourable to militia operations. An enemy would be 
 always unwilling to invade such a territory ; but notwith- 
 standing, if its population, like that of Europe, chiefly 
 consisted of an unarmed peasantry, and its whole reli- 
 ance was on its regular army, one pitched battle would 
 decide its fate. But a country of well trained militia-men 
 is not conquered when its army is beaten. Every addi- 
 tional district the enemy penetrates possesses the means 
 of its own defence ; and, instead of furnishing him with 
 additional supplies, weakens his force, and diminishes his 
 chance of return. We often boast of the success of the 
 American arms at Plattsburg, and well we may : but, if 
 Sir George Prevost had have carried the American lines, 
 and penetrated the country as far as Albany, we should 
 have had much more cause for it. Like the locusts of 
 Egypt, myriads of militia would have thronged around 
 him, destroyed every moving and living thing, and ren- 
 dered his retreat impossible. Here, every house is a cas- 
 tle, and every man a soldier. Arms are in every hand, 
 
22 
 
 confidence in every mind, and courage in every heart. 
 It depends upon its own will, and not upon the force of the 
 enemy, whether such a country shall ever be conquered. 
 
 If, without further illustration, enough has been said to 
 shew the importance of the militia in its present condition ; 
 it is to be hoped that more attention will hereafter be paid 
 to its instruction and practice, as the principal means of 
 its melioration. 
 
 The trainings of the men in companies, and the reviews 
 of them by regiments, brigades, and divisions, should be 
 considered in the light of drills for the instruction of all 
 those officers and men, who are liable to be called out for 
 active service. Such are the different qualities of troops 
 which a militia general must necessarily have under his 
 command, that it is problematical whether as great a de- 
 gree of intelligence is not required in him, as in the 
 chief of an army, which consists but of one, and that 
 the best quality. Yet, how little is thought of the neces- 
 sity, which reflection makes so apparent, of instructing 
 the officers, and practising them in their duties, as well 
 as the men who are subject to their commands. The 
 Legislature should recollect, what the officers themselves 
 feel, that they have the responsibility of the lives of free 
 and independent citizens ; of fathers, husbands, and sons : 
 of men who have property, and a home to secure ; kin- 
 dred and dependents to protect ; and liberty and a coun- 
 try to defend. Shall such men, who engage with patriotic 
 enthusiasm in the support of these great interests, have no 
 opportunity afforded to qualify themselves for their duties. 
 Or shall the business of war, which puts every thing at 
 hazard, be left to accident, when all other concerns are 
 the objects of instruction and method. 
 
 It is common for those to complain of a system, who 
 do not comprehend it ; and for men, who are ignorant 
 
23 
 
 of their duty, to ascribe their want of success to any 
 cause, but the true one. By such it has been said, that 
 the militia, when brought into combat, has almost always 
 failed to discover that efficiency which its friends ex- 
 pected of it. The truth of this assertion is not admitted. 
 Some most glorious battles have been fought by the militia 
 alone; and where it has been combined with regular 
 troops the trophies of victory have frequently fallen into 
 its hands. The seriousness with which the assertion is 
 made, however, makes it necessary to inquire into the 
 causes of the defeats which, it must be admitted, have often 
 attended the militia, lest they should be supposed to have 
 arisen from defect in the system, rather than neglect in 
 its execution. 
 
 The disasters of the militia may be ascribed chief- 
 ly to two causes, of which the failure to train the 
 men is a principal one ; but, the omission to train 
 the officers is a so much greater, that I think the 
 history of its conduct, where it has been unfortu- 
 nate, will prove that its defects are attributable, more 
 to their want of knowledge of the best mode of applying 
 the force under their authority to the attainment of their 
 object, than to all others. It may almost be stated, as an 
 axiom, that the larger the body of undisciplined men is, 
 the less is its chance of success ; and, that in proportion 
 to the number of individuals, acting as such, who are en- 
 gaged, is the prospect of it increased. The mode of fight- 
 ing militia against regular forces, should depend, almost 
 entirely, upon the discipline of the troops which the militia 
 general commands ; for the first object of his adversary 
 will be to ascertain the state of his opponent's drill. If he 
 discovers that his enemy, who is assembled in a body, 
 cannot manoeuvre, he will have no occasion to do it him- 
 self; for, he will find that those who do not disperse at 
 
24 
 
 the imposing approach of his shouldered columns, will fly 
 before the charge of his bayonets. Before any troops 
 are brought into combat, they should not only be made 
 acquainted with military evolutions, but be instructed in 
 their uses, when they may be in the presence of an enemy. 
 A well drilled militia,' alone should be exposed in the 
 open field ; none other can maintain itself. An untrained 
 militia should be placed behind breast works, and shield- 
 ed from the enemy, in an open country, by fences and 
 buildings ; and in the forest, by trees. Thus circum- 
 stanced, every individual can display his own ingenuity 
 and Indian-like sagacity. Spread around the enemy, 
 every gun is directed at him ; and yet, there is no where 
 presented a sufficient object for his columns to aim at. 
 
 There is no error more common, than the attempt to 
 combine men who are only fitted to act separately. The 
 numerous defeats which the militia have sustained may 
 be ascribed, principally, to the forgetfulness of their com- 
 manders that there are different modes of fighting with 
 men, who are equally brave and well armed. They 
 should be left to act as individuals, be divided into small 
 parties, or combined in one entire body, according to the 
 nature of their position, and the state of their discipline. 
 In the case of individuals, each one is left, in a great de- 
 gree, to the exercise of his own sagacity, and feels his 
 dependence for success upon his own exertions. But a 
 few disciplined men, in a body, will disperse a great 
 many, acting independently of each other, by reason of 
 that coincidence of design, and combination of effort, 
 which increases the power of a numerical force to its 
 greatest extent. How, otherwise, could Cortes have 
 achieved the conquest of Mexico, with five hundred men ; 
 or the princes of India, with their millions of subjects, be 
 kept under the yoke by the army of a trading company. 
 
25 
 
 It must hence be inferred, that the importance of training 
 (he militia is to be estimated by the comparative relation 
 of power which the same number of men bear to each 
 other, acting as a corps, or as individuals. It follows, 
 also, that the success of a corps, which is properly direct- 
 ed, other things being equal, will be in proportion to its 
 confidence in its leader. This, however, is not always 
 commensurate with his skill. As individuals, it will doubt- 
 less be in the ratio of their estimate of it ; but, in an army, 
 individual confidence is nothing. It is the confidence of 
 all those who compose it, as a body ; a united confi- 
 dence, which makes it an entierty, that is alone worth the 
 name. Let the commander, then, be ever so skilful, and 
 his men ever so brave, nothing but drilling can ever give 
 him the confidence of his corps. The officers must be 
 drilled to command, as well as the men to obedience. In- 
 telligence must guide the one, and confidence be unquali- 
 fied in the other : and, to the attainment of these military 
 virtues, practice is .necessary for both. 
 
 The militia, generally speakirfg, under the present sys- 
 tem, are now best drilled where the population is most 
 dense ; and the population of a country, in a great meas- 
 ure, depends upon the extent of its cultivation. We, 
 therefore, usually find them sufficiently well instructed to 
 act in the manner the nature of the country they inhabit 
 requires. On the sea-board, and in the thickly settled 
 parts of the country, where they are well trained, the 
 militia are qualified to act in a body ; and in the interior, 
 a portion of them are drilled sufficiently to hold the 
 fastnesses, which abound in our country roads, while the 
 rest, by hanging on the flanks of the enemy, acting under 
 cover as sharpshooters ; or in small parties, by intercept- 
 ing his supplies, harassing his rear, cutting off his baggage, 
 and picking up his wounded, will destroy him in detail. 
 
26 
 
 The success which attended this mode of warfare, by 
 undisciplined troops at Lexington, was so marked, that it 
 is wonderful it should since have been so much disre- 
 garded. The very men, who, when formed in a body, 
 scattered like sheep upon the approach of the British 
 columns, rendered signal services, the same day, on the 
 enemy's retreat, when they were left to the exercise of 
 their individual intelligence. With such troops formed in 
 line, as assembled at Hampden, and Bladensburg, there 
 could be no hope of success. Whereas, in the routes 
 of the enemy, there were bridges and defiles for the 
 defence, of the artillery and disciplined corps; and build- 
 ings, bushes, and other cover, sufficient to have given 
 that confidence to individual bravery, and effect to its 
 exercise, which might have caused a different result to 
 both of the expeditions of the enemy, which were attend- 
 ed with such disastrous consequences. But where the 
 militia have been skilfully directed, from their superior 
 individual intelligence, and the great interest they have at 
 stake, they have always manifested an impetuosity and 
 valour, which have done their country honour, and fre- 
 quently enabled them to pluck the laurel from the brows 
 of veterans. What, but their obstinate resistance, could 
 have compelled the British troops to return twenty miles 
 to Boston, the same day they marched out to destroy the 
 stores at Concord ? What, better than their steady perse- 
 verance at Bunker's Hill, would have inspired the whole 
 country with confidence in its physical strength ? What 
 could have arrested Burgoyne in his progress, but their 
 zeal and intrepidity? Who, in the glorious battle ofBridg- 
 water, " stood undismayed amidst the hottest fire of the 
 enemy, and repulsed the veterans opposed to them ?" Who 
 defied the power of a fleet of ships at Stonington, and 
 offered to supply the enemy with their own shot at 
 
27 
 
 the furnace prices ? Who repulsed the despoiling foe at 
 Baltimore, and laid their proud leader in the dust ? Who 
 swarmed around the British host of veteran conquerors 
 on the banks of the Saranac, and poured destruction 
 into its flying bands ? Who " penetrated into the midst of 
 the enemy's camp," the night after his landing at bayou 
 Bienverju, and by the impetuosity of their attack t appaljed 
 the heart of the taunting invader ? Who sent the crim- 
 soned Mississippi with the message of American valour 
 to the ocean ? These events are engraven on the militia 
 banners, and exhibit the power of a numerical force 
 of different degrees of discipline, where the troops 
 have been properly directed. But if, at Lexington or 
 Concord, the Americans had been formed in line, 
 can any one suppose the enemy's progress would have 
 been impeded by it; or, that at Bunker's Hill and 
 New Orleans, such slaughter would have reduced the 
 enemy's ranks, if the militia had not been covered 
 by breast-works. These battles are as distinguished 
 memorials of the military skill of Prescott and Jackson, 
 as they are of the valour of American soldiers. They shew 
 us the necessity of intelligence in the commander, as well 
 as of courage in the troops ; and, if they make us regret 
 the many opportunities that have been lost, for gaining 
 similar glory, they will serve as beacons to guide future 
 commanders in the path which leads to it. If, however, it 
 must be admitted that the militia have been defeated often- 
 er than regular forces would have been, according to the 
 chances of war, and the cause of it may be fairly ascribed 
 to the want of skill in its officers, of the proper mode of 
 applying their force to their object, the evil should 
 be corrected by suitable plans for instructing and prac- 
 tising them in their duties. But this proves nothing 
 against the system, for the remedy is consistent with it. 
 
28 
 
 Notwithstanding the advantages which have so clearly 
 resulted from it, there are a number of very sensible men 
 who object to the training of the militia, as a useless con- 
 sumption of time, for another reason, which, upon examina- 
 tion, I think will be found to be more specious than sound. 
 It is, that the officers of the army unite in opinion, that one 
 who has never shouldered a musket, is a better recruit than 
 a militiaman. Admit it. Does it thence follow, because 
 militia drills will not make a soldier fit for the army ranks, 
 they do not qualify him for his own ? Until lately, the 
 militia have been instructed according to the system of 
 the Baron de Steuben; and a soldier, who was well 
 drilled in the principles of that system, would have 
 much to unlearn, before he could be instructed in 
 the principles of the French exercise. Now, though 
 it is admitted that the latter is the preferable system ; 
 yet, it does not follow that the militia is less effective, 
 when they are taught according to the inferior mode, 
 than they would be if they were not instructed at all. 
 On the contrary, any system of manoeuvring is better 
 than none ; because, in the one case, the men can act in a 
 body, and in the other, they must act as individuals. 
 There would be some weight in the objection, if the whole 
 object of militia drilling was to prepare recruits for the 
 army. But this is not the case. It is to qualify the militia 
 to act together. Let me ask general Swift, colonel Fen- 
 wick, and every other United States' officer, who has ever 
 seen a review of the troops of the Boston brigade, (and 
 others might be instanced with equal propriety,) whether 
 they would not have full confidence in them in the open 
 field. If they answer affirmatively, drilling has done them 
 some good ; for, as a disciplined body, they must be ad- 
 mitted to be more powerful than they would be as an 
 armed assemblage. However little weight there ever 
 
29 
 
 was in this objection, there is none in it since con- 
 gress have established the same system of field exercise 
 for the militia that the army practises. Whatever the 
 militia soldiers now learn must be useful to them, 
 whether they act by themselves, or in conjunction with 
 the national forces. The same words of command, and 
 mode of executing them are taught to both, and the more 
 perfect the men are as militia, the nearer will they ap- 
 proach to regulars. 
 
 It should never be argued as an objection to the militia 
 that it is inferior to the army. The militia of no state ever 
 was or ever will be its equal : the nature of the institu- 
 tion does not require it : the militia were never expected 
 to be as good soldiers, nor to perform the same duties ; if 
 they were, there would be no need of an army. The at- 
 tempt, therefore, to make them so, would not only be con- 
 trary to its design, but would require the application of 
 means, for which the object would be no compensation. 
 It is sufficient that the ambition and intelligence which an- 
 imate and distinguishes the volunteer corps, enables them 
 to arrive at the highest standard of discipline, while their 
 connexion with nearly all the regiments, produces a spirit 
 of emulation among them which pervades all ranks. But, 
 to require the whole body of the militia to be equally as 
 well drilled as these, would be taxing their purses, instead 
 of their pride, which, having fewer objects of gratification, 
 readily answers heavier drafts. To exempt those from a 
 poll tax, who uniform and equip themselves ; or, to save 
 the troops from expense, while they are labouring for the 
 general good, by furnishing them with rations, at the pub- 
 lic charge, would be affording them that encouragement 
 which their exertions merit; but, to pay the men for their 
 services in the militia, as for their labour on the highways, 
 would be destructive of that patriotic pride which animates 
 them. Emanating, as it does, from a spirit of freedom, 
 
30 
 
 this alone has been sufficient to advance the militia to the 
 degree of excellence it now exhibits ; and its cultivation is 
 the best means of preserving the system in the purity of 
 its original design. 
 
 There is also a very serious class of persons who ob- 
 ject to the militia, because its meetings are held near to 
 taverns, and afford opportunities for the indulgence of in- 
 temperance. This vice is admitted to be the greatest evil 
 in the country : it is the sin that most easily besets us. 
 The government should discountenance, and the wise men 
 in the community set their faces against it. But it does 
 not affect the militia, solely ; if it did, there would be some 
 force in the argument. If the trainings and military elec- 
 tions are held near to the taverns, so are the town meetings, 
 and those for the election of civil officers. Is that any 
 reason why either should be discontinued ? Our churches, 
 school-houses, academies, and all other buildings for the 
 public accommodation, are erected in the centre of po- 
 pulation, where the people can most easily convene. The 
 taverns are placed near to them ; not they near to the ta- 
 verns. This is a good reason why the taverns should be 
 better regulated, but none why all our civil, religious, and 
 military meetings should be abolished, and the ties of so- 
 cial intercourse dissolved. If the objection can be urged, 
 with greater force, against the military associations than 
 any others, it must be in those places, only, where the 
 militia receives but little encouragement. " Honor virtutis 
 prcemium." Let the people in such towns Jbllow the ex- 
 ample of our ancestors, and making militia offices the 
 objects of laudable ambition and they will place the in- 
 stitution under the control of that moral influence, which 
 will discountenance all the vicious propensities of its mem- 
 bers. 
 
 The peace society is also said to be opposed to the 
 militia, because it encourages the spirit of war. If so, 
 
31 
 
 its opposition is founded on erroneous views of its pur- 
 poses. The militia is the rock of peace. It is formed to 
 resist aggression, and never can commit it. 
 
 There is yet another class whose mistaken opinions up* 
 on the subject, I apprehend, arise, in a great degree, from 
 considering the militia as a military institution, solely. If 
 it were so, every maxim of prudence would teach us to cul- 
 tivate, with assiduity, in peace, that which must be our 
 main reliance in war. It is when no ill consequences 
 immediately follow from the adoption of a principle, that 
 bad precedents are most likely to be set. We never fully 
 appreciate the value of that, for which we have no immedi- 
 ate want. It is in times of peace only, that we hear militia 
 duty complained of as burdensome, the trainings as too nu- 
 merous, and the reviews as a vain ostentation. It is then 
 even seriously contended, because, by the constitution of 
 the United States, congress have power " to provide for 
 organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, reserving to 
 the states respectively, the appointment of its officers, and 
 the authority of training the militia, according to the disci- 
 pline prescribed by congress," that the states may train the 
 militia or not, as they please. If such be the case, for what 
 purpose did the convention maintain the right in congress, 
 to prescribe its discipline ? This right could be of no use, 
 if the militia be not trained accordingly. As well might it 
 be said, that because the states have reserved the power 
 to appoint their own officers, they have it at their option 
 to appoint them or not. "When the constitution of the 
 United States granted this authority to the states, it con- 
 templated its exercise ; and, if the clause be not imperative 
 on them to make appointments of their officers, and to 
 train their militia according to the established discipline, 
 all the provisions of the constitution, regarding it, are use- 
 
32 
 
 less. The law of 1 792, which prescribes who shall be en- 
 rolled in the militia, and how it is to be organized into 
 divisions, brigades, regiments and companies, limiting the 
 number of men in each, and defining the number and rank 
 of the officers, is founded on this construction. But where 
 is the wisdom of this law, if the states can refuse to ap- 
 point the officers. This is not now contended for, nor ever 
 was, that I know of; but it may with as much proprie- 
 ty be argued that the states may omit to execute the 
 provision for officering, as that for training the militia. 
 Both these powers are comprehended in the same clause, 
 and the same rule of construction must apply to both. 
 Little could it have been thought that any of the states, 
 which, with such wise precaution, retained to themselves 
 this safeguard of sovereignty, would have so soon neglected 
 ks exercise. Much less, that the doctrine by which they 
 justify it, would be openly promulgated in this, which has 
 derived such essential benefit from the service of its mili- 
 tia, in the principal cases which were contemplated for its 
 use ; in executing the laws, suppressing insurrection, and 
 defending from invasion. ~L, 
 
 Further, and to be more particular, (for a recurrence 
 to facts is often necessary to prove the importance of 
 principles,) what could have prevented the squatters, 
 who were encamped, a few years since, near the jail 
 in Augusta, for six weeks, from rescuing a prisoner 
 committed for shooting a sheriff in the execution of his 
 duty, but the militia ? or, who could have hung Jason 
 Fairbanks without its aid ? When the standard of re- 
 bellion was raised by Daniel Shays, and the spirit of 
 insurrection was spreading its influence over the state ; 
 when the courts of justice were either shut, or the 
 judges contemned on their seats; when civil proces- 
 ses could not be served, nor criminal sentences executed ; 
 
33 
 
 what could then have restored our domestic tranquillity, 
 but the militia ? And, when a British fleet, with troops and 
 transports fitted for the purpose, was hovering on our coast, 
 and there were not two hundred United States troops on 
 the whole sea-board of the state, what could have prevented 
 sir John Sherbroke their commander, who surprised and 
 blew up one ship of war at Hampden, from destroying 
 those on the stocks at Portsmouth, and at Boston, but the 
 militia? Have we, who, when a fleet and transports, with 
 twenty-seven hundred troops on board, was on our coast 
 in 181 4, prepared to execute the devastating order of ad- 
 miral Cochrane, " to destroy and lay waste such towns and 
 districts upon the coast, as might be found assailable," were 
 flying into the interior with our families and moveables, 
 for safety, so soon forgotten our dependence on the militia, 
 when it was called out for our preservation ? And is our 
 fancy so dull, that, even now, we cannot imagine the spoil 
 and desolation that would have visited our towns and 
 cities in their horrid reality, but for its protecting power ? 
 Who could have thought that we, who, by two months of 
 its service, so lately, were secured in the possession of 
 more property than the whole establishment has cost the 
 government since the adoption of the constitution, should 
 now be told that the militia is a burden* too heavy to be 
 borne ? God grant that so long as such sentiments are dis- 
 seminated, the recollection of these events may not be for- 
 gotten. 
 
 Notwithstanding the protection it has affor ded ; yet, judg- 
 ing from the numerous propositions which have been made 
 in congress, within the last ten or fifteen years, for new 
 modifying the law of 1792, and from the speeches of the 
 members on the subject, we should be led to conclude that 
 the system had not answered the hopes of its projectors. 
 
 This makes it necessary for us to examine the proposed 
 5 
 
34 
 
 substitutes, and see whether they are more likely to ac- 
 complish it. 
 
 The plan which is most countenanced, is that which is 
 founded upon a system of classification. This proposes, 
 that the enrolled militia shall be divided into distinct 
 corps, according to age, and that the youngest class shall 
 be encamped, each year, for a definite period, and the of- 
 ficers and men paid for their services. 
 
 The principal objection of a military nature, which has 
 been urged against this project, is founded upon the idea 
 that men of sufficient ability, and understanding of their 
 duties, are not selected for officers ; and that it w r ould 
 be impossible for them to teach the soldiers, what the 
 plan proposed contemplates they should learn ; wherefore, 
 the expense attending it, would be more than the advan- 
 tage gained. This objection has no weight with me. For 
 though the officers, in many parts of the country, are now 
 incompetent to the duties of active service, this does not 
 arise from their deficiency of capacity to comprehend 
 them ; but from a want of practice in those duties. It can- 
 not be expected of officers who render gratuitous services, 
 that they should learn more than they are required to per. 
 form; and where, (as in many of the states,) they are 
 merely returning officers ; if they do this duty as well as 
 coroners and constables, they comply with all the requisi- 
 tions of the law which prescribed it ; are entitled to all 
 the distinctions which such offices confer ; and are not 
 to be censured for a want of greater skill than their duties 
 require. The very plan proposed will cure the evil upon 
 which the objection is founded. It will enlarge the du- 
 ties of the officers, make military commissions desirable 
 with the young and ambitious, and introduce that emula- 
 tion among the officers, which always results in military 
 distinction. 
 
35 
 
 My objections to the system of classification are rather 
 of a civil than a military nature; for although the militia 
 should be considered as a powerful military establish- 
 ment, constituting the great reserve of the country, to 
 be used in aid of the regular forces; and we should 
 be careful to make no arrangement of it which will defeat 
 this purpose ; yet, its importance to our civil institutions 
 is quite as much deserving of regard. The asperity of par- 
 ties on constitutional questions, of doubtful construction ; 
 the contests for power ; and the zeal manifested by those 
 who espouse the views of the contenders, excited by po- 
 litical causes, and embittered by local animosities, such as 
 we have already witnessed, ought to convince us, that 
 we are not always to be free from the interference of that 
 power, in our civil concerns, which is best suited to accom- 
 plish the designs of the most daring. Mankind are the 
 same in all ages. The objects of ambition are always 
 present ; and can it be supposed that the use of those 
 means which have been employed with success in esta- 
 blishing the dynasty of other nations, will always be 
 omitted in ours ? The history of all times, nations and go- 
 vernments, is so full of examples of revolutions, which have 
 been accomplished by the aid of mercenary troops, that 
 particular instances need not be cited. The various geo- 
 graphical lines which have been drawn on the map of Eu- 
 rope for the last thirty years ; the narrowed circles of em- 
 pires ; the overthrow of republics ; the establishment of 
 strangers on the thrones of kings, and of kings on the rights 
 of subjects, should teach us not to undervalue either the 
 moral or physical influence of that wise counteracting 
 cause, which our constitutions have provided, as the bul- 
 wark of our liberty. Not that the public rights are now 
 in danger, from troops which are insufficient to watch the 
 Indians and garrison the forts ; not that they ever would 
 be, from an army composed of such patriotic officers and 
 
36 
 
 soldiers as that which has saved and exalted the nation's 
 glory: but, when the restraints of morals shall be loosen- 
 ed, and virtuous habits cease to control, the army will be 
 increased, and composed of different materials ; and how- 
 ever much we should, now, deprecate its interference, I do 
 not know why this country will not have as much reason, 
 as others, to apprehend it, then. Neither is the anticipa- 
 tion very extravagant, if the history of the past justifies 
 expectation for the future, that, whenever the United 
 States shall be divided by factions, and the human pas- 
 sions are inflamed by political rancour, the jealousy of 
 those powers, who vigilantly watch the local extention 
 and maritime strength of our country, will shew itself 
 in aiding either party with those mercenaries who have 
 brought Europe under the yoke. 
 
 If it be said that these are needless apprehensions; that 
 our country will never be so circumstanced, and that we 
 are guarding against evils which can never happen : it 
 may be so ; and, while the militia is properly supported 
 and encouraged, it will be so. But let those, who are 
 thus fearless for the future, look back ; and, after reflecting 
 on the exhausted state of the country in 1783, answer me 
 the question, what could then have prevented the army, 
 at Newburgh, from establishing their own pay, and our 
 political destiny, if they had so determined ? But, since 
 the establishment of our militia system, there never has 
 been a period when it would not have been the height of 
 folly, in any officer of the army, to suppose that it had the 
 same ascendancy. Though, therefore, the extended coast 
 and internal frontier of our country must have numerous 
 garrisons, requiring a large army, there can be no fear 
 from its extension, so long as the militia- is maintained with 
 proper spirit ; for no nation was ever subdued by its own 
 soldiers, until it had given up the use of its own arms. 
 
37 
 
 I know that even the suggestion, that the army may be- 
 come oppressors, and that foreign myrmidons may be 
 employed in this country, is offensive to patriotism : but, 
 let us recollect that there is no word, in the political voca- 
 bulary, which has so many meanings. Every one inter- 
 prets it according to his own views. That party which is 
 united by the strongest sectional feeling, will apply the 
 same name to themselves that they do to their servile ad-* 
 herents, in other parts of it, who sacrifice important public 
 interests to motives of personal ambition. The whigs were 
 patriots, and the tories were patriots, and as Dr. Johnson 
 says that " patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel," 
 when the time shall arrive for the employment of foreign 
 troops, those who introduce them, will, of course, be most 
 exalted patriots. Constitutional restraints will not then 
 be regarded, for the more numerous the obstacles, the 
 greater will be the claim to patriotism of him who shall 
 surmount them. Holland, Spain, Portugal, Naples, France, 
 have employed foreign troops, and the parties, who sought 
 their assistance contend, that in so doing, they were go- 
 verned by the motives of the most sublimated patriotism. 
 Obsta principiis, was the motto of our fathers. If we have 
 no right to indulge ourselves in the apprehensions of such 
 events, then they were unwise to give so much importance 
 to the establishment of principles which are of use only to 
 prevent their recurrence. 
 
 Is this a useless or untimely digression ? It is ; unless it 
 be justifiable to point out the consequences which will fol- 
 low from one doctrine, in order to test the utility of its op- 
 posite ; and for this purpose I have indulged in it. 
 
 I said that the militia was of as much importance in a 
 civil as in a military view ; and that the plan proposed 
 of classing the militia, would diminish its useful civil influ- 
 ence. I mil endeavour to illustrate it. The camp would 
 
38 
 
 be composed entirely of young persons, strangers to each 
 other, and therefore would expose the "virtuous to the 
 contamination of its vicious members. Military regu- 
 lations may make it a school of military science ; but, 
 not a nursery of virtue. On the contrary, the habits of a 
 camp are inconsistent with that temperance, industry and 
 frugality, which are encouraged by domestic pursuits and 
 relations. It would subject minors to an authority, less 
 moral than that of parental control, at a period of life 
 when this is most beneficial. It would take the younger, and 
 most active part of our citizens, away from their homes ; 
 interfere too much with their civil occupations, and inspire 
 the youth of the country with a greater love of military 
 glory, than of civil liberty. But no such consequences 
 result from the present system, where all able bodied men, 
 between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, are enrolled 
 and train together ;* the father with his son, the master 
 with his apprentice, and the guardian with his ward. The 
 companies are composed of persons of the same neighbour- 
 hood, where the vicious propensities of those who are en- 
 rolled, are known and restrained by the influence of the 
 elder and moral part of it. The rewards of merit are also 
 greater, because the number of officers is in proportion to 
 the number of those who are subjected to duty. Such train- 
 ings are productive of a friendly intercourse in society. 
 They give an opportunity for those who are in the humbler 
 walks of life, to disclose their talents and virtues to others 
 whose consideration is deserving of regard. They elicit 
 merit from a class of men who would have no other chance 
 of shewing it. They make every officer who has gained 
 the good opinion of his fellows, ambitious to retain it, and 
 those, who are coming forward into life, desirous of the 
 distinction which a commission confers. They teach civil- 
 ity and respect for authority. They introduce habits of 
 
39 
 
 subordination in society ; and impress, upon the younger 
 part of the community a sense of that obedience to the 
 laws, which influences all their conduct in life ; and taken 
 in connexion with our schools of education, and our esta- 
 blishments for moral and religious instruction, they make 
 an orderly community. 
 
 When the objections, which the institutions and habits 
 of the eastern states thus present to the system of classifi- 
 cation, are considered, then we hear of a plan substituting 
 drills of officers for those of privates. This, if they had 
 no opportunities furnished them of practising in their va- 
 rious stations, would be neither more nor less than turning 
 officers into private soldiers. 
 
 By another proposition, all hope of making the militia 
 efficient, as corps, is relinquished ; the trainings are to be 
 discontinued ; the mode of arming and equipping the pri- 
 vates changed ; bayonets and cartridge boxes given up ; 
 and rifles and powder horns are to be furnished to the 
 citizens, and the whole militia turned into sharpshooters. 
 
 It is true, that it is better that the arms should be kept 
 by the men themselves, at their own dwellings, than in 
 the public arsenals. They thus learn to take care of 
 them, at least ; and as opportunities for hunting and prac- 
 tical shooting offer, they improve as marksmen. But few 
 boys would learn their catechisms, if the books which 
 contained them, were to be found in the public libraries, 
 only ; and but few men would be familiar with the use of 
 arms, which were not kept in their own possession. 
 
 But the plan, if it be viewed in a military light only, 
 will be found to be of partial use, and will operate almost 
 exclusively for the benefit of the foresters, who would 
 thus be supplied with rifles at the public expense. But 
 where the country is settled, the general use of arms is 
 given up ; and, as the forests are cleared, drilling becomes 
 
40 
 
 necessary as a substitute for that habitual exercise of 
 shooting at game, which has obtained for Americans the 
 reputation of being the best riflemen in the world. If this 
 be not required in the populous parts of the country, the 
 backwoodsmen alone will be able to defend themselves, 
 as none others will be accustomed to the use of the arms 
 with which they are to be furnished. Independently of 
 this, the effect of a plan, upon the order of society, which 
 would turn the whole effective population of the country 
 into guerillas, must suggest, to every reflecting mind, suffi- 
 cient objections to it. 
 
 Such propositions as these, being seriously submitted, 
 and zealously supported, in the great hall of the national 
 legislature, whose debates and doings are spread over the 
 whole country, have their effect upon public sentiment, 
 and naturally tend to create doubts in those, who other- 
 wise would aid in perfecting the present system. The 
 inquiry then cannot be considered irrelevant, from what 
 quarter do these sentiments emanate ; nor invidious, if it 
 shall be found that they originate in those states which 
 have not carried into effect the existing laws, in a mode 
 properly adapted to test the merits of the established sys- 
 tem. In some of them, the militia in the cities, only, are 
 trained ; and in others, training is omitted altogether by 
 requisition of law, or the practice under it. Where this 
 is the case, as the enrolment and organization, the inspec- 
 tion of arms, and the returns of the numerical force, all 
 must fail, it is no wonder that the system has fallen inter 
 disrepute. On the contrary, in those states where the 
 application of the principles, upon which it is founded, 
 has been fairly made ; where the emulation of different 
 corps is excited ; the pride and the ambition of the officers 
 stimulated ; where commissions are the indexes of public 
 estimation, and the passports of distinction ; in fine, where 
 
41 
 
 the system receives the support of the civil government, 
 and the countenance and aid of the influential members of 
 the community, there we hear no complaints of its incom- 
 petency. It cannot be considered as unbecoming in us, 
 then, to combat opinions which originate in ignorance of 
 its merit ; for, if these are left unexposed, they may be 
 received for truths, and threaten the destruction of a sys- 
 tem which has become identified with the habits, manners, 
 associations, and interests of this part of the country. 
 
 To do this, we must trace the causes which have made 
 the same system so beneficial in this commonwealth, and 
 so inefficient in some other parts of the United States. 
 We shall discover them, principally, in the long establish- 
 ed customs of the people whose habits originated it ; the 
 early establishment of a regular military department 
 under the state government ; the conformity of the state 
 laws and general orders to the constitution and laws 
 of the United States, by which the aid of the civil tribu- 
 nals is afforded, in the collection of the fines and penalties 
 for enforcing their provisions, and in support of their au- 
 thority ; the estimation in which the militia is held as a 
 civil institution ; the facility the soldiers possess for drill- 
 ing, by reason of a greater density of population ; the 
 substituting of company trainings for battalion meetings, 
 by which the inhabitants of each neighbourhood, who are 
 known to one another, can come together oftener, and 
 with less expense, than when they are assembled in larger 
 bodies ; and in the mode of selecting officers by the free 
 votes of those who are to be subordinate to their authority. 
 
 It would be tedious, if I were to enlarge on these causes ; 
 but, as you may not be practically acquainted with the 
 favourable operation of the last, upon the respectability of 
 the establishment, I will confine my remarks to that, be- 
 lieving that its illustration will afford some gratification to 
 6 
 
42 
 
 the great champion of the elective franchise in well ba- 
 lanced governments. 
 
 The elective principle was early applied to military 
 institutions in this country, by those who regarded 
 military power, both as the most important to the preser- 
 vation of their civil rights, and the most dangerous to 
 their existence. The people chose to keep the control of 
 it, therefore, in their own hands. The advantage result- 
 ing from it, under the colonial government, and the ag- 
 gressions of the troops, whose officers received their ap- 
 pointments from the crown, upon the citizens, just before 
 the revolution, confirmed the favourable opinion of the 
 principle which was already entertained, and induced 
 our civil fathers to incorporate it into their frame of go- 
 vernment. It is there provided that the privates shall 
 choose their company officers ; and the captains and 
 subalterns, the field officers. These latter are made the 
 electors of their respective brigadier generals ; and the 
 two branches of the legislature, by a concurrent vote, de- 
 signate the person on whom the governor shall confer the 
 high and important office of major-general. Thus, in all 
 cases, the power is lodged with those, who not only have 
 the most interest in the choice, but who are the best judges 
 of the requisite qualifications for the vacant office. The 
 disposition which is generally manifested for regular pro- 
 motion, from the lowest to the highest station, operates as 
 an inducement for the subordinate officers to hold their 
 commissions some years, with a view to the attainment 
 of the honours and distinction of higher rank. An office? 
 is seldom superseded without cause, while the power of 
 the electors to do it, every time a vacancy occurs, is 
 a continual stimulus to the ambitious to qualify them- 
 selves for their present duties, as well as for those of 
 higher places. Additional motives for the officers to con- 
 
43 
 
 tinue in command, long enough, not merely to obtain a 
 competent knowledge of the active duties of the field, and 
 to become acquainted with the provision of the laws regu- 
 lating enrolments, inspections, and the returns of their 
 respective commands ; but, to gain a practical knowledge of 
 the modes of filling up the blanks, the regular modes of 
 their transmission, and in fact, the routine and forms of the 
 military department, and the principles which govern it, are 
 afforded by the laws which confer immunities upon those, 
 who have been honourably discharged from their offices of 
 a greater or less value, in proportion to the length of their 
 period of service. These inducements are also increased 
 by the established principle, which will not permit an 
 officer to resign at his own will. By taking a commission, 
 every one subjects himself, under all the responsibilities 
 of the law, to the command of his superiors, until the 
 commander an chief is satisfied, either that the peculiar 
 circumstances demand, or the good of the service requires, 
 the acceptance of the resignation of the person who offers 
 it ; while those who do their duty, feel a security in the 
 possession of their authority, from their liability to re- 
 moval from office by a sentence of a court martial only, 
 regularly detailed from the roster. When, in connexion 
 with the preceding circumstances, we take into consider- 
 ation the early establishment of a military department in 
 the government ; and its regular organization, a few years 
 since, under the direct administration of one of the most 
 experienced, and intelligent officers of the revolutionary 
 army: that the adjutant general is required to make out 
 and issue commissions and discharges for all the officers ; 
 to keep a register of their rank and stations, and a record 
 of all the correspondence, orders, and decisions, upon mili- 
 tary questions, and to furnish the officers with forms and in- 
 structions relative to all their duties ; that, under the direc- 
 
44 
 
 tion of the commander in chief, as the head of the mili- 
 tary staff, he maintains the officers in the proper exercise 
 of their authority, and holds them responsible for its ne- 
 glect, by the application of general principles to the 
 same case, whenever it occurs, without regard to in- 
 dividuals ; and, that his opinion, when requested in 
 writing, is at the command of every officer, upon any 
 question of practice or of duty, it must at once be 
 seen, that there are considerations offered for a class 
 of men to take commissions, and qualify themselves for 
 the performance of their duties, who, by no other mode 
 of selection could be induced to enter the service. 
 
 It is true that the power of electing their own officers, 
 is liable to abuse ; but the discretion which is exercised 
 in discharging them from service, checks it. It is this 
 power, which the commander in chief, in this common- 
 wealth, only, possesses, that prevents some companies from 
 attempting to bring the institution into ridicule, by choos- 
 ing unworthy men as their commanders. Instances of 
 this trifling disposition were frequent, until the governor 
 refused to discharge officers of this class, when, ashamed 
 of their folly, at the time of their election, their constitu- 
 ents have afterwards requested them to resign. Since this 
 principle was established, the electors, finding that they 
 were the only sufferers from their own levity, have ceased 
 to indulge such caprices. But when the mode of election 
 is compared with that of appointment by the executive, 
 who cannot be personally acquainted with the merits of 
 all the candidates, for the numerous offices in his gift, and 
 who therefore acts, as in some of the states, upon the 
 irresponsible recommendations which are made of can- 
 didates, to fill subordinate stations, by those who are in- 
 vested with the powers of higher offices : or, as in others, 
 upon the proposition of the judges of the county courts, 
 
45 
 
 who, of all men, are the least likely to be acquainted with 
 the qualifications of the candidates, it can hardly be 
 doubted that it has the preference. It has also this far- 
 ther advantage, that men of elevated standing, who might 
 refuse an executive appointment, when they are chosen 
 to command by their fellow citizens, consider it as so de- 
 cisive an indication of their partiality, as will hardly permit 
 them to disregard it. In fact, there can be no greater 
 evidence of confidence, than that which is shewn in the 
 investment of another with military authority, by the free 
 votes of those who are subject to it. Numerous instances, 
 of the favourable operation of this principle, might be 
 cited in every part of the commonwealth ; but your own 
 knowledge of the distinguished citizens, high in the confi- 
 dence of the government and the people, who have had 
 the command of the brigade in which you reside, and 
 that which the capital of the state composes, makes a fur- 
 ther illustration of it unnecessary. 
 
 While it is thus shewn that the elective principle offers 
 many inducements for men of distinction, and laudable 
 ambition, to take commissions ; there is another, and as it 
 regards its effects on our civil institutions, a greater 
 benefit resulting from it. 
 
 Officers who perform their military duties accept- 
 ably, become the objects of civil promotion. It is 
 strictly a republican principle. The doors are open 
 to all. There are as many men introduced into the 
 municipal, county, and state offices, and into our legisla- 
 tive assemblies, from the militia, as from the bar. The 
 gentlemen of the latter are fitted for them by education ; 
 and those of the former are selected from among their 
 fellows, for that natural strength of mind and decision of 
 character, which fit them for the acceptable performance 
 of their duties, as officers. Those who accept commis- 
 
46 
 
 sions are placed in situations, in which the qualities of the 
 mind and the heart are developed, and their temper and 
 morals disclosed. They are obliged to appear in the 
 public presence, and thus afford, to its discerning eye, 
 opportunities of discovering their faults, and measuring the 
 extent of their capacities for usefulness in civil stations. 
 Not only so : every act of their lives has relation to the 
 promotion or disgrace to which they subject themselves, 
 when they first take commissions. By the frequency of 
 elections their character and conduct are brought to trial, 
 not according to previous notice, but whenever a vacancy 
 happens by the discharge of any of their superiors. 
 They are, therefore, obliged to be ever watchful of their 
 conduct. Knowing that they act at all times under its 
 special observance, militia officers feel a responsibility that 
 does not attach to other members of the community. All 
 are taught to consider them as men of honour ; and it is only 
 by acting like them that they can expect a continuance 
 of the estimation in which they are held. Every man 
 who wears an epaulette feels, in a greater or less degree, 
 the pride of his station. This causes him to cultivate 
 upon all occasions, that propriety, and dignity of de- 
 meanour, which are so essential to give effect to official 
 authority. Militia offices have much the same effect on 
 those, who are ambitious of consideration among men, that 
 rewards of merit have in schools. They have, therefore, 
 a powerful influence on society and conduct. While the 
 laws punish convicts, to deter from crime, the militia offers 
 continual incentives to virtue. It has always been ob- 
 served, that the inhabitants of the frontier settlements are 
 rude, until they become the subjects of military discipline. 
 Although this is never forced upon them ; yet, so sensible 
 of its influence are the moral and discreet part of the 
 settlers, that the authority to organize new military com- 
 
47 
 
 panics is generally petitioned for, before the inhabitants 
 are sufficiently numerous to form them. When their re- 
 quests are granted, the manners of the people begin to 
 improve ; civility and subordination are introduced among 
 them ; their police regulations begin to partake of the spirit 
 of their military institutions, and are executed in the order 
 of their forms. These are sufficient considerations to make 
 them solicitous of becoming subservient to that military 
 authority, and subject to the imposition of the fines and 
 penalties resulting from disobedience to it, from which 
 they were before free. In a new country, it may, there- 
 fore, be justly said, (and I think the observatio'n might he 
 further extended,) that militia makes manners, and man- 
 ners make laws. 
 
 
 
 The first elections are made by the citizens, from 
 among themselves. Ensigns are put upon probation. If 
 they are attentive to their duty, and behave with pro- 
 priety, they, like other officers, arc regularly promoted. 
 It is true that the electors, in their original selections 
 from the ranks, may be deceived in the character and 
 talents of the persons chosen, and often are so ; but, when 
 this is the case, or officers of any rank lose their stand- 
 ing in society, from any cause whatever, the next elec- 
 tion cures the evil ; and the subjects of it, by the 
 choice of their subordinates to superior stations, are in- 
 duced to request their discharges, as superseded officers, 
 which are never refused. While, therefore, from the dis- 
 cernment of the people, it turns out in practice, that more 
 ensigns are superseded than all the other company officers 
 united, it ought to be made known, that, as our schools 
 afford equal opportunities to all classes of the community, 
 for obtaining a good education ; often, very often, is it, that 
 military elections bring men of respectable talents and 
 acquirements into the notice of society, from the humbler 
 
48 
 
 walks of life, who are, in consequence, enabled to display 
 those qualities which recommend them for important civil 
 employments. 
 
 If the militia establishment is thus respectable in Massa- 
 chusetts, and has so well accomplished the objects of its de- 
 sign, it may well be asked, what reason we can have to fear 
 its destruction ? To which it is replied, that it is difficult for 
 individuals or states long to maintain a standard above their 
 neighbours. Admiration soon degenerates into envy ; 
 and an elevation which may appear to be of command- 
 ing importance, in the view of those who have as- 
 cended it, will be considered as uselessly high, by 
 those who cannot attain it. It is not the institutions, 
 or individuals which have a little, but those which have 
 the greatest celebrity and influence, which are the ob- 
 jects of attack. Accordingly, when the militia was inef- 
 ficient, in comparison with its present condition, it met with 
 general support ; and it was not until it had attained to that 
 degree of excellence, which made it an example to other 
 states, that we began to discover within ourselves the 
 operations of that casuistic jealousy, which has since been 
 covertly making nearer approaches, and has now com- 
 menced its open assault. But it is not a plain proposition 
 to abolish the militia system that 1 fear. Such an one 
 presents the whole subject to consideration ; and the con- 
 sequences of its adoption would be so apparent, to all, 
 that it need not be apprehended. It is the undermining 
 policy of its foes, which has already weakened its 
 foundation, that we have reason to dread. This is now ex- 
 hibited in constant attempts to diminish its respectability, 
 by discouraging the distinguished members of the commu- 
 nity from engaging in its duties, or accepting its offices ; by 
 increasing the number of exempts, and thereby making its 
 burdens less equal ; by withholding the customary patron- 
 age, and jeering at its celebrations ; by refining away the 
 
49 
 
 requisitions of the United States law, and increasing the 
 embarrassments of enforcing its provisions ; by subduing 
 the ardour of the soldiers, making disparaging compari- 
 sons of their relative obligations ; repressing the spirit of 
 the officers, and reducing the objects of their ambition. 
 
 If this was out door influence only, it would not require 
 very serious consideration; but, when public sentiment 
 is so far affected by it, that the laws partake of its spirit, 
 it becomes an object deserving the strictest scrutiny into 
 its probable effects on the system itself, and its conse- 
 quences on the community at large. Thus, the power of 
 the legislature to add to the number of exempts, recog- 
 nised by the United States law, has been exercised by 
 ranking firemen among them, and by granting to the select- 
 men of the several towns in the commonwealth, authority 
 to appoint them. This is exerted in many places by 
 keeping more fire engines than there are military compa- 
 nies, and thereby making the roll of firemen dispropor- 
 tionally great to that of the train-band. 
 
 So in the militia act of 1810, which, in every other 
 respect, must undoubtedly be considered as an improve- 
 ment in the details of the system, we find the principle 
 adopted of a right in the state legislature, to excuse a part 
 of those persons from training, who, by the United States 
 law, must be enrolled, and who, of course, are subject to 
 drafts for actual service ; thereby absolving them, (if the 
 state authority so far extends,) from any obligation to 
 perform that specific duty which fits them for that service. 
 However inexpedient the plan of excusing those, who 
 were between the ages of forty and forty-five years, 
 from training, must be considered ; yet the condition on 
 which the privilege was granted, of requiring such as 
 chose to avail themselves of it, to pay an annual stipend 
 towards the purchase of uniform, arms, and equipments 
 7 
 
50 
 
 for such as remained subject to all the requisitions of 
 the law, deserves to be applauded. The application of 
 the money, derived from the exempt fund, thus created, 
 to the purchase of the few articles, required to give a 
 respectable uniformity of dress to the whole body of the 
 militia, encouraged the hope, that, in a short time, a 
 measure would be carried into operation, without expense 
 to the individuals benefitted, which, having the effect to 
 increase the soldier's pride of conduct, as well as appear- 
 ance, would thereby add to the dignity and efficiency of 
 the militia establishment. A state uniform, as a measure 
 of economy, only, is attended with as much gratification 
 to the individuals of the militia, as benefit to the whole 
 body ; for, when any person has once been furnished 
 with a proper dress, he will always be in uniform with the 
 militia of any part of the state where he may happen to 
 reside. The evil tendency of the principle, upon which the 
 immunity of partial exemption from training was founded, 
 was, therefore, blinded by the utility of the provision 
 annexed to the grant. 
 
 A few years afterwards, we find the legislature reliev- 
 ing those from training, who are above thirty-five years of 
 age, thus lopping off another large proportion of the train- 
 band. This was a serious injury to the militia. Still, as 
 the number of conditional exempts was increased by it, 
 the relief fund was proportionably enlarged, and this serv- 
 ed to keep up the spirit of those who remained subject to 
 duty. This encouragement was not long afforded ; for 
 the consequence of admitting principles was shewn in a 
 following act, which repealed the condition as to all those 
 who are above the age of forty years, and reduced the 
 number of company trainings from three to one. Thus all 
 who are above forty, are entirely released from duty, and 
 those above thirty-five, may purchase exemption for an 
 
51 
 
 annual stipend of inconsiderable amount, in comparison 
 with the extent of the services required at the time it was 
 fixed ; but which, since the number of the trainings have 
 been reduced, has so nearly become the equivalent of the 
 personal service required, that but little benefit can be 
 expected from it. 
 
 There was a law passed, two years since, for reducing 
 the number of inspections and reviews, which afforded to 
 the general and field officers their only opportunity of 
 practising in their duties ; but this, was so much in advance 
 of the march of public sentiment, that it was repealed the 
 year after its enactment. 
 
 While we admire the intelligence which supported this 
 principle, we cannot but regret that the importance of the 
 connexion between the drilling of the officers, and the 
 training of the privates, was not seen. To experienced 
 men their mutual dependence is apparent, and necessary 
 to the utility of the system. The reduction of the train- 
 band, and the diminution of the company trainings, of 
 those who remain subject to duty, without increasing the 
 fines for non-attendance, will, it is feared, have so serious an 
 effect upon the recruiting of the volunteer associations, and 
 upon the discipline of the whole militia, that the reviews, 
 themselves, will be of less utility, than heretofore. 
 
 It has before been attempted to be shown, wherein the 
 principle, involved in these measures, was at variance 
 with the spirit and design of the constitution, ^ot that I 
 mean to deny that the states have any authority over the 
 subject of training the militia, for that is a power which is 
 expressly reserved by them. The time and place ; the 
 persons who shall act as instructers ; the mode of assem- 
 bling the troops ; the number of them that shall be collected 
 together ; the fines and penalties for neglect of duty ; the 
 mode of collecting them, and their appropriation ; the pun- 
 ishments for disobedience of orders, and the manner of 
 
52 
 
 inflicting them; these, and other details, are left to the 
 discretion of the state authorities. It was wise they should 
 be so, in order that the modes of their accomplishment 
 might conform to the customs and habits of the people, in 
 the different latitudes of this widely extended empire. But 
 the manner in which the militia shall be trained is not a sub- 
 ject of state regulation ; for this is expressly required to be 
 according to the discipline prescribed by congress. The 
 terms of the reservation, therefore, imply the exercise of 
 the reserved power. The discipline of the militia is the 
 object of the United States' authority ; its training the 
 means, reserved to the state governments. It is a necessary 
 consequence that, unless the means are adopted, the object 
 is defeated. It also follows, that if the number of trainings, 
 which has been established, is not sufficient for the accom- 
 plishment of that object, it should be increased, instead of 
 being diminished. If, however, a state legislature can omit 
 to make provision for training and disciplining a part of the 
 force, it can the whole ; and, in our legislature, we see that 
 the successors of those, who exempted a part of such as 
 were required to be enrolled from militia duty, upon con- 
 dition, have found that it was quite as easy to release them, 
 without any condition whatever. Thus, by pursuing the 
 course which is begun, it requires but little foresight to 
 predict that the design of the constitution will be defeated, 
 and that it will be but a few years before the organized, 
 armed, disciplined, and proud spirited militia of this com- 
 monwealth, will be reduced to rude assemblies and disor- 
 derly "bands. 
 
 It is when sur.h inroads are making in it, that the friends 
 of the militia system are obliged to trace its origin, deve- 
 lope its advantages, and appeal to its founders for a con- 
 tinuance of their aid in its support. 
 
 The early habits of the people of this commonwealth 
 prepared the way for the adoption of a militia system which 
 
53 
 
 differs from that of all other nations. It was engrafted on 
 a stock, which was able to support, and which long con- 
 tinued to nourish it. The founders of our political consti- 
 tutions anticipated its influence in support of civil govern- 
 ment. They acted on the principle, which will stand the 
 test of ages, that " a militia is the only safe defence of a free 
 state." This sentiment was not confined to statesmen ; but 
 a very great proportion of the illustrious officers of this state, 
 who, by their skill in arms, had eminently contributed to 
 the establishment of our independence, gave their first en- 
 deavours, on the return of peace, to the improvement of the 
 militia. The journals of the legislature shew them to have 
 been ardently engaged in framing laws for carrying their 
 plans into operation, and constantly urging the importance 
 of the institution to the preservation of our civil privileges* 
 The law of 1787, which contains the fundamental princi- 
 ples of those which are now in force, was drafted by the 
 most distinguished officer of the revolutionary army, now 
 living in this commonwealth ; and those only,who know the 
 lax state of militia discipline, at that time, are able fully to 
 appreciate the extent of the exertion which was required to 
 induce the whole people to lay themselves under the re- 
 straints, which experience testifies were indispensable to 
 its improvement. Their efforts did not terminate with 
 their legislative labors. They joined the " military com- 
 pany of Massachusetts" for the instruction of officers ; took 
 commissions in the staff, and in the line of the militia ; and 
 upon the enactment of the law of congress of 1792, esta- 
 blishing its organization and discipline, by their personal 
 exertions, assisted to carry its provisions into immediate 
 effect. They strove to introduce into it that discipline and 
 subordination, from the want of which the country had so 
 seriously suffered, during the revolutionary war. The 
 distinguished names of Heath, Lincoln, Brooks, Jackson, 
 
54 
 
 Shepherd, Cobb, Sewall, Dearborn, Hull, Mattoon, Var- 
 num, and numerous others, who took subordinate, but not 
 less useful stations, attest to the truth of this remark ; and 
 it is not among the least of the considerations which have 
 entitled them to the plaudits of their countrymen, that 
 those who were worn down by the fatigues and sufferings 
 of an arduous service, did not cease from their labours, 
 until they had established, and carried into practical ope- 
 ration, a system so admirably constructed for the per- 
 petual security of the liberties they had conquered. 
 
 It was, in a great degree, by the exertions of one of 
 these individuals, that, only a few years after the close of 
 the American war, a militia line was exhibited to Wash- 
 ington, on the very ground where he first took the com- 
 mand of the American army, at Cambridge, which called 
 forth the warmest expressions of his admiration, at the 
 comparative beauty and efficiency of its troops over 
 those with which the American revolution was achieved ; 
 and of his strong desire, that the other states would 
 follow our example. Those, who know the great improve- 
 ment which has been made in the militia, since that 
 period, ought not, surely then, to undervalue it now ; 
 nor to forget, that the example and conduct of those dis- 
 tinguished heroes and patriots, gave it an impetus which 
 has not yet ceased to operate. It should be a sub- 
 ject of gratitude to us, that many of them are the living 
 witnesses of the prosperity and usefulness of a plan, which 
 had so much wisdom in its design, and called forth such 
 disinterested efforts in its execution. 
 
 The objections to maintaining the militia system, in time 
 of peace, if we give that credit to the enlightened views of 
 another class of its opposers, which their general conduct 
 entitles them to, does not arise so much from selfishness, as 
 from a settled belief, that if it were to be abolished to-mor- 
 row, the same, or a better system, might be raised up, at 
 
55 
 
 any future time, when it should be needed. But there can- 
 not be a more mistaken notion. The militia laws form a 
 system of details, not for the conduct of men in any defin- 
 ed circumstances, or on any given occasion ; but, for the 
 government of thousands and hundreds of thousands, bear- 
 ing an infinite variety of relations to each other ,.and to 
 those with whom they may be called to act on all occa- 
 sions. The militia is a system of practice. Even the boys 
 now almost become soldiers, from observation. But if there 
 were no militia exhibitions during peace, how few persons 
 would there be, after a lapse of years, who could justly 
 estimate the advantages of the system. This is not all. In 
 the militia, as in the judicial system, there are but half 
 the rules in the statute book. The decisions of military 
 courts, and courts of law, upon contested points of autho- 
 rity ; the general orders of the commander in chief, 
 explanatory of the laws, and of the officers duties ; his 
 decisions upon the proper mode of conducting elections, 
 and upon the numerous contested cases of their validity ; 
 the systematic forms for all branches of service, and the 
 practical duties of the officers relating to their use ; the es- 
 tablished routine of duty, which can be attained only by 
 experience; all these, form a code of common law, with 
 which every officer, as he advances in rank, becomes more 
 and more acquainted ; and we might as well expect to 
 establish a judiciary system, whose operations would har- 
 monize like the present, after the lawyers were all dead, 
 as to reorganize the militia by a statute, with all the ha- 
 bitual exactness of the existing establishment, without the 
 aid of practical men. Besides, if it could be done, the 
 expense of it would be more than the cost of its continual 
 maintenance, and its inefficiency incomparably greater. 
 
 Most improvements result from practice. If there are 
 those who think there might be a better system, let them 
 propose it while the principles of the present are known. 
 
56 
 
 We now have a standard by which to test the merit of the 
 proposition. In the existing system there is abundant room 
 for improvement ; but no reason, that I can discover, for its 
 change. But if there were, who, after the present order 
 and arrangement of the militia shall have been broken up, 
 when a necessity for its reestablishment shall arise, will 
 be able to carry their new schemes into operation. Shall 
 we ever again see such talents, experience, patriotism, 
 and zeal exerted in its behalf, as the origin of the ex- 
 isting institution produced ? Shall we again have, for a 
 succession of thirty years, so many intelligent and practi- 
 cal men in all its departments, uniting their influence and 
 personal efforts for its improvement? There is no reason 
 for the indulgence of such expectations. Those who re- 
 flect upon the subject, must come to the conclusion, that if, 
 with our knowledge of its merits, the militia is abandoned, 
 it will be as an exploded system, which it will be impossi- 
 ble to renew. The changes in the state of society, which 
 would be produced by it, and the consequent necessity 
 which would then arise for the employment of its only 
 substitute for the support of the civil power, I leave to the 
 imagination of those, who, I hope, will never experience 
 them. 
 
 The best evidence we have of the expediency of any 
 system, is derived from those who have the most intimate 
 knowledge of its practical utility. If, then, we take the 
 testimony of those eminent men who founded it, as well as 
 of those, who have since held, or now are invested with 
 commissions in the militia, we shall find a perfect concur- 
 rence of sentiment in its favour. Under the guidance of 
 one of its distinguished supporters, sufficient opportunities 
 have been afforded me of comparing its theory and prac- 
 tice, in their minutest details. Having witnessed, also, its 
 activity and spirit, when called into service, in time of 
 
57 
 
 war, and the harmony of its operations in peace ; having 
 observed the advantages resulting from it to civil society, 
 and the ease with which it is maintained, I cannot refrain 
 from declaring my admiration of it, as a proud monument 
 of the wisdom of its founders. 
 
 In expressing my opinion of the constitutional system, 
 in such unqualified terms, I do not mean however to be 
 understood as advocating the United States law, as it now 
 stands. This was passed thirty years since, and the views 
 which are entertained of their authority under it, by the 
 state legislatures, or rather the mode in which it has been 
 exercised, shews the necessity of further provisions, to 
 give it efficiency, uniformity, and perfect equality. 
 
 Among the powers which this law confers upon the states, 
 that of granting exemptions from its duties is one which has 
 been attended with the greatest misuse. If this was further 
 restrained, the expense of the system equalized, books of 
 instruction and arms provided at the public expense, and 
 a mode of teaching and practising the officers as well as 
 privates, established ; it might then be considered as better 
 fitted to accomplish the design of the institution. As far as 
 state authority extended, these objects have been aimed at 
 in this commonwealth ; and, although congressional power 
 is necessary for their entire accomplishment, our militia 
 may with propriety be considered as a military castle, 
 built according to the most simple rules of civil architec- 
 ture, uniting in it the ideas of strength, security and beauty. 
 But, because the interior is not finished, rather than exert 
 ourselves to complete it, shall we stand by, and witness the 
 ravages of the inconsiderate who assail it, without an 
 effort for its preservation ? Or, do we fear that the pow- 
 er of the national government has already become so 
 great, that we should be overwhelmed in its vortex were 
 we to attempt to maintain the bulwark of state sove- 
 
58 
 
 reignty ? Surely we are not ready to abandon the lines of 
 distinction, which constitute the federative character of 
 our civil institutions. The principle s of freedom, in which 
 our fathers instructed us, are not yet forgotten ; nor, were 
 they so weak as to lay the foundation of our privileges in 
 the sand. Respect for them, if not regard for our own 
 interests, should arouse us to exertion. Have we forgot 
 who were the framers of our civil constitutions ? who broke 
 the slender ligament, which could not restrain the states 
 from preying upon one another, and bound them together, 
 by the ties of affection and interest, as a band of brothers, 
 for mutual defence and protection ? Or, do we mean to 
 reproach them, and say, that when they ceded to the 
 government of the union the power to raise armies ; build 
 navies, forts, and arsenals ; to regulate commerce, declare 
 war, and to lay duties on imports and tonnage ; to make 
 treaties, coin money, and levy and collect taxes upon the 
 people, without the assent of the states, they only reserved 
 to them a power, for their own security, which is now 
 thought not to be worth exercising? Were the Adams', 
 Hancock, Washington, Henry, Madison, Munroe, Jay, 
 Hamilton, King, Randolph, Marshall, Pendleton, Rut- 
 ledge, and a hundred others, to whom we are indebted 
 for our institutions of government, ignorant of the princi- 
 ples of civil liberty? Had they no knowledge of the human 
 character? or, have we become inattentive to our own 
 interests ? Is there no strength in this check to a conso- 
 lidation of power? or, is there no utility in maintaining the 
 union of the states ? If we are of either opinion, we widely 
 differ from those great men, who, when they drew the lines 
 of demarkation between the powers of the states, and of 
 the federal government, limited the latter in its control 
 over the physical power, in a manner which they consi- 
 dered essential to the independence of the states. It is 
 
59 
 
 to this very reservation that the militia owes its chief im- 
 portance. Nothing but the high value which they attached 
 to it, could have indjced the officers of the revolution to 
 have volunteered their services for the organization and in- 
 struction of the militia, on the return of peace. It was the 
 intrinsic value of the principle, and not ostentatious pride, 
 that called them forth. Those, therefore, do the militia 
 officers great injustice, who attribute their exertions to this 
 motive. Let me ask such seriously, whether they really 
 suppose that the gallant hero, who gave Burgoy ne his fatal 
 blow ; or, that distinguished veteran, who received Corn- 
 wallis' sword, accepted the commands of militia divisions 
 because they were delighted with the pageantry of publics 
 parade ; or sought the flattery of distinction, at a military 
 review? If such considerations influence the conduct of any 
 of their successors, I trust there are not a few who are actu- 
 ated by the same elevated motives and patriotic views, 
 which dignified the conduct of their great exemplars. Let 
 not, then, jealousy, parsimony and prejudice, confirm their 
 sway : let the origin and purpose of the institution be con- 
 templated; the character and motives of its founders inves- 
 tigated ; the great example of its early patrons remarked ; 
 its moral and political influence observed ; the powers 
 granted, and those retained, considered ; and the conviction 
 must follow, that while the purity of liberty is to be pre- 
 served by our systems of education, its security depends on 
 placing arms in the hands of the whole body of active 
 freemen, and training them to their use. 
 
 There is so much good sense and intelligence in the 
 people of Massachusetts, that those who appeal to it, without 
 success, have good reason to doubt the correctness of their 
 own views, and none need to fear the exposition of their 
 whole design. While the stubbornness of her virtue has 
 been much softened by the liberal views and generous 
 
60 
 
 policy of other parts of the union, she herself, in time, fur- 
 nishes some examples worthy their notice. Her perseve- 
 rance, in particular, for which she has been distinguished 
 from her earliest history, was most strikingly exemplified in 
 maintaining her determination to continue specie payments 
 for her bills, during the late war. What strange notions 
 were then abroad. What new theories promulgated. What 
 dangers exposed. Amidst the general relaxation, Mas- 
 sachusetts alone, stood braced up, sustaining the ancient 
 landmarks of property, against the delusive chimeras 
 which threatened the country. The return of the other 
 states to the standard of her principles, shews the impor- 
 tance of those masculine virtues of constancy, fidelity, and 
 firmness, which governed her conduct. Never was the 
 value of a single example, to a whole community, more 
 advantageously displayed than in the instance referred to ; 
 nor, can a better opportunity be offered for the exposition 
 of the same virtues than the present state of the militia 
 affords. It surely cannot be feared that the descendants 
 of that rugged people, which Mr. Burke described, in 
 his speech on American taxation in 1774, who took so 
 much pride in their sacrifices for the support of specie 
 payments, when the inroads, which are making in their 
 militia system, are pointed out, and the consequences of 
 its deterioration are disclosed, will remain insensible to its 
 importance ; or, that they, who thus vigilantly guarded 
 and preserved the vital principle of property, will abandon 
 the chief mean of its security. 
 
 The value of our militia, as an example should be es- 
 timated by the superiority of its discipline. If what was 
 said of the Massachusetts militia during the war, by one, 
 who had seen that of the other states, was true, " that its 
 spirit and drill was as much superior to that of most 
 other parts of the country, as the value of its specie cur- 
 rency was above their unredeemed bills," our pride, as 
 
61 
 
 well as interest should be engaged in supporting its ele- 
 vated standard. But engaged in those objects which im- 
 mediately affect its interests, the public have become 
 regardless of the causes which threaten the dilapidation of 
 the militia. Its attention must be called back to the con- 
 sideration of first principles. The importance of the insti- 
 tution in a civil, as well as a military point of view should 
 be pointed out by a discriminating mind. The public 
 apathy is so great, that the loud voice of the prophet must 
 be sounded from the hills to awaken its attention. The 
 strong arm of the defender of our civil constitutions is re- 
 quired to be stretched out to point to us the way in which 
 we should go. I ask you, then, sir, to express your opinion 
 upon this subject? I ask you to exert that commanding 
 influence, from the exercise of which your country now 
 receives so many benefits, and save us from that desolat- 
 ing spirit which threatens the demolition of an institution, 
 which is so essential to their long continuance. I have 
 heretofore addressed governor Brooks as our military 
 head. I invoke your aid, as our civil father. I know whose 
 assistance I solicit. I address one who has lived nearly 
 half the years of his country's existence ; whose mind is 
 as vigorous as the native oak of our soil, and whose remem- 
 brance, of what to us are known only as historical facts, is 
 as fresh as. the passing events of the day. The power of 
 his patriarchal influence was felt in the late convention, 
 which was called to consider the expediency of amending 
 the state constitution, and which was composed of men 
 who represented all the interests of the community ; ju- 
 dicious farmers, intelligent mechanics, talented clergymen, 
 erudite lawyers, and learned judges. There the silver- 
 headed draftsman of the constitution they were called to 
 revise, seated on the right of the president, by a vote 
 of the convention, leaning on his cane, was listening 
 to every proposition, and watching the progress of refor- 
 
62 
 
 mation. When I thus beheld him, who, for his signal 
 services to his country, had been honoured with its high- 
 est office, twenty years before, now in the simple dress of 
 a humble citizen, guarding with a parent's care, those 
 interests, rights, and liberties, which he had so much con- 
 tributed to establish, and which he, in the course of nature, 
 could but a few years more enjoy ; I felt appalled in his 
 presence, and wondered at the seeming temerity of those 
 who could propose alterations in the sacred instrument, 
 without his sanction. But, when I entered one morning, 
 the sage of fourscore years had risen to address the 
 astonished assembly in defence of the constitutional right 
 of the people to choose the executive council. His short 
 speech was delivered in a tremulous voice, with a slow 
 and emphatic manner. He uttered the axioms, only, of 
 political wisdom; and made a commanding nod at the 
 close of each sentence. The convention was motionless. 
 The first sound of his voice fixed those who were in the 
 act of crossing the hall to their positions, like statues. 
 The members near him seemed fastened to their seats ; 
 while those at a distance reached forward on the benches, 
 with their lips open, and their hands raised to their ears, 
 listening to every word. All eyes were intent on one 
 object, and at every pause, the whole assembly breathed 
 as it were with one inhalation. At the termination of this 
 address I heard the hum of approbation, and saw the 
 cheering smiles, the shaking of hands, and witnessed the 
 satisfaction which every one felt in being present at this 
 solemn scene. I saw the vote taken, and the whole conven- 
 tion, under the influence of its enthusiasm, decide against 
 its deliberate judgment, as its after proceedings shewed. 
 When I have seen all this, I must know the power of his 
 opinions, and the extent of his influence whose aid I re- 
 quest, with all that respect which is due to its possessor, 
 
63 
 
 and that solemnity which the occasion demands. I do 
 not ask you for an exercise of eloquence like that I 
 witnessed. That cannot again be enjoyed. The time, 
 and place, and circumstances, are wanting. But I ap- 
 peal to the same strong recollections, the same clear 
 mind, and true tongue to tell me, whether the fram- 
 ers of our constitution and laws, did not consider the 
 provisions which they made for arming the whole body of 
 active citizens, and for organizing, officering, and dis- 
 ciplining them, as soldiers, as the surest safeguard of 
 their liberties ? I ask, whether those attach too much 
 importance to the institution, who, in the language of 
 the bill of rights, proposed by the Virginia convention, 
 consider " a well regulated militia, composed of the body 
 of the people, trained to arms, as the proper, natural, and 
 safe defence, of a free state?" Whether an officer, now 
 in commission, is inflated with vanity, or is governed by 
 the soundest good sense, when he says, in vindication of 
 the militia, of which he is an ornament, " it is a condi- 
 tion of our being, that we cannot obtain or enjoy any 
 thing without the use of appropriate means ; and, that the 
 militia is one of those, by which we enjoy national security 
 and individual freedom ?" Whether, in fact, an armed, 
 organized, officered, and disciplined militia, " composed of 
 the body of the people," is not essential to the mainte- 
 nance of a free commonwealth ? 
 
 The militia is an institution which unites, in itself, the 
 power effectually to preserve the public peace, the public 
 order, and the public liberty, without endangering either. 
 It is one of the great characteristics which distinguishes us. 
 There is not, and there never was, an institution, among 
 the nations of the earth, so well calculated, as this is, to 
 give to freemen a perfect consciousness of their liberty, 
 and of their capacity to preserve it. But the militia law, 
 
64 
 
 alone will not create this feeling. It must depend on 
 the spirit with which the law is administered. In New 
 England, generally, such is its effect. New Hampshire 
 and Maine, particularly, are receiving the advantages 
 of an increased attention to the subject. As it regards 
 ourselves, if the inquiry be made, what are the leading 
 causes of the consideration in which Massachusetts is held 
 abroad, and among her sister states, it might be answered : 
 her commerce, which is constantly developing new sources 
 of profit ; her fisheries, which make hardy seamen, and 
 add to the national wealth ; her manufactures, which are 
 nearly equivalent to the supply of her domestic wants ; 
 her agriculture, which makes the most of the soil ; her 
 roads, bridges, canals, and internal improvements, which 
 enable her citizens to sell at the greatest price, and pur- 
 chase at the least expense ; her schools, which teach them 
 how to conduct their enterprises; her charitable. institu- 
 tions and hospitals, which keep the poor from suffering, 
 and restore the imbecile to active industry ; her religious 
 establishments, which elicit free inquiry, and govern by 
 their moral influence ; her colleges and university, which 
 enlarge the empire of the mind ; her wealth, the fruit of 
 her own industry; her laws, the result of long established 
 and steady habits ; and her militia, which maintains, pro- 
 tects, and preserves them all. 
 
 But the advantage w r e experience and the security we 
 enjoy, from the improved condition of the militia, in this 
 commonwealth, is productive of those emotions of pride, 
 and regret, which should never be mingled. Of pride, that 
 the whole has been accomplished by the unaided exer- 
 tions of the state authority ; and of regret, that the national 
 government, which has the chief power over the militia, 
 by intirely neglecting its cultivation, has retarded the ex- 
 tension of its benefits, in other states, and left the public 
 
65 
 
 mind in such doubt of its utility, as to threaten even the 
 destruction of ours. It is no less singular than true, that 
 while the free institutions of our country, by permitting the 
 expression of those sentiments which arise from an un- 
 limited range of thought, have received continued advan- 
 tage and strength, in all other branches of administration, 
 the militia, alone, has seldom received the attentive con- 
 sideration of the national counsels. While the laws regu- 
 lating the judiciary, revenue, navigation, manufactures, 
 internal improvements, and the army and navy, have ever 
 been varied, and their condition meliorated, according to 
 the sentiments of the people, or the necessities of the go- 
 vernment, those relating to the militia, the main pillar of 
 our freedom, have remained unimproved, and the subject 
 has often been treated as a topic of electioneering 
 declamation, or of jocular reproach. It is true, that in 
 1808, a law was passed making a small annual allow- 
 ance for arming the soldiers ; but this will not make 
 an exception to the observation, as the militia was 
 probably more indebted to the embargo for this ap- 
 propriation, than to any enlarged design in congress for 
 the improvement of its general condition, or extended 
 views of the permanent utility of the institution. It would 
 have been fortunate for the militia if this inattention had 
 been confined to congress ; but those who know the vigi- 
 lance which has been so strikingly manifested in other 
 branches of authority, in the executive department, will 
 regret to learn, that even the system of infantry tac- 
 tics, which has been ordered to be observed in the army, 
 and which the law requires should consequently be ob- 
 served by the militia, has never officially been made 
 known to the state authorities. Those who feel most in- 
 terested, cannot but sincerely lament that one of the great- 
 est ill effects will probably arise from this omission. This 
 is to be apprehended from the distribution of mutilated 
 9 
 
66 
 
 compilations, and what are called amended editions of the 
 United States System of Infantry Tactics, which have been 
 provided for the militia, in several of the states, the ten- 
 dency of which, will be to defeat the great design of con- 
 gress for establishing an uniform system of discipline, and 
 field exercise for the army and militia, throughout the 
 United States. But, if this system had been adapted 
 to the militia organization, and the books of instruc- 
 tion containing it distributed from the war department ; 
 had the artillery discipline been officially made known ; 
 had the plan for a similar construction of the gun carriages 
 used by the field artillery of the national forces and 
 of the several states, which gave the French such great 
 facility in recovering from disaster, been publicly re- 
 commended from the same source, whence the sugges- 
 tion was privately made ; had, in fact, that fertile mind, 
 which has so much distinguished itself, by its systema- 
 tic plans for the army operations, directed its attention 
 to the militia establishment, and introduced into that, also, 
 the amendments of which it is susceptible, such would 
 have been its rapid advancement, that its friends would 
 have had great reason to rejoice that it had not been left 
 for any future administration, having less talent in its war 
 department, to take up the great subject of militia im- 
 provement. 
 
 When, on almost every side, such listlessness is observ- 
 ed, I ought to doubt, perhaps, whether I have not attached 
 more importance to the institution than it deserves. This 
 consideration would have been sufficient to have reduc- 
 ed the sanguineness of my own views, if they had not 
 received the countenance of one, who, from his long 
 experience in the army of the revolution, and in the high- 
 
67 
 
 cst civil and military departments of the state, I have been 
 led to consider, as the best living practical commentator 
 on the militia system. Fearing, that, if I have not already 
 tired you with the length of my communication, I should, 
 if I were to add those further illustrations which a full 
 investigation of the subject would require, I hasten to 
 conclude it with an extract from one of the governor's 
 late General Orders. 
 
 " The militia system," says he, " from its having been 
 long in operation, is now so well understood ; its benefit, 
 in times of peril, has so often been experienced ; its in- 
 fluence on society, in time of peace, so continually felt ; 
 and the order of its associations, all of which are subject 
 to the regulation of law ; the harmony and beauty of its 
 operations, from which so much gratification is derived on 
 days of public festivity ; its effects upon the manners and 
 morals of the people, in producing a love of order, and 
 habits of subordination, in teaching them principles of obe- 
 dience to the laws, and respect for the public authorities, 
 are now so universally admitted ;, and its accordance with 
 the spirit of our republican institutions, so generally ac 
 knowledged, that it is justly considered, at once, as the 
 pride, the security and the ornament of the state. 
 
 " The militia system is the safeguard of freedom ; and 
 with its destruction, the liberties of our country will 
 cease. It was established for the protection of the pro- 
 perty of the wealthy ; for the security of the liberties of 
 the free ; for the defence of our shores from invasion ; for 
 the support of the civil power $ for the security of the 
 state sovereignties, and for the maintenance of the national 
 independence. It is not from the officers and soldiers 
 alone, then, that the commander in chief expects support. 
 It is to the wise, the opulent, the influential, the patriotic 
 citizens of the state, who arc not enrolled, that he also 
 
 
 
68 
 
 appeals ; asking their aid to give respectability to the mili- 
 tia establishment, and their assistance in equalizing its bur- 
 dens upon the different classes of the community, which 
 are as much interested in its support, as those which per- 
 form its labours. It is in the fulness of hope, he appeals to 
 them for their aid in such measures, as shall give stability 
 and dignity, and regularity to its operations. It is not for 
 himself alone, nor them ; No ! but for posterity and their 
 country's sake, he invokes them to rally round its stand- 
 ard, and always to consider the militia as the palladium of 
 their civil rights, and the shield of their dearest interests." 
 
 I have the honor to be, with the most sincere wishes 
 For your happiness, 
 
 And with the utmost respect, 
 Your most obedient 
 
 And very humble servant, 
 
 WILLIAM H. SUMNER. 
 
 HON. JOHN ADAMS. 
 
Quincy, 19th May, 1823* 
 DEAR SIR, 
 
 I THANK you for the privilege of hearing read your man- 
 uscript dissertation concerning the militia. I scarcely 
 know how to express the satisfaction and delight I have 
 received from its perusal. It is so conformable to all my 
 opinions concerning it from my cradle, that it seemed to 
 be living my life over again. The delight of my child- 
 hood in the trainings, will never be obliterated from my 
 memory. I have seen the march of the militia of Massa- 
 chusetts to defend the town of Boston against the formi- 
 dable armada of the duke D'Anville. I have seen the 
 march of the same militia to Cambridge after the battle of 
 Lexington. I have seen the militia of Massachusetts on 
 Boston common under governor Strong, assembled to de- 
 fend us against the British armadas, and I never felt my 
 existence with more cordial delight than 1 did upon these 
 occasions. But I am in danger of running into a rhapsody 
 of enthusiasm. 
 
 You have proved it to be the most essential foundation 
 of national defence. The most plentiful nursery of sea- 
 men and soldiers, armies and navies. These American 
 states have owed their existence to the militia for more 
 than two hundred years. Neither schools, nor colleges, 
 nor town meetings have been more essential to the forma- 
 
70 
 
 tion and character of the nation than the militia. You 
 have proved its importance in a civil, political, and moral 
 point of view. Improve its constitution by every prudent 
 means, but never destroy its universality. A select mili- 
 tia will soon become a standing army, or a corps of 
 Manchester yeomanry. I see with pride and delight that 
 you come forward with such patriotism, talents and pa- 
 tience of thinking and inquiry, in the service of your 
 country. I long to see your letter in print. Whenever 
 the militia comes to an end, or is despised or neglected, 
 I shall consider this union dissolved, and the liberties of 
 North America lost forever. 
 
 I am, dear sir, your friend, 
 
 Relation, and fa^oi L ^&t> 
 Humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 GENERAL WILLIAM H. SUMNER. 
 

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