r
 
 FRANCIS DEAK 
 
 HUNGARIAN STATESMAN 
 
 A MEMOIR 
 
 WITH A PREFACE BY 
 MOUNTSTUART E. GRANT DUFF, M.P. 
 
 MARCICS. "I have done, 
 
 As you have done : that's what I can ; induc'd 
 As you have been ; that's for my country. . . ." 
 
 COMINIUS. "Von shall not be 
 The grave of your deserving." 
 
 COR. Act i. sc. 9. 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO. 
 
 1880 
 
 The Right of Translation is rtservtd.
 
 NOTE. 
 
 THE defects and shortcomings of the following 
 memoir, whether regarded as an attempt to portray 
 the character of a great man, or to describe the 
 far-reaching historical events of the time in which 
 he lived, are so patent as to require an apology 
 for thus laying it before the public. Nevertheless 
 it is hoped that, in the absence for the time of a 
 more satisfactory biography, this memoir, superficial 
 though it be, may serve some purpose in bringing the 
 character and work of Francis Dedk more clearly 
 before the minds of those English readers to whom 
 he has hitherto been little more than a name. 
 
 In M. de Mazade, France has furnished a worthy 
 biographer of Cavour, the principal hero in the 
 drama of Italian Unity. Would it not seem in all 
 ways fitting, that an Englishman, equally well quali- 
 fied for the task by wide knowledge and genuine 
 sympathy with his subject, should one day pre- 
 sent his countrymen with a complete and living 
 portrait of the law-loving Hungarian citizen, who 
 played so noble a part in the political regeneration, 
 
 b 
 
 oo/* w 
 
 ^^S JL+~t f
 
 vi NOTE, 
 
 not only of his own country, but of the Austro- 
 Hungarian Monarchy ? 
 
 For most of the extracts quoted from Dedk's 
 earlier speeches, as well as for many personal 
 incidents recorded, the writer is indebted to the 
 interesting Memorial Address delivered by M. 
 Csengery in 1877, translated into German by Pro- 
 fessor Heinrich of the University of Pesth ; to the 
 biographical sketch by Herr Rogge in the volume 
 of ' Unsere Zeit' for 1876; and to the chapter on 
 Francis Deak, in ' L'Autriche et la Prusse depuis 
 Sadowa/ by M. de Laveleye.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 WHEN I was asked to put a preface to this book, 
 which I had read through in manuscript, my first 
 thought was, " Why does it need a preface ? It will 
 soon find a public for itself without a recommenda- 
 tion from any one." On reflection, however, I came 
 to the conclusion that authors, like other people, 
 usually understand their own affairs best, and that 
 it was not for me to set up my own judgment 
 against a deliberate opinion. Nor will I attempt 
 to deny that it gives me pleasure to connect my 
 name with what, although it is the first work of 
 a new writer, would, if I am not strangely misled, 
 do great credit to many mature politicians. 
 
 The subject, too, has long had the greatest in- 
 terest for me, and I have often wondered that no 
 Englishman had ever produced for the benefit of 
 his countrymen a biography of a man who united 
 so many of the qualities which we most admire. 
 It is interesting to pass in review some of the 
 statesmen who were Deak's contemporaries, and 
 who have also gone to their rest. 
 
 b 2
 
 viii PREFACE. 
 
 Guizot was at best a stately failure. The ultimate 
 success of Thiers must not blind us to the fact 
 that his career taken as a whole was an evil to 
 his country and to mankind. Palmerston will be re- 
 membered for some time with kindness, on account 
 of his sympathy with constitutional government 
 upon the continent of Europe, but his name, a 
 generation hence, will be rarely mentioned. Peel 
 had the terrible misfortune of being born in the 
 wrong camp, and of necessarily incurring the hatred 
 of those amongst whom he lived by all his best 
 deeds. Cavour had to act under circumstances 
 which obliged him to be unscrupulous, and lived 
 only to see the beginning of the end. Louis 
 Napoleon verified alike in his obscurity, in his 
 triumph, and in his fall, the words of M. de 
 Falloux : " II ne sait pas la difference entre rver 
 et penser." Thorbecke, a great capacity far too 
 little known beyond the limits of Holland, had no 
 striking or dramatic, though much useful work, to 
 do. Cobden would have been in all probability 
 one of the greatest statesmen of his time, if 
 he had been born in the year in which he died, 
 for he was emphatically one of the singular few 
 of whom it may be said "that they are worthy 
 of a better age," while his friends may comfort 
 themselves with the reflection that "if this was 
 not his century, at least a great many others will 
 be."
 
 PREFACE. ix 
 
 All of these had far wider fields of action ; most 
 of them had more brilliant abilities and wider know- 
 ledge, several of them as strong a character ; but 
 of which of them can we say that his life was 
 so grandly and absolutely victorious ? " Qu'est-ce 
 qu'une grande vie ?" asked Alfred de Vigny. " Une 
 pensde de la jeunesse realisee par 1'age mur." 
 
 Even in these days in which our lot has been 
 cast, so full of picturesque and striking historical 
 scenes, it would be difficult to mention many as 
 picturesque and striking as that which was witnessed 
 when the Empress of Austria went to lay her 
 wreath on the bier of the man who had fought the 
 battle of his country against the whole might of 
 the Hapsburgs, so steadfastly, so wisely, and with 
 such utter success. 
 
 Of all Englishmen, he whom Deak most re- 
 sembled was probably the great Buckinghamshire 
 squire who received his death-wound upon Chal- 
 grove Field. We may be perfectly certain that in 
 the correspondence of the Austrian Court party, 
 all through the years of struggle, he was again and 
 again described almost in the very words which 
 Clarendon applied to Hampden : " He was indeed 
 a very wise man and of great parts, and possessed 
 with the most absolute spirit of popularity, and 
 the most absolute faculties to govern the people, 
 of any man I ever knew. For the first year of 
 the Parliament he seemed rather to moderate and
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 soften the violent and distempered humours than 
 to inflame them. But wise and dispassioned men 
 plainly discerned that that moderation proceeded 
 from prudence, and observation that the season 
 was not ripe, rather than that he approved of the 
 moderation." In a word, what was said of Cinna 
 might well be applied to him : "He had a head to 
 contrive and a tongue to persuade, and a hand 
 to execute any mischief." 
 
 But Deak was a Hampden, born in a happier 
 hour, in an hour when knots could be unravelled 
 which in the seventeenth century could only be 
 cut. " Felix opportunitate mortis," Hampden is 
 probably a greater and more generally revered 
 name to his countrymen than he could possibly 
 have been if he had lived through the war. Lam- 
 menais once said : " There is something wanting 
 to the noblest life that does not end either on 
 the battle-field, in the dungeon, or on the scaffold." 
 That of course was an extravagant phrase, and 
 was used indeed under circumstances of great 
 excitement ; still there can be no doubt that 
 martyrdom gilds all greatness. 
 
 " Heaven must be hung with pictures of the dead ! 
 
 The shroud must robe the saint ! 
 Never one halo round a living head 
 Did Raphael dare to paint." 
 
 Rare, very rare is it in human history for purely 
 civic and perfectly prosperous greatness to attain
 
 PREFACE. xi 
 
 the aureole of romance which surrounds, in the 
 memory and imagination of his countrymen, the 
 name of the man who forms the subject of this 
 book. The mere fact that a private citizen who 
 never possessed rank or title of any sort, and who 
 died quietly in his bed, should have been buried in 
 a grave dug out of earth brought from each of the 
 fifty-two counties into which his native land is 
 divided, is almost enough to put him in a class by 
 himself. And yet, although their ends were so 
 different, the reader of these pages will be again 
 and again reminded of the stately inscription put up 
 a few years ago upon the cross which marks the 
 Ship Money field, amongst the beech-woods of the 
 Chilterns : 
 
 " For these lands in Stoke Mandeville 
 
 John Hampden 
 was assessed in Twenty shillings 
 
 Ship Money 
 
 Levied by command of the King, 
 without authority of Law, 
 The 4th of August 1635. 
 By resisting this claim of the King 
 
 in Legal Strife, 
 He upheld the right of the People 
 
 Under the Law : 
 
 And became entitled 
 
 To grateful remembrance. 
 
 His work on earth ended 
 
 After the conflict on Chalgrove Field 
 
 The 1 8th of June 1643 
 And he rests in Great Hampden Church." 
 
 It is good to read the history of such men at 
 all times, but never perhaps more than now, when
 
 xii PREFACE. 
 
 a school has arisen and attained to no small mea- 
 sure of political power which pooh-poohs the idea 
 that morality has anything to do with politics, or 
 that there is any other test of statesmanship than 
 obvious and immediate success. 
 
 M. E. GRANT DUFF. 
 
 YORK HOUSE, TWICKENHAM, 
 January 1880.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PART /. REFORMATION. 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Deak's claim on the interest and respect of his own countrymen 
 and of foreigners Entry on public life State of Hungary 
 since the Peace of 1815 Sze'che'nyi i 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Parties Government and Opposition Difficulties of reform 
 Deak's efforts to improve the Urbarial Laws Failure to 
 emancipate th.6 ' peasantry General result of the Diet of 
 1832-36 12 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Deak's position in the party A Conservative Reformer Belief 
 in law the keynote of his policy now and in the future Spread 
 of Liberal ideas through the country Kossuth and Wesseldnyi 
 State prosecutions Election of John Balogh 24 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The County Assemblies of Hungary Their peculiar character 
 Deak's influence in the County Assemblies and Party Con- 
 ferences Scene at a party meeting 34 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Movement, social and political, prior to the meeting of the Diet 
 of 1840 Batthyany and Deak, in the Upper and Lower 
 House, 1840 Deak's defence of the constitutional right of 
 freedom of speech Reforms in the Diet of 1840 with reference
 
 xiv CONTENTS. 
 
 to the peasantry and their^fflBaBfiipation ^ m femk^ dis- 
 abilitiesEnthusiasm of the Liberal Opposition Reconcilia- 
 tionTwith the Government 4 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Deak's Penal Code Opinion of foreign judges as to his legal 
 abilities Deak as a parliamentary leader 45 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Interval between Diets of 1840 and 1843 Kossuth's articles 
 in the Pesti HirlAp Controversy between Kossuth and 
 Sze*che"nyi Deak's refusal to take part Excitement in the 
 
 M^MMH^^^MWM^MRMKM^guflfbl 
 
 County Assemblies on the subject of general taxation 
 Contest at Zala Deak's refusal to accept the mandate, 
 ' Korteskede's ' Explanations to his friends Universal regret 
 at Deak's absence from the Diet of 1843 49 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Legislation of 1843 Embittered debates Compulsory intro- 
 duction^ of the Magyar language into the Diet and public 
 instruction Opinion of Count Szechdnyi on the subject 
 Small result gained in the Diet of 1843 Estrangement 
 between the Opposition and the Government Metternich's 
 attempt to check the too great independence in Hungary 
 Appointment of Administrators Indignation at this pro- 
 ceeding fully shared~b~y Dellc' Speech on the illegal conduct 
 of the Government Deak a supporter of the small party in 
 the Diet in favour of parliamentary government Unpopularity 
 of the ' doctrinaires ' ,. .. 56 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Gradual approximation of parties and classes throughout the 
 country Spontaneous character of the Reform movement in 
 Hungary Change effected silently since 1825 Compact and 
 well-organised Liberal Opposition in the Diet of 1847 
 Kossuth the prominent figure ; but guarantee of moderation 
 given in the acceptance by the party of Deak's Manifesto of 
 1847 Principles laid _ down in the manifesto the same as 
 those asserted in the addresses of 01 m *"^7~ .. .- 65
 
 CONTENTS. xv 
 
 PART II. RE VOL UTION. 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Success of the Liberal Opposition at the commencement of the 
 Diet of 1847 Loyal and constitutional character of the pro- 
 ceedings Formation of Batthyany Ministry Deak Minister 
 of Justice Laws of March" 1848 Difficulties of the Minister 
 of Justice Speech on"t!ie rights of property Landlord and 
 tenant State recognition of religious denominations .. .. 72 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Removal of the seat of government from Presburg to Pesth 
 Sanguine hopes of the Hungarian Ministry Deak's fore- 
 bodings Causes of his satisfaction in the recent Liberal 
 triumph in Hungary Deak himself free from anti-Slav 
 prejudices The bitterness of the debates on the question of 
 the Magyar language to be traced in part to his absence from 
 the Diet of 1843-46 In the Laws of 1848 full consideration 
 shown for the rights and liberties of Croatia But all hope of 
 restoring harmony between Hungary and Croatia now gone 
 by Increased difficulties of the Hungarian Ministry Their 
 authority defied by the imperial troops Meeting at Agram 
 The Hungarian Government disavowed by the Croats, headed 
 by the Ban Jellachich Demand for an independent Croatian 
 Ministry Movement in Croatia encouraged at Vienna Rising 
 of the Serbs, or Raitzen, in the south of Hungary Applica- 
 tion of Hungarian Government for military assistance from 
 Vienna Reluctance of the Batthyany Ministry to take matters 
 into their own hands, notwithstanding the renewed incursions 
 of Serbs on the southern districts, and threatening attitude of 
 the Ban of Croatia Government strengthened in their posi- 
 tion by favourable reception of Hungarian deputation of 
 Innspruck, consequent upon popular triumphs in Germany 
 and Italy Jellachich disavowed publicly by the Imperial 
 Government 85 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Court party at Vienna baffled by persistently legal attitude 
 of the Hungarian Ministry Cause of offence discovered in 
 the refusal of Hungary to take a share in the Austrian
 
 xvi CONTENTS. 
 
 National Debt Deak's subsequent regret on the action of 
 the Batthyany Government in this matter Hard task for the 
 Hungarian Ministry to maintain its position of strict con- 
 stitutionalism and loyalty, in face of pressure from without 
 and within Dedk's refusal to countenance conspiracy against 
 the dynasty Speech of the Palatine on opening the Diet in 
 July 1848 inconsistent with treacherous conduct of Austrian 
 troops in suppressing the Raitzen and the insurgents in 
 Transylvania Levy of troops and money by the Hungarian 
 Government Measures of national defence organised Still 
 no open rupture between the Governments of Vienna and 
 Pesth The King, encouraged by victories of Windischgratz 
 and Radetzsky, refuses to sanction the recent measures of 
 defence Evident intention of the Court party to seize the 
 first opportunity for abolishing Constitution of Hungary Un- 
 gracious reception of Hungarian deputation at Schonbrun 
 Decree of June depriving Jellachich of his command annulled 
 Defensive measures in Hungary forbidden Resignation of 
 the Batthydny Ministry Deak's perplexity His inability to 
 take part in revolutionary measures Principle of his conduct 
 in holding aloof from the War of Independence The con- 
 stitutional, not the revolutionary, leader 92 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Victories over the Croats Anxiety of the Hungarian Government 
 to avoid an open rupture with Vienna Defeat of national 
 levies at Swechat (Oct. 1848) Windischgratz appointed 
 Governor of Hungary Deputation to the camp of Windisch- 
 gratz and of Hungarian bishops to the King at Olmiitz 
 Abdication of Ferdinand Refusal of the Diet to recognise 
 Francis Joseph as King of Hungary Manifesto of the 
 Emperor Deputation headed by Batthydny and Deak to 
 Windischgratz Arrest of the deputation 100 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The War of Independence Publication of Imperial Decree of 
 March 4th ; replied to by declaration of Hungarian Inde- 
 pendence at Debreczin, April 1 4th Entrance of Russian 
 troops into Hungary Vilagds Felicitations of the Imperial 
 Governments Hay nau's Tribunal Remonstrance of Lord 
 Palmerston Prince Schwartzenberg's reply 106
 
 CONTENTS. xvii 
 
 PART III. REACTION. 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Condition of Hungary at the conclusion of the war Deak re- 
 cognised as the guide and counsellor of the nation Residence 
 in Pesth The System Passive resistance in Hungary Posi- 
 tion of Deak in the estimation of his countrymen Personal 
 characteristics Methods of keeping alive public spirit in 
 Hungary Agricultural Union Academy 113 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 New aspect of parties Conservatives Liberals Distinguishing 
 principles of the present" tToriservati ve party Memorial of 
 1850 refused by the Emperor Second visit of the Emperor 
 to Pesth, 1857 Petition drawn up by Count Desewffy to be 
 presented by Cardinal Szitowsky also refused 125 
 
 PART IV. RE VIVAL. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Outlook not altogether hopeless Favourable disposition towards 
 Hungary of the Emperor and some of his German ministers 
 Deak on the permanence of the System Effect of Austrian 
 defeat in Italy in 1859 End of the System Offer of Ministry 
 of the Interior to Baron Josika Count Rechberg and Baron 
 von Hiibner Difficulties of carrying into execution the 
 Emperor's intention to grant constitutional government to the 
 whole empire Competence of commissioners for revision of 
 Bach's Municipal Law not acknowledged in Hungary 
 Difference between Deak and the Hungarian ministers En- 
 larged Privy Council Refusal of Eotvos, Vay, and Somssich 
 to attend Attitude of the Hungarian magnates in the 
 Council Majority in the Council for Constitution based not 
 on centralisation but on recognition of national rights .. .. 133
 
 xviii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Anxiety as to Dedk's view of the October Diploma Respect for 
 his opinion amongst his countrymen Dedk acknowledges the 
 benefits of the diploma in restoring the municipal institutions 
 of Hungary, but declines to pledge himself to his future 
 course before the convocation of the Diet Provisional 
 Statutes of Count Golouchowski Discontent both of Hun- 
 garians and German Liberals Resolution of the Hungarian 
 ministers at Vienna to remain in office, in hopes of re-es- 
 tablishing a better system through help of the Diet Funda- 
 mental harmony between them and Dedk Refusal of the 
 latter to accept any scheme based upon theory of Forfeiture 
 of Right Consequent demand for preliminary recognition of 
 Laws of '48 Judex Curiae 141 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Resignation of Golouchowski February Patent issued by Baron 
 Schmerling, Minister of the Interior Triumph of Centralist 
 party The Hungarian ministers still anxious to bring about 
 a reconciliation Office of Court Chancellor accepted by 
 Baron Vay Hostility of the County Assemblies of Hungary 
 to the Austrian Government not encouraged by Dedk His 
 efforts to moderate the violence of the ultra-National party 
 Remonstrance against the disavowal of existing judicial 
 authority by the County Assemblies dangerous to the liberty 
 and the rights of individuals Excitement in Hungary before 
 the opening of the Diet Deak's forebodings March 1861, 
 Deak elected deputy for Pesth His influence over the Pesth 
 County Assembly ; over the extreme Nationalist deputies- 
 Solution of difficulty as to place of meeting of the Diet . . 147 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Opening of the Diet by Count G. Apponyi The Royal Rescript, 
 October Diploma, and February Patent treated as Funda- 
 mental Laws overriding the Hungarian Constitution Lord 
 Brougham Increased strength of the Nationalist party, led 
 by MM. Ghyczy and Tisza Dedk's First Address Indigna- 
 tion of English and German Liberals at Hungary's refusal to 
 accept the new Constitution A serfous charge brought against 
 the Hungarians Deak's line of argument The Pragmatic
 
 CONTENTS. xix 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Sanction of 1723 The theory of relations between Austria 
 and Hungary How far had this been carried out Urme'nyi, 
 Paul Nagy Austrian Sovereign practically compelled to 
 recognise validity of Hungarian claims to constitutional inde- 
 pendence Archduke Charles and the Diet Emperor Francis 
 and Paul Nagy The Diet of 1811 on the financial proposals 
 of the Imperial Government Need for reform in the Hun- 
 garian Constitution acknowledged by Deak Main objections 
 raised in the First Address to the provisions of the new 
 Austrian Constitution 156 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Reference to historical documents proving existence of ' personal ' 
 as opposed to ' real ' union between Austria and Hungary 
 Sanctioned laws can only be abrogated by the power which 
 created them Protest against suspension of the laws Deak 
 prepared to go beyond what is required by strict legal obliga- 
 tions Conditions for the coronation of the King of Hungary, 
 and restoration of harmony between Austria and Hungary 
 Vehement anti-Austrian spirit in Hungary Indignation 
 against Hungarian obstructives in Austria Warnings ad- 
 dressed to Hungary by English writers Impracticability of 
 Deak's suggestion of double parliamentary government 
 Excited feeling in Pesth ; prophecy of civil war Difficulty of 
 finding means of reconciling concession to public feeling in 
 Hungary with possibility of further negotiation with Vienna 
 Opposition between "Address" party and "Resolution" 
 party in the Diet Partial victory of the ultra-Nationalists 
 Alteration in title of the Address Appeal to precedent 
 Victory for the Moderates or Address party .. .. . .. 166 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Gradual establishment of Baron Schmerling's Centralist policy 
 Ascendency of the German Liberals visible in the tenour 
 of the Royal Rescript of July Regret of the Hungarian 
 ministers Fruitless remonstrances Resignation of Baron 
 Vay In the July Rescript the Laws of '48 not suspended, but 
 simply abrogated Hungarians summoned to Imperial Parlia- 
 ment at Vienna Deak's Second Address Second Address 
 carried unanimously ; sent to Vienna with a protest from 
 both Houses against a premature and unconstitutional dis-
 
 xx CONTENTS. 
 
 solution of the Diet The Diet dissolved Provincial laws 
 reintroduced Rescript oTTTovemBSrsuspending the Hun- 
 garian Constitution Deak's warning to his countrymen 
 against a resort to violence or illegal measures Deak's with- 
 drawal into private life on the close of the negotiations .. 176 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Baron Schmerling's ImperialParliament ' Full Reichsrath ' 
 ' Diminished ReicEsrath ' Entrance of deputies from Tran- 
 sylvania Embarrassment of Baron Schmerling between 
 the Cabinet and his Liberal supporters in the Lower House 
 Growing discontent with prevailing state of things Deak 
 content to await the pressure of circumstances Hungary 
 under the Provisorium different to Hungary under the System 
 Disposition towards reconciliation The Emperor and 
 Deak both pursuing the same end Impossibility of a 
 change so long as Schmerling remained in power The 
 minister pledged to maintain the present Constitution 
 Plea for support on ground of foreign complications 
 Gracious intentions of the Emperor towards Hungary 
 Controversy between LustkandP and Deak 200 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Cause of Austria's unstable condition Successive policies 
 'Great German ' policy Conference at Frankfort Renewal of 
 negotiations with the Hungarian magnates Deak's Easter 
 article in the Pesti Naplo Appeal from the Government to 
 the Sovereign Acknowledgment of the existence of ' common 
 affairs ' Letters by Deak in the Debatte Statement of Hun- 
 garian claims acceptable to all parties in Hungary Diffi- 
 culties still to be overcome Visit of the Emperor to Pesth 
 Count Mailath, Court Chancellor, Baron Sennyei,Tavernicus 
 Evidence in these appointments of intention to treat with 
 Conservative, not ultra-Liberal, party in Hungary A blow to 
 the Schmerling Ministry Further embarrassment caused by 
 debates over the Budget Resignation of Baron Schmerling 
 Count Belcredi, Minister of the Interior Close of the 
 Reichsrath Speech of the Archduke Rainald Indication of 
 a coming change of policy 209
 
 CONTENTS. xxi 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Suspension of the Constitution of 1861 Manifesto of September 
 Satisfaction of Hungarians and FederaHsts~Agreement 
 betoyeen them rather negative than positive Widespread 
 political controversy in Austria Division of opinion re- 
 garding the September Manifesto Reopening of the Diet at 
 Pesth by the Emperor in person L)edk's "firm resolve to 
 require strict respect for Continuity of Right Conciliatory 
 tone of the Royal Speech Deck's reply in the Address of 
 February 1866 Demand for restoration and enforcement of 
 the Laws of '48 in the matter of a responsible Hungarian 
 Ministry Refusal of the Emperor The Diet occupied in 
 preparing a scheme for the regulation of ' common affairs ' 
 Committee of '67 Effect of the harsh language of the Rescript 
 of March 3rd visible in the uncompromising tone of the 
 answering address of the Diet Reluctance to dissolve the 
 Diet Declaration of war on the part of Prussia and Italy, 
 June 1 8th Continued discussion in the Hungarian Diet on 
 definition and treatment of common affairs Custozza, June 
 24 Adjournment of the Diet, 26th Want of sympathy with 
 Austria in Hungary Sadowa, July 3rd Treaty of Prague, 
 August 1 8th 220 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Good fortune of Austria in her defeats New policy entered upon 
 after the war of 1866 Deak and the Emperor at Vienna 
 Dedk in the Pesti Naplo Change in the Austrian Cabinet 
 Count Mensdorff Pouilly succeeded as Foreign Minister by 
 Count Beust Effect of Schmerling's constitutional principles 
 in facilitating the task of Austrian reconsolidation after the 
 war of '66 Beust's advice to the Emperor to come to terms 
 with Hungary Difficulties raised in all quarters Scheme 
 drawn up by Dedk for discussion by Committee of '67 
 accepted by Count Beust Confusion and division in Austria 
 Resistance to proposed agreement with Hungary .. .. 234 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Rising discontent in Hungary Need of Dedk's influence in the 
 Diet Dedk as a speaker Nature of the compromise advo- 
 cated by him The agreement based on Report of the Com-
 
 xxii CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 mittee of Fifteen Opposition led by M. Tisza Proposal to 
 break off all further negotiations, defeated by the Moderate 
 or Dedk party Skill required in framing the addresses of 
 the Diet at this time Address of January 1867 Sudden 
 change in tone of the royal reply Counter effect upon the 
 Committee of '67 Laws of '48 revised in sense desired 
 by the Crown February interview between Dedk and the 
 Emperor Royal Rescript announcing complete restoration 
 of the Hungarian Constitution Count Andrdssy entrusted 
 with formation of a responsible Ministry for Hungary .. .. 244 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 Causes of the change in the imperial policy regarding Hungary 
 to be sought elsewhere than at Pesth Result in appearance 
 of the resignation of Belcredi in February, in reality cul- 
 minating point of the policy initiated by Beust on first taking 
 office at Vienna five months before Difficulties encountered 
 by Austrian Foreign Minister in prosecution of his policy 
 equal to those of Dedk in Hungary Natural disappointment 
 of the Federalists at the introduction of Dualism Deak not 
 responsible His advocacy of Dualism based on grounds of 
 general advantage to the monarchy 253 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 Dual parliamentary government an adaptation of old-established 
 system, not the introduction of a new one Principle to be 
 traced as far back as 1847 Causes preventing an earlier 
 agreement between Hungary and the Austrian Empire 
 Three rights demanding equal recognition Merit of the 
 Dual system of '67 that it took these into consideration 
 Essentially a compromise, the distinguishing feature being 
 the Delegations a modification of both the opposing theories 
 of ' Personal ' and ' Real ' union By the compromise respect 
 insured .for the three rights Constitutional independence of 
 Hungary Constitutional government for the western half 
 of the monarchy Central administrative unity in affairs of 
 common interest Drawbacks of the Dual system Compli- 
 cated machinery Numerous opportunities for constitutional 
 obstruction Consequent dependence upon personal influence 
 and ability for harmonious working The means adopted for
 
 CONTENTS. xxiii 
 
 carrying into effect a principle not of equally permanent 
 importance with the principle itself Count Beust and Dedk 
 not to be held pledged to perpetual support of Dualism The 
 secret of Deck's advocacy of the Compromise in 1867 Desire 
 to preserve the Hungarian Constitution The connection 
 between Hungary and Austria All his past acts consistent 
 with belief in these principles But Dedk not committed 
 to support a system established originally with his warm 
 approval, if it should ultimately appear that the system then 
 established had ceased to work in favour of the principles on 
 which it had been based 259 
 
 PART IV. RESTORATION. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Deak's refusal of the office of Palatine" Coronation of the 
 Emperor at Buda Pesth Contrast between 1849 an d ^67 270 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Value of Dedk's services to Hungary in assisting the establish- 
 ment of national parliamentary government Instinctive 
 anti-governmental feeling amongst Hungarians The parlia- 
 mentary Opposition Deak's influence in the settlement of 
 internal questions Law of Nationalities Croatia Com- 
 promise of 1868 276 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 Good effect of the harmonious working of the Hungarian Govern- 
 ment on the western half of the monarchy Difficulties of 
 Count Beust in establishing the new system in Austria 
 Agreement between Austrian and Hungarian ministers with 
 regard to reform measures introduced at Vienna Partial 
 concession to the Nationalists in Electoral Law of 1873 
 Abolition of the Concordat Sympathy with development of 
 constitutional liberty in Austria on the part of Hungary 
 Deak's opinion on the relations of Church and State .. .. 286
 
 xxiv CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Agreement between Austrian and Hungarian ministers on the 
 subject of peace Policy of Austria since the Treaty of 
 Prague Refusal of Count Beust to be drawn into hostility to 
 Prussia on the question of the Main Count Beust supported 
 in his peaceful policy by Hungary Harmony of opinion 
 between Beust and Andrassy as to future policy of the 
 Monarchy Preparation against a possible reopening of the 
 Eastern Question Deak and Andrdssy Resignation of 
 Count Beust Succeeded at the Foreign Office by Count 
 Andrdssy 294 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 Financial excitement in Hungary Speculation Fall of the 
 SzlaVy Cabinet The last Deak Cabinet DeaVs continued 
 interest in public affairs Symptons of a break-up in the Deak 
 party Proposed Coalition Cabinet, 1875 Fusion between 
 the Opposition and the Centre of the Deak party Dedk's 
 increasing illness Public sympathy Last interview between 
 the leader and his political supporters Death, January 1876 
 Public funeral 304 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 Dedk's character The result of his work The tendency of 
 his influence Appeal to the sentiment of reverence for law 
 in his countrymen The principle of his own conduct 
 Conclusion 315
 
 FRANCIS DEAK. 
 
 PART I. REFORMATION. 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Deck's claim on the interest and respect of his own countrymen and 
 of foreigners Entry on public life State of Hungary since the 
 Peace of 1815 Sze'che'nyi. 
 
 IN the month of January 1-876 a thrill of passing 
 interest was excited in the news-reading public of 
 Europe by the announcement of the death of 
 Francis Deak, a Hungarian, whose name, though 
 perhaps less widely known abroad than that of his 
 famous compatriot Louis Kossuth, yet seemed to 
 evoke in his own country the strongest feelings of 
 gratitude and veneration. The funeral of this simple 
 citizen of Pesth was like that of some European 
 sovereign. In the long procession that followed 
 the body to its last resting-place, in the dense crowds 
 that lined the streets of the Hungarian capital, were 
 representatives of every rank, every opinion, every 
 nationality in the monarchy, from the ancient dynasty 
 of the Hapsburgs to the most advanced Radical 
 constituency in Hungary, from the fiercely Magyar 
 
 B
 
 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. i. 
 
 watched with genuine sorrow, and the names of the 
 Hungarian patriots who fought and suffered in the 
 cause of national liberty were household words in 
 this country. 
 
 But the war of 1849 had been preceded by the 
 bloodless revolution culminating in 1847-48 ; a fact 
 less noteworthy in the eyes of foreign nations, but 
 of equal and indeed of more lasting importance in 
 the history of Hungary, as was shown by subsequent 
 events. Amongst the men whose labours contri- 
 buted in the first place to make that revolution 
 possible, and in later years to make it bear good 
 fruit, none deserves more heartfelt gratitude from 
 his compatriots, a more cordial tribute of respect 
 from foreign observers, than Francis Dedk. 
 
 Born at Kehida, in the county of Zala, in 
 October 1803, Dedk belonged to an old Hungarian 
 family which could reckon amongst its ancestors 
 Verboczy, the celebrated jurist of the i6th century, 
 and author of the Corpus Juris of Hungary. 
 
 Young Francis Dedk was educated at Comorn, 
 and at the University of Raab, where he graduated 
 in law and jurisprudence, and made his first essay 
 as an advocate ; but as with many of his compatriots 
 at that time, the fascination of politics soon over- 
 powered all other interests, and the keen intellect 
 and lucid, convincing speech of the young lawyer 
 were more frequently exercised in the debates of the 
 Congregations in the County Assembly of Zala
 
 CHAP, i.] ENTRANCE INTO THE DIET. 5 
 
 than in the courts of justice. In 1833 Anton, 
 Deak's elder brother, was forced by ill-health to 
 resign the office of deputy for his native county. On 
 bidding farewell to his friends at Presburg, he 
 assured them that he would send in his stead a 
 young man ' who has more stuff in his little finger 
 than I have in my whole body.' 
 
 In the same year Francis Deak was returned for 
 the county of Zala, and took his seat in the Diet of 
 Presburg, where he soon began to take a prominent 
 part in the debates of the Lower House. 
 
 Any one who were to form a conception of the 
 National Assembly of constitutional Hungary in 1833 
 from an acquaintance with the Parliament of constitu- 
 tional England, would have a very erroneous idea of 
 the appearance of the Diet at Presburg in the days 
 when Deak made his first entry on political life ; for 
 the scene presented by the meeting of the national 
 representatives of Hungary was far enough removed 
 in outward appearance from the grave, influential, 
 and decorous assemblage, where in England, at the 
 same date, two well-organised parliamentary parties 
 were soberly discussing the political and social 
 questions of the day. 
 
 In considering that latest and most elaborate 
 development of parliamentary government which 
 under the name of the ' Ausgleich ' (Compromise) is 
 now principally associated with Deak's name, it is 
 difficult to realise the quaint and almost archaic
 
 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. i. 
 
 character of the institutions and customs prevailing 
 in Hungary when the young deputy first took his 
 seat amongst the legislators of his country. 
 
 And yet evsn at this time, even in the Diet of 
 1832-36, with its apparent aimlessness, its absence 
 of all party organisation, its shrinking from reform, 
 its sudden panic excited by the French revolution 
 of July, its limpet-like adhesion to the ancient forms 
 of the Corpus Juris, there was not wanting the germ 
 of that healthy political vitality which was destined 
 in after-years to shoot up into a plant worthy of 
 the soil that produced it. 
 
 During the Napoleonic wars, the Hungarians 
 had been fully occupied in fighting the battles of 
 the Empire ; for their loyal co-operation they had 
 more than once received imperial thanks, and the 
 tribute had been paid to their Constitution of sum- 
 moning the Diet whenever fresh supplies of men 
 and money were urgently needed by Francis II. 
 and his allies. Should the deputies be so ill-judging 
 as to take advantage of these occasions for de- 
 manding the redress of national grievances and 
 the fulfilment of royal promises, they were speedily 
 dismissed with reprimands or blandishments as 
 seemed most advisable, and care was taken that no 
 specially pertinacious deputy should be returned a 
 second time to impede the Diet in the exercise of 
 its true function, that of providing supplies to meet 
 the requirements of the imperial policy. The faint
 
 CHAP, i.] HUNGARY AFTER THE PEACE. 7 
 
 glowworm light of modern ideas which had been 
 visible in Hungary at the close of the eighteenth 
 century seemed to have died out during the long 
 struggle which absorbed into a military channel all 
 the ardour of the Magyar nation. The Peace of 
 Vienna left Hungary bankrupt and exhausted, and 
 with her freedom more closely curtailed than before 
 the outbreak of that last campaign, which had been 
 fought, according to the generous declaration of the 
 allied princes, ' to assert the liberties of the people/ 
 
 But the sturdy refusal of the County Assemblies 
 of Hungary to carry out the arbitrary ordinances 
 ojfjthe Austrian emperor, the unwearied efforts of 
 Magyar poets and writers to preserve the national 
 language, had succeeded in keeping alive those 
 ideas of freedom and independence which had lain 
 so long dormant. 
 
 In 1825, Francis I. once more summoned the 
 Hungarian Diet, disavowed the unconstitutional t^^ 
 acts of his officials, and assured the Estates of his 
 earnest desire to rule henceforth according to law 
 and usage. The Diet only sat for two years, and 
 few practical measures were enacted in it ; but none 
 the less it marked the opening of a new era of 
 internal activity in Hungary, and showed the in- 
 tention of the Magyars to assume once again their 
 distinct national existence. 
 
 If for no other reason, moreover, the Diet of 
 1825 deserves to be remembered as being the
 
 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. i. 
 
 occasion of the first appearance upon the political 
 stage of Count Stephen Szech6nyi, the great 
 Radical magnate, who boldly carried the cry of 
 reform into the camp of the Hungarian aristocracy, 
 and dared to challenge the Conservative nobles of 
 his country, not only to reform the Government, 
 but actually to reform themselves, the hereditary 
 champions of meConstitiJtrdn] 
 
 Count Szech6nyi was rather a social than a 
 political reformer, and his vigorous writings, which 
 created such a flutter of excitement amongst the 
 landowners of Hungary, were concerned chiefly 
 with the abuses which, in his eyes, hindered the 
 material prosperity of his country. With all his 
 fiery energy of demolition, Szechnyi, a thorough 
 aristocrat of the old school, had in him a strain of 
 the benevolent despot, and was somewhat disposed 
 to force improvement and progress upon his 
 countrymen at the point of the bayonet ; it was 
 perhaps this belief in the salutary influence of 
 unquestioned authority which inclined him, under 
 all circumstances, to keep on good terms with 
 the Vienna Government, and endeavour to carry 
 out his reforming projects for the people, but not 
 through the people ; indeed, he was at no pains to 
 conceal that, ardently as he loved his country, he 
 had the meanest opinion of the intellectual capacity 
 of the mass of his countrymen to decide upon 
 national questions of 'high politics.' It was this
 
 CHAP, i.] DIET OF 1825. 9 
 
 tendency which in late years led to an estrangement 
 between the modern Liberals of the type of Dedk 
 and Baron Joseph Eotvos, and the brilliant magnate, 
 the ' great Hungarian ' par excellence, whose self- 
 sacrificing patriotism and noble character have 
 justly endeared him to all parties amongst his 
 countrymen. 
 
 With the reassembling of the Diet in 1825 a ray 
 of light had seemed to shine upon the gloom and 
 stagnation in which Hungary had been lying for 
 the past ten years ; but at the same time, the light 
 revealed a state of things social and political which 
 might well make the most stout-hearted patriot 
 despondent. The anxious desires awakened for 
 the introduction of a new and freer order of things, 
 for a more clearly realised national life, only served 
 to bring clearly home to the minds of some, the de- 
 pressing and backward condition of their country. 
 The combined weight of absolute power abroad 
 and feudal institutions at home, seemed as though 
 it must crush all life out of the newly apparent 
 aspirations after freedom and progress. 
 
 Kolcsey, the favourite poet and author of this 
 period, after exhorting his countrymen to achieve 
 what their ancestors had left undone, and reminding 
 them that ' not in vain did the brave nations of 
 the world cling to their traditions, and hold in deep 
 reverence the histories of their past,' had withdrawn 
 from the Diet of 1832 in profound despondency.
 
 io FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. i. 
 
 Dedk himself was not of a sanguine temperament, 
 and he felt painfully the backward and chaotic state 
 into which his country had fallen the country that 
 at one time had held a foremost place amongst 
 European states. 
 
 Some of his speeches in the Diet at this period 
 are as melancholy as Hungarian music. ' The feel- 
 ing of patriotism is not kept alive in a Hungarian 
 to the same degree as it is in the men of other 
 nations, either by the inspiring memories of the 
 past, or by a sentiment of vanity and self-esteem. 
 The free citizens of powerful Rome or of free 
 Greece, could draw inspiration from the annals of 
 their native country ; they were proud in the con- 
 sciousness of the greatness and glory of their nation, 
 and each felt his own country to be of all others 
 the best and the most favoured. In like manner, 
 Frenchmen and Englishmen can look back with 
 enthusiasm to their past history, and they too can 
 feel that no country in Europe can boast such 
 stability as theirs. Amidst the ruins of his shattered 
 freedom, the ardent spirit of the Italian still kindles 
 with the glowing memories of a famous antiquity ; 
 the Russian finds something sublime at least in 
 the physical greatness of his country. But the 
 Hungarian cannot share in such feelings as these. 
 
 ' Our history can look back to nothing but 
 disastrous civil wars, and bloody struggles for the 
 preservation of our very existence ; it can offer but
 
 CHAP, i.] DESPONDENCY. n 
 
 few examples of the pure-minded noble citizen, few 
 brilliant pages which can make our hearts swell 
 with a glow of proud self-consciousness. 
 
 ' Nor have we the consolations of vanity. 
 Europe is hardly aware of our existence, and 
 there are, it may be, many colonies in Africa better 
 known to other nations than is our Fatherland, 
 which is looked upon abroad as a fertile but un- 
 cultivated province of Austria. Our present con- 
 dition is not brilliant, nor even of such material 
 prosperity as to enable us on this ground to rival 
 other nations. Our future is in God's hands ; but 
 to say the truth, he must be a determined optimist 
 who can believe that it has any very bright prospect 
 in store, though we must needs hope for some 
 improvement on the present.' 
 
 Desponding Deak certainly was, but not weakly 
 despairing. In the course of the same speech he 
 adds : ' There exists in the heart of every man a 
 pure and ardent feeling which, quite independent of 
 all these outward helps, binds him closely to his 
 Fatherland, and I hold him for no brave man, no 
 true Magyar, to whom this poor suffering country is 
 not dearer than the most brilliant empire in Europe/ 
 
 In this spirit Deak plunged vigorously into the 
 complex politics of the time, determined to do all 
 that in him lay towards re-building and establishing 
 the fabric of national life upon a broad and lasting 
 foundation.
 
 12 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. n. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Parties Government and Opposition Difficulties of reform Deak's 
 efforts to improve the Urbarial Laws Failure to emancipate the 
 peasantry General result of the Diet of 1832-36. 
 
 SELDOM has a country set to work more zealously 
 to reform itself than did Hungary, as represented 
 by the Opposition party in the national legislature 
 and in the country. 
 
 At this time parties might be described broadly 
 as consisting not so much of Liberals and Con- 
 servatives as of Government and Opposition. The 
 object of the former was to keep the country in as 
 good humour as was compatible with the scrupulous 
 maintenance of the state of things social and 
 political, sanctioned by royal and diplomatic 
 authority at the Peace of Vienna. 
 
 The object of the latter party which included 
 men who developed subsequently all shades of 
 political opinion was to resist the encroachments 
 and unconstitutional practices of the Government, 
 and to carry their country a step farther along the 
 path of civilisation and progress, in which England, 
 France, and even Germany, had outstripped them. 
 
 In thus entering on a campaign at once defensive
 
 CHAP, ii.] PROCEDURE IN THE DIET. 13 
 
 and offensive, the Hungarian Opposition were under- 
 taking a task that required no small amount of 
 courage, patience, and tactical ability. 
 
 The course of a contested bill through the English 
 Houses of Parliament is plain sailing indeed com- 
 pared with the stormy passage that awaited a reform 
 measure in Hungary between its first incorporation 
 in the 'Mandate' delivered by the County Assemblies 
 to their deputies, and its final appearance in the 
 tranquil haven of the Statute Book that august 
 volume a copy of which was always to be found on 
 a table in the magnates' club at Pesth, open to the 
 daily perusal of the law-loving Hungarian citizens, 
 who felt for the Corpus Juris something of the 
 same veneration as for the mystic circlet of the 
 Crown of St. Stephen itself. 
 
 The usual form in which a measure came before 
 the Diet was either as a Royal Proposition pre- 
 sented * with becoming pomp ' to the assembled 
 Estates for discussion in the two Houses, or as one 
 of the ' Gravamina,' brought forward by the Estates 
 in opposition to the royal demands. 
 
 Having decided on the subject of their first 
 consideration and this in itself was a matter for 
 grave deliberation the two Houses, or ' Tables,' 
 began the debate in good earnest. 
 
 In the Diet of 1833 the Lower House, consisting 
 of the deputies from the fifty-five counties, some of 
 the lower clergy, and the town deputies (who,
 
 i 4 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. n. 
 
 however, had no vote), was, if not quite unanimous 
 in its advocacy of reform, at least quite unanimous 
 in its opposition to the Government. 
 
 But even supposing a measure to have succeeded 
 in uniting in its support the various fractions of the 
 Opposition, and to have passed triumphantly through 
 the Lower House, it had to encounter more stubborn 
 resistance in the Upper, where the magnates, act- 
 ing on the principle that a state of society which 
 was satisfactory to them could be in no need of 
 reform, preferred to support a Government that, 
 whatever might be its shortcomings from a national 
 point of view, had at least the merit of being 
 identified with the existing regime, and of showing 
 small inclination to launch out into so-called ' reforms,' 
 founded on mere sentiment and theoretical notions 
 of justice. 
 
 Even if a majority of the magnates were won over 
 to the popular side and thanks to the brilliant 
 eloquence of the great Count Szdchenyi this was 
 sometimes the case the king could still exercise 
 the royal veto and refuse his assent to the proposal 
 accepted by the two Houses ; a drag quite sufficiently 
 powerful to prevent the wheels of the car of Progress 
 from running too fast. On this would follow resolu- 
 tions, representations, negotiations innumerable, inter- 
 spersed with more debates and sessions, ' mixed ' or 
 ' separate,' of the two Houses ; but in the end, the 
 proposed reform usually found itself relegated for
 
 CHAP, ii.] NOBLES AND PEOPLE. 15 
 
 further discussion to the next Diet, or so greatly 
 modified as to make but slight improvement in the 
 actual condition of the people. This was the fate of 
 the Urbarial Law, the first grand attempt that had 
 been made since the time of Leopold II. to raise the 
 non-noble class of the community from that state of 
 social and political degradation in which they had 
 been allowed to remain ever since the days when 
 serfdom appeared the natural position for all who 
 were not warriors and therefore ' nobles ' in the old 
 feudal sense of the term. ' In Hungary the nobility 
 = 1000; the people == o,' writes an impartial but 
 by no means unfriendly German observer passing 
 through Hungary five-and-thirty years ago. 1 Ask 
 the ordinary English traveller in the country during 
 the first quarter of this century his impression of 
 Hungary and its people, he will speak not of ancient 
 institutions and widespread political activity, but of 
 the vast possessions and feudal state of the great 
 magnates, the complete personal subjection, closely 
 resembling serfage, of the mass of the peasantry. 
 
 It was not the fault of the nobles themselves that 
 this stigma was not earlier removed from their 
 country. 
 
 ' It would be vain in me to attempt hiding my 
 grief at our present discomfiture/ said Kolcsey ; 
 'but it ministers on the other hand to my no small 
 gratification to know that the reproach which hung 
 
 1 Kohl.
 
 1 6 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. n. 
 
 for centuries on the nobles is from this day attached 
 to the Government. I will proclaim that in the year 
 1834 the Hungarian legislature tried to open a 
 way for the emancipation of the people, and that 
 this was opposed by the Government.' ' 
 
 In the Diet and out of it, the subject excited 
 eager interest, though there was wide divergence 
 of opinion even amongst the Opposition as to the 
 nature and extent of the reforms needed, and already 
 the symptoms were visible of a split in the Opposi- 
 tion phalanx. 
 
 Both from national and from philanthropic motives, 
 Dealt threw himself heartily into the whole question 
 of the Urbarium, 2 declaring that every minute that 
 was allowed to pass without speaking out the 
 salutary truth was so much time lost to the country, 
 and that in asking that the protection of the law 
 might be extended to the person and goods of the 
 peasant, the reform party were not craving a boon 
 or begging a favour, but simply demanding an act 
 
 1 See Szabad, Hungary Past and Present. 
 
 2 The ' Urbarium ' was the name given to the Statute issued by 
 Maria Theresa in 1764, for the mitigation of the feudal institutions of 
 Hungary. It contained the following provisions : I. The serf was 
 allowed to leave his master if dissatisfied with his condition, 2. The 
 labour to be done by the serfs was fixed with due regard to the extent 
 of their tenures. 3. The children of peasants were declared competent 
 to fill the public offices of teachers, etc. In the Diet of 1790, this Royal 
 Statute was provisionally recognised as a law, and since that time all 
 the laws of the Diet of 1832-36, bearing on the relations of landlord 
 and peasant, were called ' urbarial ' laws, and each separate enactment 
 an ' urbarium.
 
 CHAP, ii.] CONDITION OF THE PEASANTRY. 17 
 
 of justice, which could not be withheld without a 
 violation of the rights of humanity. 
 
 We have said that the general tendency at this 
 time was in favour of progress and reform, but the 
 Liberalism of many of the Opposition was of so very 
 faint a tinge, and would have been content with the 
 extension to the tax-paying (i.e. the non-noble) 
 class of the community, of so small a modicum of 
 political and even social enfranchisement, that Deak's 
 eloquent attempt in the Diet to place the matter 
 upon broader grounds, and prove that the safety of 
 the Constitution did not depend on the limitation of 
 its benefits to a privileged class, was by no means 
 the forcing of an open door. 
 
 That the picture he drew of the peasantry in 
 Hungary, who were excluded from all share in the 
 possession of the soil and from the enjoyment of all 
 civic rights, was not over-coloured, will be acknow- 
 ledged on simple reference to the laws in force at 
 that period. In allusion to the practice of billeting 
 the troops upon the peasants, Deak declared, ' The 
 wild beast has its den, and the bird its nest, from 
 which they have the power to keep off all intruders ; 
 but the Hungarian tax-payer is not even master 
 over that which is most exclusively his own he is 
 not free to do as he likes in his own house ; for the 
 State, whose whole burden falls on his shoulders, does 
 not leave even the peace of his home undisturbed, 
 but foists upon him guests whose presence he is 
 
 c
 
 i8 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. 11. 
 
 compelled to tolerate, who are frequently aliens 
 from foreign lands, and who are not even connected 
 with him by the bond of a common tongue and the 
 love of a common country.' 
 
 In speaking of the resistance offered to the 
 proposal that the peasants should be allowed to 
 possess land in their own right, he says, ' We have 
 felt most deeply the injustice of this exclusion, and 
 have said, " Let us grant to the people the right of 
 property, and thereby draw them closer to us, and 
 attach them with a bond of affection to that Father- 
 land which has been in great measure both sup- 
 ported and defended by them ; let us allow the 
 people to hold land of their own." " No," answered 
 the majority, " for ' omnis terrae proprietas ad 
 dominum spectat' property is sacred and inviolable." 
 " True," we replied, " we are willing to grant that the 
 people must obtain property from the lord of the 
 soil, 'ad quern omnis terrae proprietas spectat,' by 
 means of voluntary sale." " Heaven forefend ! " 
 exclaimed our opponents ; "such an idea is contrary 
 to the Constitution ! " 
 
 ' Thus limited in our scope, we finally prayed that 
 the people might at least be absolved from giving 
 compulsory labour, and might employ for their own 
 and the country's profit the time which is now 
 wasted in bad work grudgingly rendered to their 
 landlords. To this it was answered, " We will 
 consider that question another time, for it also affects
 
 CHAP, ii.] DEAK ON THE URBARIAL LAWS. 19 
 
 the Constitution." And now we have come to the 
 very last clause of our humble petition, so much of 
 which has been refused. We have now but one 
 request to make, and that is, that the bodily sus- 
 tenance of the people may be cared for ; that they 
 who bear on their shoulders the burdens of the 
 whole nation should not have the very bread taken 
 out of their mouths. This can hardly be refused ; 
 this surely is not "contrary to the Constitution." 
 That would indeed be a merciful Constitution which 
 should forbid us to take thought for the maintenance 
 of some millions of our most useful fellow-citizens ! 
 That would indeed be an unhappy country whose 
 institutions should require us to deprive of the very 
 means of existence those to whom all rights have 
 already been denied ; to rob of their support those 
 whose sole privilege consists in the permission to 
 eke out a livelihood on the soil of their native 
 country, whose burdens they bear, though they are 
 forbidden to share in its possession ! 
 
 ' I wish to see the injustice which has gone on 
 during the eight hundred years of our constitutional 
 existence atoned for. I wish it in the interest of our 
 country, for political welfare can never be universal, 
 the full development of the nation can never be 
 achieved, so long as personal security is only a 
 privilege a privilege, moreover, enjoyed exclu- 
 sively by the minority.' 
 
 On hearing it constantly asserted that in Hungary 
 
 C 2
 
 20 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. n. 
 
 all property in land belongs of right to the lord of 
 the soil, Deak declared that the countless divinities 
 of Greece displayed far greater modesty in their 
 pretensions than the noble proprietors of Hungary, 
 for the former claimed but a share in the ownership 
 of wood, fields, and waters, whereas the Hungarian 
 noble was absolute lord over all. The final result 
 of the long debates over the Urbarial Laws was 
 but small as regards the actual addition made to 
 the Corpus Juris. The measure that at last 
 received the royal sanction bore evident traces of 
 that careful regard for the Constitution which had in- 
 duced the Government and their allies in the Upper 
 House to suppress any reform that looked like 
 too serious an innovation upon the Constitutional 
 rights of the privileged class. 
 
 The Robot, or forced labour, was modified, but 
 not abolished ; the nobles gave up their right of 
 summary jurisdiction, and of inflicting corporal 
 punishment ; but the clauses establishing for the 
 peasant absolute security of property and person, 
 and the abolition of the 'Jus Avicitatis,' 1 were 
 rejected. The non-noble class was relieved from 
 the charge of defraying the expenses incidental 
 to the meeting of the Diet, but most of their 
 other burdens, feudal dues and ecclesiastical tithes, 
 
 1 A law by which landed property belonging to a noble might be 
 reclaimed by its original proprietor, even should it have passed by sale 
 into other hands.
 
 CHAP, ii.] WARNING TO THE GOVERNMENT. 21 
 
 were left unlightened, and the great gulf between 
 the tax-paying people and the nobles was not 
 filled up. 
 
 There was, perhaps, no department of public life 
 in which Deak rendered better service to his 
 country at this time than in that of legal reform, 
 and there was none in which from natural dis- 
 position and ability he took a keener interest. His 
 great legal knowledge and acquainance with the 
 judicial systems of foreign nations found worthy 
 employment in the compilation of a civil code 
 drawn up by a parliamentary commission under his 
 supervision. But it fared as ill with the legal 
 reforms proposed as with those concerning the 
 emancipation of the peasantry, religious liberty, 
 freedom of the press, and public instruction. With 
 reference to this last subject, when the Government 
 for the fifteenth time evaded the proposition of the 
 Diet for the complete reorganisation and reform of 
 public instruction throughout the country, Francis 
 Deak, usually pre-eminent for the moderation of his 
 language amongst his fiery colleagues, waxed 
 ominously indignant, and almost menacing, in his 
 condemnation of the Government policy. 
 
 'In more than one heart,' he exclaimed, 'will 
 spring up the bitter thought, that the Austrian 
 Government, dreading the prosperity of Hungary, 
 is striving henceforth to check its onward progress.
 
 22 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. 11. 
 
 An ill-fated policy, a false and miserable calculation ! 
 for could there possibly be a more false calculation 
 than thus to inspire us with bitter sentiments at the 
 moment when the Diet is about to dissolve, so 
 that we may instil into our constituents these same 
 sentiments which three years hence will again 
 animate the representatives of the country. 
 
 ' There is no need to be a prophet to foretell that 
 the policy of the Government, far more than any 
 Polytechnic Institutions, will encourage the de- 
 velopment of our national faculties. I am of 
 opinion that the representation to the King should 
 be repeated, but I counsel the nation to trust only 
 to itself.' 1 
 
 After having promised much, and allowed copious 
 discussion, the Government in the end, when the 
 requisite supplies had been voted, refused to sanction 
 the various reforms proposed, and dismissed the 
 Diet. 
 
 ' We should have liked to obtain more concessions, 
 to extort more guarantees/ says Deak in his address 
 to his electors, ' but the combined strength of many 
 separate interests has prevented the success of our 
 cause.' Yet it was no small triumph for the 
 Liberal party in the Opposition of 1836 to have 
 made this short step forward in an aristocratic 
 country like Hungary, dominated by the over- 
 
 1 ' Ue 1'Esprit public en Hongrie,' De Ge"rando, p. 193.
 
 CHAP, ii.] LEGAL RESISTANCE. 23 
 
 shadowing influence of the most august despotism 
 in Europe. 
 
 The people, who had so often maintained the 
 doctrine of national independence by force of arms, 
 were now prepared to carry on the struggle for con- 
 stitutional freedom in a manner better suited to 
 modern ideas, and the Imperial Government at 
 Vienna soon discovered to its cost that the Hun- 
 garians were quite as well qualified to fight their 
 country's battles in a political as in a military 
 campaign. The legal resistance of a Deak was in its 
 way almost as inconvenient as the armed rebellion 
 of a Bocksai or a Rdkoczy.
 
 24 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. in. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Deak's position in the party A Conservative Reformer Belief in 
 law the keynote of his policy now and in the future Spread of 
 Liberal ideas through the country Kossuth and Wessele'nyi 
 State prosecutions Election of John Balogh. 
 
 THE unsatisfactory termination of the Diet in 
 1836 was succeeded by a ferment of discontent and 
 agitation throughout the country, in the midst of 
 which the gradual formation of political parties took 
 a more definite shape. The experience of the past 
 three years had fully justified the words of brotherly 
 admiration with which Anton Deak had recom- 
 mended the young deputy for Zala to his future 
 colleagues at Presburg, and it was evident that 
 in any new combination of parties Francis Deak 
 would hold a prominent place. 
 
 In later years, in describing his first entrance into 
 the Diet, Dedk would draw a humorous picture of 
 the embarrassing side to the reputation that had 
 preceded him. 
 
 ' I came to Presburg,' he would say, ' as a young 
 man of nine-and-twenty, where I found that my 
 late brother Anton, in his exceeding kindness and 
 affection, had spread the most wonderful reports
 
 CHAP, in.] THE YOUNG DEPUTY. 25 
 
 of my supposed intelligence amongst my fellow- 
 deputies. The result was that members were 
 perpetually tormenting me with the strangest and 
 most miscellaneous questions, in order to hear my 
 "wisdom." Even late at night, at the club and 
 in the billiard-room, they pursued me with their 
 questions. So I started the plan of putting them 
 off with telling anecdotes instead ; and this is how,' 
 Deak would explain, ' I have contracted the bad 
 habit of telling anecdotes when I am not being 
 asked questions.' 
 
 His way of living at this time was of the same 
 simple, unostentatious character which he maintained 
 to the day of his death. During the session of the 
 Diet, he lodged at an hotel with his friends Edmond 
 Beothy and Gabriel Klauzal. He would rise at 
 five, walk for three hours, and about nine o'clock 
 go down to assist at the sittings of the Diet. The 
 afternoon was devoted to reading and study, and 
 in the evening he was accustomed to meet his 
 friends and acquaintance over a game of billiards or 
 cards at the Casino. 
 
 Such were the simple habits and surroundings 
 of the young politician who was destined to become 
 by the force of circumstance, and as it were in spite 
 of himself, the leader and champion of his country, 
 the chief representative of Hungary in the eyes of 
 Europe. 
 
 The position deliberately taken up by Deak at the
 
 26 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. HI. 
 
 outset of his political career, and consistently main- 
 tained throughout, was not an easy one. Believing 
 with Burke 'that a State without the means of 
 some change is without the means of its con- 
 servation/ Deak was a ' conservative reformer ' ; a 
 reformer as regards the internal social and political 
 relations of his country ; conservative as regards 
 the connection of its present with its past history, 
 and its relations with the Austrian Empire. He 
 formed in those days the nucleus of that party in 
 Hungary which, according to modern parlance, 
 might be described as the Left Centre, and which 
 in the time of our own great parliamentary revolu- 
 tion was represented by statesmen of the type 
 of Somers. 
 
 Fully as Deak acknowledged the value of Count 
 Szechenyi's services in the last Diet, he could not 
 sympathise with the ' great Hungarian ' in his 
 desire to make a clean sweep of all the ancient 
 institutions including the Corpus Juris and start 
 the State upon an entirely new basis ; for, with 
 an Englishman's love of justice and independence, 
 Deak had also an Englishman's regard for pre- 
 cedent, and fond clinging to all that was connected 
 with an historic past. 
 
 He had perhaps still less in common with the 
 old Hungarian Conservatives in the Opposition, 
 who met every proposal for domestic reform with 
 the cry of 'the Constitution in danger,' and by so
 
 CHAP, in.] REVERENCE FOR LAW. " 27 
 
 doing played into the hands of the absolutist 
 Government they opposed. 
 
 Royalist and patriot as he was, the watchword of 
 Deak's life was neither king nor country, but law ; 
 Law in the sense used by the imperial philosopher 
 when he affirms that ' nothing can harm the State 
 which does not harm law, and that what does not 
 harm law, does not harm either State or citizen.' 
 
 He believed that in demanding from high and 
 low in the smallest matters of every-day life, as 
 well as in great concerns of State politics, a strict 
 observance of the law, he was most effectually 
 serving both king and country. He recognised 
 clearly that it was this principle, the real kernel of 
 the Hungarian Constitution, which had caused it to 
 remain for centuries a living reality, and had been 
 the very salt of the nation, preserving it from the 
 fate that had overtaken other States no less famous 
 in their day than the Kingdom of Hungary. 
 V-^ From the beginning of his public career to the 
 end, the motive of his actions was invariably to be 
 found in this deeply rooted reverence for law, using 
 the word in its widest sense as expressing absolute 
 justice, and as defining the right relations of man to 
 man, and of class to class ; law, as comprising the 
 body of well-weighed opinion arrived at by the 
 highest wisdom, ratified by the common acknow- 
 ledgment of rulers and people, and equally binding 
 upon all the constituent parts of the State.
 
 28 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. in. 
 
 In Dedk's view no circumstance whatsoever 
 could absolve either king or people from the duty 
 of rendering strict obedience to the law. The king 
 might be tempted by the consciousness of power 
 into arbitrary acts, the people might see itself 
 compelled by force, or incited by revolutionary 
 passion, into a violation of the original compact ; 
 but the duty incumbent upon both king and people 
 remained the same, and each party was entitled to 
 demand its due fulfilment by the other, not as a 
 boon, but as a right. Deak believed that it was in 
 a faithful adherence to the Constitution thus under- 
 stood that the strength of Hungary consisted, and 
 the events of later years showed that he had not 
 miscalculated. 
 
 It was in obedience to these principles that Deak 
 strove earnestly in 1834 to insure precedence for 
 the debate on the Gravamina, or national grievances, 
 before that on the Royal Propositions, however 
 satisfactory the new measures proposed in them ; 
 it was the same motive that prompted him in 1861 
 to refuse for his country the new Constitution 
 1 octroye ' at Vienna, as a compensation for the 
 unredressed wrongs of Hungary. 
 
 ' Not only a violation of the rights of the nation 
 as a whole,' said Deak, ' but also any infringement 
 of the rights of individual citizens, magistrates, or 
 associations, is a matter of common concern, for 
 such an infringement is a violation of law and liberty,
 
 CHAP, in.] SPEECH IN THE DIET. 29 
 
 and law and liberty are the common property of 
 the nation. Law imposes limits upon force, and 
 it is in the strength of law that the citizens of a 
 country seek protection against arbitrary power. 
 But law itself, with all the strength for resistance 
 which it bestows, is only secured against arbitrary 
 violence by the moral strength of the nation ; and 
 if a nation from lack of this moral strength is unable 
 to maintain unimpaired the inviolability of its laws, 
 and enforce respect for them, its independence is 
 at the mercy of any unforeseen event, and no 
 creation of new laws will ever avail to preserve 
 it from utter destruction. If a nation raises no 
 protest against the violation of its laws, but with 
 silent acquiescence creates each time ' a new pro- 
 vision in place of the one which has been set at 
 nought, it contributes of itself to impair the respect 
 due to its laws, for its silence seems to imply that 
 it approves of what has been done, or at least 
 condones it, on the ground of the ambiguity of the 
 law. If those in authority have been permitted 
 to transgress the law without any protest from the 
 nation, who will venture to remind the Government 
 of their past misdeeds, and invite them to return to 
 the path of justice, from which they have erred ? 
 
 ' Moreover, a solemn and dignified protest raised 
 in vindication of a disregarded law honours the 
 sovereign more than a cowardly silence ; the one 
 shows a manly confidence in his sense of justice,
 
 30 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. in. 
 
 the other a timorous disbelief in it. The nation 
 which submits in cowardly silence to the violation 
 of its laws would be also capable of a cowardly 
 desertion of its sovereign in the hour of danger. 
 Princes themselves have no cause to delight in 
 such a people, for never do fear and confidence, 
 loyalty and cowardice, exist side by side in the 
 same nation.' 
 
 Notwithstanding the small practical outcome of 
 the Diet that closed in 1836, it was obvious that 
 a powerful impetus had been given to the Liberalism 
 of the country ; that modern Hungary was begin- 
 ning to feel ill at ease within the too narrow limits 
 of the old Constitution ; and that a spirit of insub- 
 ordination was rising against the rule of the Vienna 
 Government, even when administered through the 
 medium of the docile Hungarian Ministry at Pres- 
 burg. 
 
 No one recognised the danger more clearly than 
 the imperial ministers themselves. They perceived 
 that the influence of civil speeches and fair promises 
 from royal and arch-ducal lips was beginning to 
 wane before the growing might of that mysterious 
 and unconstitutional power, ' public opinion ' the 
 Democracy, as the dreaded spectre was usually 
 designated in awe-struck terms by the frightened 
 magnates. 
 
 The brilliant weekly reports written by Louis 
 Kossuth, ostensibly for the information of those
 
 CHAP, in.] GOVERNMENT PROSECUTIONS. ' 31 
 
 absent magnates, 1 who in accordance with the 
 prevailing custom had appointed the clever young 
 advocate as their silent proxy and private reporter 
 at the sittings of the Diet, were secretly litho- 
 graphed and circulated throughout the country, 
 where they found thousands of eager readers. 
 
 The Government saw that the thin end of the 
 wedge was thus being introduced which would lead 
 finally to the admittance of the outside public into 
 the sacred mysteries of legislation. The right of 
 freedom of speech, too, was beginning to be under- 
 stood in a more extended sense than the most 
 tolerant of despotisms could endure, and it was 
 felt that strong measures must be resorted to. 
 
 Louis Kossuth, Baron Wesselenyi (the 'giant of 
 Transylvania '), and several of the younger members 
 of the Liberal party were accused of high treason, 
 and condemned to various terms of imprisonment, 
 on no other ground than their free expression of 
 Liberal opinions, and the attempt on the part of 
 Kossuth in Hungary, and Wessel6nyi in Tran 
 sylvania, to publish lithographed reports of the 
 discussions in the County Assemblies as they had 
 done of those in the Diet. John Balogh, deputy 
 for the county of Bar, who had indulged in too 
 vigorous a remonstrance in the Lower House 
 
 1 Kossuth's first appearance in the Diet at Presburg was as the 
 deputy of a magnate's widow, entitled by her rank to be thus re- 
 presented in the legislature.
 
 32 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. in. 
 
 against these illegal proceedings, was prosecuted 
 by the Government, who, relying on their firm 
 hold over the peasant nobles in the county, looked 
 forward confidently to replacing the obnoxious 
 deputy (now unseated in consequence of the pro- 
 secution) by the ministerial candidate. To make 
 matters quite safe, the 'Comes,' 1 or lord lieutenant 
 of the county, had received instructions to present 
 the electors with five florins apiece beforehand, 
 as a polite indication by the Government of what 
 was expected of them. But the court party had 
 not reckoned on the extent to which the new leaven 
 had penetrated even to the lowest substratum of 
 the Constitution. 
 
 The experience of the Comes, Count Keglevich, 
 was as novel as it was disagreeable. 
 
 Urged by the Government, he had done all that 
 man could do to insure the return of the desired 
 candidate. The salt depots had been thrown open, 
 that the electors might help themselves to as much 
 as they could carry away, and money had been 
 lavished with unstinting liberality. But all proved 
 
 1 The fifty-two provinces, or circles, into which Hungary has been 
 from time immemorial divided, are called Comitates or Counties ; 
 over each is placed a ' Comes ' a Magnate of the Empire, usually 
 appointed by the Crown, like our lord lieutenant, but in some cases 
 holding the office by hereditary right. The Comes is assisted in the 
 administration of the county by two deputies or Vice Comes, under 
 whom are many subordinate officers, elected by the ' nobles ' of the 
 province at the triennial ' Restorations,' the exciting municipal elections 
 of Hungary.
 
 CHAP, in.] JOHN BALOGH. 33 
 
 useless, or rather worse than useless. The re- 
 doubtable John Balogh was re-elected by a large 
 majority ; and not content with displaying their 
 superabundant enthusiasm by carrying the favoured 
 candidate in triumph on their shoulders, the peasant 
 nobles swarmed into the Assembly Hall, their five- 
 florin notes stuck at the end of their staves, over- 
 whelmed the astonished ' Comes ' with reproaches, 
 and compelled him by main force to remain in his 
 seat for four mortal hours, whilst the chief county 
 officials, judges, notaries, and, in short, the whole 
 body of electors, upbraided him in no measured 
 terms for his treacherous and unpatriotic conduct. 
 
 After this highly unsuccessful attempt at coercion, 
 the Government thought it prudent to drop the pro- 
 secution of John Balogh. 
 
 D
 
 34 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The County Assemblies of Hungary Their peculiar character 
 Deak's influence in the County Assemblies and Party Conferences 
 Scene at a party meeting. 
 
 THE Government soon found that the close of the 
 Diet brought no cessation of activity on the part of 
 the Liberal leaders, the only difference being, that 
 the discussion of ' burning questions ' was now 
 carried on with unabated energy in fifty small Diets 
 instead of in one. 
 
 Of all the venerable institutions of Hungary, none 
 is more interesting or more unique than this of the 
 County Assemblies or Congregations with their 
 Comes and Vice-comes, their 'restorations,' their 
 exciting municipal and political elections, and 
 their animated public discussions ; miniature parlia- 
 ments, exercising each in its own province a juris- 
 diction so complete as to render the counties virtually 
 independent, not only of an arbitrary Government, 
 but even of the National Legislature, whose decrees 
 were calmly ignored if they ran counter to local 
 opinion as represented in the County Assembly of 
 a province.
 
 CHAP, iv.] THE COUNTY ASSEMBLY. 35 
 
 It was this local organisation which had from 
 time immemorial played an important part in keep- 
 ing alive the innate love of the Hungarians for 
 political independence and self-government, under 
 the most adverse circumstances. 
 
 The County Assembly in Hungary was no arti- 
 ficial organisation, laboriously devised by official 
 authorities, and pressed upon an indifferent people 
 for their good, like the elaborate system of local 
 government which Catherine II. had in vain offered 
 to the Russian nobles with the wise object of miti- 
 gating the evils of a centralised bureaucracy ; it was 
 no ' caucus' of self-constituted officials, managing 
 the political concerns of a population too careless 
 or too ignorant to assert themselves, except on 
 occasions of great national crisis ; but the effectual, 
 if somewhat imperfect, system, which enabled the 
 Hungarian gentry to bring their keen political facul- 
 ties to bear upon the practical conduct of public affairs, 
 and to render their meed of unpaid service to the 
 State. 
 
 In this fact, perhaps, more than in any other, lies 
 the secret of that peculiar affinity which has always 
 been felt to exist between the social and political 
 constitution of Hungary and that of England. A 
 perfect constitution on the English pattern, and the 
 most approved modern institutions, not even ex- 
 cluding county government, may be introduced with 
 more or less success into any country in the universe, 
 
 D 2
 
 36 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 from the Chinese Empire to the Argentine Republic ; 
 but the disposition which induces a man to give 
 hard work and honest service to the State from 
 no other motive than keen hereditary interest 
 in the political welfare of his country, and with 
 no desire for a more tangible reward than the 
 prestige conferred by the approbation of his con- 
 temporaries, or, if this be withheld, of his own 
 conscience, this is a peculiar growth not every- 
 where native to the soil, as it is in England and 
 in Hungary. 1 
 
 The defects of the ancient county organisation, 
 and its tendency to weaken the strength and unity 
 of the State as an executive body, were plainly 
 recognised by Francis Deak ; but with the instincts 
 of a true politician, he set himself to use to the best 
 advantage of his country the instruments at his 
 disposal, however imperfect, until the time when, 
 by means of these very instruments, the way 
 
 1 No more touching instance of this public-spirited patriotism, ' the 
 ruling passion strong in death,' could be found than in the letter of 
 remonstrance addressed by the 'great Hungarian ' in 1858, from his 
 then self-imposed prison within the sheltering walls of the Asylum at 
 Dobling, to a brother magnate who was proposing to withdraw from 
 some arduous public undertaking. ' The Hungarian,' wrote Count 
 Sze'che'nyi, ' who at the present time occupies a post that is not opposed 
 either to his honour or to his conscience, or to the good of his country, 
 ought not to abandon it voluntarily, whatever humiliations may be 
 heaped upon him. If they do not appoint you, or if they turn you out, 
 that is another affair ; the man who has lost his fortune may one day 
 recover it, but he who of his own free will gives up his treasure will 
 never find it again." St. Rene" de Taillandier, La Boheme et la 
 Hongrie, 470.
 
 CHAP, iv.] A PARTY CONFERENCE. 37 
 
 should have been prepared for a better state of 
 things. 
 
 It is with a sense of fitness that the citizens of 
 Buda Pesth have placed their noble portrait of 
 Francis Deak, not in the Parliament House, but 
 in one of the stately halls of the Liberal Club ; for 
 in the days when the meetings of the National 
 Legislature were few and far between and at times 
 sadly barren in results a great part of Deak's best 
 and most fruitful work was being carried on outside 
 the walls of Parliament, in the clubs and county 
 assemblies, at party conferences, and even in private 
 conversation. 
 
 The following graphic description of a party 
 meeting, held during the sitting of the Diet, is 
 quoted by M. de Laveleye in his interesting sketch of 
 the Hungarian leader, from one of Dedk's personal 
 friends. 1 After describing the appearance of the 
 club-room, dense with clouds of tobacco smoke, in 
 which the members of the Opposition are wont to 
 assemble in the evenings during the session, the 
 writer proceeds : ' The excitement is intense ; to- 
 morrow there is to be an important sitting in the 
 Diet, for an Imperial Rescript has come down from 
 Vienna, and this has to be answered ; the national 
 pride is wounded ; " they are threatening our in- 
 dependence!" is the cry from all sides; "they are 
 
 1 L. Toth, quoted by Laveleye, 'La Prusse et FAiitriche depuis 
 Sadowa" 1 (1870), vol. ii. pp. 170, 171.
 
 38 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. iv. 
 
 trying to enslave the free Kingdom of St. Stephen ; 
 they are attempting by gentle means, and by slow 
 degrees, to deprive us of those liberties which we 
 have preserved against all attack for three centuries ! 
 but the blood of our fathers still flows in our veins, 
 Rakoczy is not forgotten ! " 
 
 1 So speak the more excited members ; others 
 preach moderation, but fail to make themselves 
 heard ; the discussion is brilliant but without definite 
 aim ; there are as many different opinions as there 
 are members present; to win a hearing is impossible. 
 At this moment there enters the hall a man, still 
 young, and of sturdy build ; on the broad shoulders 
 and somewhat short neck, is set a round head with 
 a face full of " bonhomie " and humour ; bushy 
 eyebrows overshadow the grey eyes, twinkling with 
 a mixture half fun, half kindliness. Nothing about 
 him bespeaks the orator. His black clothes are 
 neat, but somewhat old-fashioned ; in his hand he 
 carries a stout ivory-handled walking-stick ; you 
 might take him for some good citizen of Presburg, 
 coming to take his daily glass of beer at the 
 " cabaret." He walks to a sofa, settles himself 
 comfortably in the corner, and lights a fresh cigar 
 from the one he has just finished. 
 
 ' At first he follows the discussion with grave 
 attention ; then, as all seem to be awaiting his 
 opinion, he speaks in his turn, expressing himself 
 simply, as though in conversation ; in a few words
 
 CHAP, iv.] THE ' BON BOURGEOIS.' 39 
 
 he lays down the object of the debate, shows the 
 points on which all are agreed, and the end they 
 have in view ; points out exactly the means by 
 which success may be attained, the weak side on 
 which the enemy must be attacked, the concessions 
 that may be made, the rights that must be main- 
 tained at all costs. He enlivens this exposition as 
 closely reasoned as the demonstration of a theorem 
 with homely humour, anecdotes, and illustrations. 
 Under this vivid and diffused light, sophisms are 
 exposed, excitement is allayed, the Magyar imagina- 
 tion sobers down. Good sense has spoken, the party 
 has received its instructions ; the plan of campaign 
 is drawn out ; the members break up, and go home 
 to supper. The "bon bourgeois" who thus rules 
 the majority of the sovereign assembly is Francis 
 Deak.'
 
 40 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. v. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Movement, social and political, prior to the meeting of the Diet of 
 1840 Batthydny and Dedk, in the Upper and Lower House, 1840 
 Deak's defence of the constitutional right of freedom of speech 
 Reforms in the Diet of 1840 with reference to the peasantry and 
 their emancipation from feudal disabilities Enthusiam of the 
 Liberal Opposition Reconciliation with the Government. 
 
 SOCIAL reforms, new enterprizes of all kinds, the 
 founding of a national theatre, of an art exhibi- 
 tion, of literary and commercial associations, accom- 
 panied the political movement in the country during 
 the years that elapsed before the opening of the 
 next Diet. 
 
 In one County Assembly after another, the dis- 
 cussions ended in instructions being given to the 
 deputies to press in the ensuing Diet for such im- 
 portant reforms as freedom of conscience, equality 
 before the law, emancipation of the soil, and im- 
 provement of the penal code. Many of the great 
 proprietors, forestalling legislation, of their own 
 free will made over land to the peasant occupiers, 
 to be held by them in perpetuity. 1 
 
 The state of popular excitement on the meeting 
 of the next Diet in 1840, was such that the Vienna 
 
 1 See Horvdth, Kurzgefasste Geschichte Ungarns, vol. ii. p. 309.
 
 CHAP, v.] ATTACK ON THE GOVERNMENT. 41 
 
 Cabinet deemed it advisable to propitiate national 
 feeling, by replacing the Hungarian ministers who 
 had incurred odium on the occasion of the late 
 prosecutions, by men like the Counts George and 
 Anton Mailath, and Stephen Szerencsy, who might 
 be able, if any one could, to present the arbitrary 
 proceedings of the Government in a favourable light 
 to the Hungarian Opposition. 
 
 But no precautions could avail to silence the 
 indignant remonstrances that at once broke forth 
 from the Opposition, respecting the violation of their 
 national rights which had been committed in the 
 manner and matter of the recent prosecutions. 
 
 Count Louis Batthyany who led the Opposition 
 in the Upper House, and Francis Deak in the 
 Lower, made it quite clear that no Royal pro- 
 positions would be taken into consideration until 
 the ' gravamina ' of the nation had been redressed ; 
 above all, till the right of freedom of speech had 
 been fully acknowledged, judicial purity re-estab- 
 lished, and the political prisoners set at liberty. 
 The struggle was a long one, for the magnates 
 again sided with the Government, who endeavoured 
 to meet the fierce attacks of the Opposition by 
 identifying loyalty to the King's ministers with 
 loyalty to the King, and denouncing hostile criticism 
 upon their illegal acts as high treason. 
 
 In the end, however, the Opposition gained the 
 victory ; the political prisoners were released, the
 
 42 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. v. 
 
 prosecutions still impending were given up ; above 
 all the great principle was acknowledged of the 
 distinction between the King and his Government, 
 and the way thus paved for the later doctrine of 
 ministerial responsibility to Parliament. 
 
 In the last Diet we have seen Deak chiefly in the 
 character of the modern philanthropist, striving to 
 enlighten and overcome the prejudices of his country- 
 men and improve the condition of the sorely 
 burdened peasantry. In this long contest of 1840, 
 we seem to be carried back to the England of the 
 seventeenth century, and find the stout-hearted 
 patriot standing up boldly to resist the injustice of a 
 powerful despotism, and assert the constitutional 
 rights of a free nation. 
 
 He refused to be tempted from his position of 
 uncompromising hostility to the Government by the 
 proposal of the magnates that the two Houses 
 should sink their differences on the subject of 
 freedom of speech, in a general session for the 
 amicable consideration of new laws. ' To complete 
 what is wanting, to improve what is imperfect/ 
 replied Deak, ' is the first and most sacred duty of 
 the Legislature. But so long as the magnates lay 
 down such principles regarding the judicature, and 
 the Government persists in its present system of 
 violating our rights (our countrymen meantime 
 suffering under its yoke), so long as circumstances 
 like these continue, under which mutual confidence
 
 CHAP, v.] VICTORY OF THE OPPOSITION. 43 
 
 is proportionately shaken so long it would be 
 useless, nay, even dangerous, to attempt a task, 
 which from its bearing on the security of our position 
 as citizens, indeed on the whole future of our country, 
 would be, even under the most favourable conditions, 
 an important and difficult undertaking for the 
 Legislature. 
 
 At times the sense of the difficulties in the path of 
 progress, and even of justice, seemed to Deak almost 
 overwhelming. 'There were moments,' he wrote in 
 later years, ' when the growing force of adverse 
 circumstances threatened to endanger not only our 
 hopes of a brighter future, but even the present 
 time ; moments when the general discouragement 
 could only be kept at bay by a sense of the justice 
 of the cause, and the conviction that it was our duty 
 to fight for a righteous cause, even though every 
 hope of success had disappeared.' 
 
 Not only were the principles of public law suc- 
 cessfully asserted, but the Diet of 1840 was also 
 marked by the introduction of reforms touching 
 more nearly the actual condition of the people. 
 
 Of these the most important was the law enabling 
 the peasantry to become permanent proprietors 
 of the soil, with power to redeem their property 
 form the burden of the Urbarial dues. The royal 
 sanction to this law was received with indescribable 
 enthusiasm by the whole Liberal Party throughout 
 the country, and it was hoped that as the rejection
 
 44 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. v. 
 
 of the measure had destroyed the good understand- 
 ing between the Government and the Diet four 
 years previously, so now its concession might tend 
 to promote still further the reconciliation which the 
 good sense and moderation of Hungarian statesmen 
 both in and out of office of Count Mailath as well 
 as of Count Sz6che"nyi had brought about. For 
 this happy result, few were more distinctly respon- 
 sible than Francis Dedk. Feeling strongly as he did 
 that it was the duty of the country to hold fast by 
 its political birthright, he felt no less strongly the 
 need of an efficient and trusted administration ; 
 consequently he used every effort to smooth away 
 difficulties, and replace by some approach to con- 
 fidence that spirit of blank opposition which had 
 found its sturdiest representative in John Balogh, 
 the man of whom it had been admiringly said by 
 his contemporaries ' that he would fight tooth and 
 nail for nine-and-twenty days on behalf of a certain 
 measure, and then, when on the thirtieth day the 
 court party agreed to it, would turn round and 
 advocate the exact contrary.' 
 
 4 A brighter future will dawn upon Hungary,' said 
 Dedk, 'only when the nation and the Government 
 unite their forces and follow together the path of 
 law and justice, instead of allowing the two forces to 
 paralyse each other in a doubtful contest that may 
 easily prove dangerous both to prince and people.'
 
 CHAP, vi.] REPUTATION AS A JURIST. 45 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Deck's Penal Code Opinion of foreign judges as to his legal abilities 
 Deak as a parliamentary leader. 
 
 AFTER the close of the Diet of 1840, Deak, who was 
 now living with his friend the late Bishop Horvath 
 well known as one of the chief historians of 
 Hungary found ample scope for his activity in the 
 elaboration of a penal code for Hungary. The 
 new code never came into use, owing to the op- 
 position made to the proposed judicial changes both 
 by the Vienna Government and the majority of the 
 magnates in the Upper House. But Deak's labours 
 on this subject were not without effect in enhancing 
 his reputation beyond the limits of Hungary. As a 
 piece of legal workmanship the rejected code met 
 with high appreciation from competent judges on 
 the Continent and even in England ; Mittermaier, 
 the eminent German jurist, declaring that he knew 
 no legislative work which satisfied so completely the 
 progress of the age, the requirements of justice, and 
 the latest scientific opinions. 
 
 In addition to his acknowledged merits as a 
 jurist, Deak possessed many of the special qualifica- 
 tions for a parliamentary leader. Always scrupu-
 
 46 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 lously truthful in stating the arguments of his 
 opponents, a thorough gentleman in manner and 
 feeling, never, even in the heat of debate, losing 
 his sense of fairplay, he was universally respected 
 by men of all sides, at a time when party feeling 
 ran very high. The weight of his position and 
 authority in the House, combined with remarkable 
 tact, and insight into the character both of men and 
 of parties, enabled him to exert a strong personal 
 influence without giving offence. Never was per- 
 sonal influence more kindly or wisely used. Dedk 
 was as conscious of a high and worthy aim, had 
 as clear a perception of the folly and ignorance of 
 many of those with whom he had to deal, as keen a 
 sense of humour, as the great German Chancellor 
 who exercises with impartiality on friend and foe his 
 formidable powers of sarcasm and ridicule ; but he 
 had also that rare charity which prevents a man 
 from acting as though in public matters the feelings 
 and sympathies of his contemporaries might be 
 trampled on and disregarded with impunity ; as 
 though an active politician were by the nature of his 
 position absolved from all observance of the deeper 
 courtesies of life. ' Beware of hurting the feelings 
 of others with the two-edged weapons of ridicule 
 and wit ' he writes to a young friend ; ' the laughter 
 roused by the witty sarcasm is soon silent, but the 
 bitterness does not cease to rankle in the mind of 
 the man whose sensibilities have been wounded, and
 
 CHAP, vi.] THE PARLIAMENTARY LEADER. 47 
 
 you have purchased the momentary triumph of 
 vanity, at the cost of friendship estranged and 
 suffering inflicted.' 
 
 M. Csengery has given us an interesting picture 
 of Deak's relations with his party : ' As soon as 
 Deak had definitely taken his place amongst us, he 
 made it his practice to communicate his views, first 
 to his own friends, and subsequently, if they were 
 approved, to bring them forward at the Party 
 Conference. 
 
 ' His view once adopted, he readily ceded to others 
 the honour of introducing it in a public session 
 either as their own proposal, or as a resolution of 
 the whole party. Having no feeling of personal 
 vanity, he gladly left free scope for the play of other 
 men's ambition. 
 
 ' Except in certain cases, where from the peculiar 
 importance of the matter at issue, he preferred to 
 take the proposal and explanation of it on himself, 
 the leader, having once sketched out the plan of 
 campaign, retired into the background, only to come 
 forward again when the controversy seemed to be 
 taking a new direction, or when the question was 
 ripe for immediate decision. And whilst in cases of 
 the first description, and especially during the earlier 
 sessions of the Diet, when " rules of the House " were 
 unknown, his powerful reasoning frequently brought 
 
 1 Franz Dedk, p. 57.
 
 48 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vi. 
 
 back the course of the discussion to its proper 
 channel, so his appearance on the scene at an 
 advanced stage of the debate seemed of itself, in 
 suggesting new arguments, and the possibility of 
 taking up a new standpoint, to shed such light 
 upon the question as cleared up all difficulties.'
 
 CHAP, viz.] THE ' PESTI HIRLAP.' 49 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Interval between Diets of 1840 and 1843 Kossuth's articles in the 
 Pesti HirlAp Controversy between Kossuth and Sze'che'nyi 
 Beak's refusal to take part Excitement in the County Assemblies 
 on the subject of general taxation Contest at Zala Deak's refusal 
 to accept the mandate, ' Korteskede*s ' Explanations to his friends 
 Universal regret at Deak's absence from the Diet of 1843. 
 
 THE effect of the recent surrender on the part of the 
 Ministry, and the relaxation of the press censorship, 
 was soon visible in the audacity with which Kossuth, 
 now released from his illegal imprisonment and 
 become editor of the Pesti Hirldp (Pesth Gazette), 
 poured broadside after broadside into the abuses and 
 anomalies of his time ; directing his attacks not only 
 against judicial corruption and economic evils, but 
 hinting at such methods for the amelioration of these 
 evils as would have affected the relations hitherto 
 subsisting between the country and the supreme 
 Government. The more conservative and aristo- 
 cratic members of the Opposition grew somewhat 
 alarmed. Count Szechenyi himself, irate at seeing 
 his favourite project of gradually reforming Hungary 
 from above, through the means of a purified and 
 improved national government, thus endangered by
 
 50 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 the vehement anti-governmental tone of the new 
 journal, plunged into a controversy with the popular 
 agitator. By a sharp attack upon Dedk for an 
 innocent speech on agricultural topics made by him 
 in the provinces, he tried to draw the Liberal leader 
 into the quarrel. But Dedk had the faculty, so 
 valuable in this ink-and-paper age, of knowing how 
 to keep silence with his pen as well as with his 
 tongue. When in 1848 the two were together in 
 the Ministry of Count Batthyany, Szechenyi re- 
 proached his colleague for his persistent refusal to 
 reply to the attack then made upon him, 'Why 
 should I have replied ?' said Dedk. 'As we are both 
 of us of a passionate temperament, who knows how 
 far the controversy might have led us ? What 
 good would it have done our country if we had 
 quarrelled ? Is it not better that we have remained 
 friends ? ' 
 
 The remonstrances of the great magnate were 
 not unavailing in checking the dangerous vehemence 
 of the Pesti Hirldp ; but popular opinion was en- 
 tirely on the side of the editor of the offending 
 paper, who was able to convey in the sober guise of 
 a leading article, and under cover of a matter-of-fact 
 disquisition on some question of trade or finance, 
 thrilling appeals to the passionate ' nationalism ' of 
 the people, and eloquent incitements to changes so 
 profound as to amount well-nigh to revolution in the 
 eyes of moderate Liberals. The Pesti Hirldp had
 
 CHAP, vii.] KOSSUTH AND SZECHENYI. 51 
 
 a marvellous success for that pre-journalistic epoch ; 
 Louis Kossuth was the hero of the day, and the 
 interchange of pamphlets and articles between him 
 and Count Szechenyi, was followed with eager 
 interest by many who had formerly stood quite 
 outside the range of practical politics. Pesth was 
 like one vast club ; the great topic that absorbed 
 all interest and occupied all conversation being 
 indicated by the flaming red-and-yellow placards 
 that at the corner of every street announced to an 
 expectant public : ' Reply of Louis Kossuth to Count 
 Stephen Szechenyi.' In every corner of the king- 
 dom at this time the first question on a subject 
 was, ' What does Kossuth say ? ' 
 
 The chief matter of dispute in the fierce election- 
 eering contests that preceded the Diet of 1843, was 
 that of general taxation. 
 
 The party of progress in the County Assemblies, 
 which had in many instances opened their doors to 
 members of the non-noble class, including at that 
 time some of the most intelligent and cultivated 
 members of the community, were fully determined 
 that this important reform should have a place 
 in the instructions to be delivered to the new 
 deputies. 
 
 The question, however, was one which naturally 
 united against it that large body of electors of 
 all ranks who objected to voting away their 
 ancient privilege of exemption from taxation, on 
 
 E 2
 
 52 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vn. 
 
 the sole ground of justice to the non-noble tax- 
 payers. 
 
 The election contest in the county of Zala was 
 the occasion of one of the most difficult and painful 
 incidents of Deak's public life. 
 
 He was firmly resolved that as a Liberal, indeed 
 as the leader of the Liberal party, he would not 
 accept the mandate of deputy for his county unless 
 the principle of general taxation were included in 
 the instructions. 
 
 But he was also firmly resolved that he, personally 
 at least, would do nothing to countenance the great 
 evil of ' Korteskedes,' the electioneering violence 
 and corruption which he felt to be indeed, as one of 
 his countrymen has described it, ' a cancer at the 
 very root of public life in Hungary.' His friends 
 assured him that nothing should be done during 
 the election that could discredit his fair fame ; but 
 when the contest came on, the force of evil custom, 
 the practical interest of the question at stake, the 
 excitement amongst the hot-tempered Hungarian 
 electors, proved too strong for the best intentions 
 of Deak's Liberal adherents. Bribery and intimida- 
 tion were freely resorted to by both parties, and in 
 the end the victory of the Liberals was only gained 
 after lives had been lost in a free fight between the 
 two contending factions. To the deep disgust of 
 his excited supporters, and to the regret of many 
 sincere Liberals throughout the country, Deak
 
 CHAP, vii.] REFUSAL OF THE MANDATE. 53 
 
 refused to accept the mandate, even though it 
 contained the all-important instructions with regard 
 to reform. ' He should always see blood-stains 
 upon the mandate,' he wrote in a private letter, 
 'and he should never venture in the Diet to give 
 free expression to his feelings with respect to im- 
 posing some restraint upon electioneering abuses, 
 because he should read in every face the reproach 
 that he himself owed his return to the various arts 
 of " Korteskedes.'" 
 
 It must have been no small trial to Deak to 
 withdraw from public life at a time when his party 
 was in full career, and the tendency of events 
 seemed to be moving in the direction he desired ; 
 moreover, the scene in the County Assembly when, 
 with tears in his eyes, he was forced to confront 
 the entreaties, the remonstrances, and the bitter 
 reproaches of his friends, some of whom did not 
 scruple to charge him with cowardice in refusing 
 the honourable responsibility they had laid upon 
 him, must have been deeply painful to a man of 
 Deak's warm-hearted, sensitive nature, who cared 
 for many things besides even the advancement of 
 his political views. But he believed that on the 
 whole he was best serving his country by follow- 
 ing the dictates of his own conscience rather than 
 the wishes and entreaties even of his friends and 
 supporters. He honestly believed that so far as
 
 54 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. VH. 
 
 he personally was concerned, he should be doing 
 greater wrong in accepting the election which had 
 been won by such disgraceful means than in 
 depriving his country of the services he might be 
 able to render by his presence in the Diet. He 
 believed that he should do more harm to the cause 
 of parliamentary government by seeming to sanction 
 the evils of ' Korteskedes,' than he should do good 
 by appearing in the House with a mandate acquired 
 under such conditions as had signalised the recent 
 election in the county of Zala. 
 
 To his intimate friends Deak wrote, entreating 
 them not to condemn him for a course which he 
 had taken only after a long struggle and grave 
 reflection. ' You/ he added, ' love me just as I am, 
 with all my peculiarities and foibles, and you know 
 too that this resolve which I have taken is only of 
 a piece with the rest of my character. No one who 
 knew me as you do could have doubted but that, 
 under the circumstances, I should have acted as I 
 did, and in no other way.' Nevertheless, Deak's 
 conduct on this occasion was blamed by some of 
 the most distinguished of his countrymen, and his 
 absence from the Diet of 1843 was cordially re- 
 gretted by Liberals of all shades of opinion. His 
 political adversaries too, both in the press and in 
 the Diet, joined in the general chorus of lamentation, 
 and in paying a generous tribute to the worth of
 
 CHAP, vii.] REGRET IN THE DIET. 55 
 
 the absent leader ; Zsed^nyi, one of his chief 
 opponents, declaring that ' the purest character in 
 Hungary was missing from the Chamber.' The 
 seat of the ' great deputy ' was left unfilled, and 
 during the session of 1843 the county of Zala sent 
 only one representative to the Diet.
 
 56 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vin. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Legislation of 1843 Embittered debates Compulsory introduction of 
 the Magyar language into the Diet and public instruction 
 Opinion of Count Sze'che'nyi on the subject Small result gained 
 in the Diet of 1843 Estrangement between the Opposition and the 
 Government Metternich's attempt to check the too great in- 
 dependence in Hungary Appointment of Administrators Indig- 
 nation at this proceeding fully shared by Deak Speech on the 
 illegal conduct of the Government Deak a supporter of the 
 small party in the Diet in favour of parliamentary government 
 Unpopularity of the ' doctrinaires.' 
 
 DURING the session of 184346 the Legislature was 
 chiefly occupied with embittered debates on the 
 subject of mixed marriages, on the introduction of 
 Hungarian as the official language throughout 
 the kingdom, on the extension of further rights 
 to the non-nobles, and on the vital question of 
 general taxation. 
 
 On this last matter the Opposition were defeated 
 in both Houses, and a similar failure attended the 
 measure for the improvement of the commercial 
 relations between Austria and Hungary. The prin- 
 cipal triumph of the Liberal party was in the enact- 
 ment of a law granting permission to the peasantry
 
 CHAP, viii.] PARTIAL SUCCESS OF THE OPPOSITION. 57 
 
 to sell the usufruct of their land, and to purchase 
 
 complete liberty, on payment of a sum equivalent 
 
 to the value of their holding ; and in the compulsory 
 
 introduction of the Magyar language in the debates 
 
 of the Diet, in some branches of the administration, 
 
 and in public instruction. The unfortunate results 
 
 of this last victory gained by the ultra-Magyar party 
 
 in the Lower House, which were clearly foreseen 
 
 even at the time by such Hungarians as Szech^nyi, 
 
 Eotvos, Apponyi, and Mailath, were a few years later 
 
 only too visible to those who had most eagerly hailed 
 
 the triumph of their misguided patriotism. But it is 
 
 to be feared that the plain-spoken words of Count 
 
 Szech6nyi would make as little impression on the 
 
 ultra-Magyar zeal of his countrymen now, as they 
 
 did five-and-thirty years ago. * To impose our 
 
 language by force,' exclaimed the Count, ' is to 
 
 provoke revolt ; it is only our intellectual superiority 
 
 that can attach these races to the Hungarian 
 
 nationality. . . . How does a nation come to 
 
 possess the force and virtue necessary for its 
 
 political action ? If the majority of the individuals 
 
 composing it are to fulfil humanely and honourably 
 
 their appointed task, they must acquire above all 
 
 the art of pleasing, the faculty of attracting and 
 
 absorbing the neighbouring elements. Is it likely 
 
 that a people will possess this faculty who will not 
 
 respect in others that which it insists on having 
 
 respected in itself ? It is a great art to know how
 
 58 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vm. 
 
 to win men's hearts. Can they be said to possess it 
 in the remotest degree who, when they have to 
 deal with a generous adversary passionately de- 
 voted, like themselves, to the traditions of his race- 
 instead of according him chivalrous treatment, are 
 always ready to fling mud at him ? ' ' 
 
 On the whole, the results gained in the Diet of 
 1843 were far from commensurate with the hopes 
 which had been raised in the country during the 
 exciting period of the elections ; and the absence of 
 Deak's wise and moderating influence was but too 
 apparent in the confused and embittered character 
 of the party conflicts in the Lower House. 
 
 In spite of the advance made in certain directions, 
 it was clear that the prospect of harmonious action 
 between the Government and the Legislature, which 
 the reconciliation of 1840 had seemed to hold out, 
 was not yet to be realised. 
 
 The Hungarian ministers might have wished in 
 all sincerity to return to the path of legality and 
 justice, and even have shown some disposition to 
 follow the bent of national feeling in the matter 
 of social, if not of political, reform. But nothing 
 was further from the intention of the Imperial 
 Government at Vienna than that Hungary should 
 quietly transform itself into a constitutional country 
 of the modern stamp, with a popular element, 
 
 1 Quoted by St. Rend Taillandier, La Bohcme et la Hongrie, 
 p. 422.
 
 CHAP. VIIL] APPOINTMENT OF ADMINISTRATORS. 59 
 
 influencing, and even controlling, the action of 
 ministers. 
 
 The tactics of ' opportunism ' are not peculiar to 
 republican statesmen. The later Stuart sovereigns 
 in England had suffered the English Parliament to 
 pass laws most distasteful to royal ideas, whilst 
 they were content for the time to 'regulate' the local 
 organisation of the country, and keep a close watch 
 over the elections of the borough members, and the 
 nomination of lords lieutenant. 
 
 In the same way the Austrian Government, 
 having tolerated a certain amount of freedom in the 
 discussions of the Hungarian Diet, felt that the 
 time had now come when it was expedient for a 
 judicious Government to deal with the evil at its 
 roots. In the appointment of paid officials by the 
 Crown, in place of the lord lieutenant of the 
 county and his lawfully elected coadjutors, a blow 
 was struck at the whole system of constitutional 
 liberty and self-government in Hungary, which 
 provoked a storm of indigation throughout the 
 country, an indignation that was as fully shared 
 by the moderate and enlightened Deak in his 
 retirement at Kehida, as by the most fanatical 
 devotee of the ancient constitutional system of 
 the kingdom. For by this act a flagrant breach 
 of the law was committed, and eagerly as Deak 
 longed for progress and reform, it would have been 
 contrary to the whole principles of his life, if he
 
 60 . FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vin. 
 
 had been content to occupy himself with questions 
 of social reform and progress, whilst the political 
 constitution of the country was thus openly defied. 
 No man was less wedded to old customs and old 
 rights simply from a blind desire to 'keep things 
 as they are ' ; but he could not but feel that there 
 were times when the only chance for the eventual 
 progress of Hungary, lay in a dogged refusal to stir 
 an inch forward, until an unconstitutional Govern- 
 ment had been forced to go back upon its steps, and 
 acknowledge the binding and irrevocable character 
 of the existing laws of the nation. 
 
 ' A constitutional duty incumbent upon every 
 citizen,' said Deak in March 1846, 'is to protest 
 against the Government which violates the laws. 
 Let it not be thought that we are seeking an occasion 
 to do this ; it is rather a cruel necessity for men 
 who would be loyal to their country and to the 
 Constitution ; this necessity, painful as it always 
 must be, is doubly so in the present state of things, 
 when we see ourselves being outstripped by other 
 nations, and feel the need of attaining an equality 
 with them. With us, progress has been made only 
 by one class of the community ; the great mass of 
 the population has not followed in their wake. Our 
 duty is to urge on those who are behind ; and it 
 is when we are striving to widen our institutions, 
 to establish more equitable relations between all 
 citizens, then it is, that circumstances compel us
 
 CHAP, viii.] INDIGNATION AGAINST GOVERNMENT. 61 
 
 to turn away our attention to the defence of our 
 ancient liberties. Our efforts being thus dissipated, 
 we weaken our forces, we are divided amongst 
 ourselves, we abandon our sacred object, the 
 development of the people. I do not wish to 
 speak with passion though my heart is filled with 
 grief; I will obey the dictates of reason, I will 
 persist in believing that the Government will never 
 dare to lay a finger upon our constitutional existence. 
 I will even grant that it is seeking to develop it. 
 But " order" is only a means of governing, not the 
 end of the State's existence. For a Government to 
 succeed in enforcing order, it must be strong, that 
 is, it must have moral strength as well as material. 
 But a Government which would possess moral 
 strength submits to the law and respects the 
 limitations which it imposes, even though these 
 limitations be sometimes onerous. Is this the 
 conduct observed by the present Government ? ' l 
 
 Deak, though he had withdrawn at this time from 
 public life, was still making his influence strongly felt 
 in the guidance and tendency of events. During 
 the last Diet a small party had formed itself in the 
 midst of the Opposition ranks, including such men 
 as Anton Csengery, Baron Joseph Eotvos, and 
 Lladislas Szalay (then editor of the Pesti Hirldp\ 
 which received from Deak all the sympathy and 
 support that he could give in his private capacity. 
 
 1 De G^rando, p. 262.
 
 62 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vm. 
 
 Whilst Szech^nyi and the extreme Right, as the 
 conservative members of the old Opposition might 
 be called, aimed at reforming and renovating the 
 country through means of a patriotic Hungarian 
 element in the existing Government, whilst Kossuth 
 and the bulk of the Liberals in the Diet desired to 
 do everything through the counties, independently 
 of the central administration, Deak and those who 
 thought with him looked forward to the introduction 
 of true parliamentary government, with a responsible 
 Ministry ; thus combining the popular represen- 
 tative character of the county organisation, with 
 the force and unity to be found only in a strong 
 central authority, a far-sighted policy, involving 
 its advocates at that day in no little unpopularity. 
 4 Granting,' it was said, ' that the substitution of a 
 responsible central Ministry for the present Hun- 
 garian Court in Buda, and Hungarian Chancery in 
 Vienna, might on certain grounds be desirable, yet 
 the scheme of the " Centralist " reformers contains 
 this fatal flaw, that it proposes to set up a nom- 
 inally independent and responsible Ministry, without 
 requiring guarantees that the abolition in its favour 
 of the old system of local autonomy would not 
 lead to a still more flagrant disregard of the laws 
 and liberties of the country.' The bare idea of 
 voluntarily confiding fresh power to the hands of 
 a Ministry in any way connected with the ' Cama- 
 rilla ' was received with distrust and aversion ;
 
 CHAP, viii.] UNPOPULARITY OF ' DOCTRINAIRES.' 63 
 
 former Ministers had been too often servile tools of 
 the Court, and it was Count Szechenyi's project of 
 improving matters by himself joining the Ministry 
 (a project of which he had vainly sought Deak's 
 approval) that had alienated from the ' great 
 Hungarian ' many of his admirers. On the other 
 hand, it was one of the chief tenets of the Liberal 
 party, both in and out of the Diet, that patriotism 
 and independence were to be found only in the 
 County Assemblies, where in bygone days the 
 cause of national freedom had so often been 
 preserved against the numbing influence of a 
 despotic Government. 
 
 Therefore the opinions of the so-called ' doc- 
 trinaires ' who presumed to conceive of the possi- 
 bility of a higher political idea for Hungary, were 
 regarded with suspicion, or at least considered in- 
 opportune, a view which was confirmed by the 
 conduct of the Government in their appointment 
 of the detested ' administrators ' for the counties. 
 Under such circumstances, all thought of modifying 
 the local institutions, or of yielding one inch to the 
 Ministerialists, was more than ever unpopular. ' The 
 nation wants agitators bloodhounds to be always 
 hanging at the throat of the Government not 
 reformers,' exclaimed Count Batthyany. 
 
 Deak however was not the man to be turned 
 away from his object by unpopularity at home, 
 any more than by the pressure of unjust authority
 
 64 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. vm. 
 
 abroad. He believed parliamentary government 
 to be the true form in which to continue the 
 traditions of a free and constitutional Hungary, and 
 to this idea as to other ideas once unpopular in 
 their day he held fast ; content to bide his time, 
 and wait till the willing support of his countrymen 
 should enable theory to be converted into practice. 
 
 Little by little the views of the new Centralist 
 party gained wider acceptance. Already in 1 846 the 
 Pesth County Assembly, always foremost in the 
 cause of progress, resolved, at the instance of Baron 
 Eotvos, to support the principle of ministerial 
 responsibility through their deputies at the ensuing 
 Diet ; and this example was followed in many other 
 counties.
 
 CHAP, ix.] REFORM MOVEMENT IN THE COUNTIES. 65 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Gradual approximation of parties and classes throughout'the country 
 Spontaneous character of the Reform movement in Hungary 
 f Change effected silently since 1825 Compact and well-organised 
 Liberal Opposition in the Diet of 1847 Kossuth the prominent 
 figure ; but guarantee of moderation given in the acceptance by the 
 party of Beak's Manifesto of 1847 Principles laid down in the 
 manifesto the same as those asserted in the addresses of '61. 
 
 AT this time a strong tendency towards union, not 
 only between the different fractions of the Liberal 
 party, but still more between the various classes and 
 interests, in the country, became gradually more 
 apparent ; an evidence of this was to be found in 
 the prominence given in the discussions of the 
 County Assemblies to such questions as the political 
 enfranchisement of the towns, the complete emanci- 
 pation of the peasantry, and general taxation. 
 
 Nothing shows more honourably the genuine and 
 spontaneous character of the reform movement in 
 Hungary than the manner in which the nobles 
 themselves came forward to carry out at their own 
 cost the measures they thought desirable for their 
 country. In the county of Zala alone, not only the 
 great proprietors, but two hundred of the lesser 
 
 F
 
 66 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 nobles, agreed to submit themselves to taxation ; 
 whilst the Counts Casimir and Gustavus Batthyany, 
 and Count Karoli, following the example set by 
 Stephen Bezeredy a year or two earlier, sold part 
 of their estates in perpetuity to the peasants of the 
 adjoining communes. 1 
 
 Seldom has a country more nobly worked out 
 its own regeneration. No startling change, no 
 ' Jacquerie,' no dramatic stroke of benevolent legisla- 
 tion had occurred to draw the attention of Europe to 
 this remote ' province of the Austrian Empire.' To 
 all outward appearance the Hungary of 1847 was 
 much the same as the Hungary of 1825 ; but the 
 transformation that had passed over the country was 
 none the less real. Those who have followed 
 closely the gradual development that had been 
 going on during those twenty years will understand 
 how it was that when the time of trial came, neither 
 the internal troubles of 1848 nor the disastrous war 
 of 1 849 could destroy that national independence 
 and unity which was the result, not of the sudden 
 wave of Liberal feeling that affected all the nations 
 of Europe in those eventful years, but rather of the 
 persistent, unwearied labours of a people with whom 
 love of freedom was no mere rallying cry to be used 
 against the sovereign in his hour of difficulty, but 
 a motive power strong enough to provoke constant 
 unostentatious self-sacrifice, from men of all ranks 
 
 1 Horvdth, vol. ii. p. 339.
 
 CHAP, ix.] DIET OF 1847. 67 
 
 and parties. Count SzechenyiV famous bridge had 
 done more than span the Danube ; it had bridged 
 over the gulf that for centuries had divided the 
 Hungarian nation into two distinct halves. In 
 the statute which compelled the proudest magnate 
 in Hungary, the blue-blooded Szekler from Tran- 
 sylvania, to forego his ancient privilege, and pay 
 toll as he passed over the new bridge, like the 
 common burgher of Pesth, or the white-shirted 
 shepherd from the Puzsta, the principle of equality 
 before the law was openly recognised ; and the broad 
 line between noble and non-noble, the privileged 
 and the tax-paying people of Hungary, was for ever 
 obliterated. 
 
 When the time came for the meeting of the last 
 and eventful Diet, to be held at Presburg in 1847, 
 the Government and their Conservative supporters 
 found themselves confronted by a compact and well- 
 organised Liberal Opposition. The most conspicuous 
 figure in the ensuing debates was undoubtedly Louis 
 Kossuth ; a somewhat alarming fact in the eyes of 
 less advanced Liberals. But as the Republican 
 
 1 The fact of belonging to the ' privileged class ' had formerly entitled 
 the Hungarian noble to exemption from the toll levied for passing over 
 the old pontoon bridge, replaced in 1848 by the present magnificent 
 structure, built at the instance of Count Sze'che'nyi, at a cost of ^500,000. 
 ' The said privilege ' (exemption from toll) ' is so intimately connected 
 with that of passing free over all roads, bridges, and highways of the 
 kingdom, and rinding " I am a nobleman " accepted at all turnpikes 
 instead of Kreuzers, that the privileged orders dread of all things an 
 attack upon this right, as the first breach in their grand aristocratic 
 circumvallation.' Kohl's Austria, 1843. 
 
 F 2
 
 68 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 party in France in 1877 were provided at a critical 
 juncture with a guarantee of moderation and a 
 common basis of action in the posthumous manifesto 
 of M. Thiers, so every section of the Hungarian 
 Opposition could accept with confidence the Liberal 
 Programme of 1847, drawn up by Francis Deak, 
 the leader on whose wisdom and moderation all 
 parties had firm reliance. 
 
 It is interesting to notice how the same funda- 
 mental principles on which the cause of Hungary 
 has been fought successfully in recent years, are 
 already clearly laid down in the Liberal Programme 
 of 1847. The claims then put forward were the 
 natural corollary of the movement of the past twenty 
 years. Neither in the Diet nor in the country was 
 there a thought of revolt, of breaking with old 
 tradition, of severing the constitutional connection 
 between Hungary and the Austrian Empire. The 
 aim of the Opposition, it was declared, was three- 
 fold I. To check and counteract the illegal pro- 
 ceedings of a Government which, far from being 
 responsible to the country, was, on the contrary, 
 subject wholly to the influence of a foreign and 
 unconstitutional element. II. To secure guarantees 
 against future violations of the law, in the shape of 
 ministerial responsibility, the concession of the right 
 of public meeting, and the consolidation of the in- 
 terests of all classes of the community upon the 
 basis of nationality and constitutionalism, with care-
 
 CHAP, ix.] LIBERAL PROGRAMME OF 1847. 69 
 
 ful regard for the special interests of the non-Magyar 
 populations. III. The attainment of the reforms 
 desired by the whole country ; amongst these were 
 again put forward this time it was hoped with 
 every chance of success the demand for equal 
 taxation of all classes, subject to the supervision of 
 a responsible Ministry ; representation of the people 
 in the legislative and municipal assemblies, further 
 improvements in the land system, and absolute 
 equality before the law. 
 
 Whilst duly mindful of the provisions of the 
 Pragmatic Sanction, the Opposition declared their 
 intention to abide firmly by the Fundamental 
 Law of 1790, in which the independence of the 
 Hungarian Government is clearly acknowledged. 
 Though carefully avoiding anything that should 
 bring the interests of Hungary into collision with 
 those of the monarchy as a whole, the Opposition, 
 it was stated, could not hold it consistent with right, 
 justice, or expediency, that the interests of Hungary, 
 in respect especially to questions of trade and com- 
 merce, should be illegally subjected to those of the 
 other provinces. Ever ready to assist in arriving 
 at a compromise between conflicting interests, they 
 could not consent to sacrifice the National Consti- 
 tution to the idea so favoured at Vienna of ' admin- 
 istrative unity ' ; this unity had been achieved in 
 the Hereditary States on the principles of absolu- 
 tism, and the Opposition, so far from being disposed
 
 70 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. ix. 
 
 to renounce the national independence of Hungary 
 in favour of such a system of government, were 
 convinced that if the Hereditary States were also 
 to regain their ancient constitutional rights and 
 liberties, the conflicting interests of Hungary and 
 the other provinces could be more easily reconciled. 
 1 A greater unity of interests and a greater degree 
 of confidence being thus established,' so concluded 
 the manifesto, ' every part of the Empire would be 
 invigorated and knit together by a common tie ; 
 and the united monarchy, a guarantee being thus 
 afforded for its material and intellectual develop- 
 ment, would be enabled to brave with impunity the 
 storms and convulsions by which it might be here- 
 after assailed.' 
 
 It is not difficult to trace in this programme the 
 hand of the author of the Addresses of 1861, and 
 the chief promoter of the Compromise of 1867. 
 
 During the vehement contests between the now 
 sharply defined Liberal and Conservative parties 
 that occupied the Diet during the autumn of 1847, 
 Deak was living in retirement on his estate at 
 Kehida. The previous year had been spent at the 
 baths in his own county, and in travelling abroad 
 for the benefit of his health, which had lately given 
 grave cause for anxiety ; he had returned the better 
 for his journey, but still unable to accept the candi- 
 dature for his county in the election of 1847. The 
 excitement of public life had in itself no attraction
 
 CHAP, ix.] APPEAL TO DEAK. 71 
 
 for him, and his natural love for the quiet of his 
 country home was increased by the tendency to 
 heart complaint, of which symptoms had already 
 shown themselves. That he did not the less follow 
 with incessant interest and attention the course of 
 public events, was sufficiently attested by the fact 
 that to him, in great measure, was owing the union 
 of all parties of the Opposition in the conference 
 held in June 1847, and the incorporation in the 
 Liberal programme of those Centralist principles, 
 which three years earlier had seemed likely to 
 cause a fresh split in the Opposition ranks. 
 
 Deak was at Kehida in the early spring of 
 1848, when he received news of the formation 
 of the first responsible parliamentary Government 
 of Hungary. The aid and wise counsel of the 
 ex-leader were sorely needed, and by letter and 
 deputation from the newly appointed Minister 
 President, and from both Houses of the Legislature, 
 Deak was summoned to the help of his country. 
 ' Owing to my bad health,' he answered, ' I am 
 hardly equal to the work, but no one shall be 
 able to accuse me of not having done for my 
 country at least the best I could. I will come.'
 
 7 2 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x. 
 
 PART II. REVOLUTION. 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Success of the Liberal Opposition at the commencement of the Diet of 
 1847 Loyal and constitutional character of the proceedings 
 Formation of Batthyany Ministry Deak Minister of Justice 
 Laws of March 1848 Difficulties of the Minister of Justice 
 Speech on the rights of property Landlord and tenant 
 State recognition of religious denominations. 
 
 THE first act in the drama of the Hungarian 
 revolution had opened propitiously. In the midst 
 of popular uprisings and conflicts throughout Europe, 
 which cost kings their thrones and were accom- 
 panied by anarchy and bloodshed, Hungary pre- 
 sented the spectacle of a country where, thanks 
 to the patient preparation of years, thanks to the 
 wise direction given to reforming energy by the 
 national leaders, thanks above all to that innate 
 respect for law and order which distinguishes the 
 ' Englishmen of Eastern Europe/ the principles 
 of 1 789 bid fair to triumph by a bloodless revolu- 
 tion over the ancient tyranny of feudalism and 
 absolutism. 
 
 It was not the fault of Hungary that the grand 
 experiment failed, and that the sanguine hopes of
 
 CHAP, x.] ABOLITION OF THE JUS AVICITATIS. 73 
 
 1848 were succeeded by the reaction of despair 
 in 1849. 
 
 The proceedings of the Diet that met in the 
 autumn of 1847, though animated, had been con- 
 ducted in a perfectly legal and orderly manner. 
 The newly elected Palatine, the young Archduke 
 Stephen, to the rapturous delight of his audience, 
 opened the Diet with a speech in the Magyar 
 tongue. Kossuth's speech on proposing an address 
 to the throne, after news had been received of the 
 revolution in Paris in February, was couched in 
 the most loyal terms, and the political and social 
 reforms which it demanded were in every respect 
 the same as those advocated in the Liberal pro- 
 gramme of the preceding June. Meanwhile the 
 Opposition had not failed to take advantage of their 
 numerical strength in the Lower House, and of the 
 distinct advance which Liberalism had made even 
 amongst the magnates. It was a significant proof 
 of this, that the final abolition of that most glaring of 
 abuses, the Jus Avicitatis, which not so long since 
 had been upheld as the keystone of the Constitution, 
 was proposed by Paul Somssich, the leader of the 
 Government party in the Lower House. The real 
 point at issue, however, underlying the debates be- 
 tween the two parties in the Diet, was felt to be 
 the great question of ministerial responsibility, as 
 opposed to arbitary government ; and it was this 
 which gave such special importance to the long
 
 74 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x. 
 
 discussions and constant negotiations between the 
 two Houses on the subject of the ' Administrators.' 
 The Address, carried by acclamation in the Lower 
 House, was refused by the magnates, and the 
 work of reform seemed destined to remain but half 
 accomplished. 
 
 The sittings of the Upper House were suspended, 
 under pretext of awaiting the return of the Palatine 
 from Vienna, and two of the chief officials of the 
 Government left Presburg to avoid the pressure of 
 public opinion in the capital. 
 
 But all such expedients were unavailing. When 
 the Diet reassembled in March 1848, it was plain 
 that events abroad had so combined to further the 
 aims of the strong constitutional Opposition at home, 
 that continued resistance might endanger the author- 
 ity not only of the Ministry but of the Crown. 
 
 On the 1 4th of March the Address was carried 
 unanimously ; the Court, after hesitating for several 
 days, at length deemed it prudent to yield to the 
 wish of the nation whilst still expressed in peaceful 
 and constitutional form, and Count Batthydny was 
 entrusted with the formation of an independent and 
 responsible Ministry. 
 
 A glance at the names of the new ministers is 
 sufficient to show that the much-dreaded republican 
 element had not yet come to the front in Hungary. 
 The most devoted absolutist could hardly maintain 
 that Prince Esterhazy and Count Szechenyi would
 
 CHAP, x.] LAWS OF MARCH. 75 
 
 be likely to have much in common with the 
 defenders of the barricades in Paris, or the leaders 
 of the revolutionary mob in Berlin or Vienna ; and 
 however hateful to the Court was the recent 
 administrative revolution, it was obvious that, in its 
 present development at least, it could not be put 
 down with bayonets. 
 
 Whilst Kossuth was appointed to the Ministry of 
 Finance, Deak took part in the new Government 
 as Minister of Justice, an office in which he found 
 ample scope for the employment of his peculiar 
 powers, in the attempt to prevent the vigorous 
 reform of abuses from degenerating into contempt 
 for law and order. The celebrated Laws of March 
 had added the finishing touch to the work of years, 
 and swept away at one stroke many venerable 
 abuses which the labours of the Opposition had 
 hitherto been powerless wholly to uproot. An 
 annual Diet was henceforth to be held at Pesth, 
 elected not by the privileged nobles in the County 
 Assemblies, but by every Hungarian in the kingdom 
 owning property to the value of ^30 ; general 
 taxation was enforced for all classes ; feudal dues 
 and tithes were abolished on payment of compen- 
 sation by the State ; judges were to .be appointed 
 for life. 
 
 Besides these new fundamental laws, other pro- 
 visions were enacted concerning liberty of the press
 
 76 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x. 
 
 with specified safeguards, the establishment of a 
 National Guard, and other domestic matters. 
 
 But Dealt was well aware that the best of laws 
 will not in themselves insure good government, 
 and that the cause of fairness and justice needs to 
 be as jealously guarded under a parliamentary as 
 under a despotic rule, and he strove as earnestly 
 to protect individual and local freedom against 
 the tyranny of a parliamentary majority as he 
 had formerly done to defend the political liberties 
 of the nation against the open or insidious attacks 
 of absolutism. 
 
 With the same sense of proportion which always 
 distinguished his political action, Deak, who had at 
 one time dwelt strongly on the necessity for a 
 powerful executive, now showed himself anxious 
 that even the reformed Government of which he 
 was himself a member should not assume wider 
 powers than were consistent with the rights of the 
 Legislature and the country. * Do not let us extend 
 the power of the Government at the expense of the 
 House,' pleaded the minister, when it was proposed 
 to transfer from Parliament to the Government the 
 duty of inquiring into election abuses. On the 
 same ground he objected to placing extraordinary 
 judicial powers in the hands of the Government, 
 even at a time when the southern districts of 
 Hungary were being overrun by Croat hordes.
 
 CHAP, x.] DEAK, MINISTER OF JUSTICE. 77 
 
 ' Troops and artillery are wanted there,' he said, 
 ' but not gallows.' 
 
 The office of Minister of Justice under the first 
 reformed Government of Hungary was no sine- 
 cure. Deak's quarters at his hotel, ' the Archduke 
 Stephen,' were continually besieged by a crowd of 
 peasants of all nationalities, who came to implore 
 the aid of the Minister of Justice in securing to them 
 the property which they believed had passed, in 
 virtue of the recent legislation, from the hands of 
 the late proprietors to their own. It required all 
 the fatherly authority, the patient kindness, the 
 convincing arguments of the honoured minister 
 to satisfy the demands of the excited people, and 
 dismiss the claimants not only with increased con- 
 fidence in ' Deak Ferencz,' 1 but with heightened 
 patriotism and clearer views of justice. But it was 
 not only with the ignorance of the peasantry that 
 the new Government had to contend. ' If stupidity 
 is naturally Tory,' says a modern historian, ' Folly 
 on the other hand is naturally Liberal.' 2 In his 
 capacity of minister during the excited period that 
 followed the establishment of the new Hungarian 
 Government, Deak experienced to the full the truth 
 of both these assertions. Not only had the Ministry 
 to stand their ground against the general dis- 
 
 1 According to Hungarian usage the Christian name is placed 
 after the surname. 
 
 2 Lecky, History of England in the Eighteenth Century, vol. i. 
 p. 474.
 
 78 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x. 
 
 couragement which lent strength to the complaints 
 of the injured interests of Conservatism ; but they 
 were compelled also to withstand the pressure of 
 those ardent supporters who considered that the 
 exigencies of ' high politics,' and the claims of those 
 who had been too long debarred of their just rights, 
 ought to override all minute questions of justice. 
 M. Csengery relates that on one of the deputies 
 exclaiming, ' Do not let us weigh out in this cold- 
 blooded manner exactly what is in accordance 
 with strict justice, but consider rather what will 
 best suit the interests of the Fatherland,' Deak 
 referred in reply to the example of a certain Vice- 
 Comes who, when he felt disinclined to enter ' in 
 a cold-blooded manner ' into the administration of 
 justice, used to say, ' Don't let us trouble our heads 
 too much over this case ; it will be all one to the 
 State whether the plaintiff wins or the defendant.' 
 The zealous advocates of the cause of the peasants 
 failed to see that the strong current which, as it 
 hurries round the bend of a river, adds constantly 
 a fresh deposit to the soil on the one side of its 
 banks, is at the same time weakening and under- 
 mining the land on the opposite side. There were 
 some ardent Liberals who, not content with eman- 
 cipating the peasants from the burdens and unjust 
 obligations under which they had so long suffered, 
 would have established the theory that a peasant 
 or village community, as such, should be freed at
 
 CHAP, x.] LANDLORD AND TENANT. 79 
 
 the cost of the State from all obligations whatsoever 
 connected with the possession of the land. By some 
 communes it was lamented, that in the midst of 
 universal freedom they still remained in slavery, 
 because the proprietors of the adjoining estate, 
 whose fields they held on lease, declined to dispense 
 them from paying their rent ; others demanded that 
 the State indemnity should extend to allodial lands 
 which the proprietors had leased to their former 
 serfs by private contract. 
 
 No one believed more firmly than Deak in the 
 duty of a complete and immediate emancipation of 
 the peasantry, and their admittance to a full share 
 in the benefits of the Constitution. ' In this matter 
 the condition of Europe has decided the question. 
 In France the throne has been shaken ; Germany 
 is in a state of ferment ; all this finds an echo 
 in Austria, and even in our own country. The 
 Legislative Assembly has rightly judged that any 
 delay here may prove dangerous. In times of such 
 excitement there is no choice left with either 
 Government or Legislature but to crush the move- 
 ment or to lead it. The Chambers have very 
 wisely placed themselves at the head of the move- 
 ment ; very wisely, I say, for in providing a sacrifice, 
 not at the cost of private individuals, but of the 
 national revenue, they have so acted as to prevent 
 the agitation in the country from degenerating into 
 civil war.' At the same time, Deak felt bound to
 
 8o FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x. 
 
 assert as vigorously the rights of the landlords. At 
 a time when liberty was understood by many to 
 mean liberty to benefit one class at the expense of 
 another, he had the courage to maintain that the 
 arbitrary transference of property by the will of the 
 majority from one class of the community to another, 
 was not justice, but confiscation. ' Either let pro- 
 perty be inviolable, or let it cease to exist ; the first 
 theory corresponds with existing practice ; the 
 latter, which is communism, may be supported by 
 philosophic arguments, but in practice encounters 
 difficulties that have hitherto proved insurmountable. 
 Property, if its rights are violated, will sooner or 
 later have its revenge, even though for the time 
 such a violation may appear to bring its advantages. 
 We are not acting in the interests of the poor by 
 ceasing to respect the rights of property. The 
 peasantry can become free and prosperous only 
 through their own industry and energy, and not 
 by receiving gifts.' 
 
 With all his wish to see in Hungary a free and 
 prosperous peasantry, Deak could not be brought 
 to regard the obligation to pay rent as the mark 
 of slavery and class oppression. 
 
 After pointing out in one of his speeches the 
 advantages of the landlord and tenant system in 
 other countries, and referring to the respectable 
 class of citizens which had been formed from 
 amongst the tenant-farmers in the counties of
 
 CHAP, x.] DUTY OF A LEGISLATOR. 81 
 
 Weissenburg and Tolnau, he proceeded : ' Such a 
 development would be an impossibility if the pro- 
 prietor were in constant alarm lest the Legislature 
 should deprive him of the land he has let on 
 lease. For the improvement of trade we are in 
 need of much foreign money. Who will give credit 
 on uncertain tenure ? . . . Philanthropy is a senti- 
 ment which the Legislature should not leave out 
 of consideration, but it should apply it cautiously, 
 otherwise it may turn out to be a two-edged 
 weapon, with which we injure one half of the 
 community while we are striving to benefit the 
 other. Generosity is a fine thing, but justice is 
 more it is a duty. The legislator who only takes 
 into consideration one class, one set of interests, is 
 fulfilling only half his duty ; he is bound to keep 
 in view the interests of the country as a whole ; 
 it is no less his duty to guard the inviolability of 
 property than to forward the interests of any one 
 particular class.' 
 
 Dedk was strongly averse to taking advantage 
 of the perturbed and disorganised condition of the 
 political world, to impose upon the country measures 
 which were certain to arouse a deep feeling of in- 
 dignant resentment amongst those who would 
 perhaps be unable to give full expression to their 
 dislike in Parliament. Thus he opposed strenuously 
 the proposal of the Radical wing of the Liberal party 
 to appropriate to the use of the State all denomina- 
 
 G
 
 82 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x. 
 
 tional endowments, religious or educational. With 
 all his keen logical intellect and complete freedom 
 from sectarian prejudice, Deak had no wish to force 
 upon the people a theory of which, considered in 
 the abstract, an enlightened politician might acknow- 
 ledge the advantages. He never lost sight of the 
 fact that, whatever the moral strength and virtues 
 of the people, the time had not yet come when it 
 was safe to appeal to their reason without regard 
 for their feelings and prejudices ; he preferred to 
 bring his knowledge and experience to bear in in- 
 fluencing and raising the aspirations of his country- 
 men, rather than in aiming over their heads at some 
 political ideal with which they could have little 
 sympathy. 
 
 To the assertion that the State ought not to 
 recognise various denominations, Deak replied that 
 were he all-powerful it should be his first care, in 
 the interests of the sacred cause of religion, to 
 moderate or even to do away with all those differ- 
 ences of opinion which have a tendency to lead to 
 persecution. ' But who has the power to do this ? 
 Moreover, the best of methods is only effectual for 
 the achievement of an object if applied at the right 
 time. At a time when the country is in a state of 
 feverish excitement, when the nation is surrounded 
 with dangers, when we are dreading total shipwreck, 
 and declare that only the all-powerful hand of God 
 can avail to save us, at such a time, can we say
 
 CHAP, x.] PLEA FOR TOLERATION. 83 
 
 that a slight irritation arising out of a question of 
 religious belief is of no consequence ? Will not even 
 the man who is no bigot have all his feelings roused 
 against the tyranny of a law in which he sees a 
 restraint upon liberty of conscience and opinion ? 
 Such feelings are natural in any man ; they are 
 still more so in the general populace, who, in pro- 
 portion as they are less enlightened, cling the more 
 tenaciously to "religionism" and external forms. 
 With the people, any attack upon external forms 
 is an attack upon their religious sentiments ; to 
 wound these feelings, merely in the interests of 
 some fine theory, and when the cause of the State 
 does not require it, is a crime against the safety of 
 the nation.' 
 
 . . . . ' We are always saying that " Liberty, 
 equality, and fraternity " is the watchword of this 
 century ; this perhaps refers more to the future than 
 to the present. Was there ever in Europe a more 
 flagrant infringement of individual liberty than in 
 this case ? Is it consistent with liberty to try to 
 compel a Church to forego the exercise of its rights ? 
 And what sort of equality is that which is not con- 
 sistent with liberty, or shall we make men brothers 
 by binding them together with chains ? The legis- 
 lator ought not to wound even prejudices, unless 
 forced to do so in the interest of the State ; for what 
 we call " prejudice " is often with the people a senti- 
 ment with which their happiness is bound up. Do 
 
 G 2
 
 84 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x. 
 
 not let us fling the apple of discord into the midst 
 of an excited community, at the moment when we 
 are calling the people to arms for the defence of 
 Freedom and Fatherland. Are we afraid of the 
 reaction ? The reaction is dangerous only when 
 it finds some support, some basis. It is easy to 
 awaken alarm ; to allay it, not force is needed, but 
 winning persuasion.'
 
 CH. XL] REMOVAL OF THE MINISTRY TO PESTH. 85 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Removal of the seat of government from Presburg' to Pesth Sanguine 
 hopes of the Hungarian Ministry Deak's forebodings Causes of 
 his satisfaction in the recent Liberal triumph in Hungary Deak 
 himself free from anti-Slav prejudices The bitterness of the debates 
 on the question of the Magyar language to be traced in part to 
 his absence from the Diet of 1843-46 In the Laws of 1848 full 
 consideration shown for the rights and liberties of Croatia But 
 all hope of restoring harmony between Hungary and Croatia 
 now gone by Increased difficulties of the Hungarian Ministry 
 Their authority defied by the imperial troops Meeting at Agram 
 The Hungarian Government disavowed by the Croats, headed 
 by the Ban Jellachich Demand for an independent Croatian 
 Ministry Movement in Croatia encouraged at Vienna Rising of 
 the Serbs, or Raitzen, in the south of Hungary Application of 
 Hungarian Government for military assistance from Vienna 
 Reluctance of the Batthyany Ministry to take matters into their 
 own hands, notwithstanding the renewed incursions of Serbs on the 
 southern districts, and threatening attitude of the Ban of Croatia 
 Government strengthened in their position by favourable recep- 
 tion of Hungarian deputation at Innspruck, consequent upon 
 popular triumphs in Germany and Italy Jellachich disavowed 
 publicly by the Imperial Government. 
 
 THE famous Laws of March having received the 
 royal sanction, and the Diet at Presburg having been 
 closed by the King in person, the Ministry had 
 repaired to Pesth full of hope, to enter upon their 
 new functions. The dream of a reformed Hungary, 
 free, united, and independent, for indulging in which
 
 86 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 at the end of the last century the Abb6 Martinovics 
 and his companions had been branded as con- 
 spirators and had died upon the scaffold, seemed 
 now realised. 
 
 But notwithstanding the general rejoicing and 
 the apparent victory of the National party, Francis 
 Dedk foresaw clearly that Absolutism had by no 
 means laid down its arms, and that the Ministry of 
 which he was a member would not long be allowed 
 to carry on quietly the constitutional government of 
 the country. 
 
 ' People here cannot accustom themselves to the 
 new order of things/ Dedk wrote from Vienna even 
 so early as March 1848. Beneath the aspect of 
 bold, cheerful self-confidence which made his country- 
 men look upon him as a pillar of strength and 
 wisdom, Dedk cherished a sorrowful foreboding of 
 the troubles that were coming upon Hungary. 
 'Whether it be the Russians, or once again the 
 power of Austria, or perchance the direst anarchy, 
 that is to enslave us, God only knows.' 
 
 These forebodings were but too soon justified. 
 
 The reason that more than any other had contri- 
 buted to Dedk's profound though anxious satisfac- 
 tion in the parliamentary victory of March, was the 
 belief that the laws then passed under the joint 
 sanction of King and people would save his country 
 from the calamity of civil war. The same true 
 Liberalism which had induced him to fight resolutely
 
 CHAP, xi.] MAGYARS AND SLAVS. 87 
 
 and against powerful opposition for the accordance 
 of freedom, personal and political, to all classes of 
 his compatriots, made him desire with equal earnest- 
 ness to minimise as far as possible those distinctions 
 of race, the maintenance of which was considered by 
 some of his fellow-Magyars to be the Alpha and 
 Omega of Hungarian patriotism. From first to last 
 throughout his long public career there is no trace 
 in Francis Dealt of that national exclusiveness, that 
 scornful contempt for the non-Magyar inhabitants of 
 Hungary, which has so often been laid to the charge 
 of his countrymen, and to which is sometimes 
 ascribed, perhaps not unjustly, the political isolation 
 of the kingdom at the present time. 
 
 Deak had not been in the Diet during the em- 
 bittered debates of 1844 concerning the compulsory 
 employment of the Magyar instead of the Latin 
 tongue by all the members of the Diet, including 
 those from the Croatian counties. By some cool- 
 headed politicans even at that time, as has been 
 seen, the victory then gained by the Hungarian 
 Opposition in the midst of passionate excite- 
 ment, and at the cost of increased hostility 
 between Magyars and Slavs, was regarded as a 
 dangerous triumph ; better calculated to serve the 
 purposes of the Vienna Government than of the 
 Liberal party in Hungary. 
 
 Never had Deak's authority, tact, and judgment 
 been more grievously missed than in those
 
 * ' 
 88 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 violent debates, when many seeds of ill-feeling 
 were sown, destined, when aided by the foster- 
 ing care of the Austrian Government, to produce 
 so plentiful a crop of discord and misery. In the 
 Liberal Programme of 1847 an ^ the March Laws of 
 1848 the influence of the large-minded statesman 
 was again to be recognised. With Deak the plea 
 for a Liberal Constitution for Hungary, on the ground 
 that by the concession of this right ' every part of 
 the empire would be invigorated and knit together 
 by a common tie,' was no empty phrase ; he believed 
 in all sincerity that the extension of the parliamentary 
 form of representative government to Croatia would 
 tend not to the extinction, but to the establishment 
 on a broader footing, of the ancient rights and insti- 
 tutions of the little Slav kingdom ; he never imagined 
 that the substitution of a responsible Hungarian 
 Ministry for the Hungarian Council of Lieutenancy, 
 would be resented by Croatia as an act of tyranny 
 and injustice ; especially as in the administration of 
 justice the jurisdiction of the local tribunals was 
 left unaltered. 
 
 But the time had now gone by when goodwill or 
 wisdom on the part of either nation or individual 
 could avail to ward off the coming storm. The 
 winds of passion, ambition, and national jealousy 
 had been let loose, and it was to the interest of the 
 ' Camarilla ' at Vienna to see that they were not too 
 soon laid.
 
 CHAP, xi.] JELLACHICH. 89 
 
 As the year drew on, the troubles of the Ministry 
 at Buda Pesth increased on every side. 
 
 Their authority was set at defiance by the troops, 
 on pretext of loyalty to the Crown. In Agram the 
 Croats, headed by the Ban Jellachich, himself ac- 
 cording to the Laws of March a member of the 
 Hungarian Ministry, held an assembly, professed 
 openly their disavowal of the Hungarian Govern- 
 ment, and presented a petition to the Emperor de- 
 manding an independent Croatian Ministry and the 
 union of the kingdom of Croatia with the three 
 Slavonian counties and Dalmatia. 
 
 The political movement in Croatia, sedulously 
 encouraged at headquarters, was supplemented by 
 a rising amongst the wild and ignorant Serbs, or 
 Raitzen, on the southern borders of Hungary, incited 
 by their Patriarch Rajaacs. 
 
 The Government at Pesth applied for aid to 
 Vienna ; the Hungarian troops being at this time in 
 Italy, engaged, according to the traditional policy of 
 ' Divide et impera,' in fighting the battles of the 
 Hapsburgs at a safe distance from the corrupting 
 influence of local patriotism. 
 
 In spite of the suspicious reluctance of the Austrian 
 Government to render the needful assistance in 
 suppressing the horrors now being committed by 
 the savage Raitzen in the south of Hungary, the 
 Batthyany Ministry, hopeful of a speedy pacifica- 
 tion, risked their popularity with their countrymen
 
 90 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xi. 
 
 by declining to take matters into their own hands 
 and put down the Raitzen themselves independently 
 of the central authority ; it was only with a heavy 
 heart that Dealt at length yielded to the determina- 
 tion of the House to proclaim a state of siege in the 
 southern districts. Meanwhile a fresh influx of Serbs, 
 excited by appeals to their religious fanaticism, 
 poured into the Banat. Jellachich, as the representa- 
 tive of the pan-Slav or Illyrian party, continued his 
 preparations for the invasion of Hungary ; whilst the 
 Court at Vienna knew well how to turn to the ad- 
 vantage of absolutism the sincere aspirations of some 
 of the Nationalist party in Croatia for an independent 
 Ministry. 
 
 Thus the aspect of affairs grew daily more 
 threatening, and it became constantly more difficult 
 to hold in check the extreme National's! party in 
 the Hungarian Legislature. 
 
 The Batthyany Ministry wished to refrain from 
 breaking irrevocably with the Hapsburg dynasty, 
 one branch of which was believed to be honestly in 
 favour of constitutional liberty, and to avoid being 
 hurried into any illegal step ; yet the danger to the 
 country was imminent, and with their popularity, 
 Deak and his colleagues were also, it might be 
 feared, losing the power to influence and control 
 events. 
 
 The position of the Moderates, however, was 
 strengthened at this critical juncture by the favour-
 
 CHAP, xi.] DISAVOWAL OF THE BAN. 91 
 
 able reception accorded to the Hungarian deputation 
 sent to Innspruck in June. 
 
 The effect of the recent triumph gained by the 
 popular cause in Germany and Italy was also 
 discernible in the Imperial Manifesto, in which 
 Jellachich was publicly disavowed, deprived of his 
 dignities and official command, and himself sum- 
 moned to justice. Along with this official con- 
 demnation, the Ban, however, received privately 
 from the Imperial Government fresh supplies of 
 arms and money.
 
 92 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xn. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Court party at Vienna baffled by persistently legal attitude of the 
 Hungarian Ministry Cause of offence discovered in the refusal of 
 Hungary to take a share in the Austrian National Debt Dedk's 
 subsequent regret on the action of the Batthydny Government in 
 this matter Hard task for the Hungarian Ministry to maintain its 
 position of strict constitutionalism and loyalty, in face of pressure 
 from without and within Dedk's refusal to countenance conspiracy 
 against the dynasty Speech of the Palatine on opening the Diet 
 in July 1848 inconsistent with treacherous conduct of Austrian 
 troops in suppressing the Raitzen and the insurgents in Transylvania 
 Levy of troops and money by the Hungarian Government 
 Measures of national defence organised Still no open rupture 
 between the Governments of Vienna and Pesth The King, 
 encouraged by victories of Windischgratz and Radetzsky, refuses to 
 sanction the recent measures of defence Evident intention of the 
 Court party to seize the first opportunity for abolishing Constitution 
 of Hungary Ungracious reception of Hungarian deputation at 
 Schonbrun Decree of June depriving Jellachich of his command 
 annulled Defensive measures in Hungary forbidden Resignation 
 of the Batthyany Ministry Dedk's perplexity His inability to take 
 part in revolutionary measures Principle of his conduct in 
 holding aloof from the War of Independence The constitutional, 
 not the revolutionary, leader. 
 
 THE persistently lawful and constitutional attitude 
 of the Hungarian Ministry was at once baffling 
 and irritating to the Court party. Some ostensible 
 ground for disregarding these repeated and reason- 
 able demands for active assistance must clearly be 
 found. It was not long forthcoming : the point
 
 CHAP, xii.] DIFFICULTIES OF THE MINISTRY. 93 
 
 at issue between the two Ministries was declared 
 to be the* refusal of Hungary to take upon herself 
 a share of the Austrian National Debt ; the fact 
 being, that she had neither received any benefit 
 from the Austrian public loans, nor been in any way 
 a party to the contraction of the debt. Claim there 
 was none ; though Deak, speaking in 1869, declared 
 that he regretted the action taken by the Hungarian 
 Ministry on this point. ' We were asked to take 
 our share in supporting the burdens of a debt in- 
 curred without our consent ; we were not bound to 
 do this, either by law or equity ; the Vienna Ministry- 
 were wrong in demanding from us as a duty what 
 on our side could only be regarded as a concession ; 
 but on the other hand we were wrong in raising a 
 difficulty over a mere question of form, and not at 
 once agreeing to a compromise.' 
 
 Our sympathy and admiration have often been 
 aroused on behalf of a people striving gallantly to 
 throw off the yoke of a hated authority, the oppres- 
 sion of an illegal government ; but is there not also 
 something pathetic if not heroic in the spectacle of a 
 small knot of men struggling to uphold the cause of 
 law and authority, unsupported either by the material 
 power of a strong despotism or the moral force of 
 popular enthusiasm ? The Batthyany Ministry had 
 such difficulties to contend with, from discontent at 
 home and hostility abroad, as might well have made 
 the task of maintaining the rights of Hungary, and yet
 
 94 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xn. 
 
 keeping strictly within the bounds of loyalty and con- 
 stitutional legality, seem hopeless. The state of things 
 tolerated, and even connived at, by the Vienna 
 Government, was enough to make a patriotic Hun- 
 garian forget all the obligations which still bound him 
 legally to the Austrian Empire ; but Deak, for one, 
 declined resolutely to lend himself to any scheme 
 propounded on behalf of the national cause that 
 was based on any secret anti-Austrian understand- 
 ing even with those to whose objects in themselves 
 he might heartily wish success ; the Liberal party 
 in Italy could never succeed in enlisting the secret 
 support of the Hungarian Liberal against the 
 dynasty to which he openly professed loyalty ; 
 Dedk could never make up his mind to become a 
 conspirator even in the cause of freedom. 
 
 The reassuring promises of the Palatine in his 
 speech from the throne on the convocation of the 
 Diet in July, (the Long Parliament of Hungary, as 
 it has been called), were hardly consistent with the 
 treacherous weakness shown by the imperial troops 
 in repressing the Raitzen, and the evident collusion 
 of the Austrian general Puchner with the Wallachian 
 insurgents in Transylvania. 
 
 One of the first acts of the Ministry on the re- 
 assembling of the Diet was to propose through the 
 Finance Minister, Louis Kossuth, a vote of 200,000 
 men and 40,000,000 florins, for ' the defence of the 
 country, the restoration of order, and the security of
 
 CHAP. XIL] EFFECT OF RADETZSKY'S VICTORIES. 95 
 
 the throne.' The proposal was hailed with enthu- 
 siasm, as was also the action of the Hungarian 
 Government in despatching a deputation with an 
 offer of alliance to the representatives of the German 
 Confederation at Frankfort, and of diplomatic envoys 
 to the Governments of England and France. 
 
 Measures of national defence were organised, the 
 command and organisation of the new levies being 
 entrusted to four Hungarian officers, amongst them 
 the ill-fated Gorgei. 
 
 Still there was no open rupture between the 
 Governments of Vienna and Buda Pesth ; on the 
 contrary, the Hungarian Ministry, in order to meet 
 the Austrian Cabinet half way, had even consented 
 to compromise still further their popularity with a 
 large part of their countrymen, by inserting in the 
 address to the throne a passage to the effect that 
 ' Hungary would do its best to bring about an 
 understanding in Lombardo-Venetia, which, while 
 compatible with the dignity of Austria, should at the 
 same time insure liberty to the Italians, on condition 
 that Austria would restore peace in Hungary.' 
 
 But with the victories of Radetzsky in Italy and 
 Windischgratz at Prague, the prospects of the 
 restoration of peace in Hungary grew fainter. The 
 King, emboldened by these recent successes, refused 
 to sanction the measures with regard to the levy of 
 national troops ; the Ministry, hoping against hope 
 for the advent of a better state of things, persevered
 
 96 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xir. 
 
 nevertheless in their determination to remain on 
 strictly legal and constitutional ground ; but the 
 intention of the Court party, now relieved from 
 immediate danger in other quarters, to ignore, and 
 eventually to stamp out, that new system of govern- 
 ment in Hungary which five months earlier had 
 received the royal sanction, had become by this time 
 only too apparent. It was clear that Hungarian 
 patriots must look not merely to the defence of their 
 country against the invasion of Croats and Raitzen, 
 but to the preservation of their dearly loved and 
 hard-won liberties from the revengeful wrath of 
 the absolutist power. 
 
 Still one more attempt was made at reconciliation 
 an appeal was addressed to the Sovereign himself. 
 In September, Count Batthyany and Francis Deak, 
 accompanied by a deputation of two hundred mag- 
 nates and deputies, journeyed to Schonbrun, im- 
 plored the King to admonish the military commanders 
 of their duty, and invited him to come himself to Pesth, 
 thereby to lend to the regulations of his loyal ministers 
 the support and sanction of his own presence. 
 
 After keeping the Hungarian deputation waiting 
 for two hours in an ante-room, Ferdinand gave an 
 equivocal, ungracious reply, and the deputation 
 returned to Pesth to find that Jellachich had crossed 
 the Drave, and that, so far from being discounten- 
 anced by the Vienna authorities, he was encouraged in 
 an imperial decree ' to pursue his loyal undertaking.'
 
 CHAP, xir.] RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY. 97 
 
 The decree of the preceding June which had 
 disavowed his conduct was annulled, and Hungary 
 was forbidden to take further defensive measures 
 against the Ban of Croatia. 
 
 In the following month the Batthyany Ministry 
 
 resigned. In order that the country might not be 
 
 left without any sort of executive government, a 
 
 Committee of Defence was nominated by the Diet, 
 
 with Kossuth as president. 
 
 Deak's state of distress and perplexity at this 
 juncture is shown in a letter addressed to his brother- 
 in-law : ' How could I be the minister of a power 
 which is carrying on war against my country, and 
 which exacts as a condition of peace the sacrifice of 
 all that is most absolutely essential to our national 
 independence and constitutional freedom ? Under 
 a monarchy the minister is always the minister of 
 the king, and as such is responsible to the country ; 
 but if war is made upon my country in the name 
 of the King, how can I be that King's minister ? 
 You answer perhaps that I might be the minister 
 of the nation ; but under a monarchy, a separate 
 national ministry apart from, and in opposition to, 
 the sovereign, is inconceivable.' . . . ' The country 
 may have a provisional government, a dictator, but 
 that implies a revolution.' 
 
 Not the blackest treachery on the part of the 
 Sovereign and the Camarilla could shake Deak's 
 determination to do all in his power to keep his 
 
 H
 
 98 FRANCIS DEAR. [CHAP. xn. 
 
 country as long as possible on the firm ground of 
 constitutionalism to insure, that whatever the sins 
 of the Hapsburgs and their advisers, the people and 
 Government of Hungary should by a faithful ad- 
 herence on their side to the Laws of 1848, establish 
 the strongest of all claims to the ultimate fulfilment 
 of those royal engagements which were being now 
 so shamefully broken. Even in the midst of the 
 bewildering crisis that succeeded the resignation of 
 the first short-lived Hungarian Ministry, and indeed 
 to the end of his life, Deak held firmly the belief that 
 keeping in view not only the disastrous present, but 
 also the past and future of his country, it was better 
 for Hungary, better for the historic Magyar nation, 
 to preserve its connection with the Empire of 
 Austria. 
 
 This was the key-note of Deak's action throughout 
 the terrible events that seemed at one time as though 
 they must of necessity be fatal either to the con- 
 tinuance of the Hapsburg rule in Hungary, or to the 
 preservation of the Hungarian Constitution. On 
 looking back to this year of war and revolution in 
 connection with the years that followed, the position 
 then taken up by Francis Dedk appears perfectly 
 intelligible ; but it is not surprising if at the time 
 the man who, on whatever ground, shrank from taking 
 a foremost part in the desperate struggle of his 
 betrayed and injured country to free herself from 
 all connection with the Hapsburg dynasty, should
 
 CHAP, xii.] DEAK NO REVOLUTIONIST. 99 
 
 seem to have forfeited justly all claim to a place 
 amongst the recognised leaders of Hungary. 
 
 But in truth, apart from political scruples, Dedk 
 had not in him the makings of a revolutionary 
 leader. He felt himself that he had not the power, 
 like his famous contemporary Louis Kossuth, to 
 stir the hearts and feelings of the people, to fire 
 their imaginations and incite them to action by 
 burning denunciations, clothed in a language of 
 poetic imagery that seemed more akin to the fervid 
 exhortations of the Hebrew prophets than to the 
 political oratory of modern days. When requested 
 to compose the revolutionary appeal to the nation, 
 Deak replied : ' I do not understand that kind of 
 thing ; give me the making of your laws.' 
 
 The nation had good cause to acknowledge in 
 later years that in the exercise of such weapons as 
 could be drawn from the armoury of law and reason, 
 the hand of their great lawyer-statesman had not 
 lost its cunning. 
 
 H 2
 
 ioo FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. XTII. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Victories over the Croats Anxiety of the Hungarian Government 
 to avoid an open rupture with Vienna Defeat of national levies 
 at Swechat (Oct. 1848) Windischgratz appointed Governor of 
 Hungary Deputation to the camp of Windischgratz and of Hun- 
 garian bishops to the King at Olmiitz Abdication of Ferdinand 
 Refusal of the Diet to recognise Francis Joseph as King of 
 Hungary Manifesto of the Emperor Deputation headed by 
 Batthydny and Dedk to Windischgratz Arrest of the deputation. 
 
 THE outburst of popular rejoicing over the 
 repulse of the Croats, and the deliverance of Buda 
 Pesth by the victories of Perczel and Gorgei, seemed 
 the last flickering of the nation's hopes before their 
 final extinction. 
 
 The Diet continued to sit ; debates were still 
 held on questions of domestic interest, on the 
 amount of compensation to be adjudged to land- 
 lords under the new urbarial law. Even when at 
 length the troubled state of the country made the 
 further continuance of these peaceful discussions 
 seem incongruous and impossible, Deak, who had 
 felt that in the absence of a Government appointed 
 by the Sovereign it was needful that there should 
 be some authority entitled to act in the name of the 
 nation, moved by his ineradicable regard for legality 
 and constitutional forms, opposed the intention of
 
 CHAP, xiii.] TREACHERY OF THE PALATINE. 101 
 
 Parliament to declare itself in permanence, on the 
 ground that such a declaration was needless, because 
 in accordance with Article IV. of the Laws of 1848 
 a Diet could never be dissolved ' until the address 
 had been passed and resolutions on the Budget 
 been voted.' 
 
 To the last, the Government of Hungary now 
 represented by the Diet and the Committee of 
 Defence strove earnestly to avoid taking any 
 action that might give excuse to the Austrian 
 Government for the declaration of an open rupture. 
 In face of recent events the proclamation of 
 Jellachich as Governor of Hungary, the treachery 
 of Austrian officers in command of Hungarian 
 regiments on the plea of loyalty to the Emperor, 
 the sudden flight of the young Palatine from the 
 Hungarian camp, and the subsequent discovery 
 amongst his papers of a plan containing suggestions 
 for the use of his imperial uncle on the most 
 effectual means of subjugating Hungary, it was no 
 easy matter to brave the passionate reproaches of 
 the nation ; and to continue to act upon the theory of 
 Austrian good faith, even to the extent of restraining 
 the Hungarian army from crossing the Austrian 
 frontier in pursuit of Jellachich, until it was too late 
 to be of any avail ; for the Ban, taking advantage of 
 the three days' truce granted him by the Hungarians 
 after his repulse before Pesth, had marched on Vienna 
 with the intention of joining Windischgratz.
 
 102 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xin. 
 
 After suppressing the rising in Vienna, the 
 Austrian general was free to devote his whole 
 energies to the 'pacification ' of Hungary. 
 
 At the end of October a battle was fought at 
 Swechat between the Austro-Croatian troops and 
 the small Hungarian army, now reinforced by some 
 thousand inexperienced recruits brought by Kossuth 
 as Plenipotentiary Commissioner of the Diet. The 
 national troops were defeated, and Windischgratz 
 was appointed Viceroy of Hungary. 
 
 Still the 'Diet clung to the hope of averting the 
 final crisis ; such an awful calamity as civil war was 
 not to be entered upon with a light heart. 
 
 A deputation, including the Archbishop of Erlau, 
 Counts George and Anton Mailath, Count Batthyany 
 and Francis Deak, was sent to Windischgratz to 
 protest solemnly against his conduct, and entreat 
 him in the name of justice to desist from his treason 
 to Hungary and not bring ruin upon the dynasty. 
 
 The celebrated reply of the commander-in-chief, 
 ' I do not treat with rebels,' put an end to these 
 negotiations. A deputation of Hungarian bishops 
 who travelled to Olmiitz, there to beg for peace, and 
 to remind the King of his coronation oath, received 
 no better treatment, but were dismissed with the 
 contemptuous injunction ' to go and pray for their 
 country.' 
 
 This was the last intercourse between Ferdinand 
 II. and his Hungarian subjects. At the beginning
 
 CHAP, xiii.] ACCESSION OF FRANCIS. JOSEPH. 103 
 
 of December he abdicated in favour of his nephew 
 Francis Joseph, the young prince whom the Hun- 
 garian nation only three months before would gladly 
 have welcomed as their king, on the sole condition 
 of his breaking with the traditions of absolutism and 
 ill-faith with which the Camarilla had identified the 
 House of Hapsburg. 
 
 The Diet, acting on behalf of the country, and 
 mindful, it would seem, of Deak's counsel ' never to 
 suffer their national rights to fall into abeyance 
 through indifference, cowardice, or despair,' de- 
 clared that, in conformity with an ancient law which 
 affirms ' that the King of Hungary cannot be dis- 
 charged from the duties of his sovereignty without 
 the consent of the States, and that in case of 
 resignation the Diet has the appointment of a 
 regency,' the abdication of Ferdinand and the 
 accession of Francis Joseph were, as regards Hun- 
 gary, illegal ; consequently no allegiance was due 
 to the new Emperor, so long as he was not 
 crowned King of Hungary with the consent of the 
 nation. 
 
 In the manifesto published by the young Sove- 
 reign there was little comfort to be found. 
 
 The Emperor announced, amidst profuse promises 
 of future good government, that he assumed the 
 Crown of Hungary by virtue of the Pragmatic 
 Sanction, making, however, no allusion to reciprocal 
 obligations imposed on King as well as people by
 
 104 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xin. 
 
 that famous document. The only reference to 
 the ' Gravamen ' of Hungary was a declaration 
 on the part of his majesty of his intention to 
 quell the disturbances in his troubled provinces 
 by force of arms. 
 
 The invasion of Hungary was decreed, and the 
 Austrian army poured into the country. 
 
 The Diet resolved to make one last effort to save 
 their country from the horrors of war. A deputation, 
 headed by Count Batthydny and Francis Deak, was 
 sent to the Austrian headquarters to treat for peace. 
 On Deak's requesting permission from the com- 
 mander-in- chief to return to Debreczin (whither the 
 Diet had now withdrawn) to confer with his col- 
 leagues upon the terms proposed, Windischgratz re- 
 plied that the permission should only be granted on 
 condition that Deak would give his word of honour 
 to use all his influence to persuade Kossuth and 
 the Diet into unconditional surrender. It was 
 not difficult to predict the failure of negotiations 
 conducted in this spirit. The Hungarian envoys 
 refusing to become the tools of the Austrian Go- 
 vernment against their own countrymen, were at 
 once put under arrest, and Hungary found itself com- 
 pelled either to submit unconditionally to the form 
 of government designed for subject provinces by 
 imperial wisdom and clemency at Vienna, or to em- 
 bark upon a war of self-preservation, even at the 
 risk of being branded as ' rebels,' and abandoned to
 
 CHAP. XIIL] KOSSUTH ON THE DIET OF '48. 105 
 
 the ready vengeance at the disposal of a powerful 
 military despotism. 
 
 Of the attitude of the Hungarian Diet during the 
 past year, so full of danger and perplexity, Kossuth 
 himself could say with truth in a letter of instruc- 
 tion addressed to the Hungarian envoy in London, 
 M. Francis Pulzsky, in February 1849: 'We have 
 rebelled against no Government, we have not broken 
 our allegiance ; we have no desire to separate from 
 the Austrian Empire, we desired no concessions and 
 no innovations ; we were satisfied with what was 
 ours by law.' 
 
 But the time had now come when no prudence, no 
 painful adherence to strictly legal and constitutional 
 forms, could avert the impending crisis, and the 
 parliamentary revolution of 1848 was followed by 
 the War of Independence of 1849.
 
 106 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xiv. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The War of Independence Publication of Imperial Decree of March 
 4th ; replied to by declaration of Hungarian Independence at 
 Debreczin, April i4th Entrance of Russian troops into Hungary 
 Vilagds Felicitations of the Imperial Governments Hagnau's 
 Tribunal Remonstrance of Lord Palmerston Prince Schwartzen- 
 berg's reply. 
 
 THE chief events of the tragical year of 1849 are too 
 fresh in the memories of Englishmen to need more 
 than the briefest recapitulation here : the taking of 
 Buda Pesth by Windischgratz in January, the brilliant 
 but unfruitful successes gained by the Hungarian 
 levies under Generals Bern and Dembinsky ; the 
 occupation of Transylvania by the Russians, in- 
 fluenced solely, as Count Nesselrode explained to 
 the Czar's ambassador in England, ' by motives 
 of humanity,' and with no thought of armed inter- 
 vention in the internal affairs of the Austrian 
 Government. 
 
 The struggle for self-preservation and the main- 
 tenance of Hungarian independence became a truly 
 national war ; all classes of the population, from 
 magnates and prelates down to herdsmen and com- 
 mon soldiers, threw themselves eagerly into the 
 contest, each ready with their quota of self-sacrifice,
 
 CHAP, xiv.] CHARACTER OF THE WAR. 107 
 
 for the sake of the liberties of their country and 
 the defence of the Kingdom of Hungary. This 
 spirit of fierce resistance and absolute confidence in 
 the strength of a good cause, which made the task 
 of the powerful invader so difficult, is illustrated 
 in the well-known prayer of the Hungarian 
 artilleryman on the eve of an engagement with 
 the imperial forces : ' O Lord, I pray Thee 
 only not to help the Austrian, and then my work 
 will be done.' 
 
 At Vienna the war in Hungary was officially 
 represented as a struggle against the entire revolu- 
 tionary party in Europe, and the demand of the 
 Imperial Government for the military assistance of 
 Russia, was justified on the ground that it was 
 consequently to the interest of all other States to 
 assist Austria in her efforts to suppress the danger. 
 An interesting commentary upon this official view 
 of the character of the Hungarian 'rebellion' is 
 to be found in the report of one of the English 
 secretaries at Vienna to Lord Palmerston. ' With 
 respect to the Hungarian rebellion,' wrote Mr. 
 Magenis, in May 1849, 'I may here state a 
 curious fact, which your Lordship will doubtless 
 have seen mentioned in the newspapers, but which 
 I have it in my power to confirm on the authority 
 of persons who are well informed on the subject of 
 Hungary. The population of Hungary are almost 
 universally royalist, but Kossuth has succeeded in
 
 io8 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xrv. 
 
 persuading them that the late Emperor Ferdinand 
 has been dethroned, and that the present Emperor 
 is an usurper, so that they are convinced they are 
 fighting for the cause of their rightful Sovereign.' 
 
 On the 4th of March a new Imperial Charter was 
 promulagated at Olmlitz, containing many excellent 
 provisions, but having this fatal defect, that in it 
 Hungary was merged completely in the Austrian 
 Empire, and all its ancient institutions obliterated. 
 
 On the 1 4th of April the Imperial Decree was 
 answered by the Declaration of Independence, in 
 which the Hapsburg dynasty was proclaimed to 
 have forfeited all right to the Hungarian throne, 
 and to be banished for ever from the country. 
 
 Kossuth was appointed Governor, and a new 
 Ministry was chosen, under the Premiership of M. 
 Szemere, the late Minister for Home Affairs in the 
 Batthydny Government. 
 
 For a while the national army was victorious ; 
 Comorn was relieved, and in the south the Raitzen 
 were once more dispersed by the Hungarian troops 
 under Perczel. 
 
 But the despotic princes of Europe were now 
 recovering from the panic that had demoralised 
 them and their principles in 1 848 ; the time had 
 come for absolutism to rally its forces and reassert 
 itself after the old fashion. Acting on the maxim 
 that ' La raison du plus fort est toujours la meil- 
 leure,' the Emperor of Austria, after previous
 
 CHAP, xiv.] ENTRY OF THE RUSSIANS. 109 
 
 arrangement with his imperial brother in St. Peters- 
 burg, felt at liberty to disavow and ignore the 
 arguments for constitutional government which had 
 seemed so cogent to his predecessor, and the enact- 
 ments of the Diet in 1848 were treated with as 
 much contempt as though they had been mock 
 laws, passed by a stage parliament for the tem- 
 porary entertainment of an excited audience. 
 
 In July the Czar's troops a second time entered 
 Hungary, this time with no disavowal of political 
 motives, but on the ground that ' His majesty, 
 having always reserved to himself entire freedom of 
 action whenever revolutions in neighbouring States 
 should place his own in danger, was now convinced 
 that the internal security of his empire was menaced 
 by what was passing and preparing in Hungary ; 
 every attack upon the integrity and union of the 
 Austrian Empire being one on the actual state of 
 territorial possession which is in accordance with 
 the spirit of treaties, the balance of power in Europe, 
 and the safety of his own States.' 
 
 In August, Gorgei, the commander-in-chief of the 
 national army, who had been nominated Dictator 
 in the place of Kossuth, was invested with full 
 powers to treat for a peace, and instructed to act 
 according to the best of his ability to save the 
 national existence of Hungary. At Vilagos, on 
 the 1 3th of August, the Hungarian army, by order 
 of the new Dictator, laid down their arms, and
 
 no FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xiv. 
 
 surrendered not to the Austrians, but to the 
 Russian general Rudiger. 
 
 Thanks to the united efforts of 300,000 of the 
 flower of the Austrian and Russian troops, the 
 Hungarian rebellion was at an end. The good 
 news reached the young Emperor of Austria on his 
 birthday, and, by an equally fortunate coincidence 
 of dates in Russia, the standards and colours taken 
 in the Hungarian war arrived at St. Petersburg in 
 time to be paraded through the streets and de- 
 posited in the Winter Palace on the festival of St. 
 Alexander Newsky. ' The victorious arms of the 
 Emperor have overcome the thousand-headed 
 Hydra of the Hungarian Revolution,' announced 
 the Austrian commander-in-chief in impressive lan- 
 guage. ' La Providence divine a beni nos efforts,' 
 piously ejaculated the Russian Chancellor. 
 
 Compliments and decorations were exchanged be- 
 tween the two victorious Governments, and Francis 
 Joseph received the congratulations of his brother 
 sovereigns on the pacification of Hungary, the 
 English Government not forgetting to express a 
 hope that the ancient constitutional rights of the 
 conquered country would be duly regarded. But 
 as might perhaps have been expected, the repre- 
 sentations of Lord Palmerston on this head, as well 
 as his remonstrances against the ferocious measures 
 of the Austrian general in Hungary, made small 
 impression at Vienna. When, in due time, Prince
 
 CHAP, xiv.] GENERAL HAYNAU'S TRIBUNAL. in 
 
 Schwartzenberg thought fit to take notice of the 
 subject, it was only to retort with that invariable 
 allusion of continental politicians under similar cir- 
 cumstances, to 'la malheureuse Irlande' ; the 
 English Government, it was further intimated, had 
 always known how to maintain its own authority, 
 when threatened, at the cost of torrents of blood, 
 and yet the Austrian Government had never pre- 
 sumed to express an opinion on the methods 
 adopted, in the belief that it is easy to fall into 
 grave mistakes in criticising the complicated situa- 
 tion of a foreign country. His Excellency con- 
 sidered that this conduct on the part of the Austrian 
 Government gave it a right to expect that Lord 
 Palmerston would be good enough to observe in 
 this respect a ' complete reciprocity.' 
 
 The conquered country was thus left entirely to 
 the tender mercies of the Imperial Government. 
 General Haynau presided over the Bloody Assizes 
 of Pesth and Arad, and the long roll of Hungarian 
 patriots condemned to death at the hands of the 
 Austrian hangman was headed by such names as 
 Count Batthyany and General Damyanics, the 
 wounded leader of the ' Redcaps,' the famous 
 student brigade. Those who escaped death found 
 a refuge in England, America, or Turkey, whither 
 they carried with them bitter memories of wrong 
 and suffering inflicted, and an undying love for the 
 country of their birth. Those bitter memories have
 
 ii2 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xiv. 
 
 happily died away, under the healing influence of 
 time, and still more of that great work of reconcilia- 
 tion which a wise generosity on both sides has 
 effected between the two countries ; and of the 
 patriotic men who then fought and suffered for the 
 cause of Hungary and of Freedom, many are still 
 living to render their tribute of loyal service to the 
 Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.
 
 CHAP, xv.] HUNGARY AFTER THE WAR. 113 
 
 PART III. REACTION. 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Condition of Hungary at the conclusion of the war Dedk recognised 
 as the guide and counsellor of the nation Residence in Pesth 
 The System Passive resistance in Hungary Position of Deak 
 in the estimation of his countrymen Personal characteristics 
 Methods of keeping alive public spirit in Hungary Agricultural 
 Union Academy. 
 
 AT the close of the war in August 1849, the 
 pecuniary resources of the country were effectually 
 crippled by means of a general confiscation of 
 property, ruinous taxation levied by armed force, 
 and the promulgation of an imperial decree can- 
 celling the paper money issued under the late 
 Hungarian Government. The land was placed 
 under military rule, seconded by imperial commis- 
 sioners ; the right of domiciliary visitation was en- 
 trusted to foreign spies, and all the old institutions 
 of Hungary now divided into thirteen military 
 districts were completely abolished. 
 
 The storm of war and revolution had swept over 
 the country, leaving a scene of terrible devastation 
 behind it. The flood seemed to have carried away
 
 H4 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv. 
 
 all that was best and noblest in Hungary ; to have 
 left nothing that might even serve as a point of 
 leverage for future action. The leaders of the re- 
 volution had staked their own lives, and the inde- 
 pendence, nay, the very existence, of their country 
 on the desperate venture of the i4th of April. 
 The Hungarian Republic proclaimed at Debreczin 
 had been extinguished in blood ; and with it, to all 
 appearance, the national existence of Hungary, not- 
 withstanding the heroic efforts which for three 
 months had kept at bay the two great despotic 
 powers of Europe. 
 
 But amidst the excitement, the bewilderment, the 
 terror of the crisis that the country had passed 
 through, since the young Emperor had openly set 
 at defiance past engagements, and asserted his 
 claim to the crown of Hungary, not by right of law, 
 but of force, a talisman had been preserved, which 
 force had been unable to destroy, and which in the 
 end proved effectual even against Haynau's troops 
 and Bach's officials. 
 
 Owing partly to deliberate choice, partly, as he 
 himself owned, to outward circumstances, Francis 
 Deak had taken no share in the events that followed 
 upon the arrest of the Hungarian deputation sent 
 by the Diet to Windischgratz on the eve of the 
 Austrian invasion. He remained living on his estate 
 at Kehida, not seeking to hide himself, but not 
 taking any active part in public events ; he was not
 
 CHAP, xv.] DEAK RECOGNISED AS LEADER. 115 
 
 present when the Diet, amidst tumultuous applause, 
 had declared the independence of Hungary, and 
 the severance of all connection with the House of 
 Hapsburg. 
 
 Such a step as this, popular though it might be 
 at the time, and strong as were the arguments that 
 might be urged in its justification, was not one of 
 which Deak could honestly approve. Like many a 
 true patriot before him, he saw the strong tide of 
 passionate feeling carrying his country in a direc- 
 tion that was opposed, as he believed, to its best 
 interests. 
 
 The current had become beyond his strength to 
 stem, but at least he could refuse to be carried away 
 by it against his better judgment. For a time it 
 seemed as though he had been left hopelessly 
 stranded, and had lost for ever, by thus holding 
 aloof, the influence he formerly possessed as one 
 of the acknowledged leaders of the people. The 
 name of Francis Dedk was not known as one of 
 the gallant band of Hungarian gentlemen whose 
 struggle in defence of the liberties of their country 
 was watched with such sympathy and interest in 
 England. 
 
 It was only when the lurid light of war had died 
 away, and Hungary was left sunk in the darkness 
 and silence of despair, that his countrymen recog- 
 nised in Deak a leader who, by loyal unswerving 
 adherence to law, was destined to win back for 
 
 I 2
 
 n6 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv. 
 
 them, step by step, every iota of their ancient rights, 
 and restore that mutual confidence between king 
 and people which recent events had seemed to 
 make for ever impossible. 
 
 During the years following the ' pacification ' of 
 Hungary, Deak lived permanently in Pesth, having 
 sold his estate that he might have no temptation 
 to return to the quiet country life which he loved 
 so well. 
 
 His presence in the capital at this time was a 
 constant source of strength and encouragement to 
 his fellow-citizens ; they knew that they had still 
 amongst them a Hungarian patriot, who, whilst he 
 won the respect even of Austrian statesmen by 
 his strict regard for law, by his generous recognition 
 of the difficulties of his opponents, and his manly 
 honesty of purpose, might yet be safely trusted to 
 abate nothing of his assertion of the lawful rights 
 of Hungary, nor to despair of gaining his cause in 
 the end. From the outset of that long period of 
 passive resistance which the country entered upon 
 in 1849, Deak had his object the restoration of the 
 Hungarian Constitution clearly before him, and no 
 conciliatory overtures on the part of Herr v. Bach 
 and his colleagues could ever induce him to be 
 drawn into a discussion which he foresaw would be 
 based on premises that he could never accept. To 
 the urgent request of the Austrian minister on one 
 occasion, that Deak, as the representative of his
 
 CHAP, xv.] PASSIVE RESISTANCE. 117 
 
 country, would consent to negotiate with the Vienna 
 Government, the sturdy champion of Hungary re- 
 plied, ' I must beg your Excellency to excuse me, 
 but I know nothing of any Constitution but the 
 Hungarian. So long as that is not restored, I can 
 do nothing, for I am nothing I have no political 
 existence.' 
 
 It was now seen that the long contest which the 
 Liberal Opposition of Hungary had been carrying on 
 during the past twenty years, both in and out of the 
 Diet, had not been without its results : the fruits of 
 the victory consummated in 1847 had not been 
 destroyed even by the war, which might have 
 appeared to blot out all previous events. The 
 Hungary that emerged from the disasters of 1849 
 was at least a united Hungary; the nation which 
 now looked to Deak as their guide and counsellor 
 in the new campaign of passive resistance, was 
 no longer weakened by class distinctions, nor 
 hampered by the cumbrous relics of an obsolete 
 feudalism. 
 
 Deak and his friends never lost heart and hope, 
 and yet cheerfulness in those days was no easy 
 virtue. The ' dismal cold dead uniformity ' of the 
 System weighed heavily upon the Empire, and 
 the grip of the central Government at Vienna was 
 firm and relentless. 
 
 To the royal and aristocratic despotism some- 
 what out of favour in Europe since 1848 there
 
 n8 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv. 
 
 succeeded another form of personal government. 
 The period between 1850 and 1860 was the golden 
 age of the bureaucratic regime. Charters and con- 
 stitutions were no longer unfashionable words, even 
 in the most exalted circles ; the designing of various 
 fanciful and attractive systems of government was 
 a favourite amusement with active-minded and in- 
 genious officials, and it had moreover the happy 
 effect of keeping a certain portion of the Liberal 
 world harmlessly occupied in the discussion and 
 contemplation of political theories which, it was 
 evident to the authorities, could never be realised 
 under the existing conditions of the Empire. 
 
 The system of Herr v. Bach had at first sight 
 the appearance of being a distinct improvement 
 upon the old regime of Metternich and Schwartzen- 
 berg, but the fundamental principle of government, 
 ' administrative unity,' remained the same ; the sole 
 difference, in truth, consisted in the fact that whereas 
 formerly the centre of the State system was to be 
 found in the royal cabinet, it was now transferred to 
 the minister's bureau. In deference to the march 
 of Liberal ideas, a too obtrusive imperialism was 
 replaced by a system of German officialism, but the 
 strings of the whole Empire were still worked from 
 Vienna. 
 
 Hungary, like all the other provinces of Austria, 
 was ruled entirely by German officials ; the local 
 organisation of the Counties remained totally ignored ;
 
 CHAP, xv.] CONFIDENCE IN THE FUTURE. 119 
 
 justice was dispensed by newly established Austrian 
 tribunals, and the country was overrun with armed 
 spies, charged to detect and suppress the faintest 
 symptoms of national revival. 
 
 But no official vigilance could prevent the re- 
 membrance of 1849 from burning fiercely in the 
 minds of every shepherd and fisherman toiling on the 
 hot plains or beside the broad rivers of Hungary ; 
 and in the humblest peasant homes the recollection 
 of the national Constitution, now so ruthlessly 
 trampled under foot, was never suffered to die out. 
 
 On-lookers in Europe saw clearly that though 
 Francis Joseph might have succeeded in turning 
 Hungary for the time being into a dependency of 
 Austria, he had not succeeded by this means in 
 turning the Hungarians into good Austrian subjects ; 
 and many were the prophecies that the ' pacified ' 
 country would prove the weak point in the armour 
 of the great military despotism. 
 
 Nevertheless, the people of Hungary, under the 
 influence of their guiding spirit in Pesth, refrained 
 with striking unanimity during these trying years of 
 alien rule from isolated acts of violence or lawless- 
 ness. All classes of the nation entered into the 
 spirit of Dedk's policy, relied on the justice of their 
 cause, kept alive the memory of their past freedom, 
 and looked forward to regaining it one day by law- 
 ful means under the guidance of their law-abiding 
 champion.
 
 120 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv. 
 
 A plate fixed into the wall of one of the long 
 corridors of the 'Queen of England' Hotel at Pesth, 
 marks the apartment occupied at this time by 
 Francis Deak. The modest room became the 
 4 head-centre ' of the country, where were concocted, 
 no plots and secret conspiracies, but openly avowed 
 schemes for the spread and encouragement of such 
 germs of national life as not even the Vienna Govern- 
 ment had been able to root out. Here assembled 
 men of all shades of opinion, bringing tidings from 
 all corners of the country, and learning to sink 
 political differences in a common patriotism. The 
 only parties in the land whose representatives 
 were never to be seen at these gatherings were 
 those pledged either to the reaction or to revolu- 
 tion. From this rendezvous went forth messengers 
 of hope, carrying to their countrymen in distant 
 parts of Hungary the cheering assurance that 
 ' Deak Ferencz ' was alive and active, that he did 
 not despair, ' that he was to be seen going about 
 his business in good spirits.' 
 
 The very sight in the streets of Pesth of his 
 stalwart figure and shrewd kindly face, with its 
 bright eyes flashing from beneath their shaggy 
 overhanging brows, was a satisfaction to his 
 countrymen ; and his humorous pithy sayings were 
 passed on from mouth to mouth for the benefit of 
 a wider circle than his own immediate friends and 
 acquaintance.
 
 CHAP, xv.] DEAK AND HIS COUNTRYMEN. 121 
 
 Never perhaps did a public man occupy quite the 
 same position as that which Deak held in the 
 intimate affection and respect of his countrymen. 
 The English traveller in Pesth was surprised to 
 find that the grave, quiet-looking Hungarian gentle- 
 man whom he passed constantly on the staircase 
 of his hotel, and whose name perhaps he had 
 never heard until introduced to Francis Deak 
 through the good offices of some chance acquaint- 
 ance, was the idol of his fellow-countrymen ; the 
 single-minded patriot, the able statesman and jurist 
 whose wide knowledge, sound sense, and keen in- 
 tellectual power were at length to carry the day 
 against the arguments of German lawyers, and the 
 still more formidable logic of 'accomplished facts.' 1 
 
 But Deak's influence with his countrymen was due 
 to other causes besides respect for his ability and 
 absolute confidence in his political honesty ; they 
 loved the man as much as they honoured the 
 statesman, and it was perhaps owing to this mix- 
 ture of personal affection with political hero-worship, 
 that in later years the portrait of Deak Ferencz 
 was commonly to be found enshrined amongst the 
 household gods of the Magyar peasant. To the 
 
 1 ' But Deak cannot surely demand,' an Austrian statesman had 
 once exclaimed, ' that after such a series of " accomplished facts " we 
 should begin affairs with Hungary all over again ! ' ' Why not ? ' re- 
 turned Dedk: 'if a man has buttoned one button of his coat wrong, 
 it must be undone from the top.' ' The button might be cut off,' said 
 the minister. ' Then,' replied Dedk, ' the coat could never be buttoned 
 right at all.' Csengery.
 
 122 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv. 
 
 warm-hearted, impressionable Hungarians there was 
 something singularly attractive in the character of 
 the statesman who, with the self-confidence and 
 unsparing candour that never shrank from denounc- 
 ing political errors and facing popular misunder- 
 standing or royal disfavour, was yet uniformly fair 
 and courteous towards his opponents, genial and 
 friendly in his personal bearing towards all classes 
 of his countrymen, and lastly no contemptible dis- 
 tinction a universal favourite with children. It did 
 not lessen their regard for their national champion 
 to know that the same man who refused, with a 
 persistence which his enemies called ' obstinacy,' to 
 yield an inch, in matters where he thought the 
 interests of his country were involved, was yet so 
 weakly indulgent when the appeal was one demanding 
 merely a personal sacrifice of time or money, that 
 his friends were occasionally forced to intervene 
 to prevent him from becoming the victim of his own 
 kindliness and the importunities of place-hunting 
 mediocrities or begging letter-writers. 1 
 
 Like Cavour under similar circumstances of 
 political extinction, Deak did all in his power to 
 keep alive the national spirit, by promoting those 
 literary and agricultural enterprises which presented 
 
 1 Deck's method of almsgiving would have scandalised the members 
 of a modern Charity Organisation Society. Every night was to be 
 seen arranged on a table in his room a little pile of money destined 
 for the purpose of indiscriminate distribution the next day amongst his 
 poorer fellow-citizens.
 
 CHAP, xv.] ACADEMY AT PESTH. 123 
 
 no handle of offence to the Government officials, 
 ever on the watch to suppress the least semblance of 
 an attempt at political association, and which at the 
 same time offered a basis for united action such as 
 the quick-witted Hungarians were not slow to take 
 advantage of. 
 
 In this way the ' Koztelek,' or National Agri- 
 cultural Union, came to serve in some respects the 
 purpose of a club, offering a place of meeting for the 
 Hungarian gentry, now debarred from the exercise 
 of all public functions, and deprived of those oppor- 
 tunities of political and social discussion which had 
 been afforded by their favourite national institution 
 of the County Assemblies. 
 
 The Academy at Pesth, founded originally by the 
 magnificent generosity of Count Szechenyi, owed 
 much also to Deak and his friends, who felt that 
 everything which contributed to mark and to pre- 
 serve the individuality of the nation, whether social, 
 literary, or political, deserved the gratitude and 
 support of all patriotic Hungarians. 
 
 Deak himself was a man of considerable literary 
 culture; his earnest desire, so far back as 1838, for 
 the promotion of the scientific study of the Magyar 
 tongue, and its introduction as the official language 
 in the place of Latin, was to him a matter not only 
 of political but of literary interest ; and in his younger 
 days he had spared no pains to make himself master 
 of the intricacies of his mother tongue, and to extend
 
 1 24 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xv. 
 
 a thorough knowledge of it amongst all classes of 
 his countrymen. 
 
 On one occasion during the era of official des- 
 potism, Deak, who in 1837 had been elected a 
 member of the Academy, came gallantly to the 
 assistance of his learned colleagues. The Govern- 
 ment, uneasy at the distinctively national character 
 of the institution, made an attempt to obviate this 
 by requiring the directors so to change their statutes 
 as to place the Academy under the direct control of 
 the Government. From the noble founder of the 
 Academy, Count Szech^nyi himself, came a message 
 of protest and remonstrance, and Deak at once drew 
 up a memorial protesting in such vigorous and un- 
 courtly terms against the proposed alteration that 
 the council shrank from presenting the address to 
 the authorities, some members suggesting that the 
 remonstrance might prudently be couched in milder 
 terms. In the end, however, Count Desewffy took 
 the memorial in its original form under his protection, 
 and undertook to present it ; with the result, as it 
 proved, of inducing the Government to abandon their 
 projected interference.
 
 CHAP, xvi.] NEW FORMATION OF PARTIES. 125 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 New aspect of parties Conservatives Liberals Distinguishing 
 principles of the present Conservative party Memorial of 1850 
 refused by the Emperor Second visit of the Emperor to Pesth, 
 1857 Petition drawn up by Count Desewffy to be presented by 
 Cardinal Szitowsky also refused. 
 
 IN a country like Hungary, it was not to be expected 
 that misfortunes however crushing, national efface- 
 ment however complete, should destroy those 
 ingrained political tendencies which lead to the 
 formation of opposing parties even amongst men 
 united in the fellowship of a common suffering and 
 a common patriotism. 
 
 But in considering the party conformation existing 
 during the decade that followed the war of 1 849, we 
 are struck with the fact that the nomenclature of 
 the period before 1848 is no longer applicable. 
 
 The terms Conservative and Liberal are still in 
 use, but the men to whom they apply are not the 
 same that we recognised under those denominations 
 in the Diet of 1847. 
 
 Prior to 1848, the chief strength of the nation, 
 both moral and intellectual, had been represented 
 by the large and powerful Liberal party, the political
 
 126 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvi. 
 
 descendants of the old Hungarian Opposition of 
 1825 ; in the ranks of this historic party had been 
 included such men as Francis Deak and the framers 
 of the Liberal Programme of 1847. But the name 
 of the popular leader was no longer for the time to 
 be found amongst the politicians who now claimed 
 the honourable title of the Liberal party of Hungary. 
 These looked rather to the exiled Louis Kossuth as 
 their chief, and they it was who in later days played 
 the game of the German Centralists at Vienna by 
 the demand of unconditional autonomy for Hungary 
 a demand that could only have been met either 
 by a complete concession, which would have meant 
 separation from the Austrian Empire, or by a blank 
 refusal, to be followed by a more stringent centrali- 
 sation. It was these Liberals who subsequently 
 headed the vehement, and in one instance successful 
 opposition to the proposals tending towards com- 
 promise and reconciliation which Francis Deak had 
 the courage to advocate, at a time when popular 
 opinion was running strongly against the Austrian 
 Government and everything connected with it. 
 
 Another great change in the aspect of parties 
 might be observed in the complete disappearance 
 of the genus ' Conservative/ in the pre-revolution 
 acceptance of that term. 
 
 Where was the party that had once so vigorously 
 maintained that the abolition of class privileges 
 would infallibly entail the ruin of society and the
 
 CHAP, xvi.] MODERN CONSERVATIVES. 127 
 
 downfall of the Constitution ? It had vanished as 
 completely as the old world institutions it had 
 vainly sought to preserve. The party, as a party, no 
 longer existed ; side by side with those distinguished 
 men who now by hereditary succession, as it were, 
 found their place amongst the ranks of the present 
 Moderate Conservatives, were some whose political 
 companionship would have sent a shudder through 
 many of the stately bearers of that designation under 
 the old regime. 
 
 So far as Deak at this time belonged to any party 
 more limited than that of all patriotic men through- 
 out the country, it was to the Conservative party, as 
 thus understood ; though no doubt he occasionally dis- 
 approved of their method of action, and was annoyed 
 at finding his name identified with measures which 
 he regarded as inopportune, and therefore as harmful 
 to the cause he had at heart. 
 
 But on the whole it may be said of the Conserva- 
 tives at this period that they represented the true 
 force and wisdom of the country, as the Liberal 
 Opposition had done in 1847. 
 
 The distinguishing principles of these modern 
 Conservatives may be briefly described, first as a 
 recognition of the fact that the just demand of 
 Hungary for the full restoration of her rights, must 
 be based upon an acknowledgment of the necessity 
 of insuring not only the integrity and administrative 
 independence of Hungary, but also the unity of the
 
 128 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvi. 
 
 Empire ; secondly, as a conviction that even should 
 the complete autonomy demanded by the extreme 
 Liberals be attained, a strong and permanent con- 
 solidation of the monarchy could never be accom- 
 plished so long as genuine constitutional freedom 
 was not enjoyed by the other provinces of the 
 Empire. 
 
 The party that supported these principles 
 whether under the name of Conservative or Liberal 
 was in any case faithful to the Programme of 1847 ; 
 and it was from the members of this party equally 
 obnoxious to the extreme advocates both of in- 
 dependence and incorporation that came the first 
 protest against the unlawful authority of the Vienna 
 Government in Hungary. 
 
 In 1850, a memorial bearing the signatures of 
 some of the greatest names in Hungary Esterhdzy, 
 Szech^nyi, Josika, Batthyany, Desewffy, Andrassy 
 was presented to the Emperor. "You are playing 
 with your heads," the imprudent memorialists were 
 warned by a high official ; but judging from the 
 outspoken language of the address, the warning 
 produced small effect on the Hungarian magnates. 
 With all due reverence and loyalty to the Emperor, 
 the memorial declared plainly that the course taken 
 by the Government would never lead to the pacifi- 
 cation of Hungary, and a demand was boldly made 
 for the restoration of the constitutional institutions of 
 the country, and of the municipal administrative and
 
 CHAP, xvi.] MEMORIAL TO THE EMPEROR. 129 
 
 legislative rights of the Hungarian people. 'In 
 the revolution which has passed over the country/ 
 said the memorial, ' much has been destroyed, and 
 much uprooted, but the ground on which the Throne 
 and Constitution of Hungary has stood firm for so 
 long remains unshaken.' ' On this foundation alone 
 can a new edifice be safely built up.' ' The universal 
 desire of the country to have an influence in the 
 settlement of its future relations, does not spring 
 from a desire to draw back from the path of needful 
 reform, to throw obstacles in the way of the con- 
 stitutional development of the Empire, or to claim 
 for Hungary rights and constitutional forms, which 
 might be dangerous to the common welfare of 
 the monarchy or injurious to the strong action 
 of the Supreme Power.' l 
 
 Already the note is struck so constantly recurred 
 to by Francis Deak in his exposition of the claims 
 of Hungary ' It is likewise fully and universally 
 acknowledged that Hungary, by virtue of the 
 Pragmatic Sanction, is indissolubly connected with 
 the monarchy, and that it is indispensable that the 
 relations of the former to the Empire, as well as its 
 internal constitution and administration, should be 
 regulated upon a secure basis, and in such a manner 
 as to offer strong guarantees against the renewal of 
 the events we have lately witnessed.' 
 
 The result of this memorial might have been 
 
 1 Drei Jahre Verfassungsstreit. 
 
 K
 
 130 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvi. 
 
 foreseen. Not only were its protests disregarded, 
 but the imperial officials in Hungary were charged 
 to watch closely the dangerous agitators who were 
 thus defying and bringing into contempt the 
 measures of the supreme Government, were im- 
 pairing the authority of the administration, and 
 rendering, the task of consolidating those social 
 conditions which had been so seriously shaken by 
 revolutionary anarchy, more difficult, by their in- 
 trigues and machinations. 
 
 The signatories of the memorial, having been thus 
 held up to the official world as conspirators and 
 revolutionists, were, by a truly masterly stroke of 
 misrepresentation, exhibited to the people, through 
 the medium of a docile press, as bigoted Conserva- 
 tives and aristocrats, who, irritated at the paternal 
 Liberalism of the Austrian Government, were agitat- 
 ing for the recovery of their class privileges and 
 exclusive national rights. 
 
 Seven years later, on the occasion of a visit of the 
 Emperor to Pesth, the Hungarian Conservatives 
 resolved once more to approach the Sovereign as 
 loyal subjects with a prayer for justice to their 
 country. A petition was drawn up by Count Emil 
 Desewffy, setting forth the grievances of Hungary 
 under German official rule, especially with reference 
 to the newly introduced system of taxation. 
 
 'We do not doubt,' said Count Desewffy, 'that 
 your Majesty will in the course of your inquiries
 
 CHAP, xvi.] PETITION OF 1857. 13 l 
 
 arrive at the conviction that it will be possible to 
 bring into harmony those historic institutions which 
 are bound up with the life of the nation, and to 
 which the people are devoutly attached, with the 
 requirements of the age, the necessity for the unity 
 of the monarchy, and the conditions of a strong 
 Government. We will readily co-operate with the 
 other subjects of your Majesty in everything that may 
 be needful to maintain the security of the monarchy, 
 to heighten its prestige, and to increase its power. 
 In the greatness of your Majesty and the strength of 
 the Empire lies our own security, and in the general 
 welfare of the monarchy our own prosperity. The 
 unity of the monarchy is the result of centuries ; 
 it comes from the co-operation of all the natural 
 forces of the Empire. A people which has had a 
 past is never able to forget its history. This 
 country has learnt the great lessons which history 
 teaches, and the interest of your Majesty demands 
 that it should not forget them. Our Fatherland 
 feels and acknowledges the obligations it is under to 
 your Majesty and to the common monarchy ; it is 
 ready to discharge these obligations, to do every- 
 thing but this to be untrue to itself, to renounce 
 its individual existence, and abjure the creed which 
 is itself founded upon its dynastic feelings and its 
 devotion to the dynasty.' During the three days 
 that the Emperor remained in Buda Pesth, more 
 than a hundred influential names of burghers and 
 
 K 2
 
 132 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. x/i. 
 
 nobles were privately affixed to the above petition. 
 But it was never presented to the Emperor. The 
 time had not yet come when Francis Joseph was to be 
 allowed, according to Count Szechenyi's expression, 
 ' to see with his own eyes, and hear with his own 
 ears.' The Ministers at Vienna got wind of the 
 affair, and at once urged upon his Majesty the 
 imprudence of encouraging so grave a breach of 
 the law as would be involved in the presentation of 
 such a document ; indeed so great was their alarm 
 that Count Buol and Herr v. Bach travelled to 
 Pesth and intimated that, should the Emperor 
 consent to receive the petition, they should feel it 
 their duty to resign office. 
 
 The Prince Primate of Hungary, Cardinal 
 Szitowsky, who had undertaken to present the 
 memorial, was careful always to take it with him 
 when he appeared at Court, in the hope that an 
 occasion might some day arise for presenting it 
 formally to his Majesty ; but the opportunity never 
 came, and at last the document found itself en- 
 tombed amongst the archiepiscopal archives at 
 Gran, where for a time all hope of the restoration 
 of the liberties of Hungary seemed buried with it.
 
 CHAP. XVIL] IMPENDING CHANGE. 133 
 
 PART IV. REVIVAL. 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Outlook not altogether hopeless Favourable disposition towards 
 Hungary of the Emperor and some of his German ministers 
 Deak on the permanence of the System Effect of Austrian defeat 
 in Italy in 1859 End of the System Offer of Ministry of the 
 Interior to Baron Josika Count Rechberg and Baron von Hiibner 
 Difficulties of carrying into execution the Emperor's intention to 
 grant constitutional government to the whole empire Competence of 
 commissioners for revision of Bach's Municipal Law not acknow- 
 ledged in Hungary Difference between Deak and the Hungarian 
 ministers Enlarged Privy Council Refusal of Eotvos, Vay, and 
 Somssich to attend Attitude of the Hungarian magnates in the 
 Council Majority in the Council for Constitution based not on 
 centralisation but on recognition of national rights. 
 
 BUT nevertheless the outlook was not altogether 
 so hopeless as it might appear to some despond- 
 ing patriots in Hungary. Above all, the Emperor 
 Francis Joseph was not the ' perjured young Nero ' 
 whom Kossuth, burning with the recollection of his 
 country's wrongs, was wont to denounce with bitter 
 indignation, and in Shakespearian English of en- 
 trancing eloquence, before sympathising audiences 
 in this country. 
 
 Even amongst the German ministers of the 
 Crown there were some who recognised the 
 unsatisfactory character of the existing state of
 
 134 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvn. 
 
 the Empire a recognition that was intensified 
 as the prospect of war with a powerful military 
 state like France became more imminent. 
 
 Deak had never believed in the permanent 
 establishment of the System ; his opinion as to the 
 probable influence of a European crisis upon Herr 
 v. Bach's political structure is expressed in the 
 significant little anecdote which he once related by 
 way of answer to the gloomy prognostications of 
 some of his compatriots. On consulting his gardener, 
 he said, who was also an authority in architecture, 
 as to the solidity of a certain vine-dresser's hut 
 which had just been erected on his estate, the man 
 expressed the sage opinion that the building might 
 stand for a long time, if the wind did not blow. 
 'Yes,' Deak had answered, 'but suppose it does 
 blow and that often? ' l 
 
 Before ten years had gone by, the storm had 
 come that was destined to test the durability of the 
 political fabric, and prove how different is union by 
 compression from that union of voluntary cohesion, 
 which alone gives strength to the State. 
 
 As the victories of Radetzsky in Italy in 1848 
 had once sealed the fate of constitutionalism in 
 Austria, so in 1859 the news of his defeat came 
 like the first dull crash of melting snow that heralds 
 the break-up of the long frost-bound winter and the 
 advent of spring and freedom. 
 
 1 Csengery.
 
 CHAP, xvii.] PROPOSAL TO BARON JOSIKA. 135 
 
 All through the Empire there passed a thrill of 
 life and movement ; loyalty to the throne remained 
 unshaken, but a breach was plainly discernible in 
 the hard crust of official absolutism that had 
 overspread the land. The era of the System was 
 at an end. 
 
 A significant symptom of the new spirit at work 
 in the imperial councils was to be seen in the offer 
 of the portfolio of Minister of the Interior to Baron 
 Josika, one of the Conservative magnates who had 
 signed the petitions of 1850 and 1857. But the 
 Hungarian magnate, true to his principles, declined 
 the honourable proposal. The words in which he 
 explained his reasons for so doing deserve to be 
 noted as a remarkable instance of the manner in 
 which some Hungarian statesmen have combined 
 with their intense and deeply rooted patriotism a sense 
 of consistency and justice towards other nationalities 
 than their own. ' We are persuaded/ said Baron 
 Josika, ' that no man, however great his talents, is 
 able to enter so completely into the various relations, 
 opinions, feelings, inclinations, and peculiarities ex- 
 isting in the two halves of the Empire as to be 
 capable of managing, rightly and successfully, the 
 internal affairs of the whole monarchy. On the 
 same principle that I would not credit any man 
 who had not devoted a lifetime to the study of the 
 peculiar relations of the lands under the Hungarian 
 Crown, with the power to rule those provinces well,
 
 136 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. XVH. 
 
 so I do not consider that a conscientious Hungarian 
 statesman ought to undertake the control of the 
 internal administration of the German and Slav 
 provinces.' 
 
 On the return of the Minister President and 
 Count Rechberg from the seat of war in Italy, and 
 the conclusion of the Peace of Villafranca, Herr v. 
 Bach resigned ; and after a short interval a Polish 
 nobleman, Count Golouchowski, accepted the office 
 of Minister of the Interior which the Hungarian 
 magnate had felt bound to decline. 
 
 Meanwhile the evidence of goodwill shown in 
 the recent offer made to Baron Josika was not 
 disregarded, and a constant though unofficial inter- 
 course was kept up between certain Austrian and 
 Hungarian statesmen. 
 
 Deak himself had little faith in the practical 
 success of the projects of reconciliation sketched 
 out by Count Emil Desewffy and amicably dis- 
 cussed over Count Rechberg's tea-table a scepticism 
 in which, as it proved, he was only too well justified. 
 
 At the same time it was a fact, not without im- 
 portance, that at this early stage of affairs there 
 should have been two Austrian statesmen, namely, 
 Count Rechberg and Baron v. Hiibner, who ap- 
 proved in the main of a programme that was based 
 upon a frank recognition of the impossibility of 
 maintaining the present system of internal adminis- 
 tration, and the need for a thorough reconstruction
 
 CHAP, xvii.] APPOINTMENT OF COMMISSIONERS. 137 
 
 of the State. However, as Deak had foreseen, the 
 vast complication of imperial politics was not to be 
 thus easily unravelled in the course of a few private 
 conferences. 
 
 Outside the minister's sanctum matters went far 
 less smoothly. In consequence of too pronounced 
 views on the subject of the rights of Hungary, 
 Baron v. Hiibner found himself compelled to resign ; 
 and the difficulties of carrying into execution the 
 Emperor's generous intention to establish constitu- 
 tional government in Austria, in such a manner as 
 to satisfy the various sections of the Empire, became 
 daily more formidable. 
 
 Whilst in the German and Slav provinces the 
 Commissioners who were entrusted with the revision 
 of Bach's Municipal Law, and were invited to give 
 expression to their free opinion on its working and 
 results, acknowledged gratefully the confidence thus 
 reposed in them, and set to work obediently upon 
 their prescribed task, the Hungarian Commis- 
 sioners, on the contrary, declared themselves touched 
 by the honour done them, but unable to undertake the 
 flattering office, ' since the revision of the Municipal 
 Law was undoubtedly the function of the Diet, and 
 of the Diet only.' Here was the rock on which all 
 attempts at a private settlement of the Hungarian 
 question split. It was from his firm resolution to 
 accept no compromise that could be effected only 
 by dint of ignoring that primary factor in the Con-
 
 138 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvn. 
 
 stitution of Hungary the lawful authority of the 
 Diet that Deak became pre-eminently distinguished 
 as the national champion of Hungary. ' First arrive 
 at a reconciliation with the Imperial Government, 
 and you will then be in a position to summon the 
 Diet, and do full justice to the special claims of 
 Hungary' so argued the Hungarian magnates, 
 whose valuable services to the nation at this 
 juncture few of their countrymen would deny. 
 
 ' First recognise the lawful status and authority 
 of the Diet/ insisted Deak, ' and then by all means 
 let the Diet acknowledge the paramount necessity 
 for harmonising the distinctive rights of Hungary 
 with the requirements of the common monarchy.' 
 
 There was much to be urged on either side, both 
 from a purely national and from an imperial point 
 of view. The former policy promised best for 
 immediate fulfilment ; but the latter has been 
 crowned, as it deserved, with the success due to 
 the patient, far-seeing statesmanship of its great 
 exponent. 
 
 Checked in the attempt to prepare the way for 
 the establishment of the promised Constitution by 
 means of the proposed Royal Commissioners, 
 owing to the refusal of the Hungarian people to 
 acknowledge the legal competence of such func- 
 tionaries, the Emperor determined to carry on nego- 
 tiations through the aristocratic rather than the 
 popular element in the monarchy to begin the
 
 CHAP, xvn.] THE ENLARGED PRIVY COUNCIL. 139 
 
 work of reconstruction in the upper instead of the 
 lower strata. The permanent Reichsrath, or Privy 
 Council, was enlarged, leading men chosen from 
 every province of the Empire being summoned to 
 Vienna to deliberate with the Sovereign on the 
 fitting measures to be taken for the proposed re- 
 organisation of the State. 
 
 Of the six Hungarian magnates nominated by 
 the Crown to represent their country in this enlarged 
 Imperial Council (Verstarkte Reichsrath), only three, 
 Counts Apponyi, Barkoczy, and Mailath, answered 
 the summons ; Baron Eotvos, Baron Vay, and M. 
 de Somssich declined, considering the present 
 Reichsrath, however well-intentioned, to be only a 
 fresh means of avoiding direct consultation with the 
 nation through the Diet. 
 
 The Hungarian representatives at Vienna though 
 the very fact of their presence in the Imperial 
 Council, under present circumstances, was in itself 
 contrary to the general wish of their countrymen 
 could in no other respect be charged with betraying 
 the national independence of Hungary. Through- 
 out the whole course and conduct of the discussions 
 they maintained a firm dignified and attitude, and 
 never shrank from using all the influence conferred 
 by their independent position and natural aptitude 
 for debate in asserting the just claims of their own 
 country, and of the cause of national liberties in 
 general. It was greatly owing to the ability and
 
 140 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvn. 
 
 eloquence of the Hungarian magnates that the 
 majority of the Imperial Council, including repre- 
 sentatives of various sections in the Empire, declared 
 themselves strongly in favour of a Constitution 
 founded, not upon centralisation, but upon a re- 
 cognition of the national and historic rights of the 
 several lands and provinces of the Empire. 
 
 In the celebrated October Diploma of 1860, in 
 which the Emperor of Austria announced the aboli- 
 tion of the absolute system, and his intention 
 henceforth to admit the peoples of Austria to a 
 share in the government of their country, this 
 principle received the royal sanction ; and Baron 
 Sennyei and Count Mailath were summoned to 
 Vienna by their compatriots, with the assurance 
 that this time ' things were really in earnest.'
 
 CHAP, xviii.] 'WHAT WILL DEAK SAY?' 141 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Anxiety as to Deck's view of the October Diploma Respect for his 
 opinion amongst his countrymen Deak acknowledges the benefits 
 of the diploma in restoring the municipal institutions of Hungary, 
 but declines to pledge himself to his future course before the 
 convocation of the Diet Provisional Statutes of Count Golou- 
 chowski Discontent both of Hungarians and German Liberals 
 Resolution of the Hungarian ministers at Vienna to remain in office, 
 in hopes of re-establishing a better system through help of the Diet 
 Fundamental harmony between them and Deak Refusal of the 
 latter to accept any scheme based upon theory of Forfeiture of 
 Right Consequent demand for preliminary recognition of Laws 
 of '48 Judex Curiae. 
 
 WHAT would Deak say to the October Diploma ? 
 For ten years the great representative of Hungary- 
 had kept silence, leading the ordinary life of a citizen 
 of Pesth, going quietly about amongst the people, 
 ever ready with a word of encouragement or hope 
 when it was needed, but never volunteering an 
 opinion or suggestion on the course of public events 
 either by speech or writing. And yet when the 
 crisfs of 1860 came, ministers on both sides of the 
 Leitha, friends and foes alike, felt instinctively that 
 to this silent, unobtrusive man they must look for 
 an answer to the momentous question : ' Will the 
 people of Hungary accept the provisions of the
 
 142 FRANCIS DEAR. [CHAP. xvni. 
 
 royal Diploma in so far as these affected their own 
 country ? ' 
 
 The strange influence exercised by Francis Deak 
 over his countrymen seemed only to have increased 
 during those years of inaction in which his name 
 had been unknown in Europe. 
 
 ' In the eyes of the people,' writes one of his 
 compatriots at this time, ' Deak is the type of 
 justice, the organ of truth, the touchstone of true 
 law. It is not enthusiasm that he inspires, for he 
 has never sought to captivate by his speeches or 
 writings ; but the entire nation believes that from 
 him alone it can take the " mot d'ordre." No party 
 could succeed in carrying the nation with it without 
 the assent of Deak, for all think that he alone can 
 say when it would be prudent and right to proceed 
 to action. The exiles, however popular they may 
 be, would find no response in the country if Deak 
 were to hold aloof; but once let him come forward, 
 once let him give the word, and all Hungary will 
 obey his voice like one man.' 1 
 
 On the promulgation of the October Diploma, 
 Deak abandoned his attitude of silent observation, 
 and entered heartily, though still in the same un- 
 assuming, unofficial manner, into active political 
 life. 
 
 He frankly acknowledged the great step gained 
 by the restoration in the October Diploma of the 
 
 1 Quoted by Laveleye, UAutriche et La Prusse.
 
 CHAP. XVIIL] COUNT GOLOUCHOWSKI'S STATUTES. 143 
 
 municipal institutions of Hungary, and fully hoped 
 that an opening had now been found for future 
 discussion and for ultimate reconciliation through 
 the Diet ; at the same time he would not, prior to 
 the convocation of the Diet, consent to pledge him- 
 self or the country as to the course he should take 
 with regard to its further application. 
 
 Unfortunately the tendency of events was such 
 as gradually to widen instead of to diminish the 
 breach which had seemed at last on the point of 
 being closed between the two halves of the Empire. 
 
 To the profound disappointment of the Hungarian 
 magnates at Vienna, the imperious provisions by 
 which the October Diploma was carried out departed 
 widely from the spirit of the original document and 
 the intention of the majority in the Imperial Council. 
 
 The 'Statutes' issued by Count Golouchowski 
 to all the various provinces gave equal dissatisfac- 
 tion in the Hereditary States and in Hungary ; to 
 the advocates of centralisation, as well as to those 
 of nationality. With the publication of the arbitrary 
 statutes affecting the constitution of the Provincial 
 Diets a system was introduced that was neither 
 to the taste of the Hungarian Conservatives nor of 
 the German Liberals. 
 
 The principle of national self-government was, to 
 a certain extent, recognised in the convocation of 
 the Provincial Diets, but at the same time the in- 
 timation that local institutions would be carefully
 
 144 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvm. 
 
 regulated by the Crown, in such a manner as not 
 to interfere with existing relations, considerably 
 lessened the value of this concession. 
 
 On the other hand, whilst the creation of a single 
 Legislative Assembly at Vienna was in theory con- 
 sistent with the views of the German Centralists, 
 the powers of the new Legislature were ill-defined ; 
 and the fact of its members being for the most part 
 nominees, chosen by the Crown from amongst the 
 delegates of the Provincial Diets, deprived the pro- 
 posed Reichsrath of a genuinely popular or repre- 
 sentative character. 
 
 It appeared as though events would justify the 
 warnings and the silent abstention of those Hun- 
 garians who considered that when, in the praise- 
 worthy desire for a reconciliation with Austria, 
 Count Apponyi and his colleagues had consented to 
 waive the due recognition of the Hungarian Diet, 
 they had been tempted into sacrificing the just 
 pretensions of their country, without gaining for the 
 common monarchy that genuine constitutional free- 
 dom which they had looked for in return. 
 
 But in spite of the unfavourable turn of the 
 reform movement, the Hungarian ministers deter- 
 mined to remain at their posts, in the well-founded 
 belief that by dint of tact and perseverance they 
 might still bring about the meeting of the Diet, 
 where the country might decide its own fate, and 
 perhaps succeed in removing those flaws in the
 
 CHAP, xviii.] DEAK AND HUNGARIAN MINISTERS. 145 
 
 new arrangement which individual efforts were 
 powerless to eradicate. They still maintained, in 
 spite of recent discouragement, that whatever the 
 form of the Constitution designed for the whole 
 Empire, nothing would meet the interests both of the 
 monarchy and of the various provinces composing 
 it which was not founded on the principle of the 
 October Diploma namely, common constitutional 
 treatment of the common affairs of the monarchy, 
 combined with as much regard as possible for the 
 historical autonomy of the separate provinces, and 
 their political and national individuality. 
 
 Thus there was no essential difference of opinion, 
 as to the ultimate object to be gained, between the 
 Hungarian ministers and Francis Deak. Both held 
 that the ' rights ' of Hungary, those peculiar consti- 
 tutional privileges, which required that laws should 
 not be imposed upon the land without the consent 
 of the Legislature, could not be ignored without de- 
 stroying the political existence of the country ; that 
 no change, however desirable, should be ' octroy ' 
 upon Hungary, but should be carried out with the 
 free consent and co-operation of the Diet. Both 
 held that no devotion to their national rights would 
 justify the Hungarians in weakening the authority 
 and influence of the common monarchy. But the 
 Hungarian magnates aimed first at the attainment of 
 common constitutional government for the whole 
 Empire, in the hope that the recognition of the rights
 
 146 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xvm. 
 
 of individual states would follow in due course ; 
 whilst Deak believed that a genuine constitutional 
 regime for the common monarchy would never be 
 established until the constitutional rights of these 
 individual states had first been fully and legally 
 acknowledged. He had no faith in the power of 
 the Vienna Government to construct a Constitution 
 that should be based upon the theory, in favour 
 with some German Liberals, of ' forfeiture of right.' 
 It was because he believed, on the contrary, in the 
 vital and universal importance of the opposing theory 
 of the 'continuity of right,' not only for Hungary, but 
 for all the provinces of the Empire, that in November 
 1860 he gave as the mot tfordre in the impending 
 negotiations 'recognition of the laws of 1848,' and 
 thereby brought upon himself the charge of en- 
 dangering the successful attainment of a little by 
 demanding too much. 
 
 ' How can I be your Judex Curiae ?' said Deak 
 to the Hungarian ministers when they would have 
 persuaded him to take office under the existing 
 regime. ' You forget that I am your Minister of 
 Justice, and that my resignation, which I sent in 
 in September 1848, has never yet been accepted.' l 
 
 1 Rogge, Unsere Zeit, 1876.
 
 CHAP, xix.] THE PATENT OF FEBRUARY. 147 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Resignation of Golouchowski February Patent issued by Baron von 
 Schmerling, Minister of the Interior Triumph of Centralist party 
 The Hungarian ministers still anxious to bring about a reconcilia- 
 tion Office of Court Chancellor accepted by Baron Vay Hostility 
 of the County Assemblies of Hungary to the Austrian Government 
 not encouraged by Deak His efforts to moderate the violence of 
 the ultra-National party Remonstrance against the disavowal 
 of existing judicial authority by the County Assemblies dangerous 
 to the liberty and the rights of individuals Excitement in 
 Hungary before the opening of the Diet Deak's forebodings 
 March 1861, Dedk elected deputy for Pesth His influence over 
 the Pesth County Assembly ; over the extreme Nationalist deputies 
 Solution of difficulty as to place of meeting of the Diet. 
 
 BETWEEN October 1860, and February 1861, the 
 constitutional problem in Austria assumed a new 
 phase. Count Golouchowski was succeeded by 
 Baron v. Schmerling, and the Patent of February 
 issued under the auspices of the new minister 
 marked the triumph of the Centralist policy of the 
 German Liberals, and the inauguration of an attempt 
 to establish the Constitution upon an entirely 
 different principle from that laid down in the 
 October Diploma. 
 
 For the changed aspect of affairs in Austria, the 
 Hungarian ministers were no more responsible than 
 was Francis Deak for the uncompromising and 
 
 L 2
 
 148 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xix. 
 
 violent attitude of the Hungarian County Assemblies, 
 which had undoubtedly contributed to bring about 
 the present estrangement between the two countries. 
 
 Though seeing with regret the direction in which 
 matters were tending thanks to the arbitrary ap- 
 plication of the October Diploma the Hungarian 
 counsellors of the Crown had resolved not to give 
 up too soon the hope of arriving at some arrange- 
 ment to which their country might with justice to 
 itself agree. 
 
 Baron Nicholas Vay, a Protestant magnate, and 
 one of tlje most popular men in Hungary, who 
 in 1849 had been three times summoned before 
 General Haynau's military tribunal, twice acquitted, 
 and the third time condemned to two years' imprison- 
 ment in the Fortress of Theresienstadt, was pro- 
 posed by the Hungarians at Vienna for the office 
 of Court Chancellor. 
 
 The Emperor consenting to the appointment, 
 Baron Vay was summoned to the capital, where he 
 arrived still in ignorance as to the purport of his 
 journey. Whilst he was being enlightened by his 
 compatriots, Count Mailath and Baron Sennyei, on 
 the present state of the negotiations, the Chancellor 
 elect was called away to an audience of his Majesty. 
 
 The interview was short, and no definite scheme 
 of future policy was agreed upon, but the wished-for 
 result was obtained : the Hungarian magnate con- 
 sented to forget past wrongs, and to come loyally to
 
 CHAP, xix.] BENEFICIAL INFLUENCE OF EMPEROR. 149 
 
 the help of his Sovereign in the new attempt to 
 restore harmony and confidence between Hungary 
 and the Imperial Government. 
 
 Never did a sovereign more abundantly deserve 
 the loyal support and self-sacrifice of his subjects, 
 be they of what nationality they might. For more 
 than five hundred years the Hapsburgs have 
 exercised a stronger and more personal influence 
 upon the destiny of States and nationalities than 
 any other reigning house in Europe. But the 
 power and prestige of the ancient dynasty, which for 
 centuries bore exclusively the Imperial title, were 
 too often employed with baleful effect by princes 
 who chose to make the name of Austria synonymous 
 with bigotry, despotism, and oppression, a byword 
 for blind resistance to liberty and progress amongst 
 all the freedom-loving nations of Europe. The 
 Emperor Francis Joseph has shown that the magic 
 power of the Hapsburg dynasty has not become 
 extinct even in this democratic age ; that it is a 
 power which can be used for good with as great 
 effect as it was once used for evil. The truly royal 
 patience and magnanimity displayed by the Sovereign 
 throughout the long and difficult endeavour to re- 
 concile the claims of his various subjects upon the 
 basis of constitutional and national freedom, was 
 an element in the ultimate success of the attempt 
 which none but a strong personal influence could 
 have supplied.
 
 150 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xix. 
 
 In enumerating the causes that in the opinion of 
 some foreign critics must speedily lead to the dis- 
 solution of the heterogeneous Empire of Austria, 
 the great Catholic State of Europe, sufficient account 
 is not always taken of the strength of the uniting 
 bond of dynastic loyalty. In looking back at the 
 principal changes which have passed over Europe 
 during the last twenty years, and comparing the 
 present position of Austria with her position at the 
 time of the Italian war of 1859, it seems at least 
 open to question whether the personal influence of 
 the last Hapsburg emperor has not tended more to 
 strengthen the foundations of the monarchy than 
 Solferino and Koniggratz, the Treaty of Versailles, 
 or the Peace of San Stefano, have done to endanger 
 them. 
 
 The line of uncompromising hostility to the 
 Austrian Government taken up by the provincial 
 assemblies on the re-establishment of the County 
 organisation of Hungary formed no part of Deak's 
 policy of legal resistance. He had, as we have 
 seen, been prepared to welcome the disposition 
 towards reconciliation evinced in the original scheme 
 of the October Diploma, and the long interview 
 which he had with the Emperor at Vienna in the 
 following December confirmed him in the earnest 
 desire to find a ' modus vivendi ' acceptable to all 
 parties in the State. 
 
 On his return to Hungary, Deak, not for the first
 
 CHAP. xix.]DEAK AND THE COUNTY ASSEMBLIES. 151 
 
 time in his life, risked his popularity in the attempt 
 to moderate the unreasoning violence of the ultra- 
 National party in the County Assemblies, who 
 would have exercised their newly restored power in 
 sweeping away every trace of Austrian rule, and 
 refusing all recognition of officials appointed under 
 the central Government. 
 
 The lawyer in Deak, as well as the statesman, 
 was alarmed at the prospect of anarchy involved in 
 the ill-considered conduct of the ' ultras ' in thus 
 suddenly disavowing all existing judicial authority. 
 He acknowledged, he said, the importance that 
 should be attached to public opinion, even when 
 excited, but he should consider it an injury to 
 the State if private relations were to be decided 
 under the stress of a political agitation ; ' the voice 
 of the private person who has been unjustly dealt 
 with is far too weak to make itself heard above the 
 tumult of excitement, and individuals suffer with- 
 out the State being in any way benefited thereby.' 
 'After ten years of absolute rule under Joseph II., 
 it was easy to restore the old order of things, for 
 then nothing but the organisation of the courts of 
 justice had been altered ; the law itself had not been 
 changed, no foreign code had been introduced into 
 our country, no new regulations founded upon a 
 basis distinct from the law of Hungary. But now 
 the case is entirely different ; old legal principles
 
 152 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xix. 
 
 have disappeared ; with new laws, new principles 
 of law have been established ; the legal relations 
 between private persons, both in our own country 
 and abroad, have been modified, and that to some 
 extent in the direction which in principle we our- 
 selves acted upon in 1848. And can any one with 
 the smallest idea of truth and justice doubt for an 
 instant that the legal relations which have arisen 
 out of the new laws must be judged by the same 
 laws under whose sanction, and in accordance with 
 whose ordinances, they came into existence P' 1 
 
 Dedk's ideal of liberty was rather that of the 
 English than of the French reformers. No one 
 realised more keenly the advantages of a strong 
 central authority, whether for his own country or 
 for the common monarchy ; but in his conception 
 of a well-ordered political community, the State 
 played a less prominent part than in the schemes 
 of most constitutional reformers in France ; he was 
 ever a most jealous guardian of the freedom of 
 individual citizens. 
 
 ' The struggle between Liberty and Depotism,' 
 he once said, ' is as old as history ; and it is always 
 a striking feature of the contest that that party has 
 invariably succumbed which did not fulfil its promise 
 to the nation. The absolute system held out the 
 prospect of order, peace, and material prosperity ; 
 
 1 Csengery, Franz Dedk> p. 148.
 
 CHAP, xix.] ANXIETY AS TO THE FUTURE. 153 
 
 liberty, on the other hand, promises the enjoyment 
 of individual and civic freedom.' 
 
 For his part, Deak might fairly claim to have 
 spared no pains in the attempt to prevent the advo- 
 cates of constitutional liberty in his own country 
 from belying this promise of perfect individual 
 freedom without prejudice to race, religion, or 
 nationality. 
 
 Altered circumstances, both at Vienna and in 
 Hungary, had made the approaching assembly of 
 the Diet seem far less promising of a successful 
 issue than when Deak had first hailed the pro- 
 clamation of the October Diploma. 
 
 He felt oppressed with the difficulties attending 
 the harmonious settlement of the great question 
 affecting the future of his country, at a time when 
 at home and abroad the most extravagant hopes 
 and fears were rife, and the political atmosphere 
 was so charged with electricity that the slightest 
 friction might produce an explosion such as would 
 shatter the whole framework of the empire. 
 
 ' I have lived through many hard times,' said 
 Deak ' hard for the Fatherland, and hard for the 
 political position of individuals, but I have never 
 before known a time when I have not been able 
 to look forward, frankly, boldly, and with inward 
 contentment, to coming events, with at least the 
 satisfaction of knowing, understanding, and feeling 
 what was my duty as a citizen. But now, my brain
 
 154 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xix. 
 
 reels, my heart fails me, when I look into the chaos 
 of possibilities that lies before us, in emerging from 
 which a single false step may plunge the country 
 into ruin.' ' You write that the eyes of the country 
 are turned expectantly towards me,' he wrote to a 
 friend at this time. ' So much the worse for me 
 and for the country ; for the evil has come to such 
 a point that neither I nor any one else can save 
 the Fatherland from it.' l 
 
 In spite of his gloomy forebodings, Dealt worked 
 manfully at the attempt at least to minimise the 
 perils he realised so forcibly. In March 1861 he 
 was elected deputy for the town of Pesth, and very 
 shortly had an opportunity of using his great in- 
 fluence in the interests of moderation and prud- 
 ence ; he even succeeded in inducing that ardently 
 patriotic body, the Pesth County Assembly, to vote 
 the measures necessary for the levying of recruits 
 and the collecting of taxes a concession to an 
 unconstitutional Government which most of the 
 officials of the newly restored County Assemblies 
 had refused to sanction, not without serious detriment 
 to the public service. In warning his countrymen of 
 the futility of trying to establish a more satisfactory 
 state of things in Hungary by a resort to violent 
 or aggressive measures, Deak would remark, ' You . 
 may blow up whole fortresses with gunpowder, but 
 you cannot build the smallest hut with it.' ! 
 
 1 Csengery, Franz Dedk, p. 152.
 
 CHAP, xix.] CONVOCATION OF THE DIET. 155 
 
 The Diet had been convened to meet at the 
 royal palace at Buda, in disregard of a law of 1848 
 which provided that for the future the Legislative 
 Assembly should be held in Pesth. 
 
 For a time it appeared as though all chance 
 of reconciliation were to be wrecked on this com- 
 paratively trifling question, the Left being anxious to 
 refuse all compliance with the royal summons until 
 a concession should have been made to them on 
 this point. 
 
 But Deak, having once entered on the campaign,' 
 was determined to exercise the rightful prerogative 
 of a leader in choosing his own ground, and he 
 resolved to occupy a more tenable position of 
 defence for the coming contest. He quietly an- 
 nounced that for his part he should go to Buda for 
 the opening sitting of the Diet, whether the other 
 deputies should follow him thither or not. The ex- 
 treme party, who in this instance were numerically in 
 the majority, agreed to a compromise ; the opening 
 ceremonial was attended by all the deputies at 
 Buda, and the subsequent debates were carried on 
 at Pesth.
 
 156 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xx. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Opening of the Diet by Count G. Apponyi The Royal Rescript, 
 October Diploma, and February Patent treated as Fundamental 
 Laws overriding the Hungarian Constitution Lord Brougham 
 Increased strength of the Nationalist party, led by MM. Ghyczy 
 and Tisza Dedk's First Address Indignation of English and 
 German Liberals at Hungary's refusal to accept the new "Con- 
 stitution A serious charge brought against the Hungarians 
 Dedk's line of argument The Pragmatic Sanction of 1723 The 
 theory of relations between Austria and Hungary How far had 
 this been carried out Urme'nyi, Paul Ndgy Austrian Sovereign 
 practically compelled to recognise validity of Hungarian claims 
 to constitutional independence Archduke Charles and the Diet 
 Emperor Francis and Paul Ndgy The Diet of 1811 on the 
 financial proposals of the Imperial Government Need for reform in 
 the Hungarian Constitution acknowledged by Deak Main objections 
 raised in the First Address to the provisions of the new Austrian 
 Constitution. 
 
 ON the 6th of April 1861, the Diet was opened by 
 the Royal Commissioner, Count George Apponyi. 
 
 Nothing could have been more gracious than the 
 tone of the speech from the Throne. His Majesty, 
 it was said, felt deeply the mistrust to which the 
 remembrance of the past eventful years had given 
 rise in Hungary, and was persuaded that harmony, 
 confidence, and sincere reconciliation could only be 
 brought about by reciprocal respect for rights, and 
 mutual consideration of interests. After announcing
 
 CHAP, xx.] ROYAL RESCRIPT. 157 
 
 that the principal object of the Emperor in con- 
 vening the Diet was ' to deliberate with the 
 legislative bodies on the restoration, maintenance, 
 and remodelling of the Constitution, to receive the 
 consecration of the Holy Crown, and issue the 
 Inaugural Diploma preliminary to his coronation,' 
 the speech proceeded to explain the reasons that 
 rendered it imperatively necessary to carry out the 
 first provisions of the October Diploma, without 
 previous consultation with the Hungarian Diet, 
 and that 'compelled his Majesty to hold certain 
 ordinances of the laws of the land in abeyance 
 until the constitutional system should, after a re- 
 newed revision, come into full force.' 
 
 In short the October Diploma and the February 
 Patent, with all that they entailed, were regarded 
 in the royal speech as the irrevocable Constitution 
 of the Empire ; and the Hungarian Legislature 
 was simply invited to discuss subsidiary details, 
 and to express its opinion on the mode in which 
 the definite organisation, rendered necessary by the 
 change in the internal affairs of Austria, might be 
 brought into accordance with such of the con- 
 stitutional rights of Hungary as might be not 
 incompatible with the new Constitution of the 
 Empire. 
 
 ' In Hungary,' said Lord Brougham, speaking at 
 Dublin in I86I, 1 'the ancient Constitution as it 
 
 1 Addresses of the Hungarian Diet in 1861, translated from the 
 Hungarian by J. Home Payne, Esq.
 
 158 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xx. 
 
 existed before 1848 is restored, and the establish- 
 ment of that which was formed in a season of civil 
 war is alone refused.' 
 
 Not so thought the Hungarians. 
 
 The extreme Nationalists, who now constituted 
 the Opposition party in the Diet, had been growing 
 constantly more powerful since the first assembly 
 of the Legislature ; and the ardour of hostility to 
 the Vienna Government was not checked by the 
 tragic death of their leader, Count Teleki, on the 
 eve of the opening debate. His place was at once 
 filled by M. Ghyczy and M. Tisza, their party 
 numbering a slight majority in the Lower House. 
 
 On the 1 3th of May Francis Deak, who for the 
 past few weeks had been hard at work in collabora- 
 tion with his friend M. Csengery (known in Pesth 
 as ' Deak's pen '), read to the House the proposed 
 reply of the Diet to the speech from the Throne a 
 reply couched in the loyal and respectful language 
 which the tone of the Emperor's gracious message 
 amply demanded. 
 
 It was the first of those famous Addresses in 
 which Deak, with the wide knowledge of a historian, 
 the logical reasoning and clear argument of a 
 jurist, and the dignified moderation of a statesman, 
 set forth in the name of his country the reasons 
 why Hungary, with all grateful acknowledgment 
 of the Emperor's good intentions in conferring 
 constitutional government upon the Empire, yet 
 could not consent to the provisions of the October
 
 CHAP, xx.] OBJECTIONS TO DEAK'S POLICY. 159 
 
 Diploma, and the system of government there laid 
 
 i 
 
 down for Hungary as well as for the other provinces 
 of the Empire. 
 
 Great indignation was expressed by Liberals in 
 England as well as in Germany against the 
 Hungarian leader, for thus continuing his policy 
 of resistance in face of the new Constitution 
 proffered by Francis Joseph and his advisers. 
 
 ' Here,' it was said, ' is a nation declining to 
 accept liberties of infinitely wider extent and 
 more liberal character than those it had enjoyed 
 under the provisions of its ancient charter. Not 
 only does it injure itself by this obstinate refusal 
 to accept an improvement upon its antiquated 
 Constitution, but by this selfish abstention it pre- 
 vents the successful working of the new Imperial 
 Constitution, which would have established parlia- 
 mentary government, and secured to all the different 
 provinces of the Austrian Empire the ample en- 
 joyment of their rights and local privileges.' 
 
 This is a serious indictment, but on closer ex- 
 amination it will be acknowledged that there was 
 more justification for the conduct of the Hungarian 
 people than would be apparent from the foregoing 
 view of the situation. 
 
 To appreciate Deak's line of argument as pre- 
 sented in the two Addresses of 1861, and to under- 
 stand the force of his objection to the assertion that 
 the new Constitution offered Hungary a boon more
 
 160 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xx. 
 
 valuable to his country than the rights which she' 
 was asked to sacrifice, it may be well to recall what 
 had been the position of things before the political 
 earthquake of 1848 had shaken the mutual relations 
 of states to their foundation. 
 
 According to the Pragmatic Sanction of 1723, it 
 had been definitively agreed, in the interest both of 
 Hungary and of the Hapsburg dynasty, that, as 
 regarded the rest of Europe, Austria and Hungary 
 should constitute one State, but that, as regarded 
 the internal relations of the two countries, each 
 should maintain its separate national existence and 
 distinctive form of government the bond of union 
 between them, the pledge of their identity in all 
 dealings of the State with foreign Powers, consisting 
 in the person of the hereditary sovereign, who in 
 matters of internal legislation and administration 
 formed the sole point of contact between Hungary 
 and the other provinces of the Empire. Such was 
 the theory of the relations between Austria and 
 Hungary. 
 
 No doubt, in the course of a hundred and fifty 
 years, force majeure and the natural tendencies of 
 absolutism on the one hand, political subserviency 
 and the blinding influence of class prejudices on 
 the other, had frequently caused an infraction of the 
 original stipulations, and had warped or obscured the 
 ideal theory of the unity of the State and the inde- 
 pendence of the nation, recognised in the Pragmatic
 
 CHAP, xx.] REASSERTION OF OLD PRINCIPLES. 161 
 
 Sanction, and embodied in the Constitutional Laws of 
 Hungary. Too often, it is true, the Hungarian nobles, 
 in their dread of losing any fraction of their caste 
 privileges, had played into the hands of the Vienna 
 Government, and by their connivance at, or actual 
 participation in, illegal and unjust proceedings, had 
 seemed to sanction a theory of government in which all 
 question of Hungarian independence was disregarded. 
 
 But with all the servility and treachery which had 
 sometimes brought discredit upon the Hungarian 
 aristocracy, and had imperilled the national independ- 
 ence, there had never been wanting patriotic men 
 to assert the rights and interests of their country ; 
 men who refused to use the letter of the Constitution 
 as a weapon for destroying the spirit of it ; who, 
 whilst clinging to the loyal observance of the law 
 themselves, demanded that others should do the 
 same. 
 
 Francis Deak and those who thought with him, 
 might in this respect claim their descent from the 
 Magyar patriots who formed the small but far- 
 sighted band of reformers in the Diet of 1 79 1 ; from 
 those magnates who, like Zichy, Urmenyi, and 
 Batthyany in 1792, succeeded in wringing from the 
 Government, even amidst the excitement of an 
 approaching European war, the acknowledgment 
 of the constitutional independence of their country ; 
 from Paul Nagy and the "Old Guard" of the 
 Opposition in 1825. 
 
 M
 
 1 62 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xx. 
 
 It is not difficult to show that the rights and 
 privileges claimed by the Hungarians were frequently 
 overridden by their powerful neighbours ; but on 
 the other hand there is abundant evidence to prove 
 that though the Austrian Emperor may often have 
 used his giant's strength like a giant, he was always 
 ready to acknowledge that by right he was bound 
 to consult with Hungary and not to command her ; 
 that the refractory country with its Diets and County 
 Assemblies could not be treated in the same arbitrary 
 fashion as the Hereditary States ; and there had 
 always been separate Hungarian ministers to per- 
 petuate, in name at least, what was too often merely 
 the fiction of national administrative independence. 
 The responsible Hungarian Ministry established by 
 the Laws of 1848 was but the modern development 
 of the old system of Hungarian Courts and Chan- 
 celries ; not, as Lord Brougham had said, the creation 
 of a season of civil war. 
 
 Even during the crisis of the Napoleonic Wars, 
 the Emperor dared not disregard the Constitution 
 he would so gladly have abolished. 
 
 The popular Archduke Charles, a great favourite 
 with the warlike Magyars, had even then felt that 
 his only hope of carrying out the important changes 
 in the military system of Hungary, which he 
 earnestly desired, was through the Diet, which was 
 accordingly summoned for the first time after an 
 interval of ten years. The subject had to be ap-.
 
 CHAP, xx.] ATTITUDE OF THE DIET IN 1811. 163 
 
 preached cautiously, being introduced in a speech 
 from the President of the Lower House ; but in the 
 end the Diet, indignant at the inadequacy of the 
 Royal Propositions with reference to the redress of 
 long-standing grievances, and at the fresh burdens 
 which it was sought to lay upon the nation, refused 
 absolutely to gratify imperial wishes by transferring 
 to the Austrian War Minister the unconditional 
 control of the Hungarian army, and the Archduke 
 was forced to be content with receiving the military 
 aid of the Magyars on their own terms. 1 
 
 As regards the financial relations theoretically 
 existing between Hungary and the Empire, it is a 
 significant fact that in the Diet of 1811 the Emperor 
 Francis failed entirely to induce the representatives 
 of the nation to vote an extraordinary levy for the 
 purpose of guaranteeing the 100,000,000 florins of 
 paper money then to be found in the Imperial 
 Treasury. The demand was met with the reply 
 from the deputies that in no case would they consent 
 to give the required guarantee, inasmuch as the 
 Government had committed the mistake of confound- 
 ing the finances of Hungary with those of the 
 Hereditary States ; moreover, it was impossible that 
 under present circumstances they could give their 
 approval to the proposed financial operation, because 
 it was forbidden them to impose upon their country 
 
 1 See Sayous, La Hongrie depuis 1790. 
 
 M 2
 
 1 64 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xx. 
 
 prospective taxation. The Diet maintained its 
 point, and the royal proposition was withdrawn. 1 
 
 During the critical year of 1807, when Napoleon, 
 relieved from anxiety on the score of Russia by the 
 interview at Tilsit, was making Austria feel the 
 precarious nature of the peace lately signed at 
 Presburg, the military preparations of the indomitable 
 Empire in view of a possible renewal of hostilities 
 had to be carried on with the utmost secrecy. 
 Under these circumstances the attitude of Hungary 
 was of vital importance. The eloquent harangues 
 of Paul Ndgy, the patriotic leader of the Opposition 
 in the Diet, now assembled at Presburg, must be 
 silenced at all costs. But what were the means 
 resorted to ? Any interference on the part of the 
 Austrian Government would infallibly have roused 
 the Hungarians to a more dangerous pitch of excite- 
 ment. The King of Hungary alone could hope to 
 influence the conduct of his Magyar subjects. 
 
 Paul Ndgy was summoned to Vienna, and in a 
 private audience with the Emperor was admonished 
 to be more circumspect in his language. Loyalty to 
 the Sovereign prevailed for the time over all other 
 considerations ; Paul Ndgy promised to observe a 
 discreet silence, and henceforward no perilous 
 allusions to the French Empire in the Diet at 
 Presburg complicated the foreign policy of Austria. 2 
 
 1 See De Ge'rando. 2 Sayous.
 
 CHAP. xx.j DEAK JUSTIFIED IN HIS PROTEST. 165 
 
 That the Constitution of Hungary stood in great 
 need of reform to fit it for the requirements of 
 modern times and altered circumstances no one 
 recognised more fully than Francis Deak himself, 
 when in 1833 he first entered upon public life. For 
 twenty years he had laboured heart and soul to free 
 it from the defects which had furnished adversaries 
 of contrary opinions with a pretext for aiming at its 
 destruction ; but once convinced that the reformed 
 Constitution of Hungary was the best form of 
 government for his country, he might well feel 
 justified in straining every nerve to uphold and hand 
 down unimpaired to his successors that noble heritage 
 which for centuries had distinguished Hungary 
 amongst the despot-ridden States of Europe. 
 
 Hence in answer to the charge that in refusing 
 the ' octroye ' Constitution of 1861 the Hungarians 
 were refusing what was in fact an immeasurable 
 improvement upon their own, it might fairly be urged 
 that the ancient national system which they were 
 required to supersede by Baron Schmerling's German 
 Parliament had been changed by the Hungarians 
 themselves, with the sanction of royal authority, 
 into a Constitution that was now valued not only by 
 the nobles but by all classes of the people, and 
 which was as much superior in the eyes of the 
 Hungarians to the new Constitution introduced into 
 the Empire as the latter undoubtedly was to the 
 absolute system which had preceded it.
 
 1 66 FRANCIS DEAK, [CHAP. xxi. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Reference to historical documents proving existence of ' personal ' as 
 opposed to ' real ' union between Austria and Hungary Sanctioned 
 laws can only be abrogated by the power which created them 
 Protest against suspension of the laws Deak prepared to go beyond 
 what is required by strict legal obligations Conditions for the 
 coronation of the King of Hungary, and restoration of harmony 
 between Austria and Hungary Vehement anti-Austrian spirit in 
 Hungary Indignation against Hungarian obstructives in Austria 
 Warnings addressed to Hungary by English writers Impractic- 
 ability of Deak's suggestion of double parliamentary government 
 Excited feeling in Pesth ; prophecy of civil war Difficulty of 
 finding means of reconciling concession to public feeling in Hun- 
 gary with possibility of further negotiation with Vienna Opposi- 
 tion between " Address " party and " Resolution " party in the Diet 
 Partial victory of the ultra-Nationalists Alteration in title of 
 the Address Appeal to precedent Victory for the Moderates or 
 Address party. 
 
 THE pith of the objections raised by the Hun- 
 garians to the new parliamentary system in which 
 they were required to take part is to be found in the 
 following clause of the First Address : * ' This Di- 
 ploma would rob Hungary for ever of the ancient 
 provisions of her Constitution which subject all 
 questions concerning public taxation and the levy- 
 ing of troops throughout their whole extent solely 
 to her own Diet. It would deprive the nation of 
 the right of passing in concurrence with the King 
 
 1 From the translation by J. Home Payne, E s q.
 
 CHAP, xxi.] REPLY TO THE ROYAL RESCRIPT. 167 
 
 its own laws on subjects affecting the most im- 
 portant material interests of the land. All matters 
 relating to money, credit, the military establishment, 
 customs and commerce of Hungary, these essential 
 questions of a political national existence, are placed 
 under the control of a general Council of the Empire 
 (the Reichsrath), a body the majority of whom 
 would be foreigners. There, these subjects would 
 be discussed from other than Hungarian points of 
 view, with regard to other than Hungarian interests. 
 Nor is this all ; in the field of administration this 
 Diploma makes the Hungarian Government de- 
 pendent upon the Austrian, on a Government which 
 is not even responsible, and which, in the event of 
 its becoming so, would render an account not to 
 Hungary, but to the Council of the Empire, which 
 would give no guarantee for our interests where 
 these should come into collision with those of 
 Austria.' 
 
 By elaborate reference to historical acts and 
 treaties, and to the former political relations be- 
 tween Hungary and the Hereditary States, Dealt 
 essays to prove that from the time when Austria 
 and Hungary were united under the same ruler, 
 'none but a ' personal union,' consisting in the 
 identity of the reigning sovereign, had legally existed 
 between the two countries. 
 
 Once again the principle is asserted which 
 throughout his life forms the cardinal point in Deak's
 
 1 68 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxi. 
 
 political creed : ' Sanctioned laws can only be 
 abrogated by the power which brought them into 
 existence. In a constitutional country only the 
 entire Legislature can create a law. For one 
 member of the Legislature to set aside the same, 
 or whilst professing Constitutionalism to hold in 
 abeyance statutes which were suspended by the 
 absolute power because incompatible with that 
 system, is a proceeding which militates against 
 every constitutional conception. ... A parlia- 
 mentary government, a responsible ministry, free- 
 dom of the press, with its concomitant trial by jury 
 and the right of self- taxation, are the strongest 
 guarantees of constitutional liberty. 
 
 ' Our sanctioned laws have given us those 
 guarantees, and never shall we consent to their 
 abrogation or curtailment, however modified ; we 
 shall always regard a temporary suspension of 
 these laws as a suspension of the Constitution, as 
 a denial of the constitutional principle itself.' 
 
 But the spokesman of the Hungarian people was 
 a practical statesman as well as a jurist and a 
 patriot. Even whilst asserting in these uncom- 
 promising terms the theoretical position of Hungary, 
 Deak was careful not to close the door upon the* 
 hope of eventual reconciliation by claiming the 
 actual concession of all that might be demanded on 
 the strength of ' legalite formelle.' ' We do not 
 wish,' said the Address, ' to endanger the existence
 
 CHAP. XXL] CONCLUSION OF FIRST ADDRESS. 169 
 
 of the monarchy ; but are prepared on a basis of 
 equity and from considerations of expediency to go 
 beyond what strict legal obligations would require 
 of us, to do all that a due regard for our inde- 
 pendence and constitutional rights will allow, in 
 order that the crushing burden resulting from the 
 reckless policy of the hitherto existing absolute 
 system may not annihilate at once the prosperity of 
 the Hereditary States and our own, and that the 
 ruinous consequences of the past hard times may 
 be averted from us both.' . . . ' The King of 
 Hungary,' concludes the Address, 'becomes only 
 by virtue of the act of coronation, legal King of 
 Hungary, but the coronation is coupled with certain 
 conditions prescribed by law, the fulfilment of which 
 is indispensably necessary. The maintenance of 
 our constitutional independence, and of the terri- 
 torial and political integrity of the country, in- 
 violate, the completion of the Diet, the complete 
 restoration of our fundamental laws, the restoration of 
 our parliamentary government and our responsible 
 ministry, and the setting aside of all the still sur- 
 viving consequences of the absolute system, are 
 the preliminary conditions which must be carried 
 into effect before deliberation and reconciliation are 
 possible.' 
 
 The calm and dignified language of the State 
 documents in which the controversy between the 
 Government and the Hungarian Diet was carried
 
 i?o FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxi. 
 
 on, would give but a faint idea of the turmoil of 
 excitement raging at this time in Vienna and Buda 
 Pesth. 
 
 The extravagant spirit of anti-Austrian hostility 
 to which many of the County Assemblies in Hungary 
 had recently given vent, aroused a corresponding 
 feeling of irritation in the Cis Leithanian provinces, 
 where perhaps not enough allowance was made for 
 the fierce reaction which twelve years of silent 
 enthralment was likely to produce amongst such a 
 people as the Hungarians. 
 
 The random declamations of patriotic orators, 
 luxuriating once more in the free display of their native 
 eloquence before an enthusiastic and sympathising 
 audience, made more impression in Austria than 
 the moderate language and reasonable propositions 
 of the national leaders. An angry expression such 
 as that attributed to the Hungarian orator who was 
 said to have exclaimed, ' What do we care about 
 Austria ? ' when caught up and spread abroad 
 through the newspapers, was more widely read and 
 produced more effect on the public mind than all 
 the careful arguments and historical references by 
 which statesmen on either side sought to 'manager' 
 the national sentiments of both parties. 
 
 Amongst politicians in Vienna, and indeed 
 amongst all the advocates of Herr v. Schmerling's 
 idea of a centralised parliament, the indignation 
 against the Hungarian ' obstructives ' was naturally
 
 CHAP. XXL] GERMAN AND HUNGARIAN LIBERALS. 171 
 
 very great ; for it was the German Liberal party, 
 now in the ascendant, who had procured the 
 addition of the February Patent to the original 
 Diploma, for which latter the Hungarian ministers 
 and the majority of the non- German members of the 
 Imperial Council had been chiefly responsible. 
 
 The belief held at one time by the German 
 Liberals, that the extreme Nationalist party in 
 Hungary might be enlisted as an ally in the attempt 
 to establish a central parliament at Vienna, on 
 ' progressist ' and separatist principles, was now 
 entirely dispelled by the union of all parties in 
 Hungary in support of Deak's First Address, which 
 made it abundantly clear that the form of govern- 
 ment devised by Herr v. Schmerling had not 
 the remotest chance of being accepted at Pesth 
 by those whose demand was seen to be not 
 for a Constitution, but for the Constitution of 
 Hungary. 
 
 It was inevitable that the German Liberals, being 
 now in power, and having acquired a position in 
 which they might at last hope to put in execution 
 their favourite scheme of a central parliamentary 
 government in which the German element would be 
 predominant, feeling keenly moreover the necessity 
 on financial grounds for bringing the present state of 
 uncertainty to an end, should resent bitterly the 
 conduct of Hungary in thus preventing the im- 
 mediate introduction of an uniform settlement for
 
 172 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxi. 
 
 the whole Empire. Nor was the disapproval of 
 Dedk's policy confined to politicians at Vienna. 
 
 By many English Liberals the position of 
 Hungary was declared to be false and illogical. 
 She was warned that the reputation of her people 
 for statesmanship and patriotism had been seriously 
 damaged, and was advised to accept without selfish 
 resistance the state of things which Providence had 
 imposed upon her in the birth of new institutions in 
 Austria. As for the arguments and suggestions 
 based upon Francis Dedk's 'legal lore/ they were 
 declared to be of a ludicrous impracticability ; one 
 writer demonstrating conclusively by reference to 
 a passage from Lord Macaulay that the idea of 
 two parliaments was a manifest impossibility, and 
 a scheme that could not last half a dozen years. 
 
 In Pesth, on the other hand, the fever of agitation 
 ran no less high than in Austria. The scenes in the 
 Diet were such as to remind the spectator of the 
 debates in the County Assemblies during the great 
 reform battle of 1840. All the fire of Hungarian 
 eloquence was aroused ; youthful orators, clad in 
 the picturesque national costume, addressed stirring 
 appeals to the galleries ; the House rang with the 
 cries of ' Eljen ' that greeted the vigorous outburst 
 of some patriotic assailant of the Vienna Govern- 
 ment ; the old uncompromising opposition fervour 
 of pre-revolutionary days seemed to have got sole 
 possession of the Assembly ; recollections of 1 849
 
 CHAP, xxi.] DEBATES ON THE ADDRESS. 173 
 
 were evoked, and a new era of civil war was freely 
 prophesied. 
 
 Any one who was present at the first meeting of 
 the Hungarian Diet in the spring of 1861 would 
 acknowledge that it must have required something 
 more than the ' legal lore ' and ingenuity of a jurist, 
 to frame an address which should have satisfied the 
 imperious demands of the Hungarian Legislature 
 and nation for an unyielding assertion of their 
 rights, and yet at the same time have left an 
 opening for further negotiation with the Imperial 
 Government. 
 
 Indeed it appeared at first as though even Deak's 
 influence and authority were powerless to keep the 
 nation to the course in which, as his instinct told 
 him, lay the sole hope of a future reconciliation. 
 
 The party in the Diet in favour of presenting the 
 Address as it stood, led by Deak himself, was opposed 
 by the extreme Nationalists, headed by M. Tisza 
 and Baron Podmanicky, who proposed to reply to 
 the Royal Speech (or Rescript) simply in the form 
 of a Resolution, stating, that until he should have 
 been crowned in accordance with the Laws of 1848, 
 Francis Joseph could not be regarded as the legal 
 sovereign of Hungary. On this point, after long 
 debate, the Ultras, or ' Resolution party,' were 
 defeated by a majority of three ; but they succeeded 
 in carrying an amendment to the effect that in the 
 address the Emperor should be styled simply by the
 
 174 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxi. 
 
 title of Majesty, leaving out the words ' Imperial 
 Royal.' This victory of the ' Resolution party ' in 
 the Diet was a severe blow to the hopes of the 
 Hungarian ministers at Vienna. All chance of re- 
 conciliation was at an end if the Emperor should 
 resent as was not unnatural this discourteous 
 rejoinder to the well-disposed and even gracious 
 tone of the Royal Rescript, and yielding to the 
 advice of his German ministers, should renounce all 
 idea of coming to a reasonable understanding with 
 his Hungarian subjects, and at once dissolve the 
 Diet. To accept the Address as at present worded 
 would be derogatory to the dignity of the Crown ; 
 to refuse it absolutely, would be to give a most 
 undesirable triumph to the extreme parties both in 
 Pesth and Vienna. 
 
 Thanks however to the goodwill and the in- 
 genuity of some of his advisers, a most characteristic 
 method of escape from the dilemma was discovered. 
 
 It was suggested that by reference to an act of 
 1790 a precedent could be found in Hungarian 
 history for addressing the Monarch as ' Imperial 
 Royal ' before he had been formally crowned King 
 of Hungary. On the strength of this discovery, the 
 Address was returned to the Diet with a Rescript 
 countersigned by Baron Vay and M. Szedenyi, 
 intimating that it could only be received by His 
 Majesty when addressed in a manner becoming his 
 royal dignity.
 
 CHAP, xxi.] VICTORY OF THE MODERATES. 175 
 
 Backed by all the weight of a well-authenticated 
 precedent, the ' Address party,' or Moderates, after 
 repeated conferences, succeeded in carrying their 
 point ; the amendment was withdrawn, and the 
 Address sent back to Vienna in the original form.
 
 176 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Gradual establishment of Baron Schmerling's Centralist policy 
 Ascendency of the German Liberals visible in the tenour of the 
 Royal Rescript of July Regret of the Hungarian ministers 
 Fruitless remonstrances Resignation of Baron Vay In the July 
 Rescript the laws of '48 not suspended, but simply abrogated 
 Hungarians summoned to Imperial Parliament at Vienna Deak's 
 Second Address Second Address carried unanimously ; sent to 
 Vienna with a protest from both Houses against a premature and 
 unconstitutional dissolution of the Diet The Diet dissolved 
 Provincial laws reintroduced Rescript of November suspending 
 the Hungarian Constitution Deak's warning to his countrymen 
 against a resort to violence or illegal measures Deak's withdrawal 
 into private life on the close of the negotiations. 
 
 MEANTIME the preparations of Herr v. Schmerling 
 and his coadjutors for a Constitution upon the 
 ground of purely parliamentary institutions, went 
 on apace. The representations of the Hungarian 
 ministers, to the effect, that at least the number of 
 delegates to be sent by Hungary to the new Par- 
 liament House at Vienna should be left to the 
 decision of the Diet, were unavailing. A complete 
 ' octroy6 ' Constitution was now the order of the 
 day, and the amendments and remonstrances of the 
 Hungarians were disregarded, or overruled by an 
 appeal to the majority which the German ministers 
 could now command in the Imperial Council. The
 
 CHAP, xxii.] TRIUMPH OF THE CENTRALISTS. 177 
 
 bureaucracy was entirely on the side of Schmerling, 
 as was the German element throughout the country, 
 reasonably confident of a preponderating influence 
 in the future administration. The claims of pro- 
 vincial Diets including the Hungarian Legislature 
 might well, it was considered, be required to 
 subordinate themselves to the dispositions of a 
 Ministry which was prepared to give them in exchange 
 for local autonomy the advantages of a central 
 Parliament, organised on the most approved Liberal 
 principles. That the Reichsrath at Vienna appeared 
 likely to be an Imperial Parliament only in name, in 
 consequence of the refusal of Bohemia, Hungary, and 
 Galicia to send to it the prescribed quota of represen- 
 tatives, was perhaps no fault of Baron Schmerling 
 and the advocates of the new Constitution ; it was 
 the fault of historical facts, and of human nature. 
 
 The paramount ascendency of the parliamentary 
 Centralists was plainly evident in the tenour of the 
 Royal Rescript of July in reply to the First Address 
 of the Hungarian Diet, which no longer bore the sig- 
 natures of Baron Nicholas Vay and Count Szedenyi, 
 but of Count Forgach and M. Koloman Beke. 
 
 The Hungarian ministers at Vienna, with little 
 sympathy for the ultra- Nationalists in the Diet in 
 their demand for the unqualified restoration of the 
 Laws of 1848, and with a sincere desire to bring 
 about an understanding between their country and 
 the Imperial Government, were yet forced reluctantly 
 
 N
 
 178 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 to acknowledge that the measures taken by the 
 Austrian ministers, and the new aspect now given 
 to the controversy in the reply to the First Address, 
 made it impossible even for Dedk himself, supported 
 as he was by the whole strength of the Diet, to 
 advance a step further towards a compromise. 
 
 It was in vain that the late Hungarian chancellor 
 and his colleagues had urged upon the German 
 ministers, that the necessity for some closer bond 
 than a mere personal union having been practically 
 conceded by Francis Dedk in the recent Address, 
 the settlement of the future relations between 
 Austria and Hungary might safely be left for dis- 
 cussion in the Diet, with full reliance upon the 
 statesmanship and good sense of its leaders. It was 
 in vain they pointed out, that, by taking as the basis 
 for further negotiations the principles established in 
 the Pragmatic Sanction, a means might still be found 
 for reconciling a due respect for the undisputed rights 
 of Hungary with the equally undisputed necessity 
 for united action in the common affairs of the 
 monarchy ; and in vain they proposed that to meet 
 the pressing exigencies of those questions of com- 
 mon concern which required immediate settlement, 
 a deputation should be appointed by the Diet to 
 confer upon such matters with the Government and 
 the Reichsrath. 
 
 The plans of the German ministers and their 
 supporters were too far advanced to be disorganised
 
 CHAP, xxii.] ROYAL "RESCRIPT OF JULY. 179 
 
 by a return to what would have been in effect an 
 application of the October Diploma, now eclipsed 
 by the Patent of February. 
 
 The draft of the second Rescript was drawn up 
 with such complete disregard of the representations 
 of the Hungarian ministers that the latter had no 
 choice but to resign ; with the melancholy conscious- 
 ness that the step about to be taken by the Imperial 
 Government would only widen the breach which they 
 and the Deak party in Hungary had been labouring 
 so earnestly to heal. 
 
 The sting of the Royal Rescript of July lay in 
 the insistance upon the unqualified acceptance by 
 the Hungarian Legislature of the Austrian Con- 
 stitution, as formulated in the Patent of February. 
 There was no question here of the Diet consenting 
 to 'suspend' the Laws of 1848; they were simply 
 abrogated ; there was no recognition, even in form, of 
 the undoubted validity of the claims of Hungary, of 
 that ' legalite formelle ' which Hungarian statesmen 
 had acknowledged might with reason be subordinated 
 to a regard for the common good of the monarchy. 
 The favours conferred by the Sovereign were im- 
 pressively dwelt upon, whilst the maintenance of 
 the existing and old-established laws of the nation 
 was treated as a question not of right but of 
 expediency. ' We indeed acknowledge,' said the 
 Rescript, ' that agreeably to the contents of our 
 former Diploma the Hungarian Diet will, in deviation 
 
 N 2
 
 i8o FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 from former law, deliberate on all questions concern- 
 ing taxation, the liability to military service and its 
 regulations, henceforth only in common with the 
 other constitutional representatives of the Empire.' 
 But this summary abrogation of ancient rights was 
 not to be without its compensations. ' We at the 
 same time call the attention of the Estates and re- 
 presentatives, in Diet assembled, to the circumstance 
 that until now their influence extended over but a 
 small area of the field of taxation, and not, as will 
 be the case agreeably to our said Diploma, over 
 all matters of taxation and finance.' 
 
 To'some this might appear a tempting prospect ; 
 but Hungary being Hungary, it was as improbable 
 that a new scheme of government, however perfect, 
 thus ' octroye ' upon the nation should be gratefully 
 accepted, as that Englishmen should consent to 
 discard the ancient British Constitution in favour of 
 a system recommended to them by the President of 
 the United States as better suited to the political 
 requirements of the Anglo-Saxon race in its modern 
 development. 
 
 The Second Address of the Hungarian Diet, in 
 answer to the July Rescript, is a masterly and 
 exhaustive statement of the position of Hungary 
 in relation to the Sovereign and to the rest of 
 the Austrian Empire, and a spirited vindication 
 of the conduct of the country in refusing obedience 
 to the roval commands.
 
 CHAP. XXIL] SECOND ADDRESS. 181 
 
 With a force of argument and an animation of 
 style that carry the reader with unflagging interest 
 through a State paper over a hundred paragraphs in 
 length, Deak in this remarkable document replied 
 point by point to the arguments and assertions 
 of- the Rescript, and showed the inconsistency of 
 grounding the royal demands on an appeal to the 
 Pragmatic Sanction, when the stipulations of the 
 Pragmatic Sanction were actually being violated in 
 the suspension of the Constitution and laws of the 
 country by the sole force of absolute authority. 1 
 The demand that representatives should be sent 
 to the Imperial Parliament (created without the 
 consent of Hungary), there to deliberate on matters 
 such as taxation which concerned the internal 
 affairs of the kingdom, was in itself, Deak pointed 
 out, contrary to a clause in the Third Act of 1715, 
 which declares ' that his Majesty will not rule and 
 govern the Estates in any other way than according 
 to the own laws of Hungary heretofore made, or 
 hereafter to be made, through its Diet,' and that 
 ' Hungary shall not be governed according to the 
 manner of the other provinces.' 
 
 1 It may be objected that, considering the proportions of this 
 Memoir, too large a space is devoted to the purely legal and historical 
 questions involved in this and the foregoing Address of the Hungarian 
 Diet. But on the other hand, to attempt an account, however brief 
 and superficial, of Deak's work, without entering at some length on 
 the great state controversy of 1861, in which he played the chief part, 
 would be to write the Life of Wellington with but a cursory allusion to 
 the Peninsular Campaign. The quotations throughout are from the 
 translation by Mr. Home Payne.
 
 182 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 In answer to the assurances contained in the 
 Rescript that the guarantees of the constitutional 
 independence of the country would not be en- 
 dangered, but on the contrary further secured, if 
 Hungary were to discuss the questions of taxation 
 and military service in common with the repre- 
 sentatives of the Hereditary States, the Address 
 boldly declares : ' We find in these words no ground 
 whatever for the least reassurance. The consti- 
 tutional independence of the country is seriously 
 infringed by the very fact that your Majesty, with- 
 out the previous consent of the Diet, of your own 
 might takes from the land this cardinal right ; that 
 your Majesty of your own authority ordains laws, 
 and without once asking the Diet whether it accepts 
 these essential alterations of its ancestral Constitu- 
 tion, treats the same as an accomplished fact, and 
 commands us straitway to send representatives to 
 the Council of the Empire (Reichsrath), which will 
 take the place of our Diet in exercising those rights 
 with regard to Hungary.' . . . 'Where would be 
 the guarantee of the constitutional independence of 
 Hungary, if at a future period a successor of your 
 Majesty, appealing to this precedent, should act in 
 the same manner with our other laws and rights, and 
 should by a command of his own power and authority 
 suppress or modify these without the previous 
 consent of the nation, and then instruct the Diet to 
 complete these mandates in the field of legislation ?'
 
 CHAP, xxii.] HUNGARY AND HEREDITARY STATES. 183 
 
 After showing by reference to former Acts, 
 notably those of 1715, 1790, and 1827, that Hun- 
 gary through her Diet had always in reality 
 possessed and exercised the right of herself dis- 
 posing of the lives and money of her citizens, and 
 had never shrunk from heavy sacrifices, when 
 threatened danger to the monarchy had made 
 them necessary 1 the Address grapples once more 
 with the question of the relations established by 
 the Pragmatic Sanction between Hungary and the 
 Hereditary States, in consequence of the identity of 
 the common sovereign. 
 
 The particular Acts quoted in the Royal Rescript 
 are declared not to demonstrate a more intimate 
 real union, but on the contrary, to confirm the politi- 
 cal and administrative independence of Hungary. 
 ' The methods, the conditions, and the forms pre- 
 scribed by law, by which the prince becomes King 
 of Hungary, are one thing, the steps by which he 
 ascends the throne of the Hereditary States are 
 another.' 
 
 The present arrangement existing in the Dual 
 Empire of Austria-Hungary is foreshadowed in 
 the passage referring to the necessary unity in the 
 
 1 A right which the Sovereign had no reason to grudge the nation. 
 It could certainly not be maintained that a rigid respect for con- 
 stitutional laws had the effect of making the Hungarians niggardly 
 with their contributions in times of danger to the monarchy. The 
 campaigns of 1799 and of 1800, in which Hungary took a foremost 
 share, cost the Kingdom 100,000 men and 30,000,000 florins. (See 
 Sayous.)
 
 184 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 administration of foreign affairs. ' The sovereign 
 rights in Hungary being vested by the Constitution 
 in the person of the King of Hungary, who is at the 
 same time ruler of the Hereditary States, it follows 
 as a matter of course that rights of this nature should 
 be exercised, both in relation to Hungary and to the 
 Hereditary States, by the same sovereign. Such a 
 royal prerogative is the right of the King of Hungary, 
 by virtue of which he decides of his own sovereign 
 will the external relations with foreign Powers, and 
 foreign affairs generally.' 
 
 That questions of peace or war should be sub- 
 ject to the influence of Hungary, that Hungarians 
 should not be excluded from the administration of 
 foreign affairs, and should be admitted to the foreign 
 embassies, had indeed been stipulated by various 
 laws for the past two centuries ; but the supreme 
 control of foreign affairs had always been placed 
 in the hands of the King ; and the country, satisfied 
 with its highest and amplest guarantee in its right 
 to grant taxes and levy recruits, only desired that 
 Hungarians should have their due influence in their 
 administration. 
 
 ' This principle too in reference to foreign affairs 
 was carried out by the Diet of 1847-48, which 
 respecting the said royal right, and maintaining it in 
 its full integrity, established no special Hungarian 
 Ministry for Foreign Affairs, but considered it 
 sufficient that the minister attached to the person
 
 CH. xxii.] MILITARY AND FINANCIAL RELATIONS. 185 
 
 of his Majesty should exercise the influence secured 
 to the kingdom by the laws above enumerated.' 
 
 The military and financial aspect of the relations 
 between Hungary and the Hereditary States is next 
 dealt with ; the legislative and administrative in- 
 dependence of the kingdom in these matters being 
 demonstrated not only by reference to the sanctioned 
 laws of the Diet, but to the evidence of historical 
 facts, which show that the Emperor had in times 
 past recognised, not only theoretically but practically, 
 the necessity for separate dealings with Hungary. 
 
 As to the former (the military relations), an 
 enumeration of the various important matters which 
 had always been subject to the decision either of 
 the Hungarian Council of Lieutenancy or to com- 
 missioners appointed by the Diet, ' places it beyond 
 a doubt that the law of 1848 which entrusted to 
 a responsible minister the administration of the 
 military department, without prejudice to the royal 
 prerogative of the Hungarian king, was passed in 
 accordance with the spirit of the former laws.' 
 With regard to the latter (the financial relations), 
 also, it is carefully shown that by law the adminis- 
 tration of the income of the country was independent 
 of, and separate from, the administration of the 
 other ' provinces.' The determination of the taxes 
 belonged to, and was settled by, the Diet, without 
 any influence being exerted on it by the Hereditary 
 States.
 
 186 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 Having refuted in detail the various statements 
 quoted by the Royal Rescript from former Acts to 
 prove the existence of a central Government having 
 a right to direct matters relating in common to 
 Hungary and the other provinces, Deak explains 
 that he had entered thus fully into the former rights 
 and position of the country in order to lay before 
 his Majesty the true and firm basis of the legitimate 
 wishes submitted in the First Address, and to prove 
 that 'the rights of the country did not owe their 
 origin to the legislation of 1848, but have existed 
 according to older laws.' ' The Laws of 1848 have 
 only given the rights of the nation a newer, clearer, 
 and more determined form, a form more adapted to 
 the requirements of the times. With regard to the 
 relations between the nation and the Sovereign, no 
 new rights were created or established.' 
 
 After making the daring assertion that, ' if the 
 Laws of 1847-48 did create new rights, if they 
 had altered the Public Law of Hungary not merely 
 in form but in substance, we should still have the 
 right to demand as we do demand all that they 
 contain ; for these laws were enacted by the con- 
 stitutional Legislature, by the common consent of 
 the King and the nation, and are therefore binding, 
 until repealed by the same common consent of the 
 Sovereign and the nation,' Deak proceeds to 
 vindicate the aforesaid Laws of 1848 from the 
 charge of having caused the convulsions which in
 
 CHAP, xxii.] MISTRUST OF AN ' OCTROI.' 187 
 
 that eventful year had agitated Hungary in common 
 with the other provinces of the Empire. The 
 Constitution bestowed upon the Hereditary States 
 in 1 848 contained none of the separatist tendencies 
 with which the Hungarian laws are reproached, 
 ' yet this bureau-born Constitution, whose principles 
 had been established by royal power, was speedily 
 revoked, convulsions followed there also, and there 
 too the absolute system was introduced. Croatia, 
 which had taken up arms against the Laws of 1848, 
 and is certainly not open to the same reproaches 
 made against them, suffered the same fate as 
 Hungary and the other provinces, and lost too all 
 its constitutional rights.' ' The convulsions, the 
 dangers, and the introduction of the absolute 
 system were then not the consequences of the Laws 
 of 1848, for the absolute system was imposed 
 beyond the jurisdiction of the Hungarian Laws, 
 nay, even where they met with resistance.' 
 
 The promise of the Monarch in the Royal 
 Rescript to restore the Constitution, and that con- 
 ditionally, by the exercise of royal absolute authority, 
 is declared to give no confidence whatever in the 
 stability of even that partial restoration which it 
 boasts of having already effected ; there is no 
 guarantee that rights acknowledged to be dependent 
 on royal authority may not on the strength of the 
 same authority be again revoked or suspended. 
 
 ' Did our holiest duty and our conscience not
 
 190 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 mask of constitutionalism the attempt at incorpo- 
 ration which the absolute power had so often, 
 though unsuccessfully, attempted, was to be renewed. 
 This anxiety and its invariable companion, mistrust, 
 would at every step impede the progress of 
 deliberations, and often make them impossible ; 
 would finally either dissolve the Council of the 
 Empire, or lead the majority to conduct productive 
 of bitterness and hatred, not between individuals, 
 but between people and people, land and land. 
 This without doubt would be the greatest blow that 
 could reach the Empire.' 
 
 Whatever may be the opinion of politicians as to 
 the probable stability of the present Dual system, 
 few will deny that Deak has been justified in his 
 belief that the concession to Hungary of her long- 
 sought rights would not loosen but strengthen the 
 bonds uniting her with the Empire. 
 
 The following protest against enforcing the 
 * centralised unity ' of the Empire is based not only 
 on the opinion of a Hungarian patriot as to the 
 form of administration best suited to his own country, 
 but on a broad principle of government applicable to 
 all states, and in all times : ' A forced unity will 
 never make the Empire strong ; the outraged 
 feeling of the individual states, and the bitterness 
 arising from the pressure of force, awaken the desire 
 for separation, and therefore the Empire would be 
 the weakest just at the moment when it would be in
 
 CHAP, xxii.] 'CENTRALISED UNITY.' 191 
 
 want of its united strength and the full enthusiasm 
 of its peoples. The position of an empire as a 
 great Power whose unity can only be maintained by 
 force of arms, is precarious, and least safe in the 
 moment of danger. . . . Feelings and ideas will 
 extend themselves ; and because a "centralised unity " 
 is in opposition to the past of the individual lands 
 to which they look back with pious recollection, 
 because it is opposed to the hopes they nourish for 
 the future, the practical carrying out of " centralised 
 unity " will have to contend not only with hostile 
 feelings, but in the course of open deliberations with 
 opposition and considerable difficulties. If therefore 
 your Majesty wishes your Empire to be free and 
 really strong, your Majesty cannot attain that object 
 by a compulsory unity, but by a mutual understanding 
 arrived at through the free consent of the nation.' 
 
 Something of the same idea as to the true nature 
 of a strong empire had been expressed in very 
 vigorous English eighty years before : ' Perhaps, 
 sir, I am mistaken in my idea of an empire as 
 distinguished from a single state or kingdom. But 
 my idea of it is this, that an empire is the aggregate 
 of many states under one common head, whether 
 this head be a monarch or a presiding republic. It 
 does in such Constitutions frequently happen (and 
 nothing but the dismal cold dead uniformity of 
 servitude can prevent its happening) that the 
 subordinate parts have many local privileges and
 
 i88 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 command us to protest against this "octroi," we 
 should still cling to our own ancestral Constitution, 
 because that Constitution, which has sprung from 
 the existence of the nation, and concurrently with 
 the nation, has grown to maturity, developed, and 
 extended itself, according to all precedent, answers 
 its purpose better, and is more durable than an 
 " octroi." We could appeal in this respect to history, 
 and quote examples from other countries ; but we 
 will only call to mind how many constitutions or 
 systems taking their place have been introduced into 
 the Austrian Empire since 1848, of which some 
 have never come into operation, others have sur- 
 vived but a short time.' 
 
 Had the Address ended here, the Austrian and 
 Hungarian statesmen who so earnestly desired in 
 the interests of the monarchy to bring about a 
 speedy reconciliation between the two countries, 
 might justly have complained that, whilst establish- 
 ing beyond dispute the ' le"galite formelle ' of Hun- 
 gary's position, and giving eloquent expression to 
 the strong constitutional and patriotic feelings of 
 his countrymen, Deak had yet shown himself in- 
 capable of appreciating the true nature of the 
 situation as it affected not only the Hungarian 
 Constitution, but the safety and well-being of the 
 whole Austrian Empire. 
 
 But Deak had not ignored this side of the 
 question, and was prepared to show that in fighting
 
 CHAP. XXIL] COMMON AFFAIRS. 189 
 
 thus stubbornly for the rights of Hungary he was 
 not endangering the true interests of the Hereditary 
 States. Although taking his stand on the theory 
 of a ' personal union,' he was willing to modify it 
 in the direction of a ' real union,' so far as this 
 might be done lawfully and with the free consent 
 of the nation. ' We have no desire,' so ran the 
 Address, ' to endanger the existence of the Empire ; 
 we do not wish to dissolve the union lawfully 
 existing through the Pragmatic Sanction. The 
 "personal union" is a bond from which common 
 relations spring, and these relations we wish to bear 
 in mind.' After pointing out that the Third Act of 
 1848 had made special provision for the settlement 
 of those relations which affect ' the common interests 
 of the country and the Hereditary States,' the 
 Address declares the willingness of the Hungarian 
 Legislature from time to time freely and openly 
 to confer with the constitutional peoples of the 
 Hereditary States. . . . 
 
 ' By such means it will be much more easy to 
 settle in special cases matters affecting our joint 
 interests than by a common Council of the Empire, 
 to which we could not send deputies without 
 sacrificing our most essential rights and our 
 constitutional independence, and which Hungary 
 would moreover enter with the anxious fear that 
 in spite of all verbal assurances she would be 
 considered as an Austrian province ; that under the
 
 192 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 immunities. Between these privileges and the 
 supreme common authority the line may be extremely 
 nice. Of course disputes, often too very bitter 
 disputes, will arise. But .though every privilege is an 
 exemption (in the case) from the ordinary exercise 
 of the supreme authority, it is no denial of it. The 
 claim of a privilege seems rather "ex vi termini " 
 to imply a superior power. For to talk of 
 the privileges of a State or of a person who has 
 no superior is hardly any better than speaking 
 nonsense. 
 
 ' Now, in such unfortunate quarrels among the 
 component parts of a great political union of 
 communities, I can scarcely conceive anything more 
 imprudent than for the head of the empire to 
 insist that if any privilege is pleaded against his 
 will or his acts, that his whole authority is 
 denied ; instantly to proclaim rebellion, to beat to 
 arms, and to put the offending provinces under the 
 ban. Will not this very soon teach the provinces to 
 make no distinctions on their part ? Will it not 
 teach them that the Government against which a 
 claim of liberty is tantamount to high treason is a 
 Government to which submission is equivalent to 
 slavery ? ' 1 
 
 But Burke's words of remonstrance and warning 
 fell unheeded, and the American Colonies ceased to 
 form part of the British empire. 
 
 1 Burke's Speech on Conciliation with America, 1775.
 
 CHAP, xxir.] NON-MAGYAR NATIONALITIES. 193 
 
 To return to the Address. With reference to his 
 Majesty's declaration, that he has given validity to 
 one part of the Laws of '48, but ' never has and 
 never will ' acknowledge the other part, asking the 
 Diet at the same time to modify a part of those 
 laws and submit to the Royal Sanction Acts for 
 their repeal, the Address, whilst announcing the 
 readiness of the Diet, when completed, to transform 
 and more clearly define certain points in the Laws 
 of 1848, protests absolutely against the assumption 
 that his Majesty is entitled to repeal of his own 
 authority any part whatever of the existing laws. 
 Above all, the Diet demurs to the unconstitutional 
 principle that his Majesty does not consider himself 
 personally bound to recognise the Laws of '48. 
 
 After vindicating elaborately the claims of the 
 Hungarian Diet with respect to the administrative 
 reunion of Transylvania, Croatia, and Fiume, and 
 explaining the position which the legislation of 
 1848 had established with regard to the non-Magyar 
 peoples cif Hungary, Deak adds : ' But we know 
 that the constantly developing feeling of nationality 
 deserves respect, and must not be weighed by a 
 measure derived from former times or older laws. 
 We shall not forget that the non-Hungarian in- 
 habitants of Hungary are in every respect citizens 
 of the country, and we are prepared sincerely and 
 readily to secure to them by law whatever their own 
 interests or that of the country demand.' 
 
 o
 
 194 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 Francis Deak was not one of those whose 
 theories of patriotism are framed exclusively to 
 suit their own race or country. In condemning the 
 pride of race, the perhaps over-zealous patriotism, 
 which is sometimes laid to the charge of the 
 Hungarian people, it is well to remember that Count 
 Sz6chenyi, Baron Josika, and Francis Dedk are 
 Magyars who have at least as much right to be 
 cited as typical representatives of their nation, as 
 the vehement ultra-Magyar orators who are some- 
 times regarded abroad as the only true exponents 
 of Hungarian opinion. 
 
 After summing up shortly the foregoing arguments 
 and defining the present attitude of the country, the 
 Address ended with the declaration that ' in con- 
 sequence of the Royal Rescript we are compelled 
 with the greatest sorrow to regard the thread of 
 negotiations through the Diet as broken of.' 
 
 Those who knew Francis Deak, not only as the 
 dauntless champion of the national rights, and the 
 accepted leader of a united party, but as the far- 
 sighted careworn man who realised with a painful 
 intensity of personal feeling the dangers and 
 difficulties that beset his country, were well aware 
 that the closing passage of the Address was no 
 mere rhetorical peroration, but the genuine expression 
 of sad though not hopeless foreboding : ' It is 
 possible that our country will again pass through 
 hard times ; we cannot avert them at the sacrifice of
 
 CHAP, xxii.] CONCLUSION OF SECOND ADDRESS. 195 
 
 our duties as citizens. Constitutional freedom is not 
 our possession in such a sense that we can freely 
 deal with it ; the nation has with faith entrusted 
 it to our keeping, and we are answerable to our 
 country and to our conscience. 
 
 'If it be necessary to suffer, the nation will 
 submit to suffering, in order to preserve and hand 
 down to future generations that constitutional liberty 
 it has inherited from its forefathers. It will suffer 
 without losing courage, as its ancestors have en- 
 dured and suffered, to be able to defend the rights 
 of the country ; for what might and power take 
 away, time and favourable circumstances may 
 restore ; but the recovery of what a nation renounces 
 of its own accord from fear of suffering, is matter of 
 difficulty and uncertainty. The nation will suffer, 
 hoping for a better future, and trusting to the justice 
 of its cause.' 
 
 In the debates on the First Address, Deak had 
 been forced to defend himself against the charge of 
 excessive caution and even cowardice, and had 
 been driven to declare in words which made a deep 
 impression upon his auditors : 'He who is careful 
 about his own personal safety when the interest of 
 his country is at stake, is indeed timid and cowardly ; 
 but the man who with no fear for himself is anxious 
 solely for his Fatherland, who is prudent not for his 
 own sake, but to avert danger from his country, he 
 is neither timid nor a coward. When we are acting 
 
 o 2
 
 1 96 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 only for ourselves, we may run what risks we please ; 
 but when it is a question of acting on behalf of those 
 who have entrusted their destiny to our hands, of 
 the fate of the country itself, then we must run no 
 risks ; prudence is a duty. We are bound to hazard 
 our all for the country, but not the country itself.' 
 
 On the present occasion, however, the Diet ac- 
 knowledged, that the man who had preached cau- 
 tion, when the prevailing excitement amongst his 
 countrymen was all in favour of a spirited policy, 
 who had braved misunderstanding and even sus- 
 picion rather than endanger the interests of his 
 country and disobey the voice of conscience, could 
 speak out boldly enough when he believed that the 
 right time had come. 
 
 The Second Address was carried unanimously, 
 and sent to Vienna accompanied by a protest from 
 both Houses of the Legislature against a breach of 
 the Fourth Act of 1848, which decrees that ' the Diet 
 cannot be dissolved until the Ministry has submitted 
 to it the accounts of the past year, and the estimates 
 for the ensuing one, and until the Diet has passed 
 resolutions.' 
 
 The result of this Address, the last will and 
 testament of the doomed Assembly, was a foregone 
 conclusion. 
 
 In spite of the efforts of Counts Mailath and 
 Apponyi at Vienna, the Diet was dissolved, and the 
 provisional laws and ordinances in force before the
 
 CHAP, xxii.] SUSPENSION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 197 
 
 commencemant of the recent negotiations re-estab- 
 lished. Protests against the dissolution of the Diet 
 were sent in from many of the County Assemblies, 
 amongst others from that of Pesth, where a general 
 congregation was summoned for the 3Oth of Sep- 
 tember. But the short interlude of municipal liberty 
 had gone by, at least for the present. 
 
 On the members of the Assembly appearing on 
 the appointed day, to the number of seven hundred 
 and fifty, the hall was found in possession of 
 Austrian troops, and the Hungarians were forced 
 to disperse without having held their meeting. 
 
 At the beginning of November a Royal Rescript 
 was published suspending the Hungarian Con- 
 stitution, the existing authorities in the counties 
 were removed, and military tribunals re-established 
 throughout the country. 
 
 Once more Deak warned the nation not to be 
 betrayed by these arbitrary measures into acts of 
 violence, nor on any pretext whatsoever to abandon 
 the ground of legality. 
 
 4 This is the safe ground,' he said, ' on which, un- 
 armed ourselves, we can hold our own against armed 
 force. Law endues men with such serenity that in 
 holding closely to it they can await in confidence 
 the most critical events ; it is this which supplies 
 the oppressed with their chief need, the power to 
 suffer with dignity ; for dignity is conferred by law, 
 and by law only.'
 
 198 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxn. 
 
 On the sudden rupture of all negotiations through 
 the Diet, the leader himself, the representative of 
 the nation, relapsed again into private life. 
 
 The summer at this time he spent mainly on 
 the estate of his brother-in-law at Szent-Laszlo, 
 the winter in the ' Queen of England ' hotel at 
 Pesth. 
 
 At the height of his fame, Deak could never be 
 brought to assume the habits and surroundings of a 
 political personage. The 'wisest Hungarian/ the 
 distinguished statesman, whose able defence of his 
 country's rights had drawn upon him the attention 
 of Europe, continued always to lead the same life of 
 homely simplicity as the young deputy who came 
 up to the Diet at Presburg thirty years ago. 
 
 On the very day on which Parliament was 
 dissolved and all hope of further negotiation was 
 therefore at an end, Francis Deak, it was said, might 
 be seen, playing bowls and chatting with a knot of 
 intimate friends, at one of his favourite haunts in the 
 environs of Pesth, as though no ' bon bourgeois ' in 
 the capital were more entirely innocent of all share 
 in the political events of the time. If he disliked 
 and avoided all ostentation and unnecessary publicity, 
 it certainly could not be said of the ' sage of Kehida ' 
 that he affected to enhance his reputation by any 
 mystery of seclusion. Day after day he was to be 
 seen, either pacing the streets of Pesth, his hands 
 folded behind his back, the inevitable cigar between
 
 CHAP, xxii.] POLITICAL INACTION. 199 
 
 his lips, deep in conversation with one of his 
 numerous devoted friends ; or strolling over the 
 beautiful grassy slopes of the hills that overhang 
 the western banks of the Danube ; or listening* to 
 the lively political gossip in the dining-room of the 
 ' Queen of England ' hotel, occasionally breaking 
 into some heated discussion with a humorous 
 commentary or warning, that had more effect in 
 forming the public opinion of Pesth than half a 
 dozen leading articles. 
 
 Notwithstanding his apparent disappearance from 
 the prominent place which he had occupied during 
 the past few months in the face of Europe, Deak 
 had by no means let go the reins which none but he 
 could handle with such masterly power, and was 
 quite prepared to undertake again the guidance of 
 his country's course when the times should seem 
 ripe for a fresh advance. 
 
 ' We can wait,' the German minister had proudly 
 said, when thwarted in his schemes by the opposition 
 of Hungary. 
 
 ' We can wait,' was Dedk's motto, as he quietly 
 resigned himself and his country to a second period 
 of political inaction.
 
 200 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxin. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Baron Schmerling's Imperial Parliament 'Full Reichsrath' 'Di- 
 minished Reichsrath ' Entrance- of deputies from Transylvania 
 Embarrassment of Baron Schmerling between the Cabinet and 
 his Liberal supporters in the Lower House Growing discontent 
 with prevailing state of things Dedk content to await the pressure 
 of circumstances Hungary under the Provisorium different to 
 Hungary under the System Disposition towards reconciliation 
 The Emperor and Dealt both pursuing the same end Impossibility 
 of a change so long as Schmerling remained in power The 
 minister pledged to maintain the present Constitution Plea for 
 support on ground of foreign complications Gracious intentions 
 of the Emperor towards Hungary Controversy between 
 Lustkandl' and Deak. 
 
 FOR four years the Austrian Constitution as or- 
 ganised by Baron Schmerling maintained a difficult 
 and precarious existence. 
 
 It was a strong proof of the ability and dexterous 
 management of the Minister of the Interior, that 
 so exceedingly artificial and one-sided a piece of 
 mechanism, should have worked even this length 
 of time without breaking down. 
 
 The theory of a ' Full Reichsrath,' to which the 
 various provincial Diets should all send their repre- 
 sentatives in obedience to the regulations of the 
 February Patent, remained a theory and nothing
 
 JHAP. xxiii.] 'FULL' AND 'LESSER' REICHSRATH. 201 
 
 more, in consequence of the refusal of Hungary 
 and Croatia to comply with the commands of the 
 Imperial Government. 1 During the first two sessions 
 of the new Parliament, the Legislative Assembly 
 was supposed therefore to be only the Lesser (or 
 Diminished) Reichsrath ; though to satisfy his Liberal 
 supporters, the Constitutionalists, Baron Schmerling, 
 braving the remonstrances of Czechs and Con- 
 servatives, allowed the Lower House to discuss 
 the ' estimates of the State expenditure ' as though 
 it were the Full Reichsrath, which alone was 
 entitled to decide upon affairs common to the 
 whole empire. 
 
 In the session of 1863 an expedient was found 
 for gradually transferring to the actually existing 
 ' Lesser Reichsrath ' the functions that should, 
 according to the Constitution of February, have 
 been exercised by the unfortunately non-existent 
 ' Full Reichsrath.' 
 
 The Diet of Transylvania, based on the newly 
 introduced electoral laws, and composed entirely 
 of the Saxon and Rouman nationalities, dutifully 
 
 1 ' The sphere of action of the Full Reichsrath embraces (according to 
 Art. II. of the Diploma of October) all subjects of legislation which 
 have reference to rights, duties, and interests common to all the 
 kingdoms and lands, including military service, regulation of money, 
 customs and commerce, imperial finance, and general estimates of the 
 State expenditure. To the Diminished Reichsrath belong, with the 
 exception by the matters mentioned above, all subjects which are not 
 expressly reserved of the Provincial Ordinances for the several Pro- 
 vincial Assemblies represented in the Diminished Reichsrath.' 
 Patent of February 1861.
 
 202 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxm. 
 
 accepted the provisions of the February Patent, and 
 sent delegates to the Reichsrath at Vienna. 
 
 The presence of the Transylvanian deputies was 
 declared to constitute a Full Reichsrath ; on their 
 withdrawal from the Chamber, the scene changed, 
 and the Assembly became at once the Lesser 
 Reichsrath ; thus with a respect for the ' Unities ' 
 worthy of the classical drama, subjects pertaining 
 to one or the other body could be dealt with on 
 the same day, in the same place, and by the same 
 persons. No more ingenious method could have 
 been devised for reconciling the exigencies of theory 
 with the realities of fact. 
 
 In the end, however, the task of satisfying the 
 demands of the Centralist Liberals in the Lower 
 House, and at the same time preserving a good 
 understanding with the non-German representatives 
 and Conservatives, became too hard even for Baron 
 Schmerling. His position was a peculiar one, the 
 chief supporters of the minister and of the Constitu- 
 tion, as identified with the February Patent, were 
 the advanced German Centralists, who, owing to the 
 provisions of the Patent, had acquired such control 
 over the finances as to give them an influence 
 which they were not backward to take advantage 
 of, when the Budget came to be submitted for 
 discussion in the Lower House. 
 
 But the minister was aware that if the Constitu- 
 tionalists made too free a use of their privileges in
 
 CH. xxiir.l BARON SCHMERLING'S DIFFICULTIES. 203 
 
 this respect, and pressed too strongly for important 
 changes such as recognition of ministerial respon- 
 sibility which were beyond their legitimate scope to 
 effect, and were moreover highly distasteful to the 
 Cabinet, the whole scheme of parliamentary govern- 
 ment ' octroye ' by one minister might be withdrawn 
 by a more favoured successor. 
 
 Thus, both to refuse and to concede the demands 
 of his Liberal supporters, was equally dangerous to 
 the position of the chief author of the Constitution. 
 
 With the financial embarrassments occasioned, 
 or at least heightened, by the perpetual disputes 
 over the Budget in the Lower House, discontent 
 with the existing state of things increased amongst 
 the non-German populations ; a desire for some 
 change, the conviction of the necessity for coming 
 to some agreement with Hungary, grew daily more 
 pressing. 
 
 In those attempts to establish a satisfactory 
 compromise which had taxed the best endeavours 
 of the Hungarian ministers before the publication 
 of the October Diploma, Deak had taken no part, 
 because he believed that events were not then ripe 
 for a solution, which, however desirable in itself, 
 would never be arrived at without the aid of 
 necessity and the sheer force of circumstances. 
 
 ' He knew,' says M. Csengery, ' that peace between 
 the Monarch and the Nation could be firmly 
 established only if the agreement came about
 
 204 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxni. 
 
 of itself, so to speak, as a matter of political 
 necessity.' 
 
 But the aspect of affairs in Hungary at this time, 
 even under the Provisorium, was very different 
 from what it had been during the twelve years 
 of Herr v. Bach's regime. Instead of a mute, 
 hopeless resistance, there was a feeling in certain 
 circles, not indeed of amity, but of an openness to 
 reconciliation, a disposition to accept the hand of 
 friendship when it should be cordially held out. 
 The bitter self-contained resentment of former years 
 had subsided, and the relations of the non-German 
 inhabitants of the Empire towards their Magyar 
 fellow-subjects had been rather improved than 
 otherwise by the staunch resistance of the Hungarian 
 Diet to the centralising tendency of the February 
 Patent. 
 
 That much discontent and hostility still prevailed 
 throughout the country, was sufficiently attested by 
 the plots and secret negotiations discovered from 
 time to time by the Austrian Government, by the 
 suspicious attitude of Hungary three years later 
 during the Austro-Prussian war, and by the strength 
 and numbers of the party which subsequently car- 
 ried on in the Diet a strenuous opposition against 
 the Hungarian Government and the Compromise 
 of 1867. 
 
 But signs were not wanting in the course of 
 the four years during which Hungary underwent a
 
 CHAP, xxiii.] DEAK AND SCHMERLING. 205 
 
 second period of arbitrary rule to show that though 
 the thread of negotiations through the Diet might 
 have been broken off, yet all channels of com- 
 munication between the leading statesmen in the 
 two countries had not been closed. 
 
 There were at least two men in the monarchy 
 who were determined that, so far as their influence 
 and goodwill could avail, Austria and Hungary 
 should find a means of blotting out past differences, 
 and forming one State, based no longer upon force, 
 but on community of feeling and interest. The 
 Emperor and Francis Deak were steadily pursuing 
 the same object, though from the nature of their 
 respective positions they approached it from a 
 different standpoint. 
 
 So long, however, as the chief personage of the 
 present Ministry remained in power in Austria, it 
 was morally impossible that the demands of the 
 united Hungarian nation, as set forth in the Second 
 Address of the Diet, should be satisfied. Baron 
 Schmerling was no less completely identified with 
 the policy of a stringent centralisation than was 
 Francis Deak with the cause of national autonomy 
 and the preservation of historical rights. The very 
 'raison d'etre' of the minister being involved in 
 the successful maintenance of the Constitution as 
 developed in the February Patent, it would have 
 been as impossible for him to yield to the remon- 
 strances of the Hungarian Diet, as it would have
 
 206 FRANCIS DEAR. [CHAP. xxm. 
 
 been for the popular champion in Pesth to accept 
 a portfolio as minister, and take part in the de- 
 bates of the Reichsrath at Vienna. It is therefore 
 not surprising that the various endeavours made 
 during the first years of the Provisorium to come to 
 a formal understanding between the two parties in 
 Austria and Hungary should have been unsuccess- 
 ful ; that the programme brought forward by Count 
 Apponyi at the conference of Hungarian statesmen 
 in 1862, even though supported by the Pesti 
 Naplo, the organ of the Deak party, should have 
 proved unacceptable at Vienna ; that the proposal 
 for a compromise founded on the Liberal Pro- 
 gramme of 1847, suggested by Count Forgach in 
 1863, should have met with no better fate. 
 
 So long as Baron Schmerling could rely upon 
 the support of the German Liberals in the Lesser 
 Reichsrath, and insure the toleration if not the cor- 
 dial acceptance of the existing Constitution on the 
 part of the Court party and the Upper House, 
 so long he could maintain his position without the 
 necessity for such concession to the Hungarians as 
 would in fact have destroyed the symmetry of the 
 present Centralist Government, and diminished the 
 prospect, at best a doubtful one, of its ever striking 
 firm root throughout the Empire. 
 
 All suggestions of compromise therefore, however 
 reasonable they might appear to their Hungarian 
 promoters, could from the nature of things be met
 
 CHAP. XXIIL] ROYAL CONCESSIONS TO HUNGARY. 207 
 
 only with the stipulation that the October Diploma 
 and the Patent of February should be regarded as 
 Fundamental State Laws, from which no appeal was 
 possible. 
 
 The reluctance of the Cabinet, moreover, to enter 
 upon an embarrassing discussion of the unsleeping 
 4 Hungarian question,' found convenient justification 
 in the various foreign complications which enabled 
 them to silence the remonstrances of discontented 
 politicians at home with the unanswerable plea, 
 that, in dealing with matters of foreign policy the 
 Government of the day must have all the weight 
 and authority conferred by, at least, the ostensible 
 support and sanction of the various fractions of the 
 State. 
 
 But whatever the exigencies of the Government, 
 the Sovereign himself had never wavered in his 
 gracious intentions towards his Hungarian subjects. 
 In 1862, at the request of Count Forgach, and with- 
 out the intervention of the Cabinet, an amnesty 
 was declared by the Emperor for all political 
 prisoners in Hungary, and about the same time a 
 Royal Rescript announced the grant of a subvention 
 from the Hungarian Exchequer towards the support 
 of the National Museum and Theatre at Pesth. 
 
 The few words addressed by the Emperor to a 
 deputation of gentlemen from the Landowners' 
 Association of Hungary made a profound im- 
 pression in that country, and created a feeling of
 
 208 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxm, 
 
 hopefulness not to be discouraged by the repeated 
 failure of the official negotiations. 'It is my 
 wish/ said Francis Joseph, ' to satisfy Hungary 
 not only in material respects but in other matters 
 also/ l 
 
 In the autumn of 1864 the question of Hungary's 
 State rights was brought prominently before the 
 public mind by a controversy between the Viennese 
 jurist Dr. Lustkandl', an ardent supporter of 
 Baron Schmerling's policy, and the great Hungarian 
 lawyer. On this occasion Deak broke the silence of 
 three years with a vigorous reply to the arguments 
 of Dr. Lustkandl', in which he showed the danger of 
 insisting too strongly upon the convenient theory 
 of ' Forfeiture of Right ' a theory that might be 
 turned against the legitimate authority of the Crown 
 as effectively as against the historical rights of the 
 people. In the following year it became apparent 
 that the Hungarian problem was reaching a stage 
 when it was beyond the scope of professors and 
 jurists, however learned, to solve ; and that political, 
 not legal, arguments were to come into play. 
 
 1 Dreijahre Verfassungsstreit.
 
 CHAP, xxiv.] AUSTRIA'S FOUR POLICIES. 209 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Cause of Austria's unstable condition Successive policies ' Great 
 Germany ' policy Conference at Frankfort Renewal of negotia- 
 tions with the Hungarian magnates Dedk's Easter article in 
 the Pesti Naplo Appeal from the Government to the Sovereign 
 Acknowledgment of the existence of ' common affairs ' Letters by 
 Dedk in the Debatte Statement of Hungarian claims accept- 
 able to all parties in Hungary Difficulties still to be overcome 
 Visit of the Emperor to Pesth Count Maildth, Court Chancellor, 
 Baron Sennyei, Tavernicus Evidence in these appointments of 
 intention to treat with Conservative, not ultra-Liberal, party in 
 Hungary A blow to the Schmerling Ministry Further embarrass- 
 ment caused by debates over the Budget Resignation of Baron 
 Schmerling Count Belcredi, Minister of the Interior Close of the 
 Reichsrath Speech of the Archduke Rainald Indication of a 
 coming change of policy. 
 
 A FRENCH writer 1 has ascribed the perilous and 
 unstable condition of Austria to the unfortunate 
 necessity which has compelled her in the course of 
 the past hundred years to take up four successive 
 lines of policy. First the Danubian policy, when 
 the energies of the monarchy were directed against 
 the Ottoman power. This line being abandoned 
 under the present Emperor, and the role of patron 
 of the Christian races of Turkey passing exclusively 
 
 1 M. de Forbade. 
 
 P
 
 210 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxiv 
 
 to Russia, an Italian policy was initiated, in which 
 Austrian interests were identified with the main- 
 tenance of papal and imperial supremacy over an 
 unwilling people, Austrian troops occupied Florence 
 and Milan, and the black and yellow flag waved over 
 the Castle of St. Angelo. After the collapse of the 
 Italian policy in 1859, a distinctively German policy 
 was adopted ; and the 'gross Deutsch Idee,' rendered 
 more attractive to German Liberals from its connec- 
 tion with the first establishment of Constitutionalism 
 in Austria, found an able and zealous champion in 
 Herrv. Schmerling. 
 
 But the growing influence of the Hohenzollerns 
 in Germany, the failure of Austria to obtain from 
 Europe the recognition of the brilliant position 
 claimed by her at the conference at Frankfort in 
 1863 as undisputed chief of the German Confedera- 
 tion, the cold indifference of Hungary and the non- 
 German provinces of the Empire, all combined to 
 convince the Hapsburg Emperor that circumstances 
 did not favour his ambition to become an Austrian 
 Charlemagne. 
 
 If it needed Sadowa to bring fully home to the 
 minds of Francis Joseph's advisers the important 
 truth that the safety and greatness of the Austrian 
 Empire were to be found in consolidating, not in 
 extending, the range of its dominion, it would seem 
 as though the Sovereign himself was earlier 
 convinced that the 'Great Germany' policy, pure
 
 CHAP, xxiv.] THE EASTER ARTICLE. 211 
 
 and simple, could no longer be relied on, if his 
 Empire were to remain a compact and powerful 
 state. 
 
 Towards the close of 1864, the question of 
 negotiation with Hungary again coming to the 
 foreground, all eyes were once more turned towards 
 Francis Deak. This time the Conservative magnates, 
 mindful of the difficulties and misunderstandings that 
 had hindered their well-intentioned efforts to render 
 the October Diploma acceptable to the Hungarian 
 people, resolved not again to enter the lists against 
 the German ministers in the capacity of ' generals 
 without an army;' and accordingly Count Mailath 
 and Baron Sennyei repaired to Pesth, there to take 
 counsel with the true representative of Hungary be- 
 fore embarking on further negotiations at Vienna. 
 
 In the famous Easter article which appeared 
 in the Pesti Naplo in the spring of 1865, Dedk 
 showed in what spirit he was prepared to meet these 
 renewed overtures at reconciliation. From the 
 ministers of the Crown at Vienna he turned to the 
 Sovereign himself. The cause of the disputes, said 
 the Easter article, which had so often arisen be- 
 tween Austria and Hungary, and had threatened at 
 times to break up for ever the unity of the monarchy, 
 might in every, instance be traced, not to Hungary, 
 but to those Austrian statesmen who had attacked 
 her Constitution and her laws. The Hungarian 
 Constitution, it was pointed out, had never been 
 
 p 2
 
 2i2 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxiv. 
 
 opposed to the safe existence of the monarchy ; by 
 its means, the nation in times of danger had always 
 fulfilled its obligations with regard to the preserva- 
 tion of the Empire with energy, and sometimes with 
 brilliant success. After recognising the futility of 
 looking for a reconciliation between Austria and 
 Hungary in a change of opinion on the part of the 
 present ministers, Deak appealed to the wisdom and 
 love of justice of the Sovereign ; declaring at the 
 same time that, ' whilst the Hungarian nation would 
 never give up its constitutional independence, it was 
 prepared, when once this should be restored, to take 
 such legal measures as might be proved necessary 
 for bringing its laws into harmony with the stability 
 of the monarchy.' 
 
 When in the First Address of the Hungarian 
 Diet, Deak, speaking in the name of his countrymen, 
 had declared that Hungary was prepared to enter, 
 ' from case to case ' and on special occasions, into 
 deliberation with the constitutional peoples of the 
 Hereditary States, the expression had provoked 
 vehement protests from the Extreme party ; Paul 
 Uzany exclaiming, ' That phrase " from case to case " 
 will take us straight into the Reichsrath.' But 
 Deak had carried his point then, and he did not 
 hesitate now to adopt the same line of good sense 
 and sound statesmanship. 
 
 The Easter article acknowledged fully the 
 existence of affairs common to both halves of the
 
 CHAP, xxiv.] LETTERS IN THE ' DEBATTE.' 213 
 
 Empire, and even gave to the term * common affairs ' 
 a wider signification than had been expected from 
 the popular champion ; always however with the 
 understanding that their settlement should not be 
 left to the decision of a parliamentary majority in 
 the Reichsrath, but should be arrived at after due 
 consultation between delegations appointed for the 
 purpose. 
 
 It was the Deak party that had spoken in the 
 Easter article. After a short interval came an 
 answering voice from the Conservative magnates 
 and their allies at Vienna. As if to show the 
 complete harmony that now prevailed between the 
 Hungarian magnates and the main body of their 
 compatriots, the complement to the article in the 
 Pesti Naplo appeared in a series of letters emanat- 
 ing from Deak himself, and published in the 
 columns of the Debatte, the organ of the Conserva- 
 tive party. 
 
 In the recognition of the existence of 'common 
 affairs ' and the proposition to discuss these through 
 delegations appointed for the purpose, a basis of 
 action had been found on which all parties in 
 Hungary, with the exception of the Extreme Left, 
 could agree. 
 
 The letters in the Debatte, claiming to be the 
 authentic expression of Hungarian opinion, were 
 widely read on both sides of the Leitha, and 
 produced a distinctly favourable effect at the
 
 214 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxi v 
 
 critical juncture, when the relations between Baron 
 Schmerling and his Liberal supporters in the 
 Reichsrath, were becoming constantly aggravated by 
 the inability of the former to satisfy the demands of 
 the German majority in the Lower House, and by 
 the refusal of the latter to replenish the Imperial 
 Exchequer, until their claims had been granted. 
 
 The views and wishes of Hungary, as set forth in 
 the Debatte, were based on a complete acceptance 
 of the Pragmatic Sanction. From an examination 
 of this fundamental compact were deduced two 
 important and undeniable facts. First, that there 
 are affairs common to all the lands of the Austrian 
 Empire ; second, that all affairs common to the 
 Empire are so only in so far as their being treated 
 as common is necessary to the safety of the 
 monarchy. 
 
 After showing that the Pragmatic Sanction regards 
 all the Austrian lands as belonging to one common 
 ruler, and considers the maintenance of the power and 
 dignity of the ruler as a ' common affair,' and that 
 it also binds the several lands to mutual support, 
 the writer in the Debatte argues from hence, that 
 the management of foreign affairs and of the army 
 are ' common affairs.' The providing of money for 
 all such purposes is also declared to come under the 
 same category ; the Hungarian Finance Minister 
 being therefore bound to furnish the proper quota of 
 Hungary to the Imperial Exchequer, whilst leaving
 
 CHAP, xxiv.] BASIS OF GENERAL AGREEMENT. 215 
 
 to the Diet the settlement of those matters of 
 internal finance which were not common to the 
 monarchy. 
 
 From these premises as to the position of 
 Hungary with regard to the Sovereign and to the 
 other lands of the Austrian Empire, the writer draws 
 the conclusion, that a central Parliament at Vienna, 
 legislating not only for common affairs, but for the 
 internal administration of Hungary, is impossible ; 
 that a separate Ministry for Hungary is indispensable ; 
 and that the two halves of the Empire ' must be 
 considered as two aggregations of lands having a 
 parity of rights.' * 
 
 No statement of the Hungarian position could 
 have so well succeeded in enlisting the approval and 
 adherence of the best men on all sides in Hungary. 
 The Conservative magnates saw full justice done to 
 their view as to the necessity of common action in 
 matters concerning the dignity and unity of the 
 monarchy. The Deak party and the Moderate 
 Liberals acknowledged that the principles here laid 
 down, committed them to no surrender of that 
 ancient constitutional independence which they had 
 guarded so jealously against the insidious attacks of 
 Baron Schmerling's German Constitutionalism. 
 
 There was still a labyrinth of difficulties to be passed 
 through between 1865 and 1867 ; but Deak had 
 never lost hold of the clue which had enabled him to 
 
 1 See Studies in European Politics, M. E. Grant Duff, M.P.
 
 216 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxiv. 
 
 guide his country safely through the troubles and 
 complications of twenty years, and which was 
 destined to lead him to the wished-for goal at last. 
 In 1865, Hungary, speaking through the mouth of 
 Deak, was asserting the same principles, claiming 
 the same rights, rendering and demanding the same 
 scrupulous respect for law and justice, as in 1847. 
 
 A long interval had passed since the bright 
 hopes which had then seemed so near their 
 fulfilment had been destroyed. 
 
 Were the hopes of 1865 to be as speedily 
 extinguished ? 
 
 The appeal of Hungary to the Sovereign did not 
 remain unheeded. In June of the same year the 
 Emperor of his own initiative (and contrary, it was 
 rumoured, to the wishes of his ministers), undertook 
 a journey to Buda Pesth, this time to stand face 
 to face with his Hungarian subjects in the royal 
 palace at Buda. 
 
 The last occasion on which the magnates had 
 assembled in the Hall of Audience was to hear the 
 Royal Rescript which had called upon Hungary to 
 forego the ancient Constitution of the nation, and 
 merge herself in the Austrian Empire. 
 
 Instead of the chilling silence that had greeted 
 the message read from the Throne four years before, 
 the hall now rang with the cheers of the assembled 
 nobles, as Francis Joseph, with that perfect mastery 
 of the Magyar language which is in itself a charm
 
 CHAP, xxiv.] ROYAL VISIT TO PESTH. 217 
 
 in the eyes of his Hungarian subjects, delivered a 
 speech expressing warm sympathy with Hungary, 
 though refraining from rash promises that might 
 have raised undue expectations and made the work 
 of final agreement more difficult. 
 
 Cardinal Szitowsky, the venerable Primate of the 
 Kingdom, found at length that favourable oppor- 
 tunity for an interview with his Sovereign which he 
 had sought in vain on the occasion of the last royal 
 visit to Pesth in 1857; at the conclusion of the 
 Emperor's address, it fell to him to declare in the 
 name of his country what Hungary desired of its 
 King, and to assure his Majesty that the hearts of 
 all his subjects would be faithful to the prince who 
 should guarantee to them their rights. 
 
 The royal visit to Hungary was of short duration, 
 but it was long enough to prove, if proof were 
 needed, that the chivalrous loyalty of the Magyars 
 was not a thing of the past, and that the experiment 
 of bearding the lion in his den had not been tried 
 too late for success. The King's reception by the 
 mass of the people was no less cordial than that 
 accorded him by the nobles. In the evening of the 
 same day on which he had received the magnates, 
 the Emperor presided at a banquet in the old palace 
 at Buda. As he looked down from the terrace that 
 crowns the Danube, upon the enthusiastic multitude 
 thronging the steep streets and broad quays of the 
 twin cities, now brilliantly illuminated in honour of
 
 218 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxiv. 
 
 their unwonted and welcome guest ; as he heard the 
 wild defiant music of Rakoczy's March, played by 
 the imperial band, answered with the stately strains 
 of the Kaiser Lied from the strange half-barbaric 
 instruments of the famous Ziganers, the national 
 musicians of Hungary, Francis Joseph may well 
 have felt that it could only be by a perverse 
 fatality of mismanagement and misunderstanding, 
 if his Kingdom of Hungary did not become the 
 strength, instead of the weakness, of the Austrian 
 Empire. 
 
 Shortly after the return of the Emperor from Pesth, 
 the German ministers at Vienna were surprised by 
 the announcement that Court Mailath had accepted 
 the office of Court Chancellor ; his Hungarian coad- 
 jutor, the Tavernicus, 1 being Baron Sennyei, one of 
 the Conservative magnates who had acknowledged 
 most readily the necessity of acting for the future 
 in concert with Deak and his party in Hungary. 
 
 The evidence given by these appointments of an 
 intention to treat with Hungary through the medium 
 of the Conservative instead of the ultra-Liberal 
 party in that country, was an additional blow to the 
 already waning power of the Schmerling Ministry ; 
 for it was in great measure by holding out to his 
 supporters the prospect of a speedy settlement with 
 Hungary, on terms acceptable to the ultra- Liberals 
 in both countries, that Baron Schmerling had 
 
 1 Treasurer.
 
 CH. xxiv.] RESIGNATION OF BARON SCHMERLING. 219 
 
 maintained himself amidst the increasing difficulties 
 of his position. 
 
 The finishing stroke to his embarrassment came 
 with the debates on the Budget in the Upper 
 House. A few weeks later the Archduke Rainald, 
 Baron Schmerling, and his whole party in the 
 Cabinet resigned ; and Count Belcredi, a Moravian 
 nobleman, became Minister of the Interior in the 
 Cabinet of Count Mensdorff Pouilly. 
 
 On the 2yth of July the Reichsrath was closed 
 with a speech from the Archduke Rainald, in which, 
 after commending both Houses for the patriotic zeal 
 and unwearied activity which they had displayed in 
 the deliberations, it was announced that important 
 reasons connected with the general interests of the 
 Empire, made it advisable to summon speedily the 
 lawful representatives of the peoples in the eastern 
 parts of the monarchy ; and rendered it necessary to 
 refrain in this session from considering the Budget 
 for 1866. An indication of the impending change 
 in the political horizon was visible in the concluding 
 passage of the speech, where a hope was expressed 
 that ' a treatment in common of the rights belonging 
 in common to all the kingdoms and territories, 
 should in the immediate future firmly unite all 
 the peoples of the Empire a desire based upon a 
 recognition of the conditions of the existence of 
 the monarchy.'
 
 220 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Suspension of the Constitution of 1861 Manifesto of September 
 Satisfaction of Hungarians and Federalists Agreement between 
 them rather negative than positive Widespread political 
 controversy in Austria Division of opinion regarding the Sep- 
 tember Manifesto Reopening of the Diet at Pesth by the 
 Emperor in person Deak's firm resolve to require strict respect 
 for Continuity of Right Conciliatory tone of the Royal Speech 
 Deak's reply in the Address of February 1866 Demand for 
 restoration and enforcement of the Laws of '48 in the matter of a 
 responsible Hungarian Ministry Refusal of the Emperor The 
 Diet occupied in preparing a scheme for the regulation of ' common 
 affairs ' Committee of '67 Effect of the harsh language of the 
 Rescript of March 3rd visible in the uncompromising tone of the 
 answering address of the Diet Reluctance to dissolve the Diet 
 Declaration of war on the part of Prussia and Italy, June i8th 
 Continued discussion in the Hungarian Diet on definition and 
 treatment of common affairs Custozza, June 24 Adjournment of 
 the Diet, 26th Want of sympathy with Austria in Hungary 
 Sadowa, July 3rd Treaty of Prague, August i8th. 
 
 IN the following September 1865 Europe witnessed 
 with keen interest the development of a fresh crisis 
 in the internal history of Austria. 
 
 In the desire to establish that form of government 
 which should be most truly adapted to the welfare 
 of his complex empire, the Emperor of Austria 
 had the courage to suspend the Constitution in the 
 interests of Constitutionalism, and to acknowledge 
 openly before it was too late, that the provisions
 
 CHAP, xxv.] MANIFESTO OF SEPTEMBER. 221 
 
 of the February Patent, however excellent in theory, 
 were in practice so ill suited to the requirements of 
 the common monarchy, as to make it dangerous to 
 maintain them in force, even when glorified by the 
 name of the Austrian Constitution. 
 
 By the Manifesto of September, the historical 
 rights of the various provinces of the Empire were 
 again fully acknowledged, and the authority of the 
 Diets restored, by the suspension of those obnoxious 
 statutes and electoral laws which had been framed 
 with the avowed object of gradually extinguishing all 
 local self-government, and transferring every vestige 
 of administrative power from the hands of pro- 
 vincial authorities to the officials of the central 
 Government. 
 
 The hopes of the Federalists or State Rights party 
 in the Empire ran high. In the suspension of the 
 Constitution of 1861 they, as well as the Hungarians, 
 saw the first obstacle removed that hindered the 
 realisation of their several objects. Czechs, Poles, 
 and Magyars all agreed in their satisfaction at the 
 retirement of the Schmerling Ministry. Indeed in 
 an important article published at this time in a 
 Viennese journal, and attributed to the pen of Count 
 Belcredi himself, one of the chief arguments adduced 
 in favour of the recent Manifesto was grounded 
 upon the attitude of Hungary with reference to the 
 suspended Constitution of 1861. The Hungarian 
 Diet, said the article, declined to send its representa-
 
 222 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv. 
 
 tives to the Reichsrath, on the ground that the 
 fundamental State affairs of the country had not first 
 been definitively settled by the Diet in the sense of 
 its laws. Now, both in the October Diploma and 
 the February Patent, such a settlement was distinctly 
 stated to be the preliminary condition of the validity 
 of the Constitution of the Empire. Therefore, it 
 was argued, so long as this condition remains unful- 
 filled, and Hungary in consequence abstains from 
 sending representatives to the Reichsrath, there can 
 be no question that the law respecting the repre- 
 sentation of the Empire is ' de jure ' inoperative. 1 
 
 Unfortunately, as appeared later, the agreement 
 between Hungary and the great non- German pro- 
 vinces of Austria was of the negative kind, founded 
 upon a common dislike of the existing system, 
 rather than upon any positive harmony of opinion 
 as to the State policy which should be adopted in 
 its stead. 
 
 But in the first agitation which resulted in the 
 defeat of the German Centralists, the important 
 question of Dualism versus Federalism had not 
 yet come into prominence. In the political cam- 
 paign that attracted the attention of Europe in 
 1865, the victorious opponent of Baron Schmerling 
 was Count Belcredi, the hope of the Federalist party, 
 not Count Beust, the Saxon statesman who, a year 
 and a half later, contrived so skilfully to meet the 
 
 1 See Westminster Review, April 1866.
 
 CHAP, xxv.] REASSEMBLING OF THE DIETS. 223 
 
 exigencies of a critical period for the Austrian Em- 
 pire, by welding together the elements of strength 
 to be found in the German Centralist party and the 
 Hungarian advocates of Dualism. 
 
 The babel of political controversy that resounded 
 from one end of the monarchy to the other, formed 
 a strange contrast to the silence that had reigned 
 for centuries past in the great polyglot empire. 
 Assuredly, if complete freedom of speech be one 
 of the chief distinctions of a constitutional State, if 
 unceasing activity of political disputation both with 
 tongue and pen be a symptom of healthy vitality 
 in the body politic, then never was Austria further 
 from her decadence, never was she more truly a 
 constitutional country, than in the autumn of 1865, 
 when the Constitution was suspended, and dismal 
 prophecies were abroad of a new era of despotism 
 and ' reaction.' 
 
 Two months after the publication of the Septem- 
 ber Manifesto the Diets reassembled. Out of the 
 seventeen Provincial Diets of Austria ten gave a 
 majority of votes in favour of the principles of the 
 Manifesto ; seven, either by resolutions or addresses 
 to the Throne, expressed their disapproval of it. 
 
 The one party supported the present Government 
 in the belief that the September Manifesto aimed at 
 a confederation of peoples (Volkesbund\ whereas 
 the February Patent had tended to create a separate 
 league (Sonderbund} amongst the German-speaking
 
 224 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv. 
 
 inhabitants of the Empire. The other party pro- 
 tested vehemently against the recent change of 
 policy, on the ground that the suspension of the 
 Constitution was not only impolitic but illegal ; since 
 ' the wilful abstention of some of the representatives 
 of the Empire, could not be taken as depriving those 
 who had taken possession of the constitutional 
 ground, of the further exercise of their legislative 
 functions.' x 
 
 This being the position of affairs in Austria, what 
 was to be the line taken by Hungary ? a most im- 
 portant factor in the tangled web of Austrian politics. 
 
 On the 1 4th of December the Diet at Pesth was 
 reopened by the Emperor in person. 
 
 With this revival of constitutional life in Hungary- 
 Francis Deak again came to the front, seeming, 
 from his constant and ever-present activity, to unite 
 in one the functions of minister, jurist, diplomatist, 
 and party leader. Now in the royal cabinet at 
 Vienna, now in the national assembly or in the 
 clubs and party conferences at Pesth, he devoted 
 all his energies to making a good use of the fresh 
 opening for reconciliation presented by the late 
 ministerial changes, and the publication of the 
 September Manifesto. 
 
 Deak was resolved to consent to nothing that 
 
 1 For further information, see a series of highly interesting and 
 valuable articles on the various constitutional experiments in Austria, 
 contained in the pages of the Westminster Review in 1861, 1863, 
 1866, and 1867.
 
 CHAP, xxv.] ATTITUDE OF HUNGARY. 225 
 
 would involve dropping a single link in the chain 
 of ' Continuity of Right ;' and it had therefore been 
 determined at a conference of the party held in 
 November, before the opening of the Diet, to exact 
 in the establishment of a separate Hungarian 
 Ministry an acknowledgment of the Laws of '48. 
 At the same time he was anxious not to ruin the 
 new hopes dawning for his country, by a persistent 
 refusal to regard the question from any but a purely 
 Hungarian point of view. 
 
 Nothing could have proved more decisively the 
 unfaltering consistency of Dedk's principles with 
 respect to the sacredness of law, than the tenour of 
 the address drawn up by him on this occasion, and 
 finally accepted by the Diet. 
 
 The language of the Emperor in his opening 
 speech from the Throne had been well calculated 
 to overcome the scruples of any loyal subjects less 
 firmly devoted to their constitutional rights, and 
 less deeply versed in the principles of constitutional 
 law, than the Hungarians. ' We are now come/ 
 his Majesty had announced, ' to finish the work 
 which our feeling of the duties of government 
 compelled us to begin. Our object in coming 
 among you in person, is more effectually to remove 
 those scruples which till now have stood in the 
 way of the solution of the political question we 
 have to deal with.' 
 
 After pointing out that one of the chief obstacles 
 
 Q
 
 226 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv. 
 
 to a successful agreement lay in the sharply defined 
 opposition between the different starting-points 
 assumed with a view to the desired understanding 
 ' forfeiture of right ' on the one hand, ' continuity of 
 right' on the other the Emperor declared that he 
 should himself set aside these obstacles by choosing 
 for a starting-point ' a basis recognised on all sides, 
 viz. the Pragmatic Sanction.' 
 
 This famous compact, whilst it guaranteed auto- 
 nomy for the internal administration and legislation 
 of Hungary, confirmed at the same time the tie 
 which binds the lands and provinces under the 
 same sovereign into one great empire. 
 
 The Diet was therefore exhorted, in harmony 
 with the acknowledged principles of the Pragmatic 
 Sanction, to consider the manner in which affairs of 
 common interest should be treated, to deliberate and 
 give their opinion upon the Manifesto of September 
 last, as well as upon the Diploma of October 1860 
 and the Patent of February '61, and to ' revise or 
 reform that part of the Laws of 1848 which refers 
 to the exercise of our rights of sovereignty and the 
 limitation of the attributes of government.' 
 
 1 Only when this shall have been done will it be 
 possible for the King, with a quiet conscience, to 
 take the royal Coronation Oath to the Hungarian 
 Constitution duly reformed and confirmed so that 
 it may endure to a late posterity, and be solemnly 
 invested with the diadem of St. Stephen, our
 
 CHAP, xxv.] CONTINUITY OF RIGHT. 227 
 
 apostolic forefather with that sacred crown in 
 which we would fain insert as its most precious 
 jewel the prosperity of our Kingdom of Hungary, 
 and the unbroken love of its people.' 
 
 But the sun had no better success than the wind 
 in inducing the law-abiding champion of Hungary 
 to give up what he considered to be the chief pro- 
 tection, the main guarantee, for the future inde- 
 pendence and freedom of his country, namely, strict 
 respect in every detail for the Continuity of Right. 
 Not even the wish to meet half-way the evident 
 desire of the Sovereign and his present advisers to 
 come to a satisfactory understanding with Hungary, 
 could make Deak consent to include in the accepted 
 bases of negotiation, the provisions laid down in 
 the October Diploma and the February Patent. 
 To regard the Constitution there ' octroye ' upon 
 Hungary and the other lands of the Empire, as an 
 end desirable of attainment in the future by mutual 
 agreement, was one thing ; to lay it down arbitrarily 
 as the starting-point for further action, irrespective 
 of the legal and historical rights of the countries 
 affected by its provisions, was another. 
 
 In the Address of February the 24th, Deak there- 
 fore felt bound to dwell forcibly on the danger of 
 yielding too far on the plausible ground of ' ex- 
 pediency.' After alluding to the miseries of mis- 
 government which the country had been doomed to 
 undergo during the past seventeen years under the 
 
 Q 2
 
 228 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv. 
 
 name of a policy of expediency, he observes : ' The 
 advocates of an " expediency policy " must not be 
 surprised, if, after having been the victims of so many 
 illusions, we are somewhat cautious, and do not 
 enter without consideration on the path which they 
 invite us to follow. It was by holding fast to the 
 law, and not by pursuing a policy of expediency, 
 that our ancestors saved the Fatherland. Leopold I. 
 was forced to restore the Hungarian Constitution 
 in its integrity, without condition or reservation, 
 before the Diet would agree to annul that clause of 
 the Golden Bull respecting the lawfulness of armed 
 resistance, which no well-ordered State could put 
 up with. 
 
 4 Esau, it is true, when he was in want sold his 
 birthright for a mess of pottage ; he got the 
 pottage he wished for, but there was strife between 
 the brothers all the same. 
 
 ' This is what those expediency politicians will 
 bring us to, who, under pretext of an amiable 
 concession, are in reality only making matters more 
 difficult to settle.' l 
 
 The Address acknowledged that there were 
 indeed affairs which Hungary shared in common 
 with the Hereditary States, and promised that the 
 Diet should proceed without delay to the prepara- 
 tion of a bill respecting the definition and treatment 
 of these affairs, as well as take into consideration all 
 
 1 See Unsere Zeit, Rogge.
 
 CH. xxv.] REJECTION OF HUNGARIAN DEMAND. 229 
 
 the propositions of the Government with regard 
 to the revision of the Laws of '48 ; but it was 
 stipulated that the recognition of the Continuity of 
 Right must so far take precedence of all else, that 
 the aforesaid propositions should be introduced by a 
 responsible Hungarian Ministry. 
 
 ' The land still remains under absolute rule,' 
 concluded the Address. ' Sanctioned laws, of which 
 your Majesty yourself allows that no objection can 
 be raised against them on the score of " strict 
 legality," are practically treated as if non-existent. 
 In all branches of the administration the absolute 
 system still prevails ; we therefore plead for " Con- 
 tinuity of Right," above all, in respect of our laws ; 
 for parliamentary government, for a responsible 
 Ministry, and for the constitutional re-establishment of 
 the municipalities. All we demand is the restoration 
 of the law ; for a law not enforced is a dead letter/ 
 
 The Emperor could not justly complain that 
 his Hungarian subjects rendered the difficulties of 
 the situation greater by the ambiguity of their 
 language. To a plain request his Majesty returned 
 a plain refusal. 
 
 On receiving the Address brought by a deputation 
 from the Diet to the royal palace at Buda, on the 
 27th of February, the Emperor, after stating shortly 
 that in the interests of the peoples of Austria the 
 principles laid down in the speech from the Throne
 
 U3o FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv. 
 
 must be strictly adhered to, quitted the Audience 
 Room amidst profound silence. 
 
 Under Deak's influence, however, the Diet, not- 
 withstanding the discouraging reception of the 
 Address, and the somewhat harsh language of the 
 Royal Rescript published a week later, proceeded 
 with the promised revision of the Laws of 1848 ; and 
 a scheme drawn up by the leader, for the regulation 
 of common affairs, was submitted for discussion to 
 a committee of sixty-seven deputies. 
 
 But there was no symptom of yielding to the 
 temptations of an ' expediency policy ' in the uncom- 
 promising, almost threatening, tone of the Second 
 Address of the Hungarian Diet a fortnight later. 
 The draft of the First Address had met with some 
 opposition from the Conservative section of the 
 party, who were in favour of remaining satisfied 
 with a theoretical acknowledgment of the ' Continuity 
 of Right,' and withdrawing the demand for the 
 actual recognition of the Laws of 1848. 
 
 Now, however, the discontent awakened by the 
 Rescript of March $rd was clearly to be seen in 
 the unanimous support accorded to the strong 
 expression of the national views in the Second 
 Address. ' The legislative power,' it was declared, 
 ' is the dearest right of the nation. But if it is to be 
 a reality, it is indispensably necessary that the laws 
 created be maintained in force until they have been
 
 CHAP, xxv.] OUTBREAK OF THE WAR. 231 
 
 legally repealed or altered by the constitutional 
 Legislature. 
 
 ' If the executive pov/er has the right to leave in 
 abeyance, or to suspend, the force of laws constitu- 
 tionally enacted ; to replace them by diplomas, and 
 to keep the whole Constitution in suspense until 
 these shall have been revised by the Diet, then 
 the executive would in point of fact be also the 
 legislative power. 
 
 ' This is not the Continuity of Right that has 
 been established by laws, royal inaugural diplomas, 
 and princely oaths. True Continuity of Right 
 consists not only in the continued non-abrogation 
 of laws, but in their execution and enforcement.' 
 
 On the presentation of this Second Address, the 
 Emperor contented himself with exhorting the Diet 
 to proceed without delay in the discussion on the 
 regulation of common affairs. External difficulties 
 were becoming more threatening, and it was felt 
 that it would be imprudent to follow the advice of 
 some impatient counsellors and undo the work of 
 months by dissolving the Diet in the hope of obtain- 
 ing a majority that might prove more compliant. 
 
 Before three months had elapsed the Austrian 
 army was in the field, Prussia and Italy .having 
 declared war simultaneously on the i8th of June. 
 
 Meanwhile the Committee of Fifteen in the 
 Hungarian Diet continued its labours on the defini- 
 tion and treatment of common affairs, and the draft
 
 232 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxv. 
 
 measure framed upon Deak's principles was 
 referred for further discussion to the enlarged 
 Committee of Sixty-seven. 
 
 On the 24th of June the imperial army gained in 
 the victory of Custozza its only success during a 
 short and disastrous war. 
 
 Two days later the Hungarian Diet was adjourned, 
 and in a few weeks Magyar regiments found 
 themselves encamped side by side with Slavs and 
 Germans in the Prater at Vienna. 
 
 As might have been supposed, Deak refrained 
 absolutely from all participation in the attempts of 
 General Klapka, and others of the ultra- National 
 party, to force the hand of the Sovereign by 
 raising Hungary in rebellion, at a time when all the 
 energies of the Government were required to meet 
 their formidable northern enemy. Nevertheless the 
 cause at issue between Austria and Prussia was 
 not one that could excite the least sympathy 
 in Hungary. 
 
 The wisest heads in the nation recognised 
 clearly the embarrassments that would accrue to 
 Austria, and the dangers to Hungary and the 
 cause of free constitutional nationalities throughout 
 Europe, if the Vienna Cabinet should succeed in 
 establishing even for a time an Austrian hegemony 
 in Germany. 
 
 It was not in the nature of loyal subjects and 
 prudent statesmen like Francis Deak and Baron
 
 CHAP, xxv.] TREATY OF PRAGUE. 233 
 
 Joseph Eotvos to pursue the good of their country 
 at the cost of the general welfare of the monarchy, 
 or to oppose what they considered an essentially 
 false policy by means of secret intrigue and con- 
 spiracy ; but none the less, they, in common with the 
 majority of their countrymen, could not but watch 
 with cold indifference, it may be with satisfaction, 
 the military reverses which involved the abandon- 
 ment of an idea dangerous both to the interests 
 of Hungary and of the Austrian Empire. 
 
 On July 3, 1866, the battle of Sadowa was 
 fought and lost ; on the i8th of August was signed 
 the treaty of Prague, in which the Emperor of 
 Austria acknowledged the dissolution of the Ger- 
 manic Confederation as hitherto constituted ; gave 
 his consent to a new organisation of Germany 
 without the participation of the Imperial Austrian 
 State ; recognised the Main as the barrier between 
 the southern States of the German Confederation 
 that were to preserve an independent national 
 existence, and those northern States henceforth to 
 be connected by more restricted federal relations 
 with Prussia ; and lastly transferred to the King 
 of Prussia all the rights acquired by the Vienna 
 Treaty of 1864 over the Duchies of Holstein and 
 Schleswig.
 
 234 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvi. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Good fortune of Austria in her defeats New policy entered upon after 
 the war of 1866 Deak and the Emperor at Vienna Dedk in the 
 Pesti Naplo Change in the Austrian Cabinet Count Mensdorff 
 Pouilly succeeded as Foreign Minister by Count Beust Effect of 
 Schmerling's constitutional principles in facilitating the task of 
 Austrian reconsolidation after the war of '66 Beust's advice to 
 the Emperor to come to terms with Hungary Difficulties raised 
 in all quarters Scheme drawn up by Deak for discussion by 
 Committee of '67 accepted by Count Beust Confusion and 
 division in Austria Resistance to proposed agreement with 
 Hungary. 
 
 IN nothing has the good fortune of ' Austria 
 Felix ' shown itself more conspicuously than in her 
 defeats. It will hardly be denied that the military 
 disasters of 1859, and the consequent loss of 
 Lombardy, left Austria a stronger State than she 
 was at the time when every whisper of revolt south 
 of the Alps, found a mysterious echo from half a 
 score of distant provinces, and in as many different 
 tongues east and west of the Leitha. Nor probably 
 will it be denied that the prestige, no less than the 
 practical influence, of the monarchy, in the decision 
 of European questions, has been enhanced rather 
 than weakened since the defeat at Sadowa, when 
 the vague pretensions to an impossible sovereignty 
 were definitively abandoned, and Austria concen-
 
 CHAP, xxvi.] INAUGURATION OF A NEW POLICY. 235 
 
 trated all her energies upon the successful execution 
 of another though not less important role. 
 
 The new phase of European history presented 
 by the unification of Germany under the stringent 
 and somewhat intolerant rule of the ' iron Chan- 
 cellor ' ; the crumbling away of the Ottoman power 
 in European Turkey ; the recent successes of 
 Russian arms and Russian diplomacy, facilitated by 
 the popular Pan-Slav agitation which an autocratic 
 Government knows well how to make use of; the 
 crude efforts at self-assertion, the vague aspirations 
 towards a recognised national individuality, amongst 
 the Slav peoples of Eastern Europe all this renders 
 more needful than ever, in the interests of civilisa- 
 tion, the existence of a powerful State on the 
 Danube ; a constitutional empire that shall be at 
 once self-contained and yet capable of expansion, 
 non-aggressive, and yet with sufficient military 
 strength to enable it to consider calmly even those 
 convincing diplomatic arguments that are backed by 
 standing armies ; open to new ideas of freedom and 
 progress, but yet never departing from that old idea 
 which holds that in the maintenance of a strong and 
 respected central authority, based upon true constitu- 
 tional principles, is to be found the surest guarantee 
 for the preservation of individual liberty and the 
 dignity and well-being of the whole community. 
 
 The new policy entered upon after 1866 may 
 have been in the first instance, to use Deak's own
 
 236 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvi. 
 
 expression on a former occasion, an ' expediency 
 policy/ forced upon Austria literally at the point 
 of the bayonet ; but it is none the less true that 
 when frankly accepted and ably carried out by the 
 statesmen who since that time have had the 
 direction of the foreign affairs of Austro-Hungary, 
 it has seemed destined to prove the commencement 
 of a new and vigorous lease of life for the imperilled 
 Empire of the Hapsburgs. 
 
 It was not only in the political history of Austria 
 that the war of 1866 opened a fresh era. As the 
 humiliating Treaty of Olmiitz in 1850 had been the 
 signal for the complete reorganisation and improve- 
 ment of the Prussian army, so the Treaty of Prague 
 was followed by a thorough reform and recon- 
 struction of that brave army which had of late paid 
 so dearly for its inferiority to the enemy in respect 
 of military science and organisation. 
 
 Not only the unbiassed opinions of foreign critics, 
 but the still more valuable evidence of facts, tends 
 to show that in the Austrian army, as at present 
 constituted, the Imperial Chancellor has an effective 
 and powerful instrument wherewith to insure due 
 respect for the arguments of a well-considered 
 diplomacy. The variety of races, languages, and 
 creeds, to be found represented in its ranks, has not 
 as yet destroyed the ' esprit de corps ' in which 
 consists the main strength and attraction of a 
 standing army. Of the Hungarian at least, whatever
 
 CHAP, xxvi.] INTERVIEW WITH THE EMPEROR. 237 
 
 his personal opinions, it may be said with truth, that 
 once serving under the imperial standard, he is 
 content for the time being to sink the politician 
 in the loyal soldier of the Austro-Hungarian army. 
 
 Two or three days after the news of the defeat 
 at Koniggratz had reached the capital, Deak was 
 summoned to Vienna. Arriving at the palace at 
 midnight, he was ushered at once into the presence 
 of the Emperor, who was standing pale and troubled 
 at the window. Presently turning round, he said 
 abruptly, ' Well, Deak, what shall I do now ? ' 
 'Your Majesty/ was the prompt reply, 'must 
 first make peace, and then give Hungary her 
 rights.' 'Will the Hungarian Parliament give me 
 men to carry on the war if I give the Constitution at 
 once ?' demanded the Emperor. ' No,' was Deak's 
 answer, thus faithfully representing Hungarian 
 opinion in its repugnance to the war and the whole 
 scheme of policy that it implied. ' Well,' said the 
 Emperor after a pause, ' I suppose it must be so.' 
 
 The interview was at an end, and without seeing 
 any one else Deak left the capital. 
 
 Peace was made, and now the day seemed not 
 far distant when the second, and as it appeared to 
 some desperate remedy, for the ills of the Austrian 
 Empire, was to be tried in good earnest the 
 restoration of the Hungarian Constitution. 
 
 But for the moment the bold importunity of the
 
 238 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvi. 
 
 Hungarian citizen remained apparently without 
 result. An independent responsible Ministry was 
 not conceded; Hungary declined to abate one jot 
 from her original demands ; and the Emperor 
 Francis Joseph was still only the King elect, not yet 
 the duly crowned and anointed King of Hungary. 
 
 What he had said in private conversation with 
 the Emperor, Dedk did not hesitate to assert 
 openly. A few days after the interview at Vienna, 
 he wrote in the Pesti Naplo : 
 
 ' The claims of Hungary call for speedy satisfac- 
 tion ; the condition of the monarchy admits of no 
 delay. A large portion of the Empire is overrun by 
 the enemy's troops ; Hungary alone is free from 
 them, but Hungary is dead. Everything, or at 
 least a great deal, can be done with Hungary, but 
 she herself can do nothing, for her hands are tied. 
 The one thing, and the only thing, that can set free 
 her hands, and breathe new life into her, is the con- 
 cession of parliamentary government. If Hungary 
 is to do anything for the monarchy, it can only be 
 under a Government which is the expression of the 
 national will, and is regarded by the nation as a 
 guarantee of its rights.' * 
 
 On the conclusion of peace, an important 
 change took place in the Austrian Cabinet. Count 
 Mensdorff Pouilly resigned, and was succeeded 
 as Foreign Minister by the late Minister of King 
 
 1 Unsere Zeit, Walter Rogge.
 
 CHAP, xxvi.] COUNT BEUST. 239 
 
 John of Saxony, Count Beust, whose bold and 
 successful intervention with the French Emperor 
 on behalf of his country at the close of the war, 
 had rendered him so obnoxious to the victorious 
 Prussian Government as to induce them to insist 
 with the King of Saxony on his dismissal. 
 
 At the time when Count Beust transferred his 
 services from King John of Saxony to the Emperor 
 Francis Joseph, it seemed as though the blunders of 
 his predecessors at the Ball Platz, the consummate 
 ability and good luck of the great Prussian minister, 
 had left Count Bismarck with every trump card in his 
 hand. But amidst the many mistakes committed, 
 there had been one feature in the ' Great Germany ' 
 programme for which the credit was mainly due 
 to Baron Schmerling, that contained the secret of 
 Austria's speedy regeneration, and of the success 
 with which she was able to reconsolidate the 
 loosened fragments of the Empire. The proposals 
 of reform brought forward on behalf of Austria 
 at the conference of Frankfort in 1863 had been 
 based upon truly Liberal principles ; and although 
 the conference was a failure so far as it was held with 
 the object of furthering the Emperor's pretensions 
 to Austrian supremacy in Germany, although the 
 broadly liberal character of Baron Schmerling's 
 proposals on this occasion was said to have 
 weakened his position as regards the Conservative 
 members of his Cabinet yet the constitutional idea
 
 240 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvi. 
 
 then identified with the House of Hapsburg in its 
 dealings with the German States beyond the 
 confines of its own immediate dominions, was the 
 lever by which Herr v. Schmerling's successor was 
 enabled to raise Austria out of the perilous condi- 
 tion into which an unwisely ambitious policy had 
 brought her. 
 
 The line to be taken by the new Foreign Minister 
 was indicated by the fact that Count Beust, on 
 assuming office, putting all other considerations for 
 the time into the background, at once advised the 
 Emperor to come to terms with Hungary. 
 
 But in a State like the Austrian Monarchy, 
 for the Emperor to come to terms with one portion 
 of his subjects was to arouse deep dissatisfaction 
 amongst the remainder ; and he might not unna- 
 turally hesitate before acting unconditionally upon 
 the advice thus offered. 
 
 There are times when the highest qualities of 
 statesmanship can be shown only in a wise choice of 
 the least amongst many evils ; evils so many and so 
 pressing that to the ordinary mind they seem to 
 baffle all perception of their true relative proportions. 
 
 It is no discredit to the sagacity of Count Beust 
 that the course which he urged upon the Emperor, 
 when at the termination of an unsuccessful war he 
 undertook to guide the foreign affairs of a distracted 
 empire, should have been received with a chorus of 
 disapprobation from a hundred hostile critics, each
 
 CHAP, xxvr.] COUNT BEUST AND DEAK. 241 
 
 provided with a distinct and unanswerable argument 
 against the proposed policy. 
 
 The great fact however remained, that if there 
 were a hundred good arguments against the policy 
 of Count Beust, there were at least a hundred and 
 one against every alternative scheme suggested by 
 his opponents. 
 
 Looking not only to the past and present 
 difficulties of Austria in Western Europe, but to the 
 new dangers that might at no remote period arise in 
 the East, the minister felt persuaded that in the 
 interest of the permanent stability of the monarchy, 
 the Emperor's next move should be in the direc- 
 tion of complete reconciliation with his Hungarian 
 subjects. 
 
 It was on this ground that Count Beust resolved 
 to accept the propositions of Hungary, as embodied 
 in the scheme drawn up by Francis Dealt for dis- 
 cussion by the Committee of Sixty-seven in the 
 Hungarian Diet, and to use his influence with the 
 Austrian Government to secure its ultimate realisation. 
 
 But not even cordial agreement between Count 
 Beust, the Imperial Minister, and Francis Dedk, 
 the popular representative of his country and the 
 staunch upholder of the Laws of '48, was enough to 
 insure the wished-for result of a reconciliation 
 between Hungary and the Cis-Leithanian provinces. 
 The fresh attempt to find a basis of common agree- 
 ment, and an acceptable solution of difficulties,
 
 242 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvi. 
 
 appeared only to have entangled the skein more 
 inextricably than before, and to have made con- 
 fusion worse confounded. 
 
 Austria, the great despotic Empire, the prison 
 house of freedom, where during centuries, thanks to 
 the vigilant exercise of a paternal authority, no 
 unseemly protests had been suffered to disturb 
 the orderly silence in which the work of government 
 was carried on, seemed now on the point of falling 
 into ruin, amidst a turmoil of confusion, a clamour of 
 tongues loud enough, one might imagine, to reach 
 the ears of the stately worthies of the old regime, 
 and cause them to shudder with pious horror in 
 their graves. It seemed as though the Nemesis of 
 History had decreed that the Hapsburgs, who in a 
 greater degree than any dynasty in Europe had 
 represented the theory of absolute power, and been 
 accustomed to rule the fate of their manifold 
 dominions according to the arbitrary dictates of a 
 single will and voice, should now be condemned to 
 see the very existence of the Empire endangered by 
 a multiplicity of counsellors, and by the innumerable 
 conflicting elements that claimed loudly to have a 
 voice in the settlement of great State questions. 
 On all sides the peril of the internal situation was 
 acknowledged, whilst impartial observers abroad 
 shook their heads gravely, and declared it highly 
 doubtful whether the Austrian Empire could sur- 
 vive Sadowa.
 
 CHAP, xxvi.] 'HUNGARIAN INTRIGUE.' 243 
 
 The days had gone by when the union between 
 two men, each so influential in his own sphere as 
 Count Beust and Francis Deak, even when strength- 
 ened by the tacit sanction of the Sovereign himself, 
 could suffice to insure the triumph of a given 
 policy. 
 
 If statesmen propose, it is now the people that 
 dispose. The objections of the Austrian provinces 
 on various grounds to the Dualism involved in the 
 satisfaction of the Hungarian demands, were not to 
 yield at once either to the diplomatic finesse of 
 Esterhazy, the persuasive eloquence of Andrassy, 
 the straightforward representations of Francis 
 Deak, or the unwearying exertions of the Foreign 
 Minister, to any, in short, of all those combined 
 influences which opponents wrathfully described as 
 4 Hungarian intrigue.' 
 
 R 2
 
 244 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvn. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Rising discontent in Hungary Need of Deak's influence in the Diet 
 Deak as a speaker Nature of the compromise advocated by him 
 The agreement based on Report of the Committee of Fifteen 
 Opposition led by M. Tisza Proposal to break off all further 
 negotiations, defeated by the Moderate or Deak party Skill 
 required in framing the addresses of the Diet at this time 
 Address of January 1867 Sudden change in tone of the royal 
 reply Counter effect upon the Committee of '67 Laws of '48 
 revised in sense desired by the Crown February interview 
 between Deak and the Emperor Royal Rescript announcing 
 complete restoration of the Hungarian Constitution Count 
 Andrassy entrusted with formation of a responsible Ministry for 
 Hungary. 
 
 MEANWHILE in Hungary, the Diet, that faithful 
 barometer of public opinion, pointed to 'stormy;' 
 and as the autumn months of 1866 wore away 
 in fruitless negotiations between the Hungarian 
 magnates at Vienna and the Imperial Government, 
 in which Count Belcredi still held office as Minister 
 of the Interior, the dark cloud of discontent and 
 sullen resistance seemed once more to be settling 
 down over the eastern half of the monarchy. 
 
 Never was Deak's influence over his country- 
 men more severely tested than now, when he might 
 have fairly hoped that he was at last about to see 
 the fruition of his long and patient labours for the 
 restoration of harmony and confidence.
 
 CHAP. XXVIL] EXCITEMENT IN THE DIET. 245 
 
 The guiding, enlightening, and moderating in- 
 fluence of the popular leader was never more 
 imperatively needed than in the course of the 
 debates which occupied the Diet during the 
 autumn of 1866. With all the political instinct 
 and governing faculty of the Hungarians, it could 
 scarcely be said of their Legislative Assembly, as 
 has been said of the English House of Commons, 
 that it was . wiser than any man in it ; and the 
 debates were apt sometimes to partake of that 
 extremely animated character which is commonly 
 thought to distinguish the parliamentary discus- 
 sions of our neighbours across the Channel. In- 
 difference to the political affairs of his country, 
 is a crime of which the Hungarian can rarely be 
 accused ; and at this critical period it was only 
 natural that intense excitement should prevail, 
 and that opposing views on the future position 
 and relations of Hungary should come into strong 
 relief. Every honourable deputy was prepared 
 with a distinct opinion upon the merits of the 
 important State question at issue ; every honourable 
 deputy, moreover, possessed a fatal facility in giving 
 express-ion to his opinion ; a circumstance which 
 did not tend to accelerate a final settlement. 
 
 Deak was no orator, and yet whenever he rose 
 to speak he exercised over the assembly an 
 influence so marked and so powerful that he him- 
 self could only account for it by the modest
 
 246 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvn. 
 
 explanation, 'that he was so fortunate as to hold 
 the same opinions as were shared by the great 
 number of his compatriots.' In addressing the 
 House, he did not carry his hearers with him 
 in a burst of splendid eloquence, nor enchain their 
 attention by the beauty of studied or poetic lan- 
 guage, nor rouse their enthusiasm by stirring the 
 easily kindled flame of national patriotism ; he 
 did not attempt by the aid of epigram and satire 
 to bring special points into brilliant relief, to 
 force a given conclusion upon his auditors by 
 means of a series of irrefutable logical syllogisms, 
 and arguments founded upon strict law ; his aim 
 was rather to place the whole subject of discussion 
 in broad and clear light before the House, taking 
 into careful consideration every argument pro 
 and con. that might be brought to bear upon it, 
 and bringing gradually into view the underlying 
 principle on which, in his opinion, the final action 
 of his countrymen with regard to it ought to be 
 guided. 
 
 The quiet unaffected delivery, the full deep- 
 toned voice, sinking at times, when the speaker 
 was moved, into a low tone that thrilled his 
 hearers as no elaborate rhetorical pathos could 
 have done, these suited well the character of 
 the man who with all his dry logical faculty, his 
 imperturbable common sense, could yet feel as 
 deeply as the most excitable of his compatriots,
 
 CHAP, xxvii.] DEAK AS A SPEAKER. 247 
 
 and who never spoke upon any subject without 
 such perfect honesty of purpose and conviction, 
 such a single-minded desire for the good of his 
 country, that opponents as well as friends in- 
 variably listened to him with attention and respect. 
 
 But after all it was not so much what Deak 
 said, as what he was, that gave to this simple, 
 plain-spoken citizen, who had never except for 
 one short interval during the troubled year of '48 
 held any official position, who belonged to no 
 'governing family/ who possessed no advantages 
 of wealth or station, such extraordinary influence 
 amongst his brilliant and headstrong country- 
 men. 
 
 ' Deak's speeches,' says M. Csengery, ' excited 
 in the minds of his auditors a peculiar admiration 
 that can hardly be shared by those who only read 
 them in later days ; for the effect of his eloquence 
 was heightened not only by the charm of his 
 dignified presence, but also by the consciousness 
 that the speaker was the leader of a great party, 
 at one time indeed of the whole nation.' His 
 hearers could not disconnect the present from the 
 past, nor forget that the Deak who strove so 
 earnestly to bring about a compromise, to moderate 
 the vehemence of the Opposition in the debates of 
 1866, was the same Deak who for more than 
 thirty years had been spending his life in the dis- 
 interested service of Hungary, labouring in the
 
 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvn. 
 
 cause with a zeal and a wisdom that had always 
 been able to mitigate, sometimes to avert, the 
 misfortunes besetting his country. 
 
 The nature of the compromise to which the leader 
 sought to win the consent of the Diet, was indicated 
 in the rescript prepared by himself and Count Mailath 
 in the foregoing August at a private conference at 
 Sz6nt Laszlo, after an unsuccessful interview be- 
 tween Francis Deak and Count Belcredi at Vienna. 
 The basis of agreement here laid down, i.e. the 
 Report of the Committee of Fifteen, was such, it 
 might reasonably have been supposed, as would 
 have met with the approval of the most vehemently 
 patriotic party in the Diet ; inasmuch as it provided 
 expressly for the maintenance of a separate national 
 control over all questions of trade, customs, the 
 State debt, and indirect taxation, and, above all, 
 stipulated that the appointment of a responsible 
 Ministry should precede the revision of the Laws 
 of '48. 
 
 But the temper of the House had become em- 
 bittered by the inevitably protracted course of the 
 negotiations with the Imperial Government, and the 
 only hope of seeing any sort of compromise carried 
 successfully through the difficulties and objections 
 now rising on every side, lay in the skill and tact 
 of the far-sighted national leader, who, whilst en- 
 tering fully into the views and sentiments of his own 
 countrymen, could yet look beyond the frontiers of
 
 CHAP, xxvii.] THE OPPOSITION. 249 
 
 Hungary, and take into account the difficulties and 
 the opposition which the Imperial Government also 
 had to encounter on their side of the Leitha. 
 
 The fate of Deak's compromise seemed threatened 
 on all sides. One party thought that the scheme 
 proposed went too far in the direction of union with 
 Austria ; another (including the extreme Conserva- 
 tive section of those broadly known as the ' Deak 
 party ') considered that the species of Dualism 
 involved would threaten the safety of the common 
 monarchy ; whilst a third opposed the compromise 
 on the fundamental ground that the maintenance of 
 any bond whatsoever between Hungary and the 
 Empire was contrary to the interests of their 
 country. 
 
 The most formidable resistance came from the 
 compact body which, under the leadership of M. 
 Koloman Tisza, constituted for seven years the 
 recognised Opposition in the Hungarian Parliament. 
 Indeed so strong was this party, that when M. Tisza, 
 giving expression to the widespread feeling of 
 weariness and discontent, proposed to break off all 
 further negotiations, the Deak party only succeeded 
 in averting this fatal proceeding after a sharp debate, 
 and a division in which the leader of the Opposition 
 carried one hundred and seven members with him. 
 
 To control and guide the Diet under these cir- 
 cumstances was a task demanding not only a strong 
 will, but a light hand. In drawing up the various
 
 250 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvn. 
 
 Addresses presented by the Diet during this anxious 
 session, Deak's skill in political composition was 
 exercised in no small degree ; it being necessary to 
 frame a document that in the first place should 
 prove acceptable to the majority in the Hungarian 
 Diet, and in the second place should avoid being so 
 defiant in its terms as to provoke a complete rupture 
 of negotiations between Vienna and Pesth. Thus, 
 in spite of the victory of the Moderates in the recent 
 division on M. Tisza's motion, Deak saw himself 
 compelled, under pain of forfeiting entirely his 
 position as leader, and losing his hold over the ex- 
 cited assembly, to draw up an Address, presented on 
 December 15, in which the views of the majority 
 were stated in dangerously harsh language. No 
 allusion was made to a revision of the Laws of '48 ; 
 and the Diet expressed its fixed determination to 
 postpone all consideration of the Royal Propositions 
 contained in the last Rescript, until the Report of 
 the Committee of Sixty-seven should have been 
 passed by the Diet, and ratified by a legally con- 
 stituted responsible Ministry. . ' Between absolute 
 power on the one side, and a nation deprived of its 
 constitutional liberties on the other/ declared the 
 Diet, ' no compromise is possible.' 
 
 The year 1 866 closed with little apparent prospect 
 of a final reconciliation between Hungary and the 
 Imperial Government ; nor did 1867 open more
 
 CHAP, xxvii.] SYMPTOMS OF CHANGE. 251 
 
 auspiciously. From Pesth came still the same 
 persistent unyielding demands, the national dis- 
 content with the existing state of things being 
 further increased by the publication of the recent 
 decree upon the subject of compulsory military 
 service for the whole monarchy. 
 
 ' Let his Majesty cancel these decrees and all 
 other measures sanctioned by absolute power in 
 defiance of our Constitution ; and let him restore our 
 Constitution in its integrity, and as speedily as may 
 be. The aim pursued, with the object of securing 
 the moral as well as the material welfare of the 
 Empire, can only be attained, if Constitutionalism, 
 both in Hungary and in the other lands of your 
 Majesty, is allowed free and full activity.' 
 
 Judging by this, Hungary's 'last word,' the end of 
 the long and tedious negotiations was as far off as 
 ever. 
 
 But the tone of the royal reply a fortnight later 
 showed plainly that in some quarter at least, if not 
 in Pesth, a marked change had taken place. The 
 Hungarian deputation bringing the Address above 
 quoted, received a gracious reception, and a hope 
 was expressed that all grievances would shortly be 
 removed. 
 
 The counter effect of this conciliatory spirit was 
 seen in the action of the Committee of '67, which 
 at once set to work to amend their report in the 
 sense desired by the Crown.
 
 252 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvu. 
 
 On the 7th of February Deak himself brought 
 the report thus amended to Vienna ; and a day or 
 two later he had an audience of the Emperor, with 
 regard to the formation of a Hungarian Ministry, 
 now no longer to be discussed, as in the interview 
 six months earlier, as a theoretic if legal right, but 
 as a question of practical politics demanding im- 
 mediate settlement. 
 
 It was not in vain that Francis Deak had held 
 with patient tenacity to the thankless office of leader 
 during the protracted and wearisome debates of the 
 past autumn, and had striven successfully to prevent 
 the Diet from committing itself absolutely to a fatal 
 ' non possumus.' 
 
 On the 1 8th of February 1867, in the great hall 
 of the National Museum at Pesth, amidst an out- 
 burst of enthusiastic cheers, the House listened to 
 the Royal Rescript, in which the Emperor restored 
 the Constitution of Hungary, suspended the 
 arbitrary military service decree, and entrusted to 
 Count Andrassy, as President of the Council, the 
 formation of a responsible Hungarian Ministry. 
 Francis Deak had waited to some purpose.
 
 CHAP. XXVIIL] CAUSE OF THE CHANGE. 253 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 Causes of the change in the imperial policy regarding Hungary 
 to be sought elsewhere than at Pesth Result in appearance of the 
 resignation of Belcredi in February, in reality culminating point of 
 the policy initiated by Beust on first taking office at Vienna five 
 months before Difficulties encountered by Austrian Foreign 
 Minister in prosecution of his policy equal to those of Dedk in 
 Hungary Natural disappointment of the Federalists at the 
 introduction of Dualism Dedk not responsible His advocacy of 
 Dualism based on grounds of general advantage to the monarchy. 
 
 IT is obvious that the causes for the sudden change 
 in the attitude of the Imperial Government towards 
 the claims of the Hungarian Diet must be sought 
 elsewhere than in Pesth, where the line originally 
 laid down at the commencement of the negotiations 
 had been rigidly adhered to throughout. Dealt had 
 ably played his part as a General of division, and 
 it may well be questioned whether, but for the 
 tactical skill of the Hungarian statesman, the union 
 and consolidation of the Austro-Hungarian Mon- 
 archy would ever have been accomplished. But 
 nevertheless, the supreme direction of affairs being 
 in the hands of the Commander-in-Chief at Vienna, 
 it was on the success or failure of Count Beust to 
 carry out his pre-considered policy, that the ultimate 
 fate of the Compromise depended.
 
 254 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxvnr. 
 
 The history of the political campaign in Austria 
 during the autumn of 1866, when the cause of 
 Federalism again found eloquent and statesman- 
 like defenders in the Slavonic provinces notably 
 in Bohemia, Moravia, and Galicia, though full of 
 interest, is beyond the scope of the present memoir. 
 Suffice it to say that the concession to Hungary, to 
 all appearance the immediate result of the resigna- 
 tion of Count Belcredi at the beginning of February, 
 was in reality but the culminating point of a policy 
 initiated by Count Beust five months before, but 
 which he had only succeeded in carrying out after 
 a long period of suspense and opposition. 
 
 The difficulties to be overcome by Francis Deak 
 and the advocates of the Compromise in Hungary, 
 had been fully equalled by the difficulties of the 
 Foreign Minister in the prosecution of his policy in 
 Austria. 
 
 The final triumph of the Hungarian Dualists, 
 now by a turn in the political kaleidoscope grouped 
 in the same combination with their quondam 
 opponents, the German Centralists, was signalised 
 by the withdrawal of the Patent of January 2, 
 (signed by Count Belcredi and Count Beust) sum- 
 moning the Diets to an ' extraordinary Reichsrath' for 
 the discussion of the future relations of Hungary to 
 the Empire ; and the promulgation in its stead of a 
 decree bearing the signature of Beust alone, con- 
 voking a ' Constitutional Reichsrath ' to legislate
 
 CHAP, xxvin.] DISCONTENT OF THE FEDERALISTS. 255 
 
 for the 'Western Half of the Empire, and accept 
 the recent arrangements with Hungary as a ' fait 
 accompli.' 
 
 Even those who hold strongly the opinion, that 
 under existing circumstances Dualism was the least 
 hazardous solution for the difficulties of Austria, 
 must find it impossible not to sympathise with the 
 distinguished leaders of the Federal party, whose 
 hopes of seeing the Constitution based upon federa- 
 tive principles, unduly encouraged by the Imperial 
 Manifesto of September 1865, were now so cruelly 
 disappointed by the Decree of February 1867. 
 No candid Hungarian, however deeply pledged for 
 the time to the support of Dualism, would deny that 
 the objections urged by the national leaders in the 
 Bohemian Diet to the compromise imposed upon 
 the Empire by Count Beust and his allies, were 
 based on the same ground as was taken up by 
 the Hungarians in their resistance to the October 
 Diploma. 
 
 Hungary indeed might boast with truth that for 
 twenty-five years she had held the same position 
 and demanded the same rights, and that no re- 
 proach could be cast upon her, if, in the tardy 
 satisfaction of her just claims by the Imperial 
 Government, the claims of others were perforce 
 disregarded or ignored. Yet it is not difficult to 
 understand the bitter indignation of the Federalists 
 at seeing the Hungarians whose stubborn resist-
 
 256 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvm. 
 
 ance to the pretensions of German Centralism when 
 applied to the common monarchy a few years back, 
 had contributed in no small measure to the down- 
 fall of the Schmerling Ministry and the publication 
 of the September Manifesto now consenting to 
 obtain the restoration of their own Constitution by 
 an alliance with their former enemies, and at the 
 expense, as it seemed, of their former friends, the 
 advocates for a recognition of ' historic rights.' 
 To the Federalists it appeared, that not only were 
 their claims sacrificed to the exigencies of a scheme 
 which merged all the national and historical divisions 
 of the Empire in the one artificial and arbitrary 
 division of a ' Western Half ' ; but that the promise 
 made in the September Manifesto, that the various 
 provinces of the Empire should have a voice 
 through their Diets in the settlement of the future 
 relations with Hungary, had been broken by the 
 convocation of the so-called ' Constitutional Reichs- 
 rath ' of February, based upon the recent electoral 
 laws which left the National and Federalist element 
 in the Diets inadequately represented. The present 
 Constitution, it was urged, possessed neither the 
 advantages of a genuine centralised Government 
 such as the German Liberals still professed to 
 advocate, nor of a federative system for the whole 
 monarchy, such as the politicians of the Slavonic 
 provinces and of the Tyrol maintained to be the 
 best suited to the needs of the Austrian Empire.
 
 CHAP. XXVIIL] GROUND OF DEAR'S SATISFACTION. 257 
 
 Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that 
 the protests of the majority in the provincial Diets 
 against a ' centralised West Half/ a ' Cis-Leithania 
 under German hegemony,' should have been loud 
 and persistent. 
 
 But whatever might be the defects of the Dual 
 system which excited such profound dissatisfaction 
 amongst a large section of the Austrian public, the 
 most ardent opponent of Dualism could not justly 
 accuse its principal author, Francis Deak, of having 
 at any time during his career shown the slightest 
 animus against the Slav nationalities, or of having 
 sought to regain the rights of Hungary at the 
 sacrifice of those of a sister kingdom. ' The day 
 will come,' he had once said, ' when it will be 
 recognised that the freedom of one nation can never 
 by any possibility be opposed to the freedom of 
 another.' His conduct with reference to Croatia, 
 a short time later, whilst the storm of reproach and 
 remonstrance was still raging, gave fresh evidence 
 that his patriotic zeal for Hungary had not made 
 him insensible to the claims of justice and generosity, 
 when the rights of other nationalities were in 
 question. 
 
 Nevertheless, at the time when the new Dual 
 system was introduced, Deak's insight as a European 
 statesman, no less than as a Hungarian patriot, 
 warned him that the only firm ground on which 
 to base the ingeniously constructed and somewhat
 
 258 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxvm. 
 
 fragile structure, was to be found in a firm 
 alliance between two at least out of the three great 
 parties in the monarchy, namely between Hun- 
 garians and Germans. ' Sei nur ruhig Alter,' said 
 Deak cheerfully to the landlord of the ' Stadt 
 Frankfurt ' hotel at Vienna, where in the same little 
 room that he had always occupied during his flying 
 visits to the capital for the past twenty years, 
 he now received the crowd of eminent personages 
 who came to seek an interview with the famous 
 Hungarian statesman, ' sei nur ruhig ; es wird noch 
 alles gut werden, wenn Ihr Wiener es auch nicht 
 glauben wollt.' 
 
 The genial hopefulness of the Hungarian leader 
 was not the mere exultation of a successful party 
 politician who triumphs in having ' scored a point ' 
 and defeated his opponents at any cost ; he was not 
 thinking of his own party, or even of his own country 
 only, when he declared so confidently, notwith- 
 standing the dark and confused outlook, that ' it 
 would all come right.' His confidence arose from 
 the belief that the system now initiated would, if 
 allowed a peaceful and natural development, prove 
 well adapted to the requirements, not only of 
 Germans and Hungarians, not only of one province 
 or nationality to the detriment of another, but of the 
 Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as a whole. 
 
 1 See Unsere Zeit, W. Rogge.
 
 CHAP. xxix.J THE DUAL SYSTEM. 259 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 Dual parliamentary government an adaptation of old-established 
 system, not the introduction of a new one Principle to be traced as 
 far back as 1847 Causes preventing an earlier agreement between 
 Hungary and the Austrian Empire Three rights demanding equal 
 recognition Merit of the Dual system of '67 that it took these 
 into consideration Essentially a compromise, the distinguishing 
 feature being the Delegations, a modification of both the opposing 
 theories of ' Personal ' and ' Real ' union By the compromise 
 respect insured for the three rights Constitutional independence 
 of Hungary Constitutional government for the western half of 
 the monarchy Central administrative unity in affairs of common 
 interest Drawbacks of the Dual system Complicated machinery 
 Numerous opportunities for constitutional obstruction Consequent 
 dependence upon personal influence and ability for harmonious 
 working The means adopted for carrying into effect a principle 
 not of equally permanent importance with the principle itself 
 Count Beust and Dedk not to be held pledged to perpetual support 
 of Dualism The secret of Deck's advocacy of the Compromise in 
 1867 Desire to preserve the Hungarian Constitution The con- 
 nection between Hungary and Austria All his past acts consistent 
 with belief in these principles But Dedk not committed to support 
 a system established originally with his warm approval, if it should 
 ultimately appear that the system then established had ceased to 
 work in favour of the principles on which it had been based. 
 
 WHAT, in effect, was this complicated Dual system, 
 whose authors may in any case claim the credit of 
 having attempted a novel if hazardous experiment 
 in the art of constitutional government, of having 
 supplied a plausible, if not the right, solution of the 
 problem of Austrian state-craft. 
 
 s 2
 
 260 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxix. 
 
 We have spoken of Dualism as a novel ex- 
 periment, and so indeed it must have appeared 
 to those who to all intents and purposes had 
 regarded the Austrian Empire as a united and 
 homogeneous country, of which Hungary, though 
 possessing certain specified rights and privileges, yet 
 formed an integral part. But a reference to the 
 past history of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, 
 and to the internal relations between the two 
 countries now united by this apparently new and 
 bizarre device of a Dual parliamentary government, 
 will show that Dualism was in reality an attempt on 
 the part of Austrian and Hungarian statesmen rather 
 to adapt ancient institutions to modern wants and 
 ideas, than to invent a new political system to be 
 added to the numerous list of Constitutions that 
 have been on their trial in Europe, with more or less 
 success, since the beginning of the century. 1 
 
 1 The Common Ministry for the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy 
 consists of a Minister for Foreign Affairs, for War, and for Finance. 
 
 In each half of the monarchy there is a separate Ministry of 
 Worship, of Finance, Commerce, Justice, Agriculture, and National 
 Defence, headed respectively by a Minister President of the Council. 
 
 The Lower House in the Austrian Reichsrath consists of 353 
 members ; in the Hungarian Diet, of 444, now chosen in both cases 
 by direct election. 
 
 The Delegations, composed respectively of sixty members from each 
 half of the monarchy, are elected annually from amongst their parlia- 
 mentary representatives of the majority in each province, by the 
 members of the two Houses of the Austrian and Hungarian Legislatures. 
 
 The two Delegations, who meet alternately at Vienna and Pesth, 
 deliberate separately, their discussions being confined strictly to affairs 
 of common interest, with regard to which the Delegations have the 
 right to interpellate the Common Minister, and to propose laws or
 
 CHAP, xxix.] PRINCIPLES OF DUALISM. 261 
 
 The principles underlying the present state 
 system of Austria- Hungary are to be traced with 
 varying distinctness in the programme of the Hun- 
 garian Liberals in 1847, in the Sanctioned Laws of 
 1848, in the provisions of the abortive Austrian 
 Constitution promulgated the same year at Olmiitz, 
 
 amendments. In case of disagreement between the two Delegations, 
 the. question of policy at issue is discussed by an interchange of 
 written messages, drawn up in the official language German or 
 Hungarian of the Delegation sending the message, and accompanied 
 by an authorised translation in the language of the Delegation to 
 which it is addressed. 
 
 If, after the interchange of three successive notes, an agreement 
 between the two bodies is not ar r ived at, the question is put to the 
 vote by ballot without further debate. The Delegates, of whom in a 
 plenary session there must be an equal number present from each 
 Delegation, vote individually, the Emperor having the casting vote. 
 
 By virtue of the present definition of common affairs, the cost of the 
 diplomatic service and the army is defrayed out of the Imperial 
 Revenues, to which Hungary contributes a proportion of 30 per 100. 
 
 With reference to the former, it is stipulated that all international 
 treaties be submitted to the two Legislatures by their respective 
 Ministries ; with reference to the latter, that whilst the appointment to 
 the military command of the whole army, as also to that of the national 
 force of Hungary, is in the hands of the Sovereign, the settlement of 
 matters affecting the recruiting, length of service, mobilisation, and pay 
 of the Honvid army remains with the Hungarian Legislature. 
 
 Those matters which it is desirable should be subject to the same 
 legislation, such as customs, indirect taxation, currency, etc., are 
 regulated by means of treaties, subject to the approval of the two 
 Legislatures. In cases where the two parties are unable to come to an 
 agreement, each retains the right to decide such questions in accordance 
 with their own special interests. 
 
 In common affairs, the decisions arrived at by the Delegations 
 (within the scope of their powers), and sanctioned by the Sovereign, 
 become thenceforth fundamental laws ; each Ministry is bound to 
 announce them to its respective National Legislature, and is responsible 
 for their execution.
 
 262 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxix. 
 
 in the Memorial of the so-called ' Old Conservatives ' 
 of Hungary in 1850, in the October Diploma and 
 the Addresses of the Hungarian Diet in 1861, in 
 Deak's Easter article and the letters to the 
 Debatte in 1865, in the Imperial Manifesto of 
 September, and in the Speech from the Throne 
 and answering Address of the Diet in 1 866 . 
 
 With so much harmony of intention and idea 
 as is discernible on a comparison of these various 
 documents, how came it that for fifty years the 
 relations between Hungary and the Austrian 
 Empire had been such as to form a constant source 
 of exasperation and misery to the one, of weakness 
 and danger to the other ? Putting aside for the 
 moment all consideration of traditional prejudice and 
 antipathies of race, it may be said that the great 
 obstacle to a satisfactory agreement amongst men 
 who had so much in common as was the case with 
 the best and wisest of the statesmen of every 
 nationality in the State, consisted in the difficulty of 
 finding a system of government in which three 
 hitherto conflicting claims, three equally indisputable 
 rights, could be reconciled. First, the right of 
 Hungary to her Constitution, implying in this, the 
 acceptance by the Sovereign of laws constitutionally 
 created. Second, the right of the peoples of Austria 
 to the enjoyment of the constitutional government 
 promised, and that not for the first time, in the 
 October Diploma, and to the due recognition of their
 
 CHAP, xxix.] THE DELEGATIONS. 263 
 
 historical privileges. Last, but not least, the right 
 of the Emperor to insist that the exercise of 
 national autonomy should in no case be allowed to 
 infringe upon the lawful prerogative of the Sovereign, 
 nor weaken the central authority of the State. 
 
 The merit of the Dual system, elaborated by 
 Francis Deak, and carried into execution by Count 
 Beust, lay in the fact that whilst it was based upon 
 a consideration for these several inalienable rights, 
 which to the end of time no one of the parties 
 concerned would ever have consented to forego, it 
 yet required from each a certain measure of con- 
 cession, not for the satisfaction of a victorious faction, 
 but for the good of the State and in the interests of 
 the common unity. 
 
 It was essentially a compromise, open to all the 
 just and severe criticism to which such arrange- 
 ments are always liable, but having at the same time 
 the strong recommendation of being the one thing 
 possible ; and it is precisely that novel feature of the 
 present system on which so much disapproval has 
 been expended, viz. the Delegations which gave it this 
 necessary character of a compromise, and insured 
 for it when first started the best chance of practical 
 success. By this ingenious device a link was supplied 
 between Hungary and the Cis-Leithanian provinces, 
 which established something different either from a 
 bare ' Personal union,' dependent upon no stronger 
 bond than the personal identity of the Sovereign; or
 
 264 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxix. 
 
 from a ' Real union,' which would have been equi- 
 valent to the complete absorption of Hungary and its 
 Constitution into the political system of the Austrian 
 Empire. 
 
 In granting the demand of the Hungarians to be 
 governed by a separate responsible Ministry having 
 entire control over the legislation and internal ad- 
 ministration of their country, the time-honoured 
 constitutional independence of Hungary was fully 
 acknowledged. 
 
 In reintroducing parliamentary government for the 
 Cis-Leithanian provinces, the way was at least pre- 
 pared for the more complete development of their 
 constitutional liberties, and for a just distribution of 
 political power amongst the various nationalities 
 of Austria. 
 
 In establishing a common Ministry for Foreign 
 Affairs, War, and Finance, responsible not to the 
 respective Parliaments at Vienna and Pesth, but to 
 the Emperor and to the Delegations, a twin body 
 having parity of rights, and representing in pro- 
 portionate degree the final opinion upon affairs of 
 common interest of the different nationalities included 
 within the two halves of the monarchy, the all- 
 important principle of administrative unity in the 
 great affairs of state was respected, and the spirit 
 of the Pragmatic Sanction adhered to. 
 
 It cannot be denied, however, that though the 
 ground lines on which the new Austro-Hungarian
 
 CHAP, xxix.] DANGERS OF DUALISM. 265 
 
 Constitution was planned might be comparatively 
 simple, the details that required to be adjusted 
 before the elaborate machine could be set in work- 
 ing order were so complicated, as to inspire reason- 
 able doubt whether Dualism could survive the shock 
 of a single ministerial crisis ; not to speak of the 
 more dangerous convulsionsj:o which the variety of 
 discordant elements comprised within the Hapsburg 
 Empire render it peculiarly liable. It cannot be 
 denied that according to the existing arrangement, 
 favourable opportunities for ' obstruction' at various 
 points in the administration of government are 
 perilously numerous. The effective action of the 
 State may be impeded, and even threatened, either 
 by a want of harmony between the Delegations and 
 the Legislatures they professedly represent, or by a 
 serious disagreement on a broad question of policy 
 between the Delegations themselves ; or again, by 
 a failure on the part of the Imperial Minister to 
 reconcile one or both of the Delegations to the 
 measures proposed possibly already taken by the 
 Government. 
 
 Under these circumstances, it is clear that much 
 must depend, first upon the maintenance of a close 
 and complete understanding between the imperial 
 and national ministers, and secondly upon the ability 
 of the latter to retain the support of a majority in 
 the National Legislature. 
 
 Whilst ostensibly based throughout upon the
 
 266 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxix. 
 
 modern theory of popular representation and sub- 
 mission to the decisive authority of numbers, the 
 present Constitution is, in some of the most im- 
 portant affairs of the monarchy, dependent for its 
 successful working upon the tact and capacity of 
 individual statesmen, on the beneficent influence of 
 the Sovereign, and on that political instinct and good 
 sense of the people, which makes all parties sincerely 
 desirous to avoid pursuing their special objects to 
 an extreme that might lead to the actual dislocation 
 of the Constitution, and involve the whole monarchy 
 once again in all the difficulties of a political crisis. 
 
 Hitherto the predictions of failure have been 
 unfulfilled ; the two Delegations have not yet come 
 into fatal collision, and the fantastic creation of par- 
 liamentary Dualism has contrived to survive without 
 breaking down, the wear and tear of a twelve years' 
 experience. 
 
 Nevertheless it would be unwise to argue that 
 because an ingenious expedient founded upon sound 
 principles has answered even beyond expectation 
 the purpose of its original inventors, it is consequently 
 to be regarded as having the same permanent im- 
 portance as those principles themselves, and as being 
 therefore equally beyond the scope of future states- 
 men to change and modify in consideration of new 
 times and altered circumstances. It would be doing 
 injustice to the political sagacity of Count Beust and 
 Francis Deak, to imagine that they would have
 
 CHAP, xxix.] POSSIBLE NEED OF RE-ADJUSTMENT. 267 
 
 considered themselves bound irrevocably to the 
 maintenance, for all time, of the state of things laid 
 down in the Compromise of 1867 ; to suppose that 
 they regarded as an end what was in effect a means, 
 and to insist on the preservation of the Dual system 
 of 1867 in all its details, even though it should ap- 
 pear that the object originally held in view, namely, 
 the consolidation of a strong, free, and contented 
 monarchy under the Hapsburg rule, could best be 
 attained by a modification of the original Compromise. 
 Gifted as he was with a large share of that foresight 
 which is one of the chief attributes of statesmanship, 
 Deak himself would have been the last to assume 
 that he could prescribe for his country, or for that 
 shifting if indestructible State the Austrian Empire, 
 a system of government which should defy all 
 necessity for future readjustment. ' I know what I 
 shall do to-day,' he once observed, ' and to some 
 extent what I shall do to-morrow ; the day after 
 to-morrow I leave to Providence.' 
 
 To find the secret of Deak's staunch support of the 
 Compromise in 1867, it is only necessary to consider 
 what were the principles that had guided his conduct 
 since he first entered public life. Were they not 
 broadly these ? First, a firm belief in the Hungarian 
 Constitution, that is, in the right of Hungary to entire 
 liberty in all matters of internal legislation and ad- 
 ministration ; the right of her people to absolute 
 independence in these matters of all control by
 
 268 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxix. 
 
 officials appointed under a non- Hungarian regime, 
 whether popular or despotic. Second, the necessity 
 for Hungary to maintain on honourable terms her 
 lawful connection with the Austrian Empire, if she 
 would continue to exert an influence on the politics 
 of Europe, and not incur the risk of losing her 
 historical identity under the increasing pressure 
 of Slav multitudes within and without her own 
 borders. 
 
 The various acts of Deak's long public career will 
 all be found consistent with his belief in these two 
 principles ; his reforming zeal before 1848, his ab- 
 stention from all share in the proceedings of the 
 Republican Parliament at Debreczin ; his passive 
 resistance under the regime of Herr v. Bach ; his 
 stubborn opposition to Baron Schmerling's central 
 Parliament ; his eager advocacy of the Compromise 
 of 1867. 
 
 It was because he believed that the best method 
 of securing the end he always had before him, 
 namely, the union of a free Hungary with a free 
 Austria in one powerful and compact European 
 State, was at that time to be found in the Dual 
 system inaugurated by Count Beust, that he exerted 
 all his influence, all his great legal and political 
 abilities, in the furtherance of that complicated 
 scheme of government. 
 
 In the case of a State like the Austro-Hungarian 
 Monarchy, which has already, within a short space
 
 CHAP, xxix.] DEAK NOT A 'DEAKIST.' 269 
 
 of time, gone through so many and such strange 
 vicissitudes, any attempt to forecast the probable 
 changes of a remote future would be more than 
 usually ill-advised. And yet to those who have 
 watched with sympathising interest the introduction 
 and gradual development of the present Constitution 
 of Austria-Hungary, the thought will inevitably 
 suggest itself, may not there come a time when 
 Dualism will no longer fulfil the purposes for which 
 it was designed in 1867 ? 'I am not a Deakist, 
 only Deak,' Francis Deak once observed. It may 
 possibly be that the statesman who at some future 
 day, under the altered conditions of the Austrian 
 Empire, looks towards the establishment of a new 
 order of things upon the basis of old principles, will 
 be following more closely in the footsteps of Francis 
 Deak, than the thorough-going defenders of the 
 Compromise of which the great Hungarian citizen 
 was the author and champion.
 
 270 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxx. 
 
 PART V. RESTORATION. 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Deck's refusal of the office of Palatine Coronation of the Emperor at 
 Buda Pesth Contrast between 1849 and 1867. 
 
 WHEN Deak returned to Pesth after his last inter- 
 view with the Sovereign, when the famous message 
 had been read in which the Emperor announced 
 his determination to re-establish the Constitution of 
 the Kingdom of Hungary, and with this end to con- 
 stitute a responsible Hungarian Ministry, the great 
 citizen felt that his task was practically accomplished ; 
 and with the same predilection for doing the solid 
 work of politics and leaving it to others to exhibit 
 the results, which had been so characteristic of his 
 conduct in the Reform struggle twenty years ago, 
 he would now gladly have withdrawn again at once 
 into the obscurity of private life. But his com- 
 patriots were not content to be as silent in their 
 eager recognition of his services, as Dedk in his 
 devotion to his country. What could be done to 
 testify the gratitude of the nation towards the loved 
 and honoured leader, Deak Ferencz, the popular 
 hero to whom the present reconciliation was chiefly
 
 CHAP, xxx.] REFUSAL TO BE PALATINE. 271 
 
 owing ? Count Andrassy was consulted on the 
 subject by the Emperor himself; but the Minister 
 President knew his countryman too well to venture 
 on suggesting the offer of any tangible reward, and 
 his reply to the royal inquiry was not encouraging : 
 ' You have at your disposal, Sire, riches, rank, and 
 honour ; for any other your Majesty could do much ; 
 but for Deak, nothing.' To bestow orders or 
 decorations on the famous citizen seemed equally 
 out of the question ; it might as well have been 
 proposed to decorate the Blocksberg. Even the 
 diamond-set portrait of the King and Queen was 
 declined by their most loyal subject ; the feeling 
 between Deak and his Sovereign was not such as 
 needed to be gauged or testified by the bestowal 
 of costly gifts ; and the staunch old patriot might 
 well be forgiven if his pride took the form of a 
 resolve never, from the beginning of his life to the 
 end, to have gained the smallest personal advantage 
 by his public services. The attempt of the Hun- 
 garian Parliament to do honour to Francis Deak, 
 by the unanimous proposal that the man who 
 more than any other had made the coronation 
 possible, should, in the character of Palatine, himself 
 place the crown on the head of the newly anointed 
 King of Hungary, was not more successful. The 
 Palatine-elect at once courteously refused the 
 proffered dignity ; and when his friends ventured 
 a second time to urge their request, they found that
 
 272 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxx. 
 
 they were treading on dangerous ground, for, his 
 face flushing ominously, and in language more per- 
 emptory than before, the leader reiterated his refusal 
 of the flattering offer, and insisted that the office of 
 Palatine should be filled by none other than the 
 Minister President, Count Andrassy. Deak had 
 cheerfully made many sacrifices, and done much for 
 his country ; but there was one thing he could not 
 bring himself to do, and that was, to step out of the 
 quiet retirement of his ordinary life into the glare 
 of a public triumph, to figure as the centre of a 
 national ovation, and become, though only for a clay, 
 the observed of all observers. Never was popular 
 hero more intractable. 
 
 On the day of the coronation Deak was nowhere 
 to be seen. He had done his work so well that 
 for the time at least no influence of his was needed 
 to smooth away difficulties between King and people, 
 no logical argument to prove, by dry reference to 
 historic documents, the union legally subsisting 
 between a Hapsburg Sovereign and his Hungarian 
 subjects. The crowds that on that memorable 8th 
 of June thronged the streets of the royal city of 
 Buda, testified by their sincere enthusiasm towards 
 the rightful sovereign that in Hungary the triumph 
 of law had in no way diminished the ardour of loyalty. 
 
 The gulf separating the Hungary of 1867 from 
 the Hungary of 1849 seemed wide indeed ; and yet 
 such had been the dramatic rapidity with which
 
 CHAP, xxx.] THE CORONATION. 273 
 
 despair, hope, and triumph had succeeded one 
 another during those eighteen years, that the chief 
 actors were the same throughout. The generation 
 that had witnessed the deepest misfortunes of their 
 country, that had listened to the passionate wail 
 of the young soldier-poet of Hungary over his 
 slaughtered comrades, ' the holy victims of Liberty, 
 mown down in the battle,' l were still living to take 
 part in the national rejoicing over the full restoration 
 of Hungarian freedom, and the hearty reconciliation 
 between the once suffering people and their Austrian 
 oppressors. The Emperor, now welcomed to the 
 Hungarian capital by his people as their lawful and 
 constitutional King, was the same who had occupied 
 the throne when the English Ambassador at Vienna 
 could confidently assure his Government, ' Austria 
 will not ever consent to establish the ancient Con- 
 stitution of Hungary.' 2 Amongst the loyal subjects 
 who came to do honour to the Sovereign on his 
 coronation day, there were many whose names had 
 once appeared on the roll of proscribed traitors, and 
 who might have answered with Count Andrassy, 
 when the Emperor graciously inquired of the 
 Minister President, 'Where have you been, that 
 I have seen nothing of you for so long?' 'Sire, 
 in exile.' 
 
 Regarded merely as a pageant, there has seldom 
 
 1 Petofi, quoted by St. Rend Taillandier, La BoMme et la 
 Hongrie. 2 Lord Ponsonby to Lord Palmerston, 1849.
 
 274 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxx. 
 
 been a more impressive spectacle than was witnessed 
 on that bright June day of 1867, in the streets of 
 Buda Pesth gay with the once forbidden colours 
 of the national tricolour as the long procession 
 of nobles and ecclesiastics, clad in all the varied 
 splendour of Hungarian costume, escorted the 
 Emperor-King Francis Joseph now for the first 
 time wearing the sacred crown of St. Stephen from 
 the Cathedral of Buda to the Coronation Hill in 
 Pesth ; where, mounted on his white charger, the 
 lawful successor of Arpad brandished his sword 
 towards the four points of the compass, in token 
 that from whatever quarter the enemy of his country 
 might come, the King of Hungary was prepared to 
 repel the invader. 
 
 But to those who looked back over eighteen 
 years to the ill-omened day when on the eve of a 
 civil war, the same Francis Joseph, now receiving 
 the devoted homage of his people, had replied to the 
 last manifesto of the loyal Hungarian Diet with the 
 harsh declaration of his intention to crush all dis- 
 turbance in his troubled province by force of arms ; 
 to those who could recall the bitter experiences of 
 war, oppression, and mute helpless misery, which 
 their country had been doomed to undergo since 
 then ; who had followed with keen anxiety the 
 hopes and disappointments of the last six years, and 
 the slow but patient advance of Hungary towards 
 the recovery of her ancient and never-forgotten
 
 CHAP, xxx] NATIONAL FEELING. 275 
 
 rights ; to them, the ceremony of the 8th of June 
 was something more than an imposing pageant. For 
 beneath the quaint symbolism, thegorgeous trappings, 
 that seemed more befitting the glories of the Field 
 of the Cloth of Gold than the sober usages of 
 the nineteenth century, might be felt the beating 
 of a nation's heart, and every detail in the stately 
 and elaborate ceremony was fraught with genuine 
 significance to those in whose minds the traditions 
 of their past history were so closely interwoven with 
 the events of present politics as to be matters not 
 of antiquarian interest but of actual practical im- 
 portance. It is not often in this prosaic age that the 
 deepest realities of national life and feeling have 
 their true expression in so picturesque a form as 
 on the coronation day of the Hapsburg King of 
 Hungary ; not often that we see so ideal a harmony 
 between the pomp and outward splendour of a state 
 ceremony, and the sincere inmost feelings of the 
 actors who take part in it. 
 
 T 2
 
 270 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxi. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 Value of Deck's services to Hungary in assisting the establishment 
 of national parliamentary government Instinctive anti-govern- 
 mental feeling amongst Hungarians The parliamentary Opposi- 
 tion Beak's influence in the settlement of internal questions Law 
 of Nationalities Croatia Compromise of 1868. 
 
 UNLIKE Cavour, struck down not too soon for his 
 own glory, but sadly too soon for the tranquil 
 establishment of his great work and for the future 
 prosperity of United Italy, Francis Deak was spared 
 to guide his country through the dangerous period 
 of restless disorganisation and reaction, that usually 
 succeeds to the concentrated excitement of a great 
 national crisis. 
 
 He had never done better service to his country 
 and his sovereign than now during the last nine years 
 of his life, when his name was seldom heard beyond 
 the confines of Hungary, or within a small circle of 
 well-informed politicians in all countries of Europe. 
 Deak would never consent to take office in the new 
 Hungarian Government. The position he held as 
 a sort of supplementary and irresponsible Prime 
 Minister, whose support was well understood to be 
 so indispensable to the Cabinet that none could
 
 CHAP. XXXL] GOVERNMENT AT PESTH. 277 
 
 possibly be formed on any other foundation, might, 
 under ordinary circumstances, have proved a hin- 
 drance to the healthy development of parliamentary 
 government. But in this case it was no small gain 
 to the newly established institution of a responsible 
 parliamentary Ministry, quite independent of the 
 persons composing it that it should have the 
 unfailing sanction and support of the trusted 
 patriot. In a country like Hungary, where the 
 old Nationalist feeling of suspicion and instinctive 
 opposition towards a Ministry in any way connected 
 with the Imperial Government at Vienna, is still so 
 strong, that a young deputy, however able and 
 ambitious to make his mark in the widest political 
 arena, will even hesitate at the notion of winning 
 his laurels in the character of a prominent mem- 
 ber of the Pesth Government it would have 
 been dangerous to the existence not only of a 
 particular Ministry, but of the whole system of 
 constitutional government as established by the 
 Compromise of 1867, if Deak had at any time 
 during these early years been found in the ranks 
 of Opposition. 
 
 Meantime the useful element of hostile criticism 
 was well supplied by two parties who carried on the 
 functions of an effective parliamentary Opposition 
 according to the Hungarian fashion, by aid of well- 
 concerted action in the various party clubs. The 
 one, surnamed the Tigers (a terrifying cognomen,
 
 278 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxi. 
 
 derived simply from the name of the hotel at 
 which the meetings of the party were held), led 
 by MM. Tisza and Ghyczy, opposed the Com- 
 promise in the interests of the more complete ad- 
 ministrative independence to be found under a 
 ' Personal union.' 
 
 The other and smaller fraction, led by MM. 
 Bozsomenyi and Madarasz, looking to the absent 
 Kossuth as their chief, represented in the Legislature 
 the extreme republican principles of 1848. To up- 
 hold the existing Constitution in the face of this 
 vigorous internal hostility, was as difficult a matter 
 as to protect in its first years the infant Republic 
 in France against the unceasing attempts of Imperial- 
 ists, Reds, and Royalists, to undermine its gradually 
 increasing authority. 
 
 But fortunately in Hungary the love of order, and 
 respect for lawful authority, however distasteful, 
 prevented opposition from degenerating into intrigue ; 
 and the free discussion of differences in open 
 parliamentary debate, led, not to further estrange- 
 ment between the two chief parties, but to the 
 eventual establishment of an agreement with regard 
 to the fundamental principles of the Compromise. 
 Within seven years from this time the broad division 
 separating the ' Deak ' from the ' Tisza ' party had 
 disappeared ; a coalition had been formed between 
 their respective followers, and M. Tisza is now 
 Minister President under the conditions of a system 
 
 J
 
 CHAP, xxxi.] DOMESTIC LEGISLATION. 279 
 
 of which he was at one period the most formidable 
 assailant. Opposition to the Government there is, 
 and always will be, so long as there are Govern- 
 ments at all in Hungary ; but that less dangerous 
 stage has now been reached when it is the Tightness 
 of special men and measures that is the subject of 
 dispute and criticism, not the right of the Government 
 itself to exist. 
 
 With regard to certain internal questions of vital 
 importance to the safety and well-being of the 
 Hungarian kingdom, Deak's influence amongst his 
 political contemporaries was exerted to good purpose 
 in repairing the grievous errors of past years, and 
 introducing a sound principle for the future. To 
 the great satisfaction of all true friends of Hungary, 
 one of the first acts of the Legislature on regaining 
 its lawful rights was to annul the clause in the 
 Laws of '48 decreeing the compulsory use of the 
 Magyar language in all the County Assemblies 
 throughout the country irrespective of nationality, 
 until the further decision of the Diet. 
 
 For the last twenty years Deak had been forced 
 to devote all his abilities to the defence of old-estab- 
 lished laws, not to the making of new ones ; but the 
 reforming legislator of pre-revolutionary days was 
 not one of those who have a natural bias towards 
 a negative policy of defence and resistance, and 
 as soon as circumstances would allow, he gladly
 
 2 8o FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxi. 
 
 reverted to that more congenial work of progressive 
 and constructive legislation in which he had been 
 interrupted during the dark December days of 1848, 
 by the blare of Austrian trumpets, and the advance 
 of an invading army upon the Hungarian capital. 
 
 Before the close of the year of 1867, Deak, in 
 concert with a sub-committee of the Diet, had 
 prepared the draft of a law for regulating the equal 
 rights of the nationalities 1 (Gleichberechtigung) of 
 Hungary. But the ultra-Magyar feeling in the 
 House was still too strong for the leaders to suc- 
 ceed in carrying out at once their wise measure 
 of conciliation ; the Diet was prorogued without 
 any decision being taken; and it was not till 1868 
 that the Law of Nationalities was passed by both 
 Houses of the Legislature. 
 
 If Deak had shown that he knew how to stand 
 firm in the interests of Hungary, he showed in his 
 treatment of the 'burning question ' of Croatia that 
 he knew also how to make concessions. Of all the 
 numerous dangers besetting the new Government of 
 Hungary, none was so threatening as that presented 
 by the attitude of the sister-province, whose bond 
 with Hungary had always been of that delicate 
 description which requires constant easing and 
 adjusting, lest the slightest undue strain or friction 
 should break the link irreparably. 
 
 Ever since the days of Gai and Draskovics, and the 
 
 1 Magyars, Roumans, Germans, Ruthenes, Servians, Slovacks.
 
 CHAP, xxxi.] CROATIA. 281 
 
 Pan-Slav or so-called Illyrian movement of 1840 a 
 movement skilfully fostered by the Vienna Govern- 
 ment of the time as a useful counterpoise to the 
 increasing Constitutional fervour of the Hungarian 
 Liberals, there had been a party in Croatia dis- 
 posed to break off absolutely all connection with 
 Hungary and the Hungarian Government, and 
 aspiring towards confederation with their Slav 
 brethren in the neighbouring provinces ; under the 
 aegis of a Hapsburg Emperor if possible, if not 
 an eventuality seldom contemplated, it would seem, 
 by the violent anti-Magyar counsellors of his 
 Austrian Majesty under the patronage of the Czar, 
 who, in accordance with historical precedent had 
 never ceased to take a benevolent interest in the 
 fate of such Slav subjects of a brother sovereign, as 
 belonged, not only to the same race, but to the same 
 Church, as the inhabitants of Holy Russia. l 
 
 Diametrically opposed to these Pan-Slav Nation- 
 
 1 The light in which a wisely patriotic Slav regarded these Pan-Slav 
 aspirations and their tendency, may be judged from the words of Count 
 Palacky, the veteran champion of Bohemian nationality and State- 
 rights, when replying to the invitation to attend the German Parliament 
 at Frankfort in 1848. 'You know which is the colossal Power that 
 occupies all the eastern part of Europe ; all but invulnerable on its own 
 soil, we see it already threatening the world's liberty and aiming at 
 universal monarchy. This universal monarchy, though it professes to 
 be for the benefit of the Slav peoples, I, a Slav in heart and soul, 
 should regard as an appalling evil, as an incalculable and immeasurable 
 calamity. I shall be told that I am an enemy of the Russians but 
 what of that ? Above the interests of race I have always placed the 
 interests of humanity and civilisation, and the bare prospect of a uni- 
 versal monarchy exercised by the Russians has no more resolute
 
 282 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxr. 
 
 alists if such a designation be not in itself a contra- 
 diction were those, chiefly to be found amongst the 
 magnates and upper ranks of the country party in 
 Croatia, who not only had from their position 
 more natural affinity with the Constitution-loving 
 magnates of Hungary than with the extreme party 
 in their own country, but who also believed honestly 
 that the old constitutional rights and privileges of 
 Croatia were more likely to be preserved by 
 maintaining a close connection with the Liberal 
 Government at Pesth, than by exchanging the 
 light parliamentary yoke of Hungary for the 
 bondage of subjection to the Pan-Slav idea ; an 
 idea which, implied the obliteration of national in- 
 dividuality, and which, beginning with liberation, 
 might possibly end with despotism. 
 
 Between these, was the great body of Croatian 
 patriots, who, whilst they were as firmly resolved to 
 preserve their national individuality and constitu- 
 tional rights as the Magyars themselves, were at 
 
 adversary than myself, not because it would be a Russian monarchy, 
 but because it would be a universal monarchy ' (quoted by St. Rene' 
 Taillandier). 
 
 Nor had warning against the danger of coquetting with Pan- 
 Slavism been wanting from the Emperor's Hungarian subjects in 
 earlier days. ' Let his Majesty beware,' exclaimed Charles Jezernitzky, 
 the deputy for Nyitra, speaking on behalf of the Diet in 1790, at a 
 time when Leopold II. was encouraging unduly the separatist tendencies 
 of the ' Illyrian ' party of that day, by listening to their proposal for a 
 separate chancelry : ' From the heart of Russia will, at some future 
 time, come races kindred to this nation, and together they will shake 
 the imperial throne to its foundations.' De Gdrando, p. 101.
 
 CH. xxxi.] BEAK'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS CROATIA. 283 
 
 the same time anxious to uphold for the present 
 the traditional union with Hungary under the 
 Crown of St. Stephen, provided it were made 
 possible for them to do this without surrendering 
 too far the lawful rights of Croatia and her 
 dependencies. 
 
 In all his past dealings with Croatia, Deak had 
 not only shown a thorough comprehension of the 
 political bearings of the question, but a wise and 
 generous fellow-feeling for a people who stood 
 much in the same relation towards the Hungarians 
 as did the latter towards the Austrian Government 
 at Vienna. It was with the same large-minded 
 political wisdom that in the Second Address of 1861 
 he had ventured to declare in the name of his 
 countrymen, ' that in view of the palpable fact ' 
 that Croatia, whether wisely or not, wished to 
 loosen the bond that had attached her for centuries 
 to Hungary, ' the Diet, respecting her wishes, was 
 ready at any moment to enter into negotiations 
 for this purpose.' And again, a short time later, 
 it was Francis Deak, the acknowledged champion 
 of the rights of Hungary, who held out to the 
 Croats the famous offer of the 'blank sheet' on 
 which to inscribe their own conditions for main- 
 taining the connection with Hungary ; promising 
 that whatever the conditions, they were accepted 
 beforehand, so long as they did not involve the 
 
 dismemberment of the Kingdom of St. Stephen. 
 
 1
 
 284 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxr. 
 
 On this occasion, however, the proposed agree- 
 ment between the Diets of Hungary and Croatia 
 had, owing to various reasons, fallen through ; and 
 in spite of the expressed willingness of the Nation- 
 alists at Agram to consent to a union on the terms 
 of local autonomy and central administration of 
 common affairs by the Hungarian Government 
 the provisions of the February Patent remained 
 in force for Croatia, as well as for the other pro- 
 vinces of the Empire. 
 
 Seven years later, Deak, now the moving spirit 
 of an independent Hungarian Government, having 
 full command over the settlement of its relations 
 with the ' partes adnexae ' of the Kingdom of St. 
 Stephen, showed that he still remained faithful 
 to the principles he had held in 1861. At a time 
 when all parties in Croatia, united in profound dis- 
 content at the introduction of Dualism and the 
 whole result of Count Beust's German- Hungarian 
 policy, were giving vent freely to the bitterest anti- 
 Magyar sentiments, sending deputations to Vienna 
 to protest against ' incorporation with Hungary,' 
 and refusing to send representatives from the Diet 
 of Agram to the coronation of the King at Pesth, 
 Deak, with his ineradicable belief in the sovereign 
 efficacy of reason and moderation, undertook the 
 seemingly hopeless task of devising a scheme that 
 should be acceptable to the ultra- Nationalists both 
 in Hungary and Croatia, and yet commend itself
 
 CHAP, xxxi.] COMPROMISE OF 1868. 285 
 
 to the approval of cooler and perhaps more far- 
 sighted politicians. 
 
 The draft of an agreement prepared by Deak 
 and his distinguished friend and ally Baron Eotvos, 
 was submitted to the joint discussion of delegations 
 nominated by the Diets of Pesth and Agram ; and 
 after long debate a compromise was arrived at, so 
 satisfactory to the aggrieved patriots at Agram 
 that the town was illuminated in celebration of the 
 auspicious event, and for the time at least there 
 seemed a fair prospect of restored good-will between 
 the neighbouring countries. 1 
 
 By the end of May 1868 exactly a year from 
 the time when the Croatian deputies had presented 
 to the Emperor their remonstrance against re- 
 union with Hungary the compromise was an 
 accomplished fact ; and a distinct step was thus 
 taken towards the peaceful establishment of the 
 Hungarian Government. 
 
 1 According to the provisions of this compromise the Diet of Agram 
 exercises complete home rule in all matters of the interior, those 
 questions only which are of common interest, such as the army, customs, 
 and finance, being settled at Pesth. Croatia sends to the Hungarian 
 Parliament thirty-one deputies, who in the special sessions devoted to 
 the discussion of common affairs are entitled to vote, and to address 
 the House in their own language. According to the financiaT^rralige- 
 ment, 45 peFcent. 01 tne revenues of Croatia is set apart for the special 
 expenses of the country, the remainder being paid into the national 
 exchequer at Pesth.
 
 286 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxn. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 Good effect of the harmonious working of the Hungarian Government 
 on the western half of the monarchy Difficulties of Count Beust 
 in establishing the new system in Austria Agreement between 
 Austrian and Hungarian ministers with regard to reform 
 measures introduced at Vienna Partial concession to the 
 Nationalists in Electoral Law of 1873 Abolition of the Concordat 
 Sympathy with development of constitutional liberty in Austria 
 on the part of Hungary Deak's opinion on the relations of Church 
 and State. 
 
 BUT it was not only within his own country that 
 the tact and judgment of the Hungarian leader, 
 combined with the prudent moderation of the 
 Ministry at Pesth, produced wholesome effect. 
 
 The Dual system was on its trial ; and had it 
 not been for the reassuring example and the steady- 
 ing influence afforded by the successful working 
 of parliamentary government in Hungary, the 
 difficulties of Count Beust in Austria would have 
 been considerably increased. 
 
 For months after the conclusion of the com- 
 promise and its official acceptance by the Reichsrath, 
 the success or failure of the new experiment seemed 
 a question of at least equal probability, and the 
 most sanguine onlooker could hardly have asserted
 
 CHAP, xxxii.] DISCORD IN THE EMPIRE. 287 
 
 that the latest political crisis was safely over for 
 the storm-tossed empire. It still remained to be seen 
 whether in the disasters and convulsions of 1866 
 Austria had sustained the final blow that was to 
 break up beyond all possibility of reconstruction 
 the vast congeries of lands and provinces which 
 for centuries had owned the sway of the Hapsburg 
 sceptre, or the electric shock that was to send a 
 thrill of new and vigorous life into every corner 
 of the monarchy. During the latter half of 1867 
 the darkest forebodings seemed justified. 
 
 Germans, Czechs, Poles, Croats, Servians, Italians, 
 Autonomists, Centralists, Federalists, Clericals, 
 Feudalists, Radicals, each party straining in a 
 different direction, absorbed in the pursuit of its 
 own special object, following its own leaders, and 
 endeavouring to influence the central Government 
 in the sense of its own particular views and 
 interests. A discouraging prospect truly, for those 
 who, being pledged to no special interests, were 
 only desirous to see a strong and united Austria 
 once more take its rightful place amongst the 
 great Powers of Europe. Well might Count Beust 
 say, ' We are climbing a steep mountain ; the load 
 we have to draw is heavy ; the road is bad and 
 bordered with precipices ; if we are ever to reach 
 the top, every one will have to put his shoulder to 
 the wheel.' 1 
 
 1 Laveleye.
 
 288 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxn. 
 
 The day seemed yet far distant when the noble 
 words of the Emperor on opening the Reichsrath 
 in May 1867 were to be realised. ' Let us lay to 
 heart,' his Majesty had urged, 'the lessons of the 
 immediate past ; but yet let us find in our unshaken 
 courage, the power and the will to restore to the 
 Empire peace and prosperity at home, respect and 
 strength abroad ; let us not be influenced by 
 thoughts of retaliation ; we shall find a nobler 
 satisfaction in uniting together to transform by 
 degrees aversion and hostility into regard and 
 sympathy. Then the peoples of Austria, of what- 
 ever kindred, of whatever tongue, will gather 
 round the imperial standard, and will render glad 
 credence to those words of my ancestor: "Austria 
 shall exist and prosper down to remotest ages, under 
 the protection of the Almighty." 
 
 As time went on, however, it became apparent 
 that the new Constitution, inaugurated amidst over- 
 whelming difficulties and in the face of opposition 
 passive or active in every province and every class 
 throughout the Empire, had been framed on principles 
 so well suited to the circumstances for which it was 
 created, that not only did it take root and grow, but 
 soon developed sufficient vitality to stand the test 
 of severe criticism, and even of alteration, without 
 losing its original character. 
 
 It was fortunate for the harmonious settlement of 
 internal politics in the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy,
 
 CHAP, xxxii.] STATE RIGHTS. 289 
 
 that in those important measures of reform which 
 the Cabinet judged it necessary to introduce, in the 
 interest of the peoples of Austria, the imperial 
 ministers could rely confidently upon the goodwill 
 and sympathy of the Liberal majority and the 
 Liberal Government in the Hungarian Parliament. 
 
 Of the three inalienable rights before referred to, 
 as demanding equal recognition in any permanent 
 settlement of the constitution of Austria- Hungary, 
 viz. the right of Hungary to her lawful independence, 
 the right of the sovereign to insist on the main- 
 tenance of a strong central authority, and the right 
 of the Austrian peoples to constitutional freedom 
 and the acknowledgment of their historical privi- 
 leges, this last might seem to have received the 
 least share of justice in the establishment of the 
 Dual system, and the provisions of the Compromise 
 of 1867. But if so, it was not from any lack of 
 appreciation of the validity of this right, on the part 
 at least of Francis Deak, who in 1847 had declared 
 in the name of the Opposition, their conviction, ' that 
 if the Hereditary States of Austria were to regain 
 their ancient constitutional rights and liberties, the 
 conflicting interests of Hungary, and the other lands 
 of the monarchy, could be more easily reconciled.' 
 
 The claims of the national party in Bohemia and 
 Galicia are not yet satisfied, nor, to the full extent of 
 their demands, is it probable that they ever will be ; 
 but the electoral reform of 1873, and the subsequent
 
 2 90 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxn. 
 
 concession, to some degree, of the Nationalist claims, 
 have at least gone far to amend the present Consti- 
 tution, in a direction where some such alteration was 
 not uncalled for. The rumours that the Young 
 Czech party in Bohemia, weary of their self-exclusion 
 from the constitutional privileges enjoyed by the 
 other nationalities of the monarchy, are seeking to 
 come to some understanding that shall enable them 
 to take their seats in the Imperial Parliament, would 
 seem to show that the Constitution of 1867 is 
 gradually finding acceptance, even amongst those 
 who were originally most opposed to it. But there 
 are wheels within wheels in Austrian politics, as 
 there are parties within parties ; and it would be 
 the height of rashness for an outsider to set down 
 as signs of the times, what may be only transitory 
 and misleading appearances. 1 
 
 With regard also to the great question which for 
 upwards of two years engaged the attention of 
 Austrian politicians of all parties and nationalities, 
 the abolition of the Concordat and the reform of the 
 
 1 The above was written in May 1879. Since then (in October) the 
 Czech deputies have for the first time taken their seats in the Reichsrath. 
 The ministerial changes of the preceding August, when Dr. Stremayr 
 was succeeded as Minister President in Austria by Count Taaffe, and 
 Count Andrassy as Foreign Minister by Baron Haymerle, are not 
 apparently to be taken as importing a departure from the main 
 principles which have influenced the action of Austro- Hungarian 
 statesmen since the Compromise of 1867. Count Taafife appears 
 resolved, like his Liberal predecessor, to maintain the constitution 
 then established ; Baron Haymerle has entered upon his arduous 
 duties at the Foreign Office with the sympathy and good will of the 
 late imperial Chancellor.
 
 CHAP, xxxii.] THE CONCORDAT. 291 
 
 confessional laws, the sympathies of the Hungarian 
 leader were entirely with Count Beust and the great 
 majority in the Reichsrath. 
 
 Few subjects could have provided such a broad 
 ground of common interests, or offered to the various 
 peoples of Austria so favourable an occasion for 
 exercising in concert their newly acquired constitu- 
 tional privileges ; few could have given the Emperor 
 Francis Joseph so striking an opportunity for proving 
 to all the world, by his refusal to override the decision 
 of Parliament by the lawful exercise of the royal 
 prerogative, that a Hapsburg Sovereign, when he had 
 once accepted the principles of freedom and con- 
 stitutional government, was prepared to abide by 
 them, with the same conscientious devotion that his 
 ancestors had displayed in the cause of ecclesiastical 
 tyranny and absolutism. 
 
 The unanimity with which the laws tending to 
 emancipate the State, in such matters as education 
 and marriage, from the legal jurisdiction of Rome, 
 were in due time passed by both Houses of the 
 Legislature, was remarkable ; considering the multi- 
 plicity of classes, interests, and nationalities, repre- 
 sented by those who took part in the debates. But 
 the chief cause for satisfaction lay in the illustration 
 thus afforded of the words used in the Upper House 
 by Herrv. Hasner, the Minister of Worship, in reply 
 to the charge, that in altering the provisions of the 
 Concordat, Austria would be guilty of breaking her 
 
 u 2
 
 292 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxn. 
 
 engagements. ' All is now changed ; the absolutism 
 which treated with Rome is at an end ; a constitu- 
 tional State has come into existence, which is bound 
 to settle its internal affairs according to its own 
 convenience. Austria, in taking her stand upon 
 the ground of Constitutionalism, has regained full 
 liberty of action.' 1 
 
 With this development of constitutional activity 
 in Austria, and also with the special object to which 
 in this instance it was directed, Deak, as has been 
 said, had entire sympathy. 
 
 Himself a Catholic and a faithful son of the 
 Church, he yet shared to the full that deeply rooted 
 aversion to papal interference in national affairs, 
 that sturdy independence of judgment, which have 
 at all times characterised the relations between 
 Hungary and the Holy See ; and which were con- 
 spicuously evident in 1870, when Deak's friend and 
 compatriot, the accomplished Archbishop Haynald, 2 
 returned in disgrace from the (Ecumenical Council 
 at Rome ; one of the few Catholic bishops who 
 had refused to accept the new dogma of Papal 
 Infallibility. 
 
 His own opinion as to the ideal relation between 
 the ecclesiastical and civil authority may be best 
 described in the words of Cavour ' a free Church in 
 
 1 Quoted by Laveleye. 
 
 J The Archbishop of Kalocsa, raised to the dignity of Cardinal by 
 Pope Leo XIII., May 1879.
 
 CHAP. XXXIL] CHURCH AND STATE. 293 
 
 / a free State.' The last great speech that Deak de- 
 livered in the Hungarian Parliament, was on this 
 subject, and though already the shadow of mortal 
 illness was upon him, those who heard him speak 
 on that occasion will not soon forget the masterly 
 force, lucidity, and logical argument with which 
 he expounded his favourite thesis. The days of a 
 purely ' Deak Cabinet ' were at that time gone 
 by, and Deak spoke with no more official authority 
 than the youngest deputy present ; but, as in past 
 times, the influence of the old leader was still potent 
 amongst his countrymen, and the Commission ap- 
 pointed by the House, to prepare a ' projet de loi ' 
 regulating the relation between Church and State, 
 received instructions to base their scheme upon the 
 principles just laid down by Deak Ferencz.
 
 294 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxin. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 Agreement between Austrian and Hungarian Ministers on the subject 
 of peace Policy of Austria since the Treaty of Prague Refusal of 
 Count Beust to be drawn into hostility to Prussia on the question 
 of the Main Count Beust supported in his peaceful policy by 
 Hungary Harmony of opinion between Beust and Andrassy as 
 to future policy of the Monarchy Preparation against a possible 
 reopening of the Eastern question Deak and Andrassy Resigna- 
 tion of Count Beust Succeeded at the Foreign Office by Count 
 Andrdssy. 
 
 THE Emperor, in his royal message of the iyth 
 of February 1867, had declared his reliance upon 
 the political wisdom of the Hungarians, and his 
 confidence that they would not refuse to accord to 
 the lately established responsible Government, the 
 full and exceptional powers rendered necessary by 
 the grave difficulties of the situation. 
 
 This confidence was not misplaced. Above all, in 
 the pre-eminently important and delicate question of 
 the foreign relations of the monarchy, the Andrassy 
 Government, of which Dedk was virtually, though not 
 officially, a member, received the steady support of a 
 large majority in the Chambers. 
 
 Apart from the general welfare of the monarchy, 
 there was no subject with regard to which, for the
 
 CHAP, xxxiii.] FOREIGN POLICY. 295 
 
 sake of the Dual System itself, there existed so 
 imperative a necessity for the preservation of a 
 complete understanding between the two Govern- 
 ments and Legislatures. 
 
 The agreement between the Hungarian statesmen 
 and Count Beust, that had resulted in the Com- 
 promise of 1867, was no hasty bargain, patched up 
 to meet the pressing needs of the moment, but a 
 compact based on a sincere harmony of opinion 
 with regard to the present and future policy of 
 Austria-H ungary. 
 
 The keystone of this policy, with respect to foreign 
 affairs in both countries, was peace. 
 
 The short and sharp thunder-storm of 1866, had 
 marvellously cleared the air in Germany ; and when 
 the sombre clouds of battle rolled away, Austrian 
 statesmen could see their course lying more clearly 
 before them. The peace that followed the Seven 
 Days' War, was not a ' recueillement ' after the 
 Russian fashion, a mere truce, occupied with 
 thoughts of retaliation and the precautions of sus- 
 picious watchfulness, a state of things well-nigh as 
 exhausting to a nation's strength, and as fatal to 
 internal progress and reform, as one of open hostility ; 
 but a genuine peace, frankly accepted in all its 
 conditions, with the dignity of a great empire that 
 has full confidence in its ability to achieve a worthy 
 future, and to carry out its destiny amongst European 
 nations by other ways than those closed against it by
 
 296 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxin. 
 
 the fortune of war, or still more by the irresistible 
 force of circumstances. 
 
 But to carry into execution this conception of 
 Austria's true policy, was no easy matter ; and it was 
 well for her statesmen that they were cordially 
 supported in their intention to maintain a solid and 
 durable peace by the leading men in the Hungarian 
 Government. 
 
 The Treaty of Prague had left a state of things 
 which by a little ingenuity, a slight imprudence, 
 might easily have been made to produce a feeling 
 of chronic irritation, if not a renewal of active 
 hostilities. Between the Austrian Empire on the 
 one hand, and Prussia, with the States of the North 
 German Confederation * on the other, lay the States 
 of the Southern Confederation, prohibited from 
 forming any political connection with Austria, and 
 yet not amalgamated completely with the North 
 German Confederation, though connected with 
 Prussia by the tie of a military convention and a 
 common customs union. 
 
 ' Germany has been divided into three by the 
 Treaty of Prague,' boasted M. Rouher to the 
 French Assembly ; and no doubt the minister and 
 his imperial master, to whose intervention was due 
 the insertion in the Preliminaries of Nikolsburg, 
 of the arrangement relative to the barrier formed by 
 the line of the Main between the German States 
 
 1 Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden.
 
 CHAP, xxxiii.] HAPSBURG AND HOHENZOLLERN. 297 
 
 north and south of that river, would have been not 
 ill-pleased, if the arbitrary division created by this 
 politic device, should have proved a source of ill- 
 feeling and strained relations between Berlin and 
 Vienna ; thereby leaving renewed opportunity for 
 France to make her game out of the rivalries of the 
 two great German Powers, and enable her to fill the 
 honourable post of mediator in their differences. 
 
 But in Count Beust, Louis Napoleon had found 
 his match. In vain is the net spread in the sight of 
 any bird. Though sedulously preserving a good 
 understanding with the French people and their 
 emperor, Count Beust resolutely declined to be em- 
 broiled with his late adversary. When the ' Great 
 Germany' policy of Count Buol and his colleagues, 
 was given up at Vienna for good and all, the 
 Austrian Chancellor was too accomplished a states- 
 man not to take care, that the Empire should at 
 least reap the advantages of this compulsory re- 
 nunciation. There was room enough in Germany 
 for Hohenzollern and Hapsburg, and if it were 
 decreed that the former should carry off the prize for 
 which both had been contending, it was surely 
 better that Austria- Hungary should henceforth 
 strengthen her position by securing the firm friend- 
 ship of the victorious State, and cementing the 
 natural alliance between the two great German 
 dynasties of the Continent, rather than indulge in the 
 doubtful and perilous satisfaction of angry remon- 
 strance, or ungracious resistance to the inevitable
 
 298 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxm. 
 
 tendency of events. What if Prussia, in course of 
 time, should gradually draw into her orbit those 
 German States south of the Main, which it was 
 certain would never become incorporated with the 
 Austrian Empire, still less revive the traditions of the 
 German Confederation, even should the river barrier, 
 which separated them in diplomatic imagination from 
 the States of the Northern Confederacy, be preserved 
 till Domesday ? Was not Austria- Hungary, now 
 animated with fresh life and vigour, justified in 
 looking forward with calm reliance upon her 
 strength to the new career marked out for her by 
 the events of recent years, and therefore in regard- 
 ing with the equanimity of a dignified self-assurance, 
 the increasing greatness of a neighbouring, and now 
 friendly State ? 
 
 Before four years had gone by, Austria-Hungary, 
 the crushed and shattered Empire of 1866, was the 
 object of anxious solicitude on the part of both her 
 powerful neighbours. But neither pressure nor 
 flattery, was allowed to divert the monarchy from 
 the position of reserve, and strictly impartial 
 neutrality, which had been deliberately adopted on 
 the conclusion of the late war. 
 
 ' It has always been the misfortune of Austria,' 
 Count Beust once observed, ' to have made a great 
 commotion, and incurred dislike, about things for 
 which she was not resolved to go to war. To avoid 
 this mistake is the leading idea of my policy.' l 
 
 1 Verdict der Thatsachen, Leipzig, 1878.
 
 CHAP. XXXIIL] DESIRE FOR PEACE. 299 
 
 In following out this * leading idea ' the Chancellor 
 of the Dual Empire, as has been already pointed out, 
 found hearty support in Hungary, where the neces- 
 sity for peace, and the desire to preserve a good 
 understanding with Germany, were naturally stronger 
 than in Austria. 1 Indeed so closely was this aim 
 kept in view beyond the Leitha, that when, on the 
 occasion of a grand festivity of the National Schutz- 
 verein at Vienna, the Imperial Chancellor had 
 ventured to indulge in somewhat more bellicose 
 language than was quite consistent with his avowedly 
 peaceful policy, a voice of remonstrance and warning 
 was immediately raised by the^ chief organ of public 
 opinion in Hungary. ' The nation of hussars ' was 
 also a nation of politicians ; and having made up 
 their minds that the interests of the monarchy 
 required the preservation of an unbroken peace, the 
 Hungarians were now as pugnaciously vehement in 
 the cause of peace as they had sometimes been on 
 behalf of war. 
 
 But in other questions than that of the immediate 
 relations of Austria-Hungary to her Continental 
 
 1 " Comme je 1'ai toujours fait pressentir dans nos pourparlers de 
 I'anne'e derniere, nous ne pouvons pas oublier que nos dix millions 
 d'Allemands ne voient dans la guerre actuelle, non pas un duel entre 
 la France et la Prusse, mais le commencement d'une lutte nationale. 
 Nous ne pouvons pas nous dissimuler non plus que les Hongrois, tout 
 disposes qu'ils soient a s'imposer les plus grands sacrifices des qu'il 
 s'agit de deYendre 1'empire centre la Russie, se montreront plus 
 reserve's des qu'il s'agit de ddpenser leur sang et leur argent pour 
 reconqudrir a 1'Autriche sa position en Allemagne." Despatch of 
 Count Beust to Prince Metternich, July 20, 1870.
 
 300 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxin. 
 
 neighbours, the Austrian Premier had able and 
 sympathising allies, in the Minister President of 
 Hungary, and his great countryman. 
 
 Whilst still the chief of the Hungarian Cabinet, 
 Count Andrassy had shown in his views for the 
 future as well as for the present, how thoroughly he 
 appreciated the 'motif of the policy initiated by the 
 Austrian Foreign Minister. In his manner of re- 
 garding the great problem of the relations to be 
 maintained towards the Porte and its Christian 
 subjects! in Turkey, in view of the palpable ineffi- 
 ciency of the Ottoman Government, and the constant 
 growth of Russian influence in that quarter, the 
 Hungarian Minister was substantially at one with 
 the colleague whom he afterwards succeeded at the 
 Austrian Foreign Office. 
 
 Fully realising the value to Austria- Hungary of 
 maintaining a good understanding with the Western 
 Powers, and resolved not again to commit the 
 mistake of 1854, when Austria contrived to aggrieve 
 all parties, without in any way improving her own 
 position ; keenly alive to the importance, from a 
 European point of view, of not allowing the Christian 
 provinces of Turkey, as they became one by one 
 detached from the Ottoman Empire, to fall under 
 the exclusive control of Russian despotism ; and 
 from an Austrian point of view, of preserving the 
 influence of the monarchy amongst the rising Slav 
 States of Turkey, Count Andrassy was yet at no 
 time a blind devotee of the ' status quo,' that
 
 CHAP, xxxni.] DEAK AND ANDRASSY. 301 
 
 favourite watchword with some anti-Russian politi- 
 cians, and would always have been rather disposed 
 to take as his device the sage words of his pre- 
 decessor, ' II importe de distinguer ce qui est possible 
 de ce qui ne Test pas.' l 
 
 Deak did not live to see the breaking of the 
 storm, against which his far-sighted compatriot had 
 so long been making ready ; but he had not failed 
 to appreciate the tendency of those ideas in the 
 Hungarian Minister President, which the Imperial 
 Chancellor has since been working out under no 
 small difficulties. The veteran statesman who had 
 weathered so many European storms, was accustomed 
 to read the signs of the times, and could well under- 
 stand why Count Andrassy should keep his eyes so 
 anxiously turned towards the East, even whilst the 
 horizon, in that direction at least, seemed calm and 
 cloudless. 
 
 It has been related by one who was accustomed 
 to be present at those familiar conclaves, in which 
 Deak would talk over the events of current 
 politics with a circle of intimate friends, that on one 
 occasion, so far back as 1 868, the conversation turned 
 upon Andrassy's absurd infatuation on the subject of 
 the Eastern Question. ' We might safely leave that 
 I to the Western Powers,' said a deputy present ; ' they 
 jwill take good care that their work of 1856 is 
 not so soon destroyed.' ' Excuse me, my friend,' 
 observed Deak quietly, ' but with all due deference 
 
 1 Despatch of Count Beust, Jan. 1867. See Diplomatic Sketches.
 
 302 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxin. 
 
 to you, I think Gyula [Count Julius Andrassy] sees 
 farther than you do.' 1 Had Dedk been spared 
 to aid his country with his counsels, during the 
 critical phase through which Austria- Hungary has 
 been passing during the past three years, would not 
 the weight of his powerful influence have been 
 still exerted on behalf of the much-abused policy 
 of the Hungarian Chancellor? Judging by the 
 internal evidence to be derived from an ex- 
 amination of the words and deeds of a lifetime, 
 does it not seem probable that the same principles 
 influencing the unpopular and so-called anti-Magyar, 
 policy adopted by Count Andrassy and M. Tisza, in 
 their attempt to steer the Dual Empire with safety 
 and honour through the perilous shoals of the 
 Eastern Question, would, rightly, or wrongly, have 
 guided the actions of Dedk himself ? 
 
 With the removal of Count Andrdssy to Vienna 
 in 1871, the period of Dedk's intimate personal 
 connection with the Hungarian Ministry came to 
 an end ; though his name was still used to describe 
 the Government party, as being that which was 
 emphatically pledged to the support of the Dedk 
 Compromise of 1867. 
 
 The internal differences in Austria between the 
 supporters of the amended Constitution of 1867, 
 on the one side, and the Conservative and 
 Clerical party advocating the further concession of 
 
 1 See Verdict dcr Thatsachen,
 
 CHAP, xxxm.] RESIGNATION OF COUNT BEUST. 303 
 
 provincial independence, on the other, had come to a 
 point under the Ministry of Count Hohenwcjrt ; who, 
 in his desire to satisfy the claims of the Czech party 
 in Bohemia, had gone the length of pledging the 
 Emperor to such a fundamental law on the subject 
 of State-rights, as would, in the opinion of Count 
 Beust, have infallibly broken up the recently con- 
 solidated empire. 
 
 On the urgent advice of the Chancellor, the new 
 fundamental law was revoked, and Count Beust, 
 satisfied with having gained his point, made all the 
 amends in his power to the justly exasperated 
 Czechs, by resigning the important office he had 
 held for five years. 
 
 This somewhat dangerous episode in the internal 
 history of the convalescent empire, had at least 
 the salutary effect of showing the solidarity now 
 established between the two halves of the monarchy. 
 In his representations to the Emperor on this 
 occasion, Count Beust was not only supported 
 warmly by the Hungarian Minister President, his 
 successor at the Foreign Office, but by a large 
 majority in the two Delegations. It was evident 
 that the relations between Vienna and Pesth were 
 at this time of such a nature, that the opinion 
 expressed only two years earlier by the German 
 Ambassador, ' The Hungarians are still hoping and 
 waiting for Prussia/ would have to be reconsidered.
 
 304 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxiv. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 Financial excitement in Hungary Speculation Fall of the Szlavy 
 Cabinet The last Dedk Cabinet Deak's continued interest in 
 public affairs Symptoms of a break-up in the Dedk party 
 Proposed Coalition Cabinet, 1875 Fusion between the Opposition 
 and the Centre of the Dedk party Deak's increasing illness 
 Public sympathy Last interview between the leader and his 
 political supporters Death, January 1876 Public funeral. 
 
 THE prudent policy of the leading statesmen on 
 both sides of the Leitha, though it might be suc- 
 cessful in preserving peace for Austria- Hungary 
 abroad, was of no avail in guarding it against the 
 dangers of financial crisis at home. The frenzy of 
 speculation, the reckless plunge into vast financial 
 and commercial enterprises of all kinds, which pre- 
 vailed throughout the monarchy in the year 1870, 
 the sudden haste to grow rich, the feverish anxiety 
 to develop within an abnormally short time the 
 hitherto neglected resources of the country, all this 
 was a phase of national activity by no means to the 
 taste of Francis Deak. In his opinion, the Ministry 
 of Count Lonyay, who had succeeded Count 
 Andrassy as Minister President, lent itself far too 
 readily to the encouragement of the universal 
 mania ; and it was no secret that when, a year later,
 
 CHAP, xxxiv.] THE SZLAVY CABINET. 305 
 
 the fall of the minister seemed imminent, the in- 
 fluence of the great deputy in the party club was 
 not exerted in his favour. 
 
 Under the Cabinet of M. Szlavy, endless questions 
 of State-loans, railway concessions, the formation of 
 companies, and various speculative undertakings, 
 patronised by the Government in the interests 
 ostensibly of the public service, still engrossed the 
 attention of the Hungarian Parliament. ' We have 
 now neither a Deak party nor an Opposition,' 
 remarked one deputy ; ' we have only a Grenz- 
 walder, a Kaschau-Odenburg, or an Eastern-railway 
 party.' 
 
 Deak himself expressed his views with regard to 
 the prevailing state of things in the style of forcible 
 and homely allegory peculiar to him. ' In his 
 youth/ he said, ' he had been passionately fond of a 
 certain little pond-fish, the czik y until one day when 
 he happened to see in what disgusting places it was 
 caught ; and from that time he could never touch it 
 again. It had been the same,' he declared, ' in the 
 matter of these railway schemes ; no one could 
 have been more ardently in favour of this means of 
 extending our civilisation, until he came to see in 
 Parliament, what nasty mud the railways were built 
 out of.' Henceforward, if he chanced to enter the 
 House whilst some fresh railway concession was 
 under discussion, his friends would laughingly call
 
 306 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxiv. 
 
 out ' Czik, czik ! ' a signal for Dedk at once to retreat 
 into the lobby. 1 
 
 The fall of the Szlavy Government in the spring of 
 1874, may be said to have been the beginning of the 
 end, so far as the unimpaired and homogeneous 
 existence of the original ' Deak party ' of 1865, was 
 concerned. The old leader himself had never 
 spoken in the House again since he took part in the 
 discussion on the relations of Church and State in 
 the summer of the previous year. Though still 
 following with unabated interest the party evolutions 
 of the time, Deak was now quite incapacitated by 
 increasing illness from taking an active share in that 
 busy world of politics, where, for forty years, he had 
 been a prominent and influential actor. At the time 
 of the last general election, his health having 
 slightly improved, he had consented to be returned 
 once more to Parliament ; but the improvement was 
 only temporary ; and though still nominally a 
 member of the House, he was unable for three years 
 before his death to attend the sittings, and with 
 characteristic delicacy refused to accept the small 
 salary to which as a deputy he was entitled. 
 
 The first symptom of a coming dissolution and 
 re-formation of parties in Hungary, was to be 
 descried in the Coalition Cabinet of MM. Bitto and 
 Ghyczy in 1874, formed out of a combination 
 
 1 See " Oesterreich seit der WaMreform," 1873, Unsere Zeit, 1876. 
 
 V
 
 CHAP, xxxiv.] PROPOSED COALITION. 307 
 
 between the Right wing of the Dedk party, and a 
 small fraction from the Moderates of the Opposition. 
 The necessity of infusing a fresh element into the 
 composition of the Government, began to be so 
 strongly felt, that in a conference of the leading men 
 of all parties, summoned by the Emperor on his visit 
 to the capital in the spring of 1874, with a view to 
 the reorganisation of the Ministry, M. Tisza, the 
 chief of the Opposition, was invited to enter a 
 Cabinet, which, even in the opinion of the new 
 Minister President himself, had but small chance of 
 stable existence. ' I am not at liberty to disobey 
 your Majesty's commands,' M. Bitto had observed, 
 when charged by the Emperor to form a Ministry on 
 the principles of the pure Right, ' but if your Majesty 
 were to command me to speak Arabic, I could not 
 do it.' ' Try, at all events,' was the Emperor's 
 laughing rejoinder. 1 
 
 The proposal mooted in some quarters, less than 
 a year later, of a Coalition Cabinet, to include such 
 various elements as Baron Sennyei, a prominent 
 member of the Extreme Right, Baron Lonyay, the 
 late chief of the Deakist Centre, and M. Koloman 
 Tisza, the leader of the Opposition showed still 
 more plainly to what a pass matters had come. 
 Though now completely an invalid, Dedk continued 
 to watch the course of public events with close 
 
 1 "Oesterreich seit der Waldreform von 1873," Unsere Zeit, 1876, 
 p. 916. 
 
 X 2
 
 308 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxvi. 
 
 attention, and even from his sick-room the old 
 leader still exercised no small influence in the clubs 
 of Pesth. His well-known opinion as to the merits 
 of the proposed Coalition Cabinet was not calculated 
 to further the success of that remarkable scheme. 
 ' Tokay,' he was reported to have said, ' is the king 
 of wines ; Somlauer and Villanyer are both excellent 
 also ; but what sort of a brew they would make if 
 they were all mixed up together, no one can possibly 
 tell beforehand. You must try it yourself if you 
 wish to know.' 
 
 But even had such a combination Ministry been 
 desirable, the refusal of the Opposition leader to 
 enter the Government under such conditions, would 
 have made it impossible. 
 
 With sound political instinct, M. Tisza perceived, 
 that for the chief himself to abandon the leadership 
 of the recognised parliamentary Opposition, before 
 the now imminent break-up of the old party 
 formation had been completely effected, and the 
 ground thus prepared for a new and definite 
 arrangement, would only have enabled the ultra- 
 Radicals to acquire an undue importance, by figuring 
 before the country as the sole representatives of 
 Opposition to the existing Government and the 
 policy of the pure Right. 
 
 Moreover, the wary politician saw clearly, that 
 for him to identify himself personally with the once 
 triumphant and united ' Dedk party,' in its present
 
 CHAP. xxxiv.J FUSION OF 1875. 309 
 
 state of division and dissolution, would be to join 
 the crew of a sinking ship. 
 
 The very triumph of Dedk's principles had 
 destroyed all necessity for the existence of a ' Deak 
 party.' The Compromise of 1867 was now so firmly 
 established, that the strong phalanx which had 
 rallied round the great Hungarian leader to defend 
 his work including in its ranks men of various 
 shades of opinion, bound together for the nonce in 
 the defence of a common cause, had now lost its 
 ' raison d'etre ;' and it was evident that a fresh centre 
 of attraction, a fresh basis of parliamentary action, 
 would have to be discovered, before a strong 
 Government could look forward to a term of steady 
 and profitable administration founded on the cordial 
 support of a united party. 
 
 But it was not till the spring of 1875, when experi- 
 ence had shown the futility of attempting to construct 
 a stable Ministry out of the now incongruous materials 
 of the old ' Deak party,' that the fusion took place 
 on which the present Liberal party in Hungary is 
 based. A few months before his death, Deak had 
 the satisfaction of seeing the formal resistance to 
 the principles of his great work, brought to an end, 
 by the union between the parliamentary Opposition 
 led by M. Tisza, (the present Minister President) 
 and the main body of the old Deak party, on the 
 basis of acceptance of the Compromise of 1867. 
 
 The newly constituted Liberal party started on
 
 310 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxiv. 
 
 its career with the hearty good-will and approval 
 of the veteran leader, who had had perhaps in his 
 day, more experience than any living politician of 
 the good and evil, the strength and the weakness, of 
 party government. One of Deak's last public acts 
 was to send his name to be inscribed in the Club- 
 book of the new Liberal party. 
 
 After his return in 1875 fr m ms usual summer 
 sojourn at the Stadtwaldchen in the environs of 
 Pesth, it became evident that the illness (heart 
 disease, with dropsical symptoms) against which 
 Deak had been struggling bravely for the past 
 three years, was rapidly approaching a crisis. The 
 attacks of suffocation, now more violent and more 
 frequent, were succeeded by a state of semi-torpor ; 
 though, even to the last, the old vivacity and genial 
 humour would at times seem quite unimpaired by 
 the grievous suffering and oppression of long 
 illness. The ancient quarters at the Queen of Eng- 
 land hotel were given up ; and under the roof of 
 M. Szell who had married Deak's ward, Mdlle. 
 Vorosmarty the old bachelor was surrounded in 
 his last days with all that loving friendship could 
 supply. 
 
 The house in the little square facing the Uni- 
 versity, now the home of Deak Ferencz, was 
 known to every man, woman, and child in Pesth ; for 
 his withdrawal from the stage of active life had in 
 no way lessened the feeling of familiar yet revering
 
 CHAP, xxxiv.] INCREASING ILLNESS. 311 
 
 affection, with which he was regarded by all classes 
 of his countrymen. 
 
 Judging by the constant and anxious sympathy 
 felt and expressed for the illustrious patient, it would 
 seem as though the whole population of Buda Pesth 
 must be included amongst Dedk's personal friends, 
 from the Minister and the great lady of the Court, 
 to the waiter at the Queen of England hotel, to 
 whose child Deak Ferencz had stood godfather. 
 
 Nor were the King and Queen of Hungary behind- 
 hand in showing their regard for the dying states- 
 man, who had served both King and country so 
 faithfully for forty years. 
 
 Only a few days before his death, Deak received 
 pleasure from a special message of affectionate 
 inquiry from the royal palace at Buda, a pleasure 
 which he was at no pains to conceal. In the 
 sentiment with which the veteran citizen regarded 
 the lawful sovereign of Hungary, there was some- 
 thing of the very ideal of loyalty ; the stout- 
 hearted patriot, who in the course of his life had 
 spoken more plain truths when face to face with 
 his sovereign than many a demonstrative republican 
 would have dared to utter, was yet not ashamed of 
 owning to a belief in that old-fashioned superstition 
 of personal loyalty, which is sometimes thought 
 to have disappeared as completely from the con- 
 siderations of all rational politicians, as a belief in 
 divine right itself. And the peculiar relations
 
 3 i2 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxiv. 
 
 which had subsisted for many years between Deak 
 and the Emperor Francis Joseph, had only served 
 to intensify this abstract loyalty to the constitutional 
 Sovereign, always so strangely characteristic of the 
 proud, law-loving Magyar, into a feeling of deep 
 personal affection and respect for the reigning King 
 of Hungary and his beautiful consort. On the 
 death of Francis Deak, there was no one who 
 shared more sincerely in the grief of the Hungarian 
 people over the loss of their great countryman, 
 than the royal lady who had visited the dying 
 patriot on his sick-bed, and who with her own hands 
 laid upon his coffin a wreath bearing the inscription, 
 ' To Deak Ferencz ; Queen Elizabeth.' 
 
 The last occasion on which Deak appears before 
 us in the familiar character of the honoured leader 
 and political chief, as well as the friend and favourite 
 of the nation, will be best described in the touching 
 words of a compatriot, who, like Deak himself, has 
 had his share in the troubles and triumphs of 
 Hungary. 
 
 ' As for years past, so on the last New Year's 
 Day (1876), the members of the party that once 
 bore his name, but who have now coalesced with 
 those who once so energetically opposed his policy, 
 and form the ruling great Liberal party, had decided 
 to go in a body to offer him their best wishes. 
 Though only just recovered from one of those 
 attacks of suffocation which had already become so
 
 CHAP, xxxiv.] LAST DAYS. 313 
 
 alarmingly frequent, he insisted on seeing them. 
 There he was, the strong man of former days, who 
 had led with clear intellect and firm hand his 
 willing and trusting followers, prostrated in his 
 arm-chair, which he had scarcely left for the last 
 year and a half; pale, with sunken cheeks and half- 
 closed eyes, while the representatives of the nation 
 stood round him with mourning countenances ; and 
 when the chairman of the party went up close to his 
 chair, and in subdued voice expressed the feelings of 
 the hundreds who crowded the room, Deak raised 
 for a moment his head towards the speaker, his eye 
 revived and passed over those present, and the lips 
 muttered faintly some words of thanks. 
 
 ' With subdued steps, as if in a place of worship, 
 oppressed with unspeakable sorrow, and the eyes 
 moist with tears, every one withdrew. One long and 
 sad look of farewell was sent to the parting chief, 
 and a mute pressure of the hand, which was ex- 
 changed, expressed the general sad conviction that 
 we should see him no more.' 
 
 The long struggle was indeed nearly over ; Deak's 
 work for Hungary was at length to end, but to end 
 only with his life. 
 
 During the last week of January 1876, it was 
 known that he had become worse, and all through 
 the day crowds of anxious inquirers thronged the 
 square, waiting for the latest tidings of the sick man. 
 On the 28th, his strength failed rapidly, and in the
 
 314 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP, xxxiv. 
 
 evening of that day, the hurried summons of the 
 Finance Minister, M. Szell, from the House, an- 
 nounced that the end was come. 
 
 Deak Ferencz was dead, and Hungary had to 
 mourn the loss of one of the noblest, purest- 
 minded citizens who had ever stood forth to defend 
 the rights of his country, since the kingdom of St. 
 Stephen was first founded on the banks of the Danube. 
 
 The veteran patriot was ' the dead of the nation.' 
 In the great hall of the Academy, which nine years 
 ago had resounded with the cheers that had greeted 
 the announcement of the victory which Deak had 
 won for his country, his body lay in state, that 
 his fellow-citizens might come now in deep and 
 sorrowful silence to gaze for the last time on the 
 once familiar form, the broad brow and rugged 
 features ennobled with the mysterious dignity of 
 death, the snow-white hair and thick drooping 
 moustache, blanched with suffering and illness 
 rather than with age. 
 
 The long procession to the cemetery, where the 
 grave was dug in earth sent from each of the fifty- 
 two counties of Hungary, the streets hung with 
 black, the weeping crowds, these were but the 
 natural and spontaneous tokens of the nation's heart- 
 felt grief at losing the honoured, citizen, who, for forty 
 years had spent his life ungrudgingly in the service 
 of Hungary, and who had loved his country not 
 only well but wisely.
 
 CHAP, xxxv.] 'AN HONEST MAN.' 315 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 Deak's character The result of his work The tendency of his 
 influence Appeal to the sentiment of reverence for law in his 
 countrymen The principle of his own conduct Conclusion. 
 
 AT the time when all Hungary had been anxiously 
 seeking for some fitting reward to bestow on the 
 successful champion of the constitutional liberties 
 of the country ; when the Emperor himself, fully 
 recognising the service which his Hungarian subject 
 had rendered to the whole monarchy, would gladly 
 have found some way in which to do honour to the 
 loyal citizen of Pesth, Dealt had refused all recom- 
 pense ; desiring only, he declared, that when he died 
 the King might say over his grave, ' Deak Ferencz 
 was an honest man.' 
 
 No one would deny that he had full right to this 
 modest epitaph. An honest man he had assuredly 
 been, from the day when the young deputy, in no 
 burst of passing enthusiasm, buoyed up with no 
 false hopes of speedy success, but with a steady 
 determination to serve his cotmtry, had resolved to 
 take his share in stimulating and guiding the 
 reforming zeal of the nation, down to the last year of
 
 3i6 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxv. 
 
 his life, when, in the interests of the Liberal cause in 
 Hungary, he generously held out the hand of good- 
 fellowship to those who had once been his most 
 vehement political opponents. 
 
 But not even his great statesmanlike abilities and 
 absolute honesty of purpose could have given Dedk 
 the extraordinary hold he exercised over the minds 
 and affections of his countrymen, had he not pos- 
 sessed at the same time, that fervent, deeply rooted 
 enthusiasm for Hungary, which makes ' patriotism ' 
 the cardinal point in the political creed of every true 
 Magyar. 
 
 A patriot he was to the backbone ; but one who 
 felt, as he once said, ' that he had it in him to love 
 his country even more than he hated his country's 
 enemies.' ' A white raven,' a German writer has 
 called Deak, ' a Magyar who did not hate the 
 Saxon.' It is this large-minded charity, in his public 
 as well as in his private relations, which lends a 
 special charm to the character of the keen, fearless 
 patriot, with his masculine force of intellect and 
 sturdy penetrating common sense. 
 
 Deak's love of his country, his absolute confidence 
 in the all-sufficient power and ultimate triumph of 
 law and a good cause, were so deeply grounded, 
 that he could afford to extend some sympathy and 
 generous consideration even to those whose national 
 and political aspirations were sometimes supposed 
 to be detrimental to the interests of the Magyar-
 
 CHAP, xxxv.] BEAK'S INFLUENCE. 317 
 
 Orszag. 1 In his private relations this natural kind- 
 liness was never allowed to warp his conduct nor 
 make him deviate from the principles of justice ; and 
 he always sought to act in the spirit of his own 
 maxim, ' Generosity is a good thing, but there is 
 something better, and that is justice ; ' yet none 
 the less did it pervade all that he did and 
 said, and enabled him to refuse an unreasonable 
 request in such a manner, as to send away the 
 applicant resigned to the requirements of justice, if 
 not convinced. 
 
 If we consider what the result of his work and 
 influence has been, we shall acknowledge that the 
 people of Hungary were justified in trusting, as they 
 did so implicitly, in the patriotism and wisdom of 
 Deak Ferencz, that, according as he gave the word, 
 the most fiery and impulsive spirits in the nation 
 would consent to remain quiescent in silent endur- 
 ance, the most cautious and passive would nerve 
 themselves to encounter the risks of a vigorous 
 resistance. We have seen that it was in no small 
 measure owing to the influence of Francis Deak, 
 that the independent, vivacious, law-loving spirit of 
 old Hungary wisely adapted itself betimes to the 
 altering conditions of a new age, and that the re- 
 formed Constitution, now become a treasure well 
 worth defending not only by a privileged class but 
 by the nation as a whole, was able to survive the 
 
 1 The Kingdom of Hungary.
 
 3i8 FRANCIS DEAR. [CHAP. xxxv. 
 
 terrible disruption of 1849. When the blow fell, 
 Hungary was already armed with a strength which 
 enabled her to emerge from the ordeal, weak it is 
 true, and for the time helpless, but full of the capacity 
 for future action ; and preserving uninjured, in the 
 charter of her lawful and constitutional rights, a 
 weapon that, when guided by the hand of a true 
 statesman, availed to win for her complete and last- 
 ing victory. 
 
 Deak, as has been said, was before all else a 
 Hungarian patriot, a Magyar of the Magyars ; but 
 he was something more than this. That which dis- 
 tinguishes him even amongst the most eminent of his 
 countrymen, that which gives him his title to the name 
 of ' statesman,' was not only his power of realising 
 with keen perception and pursuing with unwearied 
 zeal and courage a single political truth, but the 
 calm far-reaching wisdom which enabled him to see 
 this truth in relation to other truths, and to shape 
 his actions accordingly. 
 
 During the thirty-five years that elapsed between 
 1833, when Deak first took his seat in the Diet 
 at Presburg, and 1867, when, under a Hapsburg 
 Emperor duly crowned King of Hungary, a free 
 representative Parliament, presided over by a 
 responsible national Ministry, assembled for the 
 first time in Pesth, Hungary had passed through 
 such a period of internal change and convulsion, 
 of outward storm and conflict, as few nations have
 
 CHAP, jrtcxv.] MOTIVE OF ACTION. 319 
 
 experienced. But during all that time, Deak 
 himself never once departed from the line he had 
 originally adopted as the rule and motive of his 
 political action. It is no exaggeration to say, that 
 there were certain critical times in the history of 
 Hungary, when Deak held in his hand the destinies of 
 his country, and consequently of the whole monarchy; 
 times when a single speech from the trusted leader 
 whose long silence had only heightened his in- 
 fluence among his countrymen might have made 
 the peaceful restoration of the former relations be- 
 tween Hungary and the Austrian Empire an utter 
 impossibility. 
 
 The very contrast between the calm reticence, the 
 habitual moderation of the lawyer-statesman, and 
 the passionate, impetuous disposition of his fellow- 
 citizens, with their natural promptitude to action 
 and quickly roused enthusiam, gave him a power 
 which, had he willed, he might have used in 
 inflaming the nation to such a pitch of patriotic 
 resistance to the sovereign authority, as would have 
 made it impossible for a Hapsburg ever again to 
 wear the crown of St. Stephen with the free consent 
 of his Hungarian subjects. 
 
 But to what end had Deak used his power? 
 For the assertion and defence of law. He did 
 not attempt to excite the people by appeals to their 
 patriotism, to their love of liberty and independ- 
 ence, to the recollection of their past wrongs
 
 320 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxv. 
 
 though none felt these more keenly than himself. He 
 appealed throughout to that side of the Hungarian 
 nature which few but he could have touched with 
 such magical effect to that innate reverence for 
 law, which he showed by his own example to be no 
 unworthy or insufficient motive in the conduct of 
 public life. He perceived that in this reverence for 
 law was to be found the true secret of Hungary's 
 greatness in the past ; that it was this, even more 
 than the brilliant valour, the devoted patriotism of 
 the Magyars, which had kept their ancient Consti- 
 tution in existence for eight centuries. There- 
 fore, in spite of all perplexity, danger, and temp- 
 tation, he remained steadily true to his watch- 
 word of strict fidelity to the law ; from which 
 followed, as was natural, loyalty both to King 
 and people. 
 
 There were times, when this staunch adherence 
 to an abstract principle might seem to put him out 
 of sympathy with the mass of his countrymen ; if so, 
 Deak was prepared to see the leadership of the 
 nation pass into other hands ; for he could not be 
 false to himself and the tenour of his whole life, 
 for the sake of dealing more easily with the passing 
 exigencies, or even the imperious necessities, of the 
 moment. He never lost sight of the fact, which it 
 takes a nation, says M. Renan, so many lessons to 
 comprehend, ' that it is general principles alone that 
 have a far-reaching application ; and that without
 
 CHAP, xxxv.] CONCLUSION. 321 
 
 them, the most ingenious combinations are at bottom 
 but a matter of chance and good luck.' * 
 
 On the whole, however, the Hungarian people 
 responded nobly to the appeal of Francis Deak ; 
 they were worthy of such a leader ; and the leader, 
 it may well be added, was worthy of such a Sove- 
 reign as he had in the Emperor Francis Joseph. 
 
 The great champion of law could indeed have 
 wished for no better recompense, than that he should 
 live to see Hungary acknowledge of her own free 
 will, the sovereignty of her lawful King, and the 
 Emperor of Austria recognise with equal loyalty, the 
 full right of Hungary to her lawful Constitution. It 
 was no mere courtly compliment when the Emperor 
 declared on the death of his great Hungarian subject, 
 that ' by his fidelity to throne and country, Deak 
 had earned the confidence and affection of his 
 sovereign and his countrymen.' 
 
 The statesmen of our day have need of a certain 
 enlightened flexibility, if they would adapt their 
 policy to suit the varying currents of this age of 
 change and development ; but none can hope to 
 leave a permanent mark upon his time, to influence 
 successfully the course of events, whose work is not 
 based upon some ruling principle, some 'ground 
 idea.' 
 
 The ruling principle of Deak's life, the landmark 
 which neither the darkness of national misfortune, 
 
 1 Renan, Questions Contemporaines. 
 
 Y
 
 322 FRANCIS DEAK. [CHAP. xxxv. 
 
 nor the dazzling gleams of returning prosperity, 
 could make him lose sight of, was the principle of 
 reverence for law for that law which is sanctioned 
 both by eternal justice and by the authority of 
 historic tradition ; in obedience to which, kings and 
 people, nations and individuals, alike find the truest 
 freedom. 
 
 Surely among the countrymen of Somers, of 
 Hampden, and of Burke, of men who in deed 
 and word have shown how reverence for law may 
 be combined with the staunchest patriotism, the 
 history of Deak's work should meet with special 
 sympathy and interest. 
 
 The new phase upon which Hungary has 
 entered, bids fair to offer no lack of difficulties and 
 dangers. But if the past may be taken as an 
 augury for the future, we may well believe that the 
 nation which has come safely through so many perils 
 in the past, is not destined to succumb under the 
 new dangers and perplexities of the present. 
 
 There is no better wish that Englishmen can form 
 for the noble country which has so many links of 
 affinity with their own, than that the spirit and the 
 principles of Deak Ferencz may find many followers 
 amongst the politicians whose duty it will be to in- 
 fluence and guide the future destinies of Hungary. 
 
 LONDON: PRINTED BY WrLLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET 
 AND CHARING CROSS.
 
 MESSRS. MACMILLAN & Co.'s 
 
 PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 Bismarck in the Franco - German War. An 
 
 Authorised Translation from the German of Dr. MORITZ BUSCH. 
 
 Two vols. Crown 8vo. i&r. 
 
 The Athenerum says : "Their importance to historical students, and to all who care for 
 an insight into the inner complications of one of the most marvellous periods of modern 
 history, and for a comprehension of the wonderful man figiinng_in the Centre of it, is of the 
 greatest. Nc " 
 man Bismarck 
 
 Nobody can understand the political history of the Franco-German War, nor the 
 irck, its chief maker, who has not read the diary of the Roichskanzler's Boswell." 
 
 The Daily News Correspondence of the War 
 
 BETWEEN GERMANY AND FRANCE, 1870-1. Edited with 
 Notes and Comments. New Edition, complete in One Volume. 
 With Maps and Plans. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 The Daily News Correspondence of the War 
 
 BETWEEN RUSSIA AND TURKEY, TO THE FALL OF 
 KARS. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 FROM THE FALL OF KARS TO THE CONCLUSION 
 
 OF PEACE. 6s. 
 
 COMMANDER CAMERON'S JOURNEY THROUGH SYRIA 
 AND THE EUPHRATES VALLEY. 
 
 Our Future Highway to India. By V. L. CAMERON, 
 
 Commander, R.N. Two vols. Crown 8vo. With Illustrations and 
 Map. 2is. 
 
 Cyprus as I saw it in 1879. By Sir SAMUEL W. 
 
 BAKER, F.R.S., &c., Author of "Ismailia," "The Albert Nyanza," 
 
 &c. 8vo., with Frontispiece, izr. 6d. 
 
 " The book may safely be pronounced to be by far the most valuable contribution that has 
 yet appeared towards enabling us to form an impartial estimate of the present condition and 
 future prospects of our new acquisition." Academy. 
 
 Cyprus ; its History, its present Resources, and 
 
 FUTURE PROSPECTS. By R. HAMILTON LANG, late H.M.'s 
 Consul for the Island of Cyprus. With Four Maps and Two Illustra- 
 tions. 8vo. 14^. 
 
 " The fair and impartial account of her past and present to be found in these pages has 
 an undoubted claim on the attention of all intelligent readers." Morning Pest. 
 
 The Annals of our Time. A Diurnal of Events, 
 
 Social and Political, Home and Foreign, from the Accession of Queen 
 Victoria to the Peace of Versailles. By JOSEPH IRVING. Fourth 
 Edition. 8vo., half bound. i6s. 
 
 Supplement. From Feb. 28, 1871, to March 19, 1874. 8vo. 45. 6J. 
 Second Supplement. From March 1874, to J ul X l %7%- *vo. 4r. 6J. 
 
 "We have before us a trusty and ready guide to the events of the past thirty years, 
 available equally for the statesman, the politician, the public writer, and the general 
 reader." Times.
 
 MESSRS. MACMILLAN & Co.'s 
 
 PUBLICATIONS. 
 
 Life of Victor Emmanuel II., First King of Italy. 
 
 By G. S. GODKIN. Two vols. Crown 8vo. i6j. 
 
 "An extremely clear and interesting history of one of the most important changes of later 
 times." Examiner. 
 
 Napoleon I. THE HISTORY OF NAPOLEON I. By P. 
 
 LANFREY. A Translation with the sanction of the Author. Four 
 vols. 8vo. Vols. I., II., and III., price 12s. each. Vol. IV., with 
 Index. 6s. 
 
 The Seven Weeks' War ; its Antecedents and Inci- 
 
 DENTS. By H. M. HOZIER. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Prance since the First Empire. By JAMES MAC- 
 
 DONELL. Edited with Preface by his Wife. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Memoirs of the Right Hon. William, Second 
 
 VISCOUNT MELBOURNE. By W. M. TORRENS, M.P. With 
 Portrait after Sir T. Lawrence. Second Edition. Two vols. 8vo. 
 
 32J. 
 
 Fifty Years of My Life. By GEORGE THOMAS, Earl 
 
 of Albemarle. With Steel Portrait of the first Earl of Albemarle, 
 engraved by JEENS. Third and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo- 
 7-r. 6d. 
 
 Life of William, Earl of Shelburne, afterwards 
 
 FIRST MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE. With Extracts from his 
 Papers and Correspondence. By Lord EDMOND FITZMAURICE. In 
 Three vols. 8vo. Vol I. 1737-1766, izs. ; Vol. II. 1766-1776, I2s. ; 
 Vol. III. 1776-1805, i6j. 
 
 The Holy Roman Empire. By JAMES BRYCE, D.C.L. 
 
 Sixth Edition, revised and enlarged. Crown 8vo. "js. f>d. 
 
 The History of Italy. By the Rev. W. HUNT, M.A. 
 
 8vo. 3J. 
 
 A History of the Commonwealth of Florence from 
 
 THE EARLIEST INDEPENDENCE OF THE COMMUNE TO 
 THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC in 1831. By T. ADOLPHUS 
 TROLLOPE. Four vols. 8vo., half-morocco. 2is.
 
 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND, LONDON, W.C. 
 December, 1879. 
 
 MACMILLAN &* Co.'s CATALOGUE of Works 
 in the Departments of History, Biography ', 
 Travels, Critical and Literary Essays, 
 Politics, Political and Social Economy, 
 Law, etc.; and Works connected with Lan- 
 guage. 
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, &c. 
 
 Albemarle. FIFTY YEARS OF MY LIFE. By GEORGE 
 THOMAS, Earl of Albemarle. With Steel Portrait of the first Earl 
 of Albemarle, engraved by JEENS. Third and Cheaper Edition. 
 Crown 8vo. 7^. 6d. 
 
 " The book is one of the most amusing of its class. . . . These remi- 
 niscences have the charm and flavour of personal experience, and they 
 bring us into direct contact with the persons they describe." EDINBURGH 
 REVIEW. 
 
 Anderson. MANDALAY TO MOMIEN ; a Narrative of the 
 Two Expeditions to Western China, of 1868 and 1875, under 
 Colonel E. B. Sladen and Colonel Horace Browne. By Dr. 
 ANDERSON, F.R.S.E., Medical and Scientific Officer to the Ex- 
 peditions. With numerous Maps and Illustrations. 8vo. 21.'. 
 "A pleasant, useful, carefully-written, and important work." 
 
 ATHENAEUM. 
 
 Appleton. Works by T. G. APPLETON : 
 
 A NILE JOURNAL. Illustrated by EUGENE BENSON. Crown 
 8vo. dr. 
 
 SYRIAN SUNSHINE. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Arnold (M.) ESSAYS IN CRITICISM. By MATTHEW 
 ARNOLD. New Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Crown 8vo. gs. 
 
 Arnold (W. T.) THE ROMAN SYSTEM OF PROVIN- 
 CIAL ADMINISTRATION TO THE ACCESSION OF 
 CONSTANTINE THE GREAT. Being the Arnold Prize 
 Essay for 1879. By W. T. Arnold, B.A. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 5,000.12.79. A
 
 Atkinson. AN ART TOUR TO NORTHERN CAPITALS 
 OF EUROPE, including Descriptions of the Towns, the Museums, 
 and other Art Treasures of Copenhagen, Christiania, Stockholm, 
 Abo, Helsingfors, Wiborg, St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Kief. 
 ByJ. BEAVINGTON ATKINSON. 8vo. i2s. 
 
 Bailey. THE SUCCESSION TO THE ENGLISH CROWN. 
 
 A Historical Sketch. By A. BAILEY, M.A., Barrister-at-Law. 
 Crown 8vo. Js. 6d. 
 
 Baker (Sir Samuel W.) Works by Sir SAMUEL BAKER, 
 Pacha, M.A., F.R.S., F.R.G.S. : 
 
 CYPRUS AS I SAW IT IN 1879. With Frontispiece. 8vo. 
 I2s. 6d. 
 
 ISMAILIA : A Narrative of the Expedition to Central Africa for 
 the Suppression of the Slave Trade, organised by Ismail, Khedive 
 of Egypt. With Portraits, Map, and fifty full-page Illustrations 
 by ZWECKER and DURAND. New and Cheaper Edition. With 
 New Preface. Crown 8vo. 6.r. 
 
 "A book which -will be read with very great interest." TIMES. " Well 
 written and full of remarkable adventures," PALL MALL GAZETTE. 
 "Adds another thrilling chapter to the history of African adventure. " 
 DAILY NEWS. " 'Reads more like a romance . . . . incomparably more 
 entertaining than books of African travel usually are." MORNING POST. 
 
 THE ALBERT N'YANZA Great Basin of the Nile, and Explora- 
 tion of the Nile Sources. Fifth Edition. Maps and Illustrations. 
 Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 11 Charmingly written;" says the SPECTATOR, "full, as might be 
 expected, of incident, and free from that wearisome reiteration of useless 
 facts which is the drawback to almost all books of African travel." 
 
 THE NILE TRIBUTARIES OF ABYSSINIA, and the Sword 
 Hunters of the Hamran Arabs. With Maps and Illustrations. 
 Sixth Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 ITie TIMES says : "It adds much to our information respecting Egyptian 
 Abyssinia and Ike different races that spread over it. It contains, more~ 
 over, some notable instances of English daring and enterprising skill ; 
 it abounds in animated tales of exploits dear to the heart of the British 
 sportsman ; and it will attract even the least studious reader, as the author 
 tells a story well, and can describe nature with uncommon power." 
 
 Bancroft. THE HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 OF AMERICA, FROM THE DISCOVERY OF THE CON- 
 TINENT. By GEORGE BANCROFT. New and thoroughly Re- 
 vised Edition. Six Vols. Crown 8vo, 54^.
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 3 
 
 Barker (Lady). Works by LADY BARKER : 
 A YEAR'S HOUSEKEEPING IN SOUTH AFRICA. With 
 
 Illustrations. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 " We have to thank Lady Barker for a very amusing book, over which 
 we have spent many a delightful hour, and of which we will not take 
 leave without alluding to the ineffably droll illustrations which add so -very 
 much to the enjoyment of her clear and sparkling descriptions." MORNING 
 POST. 
 
 Beesly. STORIES FROM THE HISTORY OF ROME. By 
 
 Mrs. BEESLY. Extra reap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 " A little book for which every cultivated and intelligent mother will be 
 grateful for. " EXAMIN ER. 
 
 Bismarck_IN THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR. An Authorized 
 Translation from the German of Dr. MORITZ BUSCH. Two Vols. 
 Crown 8vo. i&r. 
 
 The TIMES says : " TTie publication of Bismarck's after-dinner talk, 
 whether discreet or not, will be of priceless biographical value, and English- 
 men, at least, will not be disposed to quarrel with Dr. Busch for giving a 
 picture as true to life as Boswell's 'Johnson ' of the foremost practical 
 geniiis that Germany has produced since Frederick the Great.'' 
 
 Blackburne. BIOGRAPHY OF THE RIGHT HON. 
 FRANCIS BLACKBURNE, Late Lord Chancellor of Ireland. 
 Chiefly in connexion with his Public and Political Career. By his 
 Son, EDWARD BLACKBURNE, Q.C. With Portrait Engraved by 
 JEENS. 8vo. 12*. 
 
 Blanford (W. T.) GEOLOGY AND ZOOLOGY OF 
 ABYSSINIA. By W. T. BLANFORD. 8vo. au. 
 
 Bronte. CHARLOTTE BRONTE. A Monograph. By T. 
 WEMYSS REID. With Illustrations. Third Edition. Crown 
 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Brooke. THE RAJA OF SARAWAK : an Account of Sir 
 James Brooke, K.C.B., LL.D. Given chiefly through Letters 
 or Journals. By GERTRUDE L. JACOB. With Portrait and 
 Maps. Two Vols. 8vo. 25*. 
 
 Bryce. Works by JAMES BRYCE, D.C.L., Regius Professor of 
 
 Civil Law, Oxford : 
 THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE. Sixth Edition, Revised and 
 
 Enlarged. Crown 8vo. "Js. 6d. 
 
 "// exactly supplies a want : it affords a key to muck which men 
 read of in their books as isolated facts, but of which they have hitherto 
 had no connected exposition set before them." SATURDAY REVIEW.
 
 4 MACMILLAWS CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN 
 
 B ry CC. continued. 
 TRANSCAUCASIA AND ARARAT: being Notes of a Vacation 
 
 Tour in the Autumn of 1876. With an Illustration and Map. 
 
 Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 9^. 
 
 "Mr. Bryce has -written a lively and at the same time an instructive 
 description of the tour he made last year in and about the Caucasus. When 
 so well-informed a jurist travels into regions seldom visited, and even 
 walks up a mountain so rarely scaled as Ararat, he is justified in think- 
 ing that the impressions he brings home are worthy of being communicated 
 to the world at large, especially when a terrible war is casting a lurid glow 
 over the countries he has lately surveyed." ATHENAEUM. 
 
 Burgoyne. POLITICAL AND MILITARY EPISODES 
 
 DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE REIGN OF 
 GEORGE III. Derived from the Life and Correspondence of 
 the Right Hon. J. Burgoyne, Lieut. -General in his Majesty's 
 Army, and M.P. for Preston. By E. B. DE FONBLANQUE. With 
 Portrait, Heliotype Plate, and Maps. 8vo. i6j. 
 
 Burke. EDMUND BURKE, a Historical Study. By JOHN 
 MORLEY, B.A., Oxon. Crown 8vo. "js. 6d. 
 
 Burrows. WORTHIES OF ALL SOULS : Four centuries of 
 
 English History. Illustrated from the College Archives. By 
 MONTAGU BURROWS, Chichele Professor of Modern History at 
 Oxford, Fellow of All Souls. 8vo. 14*. 
 "A most amusing as well as a most instructive book. GUARDIAN. 
 
 Cameron. OUR FUTURE HIGHWAY. By v. LOVETT 
 
 CAMERON, C.B., Commander R.N. With Illustrations. 2 vols. 
 Crown 8vo. [Shortly. 
 
 Campbell. LOG-LETTERS FROM THE "CHALLENGER." 
 By LORD GEORGE CAMPBELL. With Map. Fifth and cheaper 
 Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 "A delightful book, which we hezrtily commend to the general reader.'" 
 SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 " We do not hesitate to say that anything so fresh, so picturesque, so 
 generally delightful, as thtse log-letters has not appeared among books of 
 travel for a long time." EXAMINER. 
 
 Campbell. MY CIRCULAR NOTES : Extracts from Journals ; 
 Letters sent Home ; Geological and other Notes, written while 
 Travelling Westwards round the World, from July 6th, 1874, to 
 July 6th, 1875. K 7 J- F - CAMPBELL, Author of " Frost and 
 Fire." Cheaper Issue. Crown 8vo. 6s.
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 5 
 
 Campbell. TURKS AND GREEKS. Notes of a recent Ex- 
 cursion. By the Hon. DUDLEY CAMPBELL, M.A. With Coloured 
 Map. Crown 8vo. 3^. 6d. 
 
 Carpenter. LIFE AND WORK OF MARY CARPENTER 
 
 By the Rev. J. E. CARPENTER. With Portrait engraved by 
 JEENS. Crown 8vo. [Shortly. 
 
 Carstares WILLIAM CARSTARES : a Character and Career 
 
 of the Revolutionary Epoch (1649 1715). By ROBERT STORY, 
 Minister of Rosneath. 8vo. I2j. 
 
 Chatterton : A BIOGRAPHICAL STUDY. By DANIEL 
 WlLSON, LL.D., Professor of History and English Literature in 
 University College, Toronto. Crown 8vo. 6s. f>d, 
 
 Chatterton : A STORY OF ,THE YEAR 1770. By Professor 
 MASSON, LL.D. Crown 8vo. 5^. 
 
 Clark. MEMORIALS FROM JOURNALS AND LETTERS 
 OF SAMUEL CLARK, M.A., formerly Principal of the 
 National Society's Training College, Battersea. Edited with 
 Introduction by his WIFE. With Portrait. Crown 8vo. "js. 6tl. 
 
 Clifford (W. K.) LECTURES AND ESSAYS. Edited by 
 LESLIE STEPHEN and FREDERICK POLLOCK, with Introduction 
 by F. POLLOCK. Two Portraits. 2 vols. 8vo. 25^. 
 The TIMES of October 22, 1879, says: "Many a friend of the 
 author on first taking up these volumes and remembering his versatile 
 genius and his keen enjoyment cf all realms of intellectual activity must 
 have trembled lest they should be found to consist of fragmentary pieces of 
 work, too disconnected to do justice to his powers of consecutive reasoning 
 and too varied to have any effect as a whole. Fortuna'ely those fears are 
 groundless .... It is not only in subject that the various papers are 
 closely related. There is also a singular consistency of view and of method 
 throughout .... It is in the social and metaphysical subjects that the 
 richness of his intellect shows itself most forcibly in the variety and 
 originality of the ideas which he presents to us. To appreciate this variety, 
 it is necessary to read the book itself, for it treats, in some form or other, of 
 nearly all the s^lbjects of deepest interest in this age of questioning" 
 
 Combe. THE LIFE OF GEORGE COMBE, Author of "The 
 
 Constitution of Man." By CHARLES GIBBON. With Three 
 Portraits engraved by JEENS. Two Vols. 8vo. 32*. 
 "A graphic and interesting account of the long life and indefatigable 
 labours of a very remarkable man" SCOTSMAN.
 
 6 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN 
 
 Cooper. ATHENE CANTABRIGIENSES. By CHARLES 
 HENRY COOPER, F.S.A., and THOMPSON COOPER, F.S.A. 
 Vol. I. 8vo., 1500 85, i8j. ; Vol. II., 15861609, i8j. 
 
 Correggio. ANTONIO ALLEGRI DA CORREGGIO. From 
 the German of Dr. JULIUS MEYER, Director of the Royal Gallery, 
 Berlin. Edited, with an Introduction, by Mrs. H EATON. Con- 
 taining Twenty Woodbury-type Illustrations. Royal 8vo. Cloth 
 elegant. 31 s. 6d. 
 
 COX (G. V.) RECOLLECTIONS OF OXFORD. By G. 
 V. Cox, M.A., New College, late Esquire Bedel and Coroner 
 in the University of Oxford. Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Cunynghame (Sir A. T.) MY COMMAND IN SOUTH 
 
 AFRICA, 1874 78. Comprising Experiences of Travel in the 
 Colonies of South Africa and the Independent States. By Sir 
 ARTHUR THURLOW CUNYNGHAME, G.C.B., then Lieutenant- 
 Governor and Commander of the Forces in South Africa. Third 
 Edition. 8vo. \2s, 6d. 
 
 The TIMES says : "ft is a volume of great interest, .... full of 
 incidents which -vividly illustrate the condition of the Colonies and the 
 character and habits of the natives // contains valuable illus- 
 trations of Cape warfare, and at the present moment it cannot fail to 
 command widespread attention." 
 
 " Daily News." THE DAILY NEWS' CORRESPOND- 
 
 ENCE of the War between Germany and France, 1870 i. Edited 
 with Notes and Comments. New Edition. Complete in One 
 Volume. With Maps and Plans. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 THE DAILY NEWS' CORRESPONDENCE of the War between 
 Russia and Turkey, to the fall of Kars. Including the letters of 
 Mr. Archibald Forbes, Mr. J. E. McGahan, and other Special 
 Correspondents in Europe and Asia. Second Edition, enlarged. 
 Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 FROM THE FALL OF KARS TO THE CONCLUSION OF 
 PEACE. Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Davidson. THE LIFE OF A SCOTTISH PROBATIONER ; 
 being a Memoir of Thomas Davidson, with his Poems and 
 Letters. By JAMES BROWN, Minister of St. James's Street 
 Church, Paisley. Second Edition, revised and enlarged, with 
 Portrait. Crown 8vo. 7*. 6d. 
 
 Deas. THE RIVER CLYDE. An Historical Description of the 
 Rise and Progress of the Harbour of Glasgow, and of the Im- 
 
 Brovement of the River from Glasgow to Port Glasgow. By J. 
 EAS, M. Inst. C.E. 8vo. IO.T. 6d.
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRA VELS, ETC. 7 
 
 Denison. A HISTORY OF CAVALRY FROM THE EAR- 
 
 LIEST TIMES. With Lessons for the Future. By Lieut. -Col. 
 GEORGE DENISON, Commanding the Governor-General's Body 
 Guard, Canada, Author of " Modern Cavalry." With Maps and 
 Plans. 8vo. i8j. 
 
 Dilke. GREATER BRITAIN. A Record of Travel in English- 
 speaking Countries during 1866-7. (America, Australia, India.) 
 By Sir CHARLES WENTWORTH DILKE, M.P. Sixth Edition. 
 Crown 8vo. 6j. 
 
 "Many of the subjects discussed in these pages " savs the DAILY NEWS, 
 " are of the widest interest, and such as no man who cares for the future 
 of his race and of the world can afford to treat with indifference." 
 
 Doyle. HISTORY OF AMERICA. By J. A. DOYLE. With 
 
 Maps. i8mo. 4s. 6d. 
 
 " Mr. Doyle's style is clear and simple, his facts are accurately stated, 
 and his book is meritoriously free from prejudice on questions where 
 partisanship runs high amongst us." SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 Drummond of Hawthornden : THE STORY OF HIS 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS. By PROFESSOR MASSON. With Por- 
 trait and Vignette engraved by C. H. JEENS. Crown 8vo. IQJ. 6d. 
 
 Duff. Works by M. E. GRANT-DUFF, M.P., late Under Secretary 
 of State for India : 
 
 NOTES OF AN INDIAN JOURNEY. With Map. 8vo. IO.T. 6d. 
 MISCELLANIES POLITICAL AND LITERARY. 8vo. loj. 6rf. 
 
 Eadie. LIFE OF JOHN EADIE, D.D., LL.D. By JAMES 
 
 BROWN, D.D., Author ot " The Life of a Scottish Probationer." 
 With Portrait. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. Js. 6d. 
 "An ably written and characteristic biography" TIMES. 
 
 Elliott. LIFE OF HENRY VENN ELLIOTT, of Brighton. 
 By JOSIAH BATEMAN, M.A. With Portrait, engraved by JEENS. 
 Extra fcap. 8vo. Third and Cheaper Edition. 6s. 
 
 Elze. ESSAYS ON SHAKESPEARE. By Dr. KARL ELZE. 
 Translated with the Author's sanction by L. DORA SCHMITZ. 
 8vo. 12s. 
 
 English Men of Letters. Edited by JOHN MORLEY. A 
 Series of Short Books to tell people what is best worth knowing 
 as to the Life, Character, and Works of some of the great 
 English Writers. In crown 8vo. Price zr. 6d. each.
 
 8 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN 
 
 English Men of Letters. continued. 
 
 I. DR. JOHNSON. By LESLIE STEPHEN. 
 
 " The new series opens well with Mr. Leslie Stephen's sketch of Dr. 
 Johnson. It could hardly have been done better ; and it will convey to 
 the readers for whom it is intended a juster estimate of Johnson than 
 either of the two essays of Lord Macaulay " PALL MALL GAZETTE. 
 
 II. SIR WALTER SCOTT. By R. H. HUTTON. 
 
 " The tone of the volume is excellent throughout" ATHENAEUM. 
 " We could not wish for a more suggestive introduction to Scott and 
 his poems and novels.' 1 '' EXAMINER. 
 
 III. GIBBON. By J. C. MORISON. 
 
 "As a clear, thoughtful, and attractive record of the life and works of 
 the greatest among the world's historians, it deserves the highest praise" 
 EXAMINER. 
 
 IV. SHELLEY. By J. A. SYMONDS. 
 
 " The lovers of this great poet are to be congratulated on having at 
 their command so fresh, clear, and intelligent a presentment of the subject, 
 written by a man of adequate and wide culture." ATHEN^UM. 
 
 V. HUME. By Professor HUXLEY. 
 
 "It may fairly be said that no one now living could have expounded 
 Hume with more sympathy or with equal perspicuity." ATHENAEUM. 
 
 VI. GOLDSMITH. By WILLIAM BLACK. 
 
 " Mr. Black brings a fine sympathy and taste to bear in his criticism 
 of Goldsmith's writings as well as in his sketch of the incidents of his life." 
 ATHENAEUM. 
 
 VII. DEFOE. By W. MINTO. 
 
 "Mr, Minto's book is careful and accurate in all that is stated, and 
 faithful in all that it suggests. It will repay reading more than once." 
 -ATHEN^UM. 
 
 VIII. BURNS. By Principal SHAIRP, Professor of Poetry in the 
 University of Oxford. 
 
 " It is impossible to desire fairer criticism than Principal Shairp's 
 on Burn s's poetry .... None of the series has given a truer estimate 
 either of character or of genius than this little volume .... and all who 
 read it will be thoroughly grateful to the author for this monument to the 
 genius of Scotland's greatest poet" SPECTATOR. 
 
 IX. SPENSER. By the Very Rev. the DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S. 
 "Dr. Church is master of his subject, and writes always with good 
 
 taste." ACADEMY. 
 
 X. THACKERAY. By ANTHONY TROLLOPE. 
 
 "Mr. Trollops' s sketch is excellently adapted to fufil the purpose of 
 the series in which it appears'' ATHEN^UM. 
 
 XI. BURKE. By JOHN MORLEY. 
 
 "Perhaps the best critLism yet published on the life and character of
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 9 
 English Men of Letters. continued. 
 
 Burke is contained in Mr. Morley's compendious biography. His styJe is 
 vigorous and polished, and both his political and personal judgment, and 
 his literary criticisms are just, generous, subtle, and in a high degree 
 interesting. " SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 MILTON. By MARK PATTISON. \7ust ready.1 
 
 HAWTHORNE. By HENRY JAMES. > 
 
 SOUTHEY. By Professor DOWDEN. 
 
 CHAUCER. By Professor WARD. i ,, ^ .. , 
 
 COWPER. By GOLDWIN SMITH. ( Vn preparation. ~\ 
 
 BUNYAN. By J. A. FROUDE. 
 WORDSWORTH. By F. W. H. MYERS. 
 Others in preparation. 
 
 Eton College, History of. By H. C. MAXWELL LYTE, 
 M.A. With numerous Illustrations by Professor DELAMOTTE, 
 Coloured Plates, and a Steel Portrait of the Founder, engraved 
 by C. H. JEENS. New and cheaper Issue, with Corrections. 
 Medium 8vo. Cloth elegant. 2is. 
 " We are at length presented with a -work on England's greatest public 
 
 school, worthy of the subject of which it treats. . . . A really valuable and 
 
 authentic history of Eton College." GUARDIAN. 
 
 European History, Narrated in a Series of Historical 
 
 Selections from the best Authorities. Edited and arranged by 
 
 E. M. SEWELL and C. M. YONGE. First Series, crown 8vo. dr. ; 
 
 Second Series, 1088-1228, crown 8vo. 6s. Third Edition. 
 
 " We know of scarcely anything," says the GUARDIAN, of this volume, 
 
 "which is so likely to raise to a higher level the average standard of 
 
 English education." 
 
 Faraday. MICHAEL FARADAY. By J. H. GLADSTONE, 
 Ph. D. , F. R. S. Second Edition, with Portrait engraved by JEENS 
 from a photograph by J. WATKINS. Crown 8vo. 4^. 6d. 
 PORTRAIT. Artist's Proof. 5.?. 
 
 Forbes. LIFE AND LETTERS OF JAMES DAVID 
 
 FORBES, F.R.S., late Principal of the United College in the 
 University of St. Andrews. ByJ. C. SHAIRP, LL.D., Principal 
 of the United College in the University of SL Andrews ; P. G. 
 TAIT, M.A., Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University 
 of Edinburgh; and A. ADAMS- REILLY, F.R.G.S. 8vo. with 
 Portraits, Map, and Illustrations, l6j. 
 
 Freeman. Works by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L.,LL.D. : 
 HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Third Edition. 8vo. icw. 6d. 
 CONTENTS : /. "The Mythical and Romantic Elements in Early 
 
 English History;" II. "The Continuity of English History?^ III. 
 
 "The Relations between the Crowns of England and Scotland ; IV.
 
 12 MACMILLAWS CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN 
 
 " , . . Every page is full of interest, not merely to the musi- 
 cian, but to the general reader. The book is a very charming one, on 
 a topic of deep and lasting interest" STANDARD. 
 
 Goldsmid. TELEGRAPH AND TRAVEL. A Narrative of 
 
 the Formation and Development of Telegraphic Communication 
 between England and India, under the orders of Her Majesty's 
 Government, with incidental Notices of the Countries traversed by 
 the Lines. By Colonel Sir FREDERIC GOLDSMID, C.B., K. C.S.I., 
 late Director of the Government Indo-European Telegraph. With 
 numerous Illustrations and Maps. 8vo. 2 If. 
 
 " The merit of the work is a total absence of exaggeration, which does 
 not, however, preclude a vividness and vigour of style not always character- 
 istic of similar narratives." STANDARD. 
 
 Gordon. LAST LETTERS FROM EGYPT, to which are added 
 Letters from the Cape. By LADY DUFF GORDON. With a 
 Memoir by her Daughter, Mrs. Ross, and Portrait engraved by 
 JEENS. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. gs. 
 
 " The intending tourist who wishes to acquaint himself with the country 
 he is about to visit, stands embarrassed amidst the riches presented for his 
 choice, and in the end probably rests contented with the sober usefulness of 
 Murray. He will not, however, if he is well advised, grudge a place in 
 his portmanteau to this book." TIMES. 
 
 Gray. CHINA. A History of the Laws, Manners, and Customs 
 of the People. By the VENERABLE JOHN HENRY GRAY. LL.D., 
 Archdeacon of Hong Kong, formerly H. B. M. Consular Chaplain 
 at Canton. Edited by W. Gow Gregor. With 1 50 Full-page Illustra- 
 tions, being Facsimiles of Drawings by a Chinese Artist. 2 Vols. 
 Demy 8vo. 32.?. 
 "Its pages contain the most truthful and vivid picture of Chinese life 
 
 which has ever been published. " ATHEN/EUM. 
 
 " The only elaborate and valuable book we have had for many years 
 
 treating generally of the people of the Celestial Empire." ACADEMY. 
 
 Green. Works by JOHN RICHARD GREEN : 
 
 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. Vol. I. Early 
 
 England Foreign Kings The Charter The Parliament. With 
 
 8 Coloured Maps. 8vo. i6s. Vol. II. The Monarchy, 
 
 1461 1540 ; the Restoration, 1540 1603. 8vo. l6s. Vol. III. 
 
 Puritan England, 1603 1660; the_ Revolution, 1660 1688. 
 
 With 4 Maps. 8vo. i6s. \_Vol. IV. in the press. 
 
 "Mr. Green has done a work which probably no one but himself could 
 
 have done. He has read and assimilated the results of all the labours of 
 
 students during the last half century in the fold of English history, and 
 
 has given them a fresh meaning by his own independent study. He has 
 
 fused together by the force of sympathetic imagination all that he has so
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 13 
 
 Green . continued. 
 
 collected, and has %iven us a -vivid and forcible sketch of the march ef 
 English history. His book, both in Us aims and its accomplishments, 
 rises far beyond any of a similar kind, and it will give the colouring to the 
 popular view to English history for some time to come." EXAMINER. 
 
 A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH PEOPLE. With 
 Coloured Maps, Genealogical Tables, and Chronological Annals. 
 Crown 8vo. 8.?. 6d. Sixty-third Thousand. 
 
 " To say that Mr. Green's book is better than those -which have pre* 
 ceded it, would be to convey a very inadequate impression of its merits. It 
 stands alone as the one general history of the country, for the sake of 
 which all others, if young and old are wise, will be speedily and surely set 
 aside." 
 
 STRAY STUDIES FROM ENGLAND AND ITALY. Crown 
 8vo. Ss. 6d. Containing : Lambeth and the Archbishops The 
 Florence of Dante Venice and Rome Early History of Oxford 
 The District Visitor Capri Hotels in the Clouds Sketches 
 in Sunshine, &c. 
 
 " One and all of the papers are eminently readable" ATHENAEUM. 
 
 Guest. LECTURES ON THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 
 
 By M. J. GUEST. With Maps. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 " The book is pleasant reading, it is full of information, much of it is 
 valuable, most of it is correct, told in a gossipy and intelligible way." 
 ATHEN^UM. 
 
 Hamerton. Works by P. G. HAMERTON : 
 THE INTELLECTUAL LIFE. With a Portrait of Leonardo da 
 Vinci, etched by LEOPOLD FLAMENG. Second Edition. Crown 
 ioj. 6d. 8vo. 
 
 " We have read the whole book with great pleasure, and we can re- 
 commend it strongly to all who can appreciate grave reflections on a very 
 important subject, excellently illustrated from the resources of a mina 
 stored with much reading and much keen observation of real life." 
 SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 THOUGHTS ABOUT ART. New Edition, revised, with an 
 
 Introduction. Crown 8vo. Ss. 6d. 
 "A manual of sound and thorough criticism on art" STANDARD. 
 
 Hill. THE RECORDER OF BIRMINGHAM. A Memoir of 
 Matthew Davenport Hill, with Selections from his Correspondence. 
 By his Daughters ROSAMOND and FLORENCE DAVENPORT-HILL. 
 With Portrait engraved by C. H. JEENS. 8vo. l6s.
 
 14 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN 
 
 Hill. WHAT WE SAW IN AUSTRALIA. By ROSAMOND 
 
 and FLORENCE HILL. Crown 8vo. los. 6d. 
 
 "May be recommended as an interesting and truthful picture cf the 
 condition of those lands which are so distant and yet so much like home" 
 SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 Hodgson. MEMOIR OF REV. FRANCIS HODGSON, 
 B. D., Scholar, Poet, and Divine. By his Son, the Rev. JAMES 
 T. HODGSON, M.A. Containing numerous Letters from Lord 
 Byron and others. With Portrait engraved by JEENS. Two 
 Vols. Crown 8vo. iSs. 
 "A book that has added so much of a healthy nature to our knowledge 
 
 of Byron, and that contains so rich a store of delightful correspondence." 
 
 ATHEN.EUM. 
 
 Hole. A GENEALOGICAL STEMMA OF THE KINGS 
 OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE. By the Rev. C. HOLE, 
 M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge. On Sheet, u. 
 
 A BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY. Compiled and 
 Arranged by the Rev. CHARLES HOLE, M.A. Second Edition. 
 i8mo. 4?. 6d. 
 
 Hooker and Ball. MAROCCO AND THE GREAT 
 
 ATLAS: Journal of a Tour in. By Sir JOSEPH D. HOOKER, 
 
 K.C.S.I., C.B., F.R.S., &c., and JOHN BALL, F.R.S. With an 
 
 Appendix, including a Sketch of the Geology of Marocco, by 
 
 G. MAW, F.L.S., F.G.S. With Illustrations and Map. 8vo. 2is. 
 
 " It is long since any more interesting book of travels has issued from 
 
 our press." SATURDAY REVIEW. " This is, without doubt, one of the 
 
 most interesting and valuable books of travel published for many years." 
 
 SPECTATOR. 
 
 Hozier (H. M.) Works by CAPTAIN HENRY M. HOZIER, 
 late Assistant Military Secretary to Lord Napier of Magdala : 
 
 THE SEVEN WEEKS' WAR ; Its Antecedents and Incidents. 
 New and Cheaper Edition. With New Preface, Maps, and Plans. 
 Crown 8vo. 6s, 
 
 THE INVASIONS OF ENGLAND : a History of the Past, with 
 Lessons for the Future. Two Vols. 8vo. 28*. 
 
 Hiibner. A RAMBLE ROUND THE WORLD IN 1871. By 
 
 M. LE BARON HUBNER, formerly Ambassador and Minister. 
 Translated by LADY HERBERT. New and Cheaper Edition. 
 With numerous Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 " // is difficult to do ample justice to this pleasant narrative of travel 
 . ... it does not contain a single dull paragraph." MORNING POST.
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 15 
 
 Hughes. Works by THOMAS HUGHES, Q.C., Author of "Tom 
 
 Brown's School Days." 
 
 ALFRED THE GREAT. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 MEMOIR OF A BROTHER. With Portrait of GEORGE HUGHES, 
 after WATTS. Engraved by JEENS. Crown 8vo. 5s. Sixth 
 Edition. 
 
 " The boy "who can read this book without deriving from it some addi- 
 tional impulse toivards honourable, manly, and independent conduct, has 
 no good stuff in him." DAILY NEWS. 
 
 Hunt. HISTORY OF ITALY. By the Rev. W. HUNT, M.A. 
 
 Being the Fourth Volume of the Historical Course for Schools. 
 
 Edited by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L. i8mo. 3^. 
 " Mr. Hunt gives us a most compact but very readable little book, con- 
 taining in small compass a very complete outline of a complicated and 
 perplexing subject. It is a book -which may be safely recommended to 
 others besides schoolboys" JOHN BULL. 
 
 Irving. THE ANNALS OF OUR TIME. A Diurnal of Events, 
 Social and Political, Home and Foreign, from the Accession of 
 Queen Victoria to the Peace of Versailles. By JOSEPH IRVING. 
 Fourth Edition. 8vo. half-bound. l6s. 
 
 ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Supplement. From Feb. 28, 1871, 
 
 to March 19, 1874. 8vo. 4;. (>d. 
 ANNALS OF OUR TIME. Second Supplement. From March, 
 
 1874, to the Occupation of Cyprus. 8vo. qs. 6d. 
 " We have before us a trusty and ready guide to the events of the 
 pait thirty years, available equally for the statesman, the politician, the 
 public writer, and the general reader." TIMES. 
 
 James. Works by HENRY JAMES, Jun. FRENCH POETS AND 
 
 NOVELISTS. Crown 8vo. Ss. 6d. 
 
 CONTENTS: Alfred de Mussel; Thtophile Gautier ; Baudelaire; 
 honors de Balzac ; Gtorge Sand ; The Two Amperes ; Turgenieff, &c. 
 
 Johnson's Lives of the Poets. The Six Chief 
 
 Lives Milton, Dryden, Swift, Addison, Pope, Gray. With 
 Macaulay's " Life of Johnson." Edited, with Preface, by 
 MATTHEW ARNOLD. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Killen. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF IRELAND, from 
 the Earliest Date to the Present Time. By W. D. KILLEN, D.D., 
 President of Assembly's College, Belfast, and Professor of Eccle- 
 siastical History. Two Vols. 8vo. 2$s. 
 " Those who have the leisure will do well to read these two volume'. 
 
 Thev are full of interest, and are the result of great research. . . . We
 
 16 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN 
 
 have no hesitation in recommending the work to all who wish to improve 
 their acquaintance with Irish history" SPECTATOR. 
 
 Kingsley (Charles). Works by the Rev. CHARLES KINGSLEY, 
 M.A., Rector of Eversley and Canon of Westminster. (For 
 other Works by the same Author, see THEOLOGICAL and BELLES 
 LETTRES Catalogues.) 
 
 ON THE ANCIEN REGIME as it existed on the Continent before 
 the FRENCH REVOLUTION. Three Lectures delivered at the 
 Royal Institution. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 AT LAST : A CHRISTMAS in the WEST INDIES. With nearly 
 Fifty Illustrations. Sixth Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Mr. Kingsley's dream of forty years was at last fulfilled, when he 
 started on a Christmas expedition to the West Indies, for the purpose of 
 becoming personally acquainted with the scenes which he has so vividly 
 described in " Westward Ho !" These two volumes are the journal of his 
 voyage. Records of natural history, sketches of tropical landscape, chapters 
 on education, views of society, all find their place. " We can only say 
 that Mr. Kingsle)fs account of a ' Christmas in the West Indies ' is in 
 every way worthy to be classed among his happiest productions." 
 STANDARD. 
 
 THE ROMAN AND THE TEUTON. A Series of Lectures 
 delivered before the University of Cambridge. New and Cheaper 
 Edition, with Preface by Professor MAX MULLER. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 PLAYS AND PURITANS, and other Historical Essays. With 
 Portrait of Sir WALTER RALEIGH. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 In addition to the Essay mentioned in the title, this volume contains 
 other two one on "Sir Walter Raleigh and his Time," and one on 
 Fronde's " History of England." 
 
 Kingsley (Henry). TALES OF OLD TRAVEL. Re- 
 narrated by HENRY KINGSLEY, F.R.G.S. With Eight Illus- 
 trations by HUARD. Fifth Edition. Crown 8vo. 5-r. 
 " We know no better book for those who want knowledge or seek to 
 refresh it. As for the ' sensational,' most novels are tame compared with 
 these narratives" ATHEN/EUM. 
 
 Lang. CYPRUS : Its History, its Present Resources and Future 
 
 Prospects. By R. HAMILTON LANG, late H.M. Consul for the 
 
 Island of Cyprus. With Two Illustrations and Four Maps. 8vo. 141. 
 
 " The fair and impartial account of her past and present to be found in 
 
 these pages has an undoubted claim on the attention of all intelligent 
 
 readers" MORNING POST.
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 17 
 
 LaOCOOn. Translated from the Text of Lessing, with Preface and 
 Notes by the Right Hon. SIR ROBERT J. PHILLIMORE, D.C.L. 
 With Photographs. 8vo. 12s. 
 
 Leonardo da Vinci and his "Works. Consisting of a 
 Life of Leonardo Da Vinci, by MRS. CHARLES \V. HEATON, 
 Author of "Albrecht Durer of Niirnberg," &c., an Essay on his 
 Scientific and Literary Works by CHARLES CHRISTOPHER 
 BLACK, M.A., and an account of his more important Paintings 
 and Drawings. Illustrated with Permanent Photographs. Royal 
 8vo, cloth, extra gilt. 31$. 6J. 
 
 Liechtenstein. HOLLAND HOUSE. By Princess MARIE 
 LIECHTENSTEIN. With Five Steel Engravings by C. H. JEENS, 
 after Paintings by WATTS and other celebrated Artists, and 
 numerous Illustrations drawn by Professor P. H. DELAMOTTE, and 
 engraved on Wood by J. D. COOPER, W. PALMER, and JEWITT & 
 Co. Third and Cheaper Edition. Medium 8vo. cloth elegant 
 1 6s. 
 
 Also, an Edition containing, in addition to the above, about 40 
 Illustrations by the Woodbury-type process, and India Proofs of 
 the Steel Engravings. Two vols. medium 410. half morocco 
 elegant. 4/. 4-f. 
 
 Lloyd. THE AGE OF PERICLES. A History of the Arts and 
 Politics of Greece from the Persian to the Peloponnesian War. 
 By W. WAI KISS LLOYD. Two Vols. 8vo. 2is. 
 " No such account of Greek art of the best period has yet been brought 
 
 together in an English -work Mr. Lloyd has pioduced\a book of 
 
 unusual excellence and interest." PALL MALL GAZETTE. 
 
 Loch Etive and the Sons of Uisnach. with Illus- 
 trations. 8vo. 14^. 
 
 ' ' Not only have we Loch Etive of the present time brought before us in 
 colours as true as they are vivid, but stirring scenes which happened on 
 the borders of the beautiful lake in semi-mythical times are conjured up 
 with singular skill. Nowhere else do we remember to have met with such 
 a well-wntten account of the invasion of Scotland by the Irish.' 1 '' GLOBE. 
 
 Loftie. A RIDE IN EGYPT FROM SIOOT TO LUXOR, IN 
 
 1879 ; with Notes on the Present State and Ancient History of the 
 Nile Valley, and some account of the various ways of making the 
 voyage out and home. By the Rev. W. J. LOFTIE. With 
 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. \os. 6d. 
 
 " We prophesy that Mr, Lofties little book "will accompany many 
 travellers on the Nih in the coming winters." TIMES.
 
 i8 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN 
 
 Lubbock. ADDRESSES, POLITICAL AND EDUCA- 
 TIONAL. By Sir JOHN LUBBOCK, Bart., M.P., D.C.I.., 
 F.R.S. 8vo. 8s. 6d. 
 
 Macdonell. FRANCE SINCE THE FIRST EMPIRE. By 
 JAMES MACDONELL. Edited with Preface by his Wife. Crown 
 8vo. [Shortly. 
 
 Macarthur. HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, By MARGARET 
 
 MACARTHUR. Being the Third Volume of the Historical Course 
 
 for Schools, Edited by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L. Second 
 
 Edition. i8mo. zs. 
 
 " It is an excellent summary, unimpeachable as to facts, and putting 
 
 them in the clearest and most impartial light attainable." GUARDIAN. 
 
 " No previous History oj Scotland of the same bulk is anything like so 
 
 trustworthy, or deserves to be so extensively used as a text-book." GLOIIK. 
 
 Macmillan (Rev. Hugh). For other Works by same Author, 
 
 see THEOLOGICAL and SCIENTIFIC CATALOGUES. 
 HOLIDAYS ON HIGH LANDS ; or, Rambles and Incidents in 
 search of Alpine Plants. Second Edition, revised and enlarged. 
 Globe Svo. cloth. 6s. 
 
 "Botanical knowledge is blended with a love of nature, a pious en- 
 thusiasm, and a rich felicity of diction not to be met with in any works 
 of kindred character, if we except those of Hugh Miller." TELEGRAPH. 
 
 Macready. MACREADY'S REMINISCENCES AND SE- 
 LECTIONS FROM HIS DIARIES AND LETTERS. Edited 
 by Sir F. POLLOCK, Bart., one of his Executors. With Four 
 Portraits engraved by JEENS. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 
 Svo. 7-r. 6d. 
 
 " As a careful and for the most part just estimate of the stage during 
 a very brilliant per iod, the attraction of these volumes can scarcely be 
 surpassed. .... Readers who have no special interest in theatrical 
 matters, but enjoy miscellaneous gossip, will be allured from page to page, 
 attracted by familiar names and bv observations upon popular actors and 
 authors." SPECTATOR. 
 
 Mahaffy. Works by the Rev. J. P. MAHAFFY, M.A., Fellow of 
 
 Trinity College, Dublin : 
 
 SOCIAL LIFE IN GREECE FROM HOMER TO MENAN- 
 DER. Third Edition, revised and enlarged, with a new chapter 
 on Greek Art. Crown Svo. 9.c. 
 
 " It should be in the hands of all who desire thoroughly to understand 
 and to enjoy Greek literature, and to get an intelligent idea of the old Greek 
 life, political, social, and religious." GUARDIAN.
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 19 
 
 M a h a ffy . continued. 
 
 RAMBLES AND STUDIES IN GREECE. With Illustrations. 
 
 Crown Svo. los. 6d. New and enlarged Edition, with Map and 
 
 Illustrations. 
 "A singularly instructive and agreeable -volume." ATHENAEUM. 
 
 " Maori." SPORT AND WORK ON THE NEPAUL FRON- 
 TIER ; or, Twelve Years' Sporting Reminiscences of an Indigo 
 Planter. By "MAORI." With Illustrations. Svo. 14*. 
 "Every day's adventures, with all the joys and perils of the chase, are 
 
 told as only a keen and cunning sportsman can tell them." STANDARD. 
 
 Margary. THE JOURNEY OF AUGUSTUS RAYMOND 
 MARGARY FROM SHANGHAE TO BHAMO AND BACK 
 TO MANWYNE. From his Journals and Letters, with a brief 
 Biographical Preface, a concluding chapter by Sir RUTHERFORD 
 ALCOCK, K.C.B., and a Steel Portrait engraved by JEENS, and 
 Map. Svo. io.f. 6d. 
 
 " There is a manliness, a cheerful spirit, an inherent vigour -which 
 was never overcome by sickness or debility, a tact which conquered the 
 prejudices of a strange and suspicious population, a quiet self-reliance, 
 always combined with deep religious feeling, tinalloyed by either priggish- 
 ness, cant, or suferstition, that ought to commend this volume to readers 
 sitting quietly at home who feel any pride in the high estimation accorded 
 to men of their race at Yarkand or at Khiva, in the heart of Africa, or 
 on the shores of Lake Seri-kul" SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 Markham. NORTHWARD HO ! By Captain ALBERT H. 
 MARKHAM, R.N., Author of "The Great Frozen Sea," &c. 
 Including a Narrative of Captain Phipps's Expedition, by a Mid- 
 shipman. With Illustrations. Crown Svo. IOJ. 6d. 
 " Captain Markham 's interesting volume has the advantage of being 
 
 written by a man who is practically conversant with the subject. " PALL 
 
 MALL GAZETTE. 
 
 Martin. THE HISTORY OF LLOYD'S, AND OF MARINE 
 
 INSURANCE IN GREAT BRITAIN. With an Appendix 
 containing Statistics relating to Marine Insurance. By FREDERICK 
 MARTIN, Author of " The Statesman's Year Book." Svo. \^s. 
 
 Martineau. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES, 18521875. 
 By HARRIET MARTINEAU. With Additional Sketches, and Auto- 
 biographical Sketch. Fifth Edition. Crown Svo. 6s. 
 
 Masson (David). For other Works by same Author, see PHILO- 
 SOPHICAL and BELLES LETTRES CATALOGUES.
 
 20 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN 
 
 Masson (David). continued. 
 
 CHATTERTON : A Story of the Vear 1770. By DAVID MASSON, 
 LL. D., Professor of Rhetoric and English Literature in the Uni- 
 versity of Edinburgh. Crown 8vo. 5^. 
 
 THE THREE DEVILS : Luther's, Goethe's, and Milton's ; and 
 other Essays. Crown 8vo. 5^- 
 
 WORDSWORTH, SHELLEY, AND KEATS; and other 
 Essays. Crown 8vo. $s. 
 
 Mathews. LIFE OF CHARLES j. MATHEWS, chiefly 
 
 Autobiographical. With Selections from his Correspondence and 
 
 Speeches. Edited by CHARLES DICKENS. 
 
 " One of the pleasantest and most readable books of the season. From 
 first to last these two volumes are alive with the inimitable artist and 
 comedian. . . . 7^he whole book is full of life, vigour, and wit, and even 
 through some of the gloomy episodes of volume two, will repay most careful 
 study. So complete, so varied a picture of a man's life is rarely to be met 
 with." STANDARD. 
 
 Maurice. THE FRIENDSHIP OF BOOKS ; AND OTHER 
 LECTURES. By the REV. F. D. MAURICE. Edited with Pre- 
 face, by THOMAS HUGHES, Q.C. Crown 8vo. los. 6d. 
 
 Mayor (J. E. B.) WORKS edited by JOHN E. B. MAYOR, 
 M. A. , Kennedy Professor of Latin at Cambridge : 
 
 CAMBRIDGE IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. Part II. 
 Autobiography of Matthew Robinson. Fcap. 8vo. $s. 6d. 
 
 LIFE OF BISHOP BEDELL. By his SON. Fcap. 8vo. 3*. 6d. 
 
 Melbourne. MEMOIRS OF THE RT. HON. WILLIAM, 
 SECOND VISCOUNT MELBOURNE. By W. M. TORRENS, 
 M.P. With Portrait after Sir. T. Lawrence. Second Edition. 
 2 Vols. 8vo. 32J. 
 
 " As might be expected, he has produced a book which will command 
 and reward attention. It contains a great deal of valuable matter and 
 a great deal of animated, elegant writing." QUARTERLY REVIEW. 
 
 Mendelssohn. LETTERS AND RECOLLECTIONS. By 
 FERDINAND HILLER. Translated by M. E. VON GLEHN. With 
 Portrait from a Drawing by KARL MULLER, never before pub- 
 lished. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. "js. 6d. 
 
 " This is a very interesting addition to our knowledge of the great 
 German composer. It reveals him to us under a new light, as the warm- 
 hearted comrade, the musician whose soul was in his work, and the home- 
 iwing, domestic man" STANDARD.
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 21 
 
 Merewether. BY SEA AND BY LAND. Being a Trip 
 through Egypt, India, Ceylon, Australia, New Zealand, and 
 America all Round the World. By HENRY ALWORTH MERE- 
 WETHER, one of Her Majesty's Counsel. Crown 8vo. &r. 6d. 
 
 Michael Angelo Buonarotti ; Sculptor, Painter, Architect. 
 
 The Story of his Life and Labours. By C. C. BLACK, M.A. 
 
 Illustrated by 20 Permanent Photographs. Royal 8vo. cloth 
 
 elegant, 31 s. (>d. 
 
 " The story of Michael Angelo s life remains interesting "whatever be the 
 manner of telling it, and supported as it is by this beautiful series of photo- 
 graphs, the volume must take rank among the most sphndid of Christmas 
 books, fitted to serve and to outlive the season." PALL MALL GAZETTE. 
 
 Michelet. A SUMMARY OF MODERN HISTORY. Trans- 
 lated from the French of M. MICHELET, and continued to the 
 present time by M. C. M. SIMPSON. Globe 8vo. 4?. 6rf. 
 
 Milton. LIFE OF JOHN MILTON. Narrated in connection 
 with the Political, Ecclesiastical, and Literary History of his Time. 
 By DAVID MASSON, M.A., LL.D., Professor of Rhetoric and 
 English Literature in the University of Edinburgh. With Portraits. 
 Vol. I. i8.r. Vol. II., 16381643. 8vo. l6s. Vol. III. 
 16431649. 8vo. iSs. Vols. IV. and V. 16491660. 321. 
 Vol. VI. concluding the work in the press. 
 
 This -work is not only a Biography, but also a continuous Political, Eccle- 
 siastical, and Literary History of England through Milton's whole time. 
 
 Mitford (A. B.) TALES OF OLD JAPAN. By A. B. 
 
 MITFORD, Second Secretary to the British Legation in Japan. 
 With upwards of 30 Illustrations, drawn and cut on Wood by 
 Japanese Artists. New and Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 " These very original volumes will always be interesting as memorials 
 of a most exceptional societv, while regarded simply as tales, they are 
 sparkling, sensational, and dramatic." PALL MALL GAZETTE. 
 
 MonteifO. ANGOLA AND THE RIVER CONGO. By 
 JOACHIM MONTEIRO. With numerous Illustrations from Sketches 
 taken on the spot, and a Map. Two Vols. crown 8vo, 2U. 
 
 Morison. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAINT BERNARD, 
 Abbot of Clairvaux. By JAMES COTTER MORISON, M.A. New 
 Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Moseley. NOTES BY A NATURALIST ON THE CHAL- 
 LENGER : being an Account of various Observations made 
 during the Voyage of H.M.S. Challenger, Round the World,
 
 22 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN 
 
 in 1872-76. By H. N. MOSELEY, F.R.S., Member of the 
 Scientific Staff of the Challenger. 8vo. with Maps, Coloured Plates, 
 and Woodcuts. 2is. 
 
 " This is certainly the most inlei-esting ami suggestive book, descriptive 
 of a naturalist's travels, which has been published since Mr. Darwin's 
 ''Journal of Researches ' appeared, more than forty years aa." NATURE. 
 " We cannot point to any book of travels in our day more vivid in its 
 powers of description, more varied in its subject matter, or more attractive 
 to tvery educated reader." SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 Murray ROUND ABOUT FRANCE. By E. C. GRENVILLE 
 
 MURRAY. Crown 8vo. js. 6d. 
 
 " These short essays are a perfect mine of information as to the present 
 condition and future prospects of political partits in France. . . . It is 
 at once extremely interesting and exceptionally instructive on a subject on 
 which few English people are well informed." SCOTSMAN. 
 
 Napier. MACVEY NAPIER'S SELECTED CORRE- 
 SPONDENCE. Edited by his Son, MACVEY NAPIER. 8vo. 14*. 
 The TIMES says : *'// is replete with useful material for the bio- 
 graphers of many distinguished writers of the generation which is passing 
 away. Since reading it we understand several noteiuorthy men, and 
 Brougham in particular, far belter than we did before. " "ft would be 
 useless to attempt within our present limits to give any adequate idea of the 
 abundance of interesting passages which meet us in the letters of Macaulay, 
 Brougham, Carlyle, Jeffrey, Senior, and many other well- known writeis. 
 Especially piquant are Jeffrey's periodical criticisms on the contents of 
 the Review which he had formerly edited." PALL MALI. GAZETTE. 
 
 Napoleon. THE HISTORY OF NAPOLEON I. By P. 
 
 LANFREY. A Translation with the sanction of the Author. 
 
 4 vols. 8vo. Vols. I. II. and III. price I2J. each. Vol. IV. 
 
 6s. 
 
 The PALL MALL GAZETTE says it is " one of the most striking 
 pieces of historical composition of which France has to boast, " and the 
 SATURDAY REVIEW calls it "an excellent translation of a work on every 
 ground desetving to be translated. It is unquestionably and immeasurably 
 the best that has been produced. It is injact the only work to which we 
 can turn for an accurate and trustworthy narrative of that extraordinary 
 career. . . . The book is the best and indeed the only trustworthy history 
 of Napoleon which has been written." 
 
 Nichol. TABLES OF EUROPEAN LITERATURE AND 
 HISTORY, A.D. 2001876. ByJ. NICHOL, LL.D., Professor 
 of English Language and Literature, Glasgow. 410. 6s. f>d. 
 TABLES OF ANCIENT LITERATURE AND HISTORY, 
 K.C. 1500 A.D. 200. By the same Author. 4to. qs. 6d.
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 23 
 Nordenskiold's Arctic Voyages, 1858-79. with 
 
 Maps and numerous Illustrations. 8vo. i6j. 
 " A volume of great interest and much scientific value" NATURE. 
 
 Oliphant (Mrs.). THE MAKERS OF FLORENCE : Dante 
 Giotto, Savonarola, and their City. By Mrs. OLIPHANT. With 
 numerous Illustrations from drawings by Professor DELAMOTTE, 
 and portrait of Savonarola, engraved by JEENS. Second Edition. 
 Medium 8vo. Cloth extra, zis. 
 " We are grateful to Mrs. Oliphant for her eloquent and beautiful 
 
 sketches of Dante, Fra Angelica, and Savonarola. They are picturesque, 
 
 full of life, and rich in detail, and they are charmingly illustrated by the 
 
 art of the engraver" SPECTATOR. 
 
 Oliphant THE DUKE AND THE SCHOLAR; and other 
 
 Essays. By T. L. KINGTON OLIPHANT. 8vo. 7^. &/. 
 1 ' This volume contains one of the most beauliful biographical essays we 
 have seen since Macaulay's days." STANDARD. 
 
 Otte. SCANDINAVIAN HISTORY. By E. C. OTTE. With 
 Maps. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6.r. 
 
 Owens College Essays and Addresses. By PRO- 
 
 FESSORS AND LECTURERS OF OWENS COLLEGE, MANCHESTER. 
 
 Published in Commemoration of the Opening of the New College 
 Buildings, October 7th, 1873. 8vo. 14?. 
 
 Palgrave (R. F. D.) THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ; 
 Illustrations of its History and Practice. By REGINALD F. D. 
 PALGRAVE, Clerk Assistant of the House of Commons. New 
 and Revised Edition. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Palgrave (Sir F.) HISTORY OF NORMANDY AND 
 OF ENGLAND. By Sir FRANCIS PALGRAVE, Deputy Keeper 
 of Her Majesty's Public Records. Completing the History to the 
 Death of William Rufus. 4 Vols. 8vo. 4/. 4*. 
 
 Palgrave (W. G.) A NARRATIVE OF A YEAR'S 
 JOURNEY THROUGH CENTRAL AND EASTERN 
 ARABIA, 1862-3. By WILLIAM GIFFORD PALGRAVE, late of 
 the Eighth Regiment Bombay N. I. Sixth Edition. With Maps, 
 Plans, and Portrait of Author, engraved on steel by Jeens. Crown 
 8vo. 6s. 
 
 " He has not only written one of the best books on the Arabs and one 
 of the best books on Arabia, but he has done w in a manner that must 
 command the respect no less than the admiration of his fellow-country- 
 men." FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW.
 
 24 MACM/U^llTS CATALOGUE Of WORKS 7.V 
 
 Palgrave. ft*wtf. 
 ESSAYS ON EASTERN QUESTIONS. BY W. GIJTORD 
 
 PALGKATK. Sro. lot 6 
 
 "Tior essays are jmtt of anecdote and interest. Tke toot it deddedfy 
 ' to ike stock of Bteratmit om mJticM mem mmst 
 
 tasc their opinion of the di/untt social mmd political pntlems sug- 
 gested oy the designs tf Russia, tie capacity tf Mahometans 
 
 f^&t7OgwfF 9 MMm Vie f9Ou KWTWOT0K MMm frffflffMM if 
 
 SATTHU: AT RETIEW. 
 
 DUTCH GUIANA. With Maps and Flans. STO. 9*. 
 "His fagff *re memriy ertmmitivt ms for ms fmets W ttmtittirt g*, 
 they are Interned by grafUc Mtial tkrtrket mt 
 SATO IDA v REVIEW. 
 
 PattCSOO. LIFE AND LETTERS OF JOHN COLERIDGE 
 
 PATTESON, D. D., Missioauy Bishop of the Mdaacsiu Islands, 
 
 By CHAKLOTTB M. YOSGE, Aatbor of " The Heir of Reddyfie.*' 
 
 With Portraits after RICHMOND and from Photograph, engraved by 
 
 JEKSS. With Map. Fifth Edirioo. Two Yob. CFOWB &TO. 121. 
 
 "Jfitt Y0mgfs-aafrk it in erne nsptd a muJel HtgrmfJky. It is made 
 
 mfmlmoxt entirely tf Patesafs nam letters. A-aoarc tkat he had left ku 
 
 ktmu MET mmd Jtr all, Us ctrresfomdemce took Iteftrm of a diary, attf 
 
 ms weremd g* -ax cvmte t kmim fiemtoM, mmd tt ImxUm mlmtostms if vat 
 
 had see* Urn," ATHENAEUM. "Smch m life, wit* its grand lessens / 
 
 wmtrfjfttwess, is a Uessmg mmd mm ktmma- ta the mge im -mUck it is live* ; 
 
 the ktfgrmpSey cammttbt studied -mithffmt fleaatre and profit, and indted 
 
 me tkmmld think li&e *f the mam mi* did mwt rise fivm the study tf it 
 
 fitter and miser. Neither the Church mar th* motion mhich prtducts 
 
 tmch stms meed ever despair tf u* future.* SATCMJAY REVIEW. 
 
 Pauli. ^PICTURES OF OLD ENGLAND. By Dr. 
 
 PAUIJ. Translated, with die approval of die Anther, by E. C. 
 OTTE. Cheaper Edition. Crown STO. 6s. 
 
 Payne. A HISTORY OF EUROPEAN COLONIES. By 
 
 E. J. PAYNE, M. A. With Maps. i&no. AS. 6d. 
 72^ TIMES mja:f f tfmmarjmmtmfm^mmt a Ustonmn capaUe tf 
 farming a more ctrnprehensae, far-seeing, and umprcjudiud estimate tj 
 events and peoples, and me cam emmmend this Kttle mtrh as one certain to 
 prom: of&e highest interest to off thoughtjml readers." 
 
 Persia. EASTERN PERSIA, An Account of die Journeys of 
 die Persian Boundary Commission, 1870-1-2. YoL L The Geo- 
 graphy, with Narratives by Majors ST. Joirx, Lot KIT, and EDAH 
 SMITH, and an Introduction by Major-General Sir FREDERIC 
 GOLDSMID, C.B., K.CS.L, British Commisskner and Arbitrator.
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 25 
 
 With Maps aad Dhaatinas. VoL H. Tin Tiiiiliiij mi 1 
 By W. T. BiAmaui A.R.S.M., F.R.S. With Cafcml Utes- 
 traaoBK. Two Yak. Urn. 421. 
 " Tkf mtmma Imrgdi increase emr stor tf 
 twmmfi i i- witi mtidk Em&zkmem, M$& to te 
 Tkrytiurvaf fiifi fi iJMJr iff fiif iffi i ft in 
 fgfntimg Ac btml faOmrxs / Persia, Us samay, it* rat^na, 
 tfdal tnm1Uinm. Tier omtm da* mimmitmt es&mu tf 
 mimmmue, daring, omd jfmL" Tans. 
 
 Prichard. THE ADinNiSTRATioisr OF OTDIA. Wnm 
 
 i859toi86&. Ttir Firf Tm Yrirr nf 1 UmimAnAm rfri Ifcr 
 Crown. By I. T. PUCHAXDI, Banider*flt-Lnr. Two Vcti*. 
 With Mau zu. 
 
 Raphael. RAPHAEL OF URBIXO AND HIS FATHER 
 
 GIOVANNI S ANTL By J. D. PASSATAOT, ionaniy Dtreetor 
 of the Mnont at FrnakJort. Wisk Twotfy T\tmmi* Fhoto- 
 gnphs. Royal 8nx Had^dy bond. 31x6^. 
 71* SATCIDAT RETIEW jv^r f doc, " 19^ Aor oat **t * fern 
 
 AgmMt spoomems ff Mr. WmMmty's *o* frmua, Jbf me tax seat 
 
 mtme thmt tymsl these." 
 
 Reynolds. SHt JOSHUA REYNOUJS AS A PORTRAIT 
 PAINTER. AN ESSAY. By J. CHCTTTOS Coixiss, B.A. 
 BJfai CiJry, OrfonL nhBtoaeA bf m Scries of Rvtnte of 
 
 ' r "' I'*HI Benties of de Comt f George HL ; repnidaiocd 
 
 ' UK *" IKjLJLf ..",'. . ' " 
 
 IB .ABDOtype HOIK nuut UBpressnvs ot tke flEHDniBB tagixww*s, 
 by VAUOTTDIK GMES, THOMAS WATSOK, F. R. SMITH, 
 FISHES, xod otbos. FoEo kaKvanicin. 
 
 Rogers (James E. Thorold). HISTORICAL GLEAN 
 
 INGS: A Series of Sketches. Moataae, Wdpole, AA T i"rt. 
 
 Cobbett. By Prot ROGEKS. Cxowa Svn. 41. 6 Secoad Series. 
 Laid, WJLes, and Hone Tooke. Ctowm STO. fa. 
 
 Routledge. CHAPTERS IN THE HISTORY OF POPULAR 
 
 PROGRESS IN ENGLAND, driefty Rebtioii to Ac Fnilia 
 of the Picas and Ttnl by Jmy, 1660 I&20. Wath appficatioa to 
 haeryeai^. By J. ROUTLEDGE. 810. ifa. 
 
 4^0* mn'wi" TniT' 
 
 Rum ford. COUNT RUUFORD^S COMPLETE WORKS, 
 with Memr. amd Notices of his Dawhtec. By Goc 
 Five Yob. STO.
 
 26 MACMTLLA&S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN 
 
 Seeley (Professor). LECTURES AND ESSAYS. By 
 J. R. SEELEY, M.A. Professor of Modern History in the 
 University of Cambridge. 8vo. lor. ftd. 
 
 CONTENTS : Roman Imperialism : I. The Great Roman Revolu- 
 tion; 2. The Proximate Cause of the Fall of the Roman Empire; 
 The Later Empire. Milton's Political Opinions Aft/ton's Poetry 
 Elementary Principles in Art Liberal Education in Universities 
 English in Schools The Church as a Teacher of Morality The 
 Teaching of Politics : an Inaugural Lecture delivered at Cambridge. 
 
 Shelburne. LIFE OF WILLIAM, EARL OF SHELBURNE, 
 
 AFTERWARDS FIRST MARQUIS OF LANSDOWNE. 
 
 With Extracts from his Papers and Correspondence. By Lord 
 
 EDMOND FITZMAURICE. In Three Vols. 8vo. Vol. I. 1737 
 
 1766, 12s. ; Vol. II. 17661776, 12s. ; Vol. III. 17761805. i6s. 
 
 "Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice has succeeded in placing before us a 
 
 wealth of new matter, which, while casting valuable and much-needed 
 
 light on several obscure passages in the political history of a hundred 
 
 years ago, has enabled us for the first time to form a clear and consistent 
 
 idea of his ancestor." SPECTATOR. 
 
 Sime. HISTORY OF GERMANY. By JAMES SIME, M.A. 
 
 i8mo. 3*. Being Vol. V. of the Historical Course for Schools: 
 
 Edited by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L. 
 
 " This is a remarkably clear and impressive History of Germany." 
 STANDARD. 
 
 Squier. PERU : INCIDENTS OF TRAVEL AND EX- 
 
 PLORATION IN THE LAND OF THE INCAS. By E. G. 
 
 SQUIER, M.A., F.S.A., late U.S. Commissioner to Peru. With 
 
 300 Illustrations. Second Edition. 8vo. 2ls. 
 
 The TIMES says : " No more solid and trustworthy contribution haa 
 
 been made to an accurate knowledge of what are among the most -wonderful 
 
 ruins in the world. The work is really what its title implies. While of 
 
 the greatest importance as a contribution to Pei uvian archeology, it is also a 
 
 thoroughly entertaining and instructive narrative of travel. Not the least 
 
 important 'featuremustbeconsideredthenumerouswellexeculed illustrations." 
 
 Strangford. EGYPTIAN SHRINES AND SYRIAN SEPUL- 
 
 CHRES, including a Visit to Palmyra. By EMILY A. BEAUFORT 
 (Viscountess Strangford), Author of " The Eastern Shores of 
 the Adriatic." New Edition. Crown 8vo. 7*. 6J. 
 
 Tait. AN ANALYSIS OF ENGLISH HISTORY, based upon 
 Green's " Short History of the English People." By C. W. A. 
 TAIT, M.A., Assistant Master, Clifton College. Crown Svu.
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 27 
 
 Tait. CATHARINE AND CRAUFURD TAIT, WIFE AND 
 SON OF ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, ARCHBISHOP OF 
 CANTERBURY : a Memoir, Edited, at the request of the Arch- 
 bishop, by the Rev. W. BEN HAM, B.D., Vicar of Margate, and 
 One of the Six Preachers of Canterbury Cathedral. With Two 
 Portraits engraved by JEENS. Crown 8vo. I2s. <*/. 
 " The volume can scarcely fail to be read widely and with deep interest. 
 , . . It is difficult to put it down when once taken in hand, still more 
 difficult to get through it without emotion. . . . We commend the volume 
 to those who knew Catharine and Craufurd Tait as one which will bring 
 back to their- minds recollections of their characters as true as the recollec- 
 tions of the faces brought back by the two excellent portraits which adorn 
 the book ; while to those who knew them not, we commend it as containing 
 the record of fuv noble Christian lives, which it will be a pleasure to 
 them to contemplate and an advantage to emulate." TIMES. 
 
 Thomas. THE LIFE OF JOHN THOMAS, Surgeon of the 
 
 ' ' Earl of Oxford " East Indiaman, and First Baptist Missionary to 
 Bengal. By C. B. LEWIS, Baptist Missionary. 8vo. IQJ. 6d. 
 
 Thompson. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. By EDITH THOMP- 
 SON. Being Vol. II. of the Historical Course for Schools, Edited 
 by EDWARD A. FREEMAN, D.C.L. New Edition, revised and 
 enlarged, with Maps. l8mo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 " Freedom from prejudice, simplicity of style, and accuracy of staff' 
 ment, are the characteristics of this volume. It is a trustworthy text-book, 
 and likely to be generally serviceable in schools" PALL MALL GAZETTE. 
 " In its great accuracy and correctness of detail it stands far ahead of the 
 general run of school manuals. Its arrangement, too, is clear, and its 
 style simple and straightforward. " SAT u RDAY REVI EW. 
 
 Todhunter. THE CONFLICT OF STUDIES ; AND 
 
 OTHER ESSAYS ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH 
 EDUCATION. By ISAAC TODHUNTER, M.A., F.R.S., late 
 Fellow and Principal Mathematical Lecturer 01 St. John's College, 
 Cambridge. 8vo. I or. 6J. 
 
 Trench (Archbishop). For other Works by the same Author, 
 
 see THEOLOGICAL and BELLES LETTRES CATALOGUES, and 
 
 page 30 of this Catalogue. 
 GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS IN GERMANY, and other Lectures 
 
 on the Thirty Years' War. Second Edition, revised and enlarged. 
 
 Fcap. 8vo. 41.* 
 PLUTARCH, HIS LIFE, HIS LIVES, AND HIS MORALS. 
 
 Five Lectures. Second Edition, enlarged. Fcap. 8vo. 3*. 6J. 
 LECTURES ON MEDIEVAL CHURCH HISTORY.- Being 
 
 the substance of Lectures delivered in Queen's College, London. 
 
 Second Edition, revised. 8vo. 12s.
 
 28 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF WORKS IN 
 
 Trench (Maria). THE LIFE OF ST. TERESA. By MARIA 
 TRENCH. With Portrait engraved by JEENS. Crown 8vo, cloth 
 extra. &. 6d. 
 " A book of rare interest." JOHN BULL. 
 
 Trench (Mrs. R.) REMAINS OF THE LATE MRS. 
 
 RICHARD TRENCH. Being Selections from her Journals, 
 Letters, and other Papers. Edited by ARCHBISHOP TRENCH. 
 New and Cheaper Issue, with Portrait. 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Trollope. A HISTORY OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF 
 
 FLORENCE FROM THE EARLIEST INDEPENDENCE 
 OF THE COMMUNE TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC 
 IN 1831. By T. ADOLPHUS TROLLOPE. 4 Yols. Svo. Hall 
 morocco. 2ls. 
 
 Uppingham by the Sea. A NARRATIVE OF THE 
 YEAR AT BORTH. By J. H. S. Crown Svo. y. 6d. 
 
 Victor Emmanuel II., First King of Italy HIS 
 
 LIFE. By G. S. GODKIX. 2 vols., crown Svo. idr. 
 " An extremely dear and interesting history of one of the matt 
 important changes of later times." EXAMINER. 
 
 Wallace. THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO: the Land of the 
 Orang Utan and the Bird of Paradise. By ALFRED RUSSEL 
 WALLACE. A Narrative of Travel with Studies of Man and 
 Nature. With Maps and numerous Illustrations. Sixth Edition. 
 Crown Svo. yj. 6<t. 
 
 " 751* result it a vivid picture of tropical lift, which may be read with 
 unflagging interest^ and a sufficient account of his scientific conclusions to 
 Stimulate our appetite without wearying us by detail. In short, we may 
 safely say that we have never read a more agreeable book of its kind." 
 SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 Ward. A HISTORY OF ENGLISH DRAMATIC LITERA- 
 TURE TO THE DEATH OF QUEEN ANNE. By A. \V. 
 WARD, M.A., Professor of History and English Literature in 
 Owens College, Manchester. Two Vols. Svo. 32*. 
 "As full of interest as of information. To students of dramatic 
 
 literature invaluable, and may be equally recommended to readers for 
 
 mere pastime." PALL MALL GAZETTE. 
 
 Ward (J.) EXPERIENCES OF A DIPLOMATIST. Being 
 recollections of Germany founded on Diaries kept during the years 
 1840 1870. By JOHN WARD, C.B., late H.M. Minister- 
 Resident to the Hanse Towns. Svo. icw. 6J.
 
 HISTORY, BIOGRAPHY, TRAVELS, ETC. 29 
 
 Waterloo (C.) WANDERINGS or SOUTH AMERICA, 
 
 THE NORTH-WEST OF THE UNITED STATES, AND 
 THE ANTILLES IN 1812, 1816, 1820, and 1824. With 
 Original Instnoctious for the perfect Preservation of Kids, etc., 
 far Cabinets of Natural History. By CHAKUS WATEKTOIT. 
 New Edition, edited with re "F "l' 1 *'"^ Ti*n dm titmt and F^pbM- 
 tary Index by the Rev. J. G. WOOD, if. A, With 100 ntatjations. 
 Cheaper Edition. Crown 8vo. 6x. 
 
 WcdgWOOd. JOHN WESLEY AND THE EVANGELICAL 
 REACTION of the Eighteenth Centmy. By JETUA WEDGWOOD. 
 Crown 810. 8x 6J1 
 
 WhewelL WILIJAM WHEWELL, D.D., fate Master of 
 Trinity College, Cambridge. An Accoomt of his Writings, with 
 Selections from his Literary and Scientific Correspondence. By 
 I. TODHUSTEZ, M.A., F.R.S. Two VoBs. 8ro. 25*. 
 
 White. THE NATURAL HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES 
 OF SELBORNE. By GILSEKT WHITE. Edited, with Memoir 
 and Notes, by FKAXK BCCKIAXD. A Chapter on Airtigmties by 
 LORD SELXOKKE, Map, &c., and ^'^'v Hbutrations by 
 P. H. DELAMOTTE. Royal Sro. doth, extra gik. f^**pf^ 
 Issue. 2U. 
 
 Also a Large Paper Edition, containing, in iHKi to tibe hove, 
 npwaids of Thirty Woodbnrytype UhBtzations from Drawings 
 by Pro DELAMOTTE. Two Vois. 4to. Half morocco, elegant. 
 
 4*4* 
 
 Mr. 
 
 tmmff i fi nl T*t? krimg S&arme ft/one us, mml raaJfy kdp ms m 
 mmtiamml -mhy Whttfs boc far his motive fimce moor gnm aU." 
 TIMES. 
 
 Wilson. ^A MEMOIR OF GEORGE WILSON, M. D., 
 F.R.S.E., Regius Professor of Technology in the Unrveniry of 
 Edmborgh. By his SISTER. New Edition. Crown Svo. 6t 
 
 W^ilson (Daniel, LL.D.) Works by DASTIEL WILSOX, 
 LL.D., Professor of History and Engfish TAnatme in Unrrersary 
 College, Toronto: 
 PREHISTORIC ANNALS OF SCOTLAND. New Edition, 
 
 with nmeroos Hmstiations. Two ok. demy STO. 362: 
 - Qme tf Of most imtmstimg, leunul, mmd ei&utt mmrtr me kmx* 
 see* f*r * bug time." WESTMINSTER REVIEW. 
 
 PREHISTORIC MAN : Researches into the Origin of Cmfization 
 in the Old and New World. New Edition, revised and enlarged 
 throDghont, wifli nmmenms Dhntntions and two Coloured Plates. 
 Two Vols. STO. 36*.
 
 30 AtACATILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF 
 
 Wilson. continued. 
 
 "A valuable work pleasantly written and well worthy of attention 
 both by students ami general readers." ACADEMY. 
 
 CHATTERTON : A Biographical Study. By DANIEL WILSON, 
 LL.D., Professor of History and English Literature in University 
 College, Toronto. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d. 
 
 Yonge (Charlotte M.) Works by CHARLOTTE M. YONGE, 
 Author of "The Heir of Redclyffe," &c., &c. : 
 
 A PARALLEL HISTORY OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND : 
 
 consisting of Outlines and Dates. Oblong 4to. 3-r. (>d. 
 
 CAMEOS FROM ENGLISH HISTORY. From Rollo to Edward 
 II. Extra fcap. 8vo. Third Edition. 5*. 
 
 SECOND SERIES, THE WARS IN FRANCE. Extra fcap. 
 8vo. Third Edition. $s. 
 
 THIRD SERIES, THE WARS OF THE ROSES. Extra 
 fcap. 8vo. $s. 
 
 " Instead of dry details," says the NONCONFORMIST, " we have living 
 pictures, faithful, vivid, and striking." 
 
 FOURTH SERIES. Reformation Times. Extra fcap. Svo. $s. 
 
 HISTORY OF FRANCE. Maps. iSmo. y. 67. 
 
 [Historic // Course for Schools.
 
 WORKS IN POLITICS, ETC. 31 
 
 POLITICS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL 
 ECONOMY, LAW, AND KINDRED 
 SUBJECTS. 
 
 Anglo-Saxon Law. ESSAYS IN. Contents : Law Courts 
 Land and Family Laws and Legal Procedure generally. With 
 Select cases. Medium 8vo. i8j. 
 
 Arnold. THE ROMAN SYSTEM OF PROVINCIAL ADMIN- 
 ISTRATION TO THE ACCESSION OF CONSTANTINE 
 THE GREAT. Being the Arnold Prize Essay for 1879. By 
 W. T. Arnold, B.A. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Ball. THE STUDENT'S GUIDE TO THE BAR. By 
 WALTER W. BALL, M.A., of the Inner Temple, Barrister-at- 
 Law. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 " The student -will here find a clear statement of the several steps by 
 
 which the degree of barrister is obtained, and also useful advice about 
 
 the advantages of a prolonged course of ' reading in Chambers. ' " 
 
 ACADEMY. 
 
 Bernard. FOUR LECTURES ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED 
 WITH DIPLOMACY. BY MONTAGUE BERNARD, M.A., 
 Chichele Professor of International Law and Diplomacy, Oxford. 
 8vo. 9J. 
 
 " Singularly interesting lectures, so able, clear, and attractive." SPEC- 
 TATOR. 
 
 Bright (John, M. P.) Works by the Right Hon. JOHN BRIGHT, 
 M.P. 
 
 SPEECHES ON QUESTIONS OF PUBLIC POLICY. 
 Edited by Professor THOROLD ROGERS. Author's Popular Edition. 
 Globe 8vo. y. 6d. 
 
 " Mr. Bright* s speeches will always deserve to be studied, as an 
 apprenticeship to popular and parliamentarv oratory ; they will form 
 materials for the history of our time, and many brilliant passages, 
 perliaps some entire speeches, will really become a part of the living litera' 
 lure of England." DAILY NEWS. 
 
 LIBRARY EDITION. Two Vols. 8vo. With Portrait 2$s. 
 PUBLIC ADDRESSES. Edited by J. THOROLD KOUERS. bvo.
 
 32 MACMILLAWS CATALOGUE OF 
 
 Bucknill. HABITUAL DRUNKENNESS AND INSANE 
 DRUNKARDS. By J. C. BUCKNILL, M.D., F.R.S., late 
 Lord Chancellor's Visitor of Lunatics. Crown 8vo. 2s. f>d. 
 
 Cairnes. Works by J. E. CAIRNES, M.A., Emeritus Professor of 
 
 Political Economy in University College, London. 
 ESSAYS IN POLITICAL ECONOMY, THEORETICAL 
 and APPLIED. By J. E. CAIRNES, M.A., Professor of Political 
 Economy in University College, London. 8vo. Itxr. 6J. 
 POLITICAL ESSAYS. 8vo. ior. 6rf. 
 SOME LEADING PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL ECONOMY 
 
 NEWLY EXPOUNDED. 8vo. 14?. 
 
 CONTENTS : Part I. Value. Part II. Labour and Capital. Part 
 III. International Trade. 
 
 " A work -which is perhaps the most valuable contribution to the science 
 made since the publication, a quarter of a century since, of Mr. Mill's 
 ' Principles of Political Economy.' 1 " DAILY NEWS. 
 THE CHARACTER AND LOGICAL METHOD OF POLI- 
 TICAL ECONOMY. New Edition, enlarged. 8vo. 7*. 6d. 
 " These lectures are admirably fitted to correct the slipshod generaliza- 
 tions -which pass current as the science of Political Economy" TIMES. 
 
 Cobden (Richard). SPEECHES ON QUESTIONS OF 
 PUBLIC POLICY. By RICHARD COBDEN. Edited by the 
 Right Hon. John Bright, M.P., and J. E. Thorold Rogers. 
 Popular Edition. 8vo. 3^. 6d. 
 
 Fawcett. Works by HENRY FAWCETT, M.A., M.P., Fellow of 
 
 Trinity Hall, and Professor of Political Economy in the University 
 
 of Cambridge : 
 THE ECONOMIC POSITION OF THE BRITISH 
 
 LABOURER. . Extra fcap. 8vo. $s. 
 MANUAL OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. Fifth Edition, with 
 
 New Chapters on the Depreciation of Silver, etc. Crown 8vo. 
 
 I2S. 
 
 The DAILY NEWS says: " It forms one of the best introductions to the 
 principles of the science, and to its practical applications in the problems 
 of modern, and especially of English, government and society." 
 
 PAUPERISM : ITS CAUSES AND REMEDIES. Crown 8vo. 
 5*. &/. 
 
 The ATHENAEUM calls the -work " a repertory of interesting and -well 
 digested information." 
 
 SPEECHES ON SOME CURRENT POLITICAL QUES- 
 TIONS. 8vo. lor. &/. 
 
 " They will help to educate, not perhaps, parties, but the educators of 
 parties." DAILY NEWS.
 
 WORKS IN POLITICS, ETC. 33 
 
 FawCCtt. continued. 
 
 FREE TRADE AND PROTECTION: an Inquiry into the 
 Causes which have retarded the general adoption of Free Trade 
 since its introduction into England. Third Edition. 8vo. "js. 6d. 
 " No greater service can be rendered to the cause of Free Trade than a 
 clear explanation of the^ principles on which Free Trade rests. Pro- 
 fessor Fawcett has done'this in the volume before us with ail his habitual 
 clearness of thought and expression." ECONOMIST. 
 
 ESSAYS ON POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SUBJECTS. By 
 PROFESSOR FAWCETT, M.P., and MILLICENT GARRETT 
 FAWCETT. 8vo. IQJ. 6d. 
 
 " They will all repay the perusal of the thinking reader" DAILY 
 NEWS. 
 
 Fawcett (Mrs.) Works by MILLICENT GARRETT FAWCETT. 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY FOR BEGINNERS. WITH QUES- 
 TIONS. New Edition. i8mo. zs. 6J. 
 
 The DAILY NEWS calls it "clear, compact, and comprehensive;" and 
 the SPECTATOR says, "Mrs. Fawcetfs treatise is perfectly suited to its 
 purpose" 
 
 TALES IN POLITICAL ECONOMY. Crown 8vo. 3*. 
 
 " TTie idea is a good one, and it is quite wonderful what a mass of 
 economic teaching the author manages to compress into a small space. . . The 
 true doctrines of International Trade, Currency, and the ratio between 
 Production and Population, are set before us and illustrated in a masterly 
 manner" ATHENAEUM. 
 
 Freeman (E. A.), M.A., D.C.L. COMPARATIVE 
 
 POLITICS. Lectures at the Royal Institution, to which is 
 added " The Unity of History," being the Rede Lecture delivered 
 at Cambridge in 1872. 8vo. 14*. 
 
 " We find in Mr. Freeman's new volume the same sound, careful, 
 comprehensive qualities which have long ago raised him to so high a place 
 amongst historical writers. For historical discipline, then, as well as 
 historical information, Mr. Freeman's book is full of value," PALL 
 MALL GAZETTE. 
 
 Goschen. REPORTS AND SPEECHES ON LOCAL TAXA- 
 
 TION. By GEORGE J. GOSCHEN, M. P. Royal Svo. 5*. 
 " The volume contains a vast mass of information of the highest value." 
 ATHENAEUM. 
 
 Guide tO the Unprotected, in Every Day Matters Re- 
 lating to Property and Income. By a BANKER'S DAUGHTER. 
 Fourth Edition, Revised. Extra fcap. Svo. y. 6d.
 
 34 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF 
 
 "Many an unprotected female will bless the head which planned and 
 the hand which compiled this admirable little manual. . . . This book 
 was very much wanted, and it could not have been better done." 
 MORNING STAR. 
 
 Hamilton. MONEY AND VALUE: an Inquiry into the 
 
 Means and Ends of Economic Production, with an Appendix 
 
 on the Depreciation of Silver and Indian Currency. By ROWLAND 
 
 HAMILTON. 8vo. I2J. 
 
 " The subject is here dealt with in a luminous style, and by presenting 
 
 it from a new point of view in connection with the nature and Junctions 
 
 of money, a genuine service has been rendered to commercial science" 
 
 BRITISH QUARTERLY REVIEW. 
 
 HarwOOd. DISESTABLISHMENT : a Defence of the Principle 
 of a National Church. By GEORGE HARWOOD, M. A. 8vo. 12s. 
 
 Hill. OUR COMMON LAND ; and other Short Essays. By 
 
 OCTAVIA HILL. Extra fcap..8vo. $s. 6<l. 
 
 CONTENTS : Our Common Land. District Visiting. A More 
 Excellent Way of Charity. A Word on Good Citizenship. Open Spaces. 
 Effectual Charity. The Future of our Commons. 
 
 Historicus. LETTERS ON SOME QUESTIONS OF 
 INTERNATIONAL LAW. Reprinted from the Times, with 
 considerable Additions. 8vo. 1s.~ dd. Also, ADDITIONAL 
 LETTERS. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Holland. THE TREATY RELATIONS OF RUSSIA AND 
 
 TURKEY FROM 1774 TO 1853. A Lecture delivered at Oxford, 
 April 1877. By T. E. HOLLAND, D.C.L., Professor of Inter- 
 national Law and Diplomacy, Oxford. Crown 8vo. zs. 
 
 Hughes (Thos.) THE OLD CHURCH: WHAT SHALL 
 WE DO WITH IT? By THOMAS HUGHES, Q.C. Crown 
 8vo. 6s. 
 
 Jcvons. Works by W. STANLEY JEVONS, M.A., Professor of 
 Political Economy in University College, London. (For other 
 Works by the same Author, see EDUCATIONAL and PHILO- 
 SOPHICAL CATALOGUES.) 
 
 THE THEORY OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. Second Edition, 
 
 revised, with new Preface and Appendices. 8vo. los. 6d. 
 
 1 'Professor Jevons has done invaluable service by coi4rageously claimins 
 
 political economy to be strictly a branch of Applied Mathematics. 
 
 WESTMINSTER REVIEW. 
 
 PRIMER OF POLITICAL ECONOMY. i8mo. is.
 
 WORKS IN POLITICS, ETC. 35 
 
 Laveleye. PRIMITIVE PROPERTY. By EMILE DE 
 
 LAVELEYE. Translated by G. R. L. MARRIOTT, LL. B., with an 
 Introduction by T. E. CLIFFE LESLIE, LL.B. 8vo. I2r. 
 " It is almost impossible to over-estimate the value of the well-digested 
 knowledge which it contains ; it is one of the most learned books that 
 have been contributed to the historical department of the literature of 
 economic science, " ATHENAEUM. 
 
 Leading Cases done into English. By an APPRENTICE 
 
 OF LINCOLN'S INN. Third Edition. Crown 8vo. zs. 6d. 
 " Here is a rare treat for the lovers of quaint conceits, who in reading 
 this charming little book will find enjoyment in the varied metre and 
 graphic language in which the several tales are told, no less than in the 
 accurate and pithy rendering of some of our most familiar ' Leading 
 Cases.' " SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 Lubbock. ADDRESSES, POLITICAL AND EDUCA- 
 TIONAL. By Sir JOHN LUBBOCK, Bart., M.P., &c., &c. 
 8vo, pp. 209. 8.r. 6d. 
 
 The ten speeches given are (i) on the Imperial Policy of Great 
 Britain, (2) on the Bank Act of 1844, (3) on the Present System 
 of Public School Education, 1876, (4) on the Present System of 
 Elementary Education, (5) on the Income Tax, (6) on the National 
 Debt, (7) on the Declaration of Paris, (8) on Marine Insurances, 
 (9^ on the Preservation of Ancient Monuments, and (10) on Egypt. 
 
 Macdonell. THE LAND QUESTION, WITH SPECIAL 
 REFERENCE TO ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. By 
 JOHN MACDONELL, Barrister-at-Law. 8vo. los. 6d. 
 
 Marshall. THE ECONOMICS OF INDUSTRY.. By A. 
 MARSHALL, M.A., Principal of University College, Bristol, and 
 MARY PALEY MARSHALL, late Lecturer at Newnham Hall, 
 Cambridge. Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Martin. THE STATESMAN'S YEAR-BOOK: A Statistical 
 and Historical Annual of the States of the Civilized World, 
 for the year 1880. By FREDERICK MARTIN. Seventeenth Annual 
 Publication. Revised after Official Returns. Crown 8vo. los. 6d. 
 The Statesman's Year-Book is the only work in the English language 
 which furnishes a clear and concise account of the actual condition of all 
 the States of Europe, the civilized countries of America, Asia, and 
 Africa, and the British Colonies and Dependencies in all parts of the 
 world. The new issue of the work has been revised and corrected, on the 
 basis of official reports received direct from the heads of the leading Govern- 
 ments of the world, in reply to letters sent to them by the Editor. Through 
 the valuable assistance thus given, it has been possible to collect an amount
 
 36 MACM1LLAWS CATALOGUE OF 
 
 of information, political, statistical, and commercial, of the latest date, and 
 of unimpeachable trustworthiness, such as no publication of the same 
 kind has ever been able to furnish. "As indispensable as Bradshaw." 
 TIMES. 
 
 Monahan. THE METHOD OF LAW: an Essay on the 
 Statement and Arrangement of the Legal Standard of Conduct. 
 By J. H. MONAHAN, Q. C. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 
 " Will be found valuable by careful law students who have felt the 
 importance of gaining clear ideas regarding the relations between the parts 
 of the complex organism they have to study." BRITISH QUARTERLY 
 REVIEW. 
 
 Paterson. THE LIBERTY OF THE SUBJECT AND THE 
 
 LAWS OF ENGLAND RELATING TO THE SECURITY 
 OF THE PERSON. Commentaries on. By JAMES PATERSON, 
 M.A., Barrister at Law, sometime Commissioner for English and 
 Irish Fisheries, etc. Cheaper issue. Two Vols. Crown 8vo. 2\s. 
 ' ' Two or three hours' dipping into these volumes, nofto say reading them 
 through, will give legislators and stump orators a kncavledge of the liberty 
 of a citizen of their country, in its principles, its fulness, and its modi- 
 fication, such as they probably in nine cases out of ten never had before" 
 SCOTSMAN. 
 
 Phillimore. PRIVATE LAW AMONG THE ROMANS, 
 
 from the Pandects. By JOHN GEORGE PHILLIMORE, Q.C. 8vo. 
 i6s. 
 
 Rogers. COBDEN AND POLITICAL OPINION. ByJ. E. 
 
 THOROLD ROGERS. 8vo. IO.T. 6</. 
 
 " Will be found most useful by politicians of every school, as it forms a 
 sort of handbook to Cobderfs teaching." ATHEN^UM. 
 
 Stephen (C. E.) THE SERVICE OF THE POOR; 
 Being an Inquiry into the Reasons for and against the Establish- 
 ment of Religious Sisterhoods for Charitable Purposes. By 
 CAROLINE EMILIA STEPHEN. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d. 
 " The ablest advocate of a better line of work in this direction that tut 
 
 have ever seen." EXAMINER. 
 
 Stephen. Works by Sir JAMES F. STEPHEN, K.C.S.I., Q.C. 
 
 A DIGEST OF THE LAW OF EVIDENCE. Third Edition 
 with New Preface. Crown 8vo. 6.r. 
 
 A DIGEST OF THE CRIMINAL LAW. (Crimes and 
 
 Punishments.) 8vo. l6.r. 
 
 " We feel sure that any person of ordinary intelligence who had never 
 looked Into a law-book in his life might, by a few days' careful study of
 
 WORKS IN POLITICS, ETC. 37 
 
 Stephen. continued. 
 
 this volume, obtain a more accurate understanding of the criminal law, 
 a more perfect conception of its different bearings, a more thorough 
 and intelligent insight into its snares and pitfalls, than an ordinary 
 practitioner can boast of after years of study of the ordinary text- 
 books and practical experience of the Courts unassisted by any competent 
 guide." SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 A GENERAL VIEW OF THE CRIMINAL LAW OF ENG- 
 LAND. Two Vols. Crown Svo. [New edition in the press. 
 
 Stubbs. VILLAGE POLITICS. Addresses and Sermons on 
 the Labour Question. By C. W. STUBKS, M.A., Vicar of 
 Granborough, Bucks. Extra fcap. Svo. 3.?. 6</. 
 
 Thornton. Works by W. T. THORNTON, C.B., Secretary for 
 
 Public Works in the India Office : 
 ON LABOUR: Its Wrongful Claims and Rightful Dues ; Its 
 
 Actual Present and Possible Future. Second Edition, revised, 
 
 Svo. I4>-. 
 A PLEA FOR PEASANT PROPRIETORS : With the Outlines 
 
 of a Plan for their Establishment in Ireland. New Edition, 
 
 revised. Crown Svo. "js. 6J. 
 INDIAN PUBLIC WORKS AND COGNATE INDIAN 
 
 TOPICS. With Map of Indian Railways. Crown Svo. 8.r. 6d. 
 
 Walker. Works by F. A. WALKER, M.A., Ph.D., Professor of 
 
 Political Economy and History, Yale College : 
 THE WAGES QUESTION. A Treatise on Wages and the 
 
 Wages Class. Svo. 145. 
 MONEY. Svo. i6s. 
 
 " It is painstaking, laborious, and states the question in a clear ana 
 
 very intelligible form. . . . The volume possesses a great value as a sort 
 
 of encyclopedia of knowledge on the subject." ECONOMIST. 
 
 MONEY IN ITS RELATIONS TO TRADE AND INDUSTRY. 
 
 Crown Svo. [Shortly. 
 
 Work about the Five Dials. With an Introductory 
 
 Note by THOMAS CARLYLE. Crown Svo. 6s. 
 "A book 'which abounds -with wise and practical suggestions." PALL 
 MALL GAZETTE.
 
 38 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF 
 
 WORKSCONNECTEDWITH THE SCIENCE 
 OR THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE. 
 
 Abbott. A SHAKESPERIAN GRAMMAR : An Attempt to 
 illustrate some of the Differences between Elizabethan and Modem 
 English. By the Rev. E. A. ABBOTT, D.D., Head Master of the 
 City of London School. New and Enlarged Edition. Extra 
 fcap. 8vo. 6s. 
 "Valuable not only as an aid to the critical study of Shakespeart, 
 
 but as tending to familiarize the reader with Elizabethan English in 
 
 general. " ATHENAEUM. 
 
 Breymann. A FRENCH GRAMMAR BASED ON PHILO- 
 LOGICAL PRINCIPLES. By HERMANN BREYMANN, Ph.D., 
 Professor of Philology in the University of Munich late Lecturer 
 on French Language and Literature at Owens College, Man- 
 chester. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4^. 6< 
 
 Ellis PRACTICAL HINTS ON THE QUANTITATIVE 
 
 PRONUNCIATION OF LATIN, FOR THE USE OF 
 CLASSICAL TEACHERS AND LINGUISTS. By A. J. 
 ELLIS, B.A., F.R.S., &c. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4*. 6</. 
 
 Fleay. A SHAKESPEARE MANUAL. By the Rev. F. G. 
 
 FLEAY, M.A., Head Master of Skipton Grammar School. Extra 
 fcap. 8vo. 4^. dd, 
 
 Goodwin. Works by W. W. GOODWIN, Professor of Greek 
 Literature in Harvard University. 
 
 SYNTAX OF THE GREEK MOODS AND TENSES. New 
 
 Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d. 
 
 AN ELEMENTARY GREEK GRAMMAR. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 " It is the best Greek Grammar of its size in the English language" 
 ATHENAEUM. 
 
 Hadley. ESSAYS PHILOLOGICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 Selected from the Papers of JAMES HADLEY, LL.D., Professor of 
 Greek in Yale College, &c. 8vo. l6j. 
 
 Hales. LONGER ENGLISH POEMS. With Notes, Philo- 
 logical and Explanatory, and an Introduction on the Teaching of 
 English. Chiefly for use in Schools. Edited by J. W. HALES, 
 M.A., Professor of English Literature at King's College, London, 
 &c. &c. Fifth Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. 4*. 6d.
 
 WORKS ON LANGUAGE. 39 
 
 Helfenstein (James). A COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR 
 OF THE TEUTONIC LANGUAGES : Being at the same 
 time a Historical Grammar of the English Language, and com- 
 prising Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, Early English, Modern English, 
 Icelandic (Old Norse), Danish, Swedish, Old High German, 
 Middle High German, Modern German, Old Saxon, Old Frisian, 
 and Dutch. By JAMES HELFENSTEIN, Ph.D. 8vo. I&T. 
 
 Masson (Gustave). A COMPENDIOUS DICTIONARY 
 
 OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE (French-English and English- 
 French). Followed by a List of the Principal Diverging Deriva- 
 tions, and preceded by Chronological and Historical Tables. By 
 GUSTAVE MASSON, Assistant-Master and Librarian, Harrow 
 School. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. Half-bound. 6s. 
 "A book ivhich any student, "whatever may be the degree of his ad- 
 vancement in the lan^age, would do well to Jiave on the table close at 
 hand while he is reading" SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 Mayor. A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL CLUE TO LATIN LITE- 
 RATURE. Edited after Dr. E. HUBNER. With large Additions 
 by JOHN E. B. MAYOR, M.A., Professor of Latin in the Univer- 
 sity of Cambridge. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d. 
 "An extremely useful volume that should be in the hands of all 
 
 scholars." ATHEN/EUM. 
 
 Morris. Works by the Rev. RICHARD MORRIS, LL.D., Member 
 of the Council of the Philol. Soc. , Lecturer on English Language 
 and Literature in King's College School, Editor of " Specimens 
 of Early English," etc., etc. : 
 
 HISTORICAL OUTLINES OF ENGLISH ACCIDENCE, 
 comprising Chapters on the History and Development of 
 the Language, and on Word-formation. Sixth Edition. Fcap. 
 8vo. 6j. 
 
 ELEMENTARY LESSONS IN HISTORICAL ENGLISH 
 GRAMMAR, containing Accidence and Word-formation. Third 
 Edition. i8mo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 Oliphant. THE OLD AND MIDDLE ENGLISH. By 
 T. L. KINGTON OLIPHANT, M.A., of Balliol College, Oxford. 
 A New Edition, revised and greatly enlarged, of " The Sources 
 of Standard English." Extra fcap. 8vo. 9*. 
 
 "Mr. Oliphant' s bock is to our mind, one of the ablest and most 
 scholarly contributions to our standard English we have seen for many 
 years. " SCHOOL BOARD CHRONICLE. "The book comes nearer to a 
 history of the English language than anything we have seen since such a 
 history could be written, without ccnjusion and contradictions" 
 SATURDAY RKVIEW.
 
 40 MACMILLAN'S CATALOGUE OF 
 
 Peile (John, M.A.) AN INTRODUCTION TO GREEK 
 
 AND LATIN ETYMOLOGY. By JOHN PEILE, M.A., 
 
 Fellow and Tutor of Christ's College, Cambridge. Third 
 
 and revised Edition. Crown 8vo. lew. 6</. 
 
 "The book may be accepted as a very valuable contribution to the 
 
 science of language." SATURDAY REVIEW. 
 
 Philology. THE JOURNAL OF SACRED AND CLAS- 
 SICAL PHILOLOGY. Four Vols. 8vo. 12s. 6d. each. 
 
 THE JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. New Series. Edited by 
 JOHN E. B. MAYOR, M.A., and W. ALDIS WRIGHT, M.A. 
 4J. 6d. (Half-yearly.) 
 
 Roby (H. J.) A GRAMMAR OF THE LATIN LANGUAGF, 
 FROM PLAUTUS TO SUETONIUS. By HENRY JOHN 
 ROBY, M. A. , late Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. 
 In Two Parts. Second Edition. Part I. containing : Book I. 
 Sounds. Book II. Inflexions. Book III. Word Formation. Ap- 
 pendices. Crown 8vo. 8.r. 6d. Part II. Syntax, Prepositions, 
 &c. Crown 8vo. los. 6d. 
 
 "The book is marked by the clear and practical insight of a master in 
 his art. It is a book which would do honour to any country.'" 
 ATHENAEUM. "Brings before the student in a methodical form the best 
 results of modern philology bearing on the Latin language." SCOTSMAN. 
 
 Schmidt. THE RYTHMIC AND METRIC OF THE 
 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES. To which are added, the Lyric 
 Parts of the "Medea" of Euripides and the "Antigone" of 
 Sophocles ; with Rhythmical Scheme and Commentary. By 
 Dr. J. H. SCHMIDT. Translated from the German by J. W. 
 WHITE, D.D. 8vo. los. 6d. 
 
 Taylor. Works by the Rev. ISAAC TAYLOR, M.A.: 
 ETRUSCAN RESEARCHES. With Woodcuts. 8vo. 14^. 
 The TIMES says: " The learning and industry displayed in this 
 volume deserve the most cordial recognition. The ultimate verdict of 
 science we shall not attempt to anticipate ; but we can safely say this, that 
 if is a learned book which the unlearned can enjoy, and that in the de- 
 scriptions of the tomb- builders, as well as in the marvellous coincidences 
 and unexpected analogies brought together by the author, readers of every 
 grade may take delight as well as philosophers and scholars." 
 
 WORDS AND PLACES ; or, Etymological Illustrations of 
 History, Ethnology, and Geography. By the Rev. ISAAC TAYLOR. 
 Third Edition, revised and compressed. With Maps. Globe 
 8vo. 6s. 
 
 GREEKS AND GOTHS : a Study on the Runes. 8vo. 9-r.
 
 WORKS ON LANGUAGE. 41 
 
 Trench. Works by R. CHENEVIX TRENCH, D.D., Archbishop of 
 Dublin. (For other Works by the same Author, see THEOLOGICAL 
 CATALOGUE.) 
 
 SYNONYMS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. Eighth Edition, 
 
 enlarged. 8vo, cloth. 12s. 
 
 "ffe is," the ATHEN^UM says, "a guide in this department of 
 knowledge to whom his readers may entrust themselves with confidence." 
 
 ON THE STUDY OF WORDS. Lectures Addressed (originally) 
 to the Pupils at the Diocesan Training School, Winchester. 
 Seventeenth Edition, enlarged. Fcap. 8vo. 5*. 
 
 ENGLISH PAST AND PRESENT. Tenth Edition, revised 
 and improved. Fcap. 8vo. $s. 
 
 A SELECT GLOSSARY OF ENGLISH WORDS USED 
 FORMERLY IN SENSES DIFFERENT FROM THEIR 
 PRESENT. Fifth Edition, enlarged. Fcap. 8vo. $s. 
 
 Vincent and Dickson. A HANDBOOK TO MODERN 
 GREEK. By EDGAR VINCENT and T. G. DICKSON. Extra 
 fcap. 8vo. S.T. 
 
 Whitney. A COMRENDIOUS GERMAN GRAMMAR. By 
 W. D. WHITNEY, Professor of Sanskrit and Instructor in Modem 
 Languages in Yale College. Crown 8vo. 6s. 
 "After careful examination we are inclined to pronounce it the best 
 
 orammar of modern language we have ever seen." SCOTSMAN. 
 
 Whitney and Edgren. A COMPENDIOUS GERMAN 
 
 AND ENGLISH DICTIONARY, with Notation of Correspon- 
 dences and Brief Etymologies. By Professor W. D. WHITNEY, 
 assisted by A. H. EDGREN. Crown 8vo. fs. 6d. 
 
 The GERMAN-ENGLISH Part may be had separately. Price 5*. 
 
 Yonge HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN NAMES. By CHAR- 
 LOTTE M. YONGE, Author of "The Heir of Redclyffe." 
 Cheaper Edition. Two Vols. Crown 8vo. 12*.
 
 Now publishing, in crown 8vo, price 2s. 6d. each. 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. 
 
 Edited by JOHN MORLEY. 
 
 A Series of Short Books to tell people what is best worth knowing 
 to the Life, Character, and Works of some of the 
 great English Writers. 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.-JOHNSON. By LESLIE 
 
 STEPHEN. 
 
 " The new series opens well with Mr. Leslie Stephen's sketch of 
 Dr. Johnson. It could hnrdly have been done better, and it will convey 
 to the readers for whom it is intended a juster estimate of Johnson than 
 either of the two essays of Lord Macaulay." Fall Mall Gazette 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. SCOTT. By R. H. HUTTON. 
 
 " The tone of the volirne is excelled throughout." Athcnaum. 
 
 " We could not wish for a more suggest! ve introduction to Scott and 
 his poems and novels," Examiner, 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. GIBBON. By J. C. 
 
 MOKISON. 
 
 " As a clear, thoughtful, and attractive record of the life and works 
 of the greatest among the world's historians, it deserves the highest 
 praise." Examiner. 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. SHELLEY. By J. A. 
 
 SYMONDS. 
 
 " The lovers of this great poet are to be congratulated on having at 
 their command so fresh, clesr, and intelligent a presentment of the 
 subject, written by a man of adequate and wide culture." Atkenanm. 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. HUME. By Professor 
 
 HUXLEY. 
 
 " It may fairly be said that no one now living could have expounded 
 Hume with more sympathy or with equal perspicuity. 1 ' Athenccum. 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. GOLDSMITH. By 
 
 WILLIAM BLACK. 
 
 "Mr. Black brinjs a fine sympathy and taste to bear in his criticism 
 of Goldsmith's writings, as well as in his sketch of the incidents of his 
 life. " Athenceum. 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. DEFOE. By W. MINTO. 
 "Mr. Minto's book is careful and accurate in all that is stated, and 
 faithful in all that it suggests. It will repay reading more than once." 
 Athenizurn.
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. BURNS. By Principal 
 SHAIRP, Professor of Poetry in the University of Oxford. 
 
 " It is impossible to desire fairer criticism than Principal Shairp's 
 
 on Burns's poetry None of the series has given a truer estimate 
 
 either of character or of genius than this little volume. . . . and all who 
 read it will be thoroughly grateful to the author for this monument to 
 the genius of Scotland's greatest poet." Spectator. 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. -SPENSER, By the Very 
 Rev. the DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S. 
 
 " Dr. Church is master of his subject, and writes always with good 
 taste. " Academy. 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS.-THACKERAY. By 
 
 ANTHONY TROLLOPE. 
 
 "Mr. Trollope's sketch is exceedingly adapted to fulfil the purpose 
 of the series in which it appears. " Athenaum. 
 
 ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. - BURKE. By JOHN 
 
 MORLEY. 
 
 " Perhaps the best criticism yet published on the life and character 
 of Burke is contained in Mr. Morley's compendious biography. His 
 style is vigorous and polished, and both his political and personal 
 judgment and his literary criticisms are just, generous, subtle, and in 
 a high degree interesting." Saturday Review. 
 
 Just ready. 
 
 MILTON. By MARK PATTISON. 
 
 In preparation. 
 
 HAWTHORNE. By HENRY JAMES. 
 SOUTHEY. By Professor DOWDEN. 
 CHAUCER. By Professor WARD. 
 COWPER. By GOLDWIN SMITH. 
 BUNYAN. BY J. A. FROUDE. 
 WORDSWORTH. By F. W. H. MYERS. 
 Others in preparation. 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO., LONDON
 
 
 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 R. CLAY, SONS, AND TAYLOR, PRIN'TEKS, 
 BRRAD STREET HILL.
 
 
 / A. 
 
 r1
 
 9H 
 111 
 
 m 
 
 - 
 
 - *
 
 A 000 083 346 7