UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES 
 
 GIFT OF 
 
 DR. MALBONE W. GRAHAM
 
 -JL AIPER 
 414 Br'.'son Bld 
 
 . Vandi>e t 
 Fitzroy 4205

 
 By Rabbi Simon Glazer 
 
 
 Published by the 
 
 UNITED SYNAGOGUES OF GREATER KANSAS CITY 
 1922 
 
 CLINE PUBLISHING COMPANY. KANSAS CITY, Mo.
 
 Copyrighted by 
 SIMON GLAZER, 1922 
 
 All Rights of Translation 
 Reserved by the Author. 
 All Rights of Reprint throughout the 
 English-Speaking Countries, in- 
 cluding Palestine, Reserved.
 
 ft 
 
 CO 
 
 to 
 
 CO 
 CD 
 
 JDS 
 
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 -3
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 PRESIDENT WARREN G. HARDING 
 "He Made Good His Promise." 
 
 [4]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 July 25, 1922. 
 
 Uy dear Babbi Glazer: 
 
 In compliance with your request of 
 July 19th, the President has been glad to 
 autograph a photograph for the purpose 
 mentioned. I have pleasure in sending it 
 to you today, "under other cover. 
 Sincerely yours, 
 
 Secretary to the President' 
 
 Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 
 612 Massachusetts Building, 
 
 Kansas City, Missouri. 
 
 Facsimile of Letter Authorizing Dedication of This 
 Work to the President. 
 
 [5]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 July 19, 1922. 
 
 Honorable George G. Christian Jr. 
 Secretary to the President, 
 
 Washington, D.C. 
 My dear Mr. Secretary: 
 
 On November 18, 1921 the President promised to 
 see the Honorable Arthur J. Balfour in reference to 
 Palestine as a national homeland for the Jewish people. 
 The President did so. As a result of his great in- 
 fluence both houses of Congress have passed resolutions 
 favoring such a national homeland for the Jewish people. 
 SenatorsCharles Curtis of Kansas and Seldon P. Spencer 
 were the first men to take up this matter. All records 
 in connection with that are now being published by the 
 United Synagogues of Greater Kansas City. The work will 
 be dedicated to the President and it is desirable that we 
 have an autographed photograph of him to appear on the 
 dedicatory page. 
 
 I trust that you will find the time to comply with 
 our request, and thanking you most heartily in antici- 
 pation, I am 
 
 Yours very cordial, 
 
 Rabbi of the United Synagogues 
 SG:RT of Greater Kansas City. 
 
 Facsimile Copy of Letter Outlining Reason of Having 
 This Work Dedicated to the President. 
 
 [6]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 THE WHITE HOUSE 
 
 WA H I NGTON 
 
 October 13. 1921. 
 
 lly dear Rabbi Glazer: 
 
 The President directs me to acknowledge 
 the receipt of your letter of September 30th, 
 and to call attention to the fact that the Treaty 
 of Peace with liirkey, known as the Treaty of Sevres, 
 has not come into effect and that, therefore, such 
 matters as the ratification of mandates and other 
 readjustments affecting the former Ottoman Empire 
 cannot for the moment be given definitive action. 
 Sincerely yours, 
 
 Secretary to the President. 
 
 Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 612 Massachusetts 
 Kansas City, Missouri. 
 
 Facsimile of Letter Which Cleared the Atmosphere and 
 Revealed Exact Situation. 
 
 [7]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 HON. HENRY J. ALLEN 
 
 Governor of the State of Kansas 
 
 "Ennobled by Modesty." 
 
 [8]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 STATE OF KANSAS 
 
 KXECTT1VE UEtMiftTMENT 
 
 r 21, 1921. 
 
 Habfci Siioon Glazer, 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 Dear itabli Glazerj 
 
 Thank you for your klna telegram of the 17th from 
 Washington. 1 found it waiting for me upon my return 
 home today* 
 
 I was In Washington Saturday ana had lunch with the 
 President and senator Curtis, '..'hey loth spoke of you and 
 of how glad they were to have an opportunity to comply 
 with your request. 
 
 1 am sincerely glad that your visit to Washington 
 brought you so. much pleasure and so much opportunity for 
 usefulness to your people. 
 
 sincerely, 
 
 Facsimile of Letter Showing the Work of God Through 
 America's Greatest Statesmen. 
 
 [9]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 STATK OF KANSAS 
 
 EXECrTIVE DEPARTMENT 
 
 TOPKKA 
 
 Octoter ZL, 1921. 
 
 Rabbi Simon Glazsr, 
 718 Delaware St. , 
 Kansas City, no. 
 
 My dear HaVbi Glazen 
 
 Thank yoa for year kind, letter of the 20th last* 
 I an glad to have 'been of even slight benefit to yoa 
 in reference to the matter of the federal resolution. 
 I shall always te glad to serve you and your people In 
 
 any way. 
 
 Tours slnotrely, 
 
 Facsimile of Governor Allen's Letter After Senator 
 Curtis Took Matters Up With State Department. 
 
 [10]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 BTATK or KANSAS 
 SXECCTIVE DEPARTMENT 
 
 TOP.KA September 19, 1921. 
 
 Habbi Simon 
 
 United Synagogues of Greater Kaasas City, 
 
 Kansas City, ilo. 
 
 Ily oeax Babbi Glazer : 
 
 I on sending you herewith the letter I received from 
 Senator Curtis. You will note the second paratZ'aph of 
 his letter, In which he states that If you wish him to 
 present the resolution he will be glad to go over it and 
 take the matter up with the state u apartment and to in- 
 troduce it , In case the state department aees no compllca- 
 tlons in it. 
 
 I am glad that Senator Curtis so thoroughly sympathizes 
 with your attitude In this matter, and 1 feel certain that 
 he will be able to giro you some valuable assistance. 
 
 I expect to talk with senator Cqppar personally about 
 this. I feel sure that he will co-operate with anything 
 Senator Curtis does. 
 
 Tours sincere! 
 
 
 Facsimile of Governor Allen's Letter Showing the First 
 Step Taken in Bringing About the Palestine Resolution.
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 GOVERNOR ARTHUR HYDE 
 
 of Missouri. 
 "An Everready Friend."
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Sept. 23, 1*21. 
 
 Rabbi Simon Glaeer, 
 
 Kansas City, Missouri. 
 
 Ky dear Rabbi Glazer; 
 
 I acknowledge reoelpt of your favor of the 
 26th. I had already written to Senator Spenoer, because 
 I felt that I had sufficient facts on hand to Justify the 
 message. 
 
 I am this morning In reoelpt of a letter from Sen. 
 Selden P. Spenoer In which he says: 
 
 " You are entirely right in what you state con- 
 cerning my attitude In this natter. Anything 
 I can do for that race, I shall be glad to do. 
 I oan never forget that my Savior was himself a 
 Jew, and the suffering of tiiese people in their 
 yos.ro of wandering and persecution Is tragic". 
 
 Facsimile of Governor Hyde's Letter Introducing Sen- 
 ator Spencer as an Element of Intense Activity. 
 
 [13]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 GOVERNOR SAMUEL R. McKELVIE 
 
 'A Quick-Grasping Statesman Advocating a National Homeland 
 for the Jewish People in Palestine." 
 
 [14]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 ti % of 2 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE 
 
 Ttnruln beptember Twenty-nine 
 1 9 a 1 
 
 Kabbi Simon Glazier. 
 
 United jynagoguea of Greater Kanai3 City. 
 
 Kansas City, Missouri. 
 
 Kevercad Slr;- 
 
 I am enoloning copy of letter that 
 I have Just written to Senators Hltohoook and 
 Horrla of Nebraska. 
 
 Very truly your a. 
 SR1I/H 
 
 Governor. 
 
 [' (ic.simile of Copy of Governor McKelvie's Letter to the 
 Nebraska Senators, Who Were of Material Help. 
 
 [15]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 COPY 
 
 .September Twenty-nine 
 19 21 
 
 I have just had a call from Rabbi 
 Simon Glazier of the United Synagogues of 
 Greater Kansas City, regarding the ambitions 
 of 'the Jewish people for a National Home or 
 Homeland in Palestine. 
 
 .Recognizing the need of the several 
 million Jewish people for a Homeland of their 
 own, I desire to express my sympathy with 
 their cause, and I hope that the United States 
 Senate may, by resolution, give endorsement 
 to this movement insofar as it is in harmony 
 with the obligations and purposes of the De- 
 partment of State of the United States. 
 
 I shall appreciate any interest that 
 you may show in this matter. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 SRM/M 
 
 Governor. 
 
 Facsimile Copy of Governor McKelvie's Letter Mani- 
 festing Sincere Action, 
 
 [16]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE 
 
 OES MOINFS. IOWA 
 
 November 13, 1908. 
 My dear habbl: 
 
 I have your letter of the 6th instant, and I beg to 
 assure you that It gave me aa much gratification as any one 
 of the many letters I have received relating to the recent 
 primary election. I have had the generous support of the 
 Jewish people from the beginning, and I am very grateful to 
 them for their confidence. I Intend to do what I can In 
 the direction you suggest. I have no patience with the 
 intolerance that exists in some parts of our country, and 
 the Injustice that prevails in many of the foreign countries. 
 Do not hesitate to communicate with me when I reach Wash- 
 ington, and I will give all the lifluence I have toward the 
 enactment of such a law as you suggest, and more than that, 
 to any other law that will Insure impartial civic treatment 
 in every part of the world toward the Jewish race. 
 With high regard, I am, 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 Montreal, 
 
 Quebec . 
 
 Facsimile Letter of One of America's Greatest States- 
 men. Senator Cummins Received Mr. Sokolow and 
 the Interview Was of Far-reaching Importance. 
 
 [17]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 SENATOR SELDEN P. SPENCER 
 
 'The people of Israel will get Palestine with or without the con- 
 sent of our State Department." Senator Spencer to 
 Under-Secretary of State Henry P. Fletcher, 
 Tuesday, November 22, 1921.
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 QtCnii 
 
 COMMITTEE ON INDIAN AFFAIRS. 
 
 September 13, 1921. 
 Uy dear Governor: 
 
 I have your letter of recent date and nte 
 
 what you say in reference to your interview with Rabbi Simon 
 Glazer of the United Synagogues of Greater Kanaae City. 
 
 If he would aend copy of the resolution 
 
 dealred by himself and his people, 1 would gladly go over it 
 and take the matter up with the State Department, and if they 
 saw no complications I would be pleased to introduce it. 
 
 However, I want to be certain that no 
 
 complications would arise because it would be unfortunate 
 to have anything happen just at this time. Personally, my 
 sympathies are with the Jewish people, and I would like to 
 see them establish a national homeland in Palestine. 
 
 With kindest regards, I on 
 
 Very truly youre, 
 
 Honorable H. J. Allen, 
 Executive Department, 
 Topeka, Kansas. 
 
 Faes.wUe o> orator Curtis' Letter to Governor Allen 
 the First Direct Mention of the Palestine Resolution. 
 
 [19]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 SENATOR CHARLES CURTIS 
 "The Champion of Israel." 
 
 [20]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 POSTAL TELEGRAPH - COMMERCIAL CABLES 
 
 TELEGRAM 
 
 B36CHU 458PU 12 GOVT 
 
 ST WASHINGTON DC NOV 14 21 
 
 RABBI SI UGH GLAZER 
 
 RABBI UNITED SYNAGOGUES OF GREATER KAtlSASCITY 
 
 KAIISASCITY HO. 
 
 PKESIDEIIT HARDING WILL 3EE YOU FRIDAY UOH!II!!G THIS EEK AT 
 TEH THIRTY 
 
 CHARLES CURTIS 
 
 Facsimile of Telegram Which Brought About America's 
 Direct Help and Removed All Complications. 
 
 [21]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 ied Plaice 
 
 November 17, 1921. 
 
 My dear Mr. President : 
 
 This will introduce to you Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 of Kansas City, Mo., to whom you agreed to give an 
 interview at 10:30, Friday morning, November 18th. 
 
 I take great pleasure in recommending the Rabbi 
 to you and trust you will give him a full and com- 
 plete hearing. 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 To The President, 
 Washington, D.C. 
 
 Facsimile of Letter Which Moved the Heart and Swl of 
 President Harding. 
 
 [22]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 -i7>iaK ;, i-'n 
 
 December 14. 1921. 
 My dear Glazer: 
 
 Ifoar wire of recent date came duly 
 to hand and I note what you say about H. Sokolow. 
 
 I assure you It will give si a great 
 
 pleasure to see Mr. Sokolow if it is possible while he 
 is in Washington. Senator Lodge is buay with the Confer- 
 enea and I an so busy with work in the Senate, where I 
 must be all the time, that it is almost impocsible to 
 make appointments to see any one during the sessions. 
 A Committee called upon me yesterday and told thjm that 
 I would see l!r. Sokolow as soon as possible. 
 
 With compliments of the season, 
 I am, 
 
 Very truly yours. 
 
 Simon Glaser, 
 
 Rabbi, United Synagogues of Creator 
 Kansas City, 
 
 Kansas City, Missouri. 
 
 Facsimile of Senator Curtis' Letter Which is Both 
 Historic and Interesting. 
 
 |23]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 January 17, 1922. 
 
 Uy dear Glazer: 
 
 Your letter of recent date came 
 
 duly to hand and I thank you very much for sending 
 me a copy of your letter to the President. 
 
 I assure you I have read it with 
 great Interest, and further assure you It was a 
 pleasure to be of assistance to you and to Mr. 
 Nuhum Sokolow. 
 
 Kith kindest regards, I am 
 
 Very truly youra, 
 
 Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues, 
 
 Kansas City, Missouri 
 
 Facsimile of Senator Curtis' Letter Which Uncovers 
 Much of What Was Done to Clear the Way for Final 
 Action. 
 
 [24]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 April 80, 1922. 
 
 r.iy dear Rabbi Glazer: 
 
 I have your wire and note what you 
 .ay in regard to the Lodge resolution. 
 I will gladly present your wire to Senator 
 Lodge and will again urge him to ask for 
 early action upon his resolution. I have 
 already spoken to him In regard to it. 
 
 You .-nay rest assured it will give 
 mo pleasure to do all I can in scouring 
 early action. 
 
 With kindest regards. I am. 
 
 Very truly yours. 
 
 Babbl Simon Glacer, 
 United Synagogues, 
 Greater Eansas Olty, Mo. 
 
 Facsimile of Senator Curtis' Letter Which Reveals the 
 Most Noble Character in the United States Senate. 
 
 [25]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 RECEIVED AT COMMERCIAL NAT'L BANK BLD6., HID & 6 SIS., N. W, WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 B186CH 17 
 
 1921 HOV 17 PM 5 50 
 
 B CHICAGO ILL 432P 17 
 KABBI SIMON GLAZER 
 
 WASHINGTON HOTEL WASHINGTON DC 
 
 LIPSKY COMMUNICATED WITH NEWYOHK TO HAVE SOME ONE MEET YOU 
 REGRET INABILITY TO JOIN YOU GODS SPEED 
 MAX SHULHAN. 
 
 Facsimile of Telegram Showing Interest of Zionist Or- 
 ganization of America in the Palestine Resolution. 
 
 [26]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 POSTAL TELEGRAPH - COMMERCIAL CABLES 
 
 TELEGRAM 
 
 286NYBP18 
 
 BY HEKYOKK MOV 18 ?1 
 
 RABBI SIUON GLAZEH CO OF HOTEL BASH) 
 
 WASH!! DC 
 
 LLAEER HILL JOIN YOU II! UNOFFICIAL UEETIHG WITH OTHER OENTLEHEH ON 
 SATUREAY HORUIllQ STOP SEE JOLDHERiJ GOOD WISHES 
 HENRY J DA1INEJBAUU 
 
 2P 
 
 Facsimile of Telegram Which Relates to the Appearance 
 of Mr. N. Sokolow upon the Scene. 
 
 [27]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 RECEIVED AT 
 
 1922 14AY 4 PU 3 3f> 
 
 E203A 18 
 
 SD NCTYOHK NY 332P 4 
 HABBI SIMON GLAZEH 
 
 813 MASSACHUSETTS BLDG KANSA3CITY UO 
 
 COi.'LiHATULATIONS TO YuU UK)!! SUCCESS OF SENATE RESOLUTION F.!ICI1 
 MAKES IIIEVITASLE ADOKTIOIJ BY HOUSE AND SIGNATURE BY PRESIDENT 
 
 LOUIS LIPSKY. 
 
 Facsimile of a Telegram Giving Color to the L!psky 
 Efficiency. 
 
 |28]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 ZIONIST ORGAN^AXION OF AMERICA 
 
 55 FIFTH AVENUE 
 NEW YORK 
 
 NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE' 
 
 V, J I r*. .V V, j".*?;,*''^** ftlwrVlU. /Vl S!?I.OK"!''I.WT .\V-V."f\ Y' J *'^ *'!?'"'"' 
 
 \r* V'w*. >. V. 1.M.U liouiMG f-.itttm.-T,. 1.. I. \l<*.i. Miw.. ii.. K^r V..f*. \ V H..S..C. -n.lv 
 
 rv'*Tj. <i! *"'^r>. < rTUi! ri'/Mk>t."r s.^tT! M'^WIMI ^^Blp^n < ".. s .7's"t 
 
 M MOMM. T". J"*r HMMt.rat* rfcllM, <V I'MW^ ^"rMlt"'. .C-nJIu'. *Trt S^nnT/MM 
 
 A. IT V..'* .V. V. Bu*M I14BWKH rftlm#. fll. R.VJ4MI* H.B...KI .Hiia, NUM. Sm J Wnflfttx 
 
 Hixbhi Sloan Clur, 
 UnlUd SynngogiMis, 
 B1S-314 MMuuchueott- Bidg. 
 Kanse City, Ho. 
 
 Jnury J, 19Z2. 
 
 liy Jer Rabbi Cilazen 
 
 I bf t - to acknowledge receipt of yours 
 or December 29tl hica ia beint, cxrefully followed 
 up. I under-*.Mvl that Mr. Sokolo* is to b in 
 ashinttoo some tif this -reek. 
 
 Thantint you very much for keeping UH 
 promptly informe.l of all derelopaento, I am 
 
 Very cordially yjur, 
 
 oVv^, "^-r/^ 
 Ganernl Sacr^tary. 
 
 J./IM 
 
 Facsimile of Letter Manifesting the Spirit of 
 Co-operation. 
 
 [29]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 ZIONIST QRGAN|CTION 
 
 55 FIFTH AVENUE 
 NEW YORK 
 
 NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
 
 ]...,!!;.. <iar\. lad. AwiIKU C.'H M.TI I V // '" .1 * .1'rlnB. HIIXH M ,.' M> .KV Bro-.l'^K. .V. V. MlxSlllnl.s f h,. .r'j<>, I 
 
 December 22, 9P1. 
 
 Fibbi SUon Olazer, 
 612-814 Muss. Bldg., 
 Kwii3 City, KO. 
 
 My dear hc.bbi Ciazer: 
 
 I tnt to xt.ro83 i thank* to you for 
 the oopit<u of the docun. nt ^ent ner*. uni to u-.-.ur* 
 you of our aj-i-ieciation of ail th: e ood .^,rk tht 
 you have don*. 
 
 same direction in the future. 
 
 Very oor^inlly y^-urf 
 
 Facsimile of Letter Which Implies Favorable Opinion 
 to the Plan of a Palestine Resolution. 
 
 [30]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 n-w wrwStr/urKn rnvoaa 
 
 ZIONIST QRGANKAXION OF AMERICA 
 
 
 October 26, 1921. 
 
 Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 3732 Harrison Street, 
 Xar.eae City, Ho. 
 
 My dear Rabbi: 
 
 I appreciate nighly your letter of the 23rd, 
 and especially the spirit of service which it indlcatee. 
 
 I hope it will be poeeible shortly to meet 
 you in lashington or in Uew York. There is hardly s 
 possibility of any one of us going so far as Topeka- 
 
 Vitb beet wishes for the New Year, 1 aa 
 Very cordially yours, 
 
 General Secretary. 
 
 Facsimile of Letter Which Sho^vs that Zionist Admin- 
 istrative Committee Knew of Every Move Made in 
 the Great Effort to Clear the Way for a Palestine 
 Resolution. 
 
 [31]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 TU YVMANT { 
 
 iiD'n pp 
 KEREN HAYESOD 
 
 (PALESTINE FOUNDATION FUND) 
 
 MBADOUAOTIRB POM THt UHITIO TATM 
 
 30 UNION SQUARE 
 
 New YORK Beceaber 4, 1921 
 
 PROVISIONAL ORGANIZATION 
 
 Rabbi Siaon Glazer, 
 mi Harrison Street 
 Kansas City, Ho. 
 
 Dear Rabbi Glazer: 
 
 I thank you most cordially for your 
 telegram and I am looking forward to reoeiring your 
 news about the deTelopment in your work. 
 
 Please keep me informed of your 
 correspondence with the friends of our cause. 
 Cordially yours 
 
 Facsimile of a Letter Manifesting Mr. Sokolow's 
 Interest in the Palestine Resolution. 
 
 [32]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 The background upon which the greatest po- 
 litical movement in the history of the Jewish 
 people in Diaspora had its development was all 
 but encouraging to its sponsor. A people peeled 
 and scattered into myriads of fragments, claim- 
 ing every country as its homeland and repudi- 
 ated by all countries ; speaking every language, 
 save its own, with native fluency, and as freely 
 mocked at in all tongues ; enriching many lands 
 by its thrift and skill, and as grossly denounced 
 as parasitic; forever knocking at the gates of 
 avery port of entry, pleading for admission, 
 and ever being refused; daily praying and 
 yearning for peace, and periodically whirled 
 into a turmoil of war; constantly carrying the 
 Commandments of God from people to people, 
 and as frequently rejected as carriers of calam- 
 .ty; witnessing the rise and fall of every ty- 
 rant; suffering the unsparing ferocity of the 
 mob and the systematic cruelty of the polished 
 anti-Semite; feeling the sting of the Russian 
 knout and the stigma of the German cry of 
 "hep ! hep ! ;" enduring the unrighteous barbar- 
 ism of the Moslem and the unholy echoes of 
 medieval superstition; facing the day with a 
 
 [33]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 pang of hunger and the night with the pain 
 of expected terror such was the position of 
 Israel among the nations when Dr. Theodore 
 lerzl commenced to dream his dream about a 
 Tudenstaat. 
 
 In all the centuries of exile, never for a mo- 
 ment have the Jews forgotten their age-old 
 dope to be reestablished in Palestine and to 
 rejoin the family of nations. This hope was 
 considered by them and to them the greatest 
 part of their own secret of immortality and in- 
 destructibility, the greatest part of their own 
 mission as the chosen people of Jehovah. Dur- 
 ing the darkest moments of their bloodstained 
 career in Diaspora, they were comforted by the 
 memory of the cherished expectation of the 
 Messiah, who would carry them across space 
 into Palestine. Almighty Himself deeded Ca- 
 naan to the fathers of His chosen people. Such 
 a belief, neither streams of blood, oceans of 
 tears nor all waters under the sun can either 
 drown, blot out or carry away to the bottomless 
 abyss of oblivion. 
 
 Part of the Jewish people, however, as a re- 
 sult of endless persecutions, had already become 
 reconciled to their newly-acquired belief in as- 
 similation, thereby forcing upon themselves, 
 and trying to impose upon others, the idea that 
 by drifting away far enough from the centrif- 
 
 [34]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 ugal of Israel's ancient hope, the process of 
 assimilation could be made easier and thus 
 solve the perplexing problem painlessly. 
 
 Herzl himself, as he admits in his "Memoirs," 
 for a time at least, considered a similar solu- 
 tion to the Jewish problem. But meeting with 
 one disappointment after another, even in the 
 attempt to make an inglorious surrender, the 
 poison itself became an antidote. It set him 
 thinking, dreaming, until what appeared even 
 to himself as Utopian was born in his mind. 
 
 The proletarian masses in the large indus- 
 trial cities, both in Europe and in America, had 
 already advanced far enough in their several 
 adical cults to attribute all evil, including the 
 Jewish sufferings, to the universal bad system 
 of government, to the wholesale exploitation of 
 labor and to the ruling classes which were 
 drawn upon exclusively from among non-pro- 
 ducers. They therefore did not, and would not, 
 consider the Jewish question apart from the 
 general question of the international proletar- 
 iat. To all of these elements the possibility of 
 recasting the Jewish people into a political en- 
 tity appeared incomprehensible. 
 
 Herzl not having appeared either as a Mes- 
 siah or as a wonder-working mystic, the Ghetto 
 r ew could not and did not know how to receive 
 him. The Ghetto dwellers were amazed, 
 
 [35]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 shocked, feverish, distrustful, militant. 
 
 Psychologically, Herzl knew the Jewish peo- 
 ple better than any other Jewish leader in the 
 entire history of the Diaspora. He realized 
 hat the Jewish people as a whole cannot and 
 will not remain indifferent at the mention of 
 Zion. Undismayed, undaunted, refusing even 
 to procrastinate in order to interest the indif- 
 ferent, he proceeded to draw a fully developed 
 sketch of his dream, and exclaimed to his people 
 through their representatives at the first Basle 
 Congress : "// you will, it will not be a dream!" 
 When Herzl came, there was already quite an 
 .".idience of "Lovers of Zion" whom to address. 
 f e had a number of predecessors who did some 
 pioneer Zionist work throughout the nineteenth 
 century. Rabbi Zebi Hirsch Kalischer, Moses 
 Hess, David Gordon, Abraham Petavel, Rabbi 
 Samuel Mohilewer, Heinrich Graetz, Lev Sem- 
 ionovich Pinsker, Joseph Salvador, Lazar Levy- 
 Bing, J. Frankel, Moritz Steinschneider, Rabbi 
 Judah Alkali, Charles Netter, Samuel David 
 Luzzatto, Sir Moses Montefiore, Adolph Crem- 
 ieux, Gustave Cohen, Moses Leib Lilienblum, 
 Perez Smolenskin, Lev Osipovitch Levanda, 
 Emma Lazarus, Hermann Schapira, Kalony- 
 mus Wissotsky, Ben Yehudah, and Isaac Rulf 
 are the outstanding Jewish names ; Grace-Aug- 
 ular (George Eliot), Hollingsworth, Warden 
 
 [36]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Cresson (M. C. Boaz Israel, American Consul 
 in Jerusalem), Henry Dunant, Benedetto Muso- 
 lino and Laurence Oliphant are among the non- 
 Jewish friends who were the forerunners of 
 modern Zionism, and who, by their self-sacri- 
 ficing work, had already, in a measure, paved 
 the way for him. 
 
 After the fourth Zionist Congress, Herzl com- 
 menced to feel the strength of the opposition. 
 There were four hostile camps arrayed against 
 him: (a) Ultra-Orthodox; (b) Assimilation- 
 ists; (c) Kultur-Zionismus ; (d) Territorialists. 
 (A) Herzl, up to a year or two before the 
 idea of a Judenstaat came to him, lived in a 
 West-European atmosphere. He was forced to 
 his Zionist conclusions by external anti-Semitic 
 influences. He did not even for a moment con- 
 ider the idea of appearing in the East-Euro- 
 \an Ghettos as a kind of Messiah. He made 
 no divine pretenses whatsoever. The entir^ 
 structure of his plan was based solely upon 
 sound political doctrines. He realized that he 
 was on holy grounds and respected it. He knew 
 that the souls of his people were connected to 
 Palestine with the most sacred ties. He felt 
 that by offering to them better material condi- 
 tions they would be able to transplant every- 
 thing that is spiritual, with very little effort, 
 in the land of their fathers, where their sacred 
 history was written. 
 
 [37]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 In this, Herzl misjudged the temper of the 
 East-European Ghetto Jews, particularly the 
 majority of the ultra-Orthodox Rabbis. The 
 latter, mindful of the harm pseudo-Messiahism 
 had left in its wake, particularly the appear- 
 ance of Shabethai Zebi (1626-1676), could not 
 at all conceive the idea of a political Jewish 
 state in Palestine without the direct help of 
 God. In a measure, that sentiment still pre- 
 vails even to this day in many ultra-Orthodox 
 quarters. 
 
 Thus, the ultra-Orthodox element claimed a 
 twofold reason why Zionism should be opposed : 
 (1) A return to Zion without a Messiah; (2) 
 West-European ideas, lest it brings actual as- 
 similation. 
 
 (B) The West-European and American Re- 
 form Rabbis, having the instruments of a mod- 
 ern press and pulpit at their command, used 
 them with religious zeal against Herzl. In 
 1869, the late Rabbi Einhorn called together a 
 conference of Reform Rabbis at Philadelphia, 
 where the principles of Reform Judaism were 
 promulgated and accepted. Paragraphs (1) 
 and (2) of the Philadelphia platform read as 
 follows : 
 
 "(1) Israel's Messianic goal is not the restor- 
 
 *on of a Jewish state and its seclusion from 
 other nations, but the reunion of all peoples in 
 
 [38]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 the knowledge of the one Supreme God, the 
 unification of all mankind and their elevation 
 to purity and holiness. 
 
 (2) The destruction of Israel's independence 
 is not to be considered as the punishment for 
 Israel's sinfulness, but as the fulfillment of the 
 Divine purpose in sending Israel forth into the 
 world upon the priestly mission to lead men to 
 a correct knowledge of God and to the per- 
 formance of His will." 
 
 The West-European Jews have perhaps not 
 wandered so far afield, insofar as the actual 
 principles of Judaism were concerned; but 
 when it came to the doctrine of assimilation, 
 they have excelled their American Reform 
 brethren manifold. Herzl was looked upon as 
 a menace, a stumbling-block to their goal. In 
 many Reform quarters, it was openly stated 
 that Zionism invites anti-Semitism. To them 
 it was a rude awakening by an intruder in 
 the stillness of night. The sugar-coated pill 
 of assimilation had worked for more than four 
 generations painlessly, and here comes a doctor 
 subscribing an antidote which would open the 
 old sores and bring on the old laboring pains. 
 Above all, they feared political Zionism. Dur- 
 ing the last decade, many of them have gone so 
 far as to favor some colonization scheme which 
 they would aid on philanthropic grounds; but 
 
 [39]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 insofar as the realization of Zionism into a 
 political state is concerned, Reform Jewry con- 
 tinues to this day to oppose it. Their protest 
 was at Versailles ; their protest was at the time 
 :.he Palestine resolution was brought in the 
 United States Congress. Herzl had to with- 
 stand their powerful attacks from the very mo- 
 .nent his idea became known. 
 
 (C) After the fourth Zionist Congress, the 
 question of Kultur-Zionismus became very 
 acute. Many of Herzl's followers, particularly 
 in Germany, Austria-Hungary and France, ad- 
 vocated to bring in West-European ideas and 
 system of education throughout the East- 
 European Ghettos. A majority of the latter 
 regarded Kultur-Zionismus as connoting anti- 
 Jewish and anti-religious principles. 
 
 In his opening address at the first Basle 
 Congress, Herzl said: "We have no thought 
 of giving up even one foot of the Kultur that 
 we have acquired ; on the contrary, we wish to 
 broaden that Kultur." 
 
 The second Basle Congress adopted the fol- 
 lowing resolution: "Zionism seeks not only 
 the economic and political, but also the spir- 
 itual rebirth of the Jewish people, and must 
 ever remain upon the stand of modern Kultur 
 whose achievements it highly values." 
 
 At the third Congress, Dr. Herzl stated: 
 
 [40]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 "We desire to lift ourselves up to a higher 
 moral plain, to open up new means of com- 
 munication between nations and prepare the 
 way for social justice. Just as the poet 
 weaves songs out of his own pain, so shall 
 we prepare from out of our own suffering the 
 advancement of mankind, in whose ?ovvice 
 we are." 
 
 Nevertheless, the Kultur-Frage v/orrie<! Dr. 
 Herzl perhaps more than many other objec- 
 tions raised against Zionism in East and 
 Southeast Europe. At the fifth Congress, the 
 ambition of political Zionism to promote Ktil- 
 tur amongst the Jewish people in Diaspora 
 was made part of the Zionist program. The 
 Kultur-Frage wr.s used as a weapon against 
 Zionism, even in Reform circles. They looked 
 upon Zionism generally as a reaction, not only 
 from a theological point of view, as they saw 
 it, but from the standpoint of general culture 
 as well. The Reform Rabbis on December 
 31, 1898, during their conference at Rich- 
 mond, Va., declared themselves opposed to 
 the whole Zionist movement on the ground 
 "that America was the Jews' Jerusalem and 
 Washington their Zion." Reformers opposed 
 it on the ground that there is no such thing, 
 and there can be no such thing, as a distinct 
 Jewish Kultur. The Orthodox element in 
 
 [41]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 opposition to Zionism saw in it an opening 
 for the admission of assimilation as part of 
 the Jewish aspirations which, of course, is 
 contrary to the anticipated goal of the people 
 of Israel. 
 
 (D) The economic and social opposition 
 of the majority of the European Jews became 
 so depressive at the dawn of the twentieth 
 century, that the question of finding a haven 
 of refuge anywhere in the world for the hun- 
 dreds of thousands of refugees was looked 
 upon with favor by a number of Herzl's fol- 
 lowers. The sentimental and historic features 
 in connection with Palestine were insufficient 
 to stay the demands of the territorialist ele- 
 ment in Zionism. Jewish immigration to 
 America had increased almost to 150,000 per 
 annum. There was a real exodus from East 
 and Southeast European Ghettos. Just about 
 then the East African proposal came. The 
 entire European Jewry, as it appears, be- 
 lieved in the scheme proposed by Great Brit- 
 ain. Particularly the Roumanian Jews, who 
 at that time were actually men without a 
 country, looked upon the Uganda project as 
 a Godsend solution to their problem. A spe- 
 cial warning had to be issued by the Great 
 Actions Committee to the Roumanian Jews 
 not to make the contemplated preparations 
 to emigrate to Uganda. 
 
 [42]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 At the sixth Congress, held in Basle on 
 August 23-28, 1903, Herzl said: "East Af- 
 rica is indeed not Zion and can never become 
 it." That Congress was the last one Dr. Herzl 
 attended. During the sessions of the Con- 
 gress, he had complained that his physical 
 powers were unequal to the task and that an 
 affection of his heart made the great work 
 more difficult than it otherwise would have 
 been. 
 
 Meantime, territorialism continued to agi- 
 tate the minds of the erstwhile supporters of 
 Dr. Herzl. The territorialists themselves 
 abandoned him and some of his former clos- 
 est friends distrusted him. The project of 
 Uganda having come directly to him from 
 the British government, and from him direct- 
 ly to the members of the Zionist Congress, 
 so influenced many of his erstwhile co-work- 
 ers, that they actually doubted his integrity 
 and sincerity of purpose and believed until 
 the day of his death that he encouraged ter- 
 ritorialism. 
 
 This latter fact affected his health more 
 than the entire opposition to his plan. He 
 knew his own sincerity and unbounded love 
 for his people. He also knew that no other 
 territory will ever either support or sustain 
 the Jewish people for any longer period than 
 
 [43]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 the history of the Diaspora shows. He also 
 knew that the only country which would 
 shelter his homeless people would be Pales- 
 tine. He never for a moment, ever since he 
 first commenced to dream about his Juden- 
 staat, doubted the practicability of his plan. 
 He knew within his soul, with the wisdom of 
 a prophet, that many of his co-workers would 
 see the realization of his dream. He lifted 
 himself upon such a height, that like unto 
 Moses r.^on Mount Pisgha he could see the 
 country of his people from afar, and like unto 
 Moses was prevented from entering it. 
 
 The intervening years between the death 
 of Herzl and the outbreak of the World War 
 tell the story of Zionism in but one sentence : 
 Propaganda, opposition, hope, courage, dis- 
 appointment, hope again. The only bright 
 chapter in the whole story of Zionism, since 
 the first Basle Congress, was written in Pal- 
 estine by the pioneers who turned many a 
 desert into a paradise. The colonists in Pal- 
 estine have demonstrated to the world that 
 Palestine will yield its fat and fruit to no 
 other than her own people. Every attempt 
 of colonization in Palestine by any other race, 
 even by Germans, was not successful. Mirac- 
 ulously the soil of Palestine yielded to the 
 touch of the Jewish hand. Erstwhile Ghetto 
 
 [44]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 dwellers, who for centuries had been con- 
 fined in cities and for more than two thou- 
 sand years divorced from the plowshare and 
 the pruning hook, the hoe and the ax, the 
 plow and the rake, have come to Palestine 
 and at once commenced to reap harvests in 
 great abundance. The wine and the fig-tree 
 once more became a pleasant place to rest 
 for the Jew. Milk and honey, too, commenced 
 to flow freely, and in but one decade more 
 than twelve thousand Jewish men, women 
 and children for the first time in two thou- 
 sand years knew the actual meaning of home. 
 
 The World War brought about many 
 changes. As a matter of expediency, as well 
 as historic justice, Great Britain issued the 
 Balfour Declaration. The European Jewries 
 had been shut up and barred up ever since 
 the outbreak of the war. Moreover, they 
 were all ruined as a result of the war. Most 
 of the West-European countries, too, were 
 ruined. The only Jewries which could take 
 advantage of this generous declaration were 
 the Jews living in the Anglo-Saxon countries, 
 where no Jewish question exists. The old 
 opposition was revived and with more zest, 
 particularly in the camp of American Reform 
 Israel. 
 
 Reverend Dr. Stephen S. Wise had a long 
 
 [45]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 established friendship with former President 
 Woodrow Wilson. This fact improved mat- 
 ters considerably. Wise is an ultra-radical 
 exponent of Eeform Judaism, but his connec- 
 tion with Zionism dates back to its very in- 
 ception, when he was in his early twenties. 
 He had interested Justice Brandeis, Judge 
 Mack and other influential American Jews, 
 all of whom happened to be Democrats. 
 They were quite a family of important men 
 to advise and interest former President Wil- 
 son in Zionism. This fact brought about the 
 happy result that the infamous memorandum 
 presented by some fifty-seven American Re- 
 form Rabbis and representatives of the Coun- 
 cil of Jewish Women, should receive no at- 
 tention. 
 
 The Jewish Congress backed up the work 
 of the Zionists at Versailles. Then came the 
 San Remo decision. Great Britain was given 
 the mandate over Palestine. Next came the 
 pogroms in Jaffa and Jerusalem, the protests 
 from the Arabs and the complications due to 
 the failure of the Wilson policies in the 
 United States Senate. 
 
 This last chapter of American political his- 
 tory directly affected the world's Jewry. The 
 American Jews, in view of the fact that the 
 project of the League of Nations fell through 
 
 [46]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 in the United States Senate, lost faith in the 
 powers of the League of Nations. Without 
 America, to them it was Hamlet with the 
 "Prince of Denmark" left out. The political 
 situation, due to the protest the American 
 State Department entered against all man- 
 dates, both in the Near and in the Far East, 
 became critical if not alarming. 
 
 The Jewish people were put to the test by 
 Great Britain. Funds were necessary; work 
 had to be commenced. The Holuzim immi- 
 grated in Palestine and employment for them 
 had to be found. Dr. Weizmann, President of 
 the World Zionist Organization, came to Amer- 
 ica. To his despair, he found a very strange 
 spirit greeting him. A change had taken place 
 in the hearts and in the minds of the great 
 leaders of the Zionist Organization of America. 
 They were against Gegenswartarbeit; they 
 were for Gesaefts-Zionismus. They were 
 against Diaspora nationalism; they were for 
 political Zionism of the West-European color. 
 They believed in corporations, but were against 
 one common fund for all activities, known as 
 the Keren Hayesod. 
 
 The Cleveland Convention came. There 
 the issues were joined and the situation 
 cleared. The real question of the hour was 
 not exactly money; it was the political sit- 
 
 [47]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 uation. The only help possible had to come 
 from America. With all the great leaders 
 removed from Zionist activities, the everyday 
 Zionists knew not how to begin, but the work 
 had to be done. 
 
 American statesmen, as the history of 
 America conclusively proves, have ever lis- 
 tened, even from the most humble mouth, to 
 good reasoning and worthy causes. I knew it. 
 
 Moreover, the American people as a whole 
 and the American statesmen as individuals do 
 not like timidity, back-door politics, or what 
 we may call in Hebrew, Stadlonot. If one has 
 to make a move, the Americans like to see a 
 straightforward, bold and accurate move. 
 The Irish wanted freedom for Ireland. They 
 also wanted the sympathy of the American 
 people. They went for it in the most ordi- 
 nary manner. A resolution was brought into 
 the United States Senate, expressing the sym- 
 pathy of America with Ireland. That was 
 indeed a bold move a resolution on its face 
 contrary to the interests of a friendly nation, 
 but because a small people was struggling 
 against a powerful state, the spirit of fair 
 play and the sympathy for the under-dog 
 prevailed. 
 
 This decided me without hesitation to make 
 the most direct move possible; to open the 
 
 [48]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 question and solve it. A resolution in the House 
 I did not consider at all necessary. The whole 
 matter had to do with the policy of our State 
 Department. The Senate is the co-power with 
 the President in confirming treaties. I there- 
 fore concluded that a resolution of sympathy 
 toward the Zionist cause in the United States 
 Senate would show England that America is 
 not at all against Zionism as such; much less 
 against Palestine as a homeland for the Jewish 
 people. On the other hand, America had a 
 direct interest to open new channels for Jew- 
 ish immigration. 
 
 How the Palestine resolution was initiated 
 and who its real authors and promoters were, 
 is now a matter of history; and in justice to 
 history and truth, a record of the Palestine 
 resolution up until the minute Senator Henry 
 Cabot Lodge introduced it, is outlined in this 
 work. 
 
 August 14, 1922. (Ab. 20 5G32.) 
 
 GLAZER, 
 
 Rabbi of the United Synagogues 
 of Greater Kansas City. 
 
 [40]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE CLEVELAND CONVENTION 
 
 The issues between the Keren Hayesod and 
 the Mack-Brandeis groups were joined long 
 before the call for the Cleveland Convention was 
 issued. Dr. Chaim Weizmann, Dr. Schmarya 
 Levin, Engineer Menahan Mendel Ussischkin 
 and Dr. Ben Zion Mossinsohn were the Big 
 Four of the Keren Hayesod forces. Judge 
 Julian Mack, Professor Felix Frankfurter, 
 Rev. Stephen S. Wise, with Supreme Court 
 Justice Louis D. Brandeis in the background, 
 were the Big Four of the then Zionist Admin- 
 istration forces. 
 
 On the instruction of Dr. Weizmann, tem- 
 porary headquarters of the Keren Hayesod, 
 Ltd., were opened at 50 Union Square, New 
 York City. Dr. Weizmann, President of the 
 World Zionist Organization, temporarily dis- 
 regarded his exalted office and yielded to the 
 needs of the hour, by visiting various communi- 
 ties in the interests of the Keren Hayesod. The 
 headquarters of the Zionist Organization of 
 America, at 55 Fifth Avenue, New York, had 
 meantime become hopelessly divided. Many of 
 
 [51]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 the paid executive heads of departments de- 
 serted their erstwhile superiors and joined 
 forces with the Keren Hayesod. 
 
 The Yiddish press throughout the country 
 emphatically and unequivocally endorsed the 
 stand of Dr. Weizmann and his associates, with 
 the sole exception of the Jewish Daily News, 
 which continued to plead for harmony. The 
 American-Jewish weeklies and kindred period- 
 icals were divided on the question, with an ap- 
 parent majority in favor of the Mack-Brandeis 
 group. 
 
 The masterly handling of the entire situation 
 by Louis Lipsky foredoomed the defeat of the 
 Zionist Administration forces at the Cleveland 
 Convention. Being a veteran of the Zionist 
 movement in America from its very inception, 
 Lipsky got in touch with everyone whom he 
 knew as likely to be in sympathy with the 
 Keren Hayesod. Innocently or deliberately, he 
 judged the temper of every community psy- 
 chologically correct. He knew beforehand 
 what community would be represented by a 
 Keren Hayesod delegate and what community 
 would endorse the Administration forces. Al- 
 though a native American, he himself has the 
 aspect of the Weizmann view rather than that 
 of the Brandeis school. 
 
 On Friday, June 3, 1921, the early delegates 
 
 [52]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 were thrilled with the announcement that "Dr. 
 Weizmann has arrived." A moment later a 
 majority of them were chilled with the an- 
 nouncement that "Judge Mack is in the hotel." 
 Despite the thermometer, which registered 
 around ninety, the appearance of any opposi- 
 tion delegate, as the Administration forces be- 
 came known, had the effect of creating a 
 Coast-of-Labrador-like temperature in the 
 lobby of the hotel. It was a study in American 
 Jewish psychology; it was more than a study 
 in Zionism. Anyone claiming nativity in some 
 West-European country, not to speak of Ameri- 
 can nativity, was at once classified as a Mack- 
 Brandeis man. Anyone incapable of restraint 
 when he or she wanted to talk, or anyone mak- 
 ing inquiry as to where and when one "can get 
 something homey to eat," at once received a 
 hearty handshake with the universal password 
 of "Sholom." 
 
 Saturday, June 5th, was spent mainly in lis- 
 tening to or being engaged in a new kind of 
 Zionist homeletics and exegesis. 
 
 One outstanding feature will forever re- 
 main lingering in my memory. Not one 
 ill expression, even by the most rabid fire- 
 brand among the Keren Hayesod delegates, 
 was uttered against Brandeis. Toward eve- 
 ning I encountered a group of Keren Haye- 
 sod delegates. They represented different 
 
 [53]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 communities East, West, North and South, 
 and all of them were American citi- 
 zens. They were denouncing the Administra- 
 tion forces; they were decrying the opposition 
 to the principle of maaser, which is a Biblical 
 principle, and therefore, according to them 
 blasphemous to advocate its elimination in con- 
 nection with the Keren Hayesod. They men- 
 tioned names, but during the entire argument 
 the name of Brandeis -was mentioned only 
 once, and that with reverence. I wanted to 
 find out the cause. The unanimous reply was : 
 "Brandeis as a Zionist is a failure; but he is a 
 great judge, a member of the greatest juridical 
 tribunal in the world." This answer was con- 
 vincing to me that when it came to the ques- 
 tion of America and Americanism, there was 
 no division. I felt elated to discover this happy 
 situation. 
 
 On Saturday night a lineup of forces took 
 place. The late Professor Gothard Deutsch and 
 I were sitting in the lobby, when a breathless 
 delegate invited me to hurry to a conference 
 in this fashion: "I am Chona. I know you 
 are a Yid and you will not disgrace Kansas 
 City by going to the Goishe meeting of Judge 
 Mack. Judge Dannenbaum and Lipsky are 
 to address the Keren Hayesod delegates." 
 
 The argument of Chona was not convincing 
 
 [54]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 to Dr. Deutsch, but it was convincing enough 
 to me, and I went directly to the conference of 
 Judge Mack. But to my great disappointment, 
 I noticed about a dozen or so delegates engaged 
 in a polite conversation with the Judge, which 
 I was disinclined to interrupt. 
 
 In the conference room called by Lipsky, I 
 found an assembly of at least three hundred 
 people, mostly delegates, roaring with laughter 
 at the recital, by Judge Dannenbaum, of the 
 proposed "Texas Palestine Refrigerating 
 Plant" under a Delaware charter, as Jacob De 
 Haas sponsored it at Houston, Tex. 
 
 My own mind remained open for conviction. 
 Above all, I desired to find out whether 
 the underlying current of the strife was strong 
 on account of principles, or whether the whole 
 situation was created on account of person- 
 alities. 
 
 The convention was called to order at the 
 ball room of the Cleveland Hotel by Judge 
 Mack. The question of a Chairman of the con- 
 vention was at once raised. In a moment the 
 words, "Tammany," "police court," and "Free 
 Synagogue," filled the air. Judge Rosenblatt 
 and Stephen Wise had the floor simultaneously. 
 Judge Mack and Judge Dannenbaum were 
 placed in nomination. I did not vote. Dannen- 
 baum was elected chairman by an overwhelm- 
 
 [55]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 ing majority. Weizmann and his colleagues 
 of the Keren Hayesod Big Four knew that they 
 had conquered the Mack-Brandeis group. 
 Ussischkin, having in the entire history of 
 political Zionism opposed Herzl and everyone 
 who savored with West-European culture, felt 
 elated in his belief that henceforth none but 
 the leaders of the East-European school will 
 dominate the destinies of the new Palestine. 
 
 During the night session, Judge Dannen- 
 baum, Chairman of the Convention, surprised 
 me very much by calling upon me to address 
 the convention. 
 
 Not having anticipated such a call and real- 
 izing that no other Orthodox Rabbi of among 
 the delegates would be called upon to address 
 the convention, my decision was instantaneous. 
 
 In the report of the convention an excerpt 
 of my speech appears and is as follows: 
 
 "Mr. Chairman and Fellow Delegates: I 
 highly appreciate the honor that has been ac- 
 corded me, and I deem it a privilege to be able 
 to speak to you a few minutes and to reveal 
 to you the thoughts that came into my mind 
 this afternoon, when I saw our great leader 
 sitting on this platform and listening to what 
 has been said. 
 
 "Fellow delegates, I know that there are 
 differences, and I give voice to my sentiments 
 
 [56]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 that insofar as the Keren Hayesod is concerned, 
 I am with you heart and soul. I believe that 
 we must have a common fund to finance the 
 establishment of a national homeland in Pales- 
 tine. I also believe that now is not the time 
 to count cents and dollars. Now is the time 
 to save precious lives. Now is not the time to 
 take to task our great leaders when confronted 
 by the enemy, and enemies we have from with- 
 in and without. We do not have to go very far 
 to find the enemies of Israel. I have served 
 for the past twenty-five years the most humble 
 of the American Jewish people. I appeal to 
 you now, in the name of all Rabbis in America, 
 who trust that at this convention wo shall not 
 lose a single member of the Zionist Organiza- 
 tion of America. Let us see if we cannot 
 establish harmony." 
 
 The Jewish Daily News of New York, hav- 
 ing been the only newspaper to advocate har- 
 mony, featured part of my speech which does 
 not appear in the records of the convention. 
 No motion was made by anyone to have any 
 part of my speech expunged from the records ; 
 I therefore cannot account why the meat of 
 my speech was not reported. Moreover, all 
 delegates surely do remember, that when I ex- 
 pressed the sentiment that, "It is my belief 
 and firm conviction that if the Administration, 
 
 [57]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 now in the minority at this convention, would 
 be given to understand that insofar as America 
 is concerned, the Keren Hayesod can be estab- 
 lished on the principle of a 'free-will offering' 
 instead of that of maaser, peace could still be 
 obtained and the question of persons could be 
 settled at a round-table circle," all delegates ex- 
 pressed in no mistaken terms their approval of 
 the sentiment. 
 
 Of course, I am a firm believer in the prin- 
 ciple of the Keren Hayesod ; but insofar as the 
 principle of maaser as applicable to the Keren 
 Hayesod is concerned, it was not a necessary 
 element for the success of the Keren Hayesod. 
 Experience during the past year has convinced 
 everyone who was interested in raising funds 
 for the Keren Hayesod that the principle of 
 maaser can not be followed at all, unless Ein- 
 stein's theory of relativity was employed. 
 
 For example: Mr. Yekel Amronowitz is 
 worth, according to the accredited rating agen- 
 cies, $100,000. His net earnings during a given 
 year, according to his books, are approximately 
 $10,000. His revolving fund, according to his 
 bank statement, is a $3,000 balance at the end 
 of every month, and $25,000 to $28,000 in cur- 
 rent assets, most of which is also current lia- 
 bilities in the form of notes held by his banker. 
 Now comes the Keren Hayesod collector and 
 
 [58]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 says to him, "Mr. Amronowitz, give us maaser. 
 We see that you are worth $100,000. You there- 
 fore owe the Keren Hayesod $10,000." Mr. 
 Amronowitz is an ardent Zionist, a great be- 
 liever in the Keren Hayesod, and really anxious 
 to give. His answer will doubtless be that com- 
 paratively speaking, or relatively so, he prob- 
 ably has book assets aggregating $100,000. The 
 best he can do is to show his income tax report. 
 Mr. Amronowitz is a trustworthy citizen, and 
 his attorney told him that he has no right to 
 claim that he is worth $100,000 merely because 
 his books show it. He has to take in consid- 
 eration depreciation of values in his rolling 
 stock, fixtures, property, bad debts, contingent 
 claims, and the possible losses due to the un- 
 stable character of prices of the merchandise 
 he handles. What he must do in his income 
 tax report is to give his net earnings. Under 
 such circumstances, Mr. Amronowitz thereupon 
 will be asked to give maaser from his income 
 which according to his income tax report, 
 should amount to $1,000. Mr. Amronowitz, 
 still being a Zionist and a patron of the Keren 
 Hayesod, v/ill say in all honesty: "Compara- 
 tively speaking I have made last year $10,000. 
 Relatively so, I had a very good year ; but gen- 
 tlemen, take in consideration all other expendi- 
 tures that I had incurred during the year, and 
 
 [59]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 also deduct the necessary living expenses for 
 myself and family, and you will find that my 
 actual surplus amounted to $1,250." Therefore, 
 at best, if Mr. Amronowitz would contribute 
 to the Keren Hayesod $125 per annum, barring 
 all accidents to his credit, his net income and 
 his book assets, he still would, relatively speak- 
 ing, be complying with the principle of maascr. 
 
 Conversely, if the Keren Hayesod collector 
 would go to Mr. Amronowitz and say to him: 
 "Mr. Amronowitz, you are a Zionist and a be- 
 liever in the Keren Hayesod; give us a free- 
 will offering to the full extent of your ability. 
 We have no other means of persuasion save 
 only that of an appeal to your own conscience," 
 the result would perhaps be double the amount 
 or more. Anyone experienced in the psychol- 
 ogy of the average Jewish citizen will agree 
 with the latter view. 
 
 As the convention proceeded to the business 
 of the day, it became clear to me that back of 
 the whole strife was the underlying desire for 
 a change in leadership in American Zionism. 
 The delegates, by their repeated action in sup- 
 porting the anti-Administrative forces with 
 overwhelming majorities upon every question, 
 manifested that leadership in American Israel 
 can never be wrested from the Jewish masses, 
 nor ever sustained contrary to their expressed 
 will. 
 
 [60]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Of course, the position of Weizmann was 
 more advantageous than that of Brandeis. 
 \Veizmann is himself a product of eastern Eu- 
 rope, who received the finishing touches of his 
 culture in a west-European environment. His 
 earnestness, his divine art of making appeals, 
 and his dignified attitude toward his opponents 
 won for him the battle before the convention 
 was twenty-four hours old. He was the ac- 
 cused, with the real accuser (Brandeis) not 
 being there in person, but represented by 
 proxy. Mack, Frankfurter, Wise, De Haas and 
 the lesser lights could not measure up to or 
 attain the height of Weizmann. 
 
 Technical questions, such as co-mingling of 
 funds, extravagant salaries, Palestinian malar- 
 ia, Jabotinsky's brand of fire, Simon and De 
 Lieme's action at the London Conference in 
 1920, Diaspora nationalism, Gegenswartarbeit 
 Keren Hayesod dividends in its relation to 
 American income tax, or Geschaeftszionismus, 
 might be facts to be dealt with by Professor 
 Frankfurter, who has a way of desiring "facts 
 and facts only"; but the majority of the dele- 
 gates, and, as I was sincerely convinced, the 
 majority of the Jewish people, are mainly in- 
 terested in one fact: the establishment of a 
 national home for the Jewish people in Pales- 
 tine. 
 
 [61]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Ussischkin has sinned more than in having 
 co-mingled the various Zionist funds in his ca- 
 pacity as head of the Zionist Administration 
 in Palestine. He caused Dr. Herzl much worry. 
 He always maintained that he was a practical 
 Zionist. No greater dreamer stood before that 
 convention than he. Being of a temperament 
 the like of which no other Zionist leader pos- 
 sesses, he could not conceive how one could 
 think in terms of method and efficiency. He, 
 therefore, follows the inclination of his own 
 philosophy ; thus when he dreams of something 
 to be attained, he employs direct action, and 
 breaks every knot. Such things as systematic 
 bookkeeping, principles of economy, method of 
 procedure, division of authority or separation 
 of funds, do not at all exist there. Despite 
 everything impractical he does, one must agree 
 with him when it conies to results. He pur- 
 chased the land in the Vale of Jezrael, and 
 permitted the whole Zionist Organization of the 
 World to argue out the technical points after 
 the purchase was made. 
 
 Zionism is not a case to be tried out by law- 
 yers and obtain either a conviction or an ac- 
 quittal on technical grounds. Perhaps the pun- 
 ishment inflicted upon the erstwhile leaders of 
 the Administration was too severe. I stand on 
 record as having voted for the administering 
 
 [62]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 of that rebuke, not because I believed that 
 everything Weizmann and his associates did 
 was right and everything Brandeis and his 
 associates did was wrong, but merely as a prin- 
 ciple to be emulated in Jewish history, when- 
 ever and wherever great leaders will commence 
 to believe that the Jewish people could not and 
 would not get along without them. 
 
 I saw before me a terrible battlefield strewn 
 with bodies of countless victims of war, po- 
 groms, massacres and mob violence. I saw 
 before me a vast desert filled with countless 
 men and women, terror upon their faces, living 
 in the shadow of death, their hands stretched 
 out heavenward in an appeal to God to help 
 them. And I saw great men, sitting in judg- 
 ment upon the fate of these countless victims. 
 Months are being spent in dragging out argu- 
 ments in order to make a case against some 
 other great men who are likewise sitting in 
 judgment to decide the fate of those victims. 
 Instead of hearing words of comfort, solace 
 and cheer, I saw stern faces and heard power- 
 ful voices proclaiming, "Unless we have our 
 own way we shall not continue to do those great 
 things we are able to do nor lift a finger in 
 an effort to help those victims any further." 
 There and then I became as hardened as one 
 of the cedars of Lebanon, and felt within my 
 
 [63]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 heart of hearts that if there is any punishment 
 to be visited upon the heads of such leaders, 
 now is the time, and forever may they lose 
 leadership in Israel unless they repent. 
 
 The Balfour Declaration had originally been 
 framed with the second half of that famous 
 declaration reading after the word "enjoyed": 
 "in any other country by such Jews who are 
 fully contented with their existing nationality 
 and citizenship." Such an insertion in the Bal- 
 four Declaration would have created extraordi- 
 nary antagonism against Zionism on the part 
 of Jewish citizens in countries where they en- 
 joy full civic rights. The Declaration as 
 framed, with that clause in it, was cabled to 
 America and amended in its present form at 
 the suggestion of Jacob De Haas. 
 
 Dr. Weizmann in his speech before the Con- 
 vention had failed to acknowledge that service 
 rendered by the American Zionist Organization. 
 Judge Mack, at the last hours of the conven- 
 tion, after he had already tendered his own 
 resignation along with the resignations of all 
 the erstwhile leaders, wired to him protesting 
 the omission, just as if the convention had been 
 called together for the purpose of compliment- 
 ing this or that leader for work done, or for 
 services rendered. 
 
 The political work accomplished in America 
 
 [64]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 for the Zionist cause must not and cannot be 
 underestimated. The man that actually did the 
 work is no other than Stephen S. Wise. Through 
 a long acquaintance with former President 
 Woodrow Wilson, he was able to make clear to 
 him the Zionist aspirations. Of course, the 
 presence of Brandeis in the councils of the 
 Zionist Administration of America added to 
 the movement much prestige; but to withhold 
 such prestige at a critical time on account of 
 technicalities, even if such technicalities are 
 essential to the temporary local administra- 
 tion of affairs by the World Zionist Organiza- 
 tion, was nothing short of a gross error, fit 
 only for great minds. Only the great can make 
 such great mistakes. 
 
 When Judge Mack read to the convention the 
 letter of resignation from Justice Brandeis, and 
 tendered the resignations of Felix Frankfurter, 
 Stephen Wise, Jacob De Haas and other Zionist 
 veterans, the feelings of the delegates were 
 such that many were overcome and wept open- 
 ly. I confess that at that moment I was not at 
 all weak. I could not see it that way. Like 
 others, I felt that the political situation, because 
 of the withdrawal of so many great American 
 Jews from Zionist activities, would be very 
 much aggravated ; but I also felt within my soul 
 that American statesmen, in a real great ques- 
 
 [65]
 
 tion, such as would touch the foreign relations 
 between this and other countries, would never 
 do anything because this or that great person 
 desired it. Conversely, if the cause itself be 
 just, and I knew all my life that the Zionist 
 cause is just, the American statesmen would 
 listen to the most humble Jewish citizen with 
 the same attentive ears as they would to the 
 greatest Jew living. 
 
 I also was reminded of what American 
 statemen had accomplished for other oppressed 
 nationalities, particularly that of Ireland. I 
 at once felt relieved and knew that the only 
 solution to the problem politically was to make 
 the boldest move possible. I knew that action 
 by the State Department is a slow process. I 
 determined to get direct action. The only di- 
 rect action possible was a resolution favoring 
 Palestine as the national homeland of the Jew- 
 ish people in the United States Senate. 
 
 Addressing the mass meeting at the Cleve- 
 land Chamber of Commerce I concluded by 
 saying that, "with a just cause half of the battle 
 is won, and with united efforts the other half 
 will be much easier." 
 
 [66]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 SOUTHWESTERN KEREN HAYESOD CONFERENCE. 
 
 The most practical resolutions adopted at the 
 Cleveland convention are Paragraps V, VI and 
 VIII, as reported by the Zionist organization 
 of America (1921 Cleveland Convention). 
 
 PARAGRAPH V. 
 
 "The Twenty-fourth annual Zionist conven- 
 tion resolves, that, The Keren Hayesod, while 
 remaining under the control of the World Zion- 
 ist organization, shall be so constituted that it 
 shall function here in America as a democratic 
 agency, and that, with that end in view, pro- 
 visions shall be made for the participation in 
 the management of the Keren Hayesod bureau 
 by all Jewish groups, parties and organizations 
 desirous of co-operating in the work." 
 
 PARAGRAPH VI. 
 
 "Whereas, the resolutions adopted at the Lon- 
 don convention specifically provide that 'at least 
 twenty per cent of the funds collected by the 
 Keren Hayesod shall be given to the Jewish 
 National Fund,' and 'of the further funds col- 
 
 [67]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 lected not more than one-third shall be spent 
 in current expenditures for education, social 
 welfare, immigration and philanthropic pur- 
 poses in Palestine for the building up of the 
 Jewish national home, while at least two-thirds 
 are to be invested in permanent national in- 
 stitutions or economic undertakings/ and 'that 
 the holders of certificates will participate in 
 the administration of the fund and in the reve- 
 nue of the economic undertakings established 
 by the fund,' and 
 
 "Whereas, the Jews of America, may, and 
 should, in view of their relative economic posi- 
 tion, be expected to forego any gains or emolu- 
 ments that may be derived from the economic 
 undertakings of the Keren Hayesod." 
 
 "We call upon and urge all Jewish contrib- 
 utors to the Keren Hayesod to designate their 
 contributions as free-offerings, assigning to the 
 World Zionist Organization, any and all of their 
 property rights in the Keren Hayesod, reserv- 
 ing to themselves all other rights as members." 
 
 "And we direct the incoming executive com- 
 mittee of the Zionist Organization of America, 
 to take the necessary steps to carry out the 
 purpose of this resolution." 
 
 PARAGRAPH VIII. 
 "The Convention declares that, in the inter- 
 
 [68]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 est of the cause, it is essential that the con- 
 troversy over the Keren Hayesod in this coun- 
 try publicly engaged in by opposing groups 
 within the Zionist Organization of America, 
 shall forthwith come to an end. The resolu- 
 tions of the Keren Hayesod as adopted in this 
 convention call for the immediate, complete 
 and unstinted co-operation on the part of all 
 Zionists, regardless of their views as indivi- 
 duals, so that the constructive work in Palestine 
 may suffer no further delay, and we affirm 
 our deep conviction that the example set by 
 the members of the Zionist Organization of 
 America, in giving their whole-hearted support 
 to the Keren Hayesod will be followed by the 
 Jews of America at large, and that through 
 the Keren Hayesod, the Jews of this country 
 will make their maximum contribution for the 
 upbuilding of Erez Ysroel." 
 
 In these resolutions I discovered a sincere 
 desire on behalf of the incoming Administra- 
 tion to eliminate controversy and strife and to 
 have all factions united for the Keren Hayesod. 
 Moreover, from them three far-reaching 
 principles evolved: (a) Suffrage on a 
 democratic basis, by permitting direct par- 
 ticipation of all groups as such, in the work of 
 the Keren Hayesod; (b) "Free Offering" 
 rather than investment for American Israel 
 
 [69]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 can be interpreted to mean only as an invita- 
 tion to non-Zionist elements who are inclined 
 to help on philanthropic grounds; (c) by the 
 positive declaration that "all strife shall come 
 to an end," the incoming Administration per- 
 manently established the principle of majority 
 rule, regardless of what persons the minority 
 may be composed of. 
 
 Convinced that unless the masses of all 
 groups be reached, the whole scheme of the 
 Keren Hayesod in America, complicated as it 
 was from its very inception, would be an inglori- 
 ous failure; and although the resolution called 
 for co-operation of all groups, which in itself 
 would justify the calling of conferences even 
 of non-Zionist elements for the purpose of as- 
 sisting the Keren Hayesod without asking fur- 
 ther authority, I, nevertheless, consulted, first 
 Dr. Weizmann, and then several members of the 
 newly elected Administrative committee, prin- 
 cipally Lipsky, Conheim and Goldberg, as to 
 the advisability of calling a conference of Jew- 
 ish representatives of various organizations in 
 the states of Iowa, Missouri, Kansas, Nebraska 
 and Oklahoma. 
 
 In this connection, it is necessary to point 
 out that c-1 May 27, 1921, in a letter to 
 Louis Lipsky I proposed a conference of 
 the executives of the several Zionist districts 
 
 [70]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 within those five states. I then considered, 
 that in view of the differences within the Zion- 
 ist Organization of America, every district 
 should be prepared for any and all eventualities. 
 
 When I requested the newly-elected Admin- 
 istrative committee to authorize a Southwestern 
 Keren Hayesod conference, only two persons 
 within the Zionist ranks knew part of the real 
 motive behind the plan. One was Weizmann. 
 After I had addressed the second session of the 
 convention, Weizmann invited me to meet with 
 him later that night. I anticipated something 
 significant, as the invitation from Weizmann 
 came at the suggestion, I think, of Ussischkin. 
 
 Dr. Weizmann's most telling statement to me 
 was, that back of this anxiety for funds was a 
 political reason. "Great Britain had to be shown 
 the good faith of the Jewish people. Such good 
 faith can be manifested only by commencing 
 earnestly to construct and settle Palestine with 
 Jewish money and men. The fact that funds 
 are coming in so slow, and in such small sums, 
 created a critical situation politically." 
 
 The idea to make the boldest move possible, in 
 order to eliminate all fear from the political 
 horizon, came to me at that moment. I knew that 
 Dr. Weizmann would have rejected the whole 
 plan, in fact would have stopped me at once from 
 
 [71]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 even imparting the plan to anyone in the world, 
 for he continued to express fear of complica- 
 tions and misinterpretations in any statement 
 or act of any delegate at the convention. His 
 attack on Stephen Wise in his speech before 
 the sixth session of the convention, was based 
 upon a statement made by Wise that "we do 
 not want Palestine as a Uritish Crown colony." 
 I therefore decided to merely state to Weiz- 
 mann that the American Southwest may, some- 
 time in the future, be of some help politically 
 to our cause, as there is absolutely no anti- 
 Semitism in the minds of any statesmen elected 
 by the southwestern people to represent them, 
 either locally or nationally. 
 
 To initiate such preliminaries which may 
 bring effective political results, I pointed out to 
 him, it was necessary to interest the Southwest- 
 ern Jews themselves in Zionism generally and 
 in the work of the Keren Hayesod in particular. 
 To obtain such ends a conference in the south- 
 west should be called. Dr. Weizmann endorsed 
 the idea enthusiastically. 
 
 To my friend, Max Shulman of Chicago I 
 revealed much more of the plan. He promised 
 to attend the conference and assist in the work. 
 
 Upon my return to Kansas City I encoun- 
 tered the universal difficulty of interesting a 
 large number of people in a work which up till 
 
 [72]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 that time was conducted by a limited number 
 of people who had not the least inclination to 
 either enlarge the number of representatives 
 in their councils or extend the scope of repre- 
 sentation from outside quarters. Hardly a 
 synagogue, as such, had ever taken part in 
 Zionist work in America. This was not the 
 fault of the synagogues but of the leaders of 
 Zionism generally, who evidently were disin- 
 clined to permit any outside influence to shade 
 Zionism with possible non-Zionist colors. 
 
 The Mizrachi was founded by the late Rabbi 
 Jacob Reines and his associates with a view of 
 bringing Zionism into the synagogues. The 
 Mizrachi in America, however, endeavored dur- 
 ing the few years of its activity to bring the 
 synagogues into the Zionist organization. By 
 reversing this principle the Mizrachi here failed 
 even after it attempted to bring Zionism into 
 the synagogue. It is amazing to learn that in 
 spite of the fact that the greatest majority of 
 the American Jews are whole-heartedly behind 
 the Zionist cause, the total membership of all 
 Zionist groups in this country is less than 100,- 
 000 out of a Jewish population of approximate- 
 ly 3,000,000. Back of this lamentable fact lies 
 the indifferent attitude of some of the former 
 leaders of American Zionists towards the syna- 
 gogues as such. Jacob de Haas is an example 
 
 [73]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 of one of the arch-instigators of the movement 
 to keep the religious elements out of the Zion- 
 ist movement. Whether or not he had the 
 sanction of the leaders higher up is problema- 
 tical. The fact remains that the Mizrachi or- 
 ganization was practically thrown out of the 
 Zionist Organization of America and forced to 
 carry on the work of propaganda and the work 
 of collecting funds for its own maintenance at 
 the same time. 
 
 Analyzing the situation with particular refer- 
 ence to conditions here in the southwest, and 
 being mindful of the Keren Hayesod resolu- 
 tions as passed at Cleveland, I was forced to 
 issue a call for what may be designated as a 
 compromise conference. The conference itself 
 was called under the auspices of the local Zion- 
 ist Organization but representation was given 
 to such organizations as were known to be in 
 sympathy with the Zionist cause. 
 
 An exception was made in the instance of 
 the Kansas City Jewry where representation 
 to the conference was given to the United Syna- 
 gogues as such. Other Jewries in the south- 
 west, not being so organized, could not receive 
 such an invitation to participate in the delibera- 
 tions at the conference in order not to em- 
 
 [74]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 barrass the new Zionist Administration with 
 new precedences. The date decided upon was 
 July 25-26, and the place the Muehlebach Hotel, 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 The call for the conference was issued July 
 12, 1921. The Zionist Organization of America 
 as well as the temporary organization of the 
 Keren Hayesod both were of great assistance. 
 
 Under date of July 5, 1921, Louis Lipsky, 
 general secretary of the Zionist Administrative 
 Committee, wrote to me as follows : 
 
 "My dear Rabbi Glazer : 
 
 We are making every effort to have Mr. Abe 
 Goldberg present at your conference July 25-26. 
 Dr. Mossinsohn will be engaged all this while 
 in New England and we cannot transfer him 
 to the middle west. Mr. Goldberg will spend 
 probably two or three days in the middle west 
 speaking not only in Kansas City but in other 
 places where arrangements have been made. 
 Naturally we are very glad to hear that Kansas 
 City and other middle western cities are in 
 favor of the Keren Hayesod. We have to meet 
 the extensive propaganda which is being car- 
 ried on by the defeated administration. The 
 only way we can meet it is by working hard 
 
 [751
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 for the Keren Hayesod and clearing up the 
 principles upon which the Keren Hayesod is 
 based. 
 
 Very cordially yours, 
 
 Louis LIPSKY, 
 General Secretary." 
 
 Emanuel Neumann, executive secretary of 
 the temporary organization of the Keren 
 Hayesod, having been notified that the con- 
 ference would be held here, wired as follows: 
 
 "New York, July 25, 1921. 
 
 Keren Hayesod Conference. 
 
 Care Rabbi Simon Glazer, 2732 Harrison 
 Street, Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 Keren Hayesod Bureau for United States 
 sends greetings your conference. We hope your 
 deliberations will result in immediate practical 
 work. Have received cable message Weizmann 
 recently requesting funds immediately for Land 
 Mortgage Bank Ruttenberg scheme and erec- 
 tion dwellings for immigrants. We await your 
 response. 
 
 EMANUEL NEUMANN, 
 Secretary Keren Hayesod." 
 
 [76]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Dr. Smarya Levin wired as follows: 
 
 "New York, July 25, 1921. 
 Keren Hayesod Conference, care of Rabbi 
 Simon Glazer, Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 My best wishes for complete success of your 
 conference. Political situation with regard to 
 Palestine critical. Can be relieved only by un- 
 dertaking immediate constructive work in 
 Palestine. Must raise in America million dol- 
 lars cash before Congress (meaning Carlsbad 
 Congress of the Zionist organization held dur- 
 ing September, 1921). Urge you make strenu- 
 ous effort ID secure funds immediately to meet 
 present emergency." 
 
 SMARYA LEVIN." 
 
 In this message Dr. Levin echoed the words 
 spoken to me by Dr. Weizmann. I differed 
 then and events have justified this difference 
 of opinion with both Dr. Weizmann and Dr. 
 Levin. No country or nation can be either 
 built up or established with hysteric efforts. 
 That the political situation was critical I could 
 see, but that it could be relieved by raising one 
 million or even ten million dollars I could not 
 see at all. 
 
 About that time the entire structure of my 
 plan had been formulated and a course of action 
 mapped out. 
 
 [77]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 The conference was a great success, beyond 
 my most sanguine expectations. The press 
 gave the conference very much prominence 
 in every city throughout the southwest. The 
 conference was attended by 168 delegates 
 representing every Zionist district, every Mis- 
 rachi organization and every Paole Zion organ- 
 ization within the states of Iowa, Nebraska, 
 Missouri, Kansas and Oklahoma. The Admin- 
 istrative committee and the Keren Hayesod 
 executives were represented by Mr. Abraham 
 Goldberg of New York, and the World Zionist 
 Organization was represented by Mr. Max 
 Shulman of Chicago, member of the Greater 
 Actions Committee. 
 
 The first session of the Southwestern Keren 
 Hayesod Conference opened at the ballroom of 
 the Muehlebach Hotel, Monday, July 25, at 11 
 a. m. Mr. W. H. Taylor, general manager of 
 public welfare of Kansas City, Mo., who repre- 
 sented the late Honorable James Cowgill, Mayor 
 of Kansas City, welcomed the delegates in a 
 most eloquent address. He said in part: 
 
 "I am glad to be here this morning. I regret 
 very much that the Mayor is not able to be 
 present in person before this representative 
 body of Jewish people. I think it a pleasure to 
 welcome you to our city. 
 
 "Today as I stand here it seems to me that 
 
 [78]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 I am occupying a historic position. I feel that 
 we are at the end of a great journey, and that 
 the great hope that we had in the beginning, 
 is now being fulfilled as a great prophecy. It 
 is wonderful, wonderful. We cast our eyes up- 
 ward and we get a glimpse of the wonders of 
 the great God. He speaks today as he spoke in 
 olden days to me and to you. We look to you, 
 my brethren, today; we look to you for much, 
 and we have a right to expect much. We wel- 
 come you indeed, not with hurrahs and huzzahs 
 but kindly, prayerfully, hopefully, cheerfully 
 with open arms. We greet you to our city. You 
 have brought high ideals, you will leave them 
 here ; and upon these walls though it may seem 
 that no impression will be made, but from out 
 of these hearts will go forth that touch of hu- 
 man feeling. It does not seem long since that 
 one was turned out and told to go forth from 
 Ur of the Chaldeans and that the promise which 
 was made to him is now about to be consum- 
 mated. 
 
 "My brethren, we have this great joy, that 
 the God of Israel is the God of us all. A sweeter 
 and more loving message no man can bring to 
 this world. You have kept it and preserved it. 
 We may look to others for other things, but to 
 the Jewish people we look for our religious life 
 and our ideas of God. As for me and mine, 
 
 [79]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 and for those I love and the great city I repre- 
 sent, I call upon them to have first of all, the 
 great thought of the God of heaven and earth ; 
 the great God first of all and then the culture 
 and refinement of that religion which you bring 
 to our world. 
 
 "I welcome you in behalf of the mayor and 
 city. We welcome you to our hearts and our 
 homes." 
 
 Rabbi Glazer: "We are meeting here this 
 morning not as representatives of a movement 
 aiming to alienate the affections of any Jewish 
 citizen from this country. We all are Ameri- 
 can citizens. Because we are American citi- 
 zens, our foremost duty was and is to study 
 American history and to teach American his- 
 tory to our children in its proper light, and we 
 as the people of the book, a people that has pre- 
 served history for mankind know how to teach 
 history. And because we know American his- 
 tory we have a right to point to our Zionist 
 work as a genuine American doctrine. Our aim 
 is to establish a national homeland in Palestine 
 for the Jewish people. Had not the Fathers of 
 our country assembled together and proclaimed 
 to the American people that 'there shall be 
 liberty throughout the land for all the inhab- 
 itants thereof,' no nation on the face of the 
 
 [80]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 earth would have the fruits of liberty today. 
 
 We have a right as American citizens to say 
 to our brethren who have no liberty, 'We have 
 liberty, we shall try to give you similar liberty 
 in a homeland of your own.' 
 
 It is because that I am convinced that Zion- 
 ism is a genuine American doctrine that I came 
 from the Cleveland convention determined to 
 instill this feeling first in the hearts of all the 
 Jewish people and then in the minds of all 
 America. Fellow delegates, I deeply appreciate 
 your presence here and I must warn you that 
 we have great work before us. Before this con- 
 vention will close all American Israel will know 
 that a great chapter of history was made by the 
 Jewish people of the southwest." 
 
 Mr. Shulman of Chicago was unanimously 
 elected chairman of the conference. 
 
 Mr. Shulman: "Ladies and Gentlemen, Fel- 
 low delegates: I accepted the invitation to be 
 here knowing that conventions of this kind are 
 very much in need. It is practically impossible 
 for New York to reach every section of the 
 country. It is therefore high time that the 
 various regions, the mid-western states, the 
 southwestern states and other still further out- 
 lying districts throughout the country confer, 
 organize and elect representatives to be respon- 
 
 [81]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 sible for the Zionist work within their respec- 
 tive territories. The work that is now before 
 us, namely, the Keren Hayesod, I take it that 
 all of you are more or less familiar with. I hope 
 you all have come to the conference to have 
 an opportunity to give the work a greater im- 
 petus. The Keren Hayesod work is now the 
 only thing before the Jews of the world. Pales- 
 tine will either be rebuilt or the opportunity 
 will slip by. The Keren Hayesod is not an 
 American fund, it is .not a European fund, it is 
 a Zionist institution aiming to raise one hun- 
 dred million dollars for the purpose of build- 
 ing up Palestine as a Jewish homeland. We 
 want to raise a large sum of money to do all the 
 necessary work in Palestine; to build harbors, 
 railroads, public utilities, telephones, tele- 
 graphs, industries, houses, power plants; to 
 irrigate and afforestate the country and do 
 everything else which it is necessary for a nat- 
 ural national life for the Jewish people that are 
 now flocking into Palestine. One of our great 
 fortunes is the fact that Palestine is not yet cul- 
 tivated, built up and prosperous. Had Pales- 
 tine been so the ones who had developed it 
 would have had a just claim upon it and kept 
 it for themselves. We do not want anyone to 
 do the work for us. We desire to be the pioneers 
 and do the work that is necessary. We have 
 
 [82]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 creative ability, we have the men, the will- 
 power, the national consciousness and therefore 
 should build ourselves. 
 
 "We are grateful to the Allied Powers for 
 having given to Great Britain the mandate over 
 Palestine, but we want you to bear in mind one 
 thing neither England nor the United States, 
 nor any other power on earth can give Pales- 
 tine to the Jewish people. There is only one 
 people that can both give and take Palestine, 
 that people is ourselves." 
 
 The conference lasted for two days in which 
 five business sessions were held. The wind- 
 up or the sixth session was a mass meeting at 
 the Shriner's Temple, Twelfth and Prospect, 
 Kansas City, Mo., where a sum of more than 
 $25,000 for the Keren Hayesod was subscribed. 
 The resolutions adopted at the conference were 
 as follows: 
 
 "It is the sense of this conference that the 
 five states, namely, Iowa, Nebraska, Missouri, 
 Kansas and Oklahoma, be and are hereby de- 
 clared a district unit for the Keren Hayesod to 
 be known as the Southwestern Keren Hayesod 
 Region. 
 
 Be it further resolved, that a permanent of- 
 fice be established in Kansas City to carry on 
 the work of the Keren Hayesod, if it be met 
 with the approval of the national executives of 
 
 [83]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 the American temporary organization of the 
 Keren Hayesod. 
 
 Be it further resolved, that all of the five 
 states shall be represented on the executive 
 committee, such representatives to supervise 
 the work of the Southwestern Keren Hayesod 
 region. 
 
 Be it further resolved, that in the administra- 
 tion of the Keren Hayesod work be included 
 representatives of all Jewish organizations 
 within the region, if such organizations will de- 
 sire to participate. 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 The Southwestern Keren Hayesod conference 
 recognizes the Cleveland convention as the 
 highest authority in American Zionism and 
 pledges its full and loyal support to the present 
 Administration. 
 
 Be it further resolved, that the Southwestern 
 Keren Hayesod Bureau shall be in charge of a 
 Keren Hayesod director who shall be under 
 the supervision of the executive officers of this 
 region. 
 
 Be it further resolved, that this conference, 
 fully appreciating the services rendered to the 
 cause of Zionism during the trying days of the 
 
 [84]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 late war by the former officers of the Zionist 
 Organization of America, call upon them now 
 at this critical period of our movement, to lend 
 their full and loyal support and urges upon 
 them, individually and collectively, to partici- 
 pate in the deliberation of the World Zionist 
 Congress to be held at Carlsbad during the 
 month of September next and to co-operate 
 with the Keren Hayesod and the Zionist Organ- 
 ization of America. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 Be it further resolved, that the officers of 
 the Southwestern Keren Hayesod region con- 
 sist of one president, two vice-presidents, one 
 regional treasurer, one general treasurer, one 
 recording secretary, one financial secretary, 
 an advisory council of five members and an 
 executive committee of ten members, two mem- 
 bers from each of the five states. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 That this conference extends its thanks to 
 the Kansas City Jewry, to the Kansas City press 
 and to the Jewish press of the country." 
 
 [86]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 The following officers were elected: 
 President S. R. Travis, Tulsa, Okla. 
 
 First Vice-President Charles Silberman, 
 Des Moines, la. 
 
 Second Vice-President Professor Gustave 
 Klausner, St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 General Treasurer H. Appleman, Tulsa, 
 Okla. 
 
 Regional Treasurer A. A. Smith, Kansas 
 City, Mo. 
 
 General Secretary Dr. M. A. Elstein, Kan- 
 sas City, Mo. 
 
 Recording Secretary Louis Plost, Tulsa, 
 Okla. 
 
 President Advisory Council Alfred Benja- 
 min, Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 Vice-President Advisory Council Rabbi 
 Simon Glazer. 
 
 MEMBERS OF THE ADVISORY BOARD. 
 Rabbi M. Braudy, St. Joseph, Mo. 
 Rabbi J. L. Goldenson, St. Louis, Mo. 
 Rabbi H. Kopstein, Sioux City, Iowa. 
 
 [86]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 STATE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORS. 
 
 IOWA. 
 
 A. E. Galinsky, Sioux City. 
 Philip Lipson, Cedar Rapids. 
 
 NEBRASKA. 
 I. Goldstein, Omaha. 
 I. Shostak, Lincoln. 
 
 KANSAS. 
 
 Mrs. H. Rosenbloom, Wichita. 
 I. S. Galitsky, Topeka. 
 
 OKLAHOMA. 
 D. R. Travis, Tulsa. 
 A. S. Kaplan, Bartlesville. 
 
 MISSOURI. 
 
 Meyer Hurwitz, St. Louis. 
 Max Studna, Kansas City. 
 
 At the fourth session of the Southwestern 
 Keren Hayesod conference Mr. Abraham Gold- 
 berg delivered a most inspiring address, tracing 
 the history of the late differences in the Zion- 
 ist ranks and outlining the practical work to be 
 done in order to again consolidate the Zionist 
 forces. 
 
 Puring the fifth session of the conference 
 [87]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 the political situation of Zionism was mentioned 
 by Shulman, Goldberg and others. I deliber- 
 ately refrained from mentioning anything more 
 than the fact contained in the telegram of Dr. 
 Schmarya Levin. 
 
 Reading the reports of the Southwestern 
 conference in the different newspapers I real- 
 ized that the ground work of the structure was 
 complete. Every Jewish community within the 
 five states knew about the Keren Hayesod, its 
 aims and objects, and also became interested 
 in Zionism generally. 
 
 Having created a permanent organization 
 with authority centered in the different com- 
 munities throughout the five states, I realized 
 that as the convenor of the conference I could 
 easily get the desired co-operation, should I be 
 in need of assistance, by calling upon the per- 
 sons I had in mind. Thus was the initial step 
 made most successfully. 
 
 [88]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE NEW ZIONIST ADMINISTRATION 
 
 I found the situation, both at the Zionist and 
 at the Keren Hayesod headquarters, alarming. 
 With all of the great American leaders out of 
 the movement, Weizmann and Ussischkin in 
 Europe, and new and untried men as heads of 
 great departments, the task of holding the 
 organization together was herculean. The chief 
 concern in the mind of every responsible per- 
 son in either of the headquarters was the po- 
 litical situation. 
 
 The Carlsbad Congress of the World Zionist 
 Organization was but a fortnight hence. The 
 leaders of the new Zionist Administration had 
 to prepare themselves for their journey to the 
 Congress. 
 
 On the day of my arrival in New York, the 
 new Administrative Committee held a confer- 
 ence at the Commodore Hotel. At that confer- 
 ence the American resolutions to be presented 
 at the Carlsbad Congress were drafted. I was 
 invited to attend the conference. Joseph Bar- 
 ondess presided, with Louis Lipsky acting as 
 secretary. There were thirty-four people 
 present. 
 
 [89]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 The Jewish notables in America were most 
 conspicuous by their absence from the confer- 
 ence, where policies of far-reaching conse- 
 quences to millions of Jews were being shaped. 
 
 The European Zionists have the ability, the 
 will-power, the zeal, the fervent patriotism 
 and the unbounded devotion to carry out the 
 principles enunciated by Dr. Herzl and his able 
 successors. But they all are unable even to 
 commence actual work of construction in Pal- 
 estine without the assistance of American 
 Israel. Be it said, however, to the credit of 
 the European Zionist leaders, that they had 
 never looked upon their American brethren as 
 materialists only. On the contrary, they al- 
 ways listened to American advice. As a matter 
 of fact, at the London Zionist Conference of 
 1920, they tendered the leadership of the World 
 Zionist Organization to eminent American 
 Jewish statesmen, who unfortunately were not 
 in a position to accept it. I realized what great 
 opportunity the leading American Jews of 
 this generation had lost in not being present 
 at that conference. 
 
 The hour and the need create the men. In a 
 session lasting the better part of an afternoon 
 and evening, matters of grave importance came 
 before that conference. When adjournment 
 was decided upon, many phases of real impor- 
 
 [90]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 tant issues were left open, wanting the advice 
 of the Executive Committee of the World Zion- 
 ist Organization. Here again it became mani- 
 fest to me, and I was more than ever con- 
 vinced, that the cloud of pessimism which I 
 saw hovering above the Zionist horizon came 
 up from the different chancellories of the 
 world. 
 
 Witnessing this conference, I was cheered 
 up considerably, not on account of the dis- 
 cussion, which was entirely cheerless, but on 
 account of the fact that nothing was done in 
 haste, nothing was left to chance, and every- 
 thing was done with the greatest care becom- 
 ing an able parliamentary body anywhere 
 within the civilized world. 
 
 Herman Conheim facilitated an executive 
 meeting of the temporary organization of the 
 Keren Hayesod, which was also attended by 
 several members of the Zionist Administrative 
 Committee, among whom were Louis Lipsky 
 and Abraham Goldberg. I delivered to them 
 the set of the resolutions passed by the South- 
 western Keren Hayesod conference and re- 
 quested them to establish headquarters for the 
 Southwestern Keren Hayesod Region. They 
 consented to do so only on one condition: that 
 for the time being and up until after the Carls- 
 bad Congress, when the Keren Hayesod organ- 
 
 [91]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 isation would be chartered and established on 
 a permanent basis, the Southwestern Keren 
 Hayesod Bureau should be together with the 
 offices of the United Synagogues of Greater 
 Kansas City. This latter condition was stip- 
 ulated at the request of Conheim and Goldberg. 
 
 On the same day the following telegram was 
 addressed to Dr. M. A. Elstein, Secretary of 
 the Southwestern Keren Hayesod Region: 
 
 "New York, N. Y., August 10, 1921. 
 "Dr. M. A. Elstein, 
 c/o United Synagogues, 
 606 Kemper Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 "At Rabbi Glazer's request decided to open 
 Kansas City office. Trust you will proceed 
 immediately with your plans. 
 
 (Signed) Joseph Jason." 
 
 On August 11, 1921, I invited Herman Con- 
 heim and Abraham Goldberg to have a private 
 conference with me at the Commodore Hotel. 
 I did so at the suggestion of Dr. Smarya Levin. 
 
 During the morning of the previous day, I 
 had seen Dr. Smarya Levin, who at that time 
 was recuperating from a serious illness, and 
 was still confined to his room. I found him 
 very gloomy, and when I mentioned to him the 
 fact that during the fall of 1905 when we first 
 
 [92]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 met, his features did not express as much 
 strength and courage as now, he clenched both 
 his fists and said: 
 
 "We have the courage; we have the knowl- 
 edge; we may get the money; but we have not 
 the friends who will remove from our path the 
 'flaming sword which turned every way* and 
 facilitate for us an entrance into our ancient 
 Eden." 
 
 He mentioned to me a certain feature in con- 
 nection with the Palestine mandate insofar as 
 one particular European chancellory was con- 
 cerned, which he likened to the "flaming sword 
 which turned every way." 
 
 Dr. Levin must have anticipated some val- 
 uable information when he brought up the sub- 
 ject of friends, for he continued to ask me what 
 the Jewish standing in the West and Southwest 
 was, and how powerful their friends in public 
 life are, and what if anything the western Jews 
 could do politically for the cause. He candidly 
 admitted that with the removal of the Mack- 
 Brandeis group from the Zionist Administra- 
 tion the political situation in America became 
 really critical. I did not dare confide even to 
 Dr. Levin my bold plan of a resolution in the 
 United States Senate, but I disclosed to him 
 the fact that one of the oldest and greatest 
 statesmen in America, the Hon. Albert B. Cum- 
 
 [93]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 mins, President pro tern, of the United States 
 Senate, at one time assured me *that he was 
 a staunch Jewish friend and will work for any 
 law which may remove every disability against 
 the Jews anywhere in the world. In addition 
 to this outstanding fact, I intimated to him 
 that it would be quite possible to interest a 
 number of western statesmen, who, finding our 
 cause just and not contrary to the interests of 
 America or Americanism, would be glad to 
 come to our assistance. 
 
 Dr. Levin stood up erect, extended both of 
 his hands to me and said : "It is evident that 
 Zionism is a sacred cause. The Balfour Declar- 
 ation was first drafted in the home of that 
 great divine, Rabbi Moses Gaster of London. 
 Rabbi Hirsch Kalischer, Rabbi Samuel Mohil- 
 ewer and Rabbi Jacob Reinies, the two former 
 even before the days of Herzl, and the latter 
 when Dr. Herzl came to us, have been of the 
 greatest help to further Zionism in the hearts 
 of our people. If you will be able to get for 
 us some of the friends you suggest, you will be 
 the one to complete the Mizvah. "However," he 
 continued, "the new Zionist Administration 
 have appointed a political committee, of which 
 Herman Conheim and Abraham Goldberg are 
 the principle members. Confer with both these 
 
 *See facsimile of the letter by Senator Cummins to me in the 
 year 1908 on page 17. 
 
 [94]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 gentlemen so that your mission may have the 
 seal of authorization." 
 
 I was almost tempted to tell Dr. Levin that 
 my intentions were to go a great deal farther 
 than he ever imagined. I also greatly desired 
 to cite the example of Rabbi Manasseh Ibn 
 Ysrael of Amsterdam, who unknown to anyone 
 went to London, appeared before Cromwell and 
 gained the readmission of the Jewish people in 
 England. But I feared complications and, 
 therefore, confined my last remarks to him to 
 the effect that I would consult Conheim and 
 Goldberg. 
 
 The conference between myself and Conheim 
 and Goldberg took place during the early after- 
 noon of August llth. An unexpected partic- 
 ipant to part of the conference was M. M. 
 Travis of Tulsa, Okla., and New York City. 
 Before the close of the conference I was com- 
 missioned by Conheim and Goldberg to visit 
 several eminent statesmen and lay matters be- 
 fore them and, if possible, interest them in our 
 great cause with a view of having them take 
 up the matter of the political situation affecting 
 Zionism, with the State Department at Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 Intending to see Senator Albert B. Cummins 
 in a day or so thereafter, I had promised to 
 
 [95]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 wireless Conheim and Goldberg, who were to 
 leave the following day for Carlsbad to attend 
 the World Zionist Congress. 
 
 Circumstances prevented me from going on 
 to Washington just then, and instead brought 
 me to Montreal, Quebec, where I was fortunate 
 to be able to map out my complete course of 
 action. 
 
 [96]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 GOVERNOR ALLEN 
 
 Realizing that the task before me would re- 
 quire accurate information concerning the Bal- 
 fuor Declaration and the circumstances imme- 
 diately preceding it, I had to inform myself on 
 few points which had not remained very clear 
 in my mind. I got the desired data from an 
 Ottawa, Ontario, friend on Sunday, August 
 14th, which happened to be Tishaah be-Ab (an- 
 niversary of the destruction of the first and 
 second temples). 
 
 After the Balfour Declaration was issued, a 
 vehement protest against the Declaration was 
 entered by the West-European and American 
 Reform Jews, on the ground that, to their be- 
 lief, the Declaration establishes dual citizenship 
 for the Jews in Diaspora. 
 
 The data which I obtained on that visit in 
 Montreal proved of invaluable service to the 
 cause almost immediately after I returned to 
 Kansas City. 
 
 The United Synagogues of Greater Kansas 
 City include also the two synagogues of Kansas 
 City, Kans. In addition, I had intimate knowl- 
 
 [97]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 edge of the conditions of the Topeka Jewish 
 community, having assisted them to erect a syn- 
 agogue and a community center. These facts 
 carried my mind toward the State of Kansas, 
 where the possibility of doing some pioneer 
 work in connection with my plan suggested 
 itself. 
 
 Desiring to give no publicity to my real inten- 
 tions in a contemplated visit to Topeka, I called 
 up over the long-distance telephone, Harry C. 
 Shapiro, Secretary of the Topeka synagogue 
 and President of the Zionist district there, and 
 requested him to call a Keren Hayesod meeting 
 and inform the community that I would be 
 there to speak. The response to my appeal for 
 the Keren Hayesod was very generous. The 
 meeting was adjourned late at night. This 
 gave me a valid reason to remain there part 
 of the next day. 
 
 Ike Gilberg, a Topeka Jewish tailor, who 
 spent a busy life doing things, with the happy 
 ability of being able to do a number of things 
 at one time, was pointed out to me as a friend 
 of Governor Henry J. Allen. By arrangements, 
 Mr. and Mrs. Harry C. Shapiro, whose guest I 
 was, invited Mr. Gilberg for luncheon. I told 
 my host and hostess as well as Mr. Gilberg that, 
 being in Topeka, I had a sincere desire to meet 
 personally the celebrated Governor of Kansas. 
 
 [98]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Ike, without hesitation, went to the telephone, 
 called up a number, imparted the information 
 that "Ike Gilberg was talking, and that he de- 
 sired to see the Governor at once." I heard him 
 furthermore state, "Yes, will be over in few 
 minutes." He came back completely relieved 
 of his appetite, reminded himself of something 
 else, went back to the telephone, called up 
 another number and commanded some young 
 man to "come at once with your car to show 
 the Rabbi of Kansas City the beauty spots of 
 Topeka." 
 
 On the way to the Capitol, I studied the fea- 
 tures of Ike Gilberg. They revealed to me many 
 things. Above all, I surmised that within his 
 heart of hearts, notwithstanding his own prob- 
 able denial of the fact, he would, if occasion 
 demanded it, yield his life for the love of his 
 people. I immediately trusted him, and I am 
 happy to chronicle the fact that by placing my 
 trust in him I made no mistake. His chief 
 amusement and work in life is talking ; but for 
 months he did not reveal a syllable of what he 
 had heard at the executive offices of Governor 
 Allen. 
 
 Governor Allen is a great man ; speaks like a 
 great man; and above all, listens like a great 
 man. Before I had completed my opening re- 
 marks, the Governor interrupted me with a 
 
 [99]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 question, "Do you know that there is a Syrian 
 commission, headed by a French-Canadian 
 Catholic priest, touring every state capital in 
 the country, requesting sympathy for the Arabs 
 and protesting against the Balfour Declara- 
 tion?" I confessed I did not. I had been in- 
 formed that there is an Arabian delegation in 
 America with headquarters at New York; but 
 that a commission headed by a French-Cana- 
 dian Catholic priest was touring the country, 
 was indeed shocking news to me. The Gover- 
 nor made me feel much relieved when between 
 two very happy smiles he said, "I paid no atten- 
 tion to that ; they saw my Secretary." 
 
 Just then I turned toward Ike Gilberg. I felt 
 happy that I had taken him along to be present 
 at the interview. Not a syllable of any word 
 spoken had escaped him. His countenance had 
 that happy appearance which one could find on 
 the face of a real pious Jew on Friday night. 
 
 By degrees I revealed my entire plan, which 
 really was the first time I had uttered it in 
 words. Up until that moment the whole struc- 
 ture appeared in my mind as a mere skeleton 
 sketch ; but realizing that my words are moving 
 the heart of one of the leading statesmen in 
 America, I at once believed that the plan, be- 
 cause of its boldness, will be a success. 
 
 The Governor in his replies and statements 
 
 [100]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 during the lengthy interview manifested a thor- 
 ough knowledge of the Jewish question in gen- 
 eral and of Zionism in particular. There were 
 certain points which had not appeared clear to 
 him. I promised that I would on my return to 
 Kansas City, as soon as I could gather all the 
 data, mail to him a memorandum outlining the 
 chief points which he desired to clear up before 
 taking the matter up with Senators Curtis and 
 Capper and ask them to present the resolution 
 I had outlined, in the United States Senate. 
 
 The memorandum to Governor Allen follows : 
 
 "Kansas City, Mo. 
 September 2, 1921. 
 Governor Henry J. Allen, 
 State of Kansas, 
 Topeka, Kans. 
 My dear Governor: 
 
 It was indeed a delight to meet you person- 
 ally, and I beg leave to thank you for the oppor- 
 tunity given to me at such a short notice. 
 
 In accordance with my promise, I beg leave 
 to submit to you a memorandum of our conver- 
 sation Wednesday. 
 
 The political basis for a national Jewish 
 homeland in Palestine is, of course, the promise 
 
 [101]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 of the British Government published November 
 2, 1917, which reads as follows : 
 
 'His Majesty's government view with favor 
 the establishment in Palestine of a national 
 home for the Jewish people, and will use their 
 best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of 
 this object, it being clearly understood that 
 nothing shall be done which may prejudice the 
 civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish 
 communities in Palestine or the rights and poli- 
 tical status enjoyed by Jews in any other coun- 
 try.' 
 
 This resolution, known as the Balf our Declar- 
 ation, was subsequently accepted by the allied 
 conference in San Remo on April 24, 1920; 
 and at the same time Palestine was placed under 
 the protection of the League of Nations and 
 Great Britain given the mandate to administer 
 it, with a special view of promoting the estab- 
 lishment of a Jewish national home there. 
 
 Sir Herbert Samuel, a leading statesman, 
 whose sympathies towards Zionism are well 
 known, has been appointed High Commissioner 
 to Palestine, and in this way the historic home- 
 land of the Jewish race has been reopened to 
 the Jews. 
 
 Palestine within its present boundaries, is a 
 country of about 10,000 square miles, inhabited 
 by some 750,000 people, of whom ten per cent 
 
 [102]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 are Jews. This means that on the average ev- 
 ery square mile of Palestinian territory con- 
 tains only seventy-five inhabitants. Sicily has 
 252 inhabitants per square mile; Belgium, 568. 
 This shows that Palestine could accommodate 
 an incomparably larger population than it does 
 at present. There is room for several millions 
 of Jewish immigrants, without any need of 
 'squeezing in or out' the present population. It 
 is only a question of developing the country's 
 natural resources; in other words, a question 
 of Jewish energy and skill to make Palestine 
 a busy country and a desirable place to live in. 
 That the Jews are capable of doing it their 
 worst enemies cannot and dare not deny. 
 
 In the year 1914, before the outbreak of the 
 war, there were forty-three Jewish colonies in 
 Palestine containing 408,742 dunams of land 
 (80,000 acres), and about 12,000 inhabitants. 
 The capital invested in these colonies in Pales- 
 tine amounted to twelve million dollars. With 
 improved machinery and health conditions the 
 progress of the colonies would be an hundred- 
 fold. 
 
 Great Britain has recognized the World Zion- 
 ist Organization as the agency to carry out the 
 scheme of making Palestine a national home- 
 land for the Jewish people. That recognition 
 was reiterated at the San Remo decision. 
 
 [103]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 France holds under military rule Syria and 
 Lebanon, penetrating quite deeply into the ter- 
 ritory hitherto classed by all historians and 
 Biblical authorities as ancient Judaea, and even 
 claiming rights to the upper parts of every use- 
 ful stream. Moreover, France is interested in 
 promoting the welfare of the Syrian Catholics. 
 To that extent, ilia I 7 , cndi Government are re- 
 ceiving the support of the Vatican. 
 
 You, my dear Governor, and I know that the 
 world today looks to the United States for lead- 
 ership. The United States can, at the mere 
 motion of its index finger, change any situa- 
 tion or any political doctrine anywhere in the 
 world. Presently our Government cannot and 
 will not interfere in any of the conflicts going 
 on among the newly-created little and big 
 states, insofar as Europe is concerned. But 
 America, a country standing at the very pin- 
 nacle of civilization, cannot ignore the events 
 which transpire in the holy of holies of the 
 world's history, in the cradle of the world's civ- 
 ilization in the Holy Land. 
 
 The civilization of the world demands a solu- 
 tion to the Jewish problem. Eleven millions 
 of European Jews are today like a man without 
 a country. Under the existing political situa- 
 tion, America sanctioned none of the mandates 
 created by the League of Nations. It has ex- 
 
 [104]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 plicitly stated so in our treaty with Germany, 
 as you well know. The only practical step to 
 bring about a solution to this complicated Near- 
 Eastern problem, insofar as Palestine is con- 
 cerned, would be to lift the American voice in 
 behalf of the 'countryless people for the people- 
 less country.' It is possible to do so without 
 active participation in the affairs of the League 
 of Nations. 
 
 A resolution of sympathy by the United 
 States Senate will accomplish all. To that end 
 we need the sympathy and friendship of our 
 great senators. 
 
 You, my dear Governor, know thoroughly 
 well the two eminent senators of your State. 
 Would it not be possible for you to recommend 
 to the senators of your State favorable action 
 upon such a resolution, if it be brought in the 
 United States Senate ? I do sincerely believe that 
 you, as the champion of justice and equity 
 among men, should take a very active interest 
 in bringing about the passing of such a resolu- 
 tion. You can easily do so by asking one of -the 
 senators of your State to frame such a resolu- 
 tion. 
 
 I have no doubt that if Senator Curtis will 
 bring in a resolution sympathizing with the as- 
 pirations of the Jewish people to establish a 
 national homeland in Palestine, that it would 
 
 [105]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 receive the unanimous vote of the United States 
 Senate. It is not at all necessary nor desirable 
 that the United States Senate mentions the 
 mandate given to Great Britain by the League 
 of Nations over Palestine, as this would prob- 
 ably be an objectionable feature. But a general 
 resolution of sympathy with such a movement 
 would remove every obstacle from the path of 
 the Jewish people, and within a short period 
 the tide of Jewish immigration could be di- 
 verted to Palestine. 
 
 Humanity demands such action. Millions of 
 people belonging to an ancient race, which has 
 contributed so many glorious chapters to the 
 story of mankind, are now wandering in search 
 of a home, begging admission in every port city 
 of the world, with very few ready to receive 
 them. May I not suggest that action along this 
 line by you would aid materially in solving this 
 great problem? 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues 
 of Greater Kansas City." 
 SG:DC 
 
 On the 14th of September I received a reply 
 from the Governor, together with a letter to 
 
 [106]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 him from Senator Curtis, facsimiles of which 
 appear in this book. *0n September 19, 1921, 
 the Governor wrote to Senator Curtis as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 "EXECUTIVE OFFICE 
 STATE OF KANSAS 
 Topeka, Kans., Sept. 19, 1921. 
 
 Honorable Charles Curtis, 
 United States Senate, 
 Washington, D. C. 
 My dear Senator Curtis: 
 
 Thank you for your good letter of the 13th 
 inst. in reference to my communication touch- 
 ing the resolution of sympathy for the Jewish 
 people. I am sending your letter to Rabbi 
 Simon Glazer, who will, I know, thoroughly ap- 
 preciate it and who doubtless will communicate 
 with you along the lines suggested in your 
 letter. 
 
 Thanking you very much for your kind at- 
 tention to this, I remain, 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 (Signed) HENRY J. ALLEN." 
 
 The Governor's activities produced results; 
 in fact, the greatest results. He initiated the 
 
 *See page 19. 
 
 [107]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 whole movement by requesting Senator Curtis 
 to draft the Palestine resolution. 
 
 In reply to the Governor's letter of Septem- 
 ber 19th, a facsimile of which appears in this 
 book,** I wrote as follows: 
 
 "612-614 Massachusetts Bldg. 
 Kansas City, Mo., Sept. 20, 1921. 
 
 Governor Henry J. Allen, 
 State of Kansas, 
 Topeka, Kans. 
 
 My dear Governor : 
 
 I beg leave to thank you for your very kind 
 letter of the 19th inst. It has gladdened my 
 heart, and I know it will gladden the hearts of 
 my people, when your efforts will come to light 
 as a glorious chapter in the history of the Jew- 
 ish people. 
 
 I have pointed out to you in my letter con- 
 cerning our interview that without proper safe- 
 guards in phrasing such a resolution, complica- 
 tions may arise. You may rest assured that the 
 greatest care will be taken in the handling of 
 this matter, and as you were the first great 
 American to make it possible for such a step to 
 
 **See page 11. 
 
 [108]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 be taken, nothing will be done without your full 
 knowledge and approval. It may be trouble- 
 some to you to read correspondence not directly 
 concerning the State of Kansas; but we judge 
 you not as the Governor of the State of Kansas, 
 but as one of America's leading citizens, des- 
 tined for many, many greater things than that 
 of being the Governor of a great State. 
 
 I know that Senator Capper will co-operate 
 after you will have a personal talk with him. 
 I am writing direct to Senator Curtis, asking 
 him to see Secretary of State Hughes in con- 
 nection with this matter. The phraseology of 
 such a resolution can best be attended to by the 
 Senator himself. It may possibly be that 
 through your great influence and through the 
 very good offices of the Senators of your State, 
 no public resolution will be required, as the only 
 thing we desire is the sympathy of the United 
 States towards the establishment of a Jewish 
 national homeland in Palestine. 
 
 Our State Department, if it so deems desir- 
 able, may, without in the least complicating 
 anything, give such an assent to Great Britain ; 
 that is to say that our Government recognizes 
 the mandatory power of Great Britain over 
 Palestine and expresses its sympathy with the 
 Balfour Declaration and the San Reno decision, 
 insofar as the establishment of a Jewish na- 
 
 [109]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 tional homeland in Palestine is concerned. If 
 there be anything I can do in the way of bring- 
 ing home to you or to any of the Senators, ad- 
 ditional facts in reference to this all important 
 Jewish question, I am at your service. 
 
 Thanking you again, and hoping for the suc- 
 cess you so heartily wish us, I beg leave to re- 
 main, 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 (Signed) SIMON GLAZER 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues 
 of Greater Kansas City." 
 SG:DC 
 
 After I received the first letter from Senator 
 Curtis in reply to mine, imparting to me the in- 
 formation that he had drafted a resolution of 
 sympathy toward the establishment of a na- 
 tional homeland in Palestine, I wrote to Gov- 
 ernor Allen as follows : 
 
 "Kansas City, Mo., Oct. 20, 1921. 
 
 Honorable Henry J. Allen, 
 Governor of State of Kansas, 
 Topeka, Kans. 
 
 My dear Governor Allen : 
 
 Words fail me to express the thanks of the 
 people of Israel for your most kind act in intro- 
 
 [no]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 ducing the subject of Palestine as a homeland 
 for the Jewish people to Senator Curtis. * * * 
 
 The very fact that Senator Curtis prepared 
 such a resolution was a potent factor to cause 
 our State Department to speak in definite terms 
 concerning the mandate of Palestine. I have 
 no doubt that if you and Senator Curtis will 
 continue to act in this self-same spirit as you 
 did until now, our Government will not only 
 find no objection to the Palestine mandate, but 
 will actually bring it about in a more practical 
 way than it was generally understood. 
 
 Permit me, dear Governor, to assure you that 
 no Christian in this generation has undertaken 
 a greater mission than you. 
 
 Your very humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) SIMON GLAZER 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues 
 of Greater Kansas City." 
 
 SG:DB 
 
 When matters had advanced far enough that 
 I considered a trip to Washington and an inter- 
 view with the President not only desirable, but 
 inevitable, I addressed the following letter to 
 Governor Allen : 
 
 [in]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 "612-614 Massachusetts Bldg. 
 Kansas City, Mo., Nov. 10, 1921. 
 
 Honorable Henry J. Allen, 
 Governor of State of Kansas, 
 Topeka, Kans. 
 
 My dear Governor: 
 
 I have this day wired the following message 
 
 to Senator Curtis: 
 
 'Honorable Charles Curtis, 
 United States Senator, 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 Could you arrange for me an interview 
 with President Harding? Please reply by 
 wire as the matter is very urgent. 
 
 (Signed) RABBI SIMON GLAZER 
 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues.' 
 
 I do not know whether Senator Curtis will 
 be in a position to accommodate me in this mat- 
 ter, and as you have been of the greatest help 
 to my people in the past two months, I again 
 direct my prayers to you. With the Disarm- 
 ament Conference going on, the President's 
 time is surely of the greatest value. Neverthe- 
 less, I am sure that with the aid of Senator Cur- 
 
 [112]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 tis, I could get to see him. Your Secretary in- 
 formed me that you are leaving for the East 
 yourself; perhaps I will be able to see you at 
 Washington the latter part of next week, which 
 in itself would be of the greatest help to my 
 ission. However, my request of you this time 
 is to be good enough to write to Senator Curtis 
 to receive me and to give me the introduction 
 necessary. I will highly appreciate if you will 
 
 ply to this letter by wire, so that it may reach 
 me on Saturday in order to enable me to leave 
 for Washington the early part of next week. 
 
 Thanking you most heartily, I am, 
 
 Your very humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) SIMON GLAZER 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues 
 of Greater Kansas City." 
 
 SG:DC 
 
 The Governor wired to Washington as re- 
 quested. He also was in Washington the day 
 after I saw the President. A facsimile of his 
 letter to me in reference to my interview with 
 the President appears in this book.* 
 
 The Governor's name will remain indelibly 
 imprinted in the pages of Jewish history. He 
 
 See page 9. 
 
 [113]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 took the initiative in a work which led to the 
 final success of the Zionist movement. In a 
 speech at Topeka last June, the Governor mod- 
 estly disclaimed any credit to himself, gracious- 
 ly adding that he "well remembered the words 
 used by the Rabbi to be identical with which 
 was finally passed by the Senate." 
 
 The Governor ennobled himself in the hearts 
 of all who know him by his modesty. 
 
 [114]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 GOVERNOR HYDE AND GOVERNOR MCKELVIE 
 
 The sympathy of Governor Allen toward the 
 movement of bringing in a resolution in the 
 United States Senate favoring Palestine as a 
 homeland for the Jewish people, created a sit- 
 uation which demanded further action. I had 
 originally outlined my course of action to in- 
 terest in this project the Governors of the 
 states of Iowa, Nebraska, Missouri, Kansas and 
 Oklahoma, and the Senators representing these 
 states in the United States Senate. The test 
 was at Topeka. 
 
 Jefferson City has no Jewish community to 
 speak of, and I knew of no one who could prop- 
 erly introduce me to Governor Hyde. I dis- 
 closed the entire program to A. A. Smith, Reg- 
 ional Treasurer of the Southwestern Keren 
 Hayesod Bureau, who seeing the Topeka re- 
 port, became interested in the work. Mr. 
 Smith suggested to me that the vice-president 
 of his company, Mr. E. W. Koch, a colonel of 
 the Governor's staff, should accompany me to 
 Jefferson City and give me the necessary in- 
 troduction. 
 
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 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 On Friday, September 23, 1921, Colonel Koch 
 introduced me to Governor Arthur M. Hyde 
 of Missouri. I outlined to the Governor a full 
 sketch of how to remove all obstructions from 
 the path of Zionism and prevent all possible 
 complications, should our State Department 
 take action favorable to Zionism in an ordinary 
 diplomatic manner. The Governor was sym- 
 pathetic from the very first moment the sub- 
 ject was broached. He suggested a communica- 
 tion to Senator Selden P. Spencer. During the 
 interview, which was quite a lengthy one, I 
 was convinced that I was in the presence of an 
 ever-ready friend, a man whose fundamental 
 belief is in American institutionalism, which 
 carries along with it justice, equality and hu- 
 manity. I forwarded to Governor Hyde a 
 written memorandum of our interview which 
 was as follows: 
 
 "Office of United Synagogues 
 of Greater Kansas City. 
 
 612-14 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 September 26, 1921. 
 
 Honorable Arthur M. Hyde, 
 Governor of State of Missouri, 
 Jefferson City, Mo.
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 My dear Governor: 
 
 I beg leave to submit a memorandum of our 
 interview Friday, the 23rd inst. 
 
 Our former Administration endorsed the 
 Balfour Declaration of November 2, 1917, prom- 
 ising Palestine as a Jewish national homeland. 
 The wording of the declaration, before it was 
 made public, was submitted to former President 
 Wilson, who found no objection thereto, but on 
 the contrary endorsed it. On April 24, 1920, 
 at San Remo, Italy, the League of Nations pro- 
 claimed a decision ratifying the Balfour Dec- 
 laration, and named Great Britain as the man- 
 datory power over Palestine. With the dis- 
 appearance of the Wilson Administration, the 
 question of mandates became paramount in our 
 State Department. Our Government took the 
 stand, and, as we know, rightly so, that the 
 disposition of any territory, or the conferring 
 of a mandatory power upon any nation with- 
 out the consent of the United States cannot be 
 sanctioned. This of course, in addition to the 
 fact that the former Turkish Empire was not 
 an enemy nation, altered political conditions, 
 insofar as the Balfour Declaration is concerned, 
 materially, as a result of which the age-old 
 hope of the Jewish people to establish a nat- 
 (ional home in the land of their fathers received 
 a backward jolt. 
 
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 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Meantime, the Zionist Organization of the 
 World, the recognized agency to rebuild Pales- 
 tine, proceeded to purchase land and formulate 
 extensive plans, such as the irrigation, electri- 
 fication and afforestation of Palestine. Pio- 
 neers in the thousands are flocking to the 
 shores of ancient Judaea. 
 
 The League of Nations at Geneva submitted 
 to the inevitable and declared that it is power- 
 less to handle the mandatory situation with- 
 out the United States, thereby deferring the 
 whole matter of mandates until the Disarma- 
 ment Conference will open at Washington on 
 November 11 next. On the Agenda as pub- 
 lished through the press, the question of man- 
 dates, although it only speaks of mandatory 
 isles (meaning the Far East), is scheduled to 
 be taken up by the conference as the last item. 
 In view of all this, the world's Jewry turn their 
 eyes toward the United States for help. 
 
 There are at present, at the very least, three 
 million Jewish refugees who cannot, under 
 existing conditions, claim legal residence in any 
 European country. This tragic situation came 
 along with the creation of new states in south- 
 eastern, eastern and central Europe. The 
 eastern front during the war embraced the for- 
 mer Pale of Jewish of Settlement in Russia. 
 Now Poland, Lithuania, Eusthonia, Finland, 
 
 [118]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Latvia, Czechoslovakia and Jugo-Solvakia are, 
 under the terms of the Versailles treaty, forced 
 to recognize the Jews who were residing at 
 their respective countries at the time of the 
 peace conference. But the latter countries are 
 unwilling to admit that the former residents 
 there, who fled or were driven by the enemy 
 during the war, are entitled to such considera- 
 tion. Most of these refugees were driven in 
 the interior of the former Russian empire. For 
 almost seven years, hundreds of thousands of 
 those refugees were supported by the gener- 
 osity of the American Jews. But we cannot 
 have millions of men and women pauperized 
 for all times. 
 
 Moreover, under the present immigration 
 laws of the United States, immigrants are ad- 
 mitted on a three percent basis of the nationals 
 as have resided in this country in 1910. This 
 situation prevents, under the existing restric- 
 tions, more than sixty per cent of the Jews who 
 otherwise would have been entitled to admission 
 to this country from entering it. 
 
 The European nationals are of course sub- 
 ject to regulations concerning emigration of 
 their respective countries where American con- 
 sulates grant visaes. The new governments as 
 a matter of policy refuse permits of emigra- 
 tion to such Jews as are legally at a disadvan- 
 
 [119]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 tage by having no legal claim as citizens of 
 those states. Thus, the situation is such thai 
 any delay means danger. 
 
 The only remedy to ameliorate the sufferings 
 of the millions of Jewish men, women and chil- 
 dren and to for all times find a solution to the 
 Jewish problem, is by opening Palestine to 
 them. Palestine can be opened to the Jewish 
 people only by the sympathy of the American 
 Government. There are two ways open by 
 which the Jewish people may be saved: (a) 
 A sympathetic resolution in the United States 
 Senate for the aim of the Jewish people to es- 
 tablish a national homeland in Palestine along 
 the lines of the Balfour Declaration; (b) To 
 have our State Department, through the usual 
 diplomatic channels, give sanction to such es- 
 tablishment of a national home for the Jewish 
 people in Palestine by not including the Pales- 
 tine mandate in the terms of the protest against 
 mandates generally. 
 
 Governor Allen of the State of Kansas was 
 good enough to recommend such a resolution 
 and requested United States Senator Charles 
 Curtis to introduce it. Senator Curtis ex- 
 pressed himself willing to present such a resolu- 
 tion, providing our State Department saw no 
 complications in the phraseology of the resolu- 
 tion. This can well be overcome by framing 
 
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 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 the resolution in proper diplomatic wording, 
 without committing our Government to the 
 principles of mandates in former enemy terri- 
 tory, particularly so since the Turkish Empire 
 is not to be considered former enemy territory, 
 as we were not officially at war with Turkey. 
 It would be on the same principle as the recog- 
 nition of our Government of Poland, which was 
 part of the territory of a former ally. 
 
 In view of this, I pray to you, my dear Gov- 
 ernor, to communicate these facts to the Hon- 
 orable Selden P. Spencer, United States Sena- 
 tor from our State, who I know is a friend, and 
 who will no doubt assist in bringing about the 
 desired result. Your great influence will cer- 
 tainly achieve that end, and may the blessing of 
 a people in prayer rest upon you. 
 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 
 SG:DC Rabbi of United Synagogues of 
 
 Greater Kansas City." 
 
 The Governor, few days later, replied 
 to this letter, quoting also a paragraph of the 
 letter addressed to him by Senator Selden P. 
 Spencer.* 
 
 This strengthened my belief in the plan 
 which I had formulated but tentatively at the 
 
 See Illustration on Page 13. 
 
 [121]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Cleveland Convention, and brought on the de- 
 cision to lay the matter before an executive ses- 
 sion of the officers of the Southwestern Keren 
 Hayesod, which took place on Sunday, Septem- 
 ber 25, 1921. 
 
 The following directors of the Southwestern 
 Keren Hayesod were present : Meyer Hurwitz, 
 St. Louis, Mo.; S. L. Shostak, Lincoln, Neb.; 
 I. S. Galitzky, Topeka, Kans. ; H. Appelman, D. 
 R. Travis, Tulsa, Okla. ; I. Goldstein, Omaha, 
 Neb. ; Max Studna, A. A. Smith, Alfred Benja- 
 min, Rabbi Simon Glazer, Kansas City, Mo. Mr. 
 Alfred Benjamin, chairman of the Advisory 
 Council of the Southwestern Keren Hayesod 
 Region, although not a professing Zionist, 
 recognized the practicability of such a resolu- 
 tion and strongly endorsed the plan. The ses- 
 sion lasted for more than three hours, which 
 was mainly taken up with the plan of assisting 
 me at Lincoln, Neb., and at Oklahoma City, 
 Okla. 
 
 I knew that the two senators of the State of 
 Iowa, one being the Honorable Albert B. Cum- 
 mins, would help without extraordinary ef- 
 forts. This was the primary reason why I did 
 not include Des Moines in my itinerary. 
 
 At that meeting it was decided to cover all 
 necessary expenses in connection with this 
 work from the five percent of all collections 
 
 [122]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 authorized by the temporary Administrative 
 Committee of the Keren Hayesod at New York. 
 Be it remembered, for the purpose of keeping 
 history straight, that all expenses in connection 
 with my work, from the day I left Kansas City 
 to attend the Cleveland Convention, until I 
 turned the matter of the Palestine resolution 
 over to the Zionist Organization of America, 
 were taken care of by myself. 
 
 To the credit of the directors of the South- 
 western Keren Hayesod, it must be chronicled 
 that not a single word of opposition to the plan 
 of a Palestine resolution was uttered by any of 
 them. On the contrary, everyone present en 
 couraged it, fully realizing the far-reaching 
 consequences which such a movement entailed 
 and fully conscious of the important part the 
 entire Southwest was playing in solving the 
 Jewish problem. 
 
 That week was the last week of the year 
 5681. Anticipating early action by Senator 
 Curtis, I could not afford to delay matters. I 
 had to organize all forces possible in order, 
 when necessary, to be able to muster in as 
 much help as possible. 
 
 I arrived at Lincoln, Nebr., Tuesday, Septem- 
 ber 27, 1921. A committee, consisting of S. L. 
 Shostak, Jacob Shapiro and Max Katelman, in- 
 
 [123]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 troduced me to Governor Samuel R. McKelvie 
 of Nebraska. 
 
 The Governor received me in the historic 
 executive office of the old Nebraska capitol. 
 He grasped the whole situation from my open- 
 ing remarks. For a young man he had managed 
 to inform himself quite liberally on many ques- 
 tions affecting almost every race on the face 
 of the earth. He jotted down only one or two 
 notes, which evidently had to do with a couple 
 of things he had learned during the interview 
 for the first time. He was the second Amer- 
 ican to my knowledge to give expression re- 
 garding the treatment of the Jewish people 
 throughout the world, even in countries where 
 they have all the civic rights, should there be 
 a Jewish state with Jewish representatives in 
 every civilized country. Mr. Post, former As- 
 sistant Secretary of Labor under the Wilson 
 Administration, at the annual meeting of the 
 Hebrew Sheltering and Immigrant Society, in 
 1921, was the first American to express a like 
 sentiment. 
 
 I reminded the Governor that Senator Hitch- 
 cock had already on several occasions before 
 expressed his deep sympathy with the Zionist 
 aspirations. The only question in connection 
 with a Senate resolution that seemed to have 
 troubled the mind of Governor McKelvie was, 
 
 [124]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 how America could recognize Palestine, either 
 as an independent state or as mandatory terri- 
 tory, in view of the fact, first, that America 
 was not a member of the League of Nations, 
 and second, that the Treaty of Sevres had not 
 yet been issued. This obstacle was pointed out 
 to me in the letter Secretary Christian wrote 
 upon the instructions of President Harding on 
 October 13, 1921.* Governor McKelvie's fears 
 and misgivings proved of great benefit in con- 
 nection with the work. It stimulated such 
 action which brought about the removal of 
 every possible complication or obstruction. 
 
 After my interview with the Governor, which 
 added strength to the convincing argument 
 that only by bringing the Zionist cause before 
 the American people in the form of a resolu- 
 tion can the end be attained, I decided to 
 address a committee of Lincoln Jews regarding 
 the Keren Hayesod. Mr. S. L. Shostak ar- 
 ranged for a large committee to meet me at the 
 Lincoln Hotel during that afternoon. I found 
 ; - more difficult to convince some of the Lin- 
 coln, Nebr., Jews as to the aims of the Zion- 
 ist movement and the importance of the Keren 
 Hayesod than to convince the Governor of the 
 practicability of bringing in a Palestine resolu- 
 tion in the United States Senate. Unfortu- 
 nately, there is still found in every Jewry a 
 
 See facsimile letter on page 7. 
 
 [125]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 respectable element which remained indiffer- 
 ent to the entire subject. The State of Ne- 
 braska is partially responsible for the existing 
 state of indifference on the part of the Lin- 
 coln Jewry. Nowhere in America do the Jew- 
 ish people live more contented than in that won- 
 derful state. Their own state of happiness and 
 circumstances, being human, contributed no 
 mean proportion of their coldness toward the 
 national aspirations of the rest of the mem- 
 bers of their race. I left Lincoln with genuine 
 regret that I could not take along at least part 
 of the atmosphere of the State of Nebraska 
 and plant it in some quarters where more toler- 
 ance and genuine Americanism are needed. 
 
 While at Lincoln I received a telegram from 
 H. Appelman of Tulsa, Okla., urging me to 
 proceed at once to Oklahoma City, where an 
 appointment had been made for me to meet 
 Governor J. B. A. Robertson. 
 
 An incident at the town of Kingfisher, Okla., 
 on my way from Lincoln to Oklahoma City, 
 strengthened my determination to carry the 
 work through. As the train stopped at that 
 little station, strange singing if singing I may 
 call it reached my ears. I saw several pas- 
 sengers looking out toward the station side of 
 the train. I did likewise. There I beheld an 
 old negro bent with age, his kinky hair griz- 
 
 [126]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 zled, his hands stretched out, singing and danc- 
 ing and at intervals picking up pennies, nickels 
 or dimes that the passengers threw out through 
 the window. The sight puzzled me and I asked 
 the conductor of the train if he knew what the 
 negro was doing with the pennies and nickels 
 and dimes. The conductor's reply was illum- 
 inating: "This old negro has been greeting 
 every train that passes through Kingfisher 
 with song and dance for many years. He is an 
 uneducated negro preacher. With the pennies 
 and nickels and dimes and with his own labor 
 added thereto, he constructed a little church. 
 He fills the church with members of his race 
 whenever he has an opportunity, and covers 
 all expenses of conducting that little church 
 with the coins that the passengers throw at 
 him through the window. He has saved many 
 bad negroes from serious trouble and made 
 respectable men of them." Should I ever again 
 pass through Kingfisher, I would be glad to 
 shake the old darky's hand. In his humble, 
 ignorant way, he fulfills a sacred mission upon 
 earth. In his humble capacity he serves his 
 race, and in his self-sacrificing work he serves 
 God. 
 
 That day being "Oklahoma Day" during the 
 state fair week, the Governor was not at his 
 executive office. Mr. Englesman, who had 
 
 [127]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 made the appointment and who had wired to 
 H. Appelman at Tulsa, to advise me to come to 
 Oklahoma City, informed me that there was a 
 miscalculation of the train schedules. I never- 
 theless left a memorandum for the Governor, 
 a second copy of which I mailed to him; and 
 the fact that the two senators of the State of 
 Oklahoma heartily endorsed and voted for the 
 resolution, convinced me that my trip to Okla- 
 home City was not in vain. 
 
 Upon my return to Kansas City I addressed 
 the following memorandum to Governor Mc- 
 Kelvie of Nebraska: 
 
 "612-14 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo., 
 
 September 29, 1921. 
 Honorable Samuel R. McKelvie, 
 Governor of State of Nebraska, 
 Lincoln, Nebr. 
 My dear Governor: 
 
 The substance of what I said during our in- 
 terview was as follows: 
 
 'The present situation of the European 
 Jewry, with particular reference to the war 
 refugees who, as a result of the newly created 
 boundaries within the former Russian and 
 Austria-Hungarian empires, have become men 
 without a country, is so tragic that unless im- 
 
 [128]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 mediate relief comes, only relief by death can 
 be looked forward to by them. 
 
 Great Britain, on November 2, 1917, through 
 the Rt. Honorable Arthur Balfour, the Foreign 
 Minister, made a promise to the Jewish people 
 to give them Palestine as a national homeland. 
 At San Remo, Italy, on April 24, 1920, the 
 League of Nations made a decision which en- 
 dorsed the Balfour Declaration, and named 
 Great Britain as the mandatory power over 
 Palestine. You, my dear Governor, know full 
 well that our own Government has protested 
 all mandates, which of course is interpreted to 
 include also the Palestine mandate. 
 
 Insofar as Turkey is concerned, it was not 
 officially an enemy country of the United 
 States. We have never declared war against 
 that government. Poland was recognized by 
 our Government, although Russia was an ally; 
 Rumania, too, was recognized, although Berra- 
 rabia is former Russian territory; thus there 
 can be no complications, insofar as our Gov- 
 ernment is concerned, in endorsing or in ex- 
 pressing itself in sympathy with the Balfour 
 Declaration to make Palestine the Jewish na- 
 tional homeland. 
 
 Such action on the part of our Government 
 can be accomplished in either of two ways: (a) 
 through a resolution in the United States Sen-
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 ate; (b) through the Department of State in 
 the usual diplomatic manner. In order to enlist 
 the sympathy of the Senators of the State of 
 Nebraska towards such a resolution, should it 
 be presented, or in order to have their great 
 influence to support such a request from our 
 State Department, you, my dear Governor, are 
 the one to recommend it to the Senators of 
 your State.* 
 
 Senator Charles Curtis, who on the recom- 
 mendation of Governor Henry J. Allen of the 
 State of Kansas, and Senator Selden P. Spen- 
 cer, on the recommendation of Governor Arthur 
 M. Hyde of Missouri, are active in this matter, 
 and I hope that with your mighty influence the 
 Senators of the State of Nebraska will be of 
 material aid in bringing about the success of 
 this movement. 
 
 Thanking you most heartily for the kind 
 courtesy in receiving me and for the very warm 
 expressions toward my people, I beg leave to 
 remain 
 
 Your most humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues of 
 Greater Kansas City." 
 
 *See page* 15-1S. 
 
 [MO]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 INTERNAL COMPLICATIONS 
 
 During the week immediately preceding the 
 executive session of the directors of the South- 
 western Keren Hayesod, I definitely decided to 
 disclose to the Zionist Organization of Amer- 
 ica part of the work done and part of the work 
 in contemplation. The American delegation to 
 the Carlsbad Congress at that time had not yet 
 returned. Mr. Bernard G. Richards, Execu- 
 tive Secretary of the American Jewish Con- 
 gress, had been named executive secretary of 
 the temporary organization of the Keren Haye- 
 sod. Knowing his sterling character and sci- 
 entific knowledge of the subject, I decided to 
 address to him the following communication: 
 
 "Office of United Synagogues 
 
 612-14 Massachusetts Bldg. 
 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 September 21, 1921. 
 Mr. Bernard G. Richards, 
 Secretary, Executive Committee, Keren 
 
 Hayesod, 
 50 Union Square, 
 
 [131]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 New York, N. Y. 
 
 My dear Mr. Richards: 
 
 While at New York, before the departure of 
 the American delegation to the Carlsbad Con- 
 gress, Conheim, Goldberg and I talked over 
 the Zionist political situation. They were 
 then anticipating that the Palestine mandate 
 would be taken up at the pending Geneva con- 
 ference of the League of Nations. 
 
 By appointment I met Conheim and Gold- 
 berg at the Commodore Hotel, where the mat- 
 ter was fully entered into. 
 
 Coming home, I decided to initiate a move- 
 ment to improve the situation of the Palestine 
 mandate. I proceeded to Topeka, Kans., and 
 found Governor Henry J. Allen of the State of 
 Kansas in sympathy with our movement. 
 
 I have done nothing of a decisive character, 
 but I have gained very powerful friends for our 
 Cause. 
 
 Upon the arrival of the Administrative Com- 
 mittee, particularly of the Washington commis- 
 sion appointed at the Carlsbad Congress, please 
 show them this communication. Until that 
 time I may have something more definite. 
 
 I believe that Senator Curtis will do all in 
 his power, and he will be backed up by Senator 
 Cummins. Moreover, we have still another 
 important friend, and that is Senator James A. 
 
 [132]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Reed of Missouri. He is a Democrat, but at 
 odds with the regular Democrats. He is an 
 anti-League-of-Nations man and among the 
 irreconcilable group ; but his friendship for the 
 Jewish people is boundless. 
 
 Trusting that this will be of service to our 
 common cause, I remain 
 
 Yours for the rebuilding of Zion, 
 (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues of 
 SG:DC Greater Kansas City." 
 
 [Enclosures] 
 
 Mr. Richards replied as follows: 
 "50 Union Square 
 New York City 
 
 September 26, 1921. 
 Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 612-14 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 My dear Rabbi Glazer : 
 
 I received your registered letter of the 21st 
 inst., together with enclosures, and I read the 
 same with the greatest interest. I feel sure 
 that your efforts and the connections which 
 you have made are bound to be of great value 
 to us in the near future. 
 
 In the absence of Messrs. Lipsky, Conheim, 
 Schweitzer and the other gentlemen, Mr. Mor- 
 
 [133]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 ris Rothenberg has been corresponding with 
 Washington and looking after all such matters, 
 and I am therefore referring your communica- 
 tion with copies of letters to him. He will 
 accordingly advise you as to what should be 
 done further ; and I can assure you that he will 
 exercise every care in handling this matter. 
 With best wishes, I am 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 (Signed) B. G. RICHARDS." 
 
 This letter reached my office during my ab- 
 sence in Lincoln, Nebr., and Oklahoma City, 
 Okla., and it was the first intimation of real 
 complications. At the conference with Gold- 
 berg and Conheim in New York, no mention 
 was made to me of any political work carried 
 on in Washington; much less did I know that 
 Morris Rothenberg was in correspondence with 
 anyone there. This being the state of affairs, 
 I decided to await the promised communication. 
 It reached me a day or two after my return to 
 Kansas City. 
 
 "Zionist Organization of America 
 
 55 Fifth Avenue 
 
 New York 
 
 September 28, 1921. 
 Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 612-14 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 
 [134]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 My dear Rabbi Glazer: 
 
 Your letter of September 21st with en- 
 closures, addressed to Mr. Bernard G. Richards, 
 was referred by him to me. 
 
 I am in charge of administrative matters to- 
 gether with the ad interim Administrative Com- 
 mittee, during the absence of members of the 
 regular Administrative Committee in Europe. 
 
 I have carefully gone over the correspon- 
 dence and I feel that you have rendered a valu- 
 able service to the organization in opening up 
 channels which may be very useful in the fu- 
 ture. * * * 
 
 At any rate we should await the return of 
 our delegation from Europe, (which will be 
 within the next ten days) for a thorough dis- 
 cussion of the entire situation in the light of 
 additional information which they undoubtedly 
 possess. I shall communicate with you again 
 immediately thereafter ; in the meantime, I de- 
 sire to express to you our appreciation of your 
 efforts and the service you have rendered in 
 eliciting the sympathy toward our movement 
 of such important and influential men. 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 MR:FF (Signed) MORRIS ROTHENBERG." 
 
 Upon receipt of this letter, I at once decided 
 to prevent any possible complications, fully 
 
 [135]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 realizing that the character of the work carried 
 on at Washington was neither decisive nor 
 practical, as it is now well known both to the 
 Zionist Organization and to Rothenberg him- 
 self. My first step in that direction was to 
 outline the full plan of a Palestine resolution 
 to Mr. Richards. 
 
 "Office of United Synagogues, 
 612-14 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 September 29, 1921. 
 Mr. Bernard G. Richards, 
 Secretary Executive Committee, 
 
 Keren Hayesod, 
 50 Union Square, 
 New York, N. Y. 
 My dear Mr. Richards : 
 
 Upon receipt of this letter, please communi- 
 cate with Mr. Rothenberg and ask him to write 
 to me at once what measures were taken at 
 Washington. I do not wish to close the way 
 for anybody else when working for an iden- 
 tical purpose. Having made a promise to 
 Messrs. Conheim and Goldberg, I had to adopt 
 a certain method which fortunately is develop* 
 ing very favorably. * * * 
 
 Senator Curtis of Kansas is ready to draft 
 and present a resolution in the United States 
 
 [136]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Senate. Show this letter to Mr. Rothenberg; 
 but please ask him to refrain from doing any- 
 thing in reference thereto until the Carlsbad 
 delegation will arrive. Then we will have a 
 conference together and map out a program for 
 unified action. I will have to be in Washington 
 whenever Zionist matters will be taken up, due 
 to the fact that my name was mentioned to the 
 Senators. 
 
 Yours, with the blessings of a happy and 
 prosperous New Year, 
 
 For a rebuilt Zion, 
 SG:MP (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues 
 of Greater Kansas City." 
 
 My reply to the first letter of Mr. Rothen- 
 berg was as follows: 
 
 "Office of United Synagogues, 
 612-14 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 October 2, 1921. 
 Mr. Morris Rothenberg, 
 Ad Interim Chairman, 
 
 Administrative Committee, 
 Zionist Organization of America, 
 55 Fifth Ave., 
 New York, N. Y. 
 Dear Mr. Rothenberg: 
 
 [137]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Yours of the 28th ult. duly received. At 
 the very outstart, I wish to put your mind at 
 rest. Senator Curtis of Kansas is in charge 
 of the whole matter, and no step will be taken 
 unless the full assurance of our State Depart- 
 ment and President Harding for the complete 
 success will be given beforehand. The course 
 proposed by me and approved by my friends is 
 either along the line of an open resolution in 
 the Senate, or through diplomatic channels. 
 This ivas done on purpose, so as to be able to 
 prevent any premature move on the part of 
 anyone who is real friendly. 
 
 In this connection, I wish to state that I 
 have written this additional information to 
 Mr. Bernard G. Richards, not knowing at the 
 time that you are in charge of administrative 
 matters. My last visit to New York was for 
 the purpose of conferring with the men who 
 are in charge of such matters. I discussed 
 the whole situation with Messrs. Conheim, 
 and Goldberg. They have asked me to open 
 new channels of helpfulness. I may, with- 
 in the next few days, be able to give you addi- 
 tional information of a still more positive char- 
 acter. I need not tell you that the whole mat- 
 ter requires caution and discretion, as we have 
 active enemies right in the United States. You 
 may say for me to the Carlsbad Congress com- 
 
 [138]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 mission that I am ready, upon receipt of a 
 telegram, to come either to New York or Wash- 
 ington, if such a step will be deemed advisable. 
 Wishing you a happy and prosperous New 
 Year, I beg leave to remain 
 
 Yours for a rebuilt Zion, 
 SG:DB (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues 
 of Greater Kansas City." 
 
 Mr. Rothenberg's reply to me was as follows : 
 
 "Law Offices of Morris Rothenberg 
 5 Beekman Street, 
 New York. 
 
 October 8, 1921. 
 Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 My dear Rabbi Glazer: 
 
 I have received your letter of October 2nd 
 and have also seen your letter of September 
 29th to Mr. Richards. I am certainly gratified 
 at the results you have obtained in favorably 
 interesting such influential persons in our 
 cause, and I have no doubt that it will serve 
 the greatest usefulness to us in the future. I 
 am also very glad to note what you say that 
 no resolution will be introduced in the United 
 States Senate until full consultation is had with 
 
 [139]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 our returning delegation as well as the visiting 
 delegation to America. I am very sure that 
 when we shall meet in New York and we shall 
 have a thorough discussion of the matter, such 
 a course will be thought most desirable. 
 
 Wishing you a very happy New Year and 
 assuring you my personal appreciation of your 
 efforts, I am 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 MR :FF (Signed) MORRIS ROTHENBERG." 
 
 During this exchange of communications 
 with the acting head of the Administrative 
 Committee, the Zionist delegation in Carlsbad 
 were entirely uninformed as to the work being 
 done here and the progress made. The dele- 
 gates came back in a very nervous state of 
 mind. The triumph of Weizmann at the 
 Carlsbad Congress, which was in a measure 
 due to the great influence of the American dele- 
 gation, naturally had a great deal to do with 
 the state of mind of every delegate present at 
 the Congress. 
 
 Political matters in Zionism have always 
 been attended to, insofar as Europe was con- 
 cerned, not only secretly, but in a way to keep 
 it apart from every other work in connection 
 with Zionism. The piece de resistance in the 
 sanctum sanctorum of the World Zionist Execu- 
 
 [140]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 tive Committee, was the protest against all 
 mandates filed by the American State Depart- 
 ment. The situation created by the so-called 
 split in the ranks between the Mack-Brandeis 
 faction and the Keren Hayesod group in the 
 Zionist Organization of America by that time 
 had taken second place in the minds of the 
 Zionist leaders. 
 
 Not to anticipate events, it is here necessary 
 to state that the whole amount of work on the 
 political sphere which the Zionist Organization 
 of America had done up until that time amount- 
 ed to the information contained in bulletins is- 
 sued and the agenda published by the American 
 State Department, which was available to every 
 citizen that wanted to read them. 
 
 Louis Lipsky, upon his return from Carls- 
 bad, seeing the correspondence between Rich- 
 ards, Rothenberg and myself, addressed to me 
 the following letter: 
 
 "Zionist Organization of America 
 55 Fifth Avenue, 
 New York. 
 
 October 9, 1921. 
 Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 612-14 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 My dear Rabbi Glazer: 
 
 [141]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Mr. Rothenberg has been kind enough to let 
 me see the correspondence which you have car- 
 ried on with him regarding your activities in 
 Washington.* 
 
 We have come back from Carlsbad with a 
 feeling that a great deal of care must be exer- 
 cised in all political matters. 
 
 Unless the situation is thoroughly understood, 
 unwittingly a mistake will be made. We ap- 
 preciate all you have done and are thankful to 
 you for it, * * * and would ask you to let 
 us have copies of the letters that you have re- 
 ceived from various persons. 
 
 With best wishes for the New Year, I am 
 
 Very cordially yours, 
 LL:LM (Signed) Louis LIPSKY, 
 
 General Secretary." 
 
 From the tone of this letter, particularly 
 from the omitted two sentences, I sensed a very 
 complicated situation within the Zionist Ad- 
 ministrative Committee. There was no chair- 
 man elected at the Cleveland Convention. A 
 chairman was named at every meeting; thus, 
 it became evident to me that someone within 
 the Administrative Committee either failed to 
 grasp the situation and the work outlined, or 
 was kept in the dark for good reasons. Louis 
 
 Mr Louis Lipsky was either misinformed or too nervous to 
 look into the correspondence correctly, as at no time was there 
 ny mention mad* regarding activities in Washington. 
 
 [142]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Lipsky evidently did not know of the request 
 made upon me by Dr. Smarya Levin, Conheim, 
 and Goldberg. I wired to Abraham Goldberg, 
 asking him to go over the correspondence with 
 Rothenberg and Richards. Goldberg replied 
 as follows : 
 
 "Zionist Organization of America 
 55 Fifth Avenue, 
 New York. 
 
 October 14, 1921. 
 Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 612 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 My dear Rabbi Glazer : 
 
 Your telegram of October 13th was duly re- 
 ceived, and I thank you very much for the care 
 with which you attend to your mission. 
 
 I am just going over the correspondence that 
 you had with Mr. Rothenberg and Mr. Rich- 
 ards. I will write to you more fully with re- 
 gards to this matter after the holidays. 
 
 I put myself in communication with our 
 friends in Washington, and I expect some defi- 
 nite answer from them very soon.* In any 
 case, I am glad to hear that you are well, and 
 I would be very grateful to you if you will 
 
 Mr. Goldberg failed in his efforts along; this line, for when 
 I met him on November 17th at Washington, he had neither 
 information nor plan, save only that of inviting some notable 
 to a great Keren Hayesod demonstration in New York. 
 
 [143]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 drop me a note informing me of how the work 
 of the Keren Hayesod is proceeding in your 
 district and how our friends are getting along. 
 With best regards, I am 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 AG:FF (Signed) ABRAHAM GOLDBERG." 
 
 The Jewish press reports of the Zionist sit- 
 uation were alarming at the time. This added 
 to the already complicated situation both as re- 
 gards the state of mind brought along by the 
 Zionist delegation from the Carlsbad Congress 
 and as regards the so-called "care to be exer- 
 cised" in making a further move. 
 
 My reply to Lipsky was as follows : 
 
 "Office of United Synagogues, 
 612-14 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 October 23, 1921. 
 My dear Mr. Lipsky : 
 
 Your letter dated the 9th inst. and mailed 
 the 19th was duly received. I note what you 
 say and fully agree with you that the situation 
 requires the greatest amount of discretion. 
 Moreover, when I saw that my mission was al- 
 ready accomplished, I wrote to both Rothen- 
 berg and Goldberg that I am ready to turn over 
 
 [144]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 all correspondence to the general office and 
 eliminate myself entirely. What I did was with 
 the full knowledge and approval of the members 
 of the Administrative Committee charged with 
 such matters. 
 
 The question of the mandate, insofar as the 
 American Government is concerned, is no 
 longer a question of passive consent, but of 
 active assistance. I may state that Senator 
 Curtis has cleared the entire situation for all 
 times. He is backed up by Senator Spencer of 
 Missouri. Governor Hyde of Missouri, Gover- 
 nor McKelvie of Nebraska and Governor Allen 
 of Kansas are pledged to help in every possible 
 way. 
 
 If you wish to take charge of the whole mat- 
 ter, please meet me any time at Washington 
 or at Topeka, Kans., and I will turn over to you 
 the entire matter which will enable you to 
 direct all work yourself. 
 
 Trusting to hear from you, I am 
 Yours for a rebuilt Zion, 
 
 (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 Rabbi, United Synagogues of 
 Greater Kansas City." 
 
 Evidently, Lipsky and his associates on the 
 Zionist Administrative Committee were disin- 
 clined to assume the responsibility just then. 
 
 [145]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 There were many details to work out and still 
 more complications to overcome. Recognizing 
 these facts, Lipsky's reply to me was not only 
 appreciative and courteous, but a direct invita- 
 tion to carry on the work.* 
 
 This reply removed all complications from 
 within, as I had then the complete sanction of 
 the Zionist Organization of America to carry 
 on the work unhampered and unobstructed. 
 \J ' 
 
 See facsimile of his letter dated October 26, 1921, on page 31 
 
 [146]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 EXTERNAL COMPLICATIONS. 
 
 - Almost two months' time was spent in trac- 
 ing complications and untangling them. At no 
 time have I feared the consequences of a fail- 
 ure ; but I dreaded at all times the consequences 
 of carelessness. I left nothing to chance and 
 took everything under advisement before ar- 
 riving to a conclusion. / saw clearly the triumph 
 of Zionism in a Senate resolution. Hitherto, all 
 political work of Zionism was confined within 
 a limited circle of foreign ministers, represen- 
 tatives of different governments and chancel- 
 lories. No parliament in the world had as yet 
 openly spoken concerning Palestine as a home- 
 land for the Jewish people. The Jewish ques- 
 tion came up during the Versailles peace con- 
 ference, with all its manifold complexities and 
 perplexities. Every newly-created state had a 
 Jewish question. In general, the Jewish ques- 
 tion came up before that conference under the 
 terms of "minority rights," or "the principle 
 of self-determination." The formal action at 
 San Remo, Italy, on the question of Zionism 
 was only one phase resulting from the treaty 
 
 [147]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 ef Versailles, insofar as mandatory territories 
 were concerned. Even in the British Parlia- 
 ment, no formal discussion had yet taken place 
 concerning Palestine as a Jewish national 
 homeland. 
 
 I knew the British viewpoint in reference to 
 the several nationals inhabiting its widely scat- 
 tered colonial possessions. During the entire 
 period of the war, with the sole exception of 
 the last six months, I lived under the British 
 flag. At no time, ever since the Balfour Dec- 
 laration, did I believe, nor do I believe now, that 
 Great Britain will build up Palestine, develop 
 it, give it its protection, establish a safe gov- 
 ernment, defend it from attacks of the Moslem, 
 and then turn it over to the Zionists or to any 
 of their groups and tell them, "Here is a pres- 
 ent to the Jewish people ; take over the govern- 
 ment and establish yourself as an independent 
 state." Nor, on the other hand, have I be- 
 lieved, nor do I believe now, that Great Britain 
 will retain Palestine for all times as a crown 
 colony. That is not the history of the British 
 colonial possessions. Every nation, Christian 
 and Mohammedan, have a common interest in 
 Palestine. / believe now, as I have believed all 
 my life, that only God will give Palestine to the 
 Jewish people to have it as really their own. 
 
 When the question of conscription came up, 
 
 [148]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 the several colonial governments wanted favor- 
 able comment, favorable reports and favorable 
 action from every element of the population. 
 Great Britain, as the most experienced colonial 
 power, knew the psychological effect upon the 
 -world's Jewry of a promise to re-establish the 
 Jewish nation in Palestine. The majority of 
 the people throughout the world interpreted the 
 Balfour Declaration as implying the establish- 
 ment of a complete independent Jewish state in 
 Palestine. The leaders of Zionism, particularly 
 in Great Britain, knew the real meaning of the 
 Balfour Declaration, which is far from meaning 
 just that. 
 
 Being an impartial student of current events, 
 it was an easy matter to sum up the political 
 situation, with particular reference to the man- 
 datory question. America or rather the for- 
 mer Wilson administration will go down in 
 history as the real sponsors of the League of 
 Nations. America did not join the League of 
 Nations. It is strong enough by itself to carry 
 out its aims and objects and purposes, without 
 submitting any of them to the European or 
 Asiatic statesmen who compose the personnel 
 of the League of Nations. Because of this 
 strong position politically, and because of the 
 manifold strength America is able to exhibit 
 economically, most of the peoples of the earth 
 
 [149]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 naturally turn toward America. Every student 
 of the events of the last decade can readily see 
 that America is the only country in the world 
 today whose voice is heard everywhere. 
 
 Events in Palestine as reflected by the action 
 and propaganda of the Arab population there, 
 created quite a respectable size of opposition in 
 Great Britain to the Lloyd George-Balfour-Pal- 
 estine policy. Moreover, the fact that the Jews 
 demanded in every newly-created state minority 
 rights, added to the everlasting prejudice 
 against them had brought about an avalanche 
 of anti-Semitic agitation throughout the world. 
 The Jews were put on the defensive everywhere. 
 A new line of apologetics had to be constructed 
 since the Treaty of Versailles. No country re- 
 mained free from anti-Semitic outbreaks. The 
 reports from Bolshevik Russia, particularly in 
 the Ukraine, that hundreds of thousands of 
 Jews were massacred, driven out from their 
 homes and robbed of their last belongings, con- 
 tributed no mean proportion to the propaganda 
 against the Jews. A people, pogromized, out- 
 lawed in many states, and massacred as if it 
 were a threatened menace, could not continue 
 to occupy a respectable opinion in the minds 
 of even the non-Jewbaiting elements. For a 
 time it looked that the world will be divided 
 in two parties Jewbaiters and non-Jewbait- 
 
 [150]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 ers leaving no room for Jewish friends. 
 
 The logical solution to a problem of this 
 kind, as it appeared to me, was not press-agita- 
 tion, counter-propaganda, mass meetings or 
 apologetics. Only one voice could be heard 
 throughout the entire world; that voice be- 
 longed to America. I believed in America; I 
 never for a moment doubted Americanism. The 
 only question which remained in my mind was, 
 How can the American people themselves lis- 
 ten to a voice which would bring about the only 
 remedy to the newly-created dangerous situa- 
 tion? It appeared to me that a resolution in 
 the United States Senate would receive the at- 
 tention of the whole American people. The 
 justice of the cause of the Jew would be recog- 
 nized. The Christian world would be reminded 
 of the great things ancient Israel achieved. The 
 newly-created prejudice and hatred would 
 gradually disappear ; instead, a nation with the 
 balance of justice in its hand would sit in judg- 
 ment, to either liberate or doom a people that 
 had withstood all attacks throughout the cen- 
 turies. 
 
 I could not for an instant believe that, when 
 the question of Palestine would come up in the 
 United States Senate, American Senators 
 would vote it down. I could no more believe 
 that than I can now imagine that the American 
 
 [151]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Senate would vote to take away the indepen- 
 dence of Cuba or re-establish slavery. The 
 history of America and Americanism is one 
 continuous chapter of progress. Moreover, 
 means employed and details arranged were in- 
 variably with pure motives back of them. 
 
 Thus, being convinced in my own belief that 
 there is but one result possible, I dreaded most 
 the least miscalculation in the method to be 
 employed. I managed, with the help of God, 
 to get the advice and consent to my plan from 
 leading statesmen. It so happened that, due 
 to the ordinary routine of our State Depart- 
 ment, many details had to be worked out and 
 obstacles removed before this particular ques- 
 tion could be taken up. This fact stood out 
 above everything else during a period of almost 
 two months. I took every possible element of 
 danger in consideration, and finally arrived to 
 one conclusion : a direct appeal to the President, 
 which was as follows : 
 
 "Office of United Synagogues 
 612-14 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 September 30, 1921. 
 President Warren G. Harding, 
 Washington, D. C. 
 My dear Mr. President: 
 
 [152]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Knowing your interest in and sympathy for 
 the Jewish people, may I not on this, the eve of 
 the Jewish religious New Year, pray to you to 
 take under consideration the unhappy situation 
 qf the Jewish people, with particular reference 
 to the refugees of the former war zones which 
 are now independent states. Under existing 
 conditions, with so many newly-created boun- 
 dary lines within the former Russian and Aus- 
 tria-Hungarian countries, their position is iden- 
 tical with that of a man without a country. 
 
 The British Government, through Foreign 
 Minister Arthur Balfour, on November 2, 1917, 
 expressed themselves favorable to the project 
 of establishing a national homeland for the Jew- 
 ish people in Palestine. On April 24, 1920, at 
 San Remo, Italy, Great Britain was created 
 the mandatory power over Palestine with a 
 view of carrying out the proposal of the Bal- 
 four Declaration. 
 
 But conditions have changed. The League 
 of Nations prudently deferred the matter of 
 ratifying mandates until the powerful voice of 
 America will be heard on the question. Mean- 
 time, the agony of the Jewish refugees, whose 
 sole hope had been directed Zionward, beggars 
 description. To ameliorate this condition, your 
 influence is indispensable. 
 
 Since the Balfour Declaration, the World 
 
 [153]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Zionist Organization was recognized as the 
 agency to prepare Palestine for a large Jewish 
 immigration. Extensive plans for the irriga- 
 tion, afforestation and electrification have been 
 made. More than ten thousand pioneers are al- 
 ready at work building roads and homes. The 
 interpretation of the delay of the ratification 
 of the British mandate given by the Jewish ene- 
 mies and God knows that there are many of 
 that clan reacts very unfavorably and has 
 made the situation critical. 
 
 Thus, it becomes obvious that unless Amer- 
 ica, through you, gives its assent, the whole 
 project will fail. And, Mr. President, I will 
 continue to pray. 
 
 Your most humble servant, 
 SG:DC (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues 
 of Greater Kansas City." 
 
 The President's reply* through Secretary 
 Christian was as follows: 
 
 "The White House, 
 Washington. 
 
 October 13, 1921. 
 My dear Rabbi Glazer : 
 
 The President directs me to acknowledge the 
 
 See facsimile of letter on page 7. 
 
 [164]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 receipt of your letter of September 30th, and 
 to call attention to the fact that the Treaty of 
 Peace with Turkey, known as the Treaty of 
 Sevres, has not come into effect and that, there- 
 fore, such matters as the ratification of man- 
 dates and other readjustments affecting the for- 
 mer Ottoman Empire cannot for the moment 
 be given definitive action. 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 (Signed) GEO. B. CHRISTIAN, JR. 
 
 Secretary to the President. 
 
 Rabbi Simon Glazer, 
 
 612 Massachusetts Building, 
 
 Kansas City, Missouri." 
 
 This letter, negative though it appears on its 
 face, cleared the atmosphere completely and 
 permitted further action in order to remove any 
 possible complications. It now became appar- 
 ent to me that the only stumbling-block on the 
 path of a Palestine resolution in the Senate 
 was the Treaty of Sevres, which had not been 
 issued. Contrary to the expectations and to the 
 published promises of the Executive of the 
 World Zionist, the conference at Geneva did 
 not take up the question of the Palestine man- 
 date. Additional light on the situation had to 
 
 [155]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 be gotten before any further step could be 
 taken. 
 
 Senator Curtis, in his letter of October 17, 
 1921,* informed me that the matter was taken 
 up by him with Secretary of State Hughes, 
 which proved to be the missing link of the whole 
 chain of events. I recognized that there was a 
 possibility of complications, but neither in the 
 American State Department nor in the United 
 States Senate. This was due to the complicated 
 situation in Europe, particularly the interpreta- 
 tion of what a national homeland in Palestine 
 means. 
 
 Unexpectedly, the chain of events was aug- 
 mented by the receipt of a telegram from a for- 
 mer member of the Polish Saim named Noah 
 Prilutsky. The contents of the telegram was 
 innocent enough. It stated that he, having 
 been a personal friend of my late brother-in- 
 law, Rabbi Bernard Cantor,** desires to come 
 to Kansas City in the interest of Ukrainian re- 
 lief, and that he expects to raise in Kansas City, 
 through my influence, at least fifty thousand 
 dollars for that purpose. Prilutsky came to 
 Kansas City, but not at my invitation. The 
 local Ukrainian Relief Society, however, wanted 
 my participation in their efforts to raise a sub- 
 stantial sum for the Prilutsky mission. I had 
 
 See Chapter VIII, Page IBS. 
 
 Who was killed by the Bolsheviks while on a relief mission 
 in Ukraine. 
 
 [156]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 several lengthy interviews with Prilutsky. I 
 desired to gather as much information as pos- 
 sible concerning the Zionist situation in Po- 
 land; and he, being a well-informed man with 
 arr ambition to promote his political aspirations, 
 I calculated would be in a position to clear up 
 certain matters which still remained clouded 
 in my mind. 
 
 During one of the interviews, drifting from 
 one subject to another, I discovered that Prilut- 
 sky represented an element in the Polish Jewry, 
 the existence of which was entirely unfamiliar 
 to me. That element is known as the Volkist 
 party. I frankly confess that my ignorance in- 
 spired me with fear, for Prilutsky had told me 
 that he intended to see important persons at 
 Washington, and that above all, his sole mis- 
 sion in this country was to get to see the Presi- 
 dent of the United States and have an inter- 
 view with him. For the first time, I had a real 
 interpretation of the term "Diaspora national- 
 ism." 
 
 I am forced to chronicle the inglorious failure 
 of the Prilutsky mission in Kansas City. The 
 good people of my neighboring city of St. Jo- 
 seph, reading these pages, will learn the rea- 
 son I disappointed them by not appearing to 
 speak at the Prilutsky meeting there. I sensed 
 danger, not only to the Zionist cause, but to the 
 
 [157]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Polish Jewry, particularly to the Jews of the 
 city of Vilna. 
 
 The Prilutsky way of thinking and of pro- 
 moting" political interests cannot be recommend- 
 ed in America. I am praying that it shall 
 never succeed in Europe. 
 
 The effect that the unexpected overwhelming 
 information as regards European conditions 
 had upon me was crystallized in my determina- 
 tion to redouble my efforts and remove all ex- 
 ternal complications. 
 
 [158]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 SENATOR CURTIS 
 
 Senator Spencer said to me : "When you see 
 me or any other man on the Senate floor, you 
 see a senator ; but when you see him (pointing 
 at Senator Curtis) you are in the presence of a 
 power, a force." 
 
 United States Senator Charles Curtis is a 
 power. Only one who is a power can possess 
 such nobility of character. There is no man 
 in American life more free from prejudice than 
 Senator Curtis. When every detail in connec- 
 tion with the Palestine Resolution will have 
 been written, Senator Curtis will go down in 
 Jewish history as one of the great champions 
 of Israel. 
 
 Governor Henry J. Allen of Kansas intro- 
 duced the subject of a Palestine Resolution to 
 Senator Curtis during the early part of Sep- 
 tember, 1921. From that day until the Pales- 
 tine resolution as introduced by Senator Lodge 
 was passed, Senator Curtis continued to cham- 
 pion the cause of Jewish nationalism without 
 interruption. Several facsimiles of his letters 
 and a facsimile of his telegram calling me to 
 
 [169]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Washington, appear in this work.* He did 
 many more things before the last trace of com- 
 plications was removed. But this end of the 
 work is a glorious chapter of American diplom- 
 acy which can not be recorded here. The most 
 remote possibility of opposition he foresaw and 
 prevented its coming to light. Unfortunately, 
 I am not privileged to publish the communica- 
 tions between Secretary of State Charles Evans 
 Hughes and Senator Curtis. Some day they 
 will be published and very much light will be 
 thrown on the subject. But whatever com- 
 munications I am privileged to publish are of 
 historic value. My first letter to Senator Cur- 
 tis was as follows : 
 
 "Office of United Synagogues, 
 612-14 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 September 20, 1921. 
 Honorable Charles Curtis, 
 United States Senator, 
 Washington, D. C. 
 My dear Senator : 
 
 Governor Allen was kind enough to have 
 sent to me your very gracious letter to him in 
 reference to a resolution of sympathy with the 
 Jewish people in their efforts to establish a 
 
 * pag* 21-2S. 
 
 [160]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 national homeland in Palestine. I felt very 
 happy reading your heartfelt expressions in 
 your letter to Governor Allen. As long as 
 America will have men with such broad views, 
 we need fear no foe. 
 
 As to the phraseology of the resolution, if 
 such a resolution will be found to be practical, 
 in order to avoid complications, I think you, 
 my dear Senator, should be the only one to 
 draft it. * * * 
 
 One or two points I must make clear to you. 
 Our country not being a member of the League 
 of Nations and our Government having adopted 
 a policy regarding all mandates, as you well 
 know, is not in a position to ratify the man- 
 date as such. There are at present at the very 
 least three million Jews throughout the Euro- 
 pean countries who can claim no country as 
 their home and who are not claimed by any 
 country either as citizens or subjects. The sit- 
 uation is very critical. I knew that Governor 
 Allen is a big-hearted American. My life-long 
 friend, Senator Albert B. Cummins, will lend 
 you all assistance possible. You may talk the 
 matter over with him. He is a friend and a 
 great American, as you well know. * * * 
 
 America is the only country that can accom- 
 [161]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 plish it, and I have no doubt that with your 
 help, we will succeed. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Senator 
 
 Your most humble servant, 
 SG:DC (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues 
 of United Synagogues." 
 
 Senator Curtis replied as follows : 
 
 "United States Senate 
 Committee on Indian Affairs. 
 
 September 23, 1921. 
 My dear Rabbi Glazer : 
 
 Your letter came duly to hand, and I assure 
 you it will give me great pleasure to talk with 
 Secretary Hughes at the first opportunity, in 
 regard to the resolution of sympathy with the 
 Jewish people. Our committee meets every 
 morning a little after 10:00 and the session 
 opens at 12:00, which makes it almost impos- 
 sible for me to see the Secretary of State.* 
 However, as soon as I get a little time, I will 
 gladly call upon him and go over the situation 
 with him fully. You may rest assured that I 
 will do all I can to assist. 
 With kindest regards, I am 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 (Signed) CHARLES CURTIS." 
 
 Senator Curtis, being the Republican whip in the Senate, must 
 b present during the whole time of every session in the Senate. 
 
 [162]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Senator Curtis, as it appears from the follow- 
 ing letter, carried out his promise : 
 
 "United States Senate 
 Committee on Indian Affaire. 
 
 October 17, 1921. 
 My dear Rabbi Glazer: 
 
 After receiving your letter I prepared a joint 
 resolution expressing sympathy for the Jewish 
 people in their efforts to establish a national 
 homeland in Palestine. 
 
 I took it to the State Department and went 
 over the matter. * * * 
 With kindest regards, I am 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 (Signed) CHARLES CURTIS." 
 
 When this letter reached me, I was over- 
 whelmed with joy. I felt that a chapter of 
 glorious history was written. The spirit of 
 friendliness, justice, humanity and real Amer- 
 icanism back of the whole work so filled my 
 heart that it took me an entire day to gather 
 my thoughts and draft a letter in reply, which 
 was as follows : 
 
 "Office of United Synagogues, 
 612-14 Massachusetts Bldg., 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 October 20, 1921. 
 
 [163]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Senator Charles Curtis, 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 My dear Senator Curtis: 
 
 I beg leave to acknowledge receipt of your 
 most kind letter of the 17th inst. Permit me 
 to state: The Jewish people in all its history 
 will not forget what you have done and are try- 
 ing to do. Foreign Minister Arthur Balfour 
 furthered the great historical movement to re- 
 store Palestine to the Jewish people by the 
 Declaration now bearing his name; and you, 
 as I see, have been destined by Almighty God 
 to bring the whole matter to a successful goal. 
 I am happy in the knowledge that you have 
 framed a resolution with the intention of bring- 
 ing it before Congress. 
 
 I would highly appreciate to have a copy of 
 the resolution, autographed by yourself, for 
 the sake of preserving it in Jewish history.* 
 
 I note that your powerful influence will bring 
 about the active participation of our State De- 
 partment in promoting the establishment of a 
 national homeland for the Jewish people in Pal- 
 estine. Your proposal in itself had already as 
 much influence as if the resolution had been 
 passed by the Congress. May the Almighty 
 God continue to shower His favors upon you for 
 
 The resolution as drafted by Senator Curtis, autographed by 
 him, as requested in this letter, I handed to Mr. Nahum Soko- 
 low, Chairman of Executive Committee of the World Zionist 
 Organization. 
 
 [164]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 the sake of our own great country and for the 
 sake of the downtrodden people of Israel. 
 
 I see by the latest reports that God has been 
 with you and that you have been lifted to an 
 eminent position in the most powerful body 
 of our country.** 
 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues 
 of Greater Kansas City." 
 
 Summarizing the situation, I found : 
 
 (a) The President had become familiarized 
 with the whole question; 
 
 (b) The State Department, for the first 
 time in American history, had received a direct 
 call for help from a powerful source in the 
 United States Senate; 
 
 (c) Several eminent statesmen, Governors 
 of great states, became interested to the extent 
 of lending every help to bring about a solution 
 to the Jewish problem; 
 
 (d) The Zionist Organization of America, 
 as well as the World Zionist Organization, 
 knowing at this time every detail in connection 
 with this work, could not and did not evolve 
 any better plan ; 
 
 **Senator Curtis had then been named chairman of the Senate 
 Rules Committee. 
 
 [165]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 (e) No one else was in a position to take 
 up the work should I leave it ; or start in anew 
 from another angle. 
 
 Further work and redoubled efforts was the 
 only course left open for me. I no. longer 
 feared complications, but I dreaded stagnation. 
 While the whole question was still fresh in the 
 minds of the President, the Secretary of State 
 and several of the most influential Senators, I 
 failed to see any other course than that of 
 proceeding to Washington and bringing the 
 whole question to such a point where the mere 
 formality of bringing the resolution would be 
 left to be done. 
 
 The chief difficulty in connection with such a 
 plan was the pending Washington Disarmament 
 Conference, which was to be opened on Novem- 
 ber llth. To go to Washington merely to see 
 one or two Senators, regardless of how influ- 
 ential they are, I knew would be futile. I 
 therefore mapped out the program to include 
 seeing the President, the Secretary of State 
 and several friends in the United States Senate, 
 thereby removing the least trace of any objec- 
 tion to the presentation of a resolution favor- 
 ing Palestine as a national homeland for the 
 Jewish people, should this be the only course 
 left. To have access to the President and to 
 the Secretary of State during the Disarmament 
 
 [166]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Conference was not an easy matter to accom- 
 plish. I realized it and therefore prepared my- 
 self accordingly. 
 
 I telegraphed to Senator Curtis and wrote 
 to Governor Allen. On November 14th I re- 
 ceived the following telegram : 
 
 "Rabbi Simon Glazer 
 Rabbi United Synagogues 
 Greater Kansas City 
 Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 President Harding will see you Friday morn- 
 ing this week at ten thirty. 
 
 (Signed) CHARLES CURTIS."* 
 
 From that moment onward until the Pales- 
 tine resolution passed the United States Senate, 
 whenever a serious question came up, Senator 
 Curtis was ever ready to help. He was the 
 first great American to take this matter up 
 with the Department of State. He drafted the 
 resolution, the substance of which was em- 
 bodied in the Lodge resolution. He cleared the 
 atmosphere and paved the way. His work was 
 monumental and will remain a glorious chapter 
 of Jewish history. 
 
 After all complications, obstructions, impedi- 
 ments and causes of accidents were removed, 
 
 Facsimile of this telegram appears on Page 21. 
 
 [167]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 and the question of a resolution was reduced to 
 a mere formality as to who should present it, 
 Senator Lodge, as the Chairman of the Com- 
 mittee of Foreign Affairs, undertook to do it. 
 The Curtis spirit best appears in the following 
 letter : 
 
 "United States Senate 
 
 Committee on Rules 
 Charles Curtis, Chairman. 
 
 April 20, 1922. 
 My dear Rabbi Glazer: 
 
 I have your wire and note what you say in 
 regard to the Lodge Resolution. I will gladly 
 present your wire to Senator Lodge and will 
 again urge him to ask for early action upon 
 his resolution. I have already spoken to him 
 in regard to it. 
 
 You may rest assured, it will give me pleas- 
 ure to do all I can in securing early action. 
 
 With kindest regards, I am 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 (Signed) CHARLES CURTIS." 
 
 [168]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 AT WASHINGTON 
 
 On my may to the Capitol I met Louis Lipsky 
 at Chicago with whom I conferred regarding 
 the latest developments. Max Shulman, being 
 a member of the Greater Actions Committee 
 of the World Zionist Organization and a mem- 
 ber of the Executive Committee of the Zionist 
 Organization of America, participated in the 
 conference. Both of them were, to say the 
 least, overwhelmed with joy. I urged to have 
 Nahum Sokolow, Chairman of the Executive 
 Committee of the World Zionist Organization, 
 meet me at Washington. Lipsky undertook to 
 wire to New York to have the meeting ar- 
 ranged.* 
 
 I arrived in Washington early Thursday 
 morning, November 17, 1921. Judge Henry J. 
 Dannenbaum, Abraham Goldberg and Max 
 Rhoade, representative of the Jewish Corre- 
 spondence Bureau at Washington, met me late 
 that afternoon. By that time I had already 
 outlined my course of action. Senator Spencer 
 was of the greatest help to me in arranging 
 this matter. I was received by Senator Spencer 
 
 See Page 26. 
 
 [169]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 most cordially, and when I laid the matter be- 
 fore him, he 'phoned to the State Department, 
 requesting an appointment for me with the 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 The Disarmament Conference at that time 
 was in full swing, with Secretary of State 
 Hughes as the central figure. The State De- 
 partment informed Senator Spencer that the 
 appointment would be made later that after- 
 noon or during the evening. Senator Spencer 
 promised to 'phone the confirmation of the ap- 
 pointment. It so happened that during the 
 conference with Dannenbaum, Goldberg and 
 Rhoade, I was called up by Senator Spencer, 
 who informed me that Under-Secretary of 
 State, Henry P. Fletcher, would see me to- 
 gether with a delegation Tuesday morning, the 
 22nd. Judge Dannenbaum is not a very strong 
 man physically. When he overheard the con- 
 versation between Senator Spencer and my- 
 self, his heart failed him considerably and we 
 had to interrupt our conference, so as to enable 
 him to get his bearings again. Dannenbaum 
 left for New York to impart the latest devel- 
 opments to Nahum Sokolow.* Goldberg re- 
 mained with me, and we spent the better part 
 of that night in mapping out a detailed pro- 
 gram. 
 
 *See Page 27. 
 
 [170]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Before retiring for the night, I made an 
 analysis of all I had learned from Dannenbaum 
 and Goldberg. Summing it up, I reduced it to 
 two sentences: (a) The World Zionist Or- 
 ganization recognized that the political situa- 
 tion during and after the Carlsbad Congress 
 was very critical, with the sole hope of Amer- 
 ican assistance in view; (b) the Zionist Or- 
 ganization of America, with the exception of 
 the work done at Kansas City in the office of 
 the United Synagogues, had no program of its 
 own by which to obtain the sorely needed 
 American help. 
 
 The greatest drawback up until November 
 18, 1921, in connection with political Zionist 
 work in America was, that the only thing ever 
 requested of the leading statesmen of America 
 was a mere expression of sympathy. Such a 
 sympathetic expression being obtained, it was 
 broadcasted through the press throughout the 
 country, and there the matter ended. In line 
 with this method of procedure it had been sug- 
 gested to me that during my interview with 
 the President, I should obtain from him a 
 promise, either to write a letter of sympathy 
 to be read at a great New York Keren Hayesod 
 mass meeting, or to invite him to come there 
 to speak. I refused to become a committee on 
 invitation. Moreover, I convinced Dannenbaum 
 
 [171]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 and Goldberg that such a line of work must be 
 ended right there and then, that the only work 
 possible in the future is real action which 
 would and should bring results. The American 
 Republic must speak in no mistaken terms. In- 
 deed, the opinion of every great American is 
 of inestimable value; but for the purpose of 
 bringing about an early solution to the com- 
 plicated Palestine mandate problem, action of 
 a different line entirely is required. 
 
 I finally reduced the nature of the subject to 
 be discussed with the President to three fun- 
 damental principles: 
 
 (1) That only the Anglo-Saxon nations can 
 understand the psychology of the Jew, they 
 living under a system of government founded 
 upon Biblical doctrines; 
 
 (2) Lord Balfour, being at Washington, can 
 be informed that America is interested in open- 
 ing new channels for Jewish immigration and 
 therefore would encourage the principle enun- 
 ciated by the British Government that Pales- 
 tine become a national homeland for the Jew- 
 ish people; 
 
 (3) That local complications, if such there 
 may arise, can be best disposed of by public 
 resolution in the Senate, with the complete ap- 
 proval of the State Department. 
 
 [172]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Senator Curtis, in his letter of introduction,* 
 requested the President to give me a "full 
 and complete hearing." No man pleading the 
 cause of a people ever had a better hearing 
 than I received from President Harding. The 
 President, being thoroughly democratic, en- 
 abled me to carry out my program of present- 
 ing the matter to him in the simplest manner. 
 He was deeply interested, even moved, when I 
 recited to him certain incidents in the pogro- 
 mized section of the former Pale of Jewish 
 settlement, particularly in the Ukraine. 
 
 The rest of events came to pass in due course, 
 true to the program mapped out during that 
 memorable interview. 
 
 A particular incident in a pogromized city, 
 which affected a resident of Kansas City, who 
 had died there a couple of years ago, supplied 
 me the necessary cover with which to prevent 
 premature publicity of the proposed course of 
 action regarding the Palestine mandate. The 
 Associated Press carried the report that the 
 President had graciously authorized the admis- 
 sion of certain Ukrainian orphans, and in due 
 course they were admitted to this country. 
 
 The same afternoon I saw Senator Curtis. 
 The whole chain of events was a great triumph 
 for the Senator. He was very happy to learn 
 
 *& Pag* 22. 
 
 [173]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 of the appointment at the State Department 
 made by Senator Spencer. 
 
 Mr. Sokolow arrived in Washington Monday 
 morning. The Zionist headquarters in New 
 York was quite a busy center during those 
 days. Abraham Goldberg personally trans- 
 mitted the news to headquarters and came 
 back with Mr. Nahum Sokolow. My confer- 
 ence with Mr. Sokolow was a very lengthy one. 
 Above all, he was inspired with the resolution 
 as drafted by Senator Curtis. He showed the 
 resolution to Lord Balfour. In relating to me 
 his interview with Lord Balfour and what the 
 latter thought of the Curtis resolution, Mr. 
 Sokolow quoted this Talmudic phrase: "Raah 
 et har-M'ziah v'Nophal Oleha" (he saw a treas- 
 ure and grasped it). 
 
 As a matter of history, which in the light of 
 events may become of the utmost importance, 
 the Curtis resolution, as it was phrased, went 
 much further than either the Balfour Declara- 
 tion or the resolution as it was finally adopted. 
 Mr. Sokolow retained in his possession the orig- 
 inal Curtis resolution with the signature of 
 Senator Curtis attached to it. 
 
 Senator Spencer, Nahum Sokolow, Abraham 
 Goldberg and I had a long conference with 
 Under-Secretary of State Henry P. Fletcher
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Tuesday, November 22, 1921. Senator Spen- 
 cer's plea was the feature of the entire confer- 
 ence. 
 
 Senator Spencer is a Biblical student. He 
 reads the Bible daily, and at one of our inter- 
 views told me that it takes just about sixty 
 hours to read through the Bible from cover to 
 cover. He rises early, and after reading the 
 Bible, goes down to his office at the Senate 
 executive building promptly at eight o'clock. 
 No Biblical student could have summed up the 
 case for Palestine better than Senator Spencer 
 did at the State Department. He said: "The 
 people of Israel will get Palestine with or with- 
 out the consent of our State Department." 
 This statement, in the light of Zionist events, 
 will remain prophetic. Perhaps it was the first 
 statement of its kind ever made by a Christian 
 statesman. During the interview the whole 
 situation was gone into thoroughly from every 
 angle. All that was said I knew beforehand, 
 but I also knew that every objectionable fea- 
 ture had already been removed. 
 
 Before going to the State Department, Mr. 
 Sokolow informed me that the President al- 
 ready had seen Lord Balfour. I knew instinc- 
 tively that President Harding found the solu- 
 tion to the problem and put it in operation. 
 
 Before my departure from Washington, I 
 
 [175]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 addressed the following- communications to 
 President Harding and Under-Secretary of 
 State Fletcher: 
 
 "Hotel Washington 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 November 24, 1921. 
 Honorable Warren G. Harding, 
 President of the United States, 
 Washington, D. C. 
 My dear Mr. President: 
 
 The Jewish people of the whole world were 
 cheered mightily by learning the fact that you 
 have graciously mentioned their cause to the 
 Rt. Honorable Arthur Balfour, Chairman of 
 the British delegation to the Disarmament 
 Conference. 
 
 The Assistant Secretary of State, Honorable 
 Henry P. Fletcher, on Tuesday last, made it 
 clear to the Honorable Selden P. Spencer, 
 United States Senator from Missouri, Mr. 
 Nahum Sokolow, President of the Executive 
 Committee of the World Zionist Organization, 
 Mr. Abraham Goldberg, Secretary of the Pal- 
 estine Bureau, and myself, that the policy of 
 an open door will apply also to Palestine. This 
 statement of our State Department is of the 
 greatest significance to the world's Jewry. 
 With what our State Department is ready to 
 
 [176]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 do, there remains not a shadow of a doubt that 
 the future of the Jewish people in Palestine is 
 secured. 
 
 Permit me to state to you, Mr. President, 
 that the interest you are taking at this mo- 
 ment in the Jewish people will remain a glori- 
 ous chapter in history. With the whole world 
 as an audience, you are now so eloquently 
 pleading for the fulfillment of the prophecy of 
 Isaiah that "Nation shall lift no sword against 
 nation." It is therefore in harmony with your 
 work that you champion the cause of the people 
 which gave birth to that idea. May the Won- 
 der-working God of Israel grant you your own 
 prayers in like grace as you did mine. 
 
 Yours, my dear Mr. President, 
 
 very humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues of 
 Greater Kansas City." 
 
 "Hotel Washington 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 November 24, 1921. 
 Honorable Henry P. Fletcher, 
 Under Secretary of State, 
 Washington, D. C. 
 My dear Mr. Secretary: 
 
 Permit me to thank you, in the name of the 
 
 [177]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 entire delegation presented to you by Senator 
 Spencer for your most cordial and gracious re- 
 ception on Tuesday last. 
 
 Your pronouncement of the policy of an open 
 door in Palestine is second only to the doctrine 
 enunciated by the late Secretary of State John 
 Hay. The whole Christian world is interested 
 in Palestine. Jew and Gentile alike, when 
 praying, cannot help but connect their finest 
 feelings with Palestine. Our own hope as 
 Americans is to have our own dear country 
 become a Palestine of the whole world. It is 
 my fervent prayer that it may come true dur- 
 ing our time. When you made this pronounce- 
 ment, you may recall that I interrupted by ex- 
 pressing my thanks before your sentence was 
 even concluded. I then realized that the soul 
 of a great statesman was giving speech to his 
 sacred thoughts. 
 
 With this policy now permanently estab- 
 lished, the age-long dream of the Jewish people 
 may be realized, and the millions of homeless 
 refugees now roaming throughout Europe will 
 then find rest in the ancient land of their 
 fathers. As an American, I cannot feel dif- 
 ferent, because I can see the hand of God work- 
 ing through our Government to bring about 
 this happy result. I know that there is 
 hardly a thing of a material or economic nature 
 
 [178]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 which America can want in Palestine, but that 
 everything sacred to all of us is embodied in 
 this doctrine and pronouncement by you, as it 
 means very much to every individual family of 
 America. 
 
 In this connection, I desire to state, should 
 you or your experts of the Near East desire 
 any additional information concerning Pales- 
 tine, Mr. Abraham Goldberg, Secretary of the 
 Palestine Bureau and a member of the Admin- 
 istrative Committee of the Zionist Organization 
 of America, now residing in New York, will be 
 glad to furnish it to your Department. 
 
 Thanking you again, I beg leave to remain, 
 my dear Secretary, 
 
 Yours very sincerely, 
 
 (Signed) SIMON GLAZER, 
 
 Rabbi of United Synagogues of 
 Greater Kansas City." 
 
 The day following the conference at the 
 State Department the Associated Press carried 
 dispatches throughout the country regarding 
 the conference and connected my name with 
 the delegation, stating that I had come to Wash- 
 ington in the interests of immigration. It is 
 
 [179]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 here necessary to state that I had requested the 
 Zionist Organization of America and every 
 member of its delegation to Washington to re- 
 frain from mentioning my name in connection 
 with this work, fully realizing that the task 
 had not yet been completed. I subsequently 
 found out that the statement as given out was 
 framed by Max Rhoade at the suggestion of 
 Abraham Goldberg. 
 
 After introducing the representatives of the 
 Zionist Organization of America to all friends 
 at Washington, I knew that my task was com- 
 pleted. I handed to the representatives of the 
 Zionist Organization of America copies of all 
 documents, including copy of all interviews, 
 fully knowing that it was only a question of a 
 short time when the resolution would be for- 
 mally introduced in the United States Senate. 
 
 Mr. Sokolow made a request upon me to con- 
 tinue corresponding with the different friends 
 and carry on the remaining details in connec- 
 tion with the work up until the time that the 
 resolution would be presented in the United 
 States Senate.* 
 
 Upon my return to Kansas City I continued 
 to watch developments and was in touch with 
 all friends who sponsored the movement of the 
 
 *) PB 82. 
 
 [180]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Palestine resolution, until the very end. Sen- 
 ator Henry Cabot Lodge, as Chairman of the 
 Senate Foreign Affairs Committee, presented 
 the Palestine resolution. Senator Charles Cur- 
 tis, as Chairman of the Rules Committee, re- 
 ported it favorably without the least delay. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 AFTER THE RESOLUTION WHAT? 
 
 President Harding kept his promise. The 
 mandate was issued. American influence did 
 it. The political goal of Zionism was attained. 
 At least such is the general impression of the 
 entire Jewry throughout the Diaspora. 
 
 Europe is still paralyzed ; much more so most 
 of the European Jewries. The desire of a ma- 
 jority of the Jewish people to leave their pres- 
 ent miserable quarters in the ruined and semi- 
 ruined European centers continues to gather 
 up momentum. Perhaps they have Palestine 
 in view as their future home. But like Jericho 
 of old, the gates of Palestine are yet shut up 
 and barred up. Of course, it is not anticipated 
 that this condition will remain as a barrier to 
 
 [181]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Jewish immigration in Palestine any great 
 length of time. Nevertheless, it is a fact that 
 everyone interested in solving the Jewish prob- 
 lem cannot afford to ignore. 
 
 Before the mandate was issued, the British 
 Government published a White Paper, which 
 interprets the Palestine mandate to mean that 
 "There will be only one status of citizenship 
 in Palestine, and that will be Palestinian." It 
 also makes clear that "Any special position 
 which the Zionist Executive may enjoy will not 
 entitle it in any degree to share in the govern- 
 ment of the country." The White Paper more- 
 over makes it clear that "As to the Zionists, 
 the heads of the Zionist Organization have 
 given assurances that their activities will be 
 carried on in accordance with the policy set 
 out in the final statement, which, on the face 
 of it, implies and virtually promises an aban- 
 donment of the plans for making Palestine a 
 Jewish political state." 
 
 This being the state of affairs, Palestine for 
 the present will be something less than a Brit- 
 ish Crown-colony, with this difference, how- 
 ever, that Jewish colonization and extensive 
 improvements made by Jewish money will be 
 permissible if not encouraged. The British 
 White Paper reduces the Balfour Declaration, 
 
 [182]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 wherein the promise of a national homeland for 
 the Jewish people is plainly stated, to that of a 
 Jewish colonization plan in Palestine under 
 liberal British laws, with special administrative 
 privileges to the ecclesiastical heads of Juda- 
 ism. Since the World, Zionist Organization, 
 the recognized agency to carry out the project 
 of making Palestine a Jewish national home- 
 land, has made, or was forced to make, such a 
 compromise, the present Executive cannot an- 
 ticipate to continue to administer the affairs 
 of Zionism. There was no need for such a sur- 
 render ; surely not the abandonment of the fun- 
 damental principle. Weizmann was in hysteria 
 from the very moment the Balfour Declaration 
 was made. Ussischkin endeavored every effort 
 to force his tyrannical attitude on all his col- 
 leagues and subordinates. Both of these men 
 will have to be eliminated. Sokolow is more 
 temperate than either of the two, but he is of 
 a compromising nature, which makes it alto- 
 gether improbable for him to be the successor 
 of Weizmann. 
 
 The traditions of the American Government 
 are such that they carry out all of the accepted 
 American principles. The Palestine resolu- 
 tion, together with the great wave of Amer- 
 ican sympathy toward the establishment of a 
 national homeland in Palestine, sooner or later 
 
 [183]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 will be carried out as it was originally planned 
 and understood by the whole world. 
 
 A statement made to me by Nahum Sokolow 
 after he had seen the Curtis resolution, which 
 was to the effect that it went much further 
 than the Balfour Declaration, convinced me at 
 the time that the Zionist Executive Committee 
 planned a compromise of far-reaching conse- 
 quences. 
 
 The World Zionist Organization as such is 
 composed mainly of representatives elected by 
 members of different Zionist organizations 
 who pay an annual shekel as dues. For ex- 
 ample: the entire Administrative Committee 
 and the Executive of the Zionist Organization 
 of America are representing approximately 
 thirty thousand shekel payers in the United 
 States. Anyone contributing even ten thou- 
 sand dollars for the purpose of rebuilding Pal- 
 estine has no vote unless he be a shekel payer 
 regularly enrolled as a member of some Zion- 
 ist organization. None of the contributors to 
 the Keren Hayesod become Zionist members by 
 their contributions. They have no right to 
 either elect a representative or present them- 
 selves to be elected to any office in Zionism. 
 The same condition is true throughout the 
 world. Consequently, a minority representing 
 
 [184]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 no more than one or one and one-half per cent 
 of the total Jewish population have the actual 
 control of Zionist affairs. This fact weakens 
 the position of the leaders. They know that 
 their mandate is not representing a majority 
 of the Jewish people. Such system during the 
 early stages of Zionism was perfectly proper. 
 In the days of Herzl and his immediate suc- 
 cessors a Zionist at least had to contribute a 
 shekel per annum as dues to prove his interest. 
 But since the Balfour Declaration was issued, 
 there is no possible reason for such method of 
 procedure. The shekel-paying Zionists are, 
 therefore, no more than a political party. A 
 whole people can never join a party. A party 
 can embrace only such members as are in com- 
 plete accord with its platform. A people, or 
 a parliament of a people, has room for every 
 shade of opinion. The remedy for this evil is 
 a Jewish Congress of elected representatives of 
 the entire world's Jewry. Such a congress 
 would be both the de facto and de jure Jewish 
 agency to carry on the work in Palestine. 
 
 The World Zionist Executive, as well as the 
 Executive of the Zionist Organization of Amer- 
 ica, were forced into making all kinds of com- 
 promises in every direction in order to be en- 
 abled to have the de facto power to administer 
 
 [185]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 the Zionist affairs both in Diaspora and in 
 Palestine. The fact that the Executive of the 
 World Zionist Organization have surrendered 
 their right to be factors in the government of 
 Palestine is of such gigantic importance that it 
 cannot and will not be considered in any other 
 light than that of surrender. 
 
 The Keren Hayesod project was initiated 
 with a view of raising one hundred million 
 dollars. Most of the money was to come from 
 America. The greatest of efforts, both by the 
 Executive of the World Zionist Organization 
 and the Zionist Organization of America, 
 brought only two per cent of the anticipated 
 goal. In a year's time, with the prestige of 
 Weizmann and Sokolow and with the hard 
 work of every sincere Zionist in America, the 
 cash raised is little more than two million dol- 
 lars. The Palestinian budget in the last year 
 and a half had to be first split in half and that 
 half had to be halved again, until now it is but 
 one-eighth of the original sum appropriated. 
 The whole project now travels in a circle. Pales- 
 tine is closed for immigration because there is 
 no employment. There is no employment be- 
 cause there are no funds forthcoming to carry 
 out any of the contemplated projects. 
 
 The optimists who believed that the mandate 
 will solve the Jewish problem went far afield. 
 
 [186]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 Of course, there is no room for pessimism. 
 Palestine will be the national homeland of the 
 Jewish people. All that has transpired until 
 now must be considered in no other light than 
 that of Athalta d'G'ulah (beginning of libera- 
 tion). 
 
 The European nations will continue to un- 
 dergo a process of reorganization and rejuvena- 
 tion. The Renaissance of the Jewish people 
 cannot come about in one generation. British 
 statesmen realize this fact. The extreme re- 
 ligious elements in Palestine itself, as repre- 
 sented by the Agudath Israel, decried the pos- 
 sibility of a government instituted by the 
 World Zionist Organization. In America two 
 agencies, the Z. 0. A. and the P. D. C., work 
 separately for the same end. The rich, the 
 reform, and the radical Jews are either indif- 
 ferent or actively opposed to Zionism generally. 
 These outstanding facts more than any other 
 led the British statesmen to believe that the 
 majority of the Jewish people in Diaspora are 
 not yet fully alive to the importance of the 
 proposed Jewish national homeland. 
 
 England always keeps her promise. The 
 Balfour Declaration was a solemn pledge to an 
 afflicted people. England had to fulfil the 
 promise, but it also had to look into the future 
 
 [187]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 and take in consideration possibilities and con- 
 sequences. At best all the British statesmen 
 could do under the present circumstances was 
 an offer of a compromise. They consider this 
 compromise much more than the originally 
 planned Herzl charter. 
 
 The Balfour Declaration, however, was not 
 made to the Zionist Executive alone. It was 
 made to the whole Jewish people, which now 
 numbers fully seventeen million souls. The 
 whole world was England's audience, and no 
 one can forget the phraseology of the Balfour 
 Declaration. The Jewish people do not want 
 Palestine as a British Crown colony, nor will 
 they contribute large amounts to develop the 
 commerce, industry and the natural resources 
 of Palestine as long as the prospect of a major- 
 ity of the inhabitants of the country being Jew- 
 ish will remain remote. With Palestine immi- 
 gration held down to a thousand or two thou- 
 sand Chaluzim per annum, the percentage of 
 the Jewish population in Palestine, alongside 
 that of the Arabs and the others, will always 
 remain small. The benefits of good govern- 
 ment and of all improvements, if conditions 
 remain as they are now, will be harvested by 
 the Arabs. This will make their position very 
 much stronger and enable them to actually dom- 
 
 [188]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 inate, not only immigration, but every other 
 branch of the government in Palestine. 
 
 Analyzing the situation, another disturbing 
 element is discovered. The World Zionist Or- 
 ganization, having no governmental powers nor 
 ecclesiastical authority, are nevertheless en- 
 deavoring to control the system of education 
 in Palestine. At best, their services can be 
 rendered only in an advisory capacity. With 
 an overwhelming element of opposition among 
 the Palestine Jews, the government will con- 
 tinuously have two fighting factions on their 
 neck. The result will be intrigue and regress. 
 
 The solution to these perplexing problems 
 can be found only in a World Jewish Congress, 
 preferably at Jerusalem. Such a congress 
 should consist of representatives elected on a 
 democratic basis by the whole world's Jewry. 
 Such a congress should not be organized in a 
 hurry. It should be held not earlier than 1924. 
 The attention of the world will be focused upon 
 a congress like that and the voice from a united 
 Israel will be listened to by all governments, 
 particularly by Great Britain. 
 
 Every student of current history will recog- 
 nize in the White Paper issued by Great Brit- 
 ain a sincere attempt to live up to both the 
 spirit and the letter of the Balfour Declaration, 
 
 [189]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 but temporarily prevented by internal and ex- 
 ternal circumstances from initiating the work 
 at once. In all this chain of events which cause 
 the hope of Israel to ebb and flow, everyone 
 can see the Hand of God. The people of Israel 
 have gone back on many of the traditions so 
 dear to their ancestors. Judaism has taken a 
 secondary place in the daily lives of the Jewish 
 people throughout the world. The rich con- 
 tinue to endeavor every effort to harness all 
 principles of Judaism and limit their forceful- 
 ness to the range of convenience and comfort 
 only. 
 
 The economic ruin of European Jewries will 
 be rebuilt. But the spiritual ruin which has 
 taken place in the last two score and ten years 
 cannot so easily be repaired. A spiritual awak- 
 ening within Israel must come to pass. No 
 State Department, no Congress and no Parlia- 
 ment in the world can restore Palestine to the 
 Jewish people as their .national homeland. This 
 only God can do, and He will do it whenever 
 Israel will be worthy of it. The people of Israel 
 will get Palestine all to themselves the very 
 moment they will be ready to receive it. The 
 priests needed special garments and had to be 
 in every other way under no disability, either 
 physically or morally, before they were per- 
 
 [190]
 
 THE PALESTINE RESOLUTION 
 
 mitted to enter the service of God. The holy 
 of holies required still more special garments 
 and still greater preparations. The Jewish 
 people have become too much absorbed in 
 everyday matters, and therefore delay after 
 delay comes to pass in order to enable them to 
 prepare themselves to reenter the service of 
 God. 
 
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