-NRLF \/ 7x KASHGARIA: [EASTERN OR CHINESE TURKISTAN.] HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE COUNTRY; ITS MILITARY STRENGTH, INDUSTRIES AND TRADE. A. N. KUROP ATKIN, COLONEL ON THE GENERAL STAFF OF THE IMPERIAL RUSSIAN ARMY, ETC., ETC. BY WALTER E. GOWAN, MAJOR, H. M.'S INDIAN ARMY. CALCUTTA: THACKER, SPINK AND CO. BOMBAY: THACKER AND CO., LD. MADRAS: HIGGINBOTHAM AND CO. LONDON : W. THACKER AND CO. 1882. CALCUTTA : PRINTED BY THACKEB, SPINK AWD CO. CONTENTS. Pages. INTEODUCTION ... ... ... ... ... ... 3 20 CHAPTER I. Geographical sketch of Kashgaria Character of the Kashgarian valley, mountains, rivers, soil, oases, and deserts View of the natural wealth of Kashgaria Communications Population Occupations of inhabitants ; their dress, food, language and religion ... ... ... 2139 CHAPTER II. Division of Kashgaria in an administrative sense Hakims Collection of taxes, direct and indirect Sirkars Yuz-bashis, Kazis and Raises Proportion of taxation to the Circles of Kashgar, Maral-Bashi, Aksu, Bai, Koocha and Koorlia Abuses in the collection of taxes Dissatisfaction of the population with Yakoob Bek Causes of the dissatisfaction of certain classes, agricul- tural, priestly and military Its consequences ... ... ... ... 4069 CHAPTER III. Trade of Kashgaria Trade treaty with Yakoob Bek Position of traders in Kashgaria Eussian traders, their complaints Currency of Kashgaria Units of weights and measures Trade-dues Brokers Foreign trade of Kashgaria Imports Principal articles of import : chintzes, cattle, tea, iron, iron-wares, dyeing materials, cotton Exports Disproportion be- tween imports and exports Exchange of Russian raw products for Kash- garian prepared goods Danger to Russia of reciprocity in trade Way of avoiding it Kashgarian woollen and cotton webs Mata Dyed biaz, printed linen, chakmen Silk and silken manufactures Robes (hha- lats), felts, alum Trade with India ... ... ... ... ... 60 88 J CHAPTER IV. Some words relating to the history of Kashgaria, B. C. The Uigurs First con- quest of Kashgaria by the Chinese Arab dominion Mongol dominion Chingiz-Khan and his heirs Tamerlane Sultan Said Appearance of the Khodjas Appak Khodja Djoongan dominion Amoorsana Conquest of Kashgaria by the Chinese in the year 1760 Tchjao-Hoi System of administration adopted by the Chinese Condition of the country from the year 1760 to the year J 825 ... ... ... ... .. .. 89 133 449980 IV CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. Pages. Rebellion against the Chinese in the year 1 825 Djengir-Turya Insurrection of the Kokanese in the year 1830 Khodja Med Yusoof Rebellion of the Seven Khodjas (Katta-Turya) Rebellion of 1857 Valikhan Turya ... 134152 CHAPTER VI. Some words on the Doongan insurrection in the Chinese provinces of Shan-Si. Han-Su and Djoongaria Rebellion in Kashgaria Rasheddin Khodja Habiboolla Khodja Sadwik Bek Boozrook-Khan Arrival of Yakoob Bek in the town of Kashgar ; his biography Yakoob Bek defeats the Aksu and Yarkend troops sent against him He captures the town of Yangi- Hissar and the citadel of Yangi Shar Suppression of the rebellion of the Kipchaks Capture of Yarkend and Khotau Yakoob Bek declares himself the ruler of Kashgaria His march against the towns of Aksu, Koocha and Koorlia Raid of the Doongans on the town of Koocha Second movement against the town of Koonya-Toorfan Third march of Yakoob Bek to Koonya Toorfan for the purpose of engaging the Chinese forces Failure before Hoomatai Present condition of Yakoob Bek ... ... ... 153 182 Some additions to the biography of Yakoob Bek ... ... ... ... 182 187 CHAPTER VII. The Kashgarian army Its organization, complement, commissariat, armament, training and nature of employment Its numerical strength and distribution on the :vr February 1877 Conclusions to be drawn therefrom ... .. 188 245 13th CHAPTER VIII. Glance at events in Kashgaria from February 1877 up to the present time Death of Yakoob Bek Internal dissensions Struggle amongst Yakoob Bek's sons Bek Koolwi Bek Advance of the Chinese Capture of Koorlia, Koocha, Aksu. Maral-Bashi and Kashgar by the Chinese Bek Koolwi Bek's unsuccessful campaign against Khotan Policy of the Chinese commanders towards the population of Kashgaria ... ... ... ... ... 246 255 NOTE. THE following eight Appendices appear in the original work, and although not without great political and military importance in view of any future operations in Kashgarian territory, they would have no special interest for the general reader. They have not, therefore, teen incorporated in the present edition : APPENDICES. Appendix I. Itineraries of the Route followed in 1876-77 by the Russian Embassy to Kashgaria, from the town of Osh to the town of Kashgar. [Russ. text, pp. 219 to 253 Appendix II, Do. do., from the town of Kashgar to the town of Aksu. [Russ. text, pp. 255 to 273 Appendix III. Do. do., from the town of Aksu to the town of Koorlia. [Russ. text, pp. 275 to 296 Appendix IV. (a.) Itinerary of the Route followed in 1877 by Second Cap- tain Soonargooloff, from the town of Aksu to the town of Karakol, via Fort Ootch-Toorfan. [Russ. text, pp. 297 to 310 (.) Karashar and Lake Bagratch-Kool. An excursion undertaken by Captain N. N. Kuropatkin and Mons. A. Wilkins. [Russ. text, pp. 311 to 319 Appendix V. (a.) Table of distances in the Route followed in 1876-77 by the Russian Embassy to Kashgaria, from the town of Osh to the town of Koorlia. [Russ. text, pp. 321 to 323 (6.) Table of distances in the Route followed in 1876-77 by the Russian Embassy on its way back from Kashgaria, from the town of Koorlia to the town of Osh. [Russ. text, pp. 324 to 326 Appendix VI. Information relating to the trade between Russia and Kashgaria during the year 1876 : (a.) Return 1. Of goods imported from Russian territory into the town of Kashgar, vid Osh. [Russ. text, p. 328 VI APPENDICES. Appendix VII. (Continued.) (6.) Return II. Of goods imported into Russian territory from the town of Kashgar, vid Osh. [Russ. text, pp. 329 & 330 (c.) Return III. Of the number of caravans which entered the town of Ootch-Toorfan from the Issikkul district. [Russ. text, p. 331 (d.) Return IV. Of the number of caravans which entered the Isswik- kool district from Kashgar. [Russ. text, pp. 332 & 333 (e.) Return V. Of the number of caravans which entered the Issik- kul district from Ootch-Toorfan. [Russ. text, pp. 334 & 335 Goods which form the principal part of the trade in the bazaars of Aksu and Kashgar. [Russ. text, pp. 336 to 345 (/.) Return VI. Of the caravans which passed through the Tokmak district to Kashgar and back again. [Huss. text, pp. 346 to 427 Appendix VII. The latitude and longitude east of Pulkoffs Observatory of some of the principal places in Kashgaria. [Russ. text, pp. 430 to 432 Heights of certain points in Kashgaria as ascertained barometrically. [Russ. text, p. 433 Appendix VIII. Authorities consulted by Colonel A. N. Kuropatkin in his preparation of the map 1 of Kashgaria or Eastern or Chinese Turkistau. Cartographical materials other than the itineraries of the Embassy : 2 i. Topographical survey of portions of the territory of the Diko-Ka- menui or Wild Stone Kirghiz of the Trans-Ili and of the Chinese possessions, carried out in 1856, on a scale of 5 versts (3|rd miles) to the inch. From this survey has been drawn the eastern end and neighbour- hood of Lake Issik-Kul. 1 A publication of the Cartographical Department of the Military Topographical Section of the Russian General Staff, compiled under the personal supervision of the Editor of Asiatic publications, Colonel A. A. Bolsheff. 2 I. Itinerary of the route followed by the Russian Embassy to Kashgaria in 1876, prepared by Second Captain Startseff. Scale, 5 versts (3Jrd miles) to an inch. This itinerary includes the entire road from Osh, via Kashgar, to Kooiiia and the pro- longation thereof to Karashar (the latter portions from information furnished by N. Kuropatkin and A. Wilkins). II. Eye and compass survey of the road from the town of Aksu, vid Ootch-Toorfan, to the village of Slivkino, completed in 1877 by Second Captain Soonargooloff. Scale, 5 versts (3|rd miles) to the inch, Autlwr. APPENDICES. vii Appendix VIII. (Continued. ) ii. Special 10 versts (6grds miles) map of Western Siberia. From this map has been drawn the western end and neighbourhood of Lake Issik-kul. iii. Topographical survey of the south-western portion of Lake Issik-kul and of the highlands of the river Chu, carried out in 1860, on a scale of 10 versts (6frds miles) to the inch. From this map has been drawn a small portion of the country lying to the south-west of Lake Issik-kul. iv. Map of the Narin tract, comprising a semi-instrumental survey car- ried out under the direction of Major-General Kraevski in 1868, and from reconnaissances effected by Sub-Lieutenant Petroff and Topographer Reingardt, on a scale of 5 versts (3|rd miles) to the inch. v. Map of the Narin tract, from the reconnaissance of 1868-69 of Baron A. V. Kaulbars, on a scale of 30 versts (20 miles) to the inch. This served to fill up the blanks in the preceding map. vi. Map of the highlands of the Amu-Uaria, compiled in the Military Topographical Section of the General Staff from the most recent information. Scale, 30 versts (20 miles) to the inch. From this map was taken, amongst other information, the survey of the Alai Expedition, from the town of Osh to the Uz-Bel-Su pass. In connection with this survey is Startseff's itinerary from Sufi-Koorgan to Kashgar. vii. Reconnaissance of the valley of the Tekes and of the Muzart pass under Colonel Poltoratski in 1867. Scale, 5 versts (3Jrd miles) to the inch. viii. Semi-instrumental survey of the Kuljan region, 1871-72. Scale, 5 versts (3Jrd miles) to the inch. From the southern portion of this survey have been noted the names, &c., of several rivers. ix. Map of the Kuljan tract, compiled from semi-instrumental surveys carried out in 1872. Scale, 20 versts (13Jrd miles) to an inch. x. Captain Shepeleff's survey of the Muzart pass of 1873 (scale, 2 versts (l|rd miles) to an inch). Itinerary based on elicited information of the road from the Muzart pass to the town of Aksu (scale, 40 versts (26rds miles) to an inch). The rivers met with on this route have been made to correspond with the course of those on the route of Captain Startseff from Aksu to Bai, and also with the description given thereof by A. N. Kuropatkin. VI 11 APPENDICES. Appendix VIII. (Continued.) xi. Map based on elicited information of the valley of the Yeki-Su-Arasa, compiled in 1871. Scale, 5 versts (3|-rd miles) to an inch. This map served to amplify certain settled points in the Namangan district to the north of Osh and Urgentch. xii. Semi-instrumental survey of the mountain region of the Namangan district and portions of the Chust districts of the province of Fer- gana, effected in 1877. Scale, 5 versts (3jrd miles) to an inch. From the eastern portion of this map has been fixed the position of the river Narin. xiii. Map of Lob-Nor, from the surveys of Colonel Prjevalski, effected in 1877. Scale, 40 versts (26|rds miles) to an inch. xiv. Map of Turkistan, by Colonel J. T. Walker, R.E., 1875. Scale, 32 miles to one inch. NOTE BY THE TRANSLATOR. ALTHOUGH unforeseen causes have long delayed the publica- tion of this work, I make no apology for presenting, at this time, an English translation of a valuable treatise on Kashgaria by a distinguished officer of the Russian General Staff. It is true, indeed, that Kashgaria has disappeared from the list (now rapidly decreasing) of the independent States of Central Asia and that another turn of the wheel of fortune has once more placed the Chinese in possession of that country. But it may be that ere long the further progress of that other Power, in whose movements both England and India have so great an interest, will divert to Kashgaria 1 some of the attention now given to Kuldja and the Turkman oases. The recent important step taken by the Russian Government, that of appointing a Consul-General at Kashgar, is full of meaning, and as such will, no doubt, attract the notice of other than those interested in the trade of Central Asia. 1 It has been already shown that any occupation by Russia of the State of Yarkand-Kashgar would be most injurious to the long-established rights and interests of England in the north-western part of the Himalayas. Such an occupation would also affect the north-eastern boundary of Afghanistan, aa already described. The Russians must be well aware of the just jealousy with which England would regard the interposition of a European power in Yarkand- Kashgar ; but it is desirable that the weight of the English objections should be impressed upon the Russian Government. India in 1880, by Sir Richard Temple, Bart., &c., &c. INTRODUCTION. IN the year 1876, there ceased to exist one of the most ancient of the independent Khanates of Central Asia, the Khanate of Kokan. 1 A Russian army, weak in numbers, but strong in spirit and in discipline, and led by experienced officers, defeated the huge masses of Kokandians, and occupied, one after the other, the most important towns of the country ; whilst, in February 1876, the young General Skobeleff, who had so rapidly acquired such a wide celebrity, entered Kokan, the capital of the Khanate, at the head of his detachment. During the several months of feverish activity which followed, Kokan was turned into a Russian province and renamed Fergana. The military national administration, which had stood a ten years' experience in the Turkestan tract, was introduced into the newly-conquered province. Thanks to the successful choice of official personages, the settled population was quickly pacified ; so that from April 1876, throughout the valley of Fergana, in which is collected the greater portion of this population, one could go everywhere alone, without a guard and without arms. It was somewhat more difficult to subdue the nomad people of the Khanate, who wander over the majestic mountains of the Tian Shan range bordering on the Fergana valley. Having been for a long time almost independent of the administration of the last weak Khans, the Kara-Kirghiz and a portion of the Kipchaks were at first but little disposed to recognize Russian rule. Some Russian detachments that were sent to the mountains having defeated parties of Kirghiz, who tried by force of arms to bar our way to their fastnesses, compelled even the nomad population to declare submission and to acknowledge its fealty to Russia. Nevertheless, in time these movements disclosed 1 The Russian way of spelling proper names has been adhered to in this translation. Trans. INTRODUCTION. the fact, that not only could Kirghiz individuals but whole tribes easily avoid the pursuit of the Russians by passing over the Tian Shan range into Kashgaria, to the possessions of Yakoob Bek, where they met with a good reception. The necessity, therefore, of establishing a border line between our newly -conquered possessions and Kashgaria was at once seen. The former boundary of the Khanate of Kokan had been ten years before upset by Yakoob Bek. Availing himself of the weakness of Khoodoyar Khan, the Khan of Kokan, he had extended to the north the sovereignty established by him in the fight, and by degrees had seized the greater portion of the mountain tract that separates the province of Fergana from Kashgaria. 1 In May 1876, the Governor-General of Turkestan, General Aide-de-Camp Von Kaufmann 1st, appointed an Embassy to Kashgaria, with the object of opening negotiations with Yakoob Bek, relating to the re-arrangement of the border line between his possessions and the province of Fergana. I was nominated chief of this Embassy, to which were also appointed my brother N. Kooropatkin, captain of Artillery, and Second Captains N. Startseff and A. Soonargooloff. To the Embassy was attached an escort of fifteen Cossacks. In consequence of our little knowledge of the mountain tract, along which it was proposed to carry the new frontier, certain points favourable for our border line in this region were defined, aud instructions accordingly were given to the Embassy. In addition to this, the Embassy was directed to collect various particulars relating to Kashgaria, especially to her trade, and all information concerning the warlike strength and resources of Yakoob Bek. The knowledge of Kashgaria that we possessed at the time was not merely incomplete, but it, to a considerable degree, exaggerated the real powers of the ruler of the country and the importance of the State which he had founded. We saw in Kashgaria a powerful Mussulman State, to which, as to a centre 1 Or, in other words, the Fergana valley from the basin of the Tarim. Anther. INTRODUCTION. would be drawn the sympathy of the population, not only of the weak Mussulman States which had preserved their independ- ence, but also that of the population of the provinces which we had conquered. The importance of Kashgaria in our eyes was, moreover, increased in consequence of the attempts of the English to draw this country to their side so as to incorporate it, (1) in a neutral zone of countries, which was to separate Kussia from India, and (2) to acquire in Kashgaria a fresh market for the sale of their manufactured goods. The immense personal successes of Yakoob Bek, who had risen from the profession of a ' batcha,' 1 and his boundless power over a vast country, had surrounded his person with a halo not wholly undeserved. Suffice it to say that in him many saw, owing to the number of his successes and the grandeur of his designs, a second Tamerlane. The resources of this ruler were likewise greatly exaggerated. The authentic information regarding the purchase by Yakoob Bek of a large consignment of quick-shooting rifles in Constantinople, as was supposed through the agency of Englishmen, gave a solid basis to these exaggerations. It was imperative, therefore, to go and ascertain on the spot how far the real resources and power of Yakoob Bek could be dangerous to us. Our Embassy to Kashgaria would not be the first. The basin of the Tarim, locked in on all sides by gigantic mountains, had served for more than twenty years as an alluring object to Euro- pean travellers in their explorations. Since the year 1868, Yakoob Bek had, too, received several embassies both from Russia and from India, and he had himself equipped embassies in return. Let us here give a summary of the Europeans who have visited Kashgaria in the course of the last twenty years : In 1857, Adolphus Schlagintweit reached the town of Kashgar, where he was murdered by order of the then ruler, Hadji Vali- Khan-Tura. In 1859, Lieut. Valikhanoff made his way from the town of Vairnoye to the town of Kashgar in the guise of a trader. 1 A pretty boy, who dances before the public in female apparel. Author. 6 INTRODUCTION. In 1835, Mr. Johnson, who was engaged in topographical works on the confines of Kashmir, made his way to the town of Khotan, where he was kindly received by the temporary ruler of the place, Habbiboolla Hadji. In 1868, Mr. Shaw appeared at Kashgar, with a consignment of goods from India, and he, too, was welcomed by Yakoob Bek. In the same year, Mr. Hayward visited Kashgar, and was later on murdered at Yasin. In this year, too, our Embassy under Captain Reintal arrived in the same town, but it was not received in a thoroughly friendly manner. In 1870, the first Embassy under Forsyth came to the country. Its members were Messrs. Henderson and Shaw. This Embassy went as far as Yarkend. In 1872, the Embassy of Baron Kaulbars, captain on the General Staff, was received at Kashgar. The members of this mission were Captain Sharngorst and Lieutenants Startseff and Kolokoltseff and Mons. Chanwisheff. In 1873-74, Forsyth's second Embassy was received at Kashgar, and its members, in the character of sportsmen, got as far as Fort Maral-Bashi. 1 In 1875, the second Embassy of Captain (now Colonel) Reiutal was received at Kashgar. Let us now add the years in which Yakoob Bek sent corres- ponding missions to various countries. In 1868, Mirza Shadi went to Russia. In 1869, the same personage was sent to the Viceroy of India. In 1872, Said Yakoob Khan was accredited to the Viceroy of India and to the Turkish Sultan. In 1875, the mission of Toorab Hadji arrived in St. Peters- burgh. The southern and south-western portions of Kashgaria were explored by our Embassies and by those sent from India, and the following towns were visited by them : Yarkend, Kashgaro and Khotan. There yet remained a considerable tract of country, to the east of the town of Kashgar, and as far as Koonya-Toorfan 1 Halfway between the towns of Kasbgar and Aksu. AutJtor. INTRODUCTION. and Lob-Nor, which had not been searched out. It was this portion of the country then that our Embassy hoped to visit after passing from the town of Osh, in the province of Fergana, to the town of Kashgar, and on beyond to Aksu, Koocha, Bai, Koorlia, Fort Kara-Shar and lake Bagratch-Kool. Almost contemporaneous with our Embassy, the celebrated traveller, Prjevalski, colonel on the General Staff, reached Lob- Nor from Kuldja going by way of Koorlia. The work, which is now offered to the public in the shape of this book, gives the result of our travels to Kashgaria, and it affords also, in several chapters, a complete history of our mission based on the report which I presented to the Governor- General of Turkestan on our return to the town of Tashkent. In this book is given, in great detail, information regarding our researches in those places alone which we personally visited. The difficulty of collecting data, in the face of the universal suspicion on the part of the natives, was aggravated still more by the official position which I occupied during my stay in Kashgaria. These unfavourable conditions could not but detract from the completeness of some sections of my work in that excursions off the line of the route followed by our Embassy were almost impossible. Neither did our Embassy start propitiously. After leaving Tashkent, in the month of May, we passed through Khodjent, Kokan and Margelan to the town of Osh, whence, on the July, we set out for Fort Gulcha. The day following when we were halfway between Osh and Gulcha, the Embassy had to withstand an unexpected attack from behind an ambus- cade, delivered by a gang of Kara-Kirghiz. We were not massacred, thanks only to a happy accident, which enabled my brother to slay the leader of the gang, a known Kirghiz, by name Ishem Bek. In the struggle, I was wounded in the right arm, and had to return to Osh to undergo an operation. I was only able to start again on the October. In addition to the persons before appointed, there were added to our party Mons. Eren, a doctor, and Mons. Wilkins, a natur- alist. The escort, too, was made up to twenty-five Cossacks 8 INTRODUCTION. and mounted riflemen. Together with the native translators who were to collect information, the ' Djigits,' 1 the personal servants of members of the Embassy, and the mule-drivers, &c., the total number of persons in and attached to our mission amounted to sixty- four. There were also 104 saddle and pack-torses. In order to acquaint the reader with the form and character of the negotiations which I was to carry on with Yakoob Bek, and also with the tone which I, as Russian Envoy, was to adopt with the ruler of Kashgaria, I will give an extract from the despatch which accompanied the report of the Embassy as furnished by me to the Governor-General of Turkestan. Proceeding by easy marches from the town of Osh, vid the Terek-Davan pass, the Embassy arrived at the town of Kashgar, on the 2g 6th ( NoS er 1876> 373 versts ( 248 rds miles ) were tra ~ versed in eighteen marches. , , TT i i M .r 20th November . Our Embassy remained at Kashgar until the - m expectation of the permission of the ' Badaulet ' 2 for us to proceed onwards. During the first three days of our stay in Kashgar, our move- ments were greatly hampered by order of Yakoob Bek's son, Bek-Koolwi Bek. But, on my threatening to return without entering into any sort of negotiations, we attained perfect free- dom, of which we availed ourselves by going several times to the bazaar in the town, and by studying the infantry, artillery and the troops equipped and drilled in the Chinese style. On the 19th ^ ovem v ber , the permission, which had been asked for, 1st December came, and on the day but one following, we started on our onward route with the intention of going to Fort Togsoon, where Yakoob Bek was staying at the time. The onward route of the Embassy was as follows : On the ^^ December, after passing Fort Maral-Bashi, we AtoILCl came to the town of Aksu, having done 436 versts (390frds 1 The ' Jigit,' or ' Djinghite,' or ' Djigit,' is a name derived from that given to the horse-soldiers of the army of Kashgar. See Boulger's Kashgar, page 143. Trans. 2 As Yakoob Bek is called in Kashgaria. Author. INTRODUCTION. miles) in nineteen marches. At Aksu we remained a week, in order to become acquainted with, the town and its bazaar, aud to determine various doubtful points. On the December we left Aksu and, proceeding vid Bai and Koocha, arrived at Koorlia on the ^^ January 1877, having performed 487 versts (324rds miles) in nineteen 1 marches. The entire distance from Osh to Koorlia, which we had ridden, was 1,296 versts (864 miles). The day following we were presented to the ' Badaulet,' when I, in the name of the Governor-General of Turkestan, offered him greeting and delivered my letters and gifts. During the ' dastar-khan ' (or usual entertainment) 2 1 address- ed the ' Badaulet ' in a speech which was almost word for word as follows : " At your desire, Badaulet 3 of High Dignity, 4 we are the first Russians who have accomplished such a long journey in your dominions. " The rulers at all the points which we have passed, and the persons attached to us have, by your orders, made all the neces- sary arrangements so as to render our route as little fatiguing as possible, and in this they have completely succeeded. " On our part we have, during our journey, used every endea- vour to acquaint ourselves with the localities which we have passed through, to discover the roads leading from the towns, at which we have stopped, into Russian territory, to gain a know- ledge of these towns, and the requirements of their inhabitants with a view to bringing to bear from everything that we have seen and learnt, all that could possibly aid in the extension of our reciprocal trade relations, and through them of friendly intercourse. " Whilst performing so long a journey, we have met places both fruitful and barren : we have seen towns both large and small ; populations both rich and poor. We have noticed too the extreme cheapness of all the principal articles of food and of 1 Sic in original, 20 (?). 2 At which the guest is plied with various dishes. Trans. 3 See Author's note at foot of page 8. Trans. 4 Title given to Asiatic Khaus. Trans. 2 10 INTRODUCTION. domestic use. From this circumstance, we have formed the conclu- sion that every subject of the 'Badaulet' of High Dignity, if only he be not lazy, can live without want. We could not but turn our attention likewise to the exact fulfilment by the subjects of the ' Badaulet ' of all the ordinances and orders imposed upon them. This was done with the same exactitude in villages, the most removed from the town of Koorlia, as though the ' Badaulet ' himself were there present. " In conclusion, after making this long journey through his dominions, we are still more assured that the 'Badaulet' of High Dignity has not only created for himself a vast sovereignty, but that he possesses the power of wisely ruling it." This speech Second Captain Soonargooloff translated by periods, whereupon Yakoob Bek said in reply that we were his dear guests ; that he had nothing to hide from us ; that he had only one wish, and that was to preserve the friendship of the Governor-General of Turkestan ; that he was a humble indi- vidual, and must rely upon the Russians. I then, in the name of General Aide- de-Camp Von Kaufmann, thanked Yakoob Bek for the good reception which he had given to our famous traveller Mons. Prjevalski, and I officially requested that he would, in the future, afford him all possible assistance. Finally, on rising to take leave, I expressed the hope that this occasion of the arrival of a Russian Embassy would strengthen our friendship with the people of Kashgaria a friendship which had not been interrupted for so many years. During the interview, Yakoob Bek deported himself simply and kindly, without that exaggerated importance (with which, for example, his son, Bek Kooli Bek, received us in Kashgar). He himself arranged the dishes spread out before us on the ' dastar-khan,' offered them to us, and hastened the servants by remarking that we were displeased. Some days afterwards, Zaman-Khan-Effendi came to us. He was entrusted by Yakoob Bek with the conduct of preliminary negotiations. Our surprise was very great when it appeared that Zaman Khan could speak Russian beautifully, and that he was well educated. (We conversed with him about England, with which country he appeared to have no sympathies, and INTRODUCTION. about European affairs. He evinced very correct notions, and displayed an acquaintance with the situation of affairs in Tunis, Algeria and Egypt). 1 He conveyed to us some details about his past, from which we gathered that he was an exile from the Caucasus ; that he had received his education in Russia ; and that for some political reason or another he had been obliged to fly to Constantinople. Thence, three years later, Zaman Khan had come to Kashgar, and from that time he had been with Yakoob Bek in the capacity of trusted Councillor. Zaman Khan has strong sympathies towards the Russians, and has, in fact, shewn the bent of his feelings by deeds. It was only by his influence that Colonel Prjevalski was allowed to go to Lob-Nor. Prior to the arrival of Zaman Khan in Koorlia our traveller remained in that town under a sort of honourable arrest. Zaman Khan himself offered to accompany Prjevalski to Lob-Nor, and afterwards, in his letters to me, our friend expressed his hearty thanks to Zaman Khan for his true friendship and co-operation in all the difficult circumstances under which the expedition was placed. Notwithstanding,however,my great faith in Zaman Khan, I did not consider it possible to open negotiations with him relative to the establishment of a border line, and so I demanded a personal interview with the ' Badaulet.' After several visits from Zaman Khan, in which he, amongst other things, several times repeated that Yakoob Bek had disconnected himself from the English, as he well understood what sort of people they were ; that he had not paid attention to them when they sought to sow enmity between the Russians and himself; and that he now understood the advantage of depending on the Russians alone. At length, on the morning of the \l^ Zaman Khan in- formed us that at 8 o'clock that evening the ' Badaulet ' wished us to go to him in order to conduct our negotiations. Zaman Khan added that an evening reception on the part of the ' Ba- daulet ' was a great favour, as in the evening he was always in good spirits, and at that time only received his nearest and most valued friends. 1 Singular coincidence, for these are the very countries that have attracted, and are now attracting, so much interest in Europe. Trans. 12 INTRODUCTION. Setting out at the appointed hour, accompanied by Second Captain Soonargooloff only, I was received as affably as on the first occasion. After inviting us to sit down, Yakoob Bek said that he was ready to hear what we had to communicate on the subject of the establishment of a border line. I then made the speech which I had prepared beforehand. This Second Captain Soonargooloff translated in short periods according to the measure of my elocution. The speech was almost verbatim as follows : " The chief object of my coming is to thoroughly strengthen the friendly relations between Russia and Kashgaria, which, thanks be to God, have not been interrupted for so many years. The second object consists in establishing the main point of a boundary line betwixt what was the Khanate of Kokan and what is now the Province of Fergana and the possessions of the ' Badaulet ' of High Degree. " Mons. the Governor-General of Turkestan, before despatch- ino- me as his envoy to you, has indicated to me certain points through which it is necessary that this frontier line should pass. " The assent of your Highness to the acceptance of this line, in accordance with the wishes of the Governor-General of Turkestan, will serve as the strongest testimony on your part of your wish to strengthen as much as possible the friendly relations with powerful Russia. " The fate of sovereignties, as of individuals, is directed by the Divine will. The Divine will ordains that with wise govern- ment some rulers shall establish the power of their States, and shall also extend their boundaries, whilst others, through their own defects, not only do not establish that power, but even lose that which has been acquired by their forefathers and predecessors in the course of many centuries. " Thus it is only thirteen years since the Khanate of Kokan was the most powerful State in Central Asia. Its boundaries on the west reached to the town of Chemkent ; on the east to the Nar- win tract, where Fort Koortka was established ; on the south it embraced the whole of the mountain region as far as the exit on to the plains of Kashgaria. Koorgashin-Kani and Tash- Koor^an were considered its frontier advanced posts. INTRODUCTION. 13 "Internal discord arose, and a series of mistakes were made by Khoodoyar Khan, the last ruler of this Khanate, so that he had at first to put up with the loss of several towns, and then during last year the possessions formerly comprising the Kha- nate of Kokan were incorporated in the Russian Empire. " The chief strength and richness of the former Khanate of Kokan consisted in its settled population, which is confined to the valley of Fergana and to the large towns and villages therein. "The inhabitants of the mountainous region of the Kokan Khanate, viz. Kipchaks, and particularly the Kai'a-Kirghiz, have always served as the source, not of strength, but of weakness. "As long as the Government was strong, it maintained in the mountains a line of forts, with the aid of which it kept in check the mountain population. The weakening of the power of the Government was felt first of all in the mountains; whereupon, whole tribes of Kara-Kirghiz and Kipchaks, not only refused to pay the small tribute charged upon their flocks and herds, but, after chosing' leaders, descended into the plains, and finally over- turned the Government which had begun to grow weak. " During the past thirteen years, the mountain tract, separating the Fergana valley from Djitwishar and belonging almost entirely to the Khanate of Kokan, began by degrees, in conse- quence of the weakness of the Government of this Khanate, to be incorporated by your Highness in the possessions of Kashgaria. " Its incorporation was forced upon you, and had for its sole object the deliverance of the peace of your subjects from the inroads of the Kara-Kirghiz. " With this object you established in the mountains the posts of Ooksalwir, Mashroop, Ooloogchat, Nagra-Chaldwee, Yegin and Irkeshtam. After this 'your posts along the road to the town of Osh reached as far as the natural boundary of Noor and along the road to the town of Oozgent to the natural boundary of Oi-Tal, in the valley of Alai-Koo. " It is indisputable that if the dissension in the Khanate of Kokan had not been put a stop to by the appearance of the Russians, your Highness would have found it necessary to 14 INTRODUCTION. continue to extend your dominions in the direction of the north as far as the exit from the mountains into the valley of Fergana opposite the towns of Osh and of Oozgent. " With the occupation by us of the Khanate of Kokan, Rus- sian power has taken upon itself the obligation of introducing peace into the incorporated possessions and of defending the life and property of its new subjects. To this end, therefore, the Russians have advanced into the mountains just as far as it appeared at first to be necessary. We thus occupied Isfara, Ootch-Koorgan and Goolcha. " But soon events showed that this line was not sufficient. The insurrection of the Kara-Kirghiz called for a difficult and costly expedition into the mountains. This expedition need not have taken place if the Russian advanced posts had in the first instance been thrown out further to the south than was the case. " In August of last year, Mons. the Governor-General of Turkestan, being desirous of introducing peace into the province of Fergana, visited all the towns of that province and also rode out into the mountains beyond Fort Goolcha, in order to make himself better acquainted with the boundary line of this region. " After a personal inspection of the mountainous country, and after a consideration of the report sent to him by the ruler of the province of Fergana, Mons. the Governor- General of Turkestan considered it indispensable, for the future peace of the entire population of that province, to arrange with your High- ness the main points of the following boundary line between Kashgaria and the province in question. " From the Sooyek pass, which is the extreme point on the south-west of the boundary between the province of Semi- raitchensk and the possessions of the ' Badaulet,' this border line should pass to Fort Ooloogchat and further on to mount Maltabar. " Forts Ooloogchat, Nagra-Chaldwee, Yegin and Irkeshtam should be made over to us. " The detailed settlement of this border line should be left to a special commission to be composed of persons appointed both by the Governor-General of Turkestan and by your Highness. INTRODUCTION. 15 "On me has been imposed the presentation to your consideration of this determination on the part of Mons. the Governor-General of Turkestan, and so also has been left to me the arrange- ment, in the spirit of this determination, of a project for a treaty to be ratified both by your Highness and by Mons. the Governor- General of Turkestan." Between the several periods of this speech the 'Badaulet' made observations relating to his own weakness in comparison with the power of Russia and to his wish to preserve always a peace with her. He went on to add, that it was only by the aid of friendship on the part of Russia that he had reached the height to which he had attained. When I proceeded to speak of Ooloogchat and Maltabar as future boundary points, Yakoob Bek's agitation became very manifest, but he restrained himself until the termination of my speech, when he began to point out with fluency his own rights to the possession of these points. He said that he had established Ooloogchat before Khoodoyar Khan had become the Khan of Kokan ; that all the other posts were established under his own immediate superintendence ; that the Russians, during Abdoola-Bek's insurrection, had learnt how far he was able to protect the boundary which he had himself laid down, seeing that not a single Kirghiz had crossed this boundary, &c. In answer I replied to him, that, in the year 1869, when we were establishing Fort Narwin, the ' Badaulet ' had declared his rights in like manner to all the left bank of the Narwin river. We had extended the boundary considerably further to the south than he had wished, and this fact had, in consequence, brought about the friendly relations which had not been inter- rupted up till now. After this and some unimportant observations the ' Badaulet ' said: " I beg that you will intercede for me, and be my brother, in the presence of the Governor- General of Turkestan. If he desires to show me his friendship, let him leave to me the forts which I have built and which I have held for fourteen years." INTRODUCTION. I maintained that I could not recede one step from the points which I had indicated. Then the ' Badaulet' proposed that a letter should be written to the Governor-General of Turkestan to ask of him some abate- ment in his demands. I dissented from this proposition, saying that, after having journeyed 2,000 versts (l,333Jrd miles), I could not await an answer, and that I had been personally entrusted with the settlement of the business. After continued assurances that he would agree to less heavy conditions and after my refusal to make any sort of concessions, the ' Badaulet ' asked me to think over the matter for some days. And so we arose on my receiving a promise from him that he would send Zaman Khan to us next day for the purpose of continuing the conference. Zaman-Khan-Effendi and Pansat-Moolla-Yakoob (who was attached to us during the whole sojourn of our Embassy) had taken no part in our conference; only once had the' Badaulet ' turned towards them and said with warmth, as he pointed to ine, " He requires that I should give up to the Russians Nagra- Chaldwee and Ooloogchat." The following day Zaman Khan, on behalf of the ' Badaulet/ made some further concessions, but I held to the surrender of Ooloogchat and further demanded a categorical answer. At last, on the i lth February ^ aman Khan brought me the following answer from the ' Badaulet : ' " I accept the proposal of the Russian Envoy to carry the boundary through Sooyek, Ooloogchat and Maltabar, because I do not consider it possible to act in opposition to the will of Mons. the Governor-General of Turkestan. " But I will send with you my own envoys for the purpose of requesting the powerful Yarwim-Padishah 1 to make some abate- ment in his demands and to leave in my hand places in the con- struction of which I have laboured for fourteen years. If he will not consent to this my petition, then I must leave it entirely to Mons. the Governor-General of Turkestan to establish a boundary 1 As General Aide-de-Camp You Kaufmaun is called in Central Asia. Author. INTRODUCTION. 17 line wherever he may consider necessary, and I will accept his decision." Considering the instructions which I had received to be ful- filled, viz., to bring about the acceptance of some sort of an arrangement of the kind, I announced my Embassy at an end, and appointed the j^g February for a farewell interview with ttfj-i the ' Badaulet,' and the j^ idem for our departure. This was arranged. During the march through Kashgaria as far as the town of Koorlia, and in all our halts at the several towns en route, I and the members of the Embassy collected as complete particulars as possible in answer to the questions dictated in the instructions which had been delivered to me. The collection of these parti- culars could not be concealed from the Kashgarian officials attached to our suite, and therefore we, from the first, decided not to hide our intentions of acquainting ourselves in the minutest particular with Kashgaria. At every step we interrogated the people of the country, and then openly jotted down in our note- books our own observations. On entering the various towns we summoned experienced merchants and agriculturists for the purpose of cross-questioning them. In like manner, along the road we openly inquired the names of the various points of the locality through which we passed. Without venturing to interfere with our collection of information, the Kashgarian officials who accompanied us nevertheless considered it their duty to convey to Yakoob Bek an extremely exaggerated account of our actions, and therefore, at the first interview with Yakoob Bek after our arrival at the town of Koorlia, I openly told the ' Badaulet ' that we were endeavouring to take advantage of the journey which we were making throughout his dominions, to become acquainted both with them and with all the roads leading from Kashgaria into Russian territory. In like manner, during our stay of seven days in the town of Koorlia, I expressed a wish to become acquainted with the town of Kashgar and with lake Bagratch-Kool, and in order that I might do this, I asked Yakoob Bek's consent to my sending to these places some members of my Embassy, captain of Artillery N. 3 18 INTRODUCTION. Kooropatkin and Mons. Wilkins. After some hesitation this con- sent was given. During this trip, my brother openly carried out an itinerary survey. Since we had already come through the Terek-Davan pass and possessed a description of the roads into Kashgaria from the Narwiii direction by way of the Tooroogart and Terektwee passes and from India by the Karakorum and Kooen-Loon ranges, one route alone remained unknown to us, viz., that from the town of Aksu (by way of Ootch-Toorfan) and the Badal pass to the town of Karakol. 1 At our final interview, I obtained the consent of the ' Badaulet ' to the despatch along this rojid of a member of the Embassy, viz., Second Captain Soonargooloff, under the pretext of sending thereby to the Governor-General of Turkestan the earliest information regard- ing the Embassy, In demanding of Yakoob Bek the cession to us of Ooloogchat and other posts, I was guided by two considerations : 1st. Prior to the time of our stay in the town of Koorlia, we had succeeded in convincing ourselves that Yakoob Bek's position was a very difficult one ; that he did not possess strong sym- pathies either on the part of the army or amongst the people. Hence the forces that he had collected for a fight with the Chinese were insufficient, provided the latter were to carry on the war in any sort of energetic manner. Finally, that the mone- tary resources of Yakoob Bek were very bud. Therefore, in my conferences with the ' Badaulet ' I considered it possible to assume a tone somewhat different to that which the Russian Embassies to Kashgaria prior to mine had adopted. I, in addition to the open declaration that we were exploring his country, spoke to Yakoob Bek of the necessity of " subjecting himself to the will of Mons. the Governor-General of Turkestan," and I requested him to surrender without any indemnification on our part several posts which, in the opinion of Yakoob Bek, had a very important military significance. 2nd. The boundary along the river Koksoo. which already existed according to previous agreements, sufficiently satisfied us, 1 The road from the town of Aksu through the Moozart pass to Kuldja is nofc practicable for inarching. Author. INTRODUCTION. 19 and I, therefore, did not consider it necessary, having regard to the uncertainty of the issue of the struggle between the Chinese and Yakoob Bek, to make any special haste in coming to a settle- ment of that boundary question. Our Embassy, which set out on its return journey on / J 'L the TTTTT February, arrived safely in the town of Osh on the , having accomplished 1,300 versts (866f rds miles) in 18th 28th March 9th April 42 marches (or, including halts, 51 days). From the time of our setting out from Tashkent we had traversed in all 3,000 versts (2,000 miles). The following were the results obtained by the labours imposed on the members of the Mission : An itinerary of the route from the town of Aksu, through the towns of Ootch-Toorfan and Karakol, worked out by Second Captain Soonargooloff, and notes by Mons. Wilkins 1 on Karashar and lake Bagratch-Kool." Moreover, Second Captain N. P. Startseff, known in Turkestan as one of the most experienced and skilful topographers, carried on from day to day, in spite of bad weather and fatigue, a route map [5 versts (3Jrd miles) to the inch] of the entire country which we had traversed. These route maps afforded the principal material in the preparation of the map of the country which we now have. In- dependently too of Mons. Startseffs labours, Mons. N. N. Kooropatkin made a survey of the route lying between the town of Koorlia, Fort Karashar and lake Bagratch-Kool, whilst Mons. A. N. Soonargooloff prepared one of the road lying between the town of Aksu and the town of Karakol. Over and above all this every member of the Embassy and likewise many of the Cossacks and natives endeavoured with all their power to lighten the task imposed upon me by bringing me various information, some in the form of notes and some by word of mouth. Throughout the whole of our journey ings all the Kussians, as well as the natives of the party, formed one friendly family, 1 Mons. Wilkins likewise furnished a short article, entitled " The nature of the basin of the Tarim " to the journal called Nature, No. 3 for 1877. Author. 20 INTRODUCTION. living with one common interest, and sharing the same joys and the same sorrows. The time spent among tins family will for me remain ever memorable. The friendly accord of the members of the Embassy and their readiness to labour for a common object, were a support amid all the severe moments in the time passed by the Embassy, and will always call forth in my mind the warmest reminiscences of each of our recent fellow- travellers. A. KOOROPATKIN. KASHGARIA. 21 CHAPTER I. Geographical sketch of Ka.shgaria Character of the Kashgarian valley Its moun- tains, rivers, soil, oases and deserts View of the natural wealth of Kashgaria Communications Population of Kashgaria, occupations of its inhabitants, their dress, food,*language'aiid religion. UNDER the name of Kashgaria is known the country which Geographical lies between 43 and 35 North Latitude, and between 72 and Kashgaria. 90 East Longitude. 1 As a whole, Kashgaria is in the form of a crater, the flat Character of bottom of which towards the west rises to a level of 4,000 feet garian valley, above the sea, whilst, on the eastern side, its height does not exceed 2,500 feet, which is the height of lake Lob-Nor. Kash- garia has a surface of 19,000 square miles. Mountain ranges of the first class enclose the valley of Kash- its mountain garia. On the north, there is the Tian Shan range; on the west are the Pamir peaks ; on the south, the Kooen-Loon chain, and to the east tower the Altwin-Tag mountains, so recently dis- covered by Colonel Prjevalski. All these mountains are covered with perpetual snow, and their peaks exceed a height of 20,000 feet above the sea. They are approachable only by narrow tracks, whilst parts of them are altogether inaccessible during the winter season. The passes over them are very difficult, and often lie at a height of 14,000 feet. Thousands of swift streams carry their waters towards the its rivers. Kashgarian plains, and some of these, before issuing from the mountains, are grouped in several well-defined river systems. For instance, there are the Khotan-Darya, the Yarkend-Darya, the Kash gar-Darya, the Aksu-Darya, the Koocha-Darya, the Haidoo-Gola. 2 All these streams, after joining together, form 1 Pulkoff 's reckoning. The Observatory of Pulkoff is 30 19' 40-5" east of Greenwich. Trans. * Otherwise called the Haidwin-Kooya. This river passes under Fort Kara- ehar, and hence formerly was wrongly called the Karashar-Darya. Author. 22 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. I. the volume of the river Tarim, which loses itself in the marshes surrounding lake Lob-Nor. The course of the principal rivers of Kashgaria exceeds 1000, and even 1,400 versts (666fvds and 933 Jrd miles respectively), but in volume and depth they are far behind the Central Asian rivers, i.e., the Sir-Darya and the Amoo-Darya. In their upper courses, the Kashgarian rivers are swift and stony, and flow through steep gorges ; whilst in their middle and lower streams, that is, after they have reached the plains, their currents are less rapid, and their banks are low and marshy, so that in some parts their waters go to form lakes and bogs overgrown with coarse reeds. In illustration of this description, let us here give some detailed particulars concerning the rivers Kashgar-Darya, Tarim and lake Lob-Nor. The river Kashgar-Darya (Kwizwil-Soo) at 500 versts (333Jrd miles) from its source, and at 800 (533Jrd miles) from lake Lob-Nor, i.e., at station Koopruk (which is on the road from the town of Kashgar to the town of Aksu, at a distance of 300 versts (200 miles from the former), has a width of 11 'sajens,' 1 a depth of 2 'sajens' (14 feet), and a velocity of 200 feet per minute. The river Tarim, according to Mons. Prjevalski's measurements, has, at the western extremity of lake Lob-Nor, near the village Abdalla, a width of 18 'sajens' (42 yards), a depth of 2 ' sajens ' (14 feet), and a velocity of 140 feet per minute. Near lake Lob-Nor it narrows to 3 or 4 'sajens' (21 and 28 feet respectively), and loses itself in the reed-growths about the lake where the Tarim receives the waters of the Oogen-Darya 2 at a distance of more than 300 versts (200 miles) from lake Lob- Nor; it then becomes a very wide stream, with a width of 60 ' sajens ' (140 yai'ds), and a depth of 3 ' sajens ' (21 feet). That the Tarim is less wide at its mouth than at the point where it receives the waters of the Oogen-Darya, is explained by the fact that the course of the river towards its mouth lies through marshes and lakes. 1 25frds yards. Trans. 2 80 versts (53rd miles) to the south of the town of Koorlia. Author. CHAP. I.] KASHGARIA. 23 Lake Lob-Nor has, according to Prjevalski's account, a length of 100 versts (66rds miles), and a width of 20 versts (13Jrd miles). This lake, or, to speak more correctly, this marsh, is thickly overgrown with reeds rising to a height of as much as 21 feet. On its southern bank only is there a narrow strip of clear water, the width of which is from one to three versts (frds mile to 2 miles). The depth of the lake is ordinarily 6 feet, but in certain places it is as much as from 12 to 13 feet. Its water is clear and fresh. The soil of the Kashgarian plains is brackish throughout the The soil of entire country. Oases afford the only fruitful land. In the southern portions of the valley there are vast tracts of crum- bling sands. In the northern and central parts the sandy tracts are less frequent. They here take the form of narrow and low rows of hillocks. In the neighbourhood of the mountains the soil is covered with pebbles. The climate of Kashgaria is in the highest degree dry, with The climate of O */ ' i i - , . , , i , . Kashgana. severe heat in summer, and comparatively warm weather in winter. During the autumn f 1876, which we spent in Kash- garia, there was not one fall of rain. During the winter snow fell but three times, and even then it immediately melted. In the spring of 1877, the sky was frequently overcast, but rain fell only once during the whole season. The winds in the spring are very strong, and usually begin about 11 o'clock in the morning, and last till the evening. Fogs are very frequent in Kashgaria. They obscure for a whole day the entire horizon, leaving but a clear circle in the zenith. The arable portion of Kashgaria is confined to a narrow belt, The cultivation which is shut in by the highlands of the Tian Shan, the Pamir of Kash s aria - and the Kooen-Loon mountains. The country, outside this region, consists of an almost uninha- The oases of bited desert. But the belt above spoken of is not wide, and Kash s aria - does not, throughout its extent, present a surface of fruitful land; such fruitful portions as are cultivated and dwelt upon are situated within oases. The largest of these, beginning from the east, are Koonya-Toorfan, Karashar, Koorlia, Koocha, Bai, Aksu, Maral-Bashi, Kashgar, Yangi-Hissar, Yarkend, Khotan and Keriya. Their situation depends on the course of the 24 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. I. principal rivers of Kashgaria. Each of these oases is a circle of green com cut off from the remainder by a sandy waste in some cases over a hundred versts (66frds miles) wide. Through all of the above enumerated oases there passes a road, which is the main road of the whole country. In the desert parts of the country small settlements exist along this road, and there have been builfc, throughout its course, several stations, in all of which there is a garrison of a few men. Cultivation in the oases is kept up by means of irrigation, irrigation. E acn o f tne pr i nc i pa i r i vers o f Kashgaria, via., the Khotan-Dar- ya, the Yarkend-Darya, the Kashgar-Darya, the Aksu-Darya, &c., are diverted (before they issue from the mountains), by the aid of dams, into several main streams. These streams are in turn diverted into courses from which the water is let out on to the fields. A very complicated irrigation system is thus formed in all parts of the oases. Each small field must have its own watercourse, otherwise cultivation could not be carried on. The system of dykes makes it possible to evenly distribute the water in every direction. The water thus let out on any par- ticular field lies on it for several days. The boundaries of these oases are very clearly marked. Wherever there is water there is life ; where the water ceases, there is a desert, On the other hand, it pays to let the water out on to the desert, as in this way barren and even brackish tracts are made available for cultivation. There is water in Kashgaria sufficient to irrigate a consider- ably larger tract of country than is now in use. It may be affirmed with accuracy that the sparseness of the population of Kashgaria is the principal cause for the relatively small portion of land now under cultivation, whilst the amount of land that is suited to irrigation and cultivation is not small, and might be taken up by a considerably larger number of inhabitants. Wedb te th 01 " Our Embassy, after leaving the town of Osh (in the province Kussian Em- o f Fergana), crossed the Tian Shan by the Terek-Davan pass bassy to Kash- garia. an( J so reached the town of Kashgar. Then passing through the towns of Aksu, Bai, Koocha and Koorlia, it reached Fort Kara- shar, traversing by this route a great portion of that part of Kashgaria which is embraced within the cultivated tracts. Going by the main road, we came across the following oases and desert CHAP. I.] KASHGARIA. 25 regions. Between Kashgar and the village of Faizabad there is an oasis of 70 versts (46frds miles). Between Faizabad and Fort Maral-Bashi there is a desert stretching over 150 versts (100 miles). The length of the Maral-Bashi oasis is 20 versts (13 Jrd miles). Between this, and as far as the borders of the Aksu oasis, there intervene 165 versts (110 miles) of desert country. The length of the Aksu oasis by the road is 85 versts (56frds miles). From the latter, up to the oasis around the town of Bai, there is a desert of 65 versts (43Jrd miles). The length by the road across the Bai oasis is 25 versts (16f rds miles). Between this to the Koocha oasis lies a desert of 60 versts (40 miles). The length of the Koocha oasis by the road is 25 versts (16frds miles). Between this again and the oasis surrounding the hamlet of Boo- goor, there is a desert of 70 versts (46f rds miles). The extent of the Boogoor oasis is 15 versts (10 miles). Between it and the Koorlia oasis intervenes a desert of 150 versts (100 miles )^ The length of the Koorlia oasis by the road is 10 versts (6|rds miles), and, between it and the Karashar oasis, there is a desert of 45 versts (30 miles). Each of these extensive oases contains one comparatively large town, which forms the centre of a district, comprising a greater or less number of villages. According to the conditions of soil and of irrigation, the rural population is either distri- buted over large villages or scattered over small farms. Between the several villages and farms considerable tracts of waterless country are frequently met with. The barren portions of Kashgaria present several phases. Appearance of There are crumbling sands (to the south), there are again rocky tUecouutr y- tracts or country covered with loose stones, and there are brack- ish soils. The last mentioned are the most common of all. Salt impregnates the clayey soil of the country, and renders it spongy and brittle. Sometimes the fields look white as with snow from the quantity of salt exuding to the surface. In the brackish parts of Kashgaria, amongst other scanty kinds of vegetation, tamarisk and a peculiar kind of poplar, called " Toograk," grow. Immediately after issuing from the oasis of Kashgar, a brack- ish and level salt tract begins", along which are scattered conical 4 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. I. hillocks of a salt-like soil. These hillocks are sometimes several feet high. On their summits grow tamarisks, the long and numerous roots of which bind together the interior of the hil- locks in every direction. Whole generations of this plant intermingle one with the other on the same hillock, thus adding to the mass of roots. In order to get fuel, the natives burrow under some of the hillocks, and extract from each several loads of roots. In going to the town of Aksu from Kashgar, after passing the village of Koopruk, and before crossing the river Kwizwil-Soo, we met with the first separate "Toograk" trees. Beyond these, again, we came to a forest of the same kind. This forest forms a narrow belt by the river Kwizwil-Soo, and reaches to Tarim and lake Lob-Nor. According to the natives, " Toograk" forests also skirt the rivers Yarkend-Darya and Khotan-Darya. In the " Toograk " forests we found no decayed soil, such as is an indispensable characteristic of other forests. According to the investigations of one of the members of the Embassy, Mons. A. Wilkins, the leathery leaves of this kind of tree dry on the twigs, and the wind then disperses and reduces them to dust. Hence the leaves do not go to form the vegetable soil spoken of. In " Toograk " forests the soil is composed of a clay impreg- nated with salt, such as is characteristic of the greater portion of the surface of Kashgaria. In moving through a " Toograk " forest clouds of a brackish dust are raised, which is very injuri- ous to the eyes. Some of the properties of a " Toograk " tree are noticed in the irregular form of its leaves, so that on one and the same tree several shapes will be found. On the branches of such trees, especially on such branches as have been broken, masses- of a white powder will appear. From this a kind of glue is prepared. The rivers of Kashgaria have thick reed-growths on both banks. These reeds are thickest at the place where the parti- cular river enters a lake, The height of these reeds is sometimes as much as 21 feet. Fauna of The poor but, from a scientific point of view, very interesting fauna of Kashfjaria is still but little known. Those who wish to CHAP. I.] KASHGARIA. 27 become, in some measure, acquainted with it, are recommended to refer to the work of N. M. Prjevalski, entitled " From Kuldja across the Tian Shan to Lob-Nor ; " l also to an article by Mons. A. Wilkins, headed " The Nature of the Basin of the Tarim ; " 2 and to an article by Mons. Valikhanoff on " the Condition of Altwishar, or the Six Eastern Towns of the Chinese Province of Nan-Loo." 3 The natural riches, too, of Kashgaria have been also but little Natural wealth explored. Mineral wealth that has ever drawn the Chinese towards this country must be very considerable. Gold is found in the neighbourhood of Keria ; and there is copper in Aksu, Sairam and Koocha. The latter place too yields iron, coal, sulphur, alum and sal ammoniac. In the neighbourhood of Kashgar, there is coal and lead. Khotan yields naphtha ; Kal- pin 4 sulphur ; and the vicinity of Bai saltpetre. Of raw products, after grains of all kinds, the principal things that Kashgaria produces, are wool and silk. Besides that which goes to supply local requirements, masses of 'mata' (a coarse cotton web) are exported from Kashgaria to Semiraitchensk and the province of Fergana, and even to Orenburgh, for sale to the Kirghiz. The production of this ' mata ' is confined prin- cipally to the neighbourhood of Kashgar. Wool is produced chiefly in the Khotan and Koonya-Toorfan districts ; silk, too, is raised in the first of these. During the last year, raw silk formed a very important item in the export trade of Kashgaria. The local silk manufactures are not exported with the exception of ' mashroop ' (a semi-silken web). " Hashish " 5 from Yarkend forms an important item in the exports to Kashmir and the 1 " From Kuldja across the Tian Shan, to Lob-Nor." An account of the expe- dition of Col. N. M. Prjevalski, in Central Asia, in 1876-77. Vide " Intelligence of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society for 1877," Vol. XIII, Sec. II, pages 263 and following. This compilation has appeared in the form of a sepa- rate book. (An English translation of which has been published. W. E. G.) Author. 2 See the Journal called " Nature," for 1877, No. ITL.AntTwr. 1 See Journal of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society for 1861, No. Ill, Sec. II, pages 1 to 76. Autlwr. * A row of settlements north of the road from Ootch-Toorfan to the town of Kashgar. Author. * A drug similar iu its effects to opium. Trails. 28 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. I. Domestic animals of Kaskgaria. Ronds in Kashgaria. Punjab. Moreover, amongst the exports, the c.arpets from Kho- tan, the slippers from Yarkend, the leathern and copper-wares from Aksu, the iron manufactures from Koocha, are renowned. Yarkend is celebrated for its fruit, Aksu for its tobacco, and Koonya-Toorfan for its wool and cotton. Of domestic animals, the following are bred in Kashgaria : horned cattle, horses, sheep, mules and donkeys. In respect of horses, on which all the articles of trade are carried, and espe- cially of sheep, there is amongst the settled population of the country a great deficiency. Sheep are procured from the Kir- ghiz of the mountain tracts, bordering on Kashgaria ; and horses from the inhabitants of Fergana. There are but very few camels in the country. We have already said that the principal road of Kashgaria is the cart-road which connects the towns of Koonya-Toorfan, Karashar, Koorlia, Koocha, Bai, Aksu, Kashgar, Yarkend and Khotan. This road is the chief trade and military route of the whole country. Not far from the town of Koonya-Toorfan, it is joined to the Chinese trade route (also a cart-road), which passes through the Celestial Empire, via Choogoochak, to Gootchen, Hami, Lan-Djei-Foo, Bankoi, to Nankin. After this the road runs parallel with the mountains, and meets a number of bridle paths that intersect the Tian Shan, Pamir and Kooen-Loon. The principal of these, beginning from the north, are : 1. The road from the town of Koorlia, along the Yuldoos and Koonges valleys, to the town of Kooldja. This road, which was traversed during the year 1877 by Colonel Prjevalski, is 530 versts (353rd miles) long. The highest passes on it are the Habtsagai-Gol, 9,360 feet, and the Narat, 9,800 feet, above the sea. The first of these leads from the Haidwiu-Kooya (Haidoo- Gola) valley to the Yuldoos valley. This road is not practicable in winter time on account of the drifts of snow. 2. The roads from the town of Bai and Aksu to the Moozart pass, and thence to the town of Kooldja. From the town of Bai to the Moozart pass is about 170 versts (113rd miles), 1 and ' According to the information which we collected in answer to questions pub the road from the town of Bai to the Moozart pass lies by the following villages : Davanchik (400 houses), Oosten and Kari (each from 50 to 100 houses), CHAP. I.] KASHGARIA. 29 to the town of Kooldja about 300 versts (200 miles). The road from Aksu to the Moozart pass joins on to the road from the town of Bai to the Moozart guard-house. From Aksu to this guard-house the distance is about 80 versts (53Jrd miles). To the Moozart pass it is 60 versts (40 miles) more. The entire distance from the town of Aksu to the Moozart pass is about 140 versts (93|rd miles), and to the town of Kooldja, about 440 versts (293Jrd miles). There is another and somewhat circuitous road, which, first of all, follows the main road to Bai as far as the Djoorga station, whence it turns off to the mountains, and at the Oostan-Booi settlement, emerges into the valley of the river Moozart, which is distant from the Moozart guard-house from 40 to 50 versts (from 26rds to 33|rd miles). 1 3. The road from Aksu to the town of Ootch-Toorfan and beyond lies by way of the Badal pass and Fort Kara-Kol. This route was traversed in the year 1877 by a member of our Embassy, Captain Soonargooloff. The distance by it from the town of Aksu to the Russian settlement of Slivkino, near Kara- Kol, is 309 versts (200 miles). 2 Charkchi (200 houses), Karabakh (Kara-Bagh ?) (500 houses). From Bai to the latter is 4 ' tash ' (36 versts or 24 miles). From Karabakh to the Moozart guard- Louse is about 80 versts (53^rd miles), and thence to the Moozart pass is about 60 versts (40 miles). The whole distance from the town of Bai to the Moozart pass is about 175 versts (116frds miles). On the summit of this pass a small guard-house has been built, and lower down a fort, which contains 300 men. Author. 1 The road from Aksu to the Djoorga station, the Embassy marched over by the following stages: From Aksu to the Ishlianchi settlement, 18 versts (12 miles) ; from Ishlianchi to Kara-Yulgoon, 36 versts (24 miles) ; from Kara- Yulgoon to Djoorga, 36 versts (24 miles) : total, 90 versts (60 miles). I do not know the distance from Djoorga to Oostan-Booi along the valley of the river Moozart, but I suppose that it is from 25 to 35 versts (16|rds to 23-Jrd miles). This would make the whole length of the road from Aksu to the Moozart guard- house, 150 versts (100 miles). Author. 2 The marches by this route are as follows: From Aksu to Barin, 32 versts (21^rd miles) ; from Barin to Achatag, 26 versts (17Jrd miles) ; from Achatag to Ootch-Toorfan, 24 versts (16 miles) ; from Ootch-Toorfan to Bash-Yagma, 27 versts (18 miles) ; from Bash-Yagma to Agatch-Kool, 51 versts (34 miles). The road then ascends the Badal pass and reaches a height of 14,000 feet above the sea, and so passes to the Tepe guard-house, distant from Agatch Kool 24 versts (16 miles). From Tepe to Djau-Djoorek the distance is 50 versts (33jfd SO KASHGARIA. [CHAP. I. 4. There are several roads from Fort Narwiu to the town of Kashgar. The most practicable of these lie across the Terektwi and Tooroogart passes. The road from the town of Kashgar to Fort Narwin, by the first of these, is 260 versts (173rd miles) ; and by the second, 270 versts (180 miles). As far as Fort Nar- wiu, a cart-road has already been made. From this to Kashgar there are, at present, only bridle paths. Apparently the fittest of these for conversion into a cart-road wus traversed by Colonels Kaulbars and Reintal in 1870 and 1875 respectively. This road runs from Fort Narwin, across the Tash-Rabat pass to lake Chatwirkool, and thence across the Tooroogart pass to Fort Chakmak, and so on by the village of Artoosh to the town of Kashgar. According to descriptions given of it, this road could, with very inconsiderable alterations, be easily con- verted into a cart-road. 5. There are several bridle paths leading from the towns of Osh and Oozgent (the province of Fergana) to the town of Kashgar. The first of these, along which passes the trade between Kashgaria and the Central Asian states, goes by way of the Terek -Davan pass. This route has been traversed by our Embassies on two occasions in October 1877, and in March 1878. It embraces, from the town of Osh to the town of Kash- gar, an extent of 372 versts (248 miles), including the passes over the parallel branches of the Alai range. The heights of these are as follows: The Chigirchik, 7,000 feet; the Terek-Da van, 12,000 feet; the Ike-Ikezyak, about 10,000 feet; and the Shoor-Boolak, above 8,000 feet. This road, before it could be turned into a cart- road, would require the expenditure of vast sums of money money that could scarcely be recovered. From four to five months in the year, i.e., from the middle of April to the middle of September, this route is abandoned by traders in consequence of the flooding of the rivers and the rocky nature of the country. miles) ; from Djau-Djoorek the road ascends the Kashka Soo pass, and then descends into the valley of the river Zooka, along which it goes as far as the Russian settlement of Slivkino, lying- distant from the town of Karakol, 33 versts (22 miles) ; from Djau-Djoorek to Slivkino, the distance is 75 versts (50 miles). Author. CHAP. I.] KASHGARIA, 31 During these months, caravans select the road across one of the following passes, which lead on to the plains of Alai. 1 The roads from Fergana into Kashgaria, via the Alai range, lie across the following passes, beginning with those leading across the Narwin tract, i.e., the part of the country nearest to Semi- raitchensk: (i)the road across the Koogart pass ; (ii) the road across the Chitta pass ; and (iii) the one across the Bogooz pass. These three passes are very steep. The movements over them begin in the middle of April, and go on to the beginning of October (old style), when snow drifts begin to interrupt the communica- tions, (iv) the road across the Belyaooli pass, which diverges from the main road across the Terek-Davan pass, near Yangi- Arwik, and again joins it at the valley of the river Kok-Soo. Along all these passes only Kirghiz and Kirghiz traders go. After these follow in the order given, (v) the pass across the Terek-Davan, of which we have already spoken, (vi) The Kolmak-Atoo pass, which is very high and steep, is followed only by Kirghiz; (vii) the Shart pass; (viii) the Archatwi ; (ix) the Taldwik ; (x) the Toorook. The last four lead from the province of Fergana to the valley of the Greater Alai, whence they emerge & 7 Yw^M-^MrMrtJ- 7 by the Toongoobooroon pass, near the Irkeshtam post, on to the caravan road across the Terek-Davan. Movements across these passes begin only from the middle of April and continue to the middle of September, or sometimes to the beginning of October (old style). During the other months there are no movements across these passes in consequence of the deep snow drifts from 1 The distances along the route from the town of Osh to Kashgar, via the Terek- Davan pass, are as follows : from the town of Osh to the entrance of the Taldwik pass 18 versts (12 miks) ; from the Taldwik pass to Fort Goolcha 49 versts (32frds miles) ; from Fort Goolcha to Kwizwil-Koorgan 16 versts (11 miles) ; from Kwizwil-Koorgan to Sarwi-Koochook 36 versts (24 miles); from Sarwi- Koochook to the river Kok-Soo 28 versts (ISfrds miles) ; from the river Kok-Soo to the Kashgarian post of Irkeshtam 23 versts (lo^rd miles) ; from Irkeshtam to Igin 20 versts (13^rd miles) ; from Igin to Fort Ooloogchat 18 versts (12 miles); from Ooloogchat to Ooksalwir 40 versts (26frds miles) ; from Ooksalwir to Koorgashin-Kani 27 versts (18 miles) ; from Koorgashin- Kani to Kan-Djoogan 22 versts (14f rds miles) ; from Kan-Djoogan to Min-Yul 30 versts (20 miles) ; from Min-Yul to Fort Yangi Shar 44 versts (29rd miles) ; from Fort Yangi-Shar to Kashgar 7 versts (4rds miles) Author. 32 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. I. the direction of the vast Alai plateau, and also owing to the want of fuel. Along the northern slopes of the passes there is fuel in the shape of ' archa ' (the pencil cedar) in abundance ; whereas, on the southern slopes and in the valley of the Alai 7 the only fuel to be got is dung. The best of the four passes last men- tioned is the Taldwik, along which caravans of goods are sent when the communications across the Terek-Davan pass are interrupted. Trade between Kashgaria and Fergana is almost entirely carried on by means of horses. Sometimes the smaller caravans have camels and mules. The latter animal is, however, met with in every caravan, but it is ridden only by the muleteers who precede the caravans. With regard to the route across the Terek-Davan, an insufficiency of fuel is only met with on the southern slopes of the Tian Shan. In winter time caravans take with them dried corn for fodder. In the encampments on the southern slopes the horses find enough grass to munch throughout the year. On the northern slopes, however, they only get such fodder as can be carried. Water of good quality is everywhere met with. In the warmer weather the various natural boundaries are made use of for encamping grounds and also in winter time by such nomad Kirghiz as remain in the mountains. Beyond the Terek-Davan pass, in the Kashgarian dominions, a row of small road-side forts and posts have been built by Yakoob Bek. Near these small quantities of forage can be proeured. Food for the persons accompanying a caravan must, however, be carried for the whole journey, as along the road it is only possible to occasionally buy sheep. During the winter time communications are only practicable by way of the Terek-Davan pass. This pass is often deep in snow, and then movements are impeded for several days, and sometimes for weeks together. Kara-Kirghiz of the Sartlar tribe, who roam about the pass, have the monopoly of conducting cara- vans across it, and for doing this they receive the principal part of their earnings. As a rule, when the pass is blocked with snow, caravans approaching from the town of Osh stop at Soofi-Koor- gan, which is in the centre of the nomads of the Sartlar tribe, while those approaching from the direction of Kashgar, halt at the CHAP. I.] KASHGARIA. 33 Irkeshtam post, and there make arrangements with the Kara- Kirghiz for the conduct of their caravan across the pass. The Sartlar-Kirghiz, when the snow is deep, bring out several ' yaks' (oxen of a Tibetan breed) to tread down a roadway and the caravans are then conducted over the track. Passing to a review of the population of Kashgaria, let us say The popuia- , , . . tion of Kash- some words regarding the peoples composing the aborigines of this country. From the information we possess, it may be supposed that originally Eastern Turkestan was inhabited by peoples of Aryan origin. From the Second Century B.C., races of Mongol descent began to pour into Eastern Turkestan. These people either drove out the aborigines of the country, or mingled with them, and so formed the peculiar race inhabiting Kashgaria. The incessant wars waged between the dwellers in Eastern Turkestan and the Chinese, left behind them that Chinese type in the admixture that now predominates in the country. This is especially notice- able in those parts of Kashgaria bordering on China. In like manner are still found traces of those Arabs who invaded Eastern Turkestan in the Eighth Century. At the present time the purer types of Aryan people are, according to the researches of our Asian explorers, only to be found in the inaccessible mountains that border Kashgaria on the west and south-west. The Mongol race has been well main- tained amongst the Kalmucks, a few of whom dwell in the neighbourhood of Karashar and in the valley of the Haidwin- Kooya. The occupiers of the several oases compose the settled popu- lation of Kashgaria, and they have adopted for their tribal desig- nations the names of these oases. Thus we find in the countiy Kashgarians, Yarkendians, Khotanese, Aksutians, Koochayans, and Toorfantians. They in reality all belong to the one ugly type into which at present enters, in a more marked manner now the Turkish race (amongst the inhabitants of the west and south-west) now the Mongol race (amongst the dwellers in the eastern portions of the country). The more modern inhabitants of Kashgaria are composed of 5 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. I. Industries and manu- factures of Kashgaria. Chinese, Doongans and emigrants from Western Turkestan, and especially from the late Khanate of Kokan. These people are called Andijantians. Hindoos are met with too, but in con- siderably less numbers ; they appea'r chiefly in the character of traders. The Kara-Kirghiz compose the nomad population which occupies the mountain tract encircling Kashgaria. The total number of the inhabitants of Kashgaria can only be determined in a very approximate manner. It may be sup- posed that in the whole country there are 1,200,000 souls, and that there are 65 persons to the square mile. The settled population of Kashgaria is chiefly agricultural, reaping their crops of wheat, barley, maize, millet, rice and cotton. By reason of the system of irrigation in vogue, very good harvests are obtained. The nomad portion of the popula- tion also adds agriculture to its flock-rearing. The crops raised by it consist chiefly of barley. Thanks to the frequent falls of rain in the mountains, all these crops are obtained without the aid of irrigation. Mountain industries do not occupy a very considerable place. Small quantities of coal and of metals are obtained, but, generally speaking, such industries in Kashgaria are in their infancy, and this too in spite of the known mineral wealth of the country. Prior to the conquest of Kashgaria by Yakoob Bek, the Chinese used to engage themselves to a great extent in the work- ing of gold and in extracting naphtha in the province of Khotan. Now it is said that the working of gold has fallen off, but even at present it brings in to the ruler of Khotan a large revenue. The various industries of Kashgaria are, comparatively speak- ing, very advanced, and still they can only be considered to be mediocre. The first place is taken by the produce of ' mata ' (see page 27), articles of apparel and slippers, carpets and silk. Then come the working of metals, the shaping of wood into articles for domestic use, the manufacture of agricultural imple- ments and of arms, the working in leather. Speaking generally, with the exception of ' mata ' and of other articles of dress, all these productions only suffice for the not too exorbitant needs of the local population. CHAP. I.] KASHGARIA. 35 Further on we shall speak of the trade of Kashgaria in Exports from greater detail. Now we will only remark, that the articles of export from Kashgaria are as follows : Of raw goods silk, cotton, opium, alum, sal ammoniac and sulphur : of manu- factured wares ' mata,' prints, ' mashroop ' (a semi-silken and very durable material), carpets, slippers and coloured linens. Of these ' mata ' is exported in very considerable quantities, and forms the principal item in the export trade of the country. They import into Kashgaria from Russia, chintzes, cloth, tinsel, imports into Kashgaria. iron and ironwares, pewter, tea, sugar, dyed articles of various kinds, matches, saddles, leather straps, glue, fruits and tobacco. Russian manufactured wares predominate in the markets of all the towns that we visited, whereas the English goods that get into Kashgaria from India (via Ladak and Yarkend) cannot as yet compete with them. The specimens of English chintzes that we collected, although very pretty in design, are not lasting in quality, and are moreover faded, and far more highly priced than the same sort of Russian articles. Indian muslins are fairly well distributed throughout Kashgaria, and indeed every- where in Central Asia. Of late the importation into Kashgaria of tea from India has greatly increased. The chief articles of export from Kashgaria to India are opium and silver in the form of bars (or ' yambs'). Inasmuch as Kashgaria cannot be called a country richly Condition of J the people of endowed by nature, her inhabitants are not to be held as opulent people. But then their requirements are but very few. Their dwelling places are poor, being built of sun-burnt bricks, and Their dwell- |Qfffl without windows. They have earthen floors, and are generally of the same type of' architecture as obtains throughout Central Asia. But then, on the other hand, it must be observed, that there are, for example, in our own Central Asian possessions, very many comparatively rich houses in the towns houses, the inner walls of which are made of alabaster, and the ceilings adorned with carvings and rich modelling, whilst the exteriors are but of burnt brick. In Kashgaria the abodes of the rule rs of the country present the appearance of simplicity almost approach- ing to poverty. The walls are not merely left unplastered, but are without white-wash. Towns thus look poor and dirty. The 36 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. i. State of the sciences in Kashgaria. Dress of the people of Kasbgaria. Their food. absence, too, of imposing buildings like mosques, strikes the eye at first sight. Several buildings that have still remained from the times of the Arab rule, are almost the only memorials deserving of the attention in an architectural sense. The interior arrangements of most of the houses fully correspond with their exteriors. The household furniture is of the most primitive order. A few benches, low wooden tables, some wooden and earthen utensils, the whole presenting an air of poverty, and often of filth. It should be added, that if architectural science in Kashgaria remains at such a low ebb, so too are all the other sciences found to be in the same primitive condition. They are more likely to disappear than to improve. Literature in Kashgaria does not exist with the exception of some works of Bokharian and of Arab writers. After going through the greater portion of the country we nowhere saw a single bookshop. The dress of the people of Kashgaria is similar to that worn by the people of all the Central Asian Khanates. They have the same long shirt made of ' mata,' trowsers of sheepskin, the ' choga,' morocco leather slippers, and on their heads the customary turban. The comparative poverty of the inhabitants of Kash- garia is revealed to a certain extent by the sort of calico mate- rial which they wear. As a rule, on fete days, one will meet in the bazar of Central Asian towns, many people attired in semi- silken, silken, and even brocaded materials ; whilst there are few really poor persons who do not wear chintzes. In Kashgaria, however, the number of people clad in chintzes ornamented with embroidery are very rare, whilst those dressed in silk are in the minority. In winter time, they add to the number of their garments by placing one over the other. Their chintz coverings are then wadded or covered with sheepskin or other furs. The daily food of the mass of the people consists of a dish of ' tooppa,' a thick kind of vermicelli, cut up with a greater or less quantity of meat, or with an admixture of grease, and ' shoorpa ' or mutton broth with vegetables, to which meat is added according to the means of the good man of the house. On festive occasions the most favourite dish of all Central Asian peoples is prepared, viz., the ' plov ' or ' pilau,' a mixture CHAP. I.] KASHGARIA. 37 of rice, mutton and spices. 1 From Chinese cuisine, the people of Kashgaria have learnt to make ' el-kazan,' a kind of soup prepared in a peculiar vessel shaped like a ' samovar ' (or Rus- sian tea urn), and divided into several compartments. Into the composition of this very complicated dish various sorts of meat enter, also vermicelli, pepper, cloves and laurel leaves. But this kind of food is only within the reach of rich people. From the Chinese the people of Kashgaria have also borrowed various kinds of jellies. Their drink at meals is generally water, and Their drink, occasionally milk. In Kashgaria, during the autumn and winter, fruits are a great addition to the food of the population. Amongst these, the first place is taken by various sorts of melons and of water-melons, grapes, pears and apples. Of sweetmeats the con- fectionery imported from Eussia occupies a very perceptible place. The language of Kashgaria is almost everywhere Turkish, and throughout the entire country all speak one and the same dialect. This dialect is, in some respects, different to that in use in the The language other Central Asian Khanates. The difference partly arises in consequence of an admixture of Chinese words, and partly because different names are given to the various articles. There is yet another distinction. The Kashgarians pronounce words with scarcely opened lips and with closed teeth, and hence do not divide either one sound or one syllable from another. Amongst the Kashgarians, too, there are many words that obtain likewise amongst our own Tatars, words which are not used generally in Turkestan. An inhabitant of Tashkent would not understand these words, whilst an Orenburgh Tatar would do so, although with difficulty, in consequence of the manner of pronouncing them, and the substitution of certain letters for others. The Chinese words used by Kashgarians in conversation become mutilated in the process. The names of the weights and measures that are used in the country are borrowed from the Chinese, as are also the divisions 1 ' Pilau,' ' shoorpa ' and ' tooppa ' are the principal dishes of the inhabit- ants of our own Central Asian possessions. In Tashkent ' tooppa ' goes by the name of ' oogra.' Author. 38 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. I. of time. As a general rule, the difference in the dialects of Kashgaria and those of Turkestan is not so great as to prevent a Turkestanese from acquiring within the space of some weeks that which distinguishes his own patois from the Kashgarian dialect. tjfe'peopiefof ^ e bulk of the population of Kashgaria professes the Maho- Kashgaria. me tan religion. miniTtraHon of Since the introduction of Yakoob Bek's power into the the country, country, no other religion has been tolerated. Those Chinese who were allowed to live, were turned into Mahometans, for they had but the choice between death and a change of their religion. An exception was made in favour of the Kalmucks, who remained idol-worshippers. In the time of the Chinese dominion, the people were left free to follow their own faith. In those days the severity and fanatacism of the teaching of Mahomet was very skilfully circumscribed by the sons of the Celestial Empire. One of the results of their influence was the great freedom given to women. Women were even allowed to walk about in the streets with unveiled faces. Moreover, the Chinese allowed themselves great latitude in morals a latitude which approached often to depravity, and gave license in the matter of marriage. Marriage, which can, by the law of Maho- met, be so easily dissolved in Kashgaria, was set aside with even fewer formalities ; and besides this, amongst the Chinese there is a kffid of marriage in vogue, which is contracted for a term this term may be for a week only. These temporary marriages which are entered into with all the usual ceremonial rites are principally contracted by those traders who are residing but for a time in the country. Fasts are irregularly kept, and prayers are still less frequently said. Since the seizure of power by Yakoob Bek, he, in the matter of religion, has placed his heavy hand on the people. The former strict observance of religious ceremonies, such as fasts and public prayers, has again appeared. In order to insure the uninterrupted observance of religious rites, a class of clergy has been established. Women, too, have been directed to walk in public with veiled faces. The most favourite fete day of Asiatics the 'baiga' at which the men show their skill in horsemanship and their strength in CHAP. I.] KASHGARIA. 39 personal encounters has been forbidden. Licensed houses which, during the Chinese rule, became so numerous, have been closed throughout the towns of Kashgaria. Yakoob Bek has himself given an example of devoutness and of simplicity of life, and has strictly required the like from others. He has acted as though he would turn the country into one vast monastery, in which the new monks must, whilst cultivating the soil with the sweat of their brow, give as much as possible nay, the greater part of their earnings into the hands of the Government, to devote to warlike impulses. Plurality of wives in Kashgaria, as in other Mussulman countries, is open to all, and yet in prac- tice it is a custom that is within the reach of the opulent alone- Yakoob Bek, whilst leading an exceedingly chaste life, and living in no better style than any thriving native, prefers to dwell in a caravanserai rather than in a house, and maintains in his ordinary harem as many as 300 women, six of whom accompany him in all his wanderings. 1 Severe punishments, often that by death, overtake those disobedient to the will of Yakoob Bek. Of late years, however, having succeeded in making his name terrible, this potentate has, in spite of the generally-received opinion to the contrary, very seldom resorted to capital punishment. Being in need of money, he has more frequently punished offenders and those in disgrace by declaring their possessions confiscated to the State. Of diseases that are most ordinarily met with in Kashgaria, Diseases pre- the first place must be assigned to those connected with the Kashgaria. eyes. Blindness is very common, as are also affections of the lungs, scrofula, itch, tumours and goitre. Affections of the eye are explained by the saline properties of the dust that fills the air, and by the glare arising in summer time from the salty soil. The natives attribute the frequency of goitre to the use of water. One must also call attention to those diseases which arise from the very extended use of opium. Dr. Bellew, Forsyth's colleague, has observed that such diseases impair the digestive organs and produce hypochondria and manias of various kinds. The use of opium is common to both men and women. 1 The chaste life notwithstanding. Trans. 40 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. II. CHAPTER II. Division of Kashgaria in an administrative sense Hakims Collection of taxes, direct and indirect Sirkars Yuz-Bashis, Kazis and Raises Proportion of taxation to the Circles of Kasbgar, Maral - Bashi, Aksu, Bai, Koocha and Koorlia Abuses in the collection of taxes Dissatisfaction of the population with Yakoob Bek Causes of the dissatisfaction of certain classes : Agricultural, Priestly and Military Its consequences. "^ N an administrative sense, Kashgaria is divided into ten an administra- principal, and a considerable number of lesser, units. To the prin- tive sense. cipal belong the Circles of Kashgar, Yangi-Hissar, Yarkend, Khotan, Aksu, Ootch-Toorfan, Bai, Koocha, Koorlia and Koonya- Toorfan. Amongst the lesser divisions are classed the Circles, or, more properly, the Sections of Maral-Bashi, which lies on the road from Kashgar to the town of Aksu ; Kalpin, situated between Kashgar and the town of Ootch-Toorfan ; Ooloogchat, which embraces a part of the mountain region between the province of Fergana and Kashgaria; Kargalwik, situated on the road between the town of Yarkend and Khotan ; Tash-Koorgan, which embraces the mountain region and the highlands of the Yarkend- Darya. To the same divisions belong those cultivated tracts which have an administration independent of the Circles above enumerated. Of these we only know the following, which adjoin the Circle of Kashgar, viz., Oopal, Tash-Malwik, Artoosh, Argoo, Tazgoon and Khan-Arwik. Each Circle contains one town and a greater or less number of villages. Thus, to the Kashgar Circle belong the villages of Sarman, Togoozak, Koorgan, Kara-Kwir, Bish-Karam, Abat, Kwizwil-Booi, Yandam, Shaptali, Ak-Yar, Yar-Masan, Lower Yandam, Bai-Tookai, Khosh-Abat (Hosh-Abat), Faizabad, Koop- Sangir, Toopryak, Karabag, Parratch, Boovia-Kitai, Nanchook, Davlet-Bag and Kwizwil-Doobya. To the Aksu Circle belong the villages of Koom-Bash, Sai- Arwik, Bish-Arwik, Chook-Tal, Igartchl, Asook, Baldan, Djam, CHAP. II.] KASHGARIA. 41 Abdali-Kavoonoosh, Taldadwi (or as some call it Taz-Langar), Socket, Koom-Tam, Ishlantchi. The six villag-es last noted share O ' ' O the commou name of Yar-Bashi. To the Maral-Bashi Section are attached the villages of Char- Bag, Toomshook, Chadwir-Kool, Psyak-Swindwi, Yaka-Koodook. To the Bai Circle belong the villages of Kooshtam, Davantchik, Charktchi, Kara-Bag, Yaka- Arwik, Mirza-Tam, Oon-Bashi, Djig- Dali, Yangabad, Oot-Bashi, Azgan, Yukagwir-Balwiktchi, Itartchi, Yangi-Langar, Kaptchi, Ak-Ooili, Choodja-Balwikchi, Aral, Togto-Soon, Boogan, Chigan, Kwizwil and others. The twelve villages last mentioned are grouped together and form the large settlement of Sairam, which on the maps is represented as a town. In the Koocha Circle are included the town of Sha-Yar and the villages of Kara-Kash, Koontchi-Makhabya, Tag-Arwik, Boostan, Pailu, Toi-Booldwi, Sooleiman, Togoos-Tama, Khodja- Kambar, Davlet-Bag, Swirak-Toograk, Shik-Tari, Kok, Goombat, Shemal-Bag, Mazar-Bag, Ootchar, Mazar-Khodja, Shoomoot, Yaka-Yarwik, Sakatchi, Oozgoon, Tagetchi, Krish and others. To the Koorlia Circle belong the villages of Boogoor, Yangi- Hissar, Yangobad, Tesh-Arwik, Yaigi, Chimpakh, Arol Alasai (the four last mentioned form a group around Boogoor), Kargaboik, Takhtwi, Bagdjida, Maloo, Booloon, Koodook, Tala-Boolak, Ak- Sarai (the last eight are grouped around Yangi-Hissar), Doorbin, Kosh- Arwik, Toorba, Sailwik, Sai-Bag (the last five are close to the town of Koorlia), Dauzil, the fort aud village of Karashar and others. The Hakims, or rulers of each Circle, are designated Beks 1 by Hakims. the ' Badaulet,' and the rulers of the Sections are called Beks, Tog- sobas, 2 Pansatis, 3 and also Yuz-Bashis* All the Hakims are 1 Note. In explanation of the titles ref ered to in this para, the following may here suffice : Belt, or Beg is a chief or governor of a province. z Togsoba or Toghatchi is a headman or chief of an encampment or village. One possessed of the togh or tvgh, i. e., entitled to carry the insignia of military rank a yak's tail fastened at the top of a long stick and used as the standard of a military officer of rank. Vide Shaw's Sketch of the Language of Eastern Turkestan. * Pansat or Pansad is the chief of five hundred. 4 Ytu-Bashi is a centurion or chief of a hundred. Trans. 6 42 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. II. independent the one of the other, and are directly answerable to Yakoob Bek himself. Each rules his district as though he held it on lease. He is obliged to furnish to the treasury a certain fixed quantity of produce and of money. Anything that remains over and above this quota he can keep for himself. The Hakims, do not receive any personal allowance nor any State contribu- tions towards the government of their provinces. Each ruler is, moreover, required to maintain at the expense of his Circle or Section a greater or less number of soldiers to furnish the garri- sons of the towns, also a staff of police officials and postmen or messengers. In consequence of these arrangements on the part of Yakoob Bek, the Hakims receive territorial possessions of greater or less extent either for a time or in perpetuity. Each, moreover, besides furnishing the treasury with a certain fixed quantity of grain and of money, is obliged to make yearly offerings to the ' Badaulet.' The nature and value of such tribute are strongly influenced by the o-ood or bad state of the ruler's relations towards the donors. o The gifts may consist of a large number of horses, of bales of robes, of carpets, of silken webs, of packages of tea, and of sugar, of plates containing gold and silver money or bars or ingots. The number ' nine' plays a considerable part in the amount of these gifts. It is usual, for example, to send as an offering one or several sets, of nine horses each, of nine bales of robes (or in case of the donor's poverty of only nine robes), of nine boxes or loaves of sugar, of nine 'yambs' (bars of the value of 108 roubles 1 each), &c. These offerings are either sent by the hands of accredited personages, or are personally made by the Hakims on bended knee before the ' Badaulet.' The ' Badaulet ' bestows on his Hakims in return for their gifts a greater amount of his favour than of material articles having intrinsic value, liobes of various colours, girdles and fire-arms are generally the things that he gives both to the Hakims of high rank as well as to the messengers of more humble position. Before we speak of the administration, we had better first 1 A rouble is worth now about 2*. 6d. Trans. CHAP. II.] KASHGARIA. 43 explain what the duties of the several individuals, who belong to the administrative 'personnel' are. Let us, therefore, briefly refer to the taxes and imposts that exist in Kashgaria. The taxes that obtain in Kashgaria are the same as those in The taxes and other Asiatic States. Amongst them the first place is occupied by Kashgaria. the heradj tax. This consists of l-10th part of the produce of the soil. Then follows the tanap tax on gardens, sown fields, cotton, clover and orchard produce. Each tanap is assessed separately, and amounts to 20 ' teugas.' 1 Lastly, there is the ziaket tax on cattle and merchandise, amounting to about 2 per cent. The heradj, tanap and ziaket are the direct taxes. Amongst Dir ect and indirect. the numerous indirect taxes are "ISaman-pool. This is a batman (or 10 Ibs. weight) of grain (generally wheat) with two sacks of straw. Now, in place of straw, money is exacted at discretion, but often to a considerable amount. Kiyafsen. As the tax on grain is called, which goes to recom- pense the tax-gatherers when they collect the several taxes. The amount of this is likewise discretionary, and depends on the greater or less degree of avarice on the part of the ' Beks ' and their tax-gatherers. Tori-Kara. After the death of a native of the country, his property is appraised, and from 2^ to 5 per cent is taken for the use of the State. Amongst the indirect imposts too must also be classed the demands made on the population for money, for produce, and for fuel to supply the demands of foreigners and their embassies, when these arrive at the several stages on their route through the country. Likewise the furnishing of 'materiel to meet the burdens of war, the gratuitous supply of fuel for heating soldiers' barracks, State and public buildings, and the compulsory and unrequited labour of those employed on earthworks. Each Circle or Section, in an administrative sense, i. e., for the Division of collection of taxes, is divided into a greater or less number of of Sections. 1 A ' tenga' = 10 Russian ' kopaikas;' and a ' kopaika' = about 1-Jtb. farthing. Trans. 44 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. II. parts, ' volosts,' or ' aksakalstvas,' and each of these contains one or more villages. The ' Shears' In the 'volosts' the principal official personages are the Sirkars and the ' Yuz- , . Tr T T . Uasiiis.' and the xuz-Bashfis. Duties of the The duties of the Sirkar are to collect, to hold, and to account to the treasury for the heradj imposts. He likewise superin- tends the State victualling stores, from which he issues to the various troops on the march the necessary provisions and forage. This system is pursued by means of contracts entered into with the Hakims. Duties of the The Yuz-Bashis see to the collection of the ziaket tax and to luz-Buslns. all the indirect taxes, with the exception of the saman-pool and kiyafsen, with which the Sirkar only is concerned. On the Yuz-Bashis are imposed the maintenance of order in their vil- lages, the keeping up and repairing of the roads, the reception of official personages and of troops, the assigning to these of halting- places, the collection from the people of the requisite carriage for troops, and the making over of this and of other requirements to the military authorities. Every Hakim has attached to his suite one principal Sirkar and several Mirzas (secretaries or writers). As we have said above, the collection of the heradj and ziaket taxes is carried out in each ' volost ' by the local officials, viz., the Sirkars and Yuz-Bashis. The collection of the tanap tax, on the other hand, is under the immediate superintendence of the Hakims themselves, and for the purpose of collecting this tax the Hakims send forth their Mirzas. The heradj tax is either farmed out to the Sirkars, who are then obliged to furnish to the treasury a certain fixed quantity of grain, apart from the harvest gathering, or its value in money, or the Sirkars themselves send into the treasury yearly an amount of grain reckoned in connection with the harvest supply. In the former case, a person is appointed to the office of Sirkar by the Hakim. In the latter, the Sirkar must be an inhabitant of the place, from whom the Hakim will require a guarantee for the fulfilment of his duties, and a security that the full amount of the fixed contribution is exacted from the more wealthy inhabitants. CHAP. Tl.] KASHGARIA. 45 The administration of justice in Kashgaria is entrusted to Administration J of justice m. Kazis, who are appointed by Yakoob Bek. There is one or more Kashgaria. Kazi for each of the several ' volosts ' according to the density of the population and the extent of country embraced in the particular ' volost.' With each Kazi is associated a Mooftia, or interpreter of the law. And in each settlement there is at least one Rais, who is selected from among the most moral and devout of the local inhabitants. The rights of these Raises are very extensive, and they are exercised and extended in the majority of cases, so as to bear on the population not less heavily than does the latitude allowed to the SirJcars and Yuz-Bashis in the collection of taxes. According to the spirit of the law and to custom, the Rais is the guardian of the public morals, and of the purity of the ceremonials of the Mahometan religion. Armed with the symbol of his power a knotted rope the Rais visits the people at any hour of the day or night, since he has the right to enter every house. Men, women and children are all subject to his orders. He has to see that there are no dissen- sions in families; that every one, children included, regularly attends the appointed prayers ; that the children are sent to school; that just weights and measures are adhered to in the shops ; that the articles sold in the bazars are of good quality ; that the women do not appear in the public streets with unveiled faces; and that by eight or nine o'clock at night every member of a household has gone off to bed. The Rais can punish offenders, or even those suspected of crime, with stripes on the back, shoulders and head. For certain offences, which are specified, a fixed number of stripes are awarded. For example, a weaver, who sells mata in pieces of less than the usual length, will receive 39 stripes. The measured progress of the Rais along the streets, attended by the police, calls forth a panic amongst those whom he meets. The men, as a rule, stand still with lowered head and wait until the strict guardian of the law has passed by ; women and children, on the other hand, on beholding the dreaded Rais, rush off any- where in headlong flight. Every person so met, even if he shall have committed no fault, and provided he is not of the richer sort, may certainly reckon on the receipt of several blows with the thong carried by the Rais. 46 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. II. Religion and The ceremonials of religion are carried on in the mosques by education in * Kashgaria. Moollahs. These persons are likewise appointed by the 'Ba- daulet.' The individuals chosen are generally taken from the higher classes at the colleges. Failing these, they are selected from the most religious and respected individuals amongst the local inhabitants. The schools attached to the mosques are of two kinds, the lower or Maktab, and the higher or Madressas. The teachers in the former are styled khalifas, and in the latter moodarisses. At the head-quarters of every Circle, in addition to the officials above referred to, there reside a Kazi-oskar, or special judge appointed to try persons in the military profession ; a Kazi- Kazyan, or elder of all the Kazis ; and a Kazi-Rais, or elder of all the Raises. These three officials are personally appointed by Yakoob Bek, and are independent of the Hakims. Not one of The remunera- a n the personages who have been mentioned, beginning with tion of the . several officials the Hakim, receives from the State any stipend. The Hakims in Kashgaria. . remunerate themselves out of the taxes which they collect, and judging from the nature of the presents which they find it , possible to make to the ' Badaulet,' this remuneration must be something very considerable. Those Sirkars to whom the heradj tax is farmed out, receive no remuneration. But the Sirkars who collect the same tax in conjunction with the harvest, have the right to a kiafsen, i. e., to a certain portion of grain, as a remuneration for themselves and for those assistants associated with them in the collection of the tax. The Yuz-Bashis, who are chosen from amongst the local inhabitants, as a rule, own land on the spot where they are serving, and in that case they make the people attend to it without payment. The Kazis and Mooftias exact from litigants or offenders a certain fixed remuneration for every case that they settle. This remuneration, beginning at 20 kopaikas, 1 goes up to figures that are very large. Those police officials, too, who attend on the Kazi, and all persons summoned to his Court, also demand from the litigants or offenders a stipulated amount. 1 About 6rf. in English money. Trans. CHAP. II.] KASHGARIA. 47 The Raises are likewise in the habit of accepting voluntary contributions made to induce them to be less strict. These offerings are sometimes very large. Besides this, the Rais, who officiates at all funerals, enjoys the right of taking for himself the best robe of the deceased which, according to custom, is always placed on the body during the ceremonies prior to interment. The remuneration of the Moollahs likewise falls on the people, and consists of voluntary offerings, of payments made for the instruction of children in the schools, if, that is, the school is in charge of a Moollah, and of fixed sums for conducting marriages, making out divorces, attending funerals, and the like. The remuneration of the school teachers depends on the num- ber of their pupils and the degree of wealth of the pupils' parents. Generally speaking, it is very little, and is paid partly in kind and partly in money. Notwithstanding that none of the official personages of Kash- Character of , . , c xi j it, v the style main- garia are in the receipt of any fixed income, they live, as com- taineii by the pared with the people around them, in a very affluent way. the officials of With regard to the ruler himself and the modesty of his own personal requirements, Yakoob Bek may serve as an example not only to all Asiatic potentates, but to certain of his own Beks. His residences are simple even to poverty. His own dress and food and that of all his followers are of the same quality. His sole extravagance appears to take the form of a large harem, in which there are three hundred women. His marching harem, as has been said above, consists of six wives. The court display of Yakoob Bek little resembles in its limited extent that kept up by either the Amir of Bokhara or the late Khan of Kokan. All the arrangements for the administration of the country Yakoob Bek's and all his correspondence, Yakoob Bek carries on through his transacting chancellerie, which is composed of four Mirzas. These Mirzas oi'gi^ingTil serve Yakoob Bek both as secretaries and as clerks. One of them, orders - Makhsoom by name, was sent as envoy to Tashkent in the year 1872, and enjoyed the greatest influence in affairs. On every possible occasion, Yakoob Bek's orders are issued verbally. Every morning at dawn, the ruler takes his accustomed seat on a carpet placed near the door of his audience chamber. 48 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. II. All the correspondence which has been received during the previous day, he peruses line by line. After reading through in this way every paper, he immediately dictates his orders, and these are written out by the Mirza on the back of each paper. Every day mounted couriers, who ride at a speed of from 140 to 200 versts (from 90 to 130 miles) in the 24 hours, carry the several papers to their destination. At every 40 or 50 versts (26 to 30 miles) the couriers change horses at stations built for the purpose. The swiftness of Yakoob Bek's decisions and their severity are known to all, and hence all his subjects learn to tremble at his name even when they are hundreds of versts away. The amount of j on ]y k now with approximate accuracy the amount of the taxes in kind P"id by the se- taxes in kind paid by the several Circles or Sections which I veral Circles . or Sections. visited (from Kashgar via Aksu, Bai, Koocha, Kooiiia and Karashar). Of the amount of the taxes paid in the Yarkend and Khotan Circles I have not even approximate information. Nevertheless, the question as to the paying powers and re- sources of the population of Kashgaria is so important and so interesting that I produce below, in spite of its incompleteness, all the information which we collected on the subject. Kashgar Cir- We will begin with the Kashgar Circle. The Hakim of this cle. Circle, Aldasli-Datkha, a Tashkent merchant, sent in to the trea- sury from the town of Kashgar and from all the above enumerated villages of the same Circle a heradj tax of 900,000 chariks l of different grains, chiefly maize and wheat. Of this quantity the amounts that came from the villages lying along the main road to Maral-Bashi were as follows : From Shaptali, with its 600 families, 2,000 chariks. From the village of Faizabad, with from 400 to 500 families, 60,000 chariks. 1 According to calculations which we made in the town of Aksu, the weight of a charik = 24 Its. wheat, or 26 fts. of maize, or 25 fts. of barley. Auttior. Mr. Shaw, in his vocabulary of the language of Eastern Turkestan, says : " There are three distinct characks in Eastern Turkestan, one used for raw silk, certain colouring materials, spices, tea, &c. : it is equal to 4 jlngs or 5 Ibs. The second is used for all manner of goods, and is called ashligtashi, ' food weight/ also tort-task, ' four weights :' it weighs 12% j ings or nearly 16 Ibs. This is distinguished from the third sort recently introduced by the Amir, which is called fash-lash, ' five weights,' and weighs 16 jlngs or 20 Ibs." Trans. CHAP. II.] KASHGARIA. 49 This village, together with that of Khanarwik, is the chief centre of the mata industry. From the village of Yangobad, with from 70 to 100 families, 400 chariks. Since the previous year Yangobad has been incorporated in the Maral-Bashi Circle. The total amount of the tanap tax is not known. From cer- tain villages, in which horticulture is more highly developed, there were collected from BisK-Karam 100,000 tengas ; l from Abat, 32,000 ; from Togoozak, 64,000 ; from Koorgan, 16,000 ; from Kwizwil-Booi the tanap and ziaket taxes together 90,000; from Nanchook, 25,000 ; and from Davlet-Bag, 18,000 tengas. The amount of the ziaket tax from the same places is not known. From the Sections that are independent of the Kashgar Circle, Sections inde- .-, ,, . . / ,, pendent of the the collections are as follows : KashgarCircle. From Khan-Arwik the heradj tax amounts to 220,000 chariks, and the ziaket and tanap taxes to 118,000 tengas. The taxes from Khan-Arwik were fixed by Yakoob Bek in favour of his eldest son, Bek-Kooli Bek, and they, therefore, do not go to the State. From Tazgoon the heradj tax amounts to 90,000 chariks, and the tanap and ziaket to 88,000 tengas. This Section consists of from 13 to 15 small settlements, which bear the common designation of Tazgoon. The Hakim of this 1 Without taking into account the exchange on silver, one may reckon a Kashgar tenga at 10 kopaikas. Author. Ten kopaikas would be equal to about 3d. English. Trans. Mr. Shaw, in the work previously quoted, says : "A tangah, or tenga, consists of 25 small copper ' coins ' (of Chinese make with square holes through them) called dah-chan, each of which is worth twopul (imaginary coin). The value of the tangah varies constantly in the bazars according to the number of them that may be given for a kurs (a Chinese silver ingot weighing about 2 Its and worth about 170 rupees). Sometimes the number reaches 1,100 and sometimes falls as low as 800. The Amir of Kashgar has lately supplied the lack of small silver coinage, by issuing in the name of the Sultan of Turkey silver coins worth a tangah each, and called ak-tangah (white tangahs) after the model of the Khokan and Bokhara coins of the same name. These are current at a small premium. The Khotan tangah consists of 50 copper shu-chan, which are only slightly smaller than the Yarkend dah-chan. Consequently, a Khotan tangah is worth nearly twice as much as a Yarkend or Kashgar one." The word tenga is also used for the scales of a fish. Trans. 7 50 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. II. Section is one Islam Bek, a native of Kashgar. The inhabitants are principally husbandmen, and their chief crop is maize. The population of Tazgoon amounts to about 10,000 families. 1 Artoosh yields a keradj tax of 83,000 chariks. The amount of the tanap and ziaJcet taxes is not known. The principal article of industry of its inhabitants is inata of an inferior quality. Husbandry occupies a secondary place. The population of Artoosh is above 10,000 families. From Tash-Malwik they collect A heradj tax of 64,000 chariks and a ziaket tax of 40,000 tengas. To this Section belongs the mountain region near lake Sari-Kol. Its inhabitants are for the most part Kirghiz, who pay, by means of the cattle which they possess, the ziaket tax to the amount above named. Their occupations are husbandry to a limited extent and digging for coal. The number of the inha- bitants is not known. .The Hakim of this section is Abdul Rah- man-Moorza-Bardar, a Kara-Kirghiz of the Naiman tribe from the Margelan district. In Argoo, three years ago, the heradj tax amounted to 48,000 chariks. Its inhabitants are workers in mata of an inferior kind. They also prepare soap, cultivate gardens, and carry on a trade with the Kirghiz. The population, according to Chinese reckoning, consists of 300 families. Oopal produces a heradj tax of 80,000 chariks. The amount of its contributions to the tanap and ziaket taxes is not known. Its population is agricultural. The Hakim of this place is Ra- him-Baba-Togsoba, an inhabitant of Pskent. On him has been conferred the right to make use of the revenue from Oopal for the maintenance of the garrisons of the forts in the mountain districts between the province of Fergana and Kashgaria. In the Maral-Bashi Section, the heradj tax amounts to 40,000 chariks. Its population is reckoned at 3,000 families. The people of this Section are Doolans, a Mongol race, which migrat- ed to Kashgaria about 150 years ago, during the Djoongar rule. The race took up its abode along the course of the rivers 1 According to the first census carried out by the Chinese in the year 17GO, there were in Tazgoon only 700 families. A itthor. CHAP. II.] KASHGARIA. 51 Kashgar-Darya, Yarkend-Darya, Khotan-Darya, and in the neighbourhood of lake Lob-Nor. Their poor little villages exist along these rivers up to this time. The Doolans are divided into three tribes : (1) The Chash- Sliirin, who dwell along the road from the village of Chadwir- Kool to the town of Aksu and in the village of Psyak-Swindwi, which lies to the south of the main road along the river Kash- gar-Darya. They sometimes call themselves Mogols. (2) the Bachook, who dwell along the road from Maral-Bashi to Yarkend ; and (3 ) the Boogoor,wlio occupy the village of Chadwir-Kool ouly. The Kalpin Section brings in a heradj tax amounting to 14,000 chariks, a tanap tax of 20,000 tengas, and a ziaket tax of 25,000 tengas. It has a population of 3,000 families. The village of Kalpin stretches in a long line several versts to the north of the road from the town of Kashgar to Ootch-Toorfan, and lies close to the latter place. The Aksu Circle yields a heradj tax of from 1,500,000 to Aksu Circle. 2,000,000 char ties, a tanap tax of 100,000 tengas, and a ziaket tax, from its cattle, of 60,000 tengas. The population of the Aksu Circle amounts to 30,000 families. The Bai Circle brings in a heradj tax of 80,000 chariks, a Bai Circle. tanap tax of from 26,000 to 30,000 tengas, and a ziaket tax of from 45,000 to 50,000 tengas} The population of the town of Bai is 390 families. That of the village of Sairam and of the adjoining hamlets is 800 families. The Koocha Circle yields a heradj tax of 250,000 chariks, a Koocha Circle. tanap tax of 70,000 tengas, and a ziaket tax of 150,000 tengas. Into these figures enter the same taxes from the town of Sha-Yar. The Koorlia Circle gives a heradj tax of 200,000 chariks, a Koorlia Circle. tanap tax of 120,000 tengas, and a ziaket tax of 150,000 tengas. To these figures must be added the contributions from the village of Boogoor and of the neighbouring hamlets a lieradj tax of 40,000 chariks, a tanap tax of 20,000 tengas, a ziahet tax of 25,000 tengas. The population of the Koorlia Circle is 2,000 families. 1 Of this quantity the yield of the village of Sairam and the surrounding hamlets is as follows: heradj tax 30,000 chariks ; tanap tax from 13,000 to 1-1,000 chariks ; ziaket tax 14,000 tengas. Author. 52 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. II. The village of Yangi-Hissar and the settlements belonging to it contribute a heradj tax of 42,000 chariks, a tanap tax of from 18,000 to 21,000 tengas, and a ziaket tax, from cattle, of 60,000 tengas. The population is 2,000 families. The inhabit- ants are very rich in cattle in consequence of the excellent graz- ing grounds that they own. The village of Charchi yields a heradj tax of 1,500 chariks and a tanap tax of 600 tengas. Its population amounts to 22 houses. The village of Doorbin brings in a heradj tax of 12,000 chariks, and a tanap tax of 6,000 tengas. Its population amounts to 300 houses. The town of Koorlia with the villages belonging to it yields a heradj tax of 85,000 chariks, a tanap tax of 65,000 tengas, and a ziaket tax of from 45 to 48,000 tengas. Tax -paying But the figures above given do not express to the full either thepopuiation the tax-paying capabilities of the population, or the actual not showiTby quantity of money and of grain collected from the inhabitants of the figures TrjKshmjrin above given. Jvasngaiia. Official abuses. The abuses of the officials who are employed to collect . the taxes are the normal state of affairs not only in Kashgaria but in all the other independent Asiatic States. The people are accustomed to them. They bear them patiently as long as they can pay such unjust demands. On the other hand, the officials, to whom the general administration of the country is farmed out, consider that they have the right to squeeze from the land in their charge as much as possible over and above their legiti- mate income. Abuses in the collection of taxes are then what obtain generally. The offenders rank throughout all the persons engaged in the administration of the country, beginning with the Beks and ending with the Sirkars and Yuz-Bashis subordi- nate to them. Thanks to this sort of oppression, the taxes lie like a heavy burden on the impecunious masses. The more well-to-do persons do indeed manage somehow or other (generally by means of bribes), and, having got round the tax-collector, contrive to contribute to the treasury less than their poorer neighbours. CHAP. II.] KASHGARIA. 53 Of the innumerable indirect taxes nothing has been said. The indirect taxes. Some persons succeed either in evading payment of these alto- gether or in paying but a small percentage on their earnings from crops or from cattle. Thus, whilst from the richer folk the heradj tax, in place of yielding 10 per cent., will yield but 2 per cent., from the poorer it will amount to 20 per cent, and more. The more indigent classes are in this way made to con- tribute 75 per cent, of the whole taxation of the country, since the same remark applies to taxes of all kinds. Now and then the indirect taxes lie as heavily on the people as the direct taxes, and this because the discretion exercised in their collec- tion is wider. For example, the amount of the remunerations exacted by the tax-gatherers (on account of kiyafsen and saman-pool) entirely depends on the extent of their avarice, since by no law is a measure put to their demands. But in a country like Kashgaria, even were a law for the purpose in force, the collectors of the taxes would not be kept within it. When a demand is made for carriage for army transport purposes, those who possess horses in large numbers contrive to buy the officials off, and then the poor people are obliged to give up their last animal in order to make up the number that may be required. In like manner, when a foreign embassy is in progress through the country, all the villages en route are obliged to furnish gratis fuel, forage, cattle, and whatever provisions that may be necessary in the way of bread, eggs, sweetmeats, tea, sugar, &c. All such articles are of course exacted in a two-fold or three-fold propor- tion, and the overplus is sold by the native officials, who are attached to the embassy in question, it may be to the very persons from whom the articles were in the first instance taken. Every additional impost of taxes on the part of Yakoob Bek is made not -with reference to the tax-paying capabilities of his subjects, but to incidental causes arising principally out of war expenses. The Beks, on the receipt of orders to furnish a supplementary amount of grain or, oftener, of money from their respective Circles, are seldom themselves out of pocket. After ordering several times over the amount of the grain or of the money demand- ed, they put the surplus in their pockets. The other members of 54 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. II. the administration follow their example. The people alone are the sufferers, since they have to pay at least double what has been called for by the ruler of the country. Condition of j^ us novv rv o f orm a conclusion as to how far the existing affairs in Kash- * garia. order of things in Kashgaria may be considered durable, and to what degree Yakoob Bek succeeded in gaining the sym- pathy of the people during the last thirteen years of his rule. Past history of We will first examine that which Kashgaria needs above everything. We shall at the same time see what the history of the country was many years before the Christian era. The dominion of the ruling race in Kashgaria has given place to that of another very many times, Chinese have ousted Mongols aud Mongols again Chinese. Then have followed Arabs and again Mongols, who have once more given way to Djoongariaus and to Chinese. In the intervals, between the inroads of the peoples above- mentioned, internal dissensions have divided the country against itself. The Circles of Kashgar, Yarkend, Khotau, Aksu and others have at one time become independent each of the other, and have again fallen under the yoke of one another in turn. The struggle for political supremacy gave way, in the Sixteenth Century, to religious strife between the two parties under the Khodjas, who then made their appearance in the country the white mountaineers and the black mountaineers. This strife divided the country into two hostile camps, and it was owing to this state of things that Kashgaria fell so easily under the power first of the Djoougariaus and then of the Chinese. The period of Chinese sovereignty from 1760 to 1825, uninterrupted as it was by tfrneutes of any kind, gave some repose to the country, and with that repose the condition of the population improved. The mistakes made by the Chinese, and their weakness aud inability to gain, if not the sympathy, at least the respect and fear of the people whom they had conquered, called forth the insurrection of 1825. Then began afresh the bloody period in the history of Kashgaria a period that has not terminated up to the present time. A slight glance at the simple abstract of events which we give below will be sufficient for us to see through how many agitations Kashgaria has passed during the CHAP. II.] KASHGARIA. 55 last fifty years. From what lias been already said we can, too, perceive how much blood has been shed during those periods of agitation. In the year 1825 there took place in Kashgaria the rising of Djengir-Tura. In 1830 there was a rebellion of the Kokan troops followed by the insurrection under Khodja TVled-Yusoof. In 1847 there was the rebellion of the seven Khodj as (Katta- Tura). In 1857 occurred the insurrection of Valikhan-Tura. In 1862-63 Kashgaria rose up against the Chinese. In their insur- rection the Djoongans Rashedin-Khodja, Abdoola-Khodja and Habiboolla-Khodja took part. From 1864 to 1868 the conquest of Kashgaria at the hands of Yakoob Bek was proceeding. In 1869 Yakoob Bek marched against the rebels of the pro- vince of Sarwi-Kol. In 1872 there was a Doongan insurrection against Yakoob Bek, which was suppressed by Yakoob Bek's son, Bek-Koolwi- Bek. In 1876-1877 began and ended the struggle between Yakoob Bek and the Chinese. After every rising the state of the coun- try became worse, since each rising was promoted for the sake of individuals, who succeeded only because the Chinese com- manders were inefficient and their armies small and of inferior quality. After the suppression of each insurrection, the chief offenders contrived, as a rule, to get away, at least for a time, with the booty which they had acquired, whilst the people paid for the actions of their leaders with their possessions and with their lives. From this it will be understood that what the people of Kash- The people of . Kashgaria de- garia most desire is peace and the advantages of such enjoyments sire peace, as may still be left to them. With regard to their demands for peace, we have already seen Tin's the rule from the simple chronological statement of events during the has not given past fourteen years, that Yakoob Bek did not fulfil this desire l em ' of the population ; and hence for this cause alone, he called forth dissatisfaction against himself. But dissatisfaction against Yakoob Bek was called forth by Dissatisfaction J of the popula- other causes as well. First of all, he became the ruler of Kash- tion with y a - garia not by the popular desire, but from being a usurper, and its causes. 56 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. II. one who, by taking advantage of the weakness of those in authority and by gaining an influence over the army, took the power into his own hands. We have seen above that Yakoob Bek succeeded in possessing himself of the sovereignty. But how did he labour to this end ? He captured Yangi-Hissar, Yarkend and Khotan. In the last- named place he slaughtered numbers of the inhabitants and treacherously murdered the Hakims of Khotan and of Koocha Habiboolla and Rasheddin. He destroyed also the rebel Kipchak, whom he had promised, with an oath on the Koran, to free and to send out of Kashgaria. He administered poison to Katta- Tura, observing as he did so, that his victim was not in a posi- tion to render unquestionable obedience to him, &c. In such a way, then, did Yakoob Bek gain possession of his throne. Hence he created many bitter animosities. But his people would have forgiven all, if only, after becoming supreme ruler of the country, he had finally given them the desired peace and enabled them to obtain the rest they so much wished for, by introducing order and security for their property and labour. But Yakoob Bek could not fulfil these expectations. Whilst unconvinced of the durability of his sovereignty from inward causes a sovereignty acquired at the price of the blood of many thousand inhabitants, Yakoob could be no less uncertain as to the dangers which beset Kashgaria from without. He, therefore, made it his object to seek for the necessary security. As the best means of arriving at peace within the State he held that strong garrisons should be established in all the towns. As the best method of securing the safety of his possessions from without, he considered it wise to set in hand the extension of his border line beyond the limits that Kashgaria had ever possessed. Accordingly, he pushed his borders far into the mountains that shut in Kashgaria on the north, west and south, and built many forts and posts on all the roads leading to his country through this mountain region. On the east, whence Kashgaria was threatened with the danger of a Doongan invasion, or, after the subjugation of these people, an inroad of the Chinese, he seized the Doongan towns of Koonya-Toorfan, Ooroomchi, Manas and others, and so carried his borders far towards the east. CHAP. II.] KASHGARIA. 57 Thus, working to secure, by means of troops, both interior order and the safety of his kingdom, Yakoob Bek could not devote much time towards introducing order into his country ; and he, therefore, established a system for the government of Kashgaria, which, whilst it was easy for himself, was at the same time most oppressive to his people. All his provinces were farmed out, and the Hakims, who were bad tenants, began to collect from the people more than they really could afford to pay. Thus, all possibility of recovering themselves was completely withheld from the people. The minor officials, such as Sirkars and Yuz-Bashis, acted in the same way as their superiors, each thought only of his profits, and, being aware of the insecurity of his own position, endeavoured to enrich himself with all possible speed. Let us now glance at the causes of the discontent amongst the population of Kashgaria, and let us examine each principal condition separately : (1.) The agricultural class, the most numerous and important Causes of dis- satisfaction of in Kashgaria, could not be satisfied with the existing state of the agricul- tural class, things in the country, because for their hard work they were only allowed to receive not nine-tenths (as the Mussulman law allows), but from one-fourth to half. The orders of Yakoob Bek, as addressed to the Hakims direct, ruled that the principal part of the heradj tax should be paid not in kind but in money, and so the condition of the agriculturists became still further injured. The Hakims, who were always alive to their own gains, appointed prices which were far above those obtaining in the bazaar ; and these, of course, quickly fell only when there was an extra supply of grain-produce. Besides this, the greater percentage of recruits for the army came from among the agriculturists. (2.) The trading class had likewise several well-founded Of the trading class. grounds for dissatisfaction with Yakoob Bek. Trade in Kash- garia did not enjoy the perfect freedom that was indispensable to it. The seasons for despatching caravans across the border were appointed by Yakoob once every four months, and some- times less frequently. Especially of late, had they begun to restrict the despatch of 8 58 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. II. caravans into Russian territory, and this because to these cara- vans many young people were in the habit of attaching them- selves as muleteers with the object of leaving their native land for good and all. Besides this, demands were made from traders in the shape of douceurs. Further, they were either paid but insufficiently for their goods, or were not paid at all. Moreover, the state of trade in Kashgaria could not but be affected by the poverty of its principal dealers the agriculturists. The insecurity of the right of enjoying their own belongings had induced many, who had still some property left, to hide it. Of the priestly (3.) Finally, the priesthood had also sufficient reason to be class. dissatisfied with Yakoob Bek. Notwithstanding his outward piety (for thirteen years he had not omitted a single prayer, and his relatives boasted of the same), Yakoob Bek, in all his quarrels with the priestly class, had acted very harshly. The church lands, which had never paid any sort of tax, were included by Yakoob Bek in the same category as other property with regard to the payment of the heradj and tanap taxes. 1 And this, notwithstanding that the voluntary contribu- tions of the people, burdened already with intolerable impositions in support of the priesthood, could not be otherwise than con- siderable. Consequent Thus, Yakoob Bek could never count on the sympathy of the policy of Ya- J J koob Bek. people towards him. Knowing this very well, he, from the first day of his coming to Kashgaria, began to form around himself a party, to whose advantage it would be to support him. To this party belonged those persons from Kokan, Tashkent, and also from Kashgaria itself, who had succeeded in obtaining the goodwill of the new ruler. To them were given all the most lucrative posts in the country. Perceiving their support, however, to be insufficient, Yakoob Bek made friends with a more powerful stay the army. By placing the army in a privileged position, by forming a pseudo-aristocracy of the country of members of the army, by liberally rewarding their services and by giving the first places 1 This information requires confirmation. Author. CHAP. II.] KASHGARIA. 59 in the administration to those persons who had served therein, Yakoob Bek could, at first, reckon on the sympathy and support of the troops. But, afterwards, the too manifest preference evinced by Yakoob Bek for exiles from Tashkent, Kokan , Afghanistan, India and other places, over recruits from amongst his own subjects, and the more recent increase of military levies, coupled with his first failure against the Chinese, all made the troops even dissatisfied with Yakoob Bek. The desertions, which of late became very numerous, clearly indications of * the breaking proved what has been said. Several individuals, too, who occu- U P of Yakoob ... ... . Bek's power. pied high positions in the administration, and on whose fidelity Yakoob Bek had previously always reckoned, now began to change towards him. They ceased, in fact, to believe in the star of Yakoob Bek, and they endeavoured to make off, whilst there was yet time, with the booty they had obtained. It may be believed, then, that, by opening a war with the Chinese, Yakoob Bek, notwithstanding a few successes, only has- tened his own fall. Such, then, were the results that thirteen years of feverish Comparison between Ya- activity had brought upon Kashgaria. Meanwhile, it must be koob Bek and . other rulers iu undoubtedly admitted that this ruler possessed many qualities Asia, which made him stand out from amongst all the rulers of Asia. His military accomplishments, his powers of organization, his personal bravery, his chaste life, his power of will, his iron energy in the attainment of those objects which he had marked out, all seemed a guarantee, that, under the direction of this, by nature, richly-gifted personage, the country would obtain rest, and would recover from, and outlive, its poverty. But there are obstacles of such a kind, which so operate on a Central Asian potentate, that, even in the face of favourable qualities, a combination of political, religious, economical, and social condi- tions make his rule unstable, his activity but of little use, and the sovereignty, which he has founded, but of short duration. 60 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. CHAPTER III. Trade of Kashgaria Trade treaty with Yakoob Bek Position of traders in Kashgaria Russian traders Their complaints Currency of Kashgaria Units of weights and measures Trade-dues Brokers Foreign trade of Kashgaria Imports into Kashgaria Principal articles of import: chintzes, cattle, tea, iron, iron-wares, dyeing materials, cotton Exports from Kashgaria Disproportion between imports and exports Exchange of Russian raw products for Kashgarian prepared goods Danger to Russia of reciprocity in trade Way of avoiding it Kashgarian woollen and cotton webs Mata, dyed bias, printed linen, chakmen Silk and silken manu- factures Robes, felts, alum Trade with India. Trade of Kash, THE information that we possess regarding the trade of Kash- garia relates only to later times, and begins with the consolida- tion of Yakoob Belt's power in the country. It corresponds also to the period of the Russian occupation of the town of Tashkent. Russian goods penetrated into Kashgaria, and, with some excep- tions, even now arrive there through the instrumentality of Rus- sia's newly -acquired Central Asian subjects, viz., Bokharian, Kokan and Tartar merchants. Those Russian traders who at- tempted to personally superintend the transport of their goods into Kashgaria met with an inhospitable reception, and suffered from exactions even greater than those to which the native traders were subjected. The ruler of Kashgaria, Yakoob Bek, looked upon trade in the light of his own monopoly. He appraised goods after having inspected them himself, and took a considerable portion of them at his own prices and on credit for indefinite periods. Besides this, a portion of the imported wares passed to him, according to custom, in the form of ' offerings.' Payment for selected goods proceeded very slowly, and sometimes extended over many years. Protests on the part of the traders ended sometimes in refusal to discharge the debt, and sometimes in their imprisonment and in the confiscation of their property, and sometimes even in their death. The despatch of caravans from Kashgaria was stopped for months together. The personal freedom of the traders was CHAP. III.] KASHGARIA. 61 subjected to restraint. Many of the first Russian merchants, who reached Kashgaria in the early part of the year 1870, suffered in a special manner. These persecutions caused the Governor- General of Turkestan to despatch a mission to Kashgaria with the object of concluding a trade-treaty with the ' Badaulet.' An experienced and energetic officer of the General Staff, Colonel Baron Kaulbars, was placed at the head of this mission. The mission was received in 1872 by Yakoob Bek, in the town of Kashgar. In spite of innumerable difficulties, Kaulbars suc- ceeded in inducing the ' Badaulet ' to agree to the following conditions : " Article I. To all Russian subjects, whatsoever be their Trade treaty, religious belief, is allowed the right to travel for the purposes of trade in ' Djitwishar' 1 and in all places and towns subject to the ruler of this country, wherever they will, just as it is now allowed, and in the future will be allowed, to the inhabitants of ' Djitwishar ' to trade throughout the whole of the Russian Empire. The respected ruler of ' Djitwishar ' undertakes to carefully protect from danger and to guard all Russian subjects who may be found within his dominions and to extend the same protection to their caravans and to all their property generally. " Article II. Russian merchants will be allowed to have in the towns of ' Djitwishar,' if they themselves desire it, their own caravan-serais in which they shall be able to store their goods. The same right shall be enjoyed by ' Djitwishar ' merchants trading in Russian towns. " Article HI. In order to insure the regular progress of trade and the lawful collection of all dues, to Russian merchants will be accorded the right to have, if they wish it, in all the towns of ' Djitwishar,' trade agents (Karavan-Bashis). This right will also be accorded to ' Djitwishar ' merchants in the towns of Russian Turkestan. " Article IV. From all goods entering ' Djitwishar' from Russian territory or entering Russian territory from ' Djitwishar,' there shall be exacted a tax of 2| per cent, on the cost of the 1 A name by which Yarkand-Kashgaria is often known. The word signifies the seven cities. Trans. 62 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. treaty. goods. In no case shall more be demanded. This agreement will also apply to the Mussulman and ' Djitwishar ' subjects of both the contracting parties. "Article V. To Russian merchants and their caravans will be accorded a free and safe conduct throughout ' Djitwishar ' terri- tory and the possessions adjoining thereon. The same privileges will be extended to ' Djitwishar ' caravans travelling through Russian territory." Extent of the Although this treaty was never strictly adhered to by Yakoob value of this J J Bek, still it brought with it some advantages to Russian traders. Later on, in proportion as external and internal affairs became worse for Yakoob Bek, he became more and more disposed to respect the interests of Russian subjects. Whilst bringing but little material advantage to our trade relations, this treaty would still possess one other importance. The non-observance of it on the part of Yakoob Bek would always afford us the pretext of going to war with him, if we desired, to extend our Central Asian possessions further to the south, towards Kashmir, or to the east towards China. During our stay in Kashgaria in 1876-77, we found in Kash- gar a Russian agent, a Mons. Shkokoff, member of the firm of Bwikovski. This person was the sole representative of Russian commerce in the whole country. According to his state- ments he had sold off all the various goods which he had brought with him for ready-money without being subjected to extortion on the part of the Kashgarian authorities. But concerning his personal freedom, Mons. Shkokoff had to submit to great restraint. He was obliged to live in the caravanserai under constant supervision. He had not the right to travel to other towns from Kashgar. He even could not leave the outskirts of the town without the permission of Bek Aldash, the Governor of the Kashgar Circle. We had great difficulty in obtaining for Shkokoff permission to visit us at the house which we were occu- pying near Fort Yangi-Shar. Shkokoff's departure from the country was subject, moreover, to the personal will of Yakoob Bek. With regard to the Sarts and Tartars, Russian subjects and traders from Tashkent and Kokan, both Yakoob Bek and his officials, in their dealings towards them, were very exacting. Position of traders in Kashgaria. Kussian traders. CHAP. III.] KASHGARIA. 63 When we visited the bazars of the towns of Kashgar, Aksu, Koocha and Koorlia, the officials tried to prevent Russian mer- chants from speaking to us. On each occasion we had to urgently demand that such traders should be allowed to come, and we never concealed the fact that the object of their coming was to enable us to collect information with regard to trade and to their own grievances. The complaints made by almost all Their com- the traders whom we questioned were against Yakoob Bek himself, his son Bek-Kooli-Bek, and his officials generally, for failing to pay a given price, within a stipulated term, for the goods they had taken. 1 1 As a specimen of these complaints, the following translation of two made to me will suffice : (a.) To Captain Kooropatkin of the General Staff. The petition of Doda- Baba-Bai and Mir Fazwilbaeff : " The Hakim of Kashgar has taken from me goods to the value of 200 tillas " (a golden coin worth about 4 Russian roubles or 10 shillings English. Trans.) " Of that sum he has kept 80 tillas for himself. It is now three years since I have failed to receive from the Datkka (a military title) this money. Be so kind as to aid me in recovering it." (J.) To the Eussian Envoy. The petition of natives of Tashkent dwelling in the town of Aksu : " We beg to inform the Envoy of high rank that it is now a year since we arrived at this place for purposes of trade, and, during that time, we have utterly failed to get away. Nowhere in any business are traders so oppressed and hindered as they are here. Five months ago one of us, the son of the merchant Mir Hamid, was taken for a soldier and attached to the suite of an official. We beg the Gracious Envoy to take us under his powerful protection. " We yesterday conversed with your people and they noted down what we said, but we are now afraid that, after your departure, they will kill us. We request that you will take Mir Hamid's son with you to Tashkent. Signed by Mir Halwik, Mir Salikhbaeff, Mir Alim Bai, and Abdoo-Kadwir Bai." After inquiring into the second of these petitions, I found it necessary to write a sharp letter to the Datkha of the town of Aksu, in which I called his attention to the condition of the trade-treaty, and I made over the petitioners to his especial solicitude, on the understanding that he would be held respon- sible concerning them. With regard to the son of Mir Hamid, aged 17, the Russian subject, who had been taken as a soldier in spite of protests and requests I demanded his extradition and I took him with a view of sending him to Kooldja, where his father was living. Later on I learnt that all the petitioners had safely returned to Russian territory. Author. 64 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. Amongst others, I was informed of many acts of oppression in the town of Kashgar. Moolla-Yar-Mahomet, a merchant of Tashkent, complained that Bek-Kooli-Bek, the ' Badaulet's ' eldest son, had taken cattle from him to the value of 2,200 tillas, and that for three years he had not been paid for them. Mahomet-Omar-Mirza-Baeff complained that Aldash-Datkha, Bek of Kashgar, had taken cattle from him to the value of 800 tillas, and that for two years he had not been paid for them. Besides this, I was informed, through the natives attached to the Embassy, that as many as forty agents of Tashkent and Kokan merchants were ready to make me a collective com- plaint ; but they were prevented from doing so by the local officials, who threatened that, were a petition presented, their property would be confiscated, and they themselves killed. The exactions for the army and for military purposes exac- tions so immensurate with the resources of the country and the means of the population pressed heavily on the traders of Kashgar. In addition to the impost of taxes on all articles of import and export, to compulsory ' offerings,' to the surrender of a portion of their property to the State, to the giving of credit for indefinite and very often for protracted periods, merchants were harassed with especial and extraordinary exactions on unforeseen occasions of want of money. And as Yakoob Bek developed his military resources, his periods of necessity occurred with greater frequency. Thus, during our stay in Kashgaria, breech-loading cannon, rifles on the Snider system, ammunition of all kinds that were purchased by Yakoob Bek in Constantinople, were detained in Kashmir until taxes to the amount of 30 silver yambs, or 4,000 roubles, 1 had been paid. This money was taken by Yakoob Bek's orders from merchants and sent by ' express ' messenger to Kashmir. Similar unexpected charges had to be met very often. As a rule, the insecurity of property and even of life in Kash- garia caused capital to be concealed and trade to be stifled. 1 About 500 in English money. Trans CHAP. III.] KASHGARIA. 65 The currency of Kashgaria is the following : pool of kara- currency of pool, 1 a Chinese copper coin with four angular holes through the middle. In size it is larger than the Russian %-kopaika piece. Fifty pools are equal to a fonga? which is a silver piece coined by Yakoob Bek. This coin, in size and weight, is somewhat larger than the Russian 10-kopaiJca, piece. Twenty-five tengas are equal to a ckorvdnets? or ducat, a coin which varies very much in size and value. Forty ducaCs are equal to a yamb. Yambs are bars of silver of three different sizes, used by the Chinese in their monetary system. The largest size is about 4f Ibs. in weight, and though their bazaar value is 1,100 tengas, they are received into the treasury for 1,000 ten-gas only. 3 In Russian money, the exchange being at the rate of 10 per cent on silver, a yamb would cost about 130 roubles. 4 Besides the above, they have in circulation, in Kashgaria, Bokharian and Kokan kokanis, a silver coin which answers to the Russian %0-kopaika piece, 5 and tUlas, a gold coin, worth about 4 roubles 6 in Russian money. Although kokanis are equal in weight to two Kashgar tengas, they are nevertheless not received into the treasury except at the compulsory rate of 1| tengas. Yakoob Bek, by taking advantage of this depreciation of the price, bought up ko/tanis in exchange for the tengas coined by himself, and recast them with his new tengas, thus gaining by a crafty con- trivance a considerable profit. The principal measures of weight in Kashgaria are the djin, 1 Units of borrowed from the Chinese and equal to 1| Ibs. : and the charik, 8 measures, which is of two sizes. There is the charik of 16 djins, or 24 Ibs., and the charik of 12 djins, or 18f Ibs. 1 Shaw says that the pool is the 50th part of a tenga, and is about &d. Eng- lish. Trans. 2 See note, page 43. Trans. * See note, page 49. Trans. 4 About 16-5. Trans. " Worth about 6d Trans. * About 10 shillings English. Trans. 7 Shaw says, the djin or ling is a weight equal to about 1*275 Ibs. Trans. * Or charak, see note, page 48. Trans. A charik of wheat weighs 24 Iba. ; a charik of maize, 26 Ibs. ; and a ckarik of barley, 25 Ibs. Author. 9 66 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. All the necessaries of life are measured by the first of these, whereas imported goods, metals and liquids are weighed by the latter kind of charik. The Russian arshin (alchin) 1 serves as a long measure. They measure with a wooden rule of about ^ arshin long. Trade-dues ^ n ar ticles imported into Kashgaria a ziaket tax at the rate of 2 1 per cent on the value of the goods is imposed. The articles are taken to the ziaket post and are there valued by merchants appointed for the purpose. They are always valued above their actual cost. Thus, goods valued at 48 ducats would be appraised at 50 ducats. The ziaket tax forms the heaviest item in trade expenses, and in addition to it there is a levy on goods on behalf of the proprietor or lessee of the warehouse to which the goods are taken to be valued or stored. This charge, if a shop is hired in the serai, varies from a yamb to six tengas, i.e., about per cent. Protection of For the protection of merchants' wares payment is made according to agreement. Daily hire of The daily hire of a labourer was, during 187G, from 35 to 40 pools (less than 10 kopaikas). 2 Hire of shops. The hire of shops in a caravanserai is not dear. It is about 1J ducats a year for a square sajen 3 ^on the groundfloor. Wholesale Wholesale trade is sometimes carried on for ready-money, but more often on credit for various periods, but even then, from various causes, as has been shown above, payment is not accu- rate. Brokers. In wholesale trade, merchants take the place of the brokers appointed by Government. The brokers' fees amount to about s^th per cent. Particulars as Kolesnikoff, a Tashkent merchant, who accompanied Colonel to trade in Kashgaria. Kaulbars to Kashgaria, says in his circumstantial account 4 of the trade of that country : 1 28 inches English. Trans, 2 i. Chinese rule, i.e., prior to the year 1864, the people of Kash- garia received their tea from the Chinese provinces along the great trade route, through Landjei-Foo, Hami, Koonya-Toorfan, Kara- shar and Aksu, and so on to Kashgar and beyond to Yarkend and Khotan. But, on the commencement of the insurrection, trade relations were broken off, and with them the transport of tea ceased. At first the people who had become accustomed to the use of tea, indented on the large stores collected by the Chinese. They then began to turn to other sources of supply. In place of tea they began to use the leaves of the surrogatwi, a plant which grows in Kashgaria. The leaves thus brought into use obtained the name of the locality in which the plant was found. Thus we find the designation Khotan tea and Koocha tea. The infusion in question is drunk with milk, salt and butter. After- wards tea was imported into Kashgaria from two quarters : (i) from the province of Semiraitchensk (and latterly from Kooldja) via Forts Narwin and Chakmak to the town of Kashgar ; (ii) from India via Ladak to Yarkend, and so on to Kashgar. 72 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. The tea received from India is of two kinds: Chinese tea imported into India and tea grown in India itself. The latter has for us, Russians, the greater interest, since it has begun to penetrate not only into Kashgaria, but is smuggled also into our own Central Asian possessions to the great disturbance of Russian tea traders. It must be observed that, for the last fifteen years, i.e., from the time of the rebellion in Eastern Turkestan, the tea trade in that country has been in an abnormal condition. Whole- sale merchants in Tashkent have in their stores Canton tea, which, before they received it, came by way of India, through the Suez Canal, to Odessa, and was then carried to Tashkent and even to Kooldja. It is evident that teas following such a route and paying dues all the way along cannot compete with teas of Indian growth, which, though inferior in quality, are cheaper and not subjected to various dues. We see from the tabulated statement on the previous page, that the tea imported from Semiraitchensk (vid Vairnoye, Narwin and Chakmak) amounted in value to 30,800 roubles (3,850) and formed 12 per cent of the entire imports. It may be sup- posed, however, that the cost of the tea consumed in Kashgaria would amount to a sum several times larger. According to the calculation (probably somewhat exaggerated) of Russian mer- chants 1 trading to Tashkent and Kokan, on the subject of the extension of the tea trade throughout the peoples of Central Asia, a family, consisting of father, mother, and two children, would require monthly one Ib. of tea ; of this the man would consume fths and his wife and children fths. But supposing that the mass of the population of Kashgaria was to remain satisfied with its own surrogatwi tea, and that only 200,000 persons were to con- sume tea imported in the above proportion, we should find that the annual requirements of the country would amount to 15,000 poods (540,000 Ibs. English). Reckoning the cost of this at 30 roubles a pood, the value of the tea imported would amount to 450,000 roubles (56,250), or nearly fifteen times the value of the tea which now passes across the Russian border. 1 Messrs. Diyatchkoff, Fedoroff and others. Author, CHAP. III.] KASHGARIA. 73 We found in the bazaars of Kashgaria the following sorts of tea : Chinese Teas. Whence received Quantity. Value. 1. Kwirma tea ... Vairnoye 4 poods ... 70 ducats. 2. Koomwish tea ... Ditto I pood From 55 to 62 roubles. 3. Koomwish green") tea (This kind, owing to its high } Ditto 4 poods 103 ducata. price, is but lit- tle consumed.) J 4. Ak tea Ditto 4 64 5. Ditto Ditto 1 pood ... 22 6. Do., green (This") kind most re- sembles tea of the same name imported from { Ditto 4 poods ... 96 Indiu;seeNo.l4, under the head | of Indian teas.) J 7. At-Bash tea") (This kind is most in use. It ^ Ditto 60 djins ... 19 is drunk with milk.) J The same kind from ) Kooldja. J Ditto 3 poods ... 20 8. Djainak tea Ditto 4 36 9. Ak-Kooiruk (aS green tea, one ( of the most in ?" Ditto 1 pood 16 use). 3 10. Shoovei tea Ditto 1 17 11. Goora(agreentea) Ditto 1 48 roubles. 12. Alma tea ... Ditto 1 9 ducats. 13. Takhta tea Ditto 1 brick of) 7 Ibs.J 3 roubles. Indian teas. 1 14. Ak tea Ditto 4 poods ... 95 ducats. 15. Ditto Ditto 4 92 16. Ditto Ditto 1 pood 20 17. Yakhan tea (co- ) loured). j Ditto 4 poods ... 80 18. Farenjji tea (very ) much used). ) Ditto 4 ., ... 75 19. Goora tea Ditto 4 70 20. Balyadoor tea ... Ditto 4 70 21. Zira tea Ditto 4 62 Surrogatwi tea "| Khohui and Koo- cha growths. These are drunk } Ditto 1 fl> 1 tenga. with milk and salt, 1 and are locally | prepared. J Specimens of all these teas can be obtained in the is very probable that amongst them are various sorts of have been brought through India. Author. Tashkent Museum. It Chinese growths which 10 74 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. Iron, wrought and cast, and iroii wares. Dyeing ma- terials. With the final return of Kashgaria into the hands of the Chinese, a trade route via Hami has again been opened, and along this, tea, direct from the provinces of the Celestial Empire, is once more making its appearance. This tea must not only drive out that which is imported by Vairnoye and from India, but it should find its way through the Terek -Da van pass to the Province of Fergana, and by Forts Chakmak and Narwin to Semiraitchensk. Then it would, in all probability, supplant the tea procured by way of Odessa and even the Kiyakhta 1 tea, which goes to Moscow before it is distributed over Centi'al Asia. Tea of Indian growth, however cheap it may be, is less advan- tageous to us than the Chinese article. At present, in exchange for tea we dispose of our manufactures, especially cloth, to China, whilst for Indian tea cash exclusively must be paid. Unfortun- ately of late our trade relations with China have become so bad that, if we do not adopt measures, China will disappear altogether as a market for our wares, and for China tea we shall then have to pay exclusively in hard cash. Iron, wrought and cast, and iron-wares are imported in but relatively small quantities. In the local manufactories, one can never get iron of a sufficiently good quality. Russian iron is brought from Vairnoye in rods and hoops, and these are converted into various articles on the spot. Kettles and tea-pots are made of cast-iron. Articles of the same sort made in the town of Koocha compete with those obtained in the other cities of Kashgaria. Dyeing materials for colouring mata. The manufacture is very large in Kashgaria, and for dyeing silken and semi-silken materials, the following dyes are used : Neel (indigo}. This is procured from India, and is in very general use. Ferengi rang (fooksiri) and kershes (cochineal'). These are imported from Russia. The last is used exclusively for dyeing silken webs. It is to be found in every bazaar, and its shades are varied. The price of cochineal of a dark purple colour is from 16 to 18 ducats a pood. That of a grey colour is from 14 to 10 ducats a pood. Gallnuts are imported from Badakhshan, and are used as a corrosive. A djin costs 10 tengas. 1 Kiyakhta tea is Chinese tea sent overland via Kiyakhta into Russia. Abroad it is called Russian tea to distinguish it from the Canton tea that passes into Europe by the sea route. Trans. CHAP. III.] KASHGARIA. 75 Madder is received from Fergana. From the tabulated state- ment on the previous page it will be seen that, during the year 1876, 4,900 roubles worth of this dye were imported. Madder roots or powdered madder sells at the rate of 64 pool for 1 djin. Sandal is imported from Russia. The price for 8 poods is from 16 to 20 ducats. It is imported in chips, which are made up in the neighbourhood of Kazan. It becomes dry during its transport and is, therefore, cheaper on reaching its destina- tion. It should be here stated that all the dyeing materials of local manufacture were found in the bazaars. Kara-gool, the flower of the black mallow, is grown in the gardens of the country, and yields a black dye. 1 djin costs 1 tenga and 14 pool. Sophera Japonica (Tookhmiak) is procured from Yangi- Hissar. It yields a yellow dye. Chaimak grows in Kashgaria. It also yields a yellow dye. 1 djin costs 1 tenga. Doya is extracted from the Tamarisk shrub. In combination with alum it yields a red dye. 1 djin costs 1 tenga. Alum is used as a corrosive. Further on we shall see that it forms an important article of export into Russian territory. Of all the articles noted in the tabulated statement on the cotton, previous page, besides those we have already referred to in detail, let us turn our attention to the cotton, of which 104 J horse-loads, of a value of 2,120 roubles (262), were imported. This import, notwithstanding its smallness, is not casual, for the Khanate of Kokan very frequently furnishes Kashgaria with cotton, because the crops of this material raised in Aksu and Koonya-Toorfan do not suffice for the extensive mata indus- tries centred in the neighbourhood of Kashgar. Thus, Kash- garia appears in the light of our rival, although not at present a dangerous one, in the question of the raw material from our own Central Asian possessions which it receives in exchange for other goods, for we also are workers in mata as an article of dress for our Central Asian subjects. Of the sum-total of 248,000 roubles (31,000) under the head of imports into Kashgaria, the following is the percentage for the several districts through which these imports pass : The Tokmak District ... 76^ per cent. ^ Osh ... 211 ?j (. 100 per cent. Karakol ... 2 ) 76 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. EXPORT OF GOODS FROM KASH To Russian Turkestan and to Russia in Europe, through the Districts of Tok Description of Goods. THROUGH TOKMAK. THROUGH KARAKOL. Quantity. Value in Russian money. Value in English money. Quantity. Value in Russian money. Value in English money. Silk of the highest qua- ( lity. I Silk of medium quality. Silk of inferior quality. White mata (a cotton ( web,also biaz an&doba). \ Mashroop (a semi-silken ( and very durable mate- < rial). ' ( Robes Carpets Printed linen ... Russian chintz Cotton handkerchiefs ... Indian muslin 12 poods. 432 fts. 1,606.209 pieces. 1 5,237 pieces. 1 15,327 603 1,910 pcs. 1 Roubles. 1 1,800 & sterling. 225 107,664 1,169 5,418 1,289 262 87,600 pcs. 1 830 pcs. 1 1,770 46 *130 400 350 f 16 poods { 376 fts. 3 400 pairs 31,740 1,310 4,250 170 "910 600 525 96 6 400 3,967 163 531 21 i 861,315 i 9,352 43.345 10,315 2,100 '330 400 224 3.085 700 "i',600 Sheep-skin furs "White lamb-skin furs ... Fox-skin furs ... Cotton Red felts Sart boots with goloshes 1,100 40 32 poods 1,152 fts. 1,984 350 pairs "41 50 28 385 87 ""200 113 75 65 12 ""50 Sheep-skins ... ""4 "*18 ""36 500 Copper tea vessels Yambs (silver-bars, a form of Chinese cur- rency). Yarmakas (Chinese cop- per coins). 62 Girdles (qamar-bands) ... 60 149 189 600 Gooshna (a root used in dyeing silk). Boozgoontcli (a dye pre- pared from the leaves of the pistachio tree). Silken stuffs ... Counterpanes ... Brocade Khotan woollen goods Total Percentage per district... 480 1,199 1,514 [ 4,000 160 pcs. 1 790 607 pcs. 1 750 poods 27,000 fts. 941,759 117,719 40,543 5,067 85* / 03 o; af /o Every piece is from 8 to 14 arshins (from yards 6-0-4 inches to yards 10-2-8 CHAP. III.] KASHGARIA. 77 GARIA DURING THE YEAR 1876. male, Karakol and Osh, and the Provinces of Semiraitchensk and Fergana. THROUGH OSH. Quantity. Value in Rus- sian money. Value in English money. Sum-total in Russian money. Sum-total in 2nglish money. Percentage. Horse-loads. Roubles. sterling. Roubles. sterling. 26* 25,964 3,245 27,764 3,470 6/o 64 25,197 3,149 25,197 3,149 Ditto. 16* 1,913 239 1,913 239 Ditto. 17 1,689 211 894.744 111,843 81 / 895 1,358 169 12,020 1,502 l/o 5 20 2 47,615 5,951 4/o 114 . 1,644 205 12,129 1.516 l/o ...... 2,100 262 169 pieces. 1 977 122 977 122 15,280 3,598 449 3,598 449 210 pieces, 1 958 119 958 119 6 pieces. 1 48 6 48 6 30 6,079 759 6,989 873 930 116 925 115 , 320 40 ... 231 18,312 2,289 21,404 2,675 2/ 125 pairs. 230 28 1,330 166 19 1,834 229 1.834 229 . . . . . . 24 1,300 162 2,900 362 44 12,864 1,608 12.864 1.608 i"*/o 31 1,855 231 1,855 231 18 797 99 797 99 1 id* 2,660 332 2,660 332 ...... 582 1,040 130 1,076 134 17 1,436 179 1,436 179 38 1,732 216 1,732 216 600 62 11 i,170 146 1,170 146 8 pieces 1 114 14 114 14 ( 70 poods ( 2,520 fts. I 3,071 383 3,071 383 1 40 5 40 5 14 20 2 20 2 480 60 ...... ...... 1,199 149 ... 1,514 189 4,000 500 117,920 14,740 1,101,222 137,652 10f / 100 / nches) in length, with a width of about half arsliin (1 foot 2 inches). Author. 78 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. An examination of the two tabulated statements shows us how great is the disproportion between the imports into, and the exports from, Kashgaria. In fact, the exports are more than four times the amount of the imports. The export of mata alone is three times greater than the whole amount of imported goods, and is more than eight times the quantity of the Russian cotton manufactured materials introduced into the country. With regard to the entire trade of Kashgaria, the difference between the imports and the exports would be much less consi- derable, were it not for those imported English goods in exchange for which gold and silver are taken from the country. But returns for one year cannot be altogether considered as an average for a long series of years. Let us suppose, however, that the average of Russian goods imported into Kashgaria were con- siderably greater than the amount shown for the year 1876. Then, even all the circumstances would but little weaken the general deductions 1. The export of goods from Kashgaria into Russian terri- tory exceeds the quantity imported by a very considerable amount. 2. During the year 1876, of the quantity of goods taken from Kashgaria into Russian territory, 90 per cent, were local fabrics, and only 6 per cent, were raw products. 3. During the same year we imported into Kashgaria but a fraction of our raw produce and of our cattle in addition to fabrics. 4. During the same year we paid Kashgaria about one million roubles (125,000) for her local fabrics. Let us not forget that the same unfavourable results for us, which were produced by the administration of Yakoob Bek in Kashgaria, greatly impeded our trade, and that, with the re-con- quest of Kashgaria by the Chinese, and the introduction of quiet, the future of our trade relations with that vast country cannot but be more favourable, if we begin in time the contest against the predomination of the trade of Kashgaria over that of our Central Asian possessions. Such a predomination, coupled with the greater development of the introduction of cotton webs into Russian territory and with the extension of the market for English goods, will, instead CHAP. III.] KASHGARIA. 79 of adding to the demand for Russian manufactured goods, lead to its diminution, and to results of such a kind that, for Central Asian raw produce, such as cotton and silk to be used in the manufacture of different articles, we shall have to pay the natives in hard cash. In support of this assertion we can bring forward the follow- ing facts : The majority of Russian traders have had to give Russian manufactured goods in Bokhara in exchange for raw produce at prices below those which obtain for such goods in Moscow. Hence, evidently, proceeds that want of conformity which is met with in the trade of Tashkent. For example, chintzes, sugar and stearine candles, taken from Bokhara to Tashkent, are sold cheaper than the same class of goods imported direct from Russia. In like manner, Russian manufactures are sometimes sold at Kashgar at prices below those which obtain at Tashkent and at Vairnoye. Hence the cost of transport to Kashgaria, which, we may remark, is very considerable, is an item of actual loss. Mons. Shkokoff, for example, the representative of the firm of Bwikovski in Kashgaria, having deemed it inexpedient to tran- sport manufactured goods into Kashgaria, took there 80 horse- loads of assorted goods with his caravan. Of these 40 horses were laden with sandalwood, and the rest with fooksin (?) and vwidra (?) But the whole consignment he was obliged to sell at Tashkent prices, hoping to recoup himself for the loss by the Khotan wool, which he took in exchange for his venture. The measures for the attainment of a more favourable balance in our trade with Kashgaria are, it appears to me, comprised in the following : 1. The better security of our trade interests with Kashgaria. 2. The establishment of a customs line on our border, and the confiscation of contraband goods. 3. The imposition of a heavy tax on English goods, chintzes, muslins, cloths and Indian teas. 4. The imposition of a tax 011 Kashgarian manufactures in the shape of cotton materials. 80 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. 5. The encouragement of the manufacture of mata in the districts of the Province of Fergana, with a view to its import into the Semiraitchensk in order to exchange it for Kashgarian mata. The encouragement of the cotton and silk industries. 6. The construction of a good trade route between the dis- tricts of the Fergana and Semiraitchensk provinces. For ex- ample, the making of a road from the towns of Oozgent and Namangan to Fort Narwin, from which a cart-road already passes to Tokmak and the town of Vairnoye. The erection of one or more factories near Tashkent and Kokan for the manu- facture of chintzes on the spot. A market would be found for the sale of these manufactures in our Central Asian dominions, and in the Independent States of Bokhara, Kashgaria, Afgha- nistan, and in time, it may be, in Siberia. The following is the percentage of the several exports enu- merated in the tabular statement on pages 76, 77 : Mata ... ... ... ... 81 per cent. Silk 5 Robes ... ... ... ... 4 Felts (coloured) ... ... ... 2 Mashroop (a semi-silken web) ... ... 1 Alum ... ... ... ... 1 The remaining manufactures ... ... 6 Total ... 100 Kashgarian cotton-webs. The principal of these industries, mata, is centred in the neighbourhood of the town of Kashgar, in the villages of Khan-Arwik and Faizabad. Other webs of a somewhat inferior description are prepared in less quantities in the town of Kashgar itself, whilst the worst kinds are manu- factured in the hamlets of Artoosh and Togoozak. The latter description is used for the lining of garments. Cotton manufactures exist also in all the other Circles of Kashgaria, but only enough web is turned out to meet local r equirements. That produced in the Kashgar Circle is sufficient, not only for the demands of the population, but for about a million Kirghiz dwelling iu Russian territory. CHAP. III.] KASHGARIA. 81 In the other Circles, the Khotan mata is celebrated for its closeness, whiteness and softness, though, owing to its high price, it has not a large sale. Comparatively speaking, the qualities of Khotan mata depend on the description of the local cotton which is employed in its manufacture. Cotton is raised in all the Circles of Kashgaria. There are exceptionally large fields of it in the Khotan, Kashgar and Koonya-Toorfan Circles. The Djitwishar cotton is generally in- ferior to that of Kokan. Its meshes are smaller and its threads are shorter. The Kashgar cotton is inferior to all the other local cottons. In consequence of the relative severity of the climate, the cotton of the Kashgar Circle does not attain to full growth. In this Circle, the raising of cotton has of late begun to dimi- nish. The cause has been the increases made by Yakoob Bek to the land taxes. With the diminution of the raising of cotton in the Kashgar Circle, the import of the same article from the other Circles has begun to increase, especially from Aksu and also from the Khanate of Kokan. Mata (daba, biaz) is a narrow, fine, but not a durable web, which is prepared in pieces of from 8 to 14 arshins (6 yds. 8 ins. to 10 yds. 2 ft. 8 ins.) in length, with a width of about |- arshin (I ft. 2 ins.) Mata is prized for its white- ness and closeness, but, in the several centres of its manufacture, there are differences of quality, length, width and cost. The mata made, for example, in the Khan-Arwik settlements is prepared in pieces, 14 arshins (10 yds. 2 ft. 8 ins.) long, and is of two kinds. The better and ordinary kind is called bash- mata. A piece of this costs from 2 tengas 35 pool to 3 tengas 20 pool (vide page 65). This would represent about 2 kopaikas (about 3 farthings) for an arshin (2 ft. 4 ins.) of the web. With such extraordinary cheapness it is very difficult to com- pete. The second sort is even yet cheaper ; a piece costs from 2 tengas 12 pool to 2 tengas SO pool (vide page 65). Mata is prepared in the village of Faizabad in pieces of 14 arshins (10 yds. 2 ft. 8 in.) long, and it costs from 2 tengas 6 pool to 2 tengas 20 pool a piece. 11 82 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. Togoozak mata is made in pieces of 8 arshins (6 yds. ft- 8 ins.) long at 2 tengas 10 pool a piece. Artoosh mata of the same length is sold for 2 tengas the piece, whilst mata, also 8 arshins long, prepared in the town of Kashgar, is charged at 2 tengas 14 joooZ the piece. Khotan mafa is made up in pieces of 10 arshins in length, and is sold for 5 tengas 10 pool the piece. Thus, Khotan mata is nearly double the cost of all the other kinds. An arshin of it costs 5 kopaikas (about l|d) We have said that the best kind of mata in the Kashgar Circle is that of Khan-Arwik, whilst the worst kinds come from Togoozak and Artoosh, and yet these kinds are actually dearer than the Khan-Arwik web. This fact is explained by the considerable quantity of mate- rials which is necessary in the preparation of the coarser kinds of mata. A visit which we made towards the close of November 1876 to a f mata manufactory in the village of Faizabad, distant 61 versts (40rds miles) from Kashgar, on the road to the town of Aksu, gave us the following information : The inhabitants of Faizabad prepare mata, but they at the same time carry on their husbandry, and the double occupation goes on the whole year round. The men weave, and the women prepare the thread. The workshops which we visited were in small low rooms, very like lumber-rooms. In each of these were two or three frames, and sometimes a weaver's bench 1 of primi- tive construction. At each frame a man sat working. The nar- row and inferior kind of mata was being made of local cotton. They work for five days of the week, but not on Fridays (which with Mussulmans answer to our Sundays) and on market days. A man makes each day four pieces, i. e., twenty pieces a week. On market days they sell the week's work to purchasers from the towns. They do not use their own implements. The weavers buy their web. For each day's work three skeins, each about ft in weight, are necessary. The present price of a 1 Which put us much in mind of the benches of our own peasants. Author. CHAP. III.] KASHGARIA. 83 skein is about 80 pool, so that the day's material costs 240 pool, or 48 kopaikas (about Is. 3d) On the sale of the mata, the workman takes for his labour 20 pool per piece, so that for his day's work he receives 80 pool or 16 kopaikas (about 5d) If to the cost of labour we add the cost of material, 240 pool or 48 kopaikas (Is. 3d), we shall find the market-price of each piece of mata to be 80 pool or 16 kopaikas (about 5d) ; but in the Kashgar bazaar a piece of the same mala will cost 20 kopaikas (about 6d in English money). They prepare the better kind of mata at a less profit. During one day they can only turn out two pieces of the prepared material, and since the earnings on one piece only yield 30 pool (about Hd), the preparation of mata of the better kind gives the weaver but 60 pool or 12 kopaikas (about 3d) per diem, instead of the 80 pool or 16 kopaikas (5d) which he gets for pre-- paring the coarser material. As a rale, each weaver works for himself. There are, indeed, owners of two or three frames, but not many, ; When using the frame and material of another person, and working for him, a weaver, instead of receiving payment in money, is allowed to retain every tenth piece of mata for his own use. In other words, the hire of a weaver for 2| days labour amounts to 16 kopaikas, or at the rate of 6 kopaikas. (about IJd) per diem. As has been said above, the thread is prepared by women. One charik of uncleaned material is bought for ten tengas (1 rouble or about 2s. Qd.") Two women will prepare in a week, in addition to attending to their domestic duties, one charik of raw material. This quantity represents 5 Ibs. or ten skeins of thread. Selling it at 80 pool per skein, the women receive 800 pool, or after deducting 500 pool for the cost of the material, 300 pool or 60 kopaikas (about Is. Qd.) Thus, the earnings for one week of a woman amounts to about 30 kopaikas (about 9d) In spite of such a very low rate of remuneration the Kashga- rian women work most energetically, scarcely losing a moment for rest. And since the money which they earn for supplying the thread is their own property, they are able to devote it in their own way, as for example, to their dress. KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. The Faizabad and Khan-Arwik mata is exported to Russia in pretty equal quantities. Mata is only exported with the consent of the ' Badaulet,' At first this permission was accorded on two occasions only in the year. In 1876 there were five exportations, but towards the close of the present year (1877) the export of mata was suddenly stopped by Yakoob Bek. The prohibition was caused by the fact that many Kashgarian youths were leaving the country with caravans under the name of mule-drivers. They were proceeding to Yairnoye with the object of avoiding the military conscription, and with the inten- tion of remaining altogether away from their native land. Ac- cording to report the number of such youths was 4,000. The prohibition against the export of mata did not merely affect Russian traders, for the Sarts, as well as Tashkent and Kokan merchants, carried on a trade in this material with the merchants of Kashgaria. The months of September, October and November are reckoned the best time for the export of mata, as at that season of the year it can be prepared from fresh cotton. The best route for the transport of mata goes from Kashgar to Forts Chakmak and Narwin, and so on to the towns of Tokmak and Vairnoye. The material is carried on pack-horses or camels or mules. The pack-horses are procured chiefly from the Province of Fergana, whilst the camels come either from Semiraitchensk or Kashgaria itself. The mules all come from Kashgaria. The camel carriage is only made use of during the summer, since these animals dislike the cold. The Kashgarian merchants make use of mule transport on a large scale. Between Kashgar and the town of Vairnoye horses are to be hired. One that will carry a load of from 8 to 9 poods (288 to 324 fts.) will cost from 2| to 5 ducats, 1 or from 6 to 12 roubles (15s. 7|cL to l 11s. 3d) according to circumstances. The normal rate is 3| ducats. The distance between Kashgar and Yairnoye is traversed in from 25 to 30 days. 1 A ducat = 25 tenyas = 2i roubles. Autlivr. CHAP. III.] KASHGARIA. 85 The hire of a camel that would carry from 13 to 15 poods (468 to 540 Ibs.) would be from 5 to 9 ducats. The distance would be performed in from 30 to 35 days. A mule carrying a load of from 4 to 5 poods would cost from 35 to 50 tengas or 5 roubles (12s. 6d), and the distance would be traversed in the same time as that taken by a horse. The traders engaged in the transport of mata have no other expenses beyond the payment for ,the hire of the particular mode of transport. Dyed biaz, linen, chalcmen. Mata of inferior quality, chiefly that which comes from Artoosh and Togoozak, is dyed blue, red, black and green, and is then classed as dyed biaz. In the dyeing, indigo, madder and sandalwood are used. Faizabad mata of inferior quality is coloured blue by means of indigo and sandalwood. Dyed mata not only supplies local requirements, but is au article of export. It is used for lining garments and for bed coverings, and the poor make it up into robes, &c., &c. A piece of 7 arshins (5 yds. 1 ft. 4 ins.) in length costs 2| tengas, whilst a piece of dyed biaz, 10 arshins (7 yds. 2 ft. 4 ins.) long, is priced at from 3 to 3 tengas. Chakmen is a very close and heavy web, which is dyed in various colours. Robes of different sorts are made of this mate- rial. A piece of chakmen measuring 18 urshins (14 yds.) in length, with a width of from 5 to 6 vershoks (8f to 10 J inches), would cost as much as 15 tengas. A striped cotton fabric prepared in Kashgar, and which is also used for robes of kinds, is called alatchi. Pieces of this material, 8 arshins (6 yds. ft. 8 ins.) long, cost 7 tengas. All the dyeing of mata is confined to the town of Kashgar, and is there carried on in small workshops, having from 3 to 4 workmen in each. Silk and silken manufactures. Of all the Circles of Kashga- ria, in the Khotan Circle alone is the working of silk developed to any great extent. In the others local requirements are only met. In the Kashgar Circle, eggs from Kokan are used, but the quality of these cocoons is not so good as those from Khotau. S6 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. Although conditions of climate do not hinder the extensive development of the silk industry in the Kashgar Circle, hitherto the amount of the various sorts of silk prepared therein has not come up to local requirements, and hence silken web has had to be imported from Fergana. In the Yarkend Circle the production of silk covers, though in a still less degree, local demands. In the Khotan Circle th# same industry is found to be in a flourishing condition, since it is apparently developing and even now satisfies not only local wants, but is, after mata, the most important article of export throughout the entire coun- try. A sort of silk called takJifiP- and kalyav is also made. The Khotan cocoons are coarser than those from Fergana, and they are weaker and inferior altogether. The best workmen for unwinding silk come from Fergana. Both the takhfil and Jcalyav kinds of silk are imported into Hindoostan and Fergana from Khotan. The imports into Fergana, according to the tabular statement given on pages 76, 77, were, for 1876, about 700 poods (25,200 Ibs.), and represented a sum exceeding 50,000 roubles (6,250). During 1877, the quantity of the same material that, it was anti- cipated, would represent the exports, was 1,000 poods ( 36,000 Ibs.), provided that political circumstances did not interfere. According to the calculations of Mons. Kolesnikoff, the average export from Khotan is 4,000 poods (144,000 Ibs.) Of this quantity, 1,000 poods (36,000 Ibs.) go to Fergana, 1,040 poods to the other Circles, whilst India takes the balance of 2,000 poods (72,000 Ibs.) Of Kashgarian silk, takhfil alone finds its way to Russia, whilst kalyav is bought up for Afghanistan in the bazaars of Kokan and Tashkent. The price of takhfil in the Kashgar bazaar during 1875 was for one charik (of 10 Ibs.) from 7| to 8 ducats, and the price of kalyav, for a charik (of 6 Ibs.), was 2^- ducats. During 1876, in consequence of the increased demand, the price of takhfil in the Kashgar bazaar rose to 10 ducats a charik, 1 In Kokan it is called hamyult or Ithamayk. Author. CHAP. III.] KASHGARIA. 87 and in the Khotan bazaar 8| ducats were demanded for the same quantity. The price of kalyav remained the same. Although the manufacture of silken webs in Khotan is fairly well developed, still the quantity turned out scarcely suffices to meet local requirements. The development of the mashroop web is much greater. This is a semi-silken, very durable and pretty material. It was indeed at one time the only material of the kind which was exported from Kokan. During the year 1876, 12,000 roubles (1,500) worth of it were sent to Semirait- chensk. Of late, besides mashroop, they have begun to manufac- ture adriyas, bekasap, shai (kanaus). Kokan silken materials in quality are superior to those of Kashgar. They are met with in all the bazaars of the country. Of other goods that are exported, a perceptible place is taken by articles of apparel, as for instance, Jchalats (robes). These are exported to the value of 47,000 roubles (5,875), and are chiefly taken by the Kirghiz. They are very plain and extremely cheap. As a rule, the price of a khalat does not exceed 3 roubles (about 7s. 6d) Then come felts made from cow-hair and carpets of Khotan manufacture. The latter are very pretty, but comparatively very dear, being about 80 roubles (10) a piece. Alum too is exported from the Aksu Circle to Fergana. Of the remaining articles it only remains to speak of Khotan wool. Its export has only just begun, but, in the opinion of experienced persons, this wool will ere long occupy one of the chief places in Russian trade with Kashgaria. The following is the percentage of the several Kashgarian goods received into Russian territory during the year 1876 : Mata ... ... ... ... 81 per cent. Raw silk ... ... ... ... 5 Khalats ... ... ... ... 4 Coloured felts ... .,. ... ... 2 Alum ... ... ... ... 1 Carpets ... ... ... ... 1 Mashroop ... ... ... ... 1 Miscellaneous goods ... ... ... 5 Total ... 100 per cent. 88 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. III. Through the various districts of our Central Asian territory there passed goods in the following percentage : Through Tokmak ... ... ... 85^ per cent. Osh 10f Karakol ... ... ... 3J Total ... 100 per cent. Regarding the extent of Kashgarian trade with India we have scarcely any information. According to reports, there came to Yarkend from Hindoostan, during the year 1873-74, several large caravans carrying goods amounting in value to 800,000 roubles (100,000). But the goods brought by these caravans did not meet with a ready sale, and the greater part of them is now lying in the caravanserai of Yarkend. As we have remarked above, English chintzes, although about the same price as the Russian, sell but badly, and this because their colour quickly fades, and because they are made of a soft and perishable material. Of other goods imported from India into Kashgaria, there are quantities of yellow sugar which does not sell well, woollen webs (also a failure) and cloths (red drap-de-dame). The latter sells only fairly well, but mus- lins always tind a good market. In exchange for the imported Indian goods, silk is bought at Khotan, opium in Yarkend, and goats' wool at Kashgar and Aksu. According to the very accurate calculations of Mons. Kolesni- koff, the value of the goods imported from Kashgaria into India was as follows : Silk, 2,800 poods, at 20 ducats ... 56,000 ducats Goats' wool, 1,600 poods, at 3 ducats ... 4,800 Opium, 700 horse-loads, at 18 ducats ... 12,600 73,400 or 200,279 roubles = 25,034. Moreover, it is said that considerable quantities of silver and of gold are received into India from Kashgaria. The trade with India lies in the hands of natives of that country, but it is stated that, during the year 1876, there was one English trader also residing at Yarkend. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 89 CHAPTER IV. 1 Some words relating to the history of Kashgaria, B.C. The Uigurs First conquest of Kashgaria by the Chinese Arab dominion Mongol domi- nion Chingiz Khan and his heirs Tamerlane Sultan Said Appear- ance of the Khodjas Appak-Khodja Djoongar dominion Amoorsana Conquest of Kashgaria by the Chinese in the year 1760 Tchjao-Hoi System of Administration adopted by the Chinese Condition of the country from the year 1760 to the year 1825. THE country which is at present known under the name of Earlier history Eastern Turkestan was, in the opinion of contemporary writers, or Eastern originally peopled by an Aryan race. Shut in on the west and rurkestan> south by mountain ranges of the first rank, Eastern Turkestan was open on the north-east to the inroads of the semi-barbarous Mongol hordes inhabiting the vast extent of the interior of Asia. Chinese historians speak first of all of the 'Hioung- Nou,' and these, in the opinion of the French writer, the mis- sionary Hue, 2 and of Dr. Bellew, 3 are none other than the Huns. This warlike race of nomads, after steadily encroaching both on its western neighbours, also nomads, and on the confines of the Celestial Empire, occupied by degrees the western and eastern portions of Mongolia. In the year 134 B.C., the Huns, under the leadership of The Huns. Lao-Khan, marched against the Gets or Yuts (the Chinese 1 The first pages of this Chapter were written by me at a time when I had not for reference other works than those of authors w.hose competency, as to the history of Asia, is open to doubt. I, therefore, regard these first pages as an introduction to the history of Kashgaria, and not as possessed of any serious scientific importance. Author. 2 " Souvenir d'un Voyage dans la Tartarie et le Thibet, pendant les anne"es, 1844-45-46," par Mons. Hue, Paris, 1860, see page 384. Author. ? " Kashmir and Kashgar," by Bellew, 1875. Author. 12 90 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. Vouei-Tchi), peoples of Mongol origin, who dwelt in the country that at present comprises the Chinese province of Shan-Si. After a bloody fight Lao-Khan conquered his opponents, killed their leader, and made of his skull a drinking-cup, which he constantly kept about his person by fixing it to his girdle. The The Gets. Gets, not wishing to become subjects of Lao-Khan, set out to Their division see ^ f r themselves a new place of abode. They then became parties' divided into two parties, the first of which moved to the north- east, where it came into collision with the Saks, the inhabitants of Eastern Turkestan. These people it drove out, and it then crossed the Tian-Shan range and descended into the valley of the Hi. The other party moved in a southerly direction, crossed the snowy range, and, pouring into the valley of the Indus, laid waste the kingdom founded in India by Alexander of Macedon. 1 The Gets, who poured into Eastern Turkestan, in some measure allied themselves with the Saks and the Tats or Yuks, but they drove the bulk of these people to the south and west. Remnants of Meanwhile the Huns, who remained masters of Mongolia, the Huns and . , . their divisions, became divided, in consequence of internal disputes, into the Northern and Southern Huns. The Chinese took advantage of o this division, for, during the Han dynasty, they broke up the armies of the Northern Huns, and compelled them to seek a new fatherland. The Huns, like their predecessors, then moved to the west, and, pouring through Eastern Turkestan, continued their movement in the same direction until at last they reached the shores of the Caspian Sea and spread over the basin of the Volga. 1 Mons. Hue (" Souvenir d'un Voyage dans la Tartarie et le Thibet") supposes that the Gets, after crossing the Tian-Shan (which he calls Moossoor), settled on the banks of the Hi. This party, he says, were the Targets or Torgouts. Now the Torgotits, as ie known, are a Kalmuck race ; the same, in fact, as that which still wanders over the valley of the Hi, but chiefly in the valleys of the Koonges and of the Yuldus. In like manner, Mons. Hue supposes that that portion of the Gets which moved to the valley of the Indus, there encountered a Bactrian race, and, after struggling with it for a long time, finally established itself in Bactriana. This portion of the Gets, in the opinion of Mons. Hue, was called by the Greeks the Indo-Sltifs. Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 91 After the inroad of the Huns into Eastern Turkestan, the Movements of inhabitants of that country, the Gets and the remaining Saks, saks. e S moved in advance of their conquerors, partly towards the west, and partly towards the south, in the direction of Kabul and Kashmir. 1 Those Huns who mingled with the remaining Saks and Gets (Gots} and formed the population of Eastern Turkestan became somewhat changed in later times owing to the inroads of other peoples who came with the various Arab conquerors. At present, according to the opinion of Russian explorers of Central Asia, it is only in the more inaccessible mountains that shut in Djitwishar on the west that a pure type of the remnants of the Aryan race are to be found. Those Huns who, after continuing their movement towards Further pro- the west, drove from before them the various small tribes of Huns, nomads whom they came across in their progress onwards, began with their assistance to make, in the beginning of the Fourth century, inroads into the Roman Empire, and in the Fifth Century to pour into Germany. 2 In Europe, these Huns went 1 Dr. Bellew (" Kashmir and Kashgar, 1875") draws some very learned con- clusions in support of his ideas as to the movement of the Saks, and after them of the Gets ( Gots) and Yuts, who were driven by the Suns or Uigurs from Eastern Turkestan, partly towards the west into Europe, and partly towards the south to Kabul, Kashmir and India. He says, that in Europe traces of these peoples are preserved under many names, such as SaJisonia, Yutlandia, and Gotlandia ; that the names of the settlements which they abandoned in Kashgaria are repeated in the south ; thus, Kazi or Benares (Kazigar, Kashgar)^ Hari or Herat (Hari-kend, Tarkend), Koocha or Koochar (Kachar), Koorlia (Kelya), Kitan (the ruins known under the name of Khotari), Furthermore Bellew says, that the country known in the time of Timur and now as Kashgaria, was called Tatta. Lastly, he supposes that the race of Yatts or Jats, who now dwell in the Punjab, are descended from those exiles from Kashgaria who left it at the time when that country bore the name of Yatta. Author. 2 Mons. Hue says, that the Huns, who began, during the year 376, their devas- tating inroads into the Roman Empire, first of all subdfcd a nomad race that wandered over the country of the Allani (le pays des Alains of Klaproth : the Alano-Gothes), and these people partly sought flight in the mountains of the Caucasus, and partly settled on the Danube. In their further movements, the Suns or Uigurs drove in front of them the Sevs, Gots, Gcplds and Vandals (les Sueves, les Gothes, les Gepides, les Vandales), and, together with these peoples, overran Germany in the beginning of the Fifth Century. Author. 92 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. by the name of Uigurs, Ugras, Ongms, and their representatives, at this time, are called Vengras or Hungarians. The Huns or Thus the Huns, or, as we shall for the future call them, the Uigurs, established themselves in Eastern Turkestan in the beginning of the Christian era, and intermingled with the peoples who remained in the country after their invasion. 1 Besides this, whatever country was occupied by the Uigurs, whether mountain or plain, became in course of time civilized by them. For the first time in the remote history of Kashgaria, do the people bear the name of the towns or circles in which they dwell. Thus we hear of the Kashgarians, the Khotanese the Yarkendians, the Aksutians, the Koochians, &c. All the inhabitants of these towns, in consequence of the intermixture of collateral races, lose by degrees their primitive Mongol physiognomy. The Uigurs, who occupied the mountain region that borders on Eastern Turkestan, i.e., the Northern and Western Tian-Shan ranges, have remained nomads up to the present day. In the earlier history of Kashgaria, we find them under the name of Djoongars (Kalmucks) and Booroots (Kara-Kirghiz or Diko- kamenni or Wild Stone Kirghiz). The Mongol type of counte- nance is especially well preserved amongst the first of these. 2 1 According to Bellew, the Uigurs founded an independent kingdom in Eastern Turkestan for two centuries, B.C. Author. 2 There is a curious note by Valikhanoff in the Journal of the Russian Geographical Society, No. I, for 1861, page 194, relating to the races that dwelt in Central Asia at the beginning of the present era. He says : " Amongst the number of peoples dwelling in Central Asia during the Chinese dynasty of Han, chroniclers speak of six races distinguished for their blue eyes and for the reddish colour of their hair, and these races, both Klaproth ( ;< Tableaux Historiques de 1'Asie, page 82) and Abel Remuzat (" Recherches sur les langues Tartares," Vol. I, page 306), hold to be of Indo-Germanic origin. Klaproth says, they are " Nations Alano-Gothes." Abel Remuzat speaks of them as ' ' Nations Gothique et Hindo-Scythique." To the number of these races belonged , amongst others, the Khakasmi, descendants of the Kilikitsrvi, i.e., the Kirghiz and the Oosoons, and they were especially striking to the Chinese by reason of their foreign appearance. According to Valikhanoff, there dwell in Djoongaria at this present time two races, the Booroots or modern Kirghiz (those whom we call the Kara-Kirghiz) and the Kirghiz-Kauald of the Great Horde who bear the collective name of CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 93 Kashgaria the kingdom founded by the Uigurs in Eastern/First conquest Turkestan did not long preserve its independence. Repeated by thTchtneae. quarrels with China soon began, and these ended in the annexa- tion of Kashgaria to the Celestial Empire in the year 94 A. D. The Chinese yoke, which apparently was not especially heavy, lasted till the Eighth Century. During this long period the inha- Repeated re- bitants of Kashgaria, taking advantage of the internal dissen- the Chinese. sions of China, often rose in rebellion, and for a time obtained their independence ; and then again the Chinese, having crushed their own foes, would again subject the Kashgarians to their rule. The struggle between the Chinese and the Kashgarians caused Alteration in an alteration in the original divisions of that country, which Kashgaria." thus became parcelled out into provinces somewhat independent the one of the other (Kashgar, Yarkend, Khotan, Aksu anditsconse- others). Every time these provinces succeeded in securing their qv independence from China, they began to quarrel amongst them- selves for the pre-eminence. Up to the Eighth Century, the inhabitants of Kashgaria, Chinese writers tell us, professed Buddhism. It is difficult to say in Kashgaria up J to the 8th cen- Ooisoons. These Kirghiz-Kaisaki or Ooisoons, Valikhanoff speaks of simply as Kazaks, and he distinguishes them from the Booroots, whom he calls Kirghiz. The nomad population of the Tian-Shan ranges, i.e., the wanderers over the Isswik-Kool, the Aksai, the Kok-Shal and other localities, according to the testimony of Soonargooloff, who is well acquainted with the native dialects, and who, in the year 1877, visited the above localities, call themselves not Kara- Kirghiz but simply Kirghiz. The members of the Great, Middle and Lesser Hordes are, these nomads say, with Valikhanoff, Kazalts, and they hold them to be, as to descent, of purer blood than they are themselves. Moreover, Valikhanoff says that, amongst the Ooisoons. there is a race called the Red Ooisoons (Sarwi-Ooisoon), which considers itself the remnants of a great and powerful people. In Hue's " Souvenir d'un Voyage dans la Tartarie et lo Thibet," Chapter IV, mention is made of a race of Mongols who are called Kalkhas (Khalkhas}. This fact involuntarily leads us to the thought, are they not allied to the Khakas of Djoongaria, from whom Valikhanoff derives the Kirghiz? It is interesting to know that Mons. Valikhanoff, who has devoted time to the collection of Kirghiz tales, myths, epic songs and legends, was struck with the resemblance of their motives with the motives of the same race of people in Europe, espe- cially the Slavs. As regards the subjects of these tales, Mons. Valikhanoff found in Mons. Afanasieff's collection of the same kind, only six tales that were unknown to him in the Kirghiz compilation. Author. tury. 94 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. what epoch this form of religion penetrated to Eastern Turkes- tan. This much only is known that it existed there during the Han dynasty, i.e., in the beginning of the Second Century, A.D. The Chinese Hooen-Hang, who visited Kashgaria in the year 629 during the Tan dynasty, found everywhere the religion of Buddha in full development, and many monasteries, teachers and holy hermits. Arrival of Mahommedanism began to permeate through Eastern Turkes- ism with the tan on the arrival of the Arab merchants during the Eighth chants? er Century . The first Mahommedan teachers were unfavourably received by the inhabitants of the towns, and their first con- verts appeared amongst the nomad population. l Arab dominion After the arrival of the Arab merchants in Eastern Turkestan established ia . -, f LI L' i LI -LI there appeared conquerors from the same nation, and they, with the sword, compelled the Uigurs, whom they subdued, to accept Islam. Chinese chroniclers tell us of a bloody war which brought Arabs to this country during the Eighth Century. In the year 712, one of the Arab chiefs, the Caliph Walid Kootaiba, occupied Kokan, from whence he sallied forth and quickly overspread the whole country from Kashgar to Toorfan and to China. It was after this campaign that the Arabs annexed the country to their own dominions 2 and began to propagate therein the tenets Fight {or the of Islam. The inhabitants of Khotan showed the stoutest faith. resistance to the introduction of Islam, for a bloody struggle lasting twenty-five years became necessary before they were 1 Valikhanoff : see "Proceedings of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society for 1861," Vol. Ill, page 33. Author. 2 Bellew says that, after the campaign of the Arab leader Kootaiba, the Arabs occupied Western Kashgaria and persecuted both the Christian religion and the teaching of the Magi. One of their first converts was a follower of Zoroaster, an inhabitant of Balkh, Saman by name. As the result of this his sons were made governors of the principal Arab provinces, viz., Herat, Samarkand, Fer- gana and Tashkent, which were subject to one Caliph. Saman's grandson, Nazar, governor of Fergana, took advantage of the Caliph's weak position and brought under his own rule Bokhara and. Turkestan and then laid the foundation of the Samanidce dynasty. His brother and heir, Ismail, led this same dynasty to the highest state of its power. At his death the sovereignty comprised the vast stretch of country from Ispahan to Toorfan and from the Persian Gulf on the south to the desert of Gobi on the north. The sovereignty of the Samanidoa lasted for 150 years. Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGAKIA. 95 classed amongst the faithful. In this fight, says Bellew, many famous Arab heroes fell fighting for the faith and were added to the long roll of Mahommedan saints. At this day, near the town of Khotan and between Kashgar and Yarkend, and likewise near the town of Aksu, vast burial- grounds are pointed out which are called Shaidans, or the rest- ing-places of those who have fallen for the Mussulman religion. As with Buddhism so was it with the Christian religion. All The Arab con- querors drive traces of it were rooted out notwithstanding that it had in out the ciuis- , , ! , , ., , tian and Bud- places firmly implanted itseli. dhist religions. With the weakening of the Arab dominion over Asia there Weakening of was formed in Eastern Turkestan a vast kingdom of Uigurs that attained to a considerable degree of prosperity. Persian sequences 8 in"" literature was established in the country, and the Mahommedan creed received a fixed status consequent on the general acceptance of the pure doctrine of the Sunnis. In the Eleventh Century fte v j va ] of a the Uigur sovereignty extended from the Caspian to Gobi. In ^' r g e " r n s t " the Twelfth Centurv, however, internal discords were the cause Dlssei1810 " 8 * amongst the of its fall. Mongol hordes of Kara-Kitais, under the leadership Uigurs. --- Appearance of their chief, Gorkhan, put an end to the independence of the of the Mongols. Uigurs. The rule of the Kara-Kitais in Eastern Turkestan lasted about a century. During this period their dominion reached to Khiva. The same internal discords that were the cause of the fall of the Uigur sovereignty were the cause also of the collapse of the Kara-Kitai power. Fresh Mongol hordes approaching from the North-East appeared as new antagonists. At the head of these hordes was the famous Chingiz-Khan. His armies poured almost instantaneously like an irresistible torrent into China, Turkestan, India, Persia, Syria, and laid waste a part of Russia and of Poland, reaching to Hungary and Austria. In the year 1220, Kashgaria was annexed to the kingdom of Mongol domi- ~, . . mi . . TIT nion overKash- Cnmgiz. Inis annexation was accomplished without the same garia. Annexa- devastation and bloodshed which the country underwent during country by the innumerable inroads on the part of the Mongols, Chinese, Arabs and Kara-Kitais. It was during this last and brilliant rule of Mongols that Prosperity of Kashgaria Kashgaria attained the highest degree of its prosperity a degree under Mongol 96 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. which it never before reached, and to which in succeeding years Tolerance dis- it never can attain. Thanks to tolerance, the Mussulman reli- played by the Mongols. giou lost its severity. This was seen in the great freedom that Reappearance women enjoyed. The Christian religion and Buddhism again of the Christian , . ,, , . , . , . and Buddhist appeared in the country, and raised their churches and their pagodas alongside the mosques ; many of the cities too of Kash- Trade flourish- garia, owing to the favourable trade relations established between rL!" China and Western Turkestan, acquired an important trade celebrity. Death of Chin- After the death of Chingiz-Khan, his vast dominions became Quarrel's ' divided amongst his sous. Kashgaria fell to the inheritance of sons" gS Chagatai, and afterwards passed from one son of Chincriz to another. It became, however, several times divided and was the subject of continual civil war, until in the middle of the Fourteenth Century, one of the family of Chagatai, Tooglook-Timur-Khan, Union takes not only united the whole of Kashgaria, but still further extend- personof Toog- ed its limits from the river Hi to the Kooen-Loon mountains. Khan. 1 " With the wise administration of Tooglook-Timur the country quickly recovered from the devastations that it had undergone during the fights amongst the sons of Chingiz for the inheritance Toogiook-Ti- of their famous forerunner. The rule of Tooglook-Timur-Khan ru"e"famous S in is famous in the history of Kashgaria for yet another reason. At KashgS f the end of the Fourteenth Century (754 of the Hejira), this ruler He embraces embraced Mahommedanism at the hands of Said Pasheddin t (Sheik Said, descendant of Mahommed), and his example was isnif ;uKi i ii.'ii creed predomi- followed by many Khans of the nomad hordes. From this nates through- <* out Eastern d a t e the Mahommedan creed became predominant throughout Turkestan. Eastern Turkestan. 1 Removal of the Tooglook-Timur removed his capital from Aksu to Kashgar. earia'from' 181 " During the summer season he resided on the shores of Isswik- Aksu i > as - j 00 j a t a pi ace called Yatta-Moogol. Towards the end of his reign Tooglook-Timur-Khan took advantage of the state of Bokhara Annexation of and annexed this country to his dominions, making his son ruler of Samarkand. On the death of this wise potentate the usual 1 According to Valikhanoff, notwithstanding the predominating position of the Mahommedan religion in Eastern Turkestan, Buddhism was only expelled from the country during the 16th century. " Journal of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society for 1861," Vol. Ill, page 34. Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGAKIA. 97 scene was repeated a scene often witnessed in the history of ^f$j?~ peoples. His children had neither the talents nor the character Khan. Dissen- sions amongst of their father, and so the country which had scarcely yet settled his heirs, down was again thrown into disorder. At Samarkand Tooglook Khan's son was overthrown by Tiraur (at the instigation of the . celebrated Tamerlane), and in Kashgaria the power was seized by Kamar-Eddin, who destroyed the greater portion of Tooglook's family. It may be supposed that the power of this new ruler was not exceptionally strong, for, during his reign, hordes of nomads inhabiting the Tian-Shan not only unsettled Kashgaria- with their constant raids, but crossed the northern portion of Appearance of the range and devastated the dominions of the then powerful Tamerlane. Four campaigns undertaken by Tamerlane in suc- cession for the punishment of the nomads and for the over- throw of Kamar-Eddin produced no results. At last, in the year 1389, he started on a final expedition equipped on a large scale. Five armies moved on different roads with the object of extirpating the entire population of the Tian-Shan mountain system as far as lake Zaisan to the north and the town of Kashgar to the south. The valley of the Yulduz (north-west of Karashar) was the meeting place of all the armies. These conquest of armies, after a bloody fight, successfully carried out their plan ^^^lo of operations, and the entire country, including a portion of the xame plains of Kashgar, was laid waste, and its inhabitants put to the sword in considerable numbers. 1 Hitter, in the following eloquent lines which he has borrowed from the Persian historian of the particular epoch, describes Timur's triumph after the assembly of his entire army in the valley of the Yulduz : 2 " The valley of the Yulduz is remarkable 1 Vide Ritter's " Eastern or Chinese Turkestan," published in 1869, page 166. Author. 2 In the Memoirs of Mirza Shemsa- Bokhara, published by Mons. V. V. Gri- gorieff in 1861, at page 33, it is stated that Makhdoom-Azem (Makhdoom- Azyam), on visiting the greater portion of Kashgar, Yarkend, Aksu and Khotan, found there a population composed of two Uzbek branches, the Ak-Taulins and the Kara-Taulins. The mistake of the respected Mirza is evident. The Ak-Taulins and the Kara-Taulins, or the white mountaineers and the black mountaineers, are the names of religious parties that exist at the present day and not of races. Mons. Wahtens falls into the same error, for, in recapitulating the 13 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. as one of the most picturesque, with its excellent pasture lands and its pure and fresh air. At the time of which we write, this beautiful mountain region was studded everywhere with pavi- lions, and the sumptuous canopies of the nobles and the ground in front of them was spread with carpets and brocaded webs. When the Imperial tent was pitched the universal destroyer sat on his golden throne, radiant with precious stones. All the armies and chiefs assembled around were permitted to approach and kiss the Imperial carpet. With the royal crown on his head and the sceptre in his hand, he awarded robes of honour and girdles set with precious stones to the Princes, Amirs and Sherifs and to all the State dignitaries and to the leaders of his army, bestowing on each gifts varied according to the particular service rendered. He sent the most beautiful damsels of the country to bear to his favourites precious wine in golden cups. The whole army was in enthusiasm over the condescension of their ruler, whose triumph was celebrated during several days." Timur appoints With regard to Kasbgaria, Timur having driven out Kamar- a grandson of ,, Toogiook- Eddin and having made one ot the grandsons of Toogiook - ruier of Kasii- Timur-Klian the ruler of the country, married his protege's turns to"* 1 e " daughter and then returned to his own capital, Samarkand. He, Samarkand. i loweverj l e ft, Kashgaria plundered and impoverished to such an extent that it has never since recovered from the blow. Influence "\ Thus the two most famous personages in the history of exc?sed over Central Asia, Chingiz-Klian and Tamerlane, had a vast, though a &5Jajt vei T different, influence on the"destinies of Kashgaria. The Khan ami by rs possessed himself of the country without bloodshed, and by introducing religious toleration, fostering trade, industries and sciences, laid the foundation of the highest prosperity of the country. The second, by permitting pillage and destruction, in a few months demolished, for a long time if not for ever, that which Chingiz-Khan and his heirs had succeeded in creating o t> during 170 years. information which he has gleaned from Mecca pilgrims, he says that the native population of Eastern Turkestan consists of Uzbeks of two branches, viz., Kara- Tag and Ak-Tag (Wahtens' Memoir on Chinese Tartary and Khotan. " Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1835," Vol. IV, page 601). Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 99 In the exposition of the earlier history of Kashgaria, we Ruin br shall see that, in addition to all the misfortunes that produced ga ria by this ruin, the country was subjected to an invasion of various caf personage's" Mussulman saints and wonder-workers. These persons, with their religious fanaticism, hypocrisy and partizan spirit, were the causes of fresh misfortunes that have continued even to later times. The history of Kashgaria, from the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth The history of Century, affords an unbroken record of civil war between two f^om'fhe'^ih religious parties of a struggle of which now the Chinese and now the neighbouring nomads took advantage to seize the country for themselves. Finally, the history of the Nineteenth Century tells us of the termination of the struggle for independence between the Kashgarians on the one hand and the Chinese on the other. Several times, supported by Mussulman adventurers from Western Turkestan, the Kashgarians got the upper hand and destroyed almost to a man the Chinese garrisons and the Chinese settlers, but each time again the Chinese with unchanging patience got the best of it, and signalized their return to power by a series of executions and exactions. 1 During the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries, Kashgaria was ruled by the numerous descendants of Tooglook-Timur-Khan. The administrations of these successors were famous only for their constant struggles together for supremacy. Several times Kash- garia became divided into two independent States, each with its capital at Kashgar and Aksu respectively. The power of these 1 At the present moment, as we write these lines (on the ' f" ary 1877 in the town of Koorlia, 40 versts (26f rds) miles from Fort Karashar) at several hundreds of versts distant there stand face to face, between Tbgsoon and Uroomtcha, Chinese and Kashgarian armies. The former has already had several successes. The towns of Manas and Uroomtcha have been taken and their inhabitants, to the number of several tens of thousands, destroyed. In the spring the same fate awaits, in all probability, fresh towns, such as Koonya-Toorf an , Koorlia, and Koocha, since the weak forces of the ' Badaulet ' can scarcely stand against the tens of thousands arrayed against them by the Celestial Empire. If Russian interference does not put an end to this bloodshed, we shall probably see again the sacrifice of tens of thousands victims in Kashgaria just as twelve years ago we witnessed the destruction of several hundreds of thousands in Choogoochak and Kooldja. Autlwr, 100 KASHGARTA. [CHAP. IV. Khans of Mongol race was not particularly lasting, for they in The Uzbek f ac t often held vassalship to the Uzbek Khans, who at this time Khans of Western reigned in Bokhara, Samarkand, Kokan and Tashkent. The Turkestan and . the Mongol increase of the power of the Uzbek Khans in Western Turkestan Eastern (in Maver-El-Nagra) always betokened the decrease -ofwie power of the Mongol Khans in Eastern Turkestan. The nomads of the Tian-Shan always seized the opportunity of the outbreak of dissensions amongst the latter to interfere in the civil war in which they would espouse the cause of one pretender or the other. Not content with plundering Kashgaria they would carry their raids as far as Kokan and Tashkent. These facts gave the Uzbeks the excuse for interfering in the affairs of Eastern Turkestan. Thus it was that, in the Fifteenth Century, ! under the guise of punishing the nomad Mongols, they sent an army from Samarkand and occupied Kashgar. suitan saui, Of all the sons of Chingiz who ruled Kashgaria during the sou of Chingiz- Khan. Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries the reign of none was more famous than that of Sultan Said. He succeeded not only in sub- jugating the nomads of Northern Tian-Shan, but in securing his frontier to the south and west on the side of Kashmir and of Badakhshan. Besides that, in 1531 33, he marched against Tibet with 5,000 men. The approach of winter obliged Sultan Said to halt, *for he found it impossible to provision his army. He, therefore, sent his son Iskander with 4,000 men into winter quarters in Kashmir, and he himself remained with the remain- ing 1,000 in the neighbourhood of Balti. When summer came, Sultan Said once more joined his forces and continued his march to Lhassa, of which he took possession. On the return march to his capital he died not far from the Karakorum pass. His death was caused by the action of the rarefied atmosphere. 1 This was a Gazavat campaign, a war, i. e., against the infidel. t It served as the commencement of endless wars entered into by Appearance of the Khodjas. ^he Khodjas or leaders of two religious sects that appeared at this time in Kashgaria. Bokhara and In the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries Bokhara and Samar- Samarkand, . 1 Bellew. During his reign Mirza Mahommed Goodar wrote the history of the Mongol Khans of Kashgaria, which he called " Tarikhi-Rashidi." Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 101 kand became the centres of Mussalman learning and the training centres of places of many teachers who, by preaching the creed of Islam, learning. obtained for themselves the halo of saints and wonder-workers. In the beginning of the Fifteenth Century, the fanaticism and hypocrisy developed in these centres reached Kashgaria. Notwithstanding that Mahommedanism had penetrated to Tolerance Eastern Turkestan in the Eighth Century, it was only of an ex- Eastern tremely fanatical type for the short dominion of the Arabs, to the S i7th UP And in later times, especially during the rule of the Mongol ce Khans in Eastern Turkestan, religious tolerance in this country struck European travellers, such as Rubrukvist (1254), 1 Marco Polo (1280), Hughes (1604). The two last mentioned, who were stern and strict missionaries, even lamented the laxity of morals which they observed amongst the inhabitants of Kash- garia. The first of these travellers visited the country to the north of lake Lob, on the borders of Karashar. According to his account there lived the Uigurs, who were then under the rule of a Mongol race. The Uigurs themselves were idol- worshippers, but in their towns there dwelt Nestorian-Christians side by side with Saratsins (Mahometans). The Nestorians used Uigur let- ters even in their churches. 2 Rubrukvist goes on to tell us of his visit to Nestorian villages, where, with his fellow-travellers, he entered the churches, and, with heartfelt joy, sang aloud the " Salve Regina." Marco Polo also mentions that, in this country, there were at the same time three religions in vogue, viz., Bud- dhism, Mahommedanism and Christianity. 3 He even assures us, that, on his visiting the town of Yarkend, he took up his residence witli a Catholic Bishop. 4 As a testimony, too, to the religious toleration which then prevailed, we find in the records of the Embassy to China, under Tamerlane's son Shah-Rok, mention made that he found in the 1 Mons. Grigorieff (in his Notes to Hitter's " Eastern or Chinese Turkestan," page 428) calls Rubrukvist by his proper name, viz., Ruisbrok. Autlwr. 2 Ritter's ' Eastern Turkestan," page 161. Autlior. 3 See Ritter's " Eastern Turkestan," page 164. Author. * Bellew. 102 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. town of Komool (Kharaa), in the year 1420, handsome mosques side by side with Pagan temples. 1 Arrival of nar- In the Fifteenth Centmy, there began to arrive in Eastern bigots and Turkestan from the west famous teachers, prophets of the Mus- decfineof reii- sulman school. With the advent of these luminaries of Islam, eious toleration ,. . , , .. , . . fn Eastern religious toleration gave place to a narrow bigotry, which engendered bloody wars and economic paralysis, which, coupled with her wars with China, brought Kashgaria to her present pitiable condition. KhodjaMah- I n the very beginning of the Fifteenth Century, a Said and a toom-Azyam. descendant of Mahomet, the Khodja Mahtoom-Azyam, a learned theologian of Bokhara, visited the principal towns of Eastern Turkestan. 2 He obtained the patronage of the Khan of Kashgar, received from him rich estates, and succeeded, moreover, in securing popular respect and reverence, Still more important in the eyes of the Khans, as well as of the people, were Khodja ^ e fvvo sons of Azyam the Imam Kalyan and the Khodia Azyam s fro " f J J sons, imam Isaak-Vali, who became the religious patrons of the Mussulmans Kalvan and Khodja isaafc- and inaugurated the importance of the Khodjas in Eastern V3.Il, Turkestan. Each of these personages was surrounded by a crowd of followers and of fanatical Sooffis (Kaibs), Doovans, of dervishes and of lay brethren. The religious teaching of these two brothers differed but little in its essentials, each, nevertheless, served to form two religious sects. The followers of the Imam The sects . formed by Kalyan called themselves Ishkiya, those of the Khodja Isaak- Khodjas. Vali, IsaldycL, and subsequently the former were called Ak-Tau- lins (the white mountaineers), and the latter Kara-Taulins (the black mountaineers). The-*e divisions exist up to the present time, although they have not their former importance. The leaders of Soon the leaders of either party, not content with spiritual seek political power, began to search for political authority, and, in pursuit of weuTs'spiri- this, they not only divided the entire country into two hostile tual power. _. 1 Valikhanoff. See " Journal of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society for 1861," Vol. Ill, page 31.Ant7ior. 2 See the Chronicles of Mirza Shemsa-Boukhara, published by Grigorieff in 1861, page 34 ; also ValikhanofE's article in the " Journal of the Imperial Rus- sian Geographical Society for 1861," No. Ill, page 34. Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 103 camps, but from personal motives, gave it first into the bauds of tbe Djoongars and tben of the Chinese. The struggle of the Khodjas for political supremacy and their Appak- intrigues dated from the time when Appak-Khodja became the head of the white-mountaineers' party. The great renown of Appak-Khodja, both as a teacher and as a holy personage, attracted towards him the youth, not only of Eastern but of Western Turkestan. Even certain ruling per- sonages from Maver-El-Nagra were among his disciples. The reputation of Appak, as a religious patron, is preserved in Kash- garia up till now, for many worshippers are yearly drawn towards his tomb, which lies at some versts' distance from Kashgar. At the time when Appak's religious reputation was greatest Khan Ismail, in Kashgaria, Khan Ismail, the last of the sons of Chingiz, was Kha^s young- || ruler of the countiy. He was a zealous black-mountaineer, and, eb as he could not endure the glory that attended Appak, he endeavoured to drive him from the country. The offended Appak-Khodja let slip no opportunity for taking vengeance. Result of the He went to Tibet and presented himself to the Dalai-Lama, 1 SeTweeli him whose patronage he succeeded in obtaining, and likewise the Kh support of this real enemy of the Mahommedan religion. More- over, Appak-Khodja, from purely personal motives, yielded up Betrayal, by his native land to the yoke of the Djoongars, who seized Kash- Khodja, garia in the year 1678, and held it for 78 years, i.e., until they gave place to the Chinese, who were likewise invited by Boor- khan-Eddin, one of the white mountain Khodjas and a person also prompted by personal motives. (We should here remember, that the Djoongars or Kalmucks called themselves a Mongol race, and that they dwelt in the valleys of the rivers Hi, Tekes, Koonges and the two Yulduz.) Taking advantage of the fall of the Mongol dynasty of Han Haldan _ in China, the Djoongars, in the beginning of the Seventeenth Century, concluded an alliance, at the head of which they placed Haldan-Bokoshta, a khan of the Tchoross line. He incorporated 1 The spiritual leader of all Asiatic Buddhists, who dwells at Lhassa, the capital of Tibet. Trans. 104 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. Extent of the Djoongar dominion in the time of Haldan- Bokoshta. Divisions amongst the Djoongars. Repeated wars between the Djoongars and the Chinese. Amoorsana treacherously hands over Djoongaria to the Chinese. Prosperity of Djoongaria under the Tchoross Khans. Hi the capital of Djoongaria, Appak-Khod- ja's intrigues in his dominions the Mongol branch of Olets, and after that the Djoongars for some time called themselves Olets, and their Khans, Oirats. During the administration of the Khan Haldan-Bokoshta, the Djoongar sovereignty embraced the vast country bordered on the north by Siberia, on the east by the possessions of the Mongol Khan of the Khalkhas tribe, on the west b} T the Kir- ghiz steppes as far as Lake Balkash, and lastly, on the south by Eastern Turkestan (by the line, i.e., of Koocha, Karashar and Koonya-Toorfan). The Djoongars (Kalmucks) were at this time divided into four tribes, viz., the Tchoross, the Torgouts, the Khoskots and the Doorbats. This division has been pre- served to the present day. Each tribe is ruled by its own Khan, subject to the authority of the Tchoross Khan, who is over all. The period of the independent existence of the Djoongar sovereignty was taken up with endless wars with the Chinese, but these wars did not hinder the Djoongars from adding East- ern Turkestan and also Tibet 1 to their dominions. Later on, the Chinese seized the opportunity of internal dissensions in Djoongaria, and possessed themselves without bloodshed of the above countries, thanks to the treachery of the Kalmuck leader, Amoorsana. During the rule of the Tchoross Khans in Djoongaria, and especially of Haldan-Bokoshta, the country enjoyed great prosperity. Huge herds of camels, of horses and of sheep covered the rich pastures in the valleys of the Eastern Tian- Shan. The capital of the country was at Hi, whence the Khans governed their numerous nomad subjects. 2 Appak-Khodja, with the advice of the Dalai-Lama of Lhassa, turned for aid to Haldan-Bokoshta against the Khan of Kashgar, Ismail, the leader of the party opposed to his own. Khan Haldan immediately availed himself of so favorable an oppor- 1 Goloobeff. The Trans-Ili tract. See "Journal of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society for 1861," Vol. Ill, page 106. Author. 2 The nomad Kalmucks were divided into Oolooses or sections. The places chosen for their summer and winter abodes were called Stoibishtshas (nomad camps). Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 105 tunity for interfering, and in 1678 took possession of Kashgaria. He appointed Appak as his deputy, and returned himself to the river Hi, taking with him as prisoners the family of the Kash- gar Khan. In this circumstance, we observe Haldan's political tact, for he Political tact introduced no sort of changes in the internal administration of Bokoshta. Kashgaria, and contented himself with a money tribute from the country of 400,000 tengas a month (about 500,000 roubles or 62,500 a year). Soon, however, Appak divested himself of his secular calling, and, in order to free himself from the stigma Appak-Khodja which attached to him of being the betrayer of his country, he himself* from invited Mahammed-Emil, the brother of Khan Ismail, from Ootch- th .f ^'F 1 * attaching to Toorfan, proclaimed him Khan and persuaded him to make the , him M the betrayer of his attempt to free the country from the Djoongars. This last act country. of Appak-Khodja caused his country, it may be, misfortunes still greater than did his former treachery. Khan-Emil did, it is true, carry out a successful raid on the Mohammed- Djoongars, and took away with him 30,000 prisoners of either sex, and much cattle and property ; but then, being afraid of Kalmuck treachery, he fled to the mountains, where he was slain by one of his own people. Kashgaria then again became the arena of bloody struggles between the Khodjas, until the Chinese, by taking possession of the country, put an end for a time (till 1825) to civil war. After the ^death of Khan-Emil, Appak-Khodja again assumed Appak- secular power. He did nob, however, rule long. At his death on the death of the power was seized by his wife Khanwim-Padsha. She stir- Emii, again rounded herself with fanatical dervishes, with whose aid she ^ulcal power. slew Appak's eldest son, in order to secure the supreme power His death> for her own son Mehdi. Soon, however, Khanwim-Padsha her- self became the victim of her own wiles, and died under the Kashgar pass knife of the dervishes. Upon this event Yarkend and Kashgar under the 3 rule passed respectively under the rule of the black-mountain Khodja, Daniel, and of the white-mountaineer, Ahmet. These ^ two entered into a bloody struggle. Daniel at first called struggle be- to the aid of the Yarkend Kirghiz bands, whose leader, and Hoc* Sultan Ashein, was made for a time Khan of Yarkend, but later on, learning that the Djoongars were collecting their forces to 14 106 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. avenge themselves for Emil's raid, he, in order to gain the favour of the enemies of his country, went over with his Yarkendians Daniels trea- chery, to the Kalmuck army, which marched on Kashgar. With his new allies Daniel now entered into several engagements with the Kashgarians, who were defeated and obliged to surrender Clemency of their city. On this occasion likewise, the Dioongars proved the Djoongars. J & themselves to be very mild conquerors. There is no mention made anywhere of their plundering or killing their enemies. After capturing the town of Kashgar they put up a ruler chosen by the people, and then returned to their own country, taking with them the Khodja Ahmet and his family, together with his most influential adherents, and likewise the Khodja Daniel. Haidan-Bo- On the death of Haldan-Bokoshta in the year 1720. Tsapan- koshta's death. Tsapan-Kap- Raptan ascended the Djoongar throne. This ruler assigned the tan. administration of six towns of Kashgaria to Daniel Khodja, who, after returning to Yarkend, there founded his capital and appointed Hakims of his own choice in each town. It is pro- Aitwi-Shar. bable that to this time belongs the affixing of the title Altwi- Shar (six cities) by which Kashgaria came to be known. The six cities were Kashgar, Yangi-Hissar, Yarkend, Khotan, Aksu and Koocha. 1 Daniel Khodja's eldest son was retained as a hostage at the Djoongarian Court. Haidan-Shirin. On the accession of Haldan-Shirin to the Djoongar throne, Daniel's rights were continued, and thus the power of the black- mountain Khodjas in Kashgavia came to be established. On Partition of Daniel Khodia's death, Haldan-Shirin sent to his four sons his Kashgana. royal decree, conferring on the eldest Yarkend, on the second Kashgar, on the third Aksu, on the fourth, Yunus Khodja, Khotan. In this way, by dividing Kashgaria, he made it less dangerous for himself. Yunus Khodja. Yunus Khodja was by far the most energetic and ambitious of all the four brothers. He, being aware of the weakness of Djoongaria, determined to secure independence for Kashgaria, and he at once began to actively prepare means to attain this end. The reports of the Hakims of Aksu and of Ootch- 1 Later on Yakoob Bek added to these six cities another Karashar. Kashga- ria then became known as Djitwi-Shar, which means the seven cities, Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 107 Toorfan acquainted the Djoongar authorities with the prepara- tions that were being made by Yunus; but, since they were too much taken up with internal dissensions, they were not in a position to defeat the designs of Yunus in their very conception. On the death of Haldan-Shirin a struggle arose in his family Death of Hal- .... . dan-Shirin. for the pre-eminence, and this struggle ended in the mutual over- throw of the direct heirs. 1 Amoorsana, a distant relation of Amoomna de- Haldan's and a chief of one of the Kalmuck tribes, thought that a subject of he would take the opportunity of these dissensions to possess himself of the Djoongar throne. Accordingly, with the aid of those devoted to his cause, he made the attempt. Being unsuc- cessful, he and his tribe declared themselves, in the year VTL^ to be subjects of China. * The sons of the Celestial Empire did not Conquest of Djoongaria by let slip the favourable opportunity afforded to them of gaining the Chiuese. possession of Djoongaria. Accordingly, a Chinese army was immediately advanced towards that country. Amoorsana, who accompanied the Chinese forces, succeeded in persuading the chiefs of the Kalmuck tribe to come over to the Chinese without fighting, and soon the entire country passed into their hands. The last Djoongar Khan, the weak Tavatsi, made no opposition and fled to Ootch-Toorfan, where he hoped to find a refuge with 1 As a specimen of the evil deeds that were perpetrated by members of the house of Haldan in order to secure the supreme power, we will produce the following extract from an article by Mons. Abramoff (" Proceedings of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society for 1861," page 160), compiled from a translation of the Chinese work entitled Su- Yuiwmin-Dziyan-Loo (chroniclesof the countries lying near the western borders of China) : " In September 1745, Khan Haldan-Shirin died. In accordance with the terms of his will, his second son, Tsavan-Dorizi-Atchja-Namiyal, succeeded to the Khanship, and he at once slew his youngest brother Tsavan-Djail. Haldan-Shirin's eldest son, Lama-Dardja, fearing a like fate, killed the successor to the throne, and assumed the reins of government ; Lama-Dardja's sister Oolan-Bayar and her husband, having rebel- led against him, were also killed. We must observe that all these murders were accomplished in the course of several years. In the year 1754, the Khan's two kinsmen, Tavatsi and Amoorsana, rose against him. Amoorsana with 1,500 men came by night to Hi and killed Lama-Dardja in his palace. The Djoongars then chose for a Khan Tavatsi (he being the nearest relative of the deceased) and not Amoorsana as he himself expected. Amoorsana being offended at this, as we shall see further on, acknowledged himself a subject of the Chinese and betrayed his own country to them." Author. 108 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. the Hakim of the city. Indeed he had himself not long before- hand appointed this very man to that post. But gratitude and nobility of character were not virtues frequent among the political actors of the epoch of which we write. The Hakim, therefore, made Tavatsi dead drunk, and, whilst in that state, seized him Amoorsana's and made him over to the Chief of the Chinese army. Amoorsana, the'llnq^estof who was now serving with the Chinese forces in Djoongaria, asbgana. d ev i se( j a p} an f or the conquest of Kashgaria. Without the display of force, and in order to attain his object, he decided to take advantage of the conflict between the Khodjas of the white- mountaineer and black-mountaineer party respectively. We have said above that the last Djoongar Khan had estab- lished the power of the black-mountaineer Khodjas. At the time, therefore, that Amoorsana made his attempt, Khodjas of this party were ruling in Yarkend and in Kashgar. The two Pa e a stout resistance, captured and brought back to Yarkeud, where the e arnson - they were executed. By such a bloody war was the sovereignty of those white-maun- jjjjjjj,*. tain Khodjas, who had acknowledged their fealty to China, o^^f. re-established in Kashgaria. As a result, the Chinese were g. aria and . Kashgaria. enabled in a few years to obtain, with very insignificant means, dominion over two vast States, Djoongaria and Kashgaria. Nevertheless, the Chinese authorities, by not maintaining a A moors a^in proper army in those countries, held very insecure tenure in a'^^Bo'or-^ both Djoongaria and Kashgaria. During 1757, Ainoorsaua in kan-Eddin in J the other. the former country, and Boorkhan-Eddin in the latter, rose up against them. Amoorsana, who had betrayed his country to the Chinese, soon became convinced that his doing so was but the means to enable him to take possession of the country for himself, and accordingly he was ready at the first opportunity to free it from their yoke. Taking advantage of the withdrawal to China of the greater portion of the Chinese army, Amoorsana determined to rise against the enemies introduced by himself and to declare himself Khan. His plan succeeded, for, 500 Chinese with their 112 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. leaders having been overthrown, the Kalmucks acknowledged him as their Khan. But the new Khan, having heard during the year following of a march against him of a fresh Chinese army, did not consider himself strong enough to defend his Flight and kingdom, and so he fled across the Kirghiz steppes into Siberia. death of Anioorsaua. where he died of small-pox within a year. 1 A Chinese army occupied Djoongaria for the second time without opposition. Perhaps, they considered their power to be but insecurely estab- lished in Djoongaria, because this country had come into their possession without any bloodshed. It was therefore that in the year 1758, that the Bogdwi Khan made the excuse of some Severity of the insignificant and partial risings to send three armies under the Chinese. 3 leadership of Tchjao-Hoi and Foo-De with orderd to root out the Djoorigars. Thus began that terrible slaughter of Kalmucks without respect of age or sex. About 1,000,000 persons perished in this inhuman slaughter. 2 (One hundred years after in this very country there were slain during the Doongan insurrection about half a million Chinese, Solons, Sibs and Kalmucks.) Termination of The Djoongar sovereignty had now ceased to exist. Only a sovereignty, small number of the Kalmuck tribe of Doorbats were spared, the remaining inhabitants of this once rich country were killed. A few, indeed, escaped to the Kirghiz steppes, and, perhaps, as many as 10,000 Kibitkas, under the leadership of Sultan Taish- Seren, succeeded in avoiding destruction, and fled to join the Partition of Russian Kalmucks on the Volga. Djoongaria now became Djoongaria. parcelled Qut into seven circles. Of these Hi, Tarbagatai and Koor-Kara-Oosoo formed the province of Hi. Barkool and Ooroomtchi were added to the province of Han-Su, and the other two Circles, Kobdo and Oolya-Sootai, received a separate 1 Mons. Goloobeff relates (Sketch of the Trans-Ili tract, 1861, Vol. Ill) that many Torgout Kalmucks asked him, "Will our Amoorsana soon return ? He went long since to ask the White Tsar for aid against the Chinese." Thus Amoorsana, who had betrayed his country, and who had been the main cause of the destruction of hundreds of thousands of his kinsmen, continues to live in the memory of the people as a hero who would come again to free them. A fact which shows that the simple faith of a primitive people in its would-be benefactors partakes of the nature of child-like confidence. Author. 2 Abramoff. Proceedings of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society for 1861, Vol. I, page 112. Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 113 administration. 1 Oil the site of the Djoongar Khan's place of The Chinese abode, the Chinese built the town of Kooldja, and introduced into of Kooidja. t the country military settlers of Mongol races, soldiers of the green standard, from the frontiers of Mandjooria, Sibs, Solous and )aurs. Criminals and vagabonds, who possessed no lands in China, also emigrated to the same place. To this period, in all probability, belongs the deportation by the Chinese of Mussul- The Chinese , ., ,, T-V o (. ,t Mussulmans or mans, known under the name ot Doongans/ from their western Doongans. provinces, Han-Su and Shan-Si, into Djoongaria. Besides this, during the year 1771, the greater portion of those Kalmucks who had gone to Russia in the beginning of the Seventeenth 1 Goloobeff. " The Trans-Ili tract." Proceedings of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society, 1861, Vol. Ill, page 107. Author. 2 In the "Turkestan Compendium" for 1867, Vol. V, there occurs a very interesting article by Mons. Heins, on the subject of " The rising of the Doon- gans in Western China." The author supposes that Eastern Turkestan was originally peopled by a race of Turkish origin, the Uigurs or Oikhars, and he identifies these as the Doongans, the number of whom he puts down at 30.000,000. Their capital was established at Karashar, which before that time was called Hao-Tan. The Chinese be^an the war against the Uigurs in the Seventh Century during the Tan dynasty. In the Eighth Century they subdued and overthrew Hao-Tan. Afterwards, i.e., during the Eighth and Ninth Centuries, families of Uigurs to the number of 1,000,000 were deported to Djoongaria, from, the provinces of Han-Su and Shan-Si. At first zealous Bud- dhists, the Uigurs, in the Fourteenth Century by degrees accepted the Mussul- man faith which came to them from Eastern Turkestan. The supposition of Mons. Heins that the Doongans and the Uigurs are one and the same race, has evidently no foundation. Apart from the fact that this question has already been settled by modern explorers, I, whilst admitting that the Chinese did deport a portion of the Uigurs into their western provinces, allow myself to suppose that the name Doongans referred only to those exiled! Uigurs who were largely mixed with Chinese. To the Uigurs who remained in Eastern Turkestan the name Doongans can in no way be applied. At present in all the towns of Kashgaria, one general and very similar type of countenance prevails. This proceeds from a mixture of a Mongol race with a Turkish or, perhaps, with an Indo-Germanic, in which Turkish predominates. The inhabit- ants of Kashgar cannot be distinguished from the inhabitants of Khotan, and the inhabitants of Khotan from those of Aksu. In the latter city the promi- nent type of a Mongol race is more noticeable. The Doongans form a marked contrast to the original inhabitants, for the Doongans only came into Kashgaria with the Chinese in the middle of the past century. Amongst the Doongans the Chinese admixture is so apparent as to be recognizable without mistake amongst hundreds of natives. Author. 15 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. Century with Khan Ho-Oorlook 1 returned to Kashgaria. Finally, the Chinese, during the last collisions with Eastern Turkestan, deported a portion of the population of that country to Djoon- nTanfc- g a ria, where they became known under the name of Tarantchis. 2 After the subjugation of Djoongaria, the Chinese at once turned The Chinese their arms against Kashgaria with the obiect of putting down again march against Kash- the rebellions that were taking place therein, or. to speak more garia. correctly, with the object of conquering the country, since the campaign of Boorkhan-Eddin, with a few hundred Chinese and Kalmucks, had not yet obliged the population to acknow- ledge for all time the hated Chinese supremacy. On receipt of the first news relating to a rising in Kashgaria, Tchjao-Hoi, ruler of the province of Hi, moved from the town of 1 1 the same name with a detachment of 2,000 Kalmucks and a small number of Mandjoor and Turkestanese, over the Moozart Siege of Koo- pass, to the town of Koocha. This town was prepared to make nese force. a stout resistance, so that the small force that had been sent from Hi had to return without success. Tchjao-Hoi now despatched a fresh force, numbering 10,000 men, composed of Mandjoors and Chinese, by the route vid Koonya-Toorfan to Koocha. On 1 During the Seventeenth. Century, a portion of the Kalmucks of the Toor- gout tribe, together with their Khan Ho-Oorlook. decamped to Russia and took up their abode between the Ural and the Volga. (Goloobeff " Trans-Ili tract.") They became subjects of Russia and took part with her armies in the war against the Crimean Tatars. These Kalmucks maintained a connection with their kinsmen in Djoongaria, and bearing in mind the abundant and rich pastures of their native land, probably thought very frequently of returning to Djoongaria. At last a princeling, who had succeeded in escaping from the massacre of Kalmucks by the Chinese, persuaded them to fly from Russia. Accordingly, in the year 1771, the greater portion of the Volga Kalmucks under the leadership of the Khan Oobashi began their march. The Russian Govern- ment directed that they should be pursued, but since the pursuit was not a vigorous one, the Kalmucks were not brought back. They had, however, to face another enemy. The Kirghiz, who followed them step by step, came up with them at lake Balkhash, and utterly routed them. Only a third of their number reached Djoongaria, for two-thirds perished on the way. Nor did the freedom, for which they sought, come to them after all. Having arrived within the borders of their native lands, they were obliged to acknowledge Chinese supremacy. Author. 2 According to Valikhanoff the Chinese enrolled 7,000 Mussulmans for the purpose of cultivating the State domains (taran). AiitJior. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 115 the other hand, the Yarkend Khodja sent a reinforcement to the people of Koocha composed of 10,000 selected troops. 1 The Chinese having driven off the reinforcement laid siege to the town. They carried their saps to within a li (about 200 sajens, or about 460 yards English) of the town, and had arrived suffi- ciently near to make an assault, when all at once the besieged let out some water, drowning 10 officers and 600 soldiers of the Chinese forces. The position of the besiegers was not indeed especially favourable, and they had thought of raising the siege, but the flight of the Khodja from Koocha aided them. The The inimbit- inhabitants of the town after the Khodja's flight, not wishing to mid are put to make any further resistance, opened the gates. Notwithstand- ing this spontaneous surrender, about a thousand of the Koocha troops were slain by the conquerors on their entry into the town. The Chinese Emperor Tsian Loon, on receiving the report Disapproval on that the Chinese leader had allowed the offending Khodja to chlneYeEmper- escape, and that he had slaughtered some of those who had sur- cumstances^at- rendered, ordered him to be executed, and he at the same time ^"'^"f of e ordered Tchjao-Hoi, the Governor of Hi, and his colleague, Foo-De, Koocha - to move against Kashgaria with fresh forces. The movements of the Chinese were carried out very rapidly, though their forces were insufficient, and their plan of operations was badly con- ceived. Having reached Aksu, Tchjao-Hoi took possession of Aksu is captur- , ' pl l>v a Chinese this town, and then with 2,000 selected cavalry, composed offeree. 1 Bitter (in his " Eastern Turkestan," page 25) says, that the Yarkend Khodja (Boorkhan-Eddin) sent to the aid of the town of Koocha 10,000 picked troops, and that these went from Yarkend by the shortest route over the Aksu steppe. In the remarks of Mons. Grigorieff (see page 516 of the same compilation) it is stated that there are two roads between Koocha and Aksu. The shorter of these two is that by the village of Egul-Aman, where there is but one ford ; this lies across the road. The other is the main road across the sandy steppe of Kwizwil (see Klaproth's Khechel-Gobi). By this the passage across the " Northern Mountain" cannot be avoided. Regarding the first of these two roads we have not succeeded in procuring fully accurate information. They told us that one cannot ride direct to Yar- kend from Koocha, and that one would have to go to Maral-Bashi via Aksu ; that from Maral-Bashi there are two roads leading direct to Yarkend and to Khotan. According to our information the existence of the second road above spoken of does not admit of a doubt. Author. 116 KASHGAKIA. [CHAP. IV. Solons and Mandjoors, he moved on to Yarkend, 1 directing his colleague, Foo-De, to follow with the infantry. The Khodja Defeat of the marc hed out from Yarkend with 10,000 men, defeated the Chinese force. Chinese, aud compelled them to hurriedly return to Aksu, where they passed the winter. Having received additional reinforce- The Chinese ments from China, Tchjao-Hoi advanced for the second time capture Yar- kend. against the town of Yarkend, of which he took possession this time without any fighting. The Khodja, accompanied by his adherents, fled to the town of Khotan. In his despatch to the Bogdwi Khan, Tchjao-Hoi said that the inhabitants of Yarkend received the Chinese with joy, and that they came out with refreshments. " All the streets along which I passed," continues the Chinese Commander, " were filled with people who knelt down during my progress. From time to time I turned towards the populace with encouraging words and endeavoured to explain to them what great happiness would be their lot if hence- forth they would remain faithful to the sceptre of your Majesty. I at the same time promised them that their customs and their religion would not be interfered with." (The joy of the inhabit- ants on the entry of the Chinese troops, of which Tchjao-Hoi speaks, was very suspicious, seeing that it was coupled with the fact that the inhabitants met the Chinese in a kneeling posture. It would have been truer to say that the people felt very uncomfortable, fearing that the fate of the Djoongar or Koocha population would be theirs also. The kneeling posture was chosen, because they wished to conciliate their conquerors, who would for this reason, perhaps, turn to them from time to time with encouraging words.) The Chinese From Yarkend Tchjao-Hoi moved on Khotan. Khan Khodja KLo C tan. aSai " St (Boorkhan-Eddin's brother) advanced to meet him, but was defeated and had to fly. The town surrendered without a blow. Surrender of Q em jj nO r his colleague, Foo-De, from Khotan towards Badakhshan the towns of Khotan and I Q f o ii ow after the Khodias, Tchjao-Hoi moved on Kashgar, Kashgar. . i_ j.i which he also took without opposition, b oo-De overtook the Flight and Khodias and utterly routed their band of adherents. Four Khod- s'fiugiitGr 01 v B _^ theKhodjas. j as we re slain in the fight and two were taken prisoners. Boor- khan-Eddin's son, Sarvvim-Sak or Saali-Khodja, alone escaped. 1 Probably by way of Fort Maral-Baski. Ant/tor. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 117 / Thus during the year 1758, Kashgaria was conquered by the Chinese. The weak opposition made to them shows h,ow meagre I was the patriotism and bravery of its population, and also how ( dissatisfied that population was with the rule of the Khodjas. Ut may be supposed that the people, who surrendered large towns to their enemies without a fight, counted on the attain- ment of quiet in exchange for subjection to a foreign and hated dominion a quiet such as the inhabitants of Kashgaria had been long without. Fortunately for this unhappy country, the Chinese Commander Moderation of . J rr , . the Chinese Tchjao-Hoi was able by his moderation and wise arrangements Commander to lighten the burden of the foreign yoke that was placed on its ch J ao ~ people. His despatch to the Emperor Tsian Loon, sent from camp near Kashgar oa the 13th September 1759, served as a model, and a copy of it was distributed to all the Chinese officials for their guidance. This curious document depicts very exactly the condition in which the Chinese found Kashgaria. We there- fore produce from it certain extracts. 1 From the despatch it is apparent that, besides the six cities of Kashgar, Yarkend, Khotan, Yangi-Hissar, Aksu and Koocha, the Chinese reckoned that there were thirteen other small towns and also 16,000 villages and farm-houses. A census of Kashgaria, verified by Chinese officials, showed Census of Kashgaria that there were iu it from 50 to G0,000 families besides those taken by the of the persons who had taken night with the Khodjas, and besides 12,000 political offenders condemned to exile at Hi and who were employed in agricultural operations. 2 1 Hitter's " Eastern Turkestan," pages 263-269 and 521-525. A uthor. 2 In Rittet'a work on ''Eastern Turkestan" and in Mons. Grigorieff's notes to the same, we find the following figures given, which do much to enable us to arrive approximately at the amount of the population in Kashgaria and at the number of those who pay taxes : (i.) According to the Geography of Si-Yui-Dziyan-Loo, published in 1778 (Timkovski's translation), in the Kashgar Circle taxes were paid by 16,000 persons, in the Yarkend Circle, by 32,000 persons, i. e., 48,000 persons out of a total of 80,000 families, or 400,000 mils. The taxes in ths Kashgar Circle yielded 36,000 lans of silver, 14,000 sacks of corn, and 10,000 pieces of mata. Those in the Yarkend Circle produced 35,370 ounces of silver, 30 ounces of gold, 1,641) ounces of silver by taxes on goods, 118 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. In the Kashgar Circle there were only about 16,000 families comprising 100,000 souls (rwils), and the population of the whole of Kashgaria amounted to 375,000 rwils. The town of Kashgar had a circumference of not more than 10 li (about 4 versts or 3|rds miles). It was very poor and deserted, and only contained 2,500 families. To the east of Kashgar and in the direction of Aksu and of Ootch-Toorfan lay three cities, Faizabad, Poiuike (?) and Artoosh, and two settlements called Perser- 57,569 pieces of mata, 15.000 djins of corn amounting to 1.432 sacks, 1.297 pieces of cord, 3.000 djins of copper. (In Mons. Timkovski's opinion the money exactions in the Kashgar and Yarkend Circles went to maintain the army.) (ii.) According to Timkovski. the garrison of Kashgar consisted of 10,000 men and that of Aksu, of 3,000 men. According to the work of Mir-Oozet-Oollah, who visited the country in the year 1812, there were 40,000 tax-paying people in Yarkend. The taxes paid by the town of Kashgar amounted to 6,000 tengas (about 600 roubles, or 75) a month. The same work tells us that the garrison of Kashgar consisted of from 5,000 to 6,000 men, that of Yarkend, 2,000 men. (iii.) According to information collected (in 1835) from pilgrims to Mecca (this kind of information should be receive 1 with great caution), in the town of Kashgar there were 16,000 souls, in the town of Yarkend, 30.000 families num- bering 200,000 souls, in the town of Khotan there were 700.000 souls. The population of the whole country was '2\ millions. The garrison of Kashgar had, on account of the unfavourable relations existing with Kokan, been in- creased to 8,000 men. In Yarkend there were 2,000 men. On market days as many as 20,000 people crowded to the towns. The Khotau Circle yielded a greater revenue than did the Yarkend Circle. (iv.) According to ancient Chinese information, the population for thirty years before the Birth of Christ was 1,510 families or 18,647 rwils (according to other information it numbered as many as 100,000 rmils}. Kashgar was at that time known under the name of Soo-Le. In the town of Khotan, in the First Century B. C., there were 3.300 families or 19,300 rwils (according to other information, 3,200 families or 83,000 rwil$~). The garrison of the town of Khotan was 2,400 men (according to other infor- mation, it comprised 31,000 soldiers). The garrison of Kashgar was 2,000. (v.) According to other information, the population of Aksu comprised 20 000 families ; that of Ootch-Toorfan, 10,000 families ; that of Koonya-Toorfan, 3 000 families or 20,000 mils ; that of Boogoor, was at first 2.000 families, but in the year 1778 it decreased to 500 families; that of Koocha, 1,000 families; that of Sha-Yar, 700 families ; that of the town of Bai, 500 families. Accord- ing to the same information the inhabitants of the town of Koocha paid taxes as follows : 200 sacks of corn, 1 .080 djins of copper, 200 djins of saltpetre and 300 dj ins of brimstone. AutJtor. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 119 gooep (?) and Yangabad. The united population of all these points amounted to 6,000 families. To the west of Kashgar lived the Andijan Booroots (the wild Kii'ghiz). Close to Andijan there were the villages of Western Artoosh, Oopal, Tashmalwik, Sairam and Togoozak. To the south of Kashgar and on the road to Yarkend there lay two towns, Yangi-Hissar and Kalik (?), and two settlements, Togsoon and Kapalskar (?) In all these places there were from 4,000 to 4,100 families. To the north of Kashgar dwelt the Booroots. Before coming to their settlements it was necessary to pass through the town of Argoo (?) and the village of Koergan, which had a population of 800 families. In the opinion of Tchiao-Hoi, the constant civil wars had Tciijao-Hoi's opinion as to brought Kashgaria to such a state of poverty that during the the state f . . Kashgaria. reign of the last Khodja, it payed as tribute to the Djoongars but 20,000 ounces of silver and 2,564 batmans l of bread. 2 Tchjao- Hoi found that the soil of Kashgaria was not a fruitful one. An average harvest amounted to a th or ^th : ^ was considered a good crop and th or ^-th a bad one. The Emperor Tsian Loon, on receiving a despatch regarding the happy termination of the war, himself composed some valedictory verses on the event, and these he directed to be circulated in all the official departments. The Khodja's head was sent for to Pekin, and exhibited to the people through the bars of an iron cage. Those who took part in the war were liberally rewarded. Chinese re- Tchjao-Hoi was raised to the title of a Hoon-A, or prince of the participators in fifth class, and it was ordained that he should be shown all the K respect accorded to princes of the Imperial house. Foo-De received other rewards ; amongst these he obtained permission to ride into the courtyard of the Imperial palace. The bestowal of these rewards took place in the year 1760. From this year the Chinese peacefully administered the country until the year 1 A batman = 10 Russian Ibs., or about the same amount of English. Trans. 2 The cause of the decrease in the tribute paid to the Djoongars must be sought in the weakening of the Djoongar rule over Kashgaria. Author. 120 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. / 1765, when there broke out a partial rebellion in the town of Ootch-Toorfan, i.e., five years after the occupation of the country. The cause of the rising in this town, was the severity and loose- ness of the officials placed there by the Chinese. The Hakim of the town, a Mussulman from the town of Hami, and the commandant of the Chinese forces were the individuals against whom the movement was directed, against the first because of his severity and extortions, against the second on account of his loose conduct. a^ain!sttiie ^ ne inhabitants of the town, having at length lost all patience, Chinese in the rus hed to arms, killed their Hakim, and slew the whole of the town of Ootch- Toorfan. small Chinese garrison. Partiaisuccess- The leader of the Chinese forces at Aksu, the point nearest to es of the insur- gents. Ootch-Toorfan, one Banshaga, inarched against the insurgents, who came out to meet him and drove him off. Such, too, was the fate of the Chinese leader from the town of Koocha who had hastened to assist the Aksu garrison. Nashitoon, the commandant of the Chinese forces in the town of Kashgar, having received news of the insurrection, set out for the town of Hi, whence he moved forward two columns composed of 10,000 Mandjoorians and Chinese. These troops having crossed the Moozart pass, reached Ootch-Toorfan and laid siege to it. Defeat and The inhabitants defended themselves desperately, and it was insurgents. only after a three months' blockade that the town was taken by assault. The whole of its inhabitants were slaughtered agree- ably to orders received from Pekin, and people from other places were settled in the deserted city. Energetic mea- ^he energetic measures adopted by the Chinese for the putting sures attended with severity down of the rebellion prevented its spreading to other towns, Chinese. and the severity with which the inhabitants of Ootch-Toorfan were treated, whether innocent or guilty, frustrated the desire on the part of others to make a similar attempt, but it neverthe- less increased the hatred to their conquerors a hatred which the conquered had to hide for a long time. Commence- It is true that after the Ootch-Toorfan rising the Chinese peace- fully ruled the country for sixty years, so much so that they held \ their position in Kashgaria to be durable. But in the year 1825, Chinese. 1 j^ere appeared in Kashgar a Khodja named Djengir, who, with CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 121 a handful of men, destroyed in a few months all that had been accomplished by the Chinese in the course of sixty years. This man revealed in their true colours both the rottenness of the system adopted by the Chinese for the administration of. the country which they had conquered and also the hatred of the people for their conquerors. With regard to the peculiar interest presented by the question Chinese system relating to an organized system of administration in a conquered tion. tract of Asia, let us examine in all possible detail how far the Chinese solved this question in the case of Kashgaria. We repeat that the measures adopted by Tchjao-Hoi in sub- jugated Kashgaria must be acknowledged as fair specimens. These measures were as follows : First of all the people had been promised non-interference in their religion and customs. Then followed the punishment of offenders. The Khodjas who were taken prisoners were triumphantly executed. Of the principal participators in the last rising there were taken 12,500 x persons, who were banished as political offenders to Hi, where they were turned into tillers of the State lands. The considerable posses- sions of the Khodjas and of these 12,500 persons were confiscated to the State. By the two last measures the Chinese effected at the same time a twofold object : (1) they banished from the country the most restless portion of the population ; and (2) they became the possessors of a considerable amount of landed property which would serve for their colonizing projects. At first this descrip- tion of land was leased out to private persons who were obliged to furnish the State with half of their produce. In order to hold the conquered country in continual subjection Tchjao-Hoi distributed garrisons in every direction, but these garrisons were at first very small. For example, in the Kashgar Circle there were only 450 Mandjoors and 900 Chinese, and in places less important there would be but 100 Chinese. On the arrival of fresh reinforcements from China, the strength of the garrisons was greatly increased. The inhabitants were obliged 1 In a population of 375,000 souls the number of exiled would amount to about 15 per cent, of the entire adult male population. Author. 16 122 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. to furnish provisions for the troops, and they were paid for such supplies by the State at the market-price. For purposes of administration the country was divided into Circles. In each of these were at first retained the same officials that existed in the time of the Khodjas. The higher officials were appointed from among natives of the country by Tcbjao- Hoi, but the Hakims of the towns were nominated from Pekin. Both the amount of the taxes and the method of their collec- tion remained just as in the time of the Khodjas. But the Chinese Commander-in-Chief, when making his report as to the method of collecting taxes which obtained in the country, peti- tioned the Emperor to exact less from the inhabitants of Kash- garia for the future on account of the great decrease of the population of the country and their comparative poverty. In order to restore trade which had begun to decline to a considerable extent, Tchjao-Hoi adopted certain measures ; amongst these was the alteration of the monetary system of the country. In Kashgaria the currency was that of the Khod- jas'. It consisted of a copper pool equal to two Chinese kash. During the reign of Haldan-Tseren (Shirin), on one side of this piece was stamped the figure of the ruler, and on the other a sentence from the Koran. Tchjao-Hoi made arrangements for melting down the useless guns which he found in Kashgar, and thus procured 7,000 Ibs. of metal, from which were struck 500,000 pieces of small money with the words Tsian-Loon-Doon- Bao (Tsian-Loon's copper money) on one side and town of Kashgar in Arabic and Mandjoor letters on the other. Tchjao- Hoi's plan was adopted in Pekin as a model which served for the system which was put in force throughout the whole of Kashgaria. The following were the principal features of the Chinese administration of the country : (1) Non-interference in religion and customs ; (2) the employ- ment of natives of the country in the distribution and collec- tion of taxes and in the trial of natives. Such officials were of course subject to the control (in practice very weak) of higher officials amongst the body of the Chinese; (3) the maintenance of the same scale of taxation as that which obtained CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 123 during the Djoongar rule ; (4) the devoting of the taxes taken from the country to the maintenance of the army and of the local administration only. Let us now see how the Chinese carried out this programme. Of Eastern Turkestan there were made two provinces of China, Djoongaria and Kashgaria, and these formed one lord- lieutenancy. At the head of the united province was placed a Dzian-Dzun as lord-lieutenant. Kashgaria was divided into six Circles or governorships (Yarkend, Kashgar, Yangi-Hissar, Aksu, Ootch-Toorfan and Koocha). These formed one gover- nor-generalship, at the head of which was a Khova-Amban, and he was subordinate to the Dzian-Dzun. At the head of each Circle were Ambans who were subordinate to the Khova-Amban. Both the civil population and the garrisons were subject to the Ambans. A Djintai-Amban directly commanded the troops, and he was in fact the military adviser of the Amban.. The actual administrafcttMt-of each governorship was conducted by a Hakim-Bek, who was chosen from amongst the natives by the Khova-Amban, The confirming of the Hakim-Bek in his position required a great amount of red tapeism. The Khova- Amban only selected a person for the office in question. The Dzian-Dzun then presented the selection for the consideration first of the Dzun-Tan at Pekin, then of the Zoon-Dwi, finally it was put before a council composed of twelve members of the Lipayakoo, who ratified the choice or not as the case might be. Each HaJdm-Bek had an assistant in the person of an Ishik- Aga-Bek. Each Circle was subdivided into sections, at the head of each of which was a Mirab-Bek. This official was appointed by the Khova-Amban on the recommendation of the Hakim- Bek, but the appointment was subject to the orders of the Dzian-Dzun, For the collection of taxes each Mirab-Bek had a Min-Bek as an assistant. In the Kashgar Circle there were 16 sections, each with its Mirab-Bek. Each Circle was comprised of one or more hamlets with all the cultivated land adjoining. These sections were : Moosh, Sarman, Koorgan, Kara-Kir, Togoozak, Tazgoon, Khan-Arwik, Kwizwil-Booi,Faizabad,Yano-o- 124 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. Bad, Oopal, Tash-Balwik, Argoon, Oostoon-Artoosh, Altwin- Artoosh, Bish-Karan. In each section according to its size were one or several Yuz- Bashis, answering to the Aksakals in Russian Turkestan. The number of these Yuz-Bashis in the larger sections amounted to 50. The Yuz-Bashi was selected by the Mirab-Bek and approved by the Hakim-Bek. The assistants of the Yuz-Bashi were the Oon-Bashi (or tithing man). They had also to be approved by the Hakim-Bek. Last of all, in the lowest grade of the official world, were the Agalagtchis, a kind of messenger. All the above personages were chosen from among the natives. Besides the above designated dignitaries there were in each Circle the following offices that were likewise held by Mus- sulmans. The Naib-Bek and the Divan-Begi-Bek officials in the suite of the Hakim-Bek. The calling of these personages was consi- dered above that of a pansat, 1 and they were held as eligible candidates for the office of Ishik-Aga-Bek. The Kazis, the judges, and the Mufti or the interpreter of the Shariat or holy law. Besides these, in the suite of ach Mirab-Bek there was either a Kazi or a Mufti, or a Rais or a Mookhta-Saib or some Moodarisses. The last were teachers in the schools. The Padsha-Shab (king of the night) or chief of the night- police. 2 The Mookhta-Saib or Itais, 3 the supervisor of temples, schools and of the public morals. His badge of office was a leathern thong with which he had the right to beat all offenders, irres- pective of age or sex. The Mootavalli-Bek, or the person who administered the pro- perties of the mosques or schools and pious institutions. The Badaulir-Bek, or collector of the dues levied on goods of all kinds. 4 1 The pansat is a military rank which corresponds to the captain of 500. Author. 1 In the Khanate of Kokan this official bore the title of Mir-Shab, Author. * The same as the Rais of Bokhara. Author. 4 In other words the zialtat tax. Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHCAIUA. 125 The Kereyyarakh-Bek, or inspector of foreign wares. 1 The Arbab-Bek, whose duty it was to furnish arbas? horses and transport generally for the use of troops or official person- ' ages. It was his business to procure what was necessary from the inhabitants, and to see that they got their property back again. The same duties pertained also to the Ishkaul-Bek, who was considered superior to the Arbab-Bek. The Bag-Mehter, or inspector of the State gardens or vine- yards. The Kook-Bashis 3 and their assistants the Dakalchis f , who managed the irrigation. Later on, the Chinese created, two more offices that of the Shan-Begi, or second assistant to the Hakim-Bek, and the San- Begi* or collector of grain from the people. The Chinese kept up the same taxes as those which the Kash- garians paid to the Djoongars ; they themselves, however, took no part in the preparation of the dafters or tax lists, but merely reserved the right of verifying them. The preparation of these dafters, the collection of the taxes, and their payment into the treasury, formed the duty of the Mirab-Beks, and their assistants, the Ming-Beks and the Yuz- Bashis. The nomad population of the several Circles were not subject to the Hakim-Beks, but were governed by the Biis, who collected their tribute and paid it direct to the Ambans. From such information as we possess of Chinese rule in The number of Eastern Turkestan at this particular period, it is very difficult S to form an exact idea as to the actual number of the population " found by the Chinese in Kashgaria, or as to the amount of the *" taxes which were paid to them. P aicl b ? the inhabitants to Nevertheless, having regard to the interest raised by these them - questions, we will make an attempt to give, from the scat- tered details that have been published, figures which we will 1 During my stay in Kashgar it was naively explained to me that the chief duty of the Kereyy arakli- Belt was to select from the imported wares all those that it would be pleasing for the Amban to accept without payment. Author, 2 Or tilted carts. Trans. * These correspond to the Mirdbis in Tashkent. Author. 1 Called Ambar-Bski in the Khanate of Kokan. Author. 126 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. supplement by information collected on the spot figures that will perhaps determine the amount of the population in the several Circles, and the sum-total of their taxes. These figures are of course only approximate, and in every case are below the real amounts. The population of Kashgaria for the period from 1760 to 1825 was Iii the Kashgar Circle, from ... 100,000 to 150,000 souls. Yarkend ... 200,000 to 400,000 Khotan ... 100,000 to 700,000 Aksu ... 150,000 to 200,000 . Koocha ... 25,000 to 50,000 Total from ... 575,000 to 1,500,000 souls. The amount of the taxes paid yearly by the inhabitants between the dates above given was as follows : Kashgar Circle, 72,000 roubles (9,000) ; 170,000 poods (6,120,600 Ibs.) of grain ; 10,000 pieces of mata. Yarkend Circle, 80,000 roubles (10,000); 60,000 pieces of mata; 1,400 woollen bags; 1,300 hanks of rope; 3,000 djins (110 poods or 3,960 fibs.) of copper and 15,000 djins of cotton. Koocha Circle, 24,000 poods of grain ; 1,080 djins (27 poods or 972 Ibs.) of copper ; 200 djins (7$ poods or 270 Ibs.) of saltpetre; and 300 djins (11 poods or 396 Ibs.) of brimstone. On turning the value of these products into money T we shall find that the taxes of the Kashgar and Yarkend Circles together amounted to 190,000 roubles (27,250), and taking the taxes of the Aksu, Khotan and Koocha Circles at the approximate value of 210,000 roubles (26,250), we shall arrive at an average of 400,000 roubles (50,000), or 300,000 roubles (37,500) in money and 100,000 roubles (12,500) in products. Strength of The Chinese devoted the whole of the taxes which they raised the Chinese forces in in Kashgaria to the maintenance of their garrisons, and to the general administration of that country. 1 I take the value of a piece of mata, (of from 6 to 8 ar shins or 4f rds yards to yards G-0-8 in length) to be 30 kojtaikas (about Qd. in English money), that of a,2 ) ood (36 Ibs.) of grain to be 10 kopaikas (about 3d.), that of a tJjin (about J Ib) of cotton, 10 kopaikas, that of a djin of copper, 30 kojpaikas. Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGAHIA. 127 They exported from Kashgaria to Kuldja only mata, copper, brimstone and saltpetre. 1 The total strength of the forces which the Chinese kept up in Kashgaria can only be approximately given. The strength of the garrisons of the several towns was as follows : In Kashgar from ... 6,000 to 10,000 men. Yarkend ... 2,000 to 3,000 Khotan ... 2,000 to 3,000 Aksu ... 3,000 to 4,000 other places ... 4,000 to 5,000 Total from .* 17,000 to 25,000 men. To these troops, composed of Chinese and Mandjoors, must be added the regiments recruited from the Doongans. The number of these was from 10,000 to 15,000. Therefore the total number of Chinese troops in the country amounted to from 27,000 to 40,000 men. The principal part of the Chinese forces consisted of infantry armed with bows or with flint muskets. With regard to the stipends of the persons composing the stipends of administrative staff of the country, the charge under this admhastrati head had only to do with the Chinese officials. The salaries of staff * the native officials were arranged for by the Hakim-Beks. Many of these, instead of receiving a money wage, were recom- pensed by a temporary enjoyment of the proceeds derived from confiscated lands, or had their holdings cultivated for them free of charge. On the question of religious tolerance the Chinese proved Religious themselves to be very humane. In the towns which they occu- t pied mosques might be seen to exist side by side with Buddhist pagodas. They did not interfere in the choice of Moollahs, nay they even reserved to such certain exclusive rights. In like manner the Chinese abstained from interfering with the manner and customs of the people. They left to the Kash- 1 According to other information they exported from Kashgaria gold and jade stone also. Author, 128 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. iv. Marks of respect required by Chinese officials. Capital punishment. garians their Mahommedan tribunals and took no part in the choice of Kazis and Mooftis. They nevertheless maintained for themselves the right to send to the Mahommedan sessions their own interpi'eters of the law so as not to admit of the interests of their own countrymen being interfered with. The people were allowed to retain their national costume, excepting those officials who were obliged to wear long hair and the Chinese style of dress. An exemption, however, to this rule was made in favour of the Moollahs and Kazis, who wore their national dress. As a reward for devoted service, the Chinese raised the superior Mussulman officials to the grade of Vin-a and Baitszivi. The former wore in their headdress a peacock's feather and three flowers fastened by a button set with precious stones. All officials wore a button in their headdresses, but each button differed according to the rank of the wearer. There were seven kinds of such badges. The first was set with rubies, the second was of coral, the third of lapis-lazuli, the fourth of blue glass, the fifth of green glass, the sixth of a white stone, the seventh of silver. All Mussulmans had to dismount from their horses on meeting a Chinese official in the streets. During the Amban's tour round the city, the people were obliged to remain in a kneeling posture in the streets until he passed. If the Amban went to a pagoda, all the Mussulman officials, not excepting the Haklm-Bek, had to kneel at the entrance with their arms folded behind the back. Casuistical Chinese would tell the officials that they knelt not before the Amban, but be- fore the representative of the Bogdwi Khan, who had entered the pagoda. This consolation was scarcely sufficient, and it may be supposed that the degrading conditions, which the Chinese imposed on the Mussulmans little by little, neutralized the good done by them in their system of administration. With regard to capital punishment, it is evident that the Chinese were in times of peace far from being as severe as has been described by various writers more than once. Punishment by death was resorted to very seldom, and sentences were carried out only after careful consideration. The Khova-Amban had CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 129 the power of punishing all the people excepting official person- ages. The Amban could pass sentence of death for political offences only. In the case of officials who by the law were guilty of death, the Amban had to report to the Khova- Amban, and he again to the Dzian-Dzun, who alone could direct the sentence to be carried out. But the crafty Chinese found a way of avoiding the legal procedure. On the Khova-Ambans and the Ambans was con- ferred the right of degrading all officials except those of supe- rior rank, so that when the holder of an office offended, he was first of all degraded and then executed in the usual way. Executions were carried out with great ceremony. Executions. The convicted one no matter whether he had been sentenced by the Shariat or by order of the Khova-Amban was led forth to the market-place of the town attended by soldiers and crowds of people. With his hands fastened behind him he was then placed before the throng. The executioner now approached, and before his very eyes began to sharpen a knife. Whilst the cri- minal could not take his eyes off the knife, which apparently figured in all capital sentences, another executioner would steal- thily creep up behind him and with one stroke of an axe would cut off his head. Besides this, for certain offences the Chinese imposed civil civil death, death as it was called. The offender was taken out with various ceremonies on a sunny day and placed against a tree. His shadow on that tree was then marked out. The offender was then taken back to his house, whence from that day forth he would not emerge again. After the award of this kind of punish- ment, the kinsmen of the condemned, in answer to questions put to them concerning the personality of the offender, were obliged to answer, that he died on such and such a date. We have but very little information on the important ques- Social life of tion of the social life of the Mussulman population during the Kashgaria. Chinese dominion. A Mussulman traveller, during the year 1812, Mir Izet-Oollah, 1 bears the following testimony : " The inhabitants of Yarkend are very industrious, and con- 1 Hitter's " Eastern Turkestan," page 101. Author. 17 130 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. sist principally of traders, shop-keepers and pedlars. Slaves are very rare amongst them. Goitrous people are very fre- quently met with. This disease is ascribed to the water which they usually drink from gourds. The women, whether of the tipper or lower classes, do not hide their faces with a veil according to the generally received custom of the East." Kegarding the greater freedom of the women in Kashgaria as compared with that in other Mussulman countries, there are other indications of the same kind. Thus it is stated in ancient chronicles that the women of Khotan, during the Fifth and Sixth Centuries, were allowed into the society of men, and that they even remained there after the arrival of some person or persons whom they did not know. The same chronicles tell us that the inhabitants of Khotan were very polite, and that they always knelt down on meeting one another. The following interesting extract from Si-Yue-Vwin-Tszian- Loo's Chinese geography, published at Pekin in the year 1778, depicts the character of the native population as it appeared to a Chinese observer : l " The natives are peaceful ; they respect the Chinese and are devoted to their chiefs. They are simple-minded, and are fond of lights and feasting. Their women sing and dance beautifully, and are skilled in various kinds of jugglery. It is worth seeing them take somersaults, walk on a stretched copper wire, &c. In this country the strong drive out the weak. The Beks are extremely avaricious. If a poor man succeeds in scraping together a little money, the Beks at once endeavour to pilfer it. On this account, notwithstanding the populousness of the town, there are but few wealthy families init. The inhabitants are generally given to sen- suality and even to sodomy. Their morals are in fact like those of the inhabitants of Foo-Tszian-I and of both the Hoo-Ans." The respected Chinese geographer, without himself knowing it, passes sentence against the system of administration in the land occupied by the Chinese a system which admitted of such wide extortion on the part of officials. In our further exposition we will endeavour to show how Bitter's " Eastern Turkestan," pages 61 to 116. Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 131 much this extortion, in conjunction with other causes, rendered the rule of the Chinese over the country unstable. According to another Chinese authority " the inhabitants of the town of Sha-Yar (to the south of the town of Koocha) were extremely churlish, stupid and quarrelsome. The women were famous for their beauty, and especially for the beautiful colour of their complexion." l The advantages attained by the Chinese in the conquest of Advantages attained by Kashgaria and of Djoongaria consisted in the better security of the Chinese in the western frontiers of China, but, above all, in the opening Kashgaria. out of vast markets for the sale o Chinese products and espe- cially of tea. Chinese tea not only began to come more generally into use in the conquered towns, but to be exported in considerable quantities through the town of Kashgar into Kokan, Bokhara and even Afghanistan. Moreover, the Chinese kept to themselves the monopoly of the working of precious metals in Kashgaria. Thus, for example, in Keria (to the east of the town of Khotan) there were 300 men in daily employment in the State mines. The pacification of the country could not but tend to the increasing of its trade and of its industries. The Chinese geographer, from whose work we have abready quoted, speaks with enthusiasm of the bazaar at Yarkend : " The wares in it are piled up like the clouds in the heavens, and the people in it swarm like bees in a hive." According to the declaration of a Mussulman merchant, during the twenty years of the present century, thanks to Chinese rule there was a safety in the country that was favourable to the development of trade such as had never existed before in consequence of the cease- less robberies and internecine wars. The trade of Yarkend extended in a special degree so that its dimensions far exceeded that of Kashgar. In the vast bazaar of the city there were erected some exceedingly well-built shops, and these were principally held by Chinese merchants. For the accommodation too of travellers, many caravan-serais were likewise built. 1 Bitter's " Eastern Turkestan," page 173. Author. 132 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. IV. Disputes amongst traders. Kirghiz Divisions. Monetary system of Kashgaria. In the town there were more than ten Mussulman superior schools, to which large properties were attached. Besides the regular inhabitants, there also resided in the town a number of Arabs who were engaged in trade with Kafiristan and Badakhshan. The Chinese, who were well aware of the advantages to be derived from a trade with the adjoining Asiatic States, departed from their customary close system, and opened out Kashgaria to trade with her neighbours. Moreover, the insufficiency of cattle in their new province induced them to encourage the Kara-Kirghiz, who were independent of their rule, to bring their cattle into Chinese territory. All foreigners, even if they constantly resided in the towns of Kashgaria, and had brought their families with them, were considered as guests and as travellers, and were not asked to pay any taxes. On goods intended as offerings or imported in small quantities no taxes were levied. On cattle driven in by foreigners (counting amongst these the cattle of the independent Kara- Kirghiz) they imposed a levy of Lth of their value, whilst on cattle belonging to Chinese subjects, a tax of JLth was charged. No charges were made on inland trade. Disputes amongst traders were settled by a jury composed of the traders themselves. The Kirghiz were divided into tribes, and each tribe had its own aksakal or elder, who was appointed by the Hakim-Bek. The monetary system, which was in use at that time in Kashgaria, was borrowed from China. A yarmak or tchokh was the smallest piece of copper that was in circulation. Five tchokhs were equal to one pool or one kara- pool, or one khotchan. 1 Two khotchan were equal to one dolchan. 1 Of late, Yakoob Bek had begun to coin silver tengas. These were worth 50 copper pool or 25 dolchans. Two Kashgar tengas were equal to one Kokan tenga, a piece of money that was current in Bokhara, Khiva and the Eussian Central Asian possessions. A Kashgar tenga was equal also to 20 Kokan or 30 Tashkent tchoMs. Yambas of 4| fibs, weight are now worth from 1,000 to 1,100 tengas, Author. CHAP. IV.] KASHGARIA. 133 Fifty pool made one tenga, a piece of money that does not really exist. One pool or one khotchan was equal to ^th of a kopaika. One tenga equalled 10 kopaikas (about 3cZ.) The Chinese calculated their taxes in pool or in lans and yambas if they had a great amount to reckon up. A Ian equalled one ounce of silver. A yamba was a bar of silver of variable size. The largest yamba weighed as nearly as possible 4f fibs. The exchange on silver fluctuated very much. At the begin- ning of the present century Chinese silver fell very much in price. Gold was reckoned in lans or in zolotniks (about 2 drams). The Chinese took as their unit of weight the djin which equalled 1^ Russian Ibs. Grain was weighed by sacks or by batmans ( 12 poods 432 Ibs.) or by lialbirs (rayshets). Whether al Ithese units of measurement are now in use or not I have not succeeded in ascertaining with certainty. The approxi- mate weight of a batman or sack of corn was equal to about 12 poods, that of a halbir to about 1 J poods x (54 Ibs.) Cotton, copper, brimstone and saltpetre were reckoned in djins, The li was the standard used in long measure. One li was equal to about 200 sajens, and an alchin was about the same as a Russian arshin (28 inches). 1 At present for weighing dry goods the cfiarik is the standard in Kashgaria- One chai-ik of wheat = 24 Ibs., one cliarilt of maize = 26 Ibs., one charik of barley = 25 Ibs. For goods that are not dry the djin is the standard of weight. In long measure task are used : one task 12,000 paces. But tosh vary according to the height and idea of the measurer, and hence a task may be equal to either 7 or 9 versts ; but their normal length is 8 versts. Author. 134 KASHGARTA. [CHAP. V. Further pro- Kress of the Chinese. detachments. CHAPTER V. Rebellion against the Chinese in the year 1825 Djengir-Turya Insurrection of the Kokauese in the year 1830 Khodja Med-Yusoof Rebellion of the seven Khod- jas (Katta-Turya) Rebellion of 1857 Valikhan-Turya. HAVING conquered Djoongaria and Kashgaria with such ease. the Chinese now became bellicose. Daring the years 1756, 1758 and 1760, their forces penetrated to the steppes of the Middle Horde and compelled the Khans of that horde to acknowledge Chinese sovereignty. After that both the Khans of the Lesser Horde and the Elders of the Booroot Section of the Kara-Kirghiz, following the example of the Middle Horde, acknowledged the same supremacy, and were then obliged to pay a yearly tribute of one horse and one ox in every hundred and one sheep in every thousand. In order to collect this tax, the Chinese des- patched yearly four detachments, whose duty it was also to uphold Chinese influence in the Kirghiz country. ^- wo detachments were sent from Hi, one from Tarbagatai an( j one f rom Kashgar. The Tarbagatai detachment united with one of the two from Hi in the valley of the Ayagooz (between Kopal and Sergiopol). The second detachment from Hi then united with the detachment from Kashgar in the valley of the Narwin. These detachments, having exchanged the tribute collected, returned homewards. 1 Chinese merchants generally accom- panied these forces in order to barter their wares for cattle, taking care of course to profit by the exchange with the semi- barbarous Kirghiz. 1 The Kashgar detachment reached the valley of the Narwin after having crossed the Terek pass, and having come out on to the Aksai plateau, and so into the valley of the At-pash. Author. CHAP. V.] KASHGARIA. 135 After the Kirghiz Khans, the Kokan rulers, Erdenya Bil and The Kirghiz Khans ac- his heir, Narboota Bil, declared themselves under the protec- knowledge the sovereignty of torate of the Bogdwi Khan. Such swift successes caused the the Chinese. Chinese to be regarded as invincible, and made their name terrible throughout Central Asia. It may be supposed too that amongst the Chinese themselves The Chinese . contemplate there arose such an amount of self-confidence that they sen- the conquest /.-nil c< i i f Bokhara, ously began to think of the conquest ot Bokhara, feamarKand Samarkand , , . . /. ,1 . and Tashkent, and Tashkent. Tidings of the preparations for this campaign quickly reached the Central Asian Khans and made them, in regard to the threatening position assumed by a common enemy, foro-et their own quarrels. They formed, therefore, an alliance, An alliance is formed which was ioined also by Ahmet Shah, the ruler of Afghanistan, between the . . rulers of these To all Mussulman potentates a summons went forth inviting places and the ruler of them to participate in the gazavat, or holy war, ^.e., a war lor Afghanistan ,-,. ,1 111 airainst the the faith against the infidel. An alliance was thus concluded Chinese. in the year 1763, and in the same year the Afghan forces reached Khodjent. But the league which had been formed soon broke up. The This league is Afghans were obliged to return to their own country, and the Jr remaining chiefs considered themselves too weak to enter upon a struggle with such a powerful foe. The towns of Ootch- Toorfan and Badakhshan alone held out. The first, having trusted in the promised aid, rebelled, and its Massacre by the Chinese of inhabitants were slain, as we have already related, by the the inhabitants Chinese forces. With regard to Badakhshan, that beautiful Toorfan and country was devastated by the Afghan forces, and its ruler, Sultan Shah, was executed, because he not only refused to give ^^ Afghai refuge to those Khodjas who fled from Kashgaria during the siege ofthe town of Khotan by the Chinese (in the year 1758), but because he also killed two of the Khodjas who were taken prisoners and sent their heads to Pekin. The Chinese perceiving the weakness of the Central Asian Mistakes com- ... . mitted by the rulers raised their heads still higher. The wise policy adopted Chinese in the towards the conquered people and the administration of the of Kashgaria. country on the system founded by Tchjao-Hoi ceased by degrees 1 See note at foot of p. 100. Trans. 136 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. V. to be considered indispensable. Amongst mistakes too that were committed must be classed the appointment to the town of Kashgaria of a Hakim-Bek and other officials from the western provinces, and the compelling the people to erect with- out payment vast fortifications called Goolbaghs 1 for the occu- pancy of the Chinese garrisons. The officials, introduced from the western provinces of China, from the towns of Hami and Koonya-Toorfan, came with the intention of gaining a lucrative livelihood, and they did not shrink from employing every means to attain this object. From the Hakim-Bek down to the lowest official, all looked upon the people as on a milch-cow, and they behaved like bad owners who desired their cow to give more milk than was in its power to give. The flagrant plundering on the part of the Hakim- Bek was known to the Chinese authorities, and since they per- mitted him to continue it, they in all probability themselves benefited by his actions. The extremely luxurious style of 1 living in vogue amongst Chinese officials also gives us the right / to think that the plundering of the people which they carried j on brought to each one of them considerable material gains. Every protest and every act of disobedience was punishable by death, and so the people became still more exasperated. The more energetic amongst the population began to emigrate to Kokan, Bokhara and Tashkent, where, by their stories of the excesses of the Chinese, they everywhere excited a sympathy for their native land. Action of the J n expounding: the circumstances which led to the conquest Khodja of the white-mountain of Kashgaria, we mentioned that, after the capture of the town Sak. |k of Khotan, one Khodja only of the ^uMte-mountain party, Sarwim- Sak, saved himself. This Khodja, after long wanderings, settled in Kokan, where, having collected around him the Kash- garian emigrants, he explained his plan of operations for the 1 Literally a goolbagli is a rose garden, but the name came to be applied to the citadel which, the Chinese built not far from the native city for the occu- pancy of their officials and for their garrisons. These goollaghs were very substantially built by the inhabitants of the town to which they were attach- ed. Furnished with provisions, they could withstand a lengthened siege pend- ing the arrival of reinforcements. Author, CHAP. V.] KASHGARIA. 137 deliverance of their native land from the Chinese yoke. His agents too, who were traversing the towns of Western Turkes- tan, collected offerings in furtherance of the same object, and made their hearers fanatical by descriptions of the sufferings of their co-religionists. The Kashgarian people, on hearing the news brought to them by merchants from Kokan, began to look upon Sarwim-Sak as their deliverer, and awaited only an oppor- tunity to openly show him their sympathy. However, it was not from the side of Kokan that the Chinese received the first warning. In the year 1816, after a peaceful administration of fifty years' duration, one of the members of the black-moun- F a n ure O f the tain party, Ziaveddin, escaped to the mountains, and collecting ^a^mountafn around him bands of Kirghiz, began to make inroads, hoping P*"?' Zia ved- thereby to rise the population. Ziaveddin's plan did not succeed. His bands were broken up, and he himself was slain, whilst his infant son was taken off to Pekin, where, on attaining manhood, he was executed. After this experience, the Chinese began to perceive more clearlyJThe Chinese the danger which threatened them from the side of Kokan, from! arrangement Sarwim-Sak, who considered himself to be the lawful ruler of; o^K " 1 Kashgaria. They, therefore, entered into an arrangement the Khan of Kokan, Omar, by which they undertook to pay ^Jj* 8 in his him yearly 200 yambas (about 20,000 roubles or 2,500) if he would exercise strict supervision over the Khodjas. Now Khodja Sarwim-Sak had three sons, Med Yusoof Khodja, Sarwim-Sak's Pakhavveddin Khodja and Djengir Khodja. The last of these was destined to soon play a great part in the history of Kashgaria #nd to introduce into that history yet another bloody page. In the year 1820, Omar, the Khan of Kokan, died. Sarwim- Action of Sak also died about the same time. Djengir Khodja, who was ' much the most energetic of his sons, now resolved to act. He fled from Kokan to the Tian-Shan and there induced the Kara- Kirghiz to attack the Chinese. His first attempt was not suc- cessful, but Djengir did not lose heart. Transferring his scene of action from the Fergana portion of the Tian-Shan to the high- lands of the Narwin, he sent his agents in every direction to enlist volunteers and all who were ready to serve under the 18 138 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. V. standard of the Appaks in a war for the faith against the Chinese. Circumstances now aided Djengir. The Chinese, thinking to seize him unawares and thus put an end to an agitation that was hostile to themselves, sent a force of 500 men to the Narwin. Warned in time, Djengir made his escape, and then, having collected his adherents, he availed himself of his He destroys knowledge ofthe country to cut off the retreat of the Chinese, a Chinese force ...... of 500 men. all oi whom were slain. In consequence ot this success, exagge- rated as it was according to Asiatic custom to a vast extent, crowds of volunteers now nocked towards Djengir's standard from all sides. tie marches In the spring of 1826, Djengir, with a considerable force corn- gar. posed of Kashgarian emigrants, Kokan sipahis, Oozbeks, Kip- chaks, Kara-Kirghiz, mountain Tadjiks from Karategin, under the leadership of Isa-Datkha (formerly commandant of the town of Andijan) marched against Kashgar. The Chinese forces He defeats the under the personal leadership of the Dzian-Dzun of Hi, went Chinese forces . and occupies out to meet him and were defeated. Alter evacuating the town Kashgar. of Kashgar, the Chinese shut themselves up in the citadel (or Goolbagh, see foot-note on page 136). The people re- Djengir now entered the town of Kashgar amid cries of joy with joy. from the people and assumed the title of Said Djengir-Sultan. All the Beks were confirmed in their positions with the excep- tion of the Kashgar Bek, a native of the town of Komul, and he, in return for his extortions from the people, was sentenced by a council of Akhoons 1 to capital punishment. Moderation of Through his moderation, Djengir drew towards his side even effect^ 3 tS persons who belonged to the Chinese party, and he succeeded too in gaining the sympathy of the people. Aid afforded to The inhabitants of the towns of Yangi-Hissar, Yarkend and inhabitants of Khotan, hearing of the capture of the town of Kashgar by an"' Djengir, also rose in rebellion, slaughtered the Chinese garrisons, razed the fortifications and sent their detachments to the aid of Djengir, who now began to lay siege to the citadel of Kashgar. The Khan of In the month of June of the same year (1826) the Khan of to his Kokau with an army of 15,000 men came to Djengir's assistance. aid. A title of respect used iu speaking of Beys, Hadjis aud Poets. Trans. CHAP. V.] KASHGARIA. 139 This reinforcement instead of proving useful was fruitful only of discord. The Khan of Kokan, after two unsuccessful assaults, turned back (he was at Kashgar 12 days altogether) and began to coin money with the inscription of ' Gazi,' or warrior for the faith. After a 70 days' siege the Kashgar citadel surrendered. The Surrender by the Chinese of Mandarins committed suicide, and the garrison, consisting of the citadel of from 8 to 10,000 men, was put to the sword, with the exception of 400 Doongans and Chinese who embraced Islam. After occupying Kashgar, Djengir introduced an order of Failure of things on the model of the Kokan Court. He abolished the the favour of Chinese style of dress, and put down Chinese customs of all l e peo kinds. Unfortunately he knew not how to take advantage of the people's love or of the ample means at his disposal. Instead of this he brought but harm to the people, for whose deliverance he had striven. The Chinese, profiting by Djengir's inaction, concentrated, Operations of during February 1827, a considerable force in the town of Aksu, agaiust Djen- and with this they advanced against the town of Kashgar. gir ' Djengir went forth to meet them -with a numerous but badly equipped arrny l composed of a heterogeneous mob devoid of any kind of discipline. The Chinese moved in military order, and met the enemy with artillery fire. After an ignominious Defeat and fight Djengir's forces wavered. The first to fly were his Kokan Djengir. volunteers and adventurers of every class. After these went the rest in headlong flight. The Khodja himself barely escaped capture, and,got away to the mountains. His reign had lasted but nine months. Having received orders from Pekin to take Djengir captive Pursuit of Djengir. wherever he might be, even though they had to seek him either at Kokan or in Bokhara, the Chinese forces moved from the town of Kashgar to the Alai, where, report said, Djengir was concealed. The strength of the Chinese forces told off for this campaign was put down at 20,000 men. For the march they were divided 1 According to Valikhanoff, the Chinese army numbered 70,000 men, whereas Djeugir Khodja's forces were computed at 200,000. These figures are evidently very exaggerated. At page 283 of Hitter's work, the Chinese forces are put down at G0,000. Author. 140 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. V. into two columns. The one moved from Kashgar to Ooloogchat and through the Ton-Mooroon pass to the Alai. The other ad- vanced from Kashgar to the town of Oopal, past lake Sarwi-Kool, and across the Kwizwil-Art pass to the same place. This move- ment took place during the autumn. The Chinese had no guns with them, for these they substituted taifoors. Traders accom- panied the army, and flocks of cattle were driven after it. On arriving at an encampment, the Chinese on every occasion, for fear of a night-attack, excavated a shallow trench around their camp. These trenches in a circular shape exist up to the present time. 1 The Chinese forces remained for twenty days on the Alai, sending small detachments in every direction in order to discover Djengir Khodja's hiding place. The ruler of Kokan, Madali Khan, who was alarmed by the approach of the Chinese, gave orders to the Hakim of Andijan, Isa Datkha, to build two forts, Soofi-Koorgan and Kwizwil-Koorgan, on the caravan route between Kashgar and the town of Osh. His orders were carried out, and these forts, or, to speak more correctly, these posts were erected. Now their ruins alone remain. Hiding place of Whilst the Chinese were searching for Djengir on the Alai, he had removed to the highlands of the river Tooyun, which crosses the road between the town of Kashgar and Forts Chak- mak and Narwin. As soon as his hiding place became known to the Chinese, they withdrew from the Alai, and came by way of Ooloogchat to the town of Kashgar, where, after provisioning their forces for a fresh campaign, they moved towards the river The Bek of Tooyun. Alarmed at the approach of the Chinese, the majority Oopal makes o f Djengir's adherents fled, and he. whilst asleep, was bound bv Pjengir over to J o the Chinese, jjjg f r i en( i Mamat, the Bek of Oopal, and delivered over to the and, for doing so, is appointed Chinese. The Chinese rewarded Mamat Bek for his treachery Bek of Khotan. by appointing him Bek of Khotan. Djengir Khodja was sent to Peki Mons. Hue 2 relates how Djengir, on put to death, confined in an iron cage and shewn to the people as a wild 1 We have seen one of the ditches excavated round the bivouac of Chinese advanced posts at Ishna, situated 30 versts (20 miles) south of the Terek - Davan pass. Author. 2 Voyage dans la Tartarie par Hue. Author. Djengir is sent Diengir Khodja was sent to Pekin. The French missionary to Pekin,\vhere be is brutally Mons. Hue 2 relates how Djengir, on being taken to Pekin, was tortured and CHAP. V.] KASHGAIUA. 141 beast. It chanced that the Chinese Emperor conceived the desire to see his conquered enemy. This desire caused great consternation amongst the higher officials of the Pekin Court ; for they feared that Djengir would tell the truth as to the causes which led to his rebellion, and that he would relate all the severities which had attended its pacification. Such reve- lations, as implicating the laxity of the Chinese officials sent to Kashgaria, could not but have for such persons disastrous results. Meanwhile the Emperor's will could not but be attend- ed to. The Mandarins found a way, however, of getting over their difficulty. They gave Djengir a poison which deprived him of the power of speaking rationally, and which, in fact, reduced him to a state of idiotcy. When brought before the Emperor he foamed at the mouth and presented a repulsive appearance. He could not moreover reply to one of the questions that were put to him. By sen- tence of the judges his body was cut in pieces and given to the dogs. Having done with Djengir, the Chinese proceeded to punish Revenge taken the other offenders. Those, however, who had sinned least f y r DjUgir's 88 suffered most. There now began executions, plunderings and m confiscation of property. Thinking, and not without reason, that the Kokanese were Action takn ~, . . by the Chinese the chief movers in the rebellion in Kashgaria, the Chinese, in against the order to revenge themselves, arrested all the Kokan merchants living at Kashgar, and adopted also a series of vexatious mea- sures against all goods imported from Kokan. They further- more entered into an agreement with the rulers of Bokhara and Koondooz for the transport of tea into their territories and to Afghanistan direct from China, thereby avoiding Kokan. It is interesting to observe that the Chinese, who were in The Chinese need of cattle, took no steps to punish the Kara-Kirghiz, who the Kara- had been the first to go over to Djengir and who had given him a refuge after his defeat. The blockade imposed by the Chinese on the Kokanese had such Effect of the an effect on them that they laboured to bring about such results towards the as would be quite unexpected by the sons of the Celestial Empire. 142 KASHGAUIA. [CHAP. v. Mad all Khan, the ruler of Kokan. Madali Khan declares war against the Chinese. Strength of Madali Khan's forces. Plan of the campaign and success of the Kokanese. Madali Khan was at this time the ruler of Kokan. Although o a man devoid of any great personal merit, he was surrounded by followers both capable and energetic. Such were the com- manders of his army, Hak-Koolla and Koosh-Begi-Lashkar. The former was an Oozbek, the latter had been a Persian slave. 1 Thanks to these assistants the reign of Madali Khan became a brilliant epoch in the history of Kokan. By degrees almost all the Kara-Kirghiz and the Kirghiz of the Great Horde had acknowledged themselves feudatories of Kokan, whilst the moun- tain provinces of Karategin, Darwaz and Koolyab had been annexed to the Kokan dominions either by means of diplomacy or force of arms. Madali Khan soon became so sensible of the closing by the Chinese of all trade between Kokan and Kashgaria, that, in order to get rid of the vexation, he resolved to openly declare war against them. 2 Aware of the sympathy of the people towards the Khodjas, Madali Khan called from Bokhara Med- Yusoof, Djengir's eldest brother, and he gave out as the objects of his summons the deliverance of the Mahometans from the yoke of the infidels, and the restoration of Med-Yusoof to the throne of his ancestors. He collected for the proposed campaign very considerable forces. These consisted of 20,000 Kokanese, 15,000 Tashkentians, 2,000 mountain Tadjiks from Karategin and a few thousand Kashgarian emigrants. Altogether he had about 40,000 men and 10 small guns mounted, for the march across the mountains, on camels. This army, under the supreme command of Hak-Koolla, marched in September 1830 towards Kashgar. The Chinese, who could only place in opposition 3,000 men in the field, were utterly routed at Min-Yul, 44 versts (29^rd miles) from Kashgar. 3 In consequence of their defeat, the latter town was occupied 1 He had been in the suite of the Lord-Lieutenant of Tashkent with the title of Bekler-Bek. Author, * Together with trade advantages a successful war brought Madali Khan the renown of the conqueror of the Chinese and of a combatant for the faith. Author. 3 Later on at this spot the Badaulet erected a small fort. Author. CHAP. V.] KASHGARIA. 143 and Med-Yusoof established himself there. Hak-Koolla now commenced the siege of the citadel in which the Chinese gar- rison was shut up. Koosh-Begi-Lashkar set out to capture the other towns of Kashgaria. His operations were very successful, for in a very short time the towns of Yangi-Hissar, Yarkend, Khotan arid Aksu acknowledged the sovereignty of Med-Yusoof. Soon, however, the entire instability of this sovereignty, founded more by the support of the Kokan forces than on the sympathy of the people, became evident. In the month of November 1830, in view of the unfavourable relations that existed with Bokhara, the r e called back on account of Kokan forces were called back, and with them went Med-Yusoof, unfavourable relations with because he did not consider himself strong enough to cope with the Bokhara. Chinese single-handed. His ?ejgnjiEerJK.aahgari a. lasted 9&4ays. On this occasion the complete instability of the Chinese dominion was displayed even more clearly than during Djengir's insurrec- tion. Another result of Djengir's campaign had been the emigra- tion of several thousands of Kashgarians into Kokan territory. In the spring of 1831, Madali Jhan opened a fresh campaign Madali Khan . . marches against the Kara-Kirghiz. His forces got as far as the highlands against the of the Narwin, and even penetrated to the province of Hi. In the year following, the Kokanese built Fort Koortka on the Narwin, and Fort Tash-Koorgan on the southern slopes of the Pamir. Kashgaria was thus encircled by the Kokan dominions, whence Chinese sovereignty was constantly threatened either by an inroad of Khodjas or by raids of Kara-Kirghiz. Feeling themselves no longer in a position to fight with Change of ^ Chinese policy Kokan. the Chinese were obliged to change their policy towards towards Kokan. her. In 1831, therefore, there appeared at the Court of the Khan of Kokan envoys with a request for peace. Madali Khan's return Embassy to Pekin, at the head of which was the mer- chant Alum Padsha, succeeded in completing an arrangement that was very advantageous to his own side. The following articles of the treaty, concluded by Alum Pad- Treaty con- J eluded between sha, show how much the Khodjas were feared by the Chinese : China and I. " The duties on goods imported by foreigners into the six cities of Eastern Turkistan viz., Aksu, Ootch-Toorfan, Kashgar, Yangi-Hissar, Yarkend and Khotan, shall be for the benefit of the Kokanese. 144 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. V. II. " In order to collect these taxes, the Kokanese shall have in each of the abovementioned towns a trade inspector or Aksakal. This person shall be subordinate to a Kashgarian inspector. Each shall be the political representative of his own ruler. III. " All foreigners visiting the six cities abovementioned shall be subject, in administrative and political matters, to the orders of the Kokan officials. IV. "On their side the Kokanese must look after the Khodjas and not allow them to cross the frontier of their own territory; and in case of flight, they must refuse them a refuge." AiumPadshais In the year 1832, Alum Padsha, who had gone as envoy to appointed Ko- J kan Aksakal u> Pekin. was appointed the first Aksakal to Kash ft ft er having carried off the large stores of wealth that they had amassed during their sovereignty. After them went their army. The Chinese, who were satisfied with their easily-acquired victory, did not pursue the fugitives. Revolt of the The events which we have related, known to the Chinese andTts effects 8 under the name of the " Revolt of the Seven Khodjas," would cm Kashgana. ^^ have been important in its results except for the fact that it led to the emigration of 20,000 families, i. e., 100,000 souls from the towns of Kashgar, Yarkend and Aksu. The fugitives, j'P fearing the wrath of the Chinese, fled to the mountains after the dispersed forces of the Khodjas. The greater portion of the exiles set out from Kashgar to Osh by the Terek-Davan pass, as Sufferings of the fugitives the shortest way to the Khanate of Kokan. The flight took place garia. in the month of January. Strong frosts set in, accompanied by heavy snow, and most of the miserable people perished. Eye-witnesses give the most harrowing details of their losses. In front of all, mounted on good steeds, warmly clad, and furnished with every necessary, fled Katta-Turya with a party CHAP. V.] KASHGARIA. 147 of about 2,000 adherents. He had with him some 16 camels laden with silver, which he had plundered. Having arrived at Soofi-Koorgan, 25 versts (IGfrds miles) from the Terek-Davan pass and 105 versts (70 miles) from the town of Osh, Katta- Turya, no longer fearing pursuit, stopped to divide the booty with his companions. The division of the spoils was scarcely completed when a Sirkar of the Kipchaks arrived at Soofi- Katta-Turya's band is Koorgan from Kokan. The whole of the booty was once more disarmed by collected and its value noted down. Katta-Turya's band was and he is disarmed and its members dispersed to their several homes, whilst prisoner to Katta-Turya himself was taken as a prisoner to Kokan. , There came through Soofi-Koorgan, some 30 days after Katta-Turya's arrival at the same place, a crowd of almost naked fugitives, men, women and children, some on foot and some on horseback, and carrying their small possessions with them. For the first ten days of their flight things went comparatively well with those of the poor people, who, by hastening to cross the Terek-Davan pass within that time, arrived for the most part safely at the town of Osh. After that, however, there suddenly set in strong frosts accompanied by heavy falls of snow. The fugitives, on getting into the snow, could scarcely direct their footsteps, but still they pressed forward. Those of them that stopped through exhaustion were at once frost-bitten, and then the steadily falling snow soon covered over their corpses. Many of those who Attempted to move at night, lost themselves in the darkness and perished in the snow-drifts. These drifts were so large as to cover the whole caravan. As if to complete the sum of their misfortunes, hunger overtook the frozen fugitives. The sufferings from this cause were so great that for a piece of bread or a cup of wheat-flour mixed with water a man would give up his overcoat. There soon appeared speculative hosts, who drove a brisk trade by pilfering the half-dead fugitives, thousands of whose bodies covered the Terek-Davan pass and the road on both sides of it. The bones of these unfortunates, notwithstanding that 30 years have passed since that time, lie about the spot even now. 1 1 We marched through the Terek-Davan pass in the mouths of October and March, when stiow was on the ground. Nevertheless in one small cave, not far 148, KASHGARIA. [CHAP. V. The Kokan authorities took no especially warm interest in the fate of these sufferers, but they laboured principally to secure Katta-Turya's treasure. They also sent a guard of 30 Sarbazais, under an official of rank, to Soofi-Koorgan in order to guard the pro- perty of those who had perished and which lay buried in the snow. Humane con- Aid was only given by Ootambai-Koosh Begi, Bek of Marge- bai-Koosh Ian. This man sent out at his own expense 300 horses from the Margeian. town of Osh, and he thereby succeeded in saving 600 persons by placing two on each horse. When spring came, crowds of workmen were taken out and made to dig, under the supervision of a guard. They unearthed many ornaments of various kinds and much money, especially copper. The dead bodies were searched, and then thrown down, no one thinking it necessary to bury them. In the orders given from Kokan, it was only stated that the property of those who had perished was to be collected. Nothing was said about the corpses being buried, and therefore the workmen employed did not feel obliged to take upon themselves any extra labour. The one order given was very scrupulously attended to. It was soon, however, found that the expectations as to find- ing much wealth would not be realized. Those who had perished had more copper-money than either silver or gold. The richer folk had either remained in Kashgar or had succeeded in reaching the town of Osh during the first ten days. The poor were the principal sufferers in the flight. The zeal of those who were carrying out the orders of the Kokan rulers was such that they even stripped the hides off the The Chinese fallen cattle. 1 The Chinese again re-established their authority thetr Authority i n Kashgaria, and with a patience in no way subdued, once more from the summit of the pass and close to the Darmaza, we found fifteen skele- tons of men, women and children whose bodies had rotted with the clothes they had on. In other places we saw many more skeletons Author. 1 The Kara-Kirghiz Mussulman Bi, chief of the Sartlar tribe, together with other eye-witnesses, gave me, when I was at Soofi-Koorgan, particulars of this calamity. They stated that the Kirghiz of the Sartlar tribe who wandered about the Terek pass for three years after this occurrence, would not drink water from the river Terek, as that river was filled with rotting corpses. Mussulman Bi had himself buried 300 bodies that were frozen close to his Kibltka. His brother had also buried 200 more in the neighbourhood of Koolyauka-Tookai. Author. CHAP. V.] KASHGARIA. 149 began to introduce the order of things that had been on three successive occasions upset by the Khodjas. Again the people had to pay with their backs and with their property for the deeds of the cowardly and corrupt ambition seekers. It had become more difficult for the Chinese to reconcile their interests with those of their neighbours, the Kokanese. Not- withstanding the dissensions that were taking place in Kokan, the Chinese considered it necessary to renew the conditions which had been settled by the treaty concluded in the year 1831. This concession, as displaying the weakness of the Chinese, made the Kokanese still more elated. They appointed as Aksakal to the town of Kashgar the same Nomed Khan who had let the Khodjas into the city. Moreover, they slackened the supervision over the Khodjas, and even stealthily assisted an agitation in their behalf. However, all those who joined Valikhan Turya and Kitchik-Khan in the year 1855-56 met with no success. Later on, the first mentioned repeated his attempts and with Valikhan Turya's sue- complete success. This was in April 1857. The garrisons of cesses against the Chinese advanced posts were massacred, with the exception of the native portion of them that went over to the side of the Khodjas. Taken unawares the Chinese shut themselves up in the citadel of Kashgar. Valikhan Turya broke into the town at night, and his followers cried along the streets, " Hail Boozrook-Khan Turya." * The inhabitants rose and massacred the garrison of the town, consisting of Chinese and all the Chinese merchants. Valikhan Turya proclaimed himself Khan, and all the neigh- bouring hamlets sent deputations to acknowledge his title. From all sides there began to pour in a heterogeneous mass to the standard of Valikhan Turya who managed somewhat skill- fully to organize them into an army. This army was composed of infantry (Sarbazais) and cavalry (Djigits). The men were was the only son of Djengir. He enjoyed great popularity on account of his kind and peaceable disposition. Valikhan Turya determined to avail himself of this fact in obtaining easy possession of the town. Later on. the name of Boozrook-Khan appeared as a weapon in the hands of Yakoob Bek, who was bent on the same object. Author. 150 KASIIGARIA. [CHAP. v. The Govern- ment of Vali- khan Turya worse for the people than i hat of the Chinese. Severity of Valikhan Turva. variously clothed and were distributed under standards number- ing 500 in each. Over each such body was a pansat. The people soon found, however, that the Government of this new Khodja was more oppressive than that of the Chinese. Valikhan Turya having surrounded himself with Kokanese, treated the natives with disdain, and loaded them with taxes of unheard-of magnitude. Besides furnishing quotas of money and grain, the people were obliged to bear the labour of earth- works. Almost every day crowds of natives were sent out with spades and shovels to dam up the river Kizwil-Su in order to change its course so as to make it flow under the walls of Yangi- Hissar, where a Chinese garrison was shut up. The inhabitants of the town and all the foreign merchants had to furnish copper vessels and horses for the army. All the workshops were taken up for the manufacture of arms. A cer- tain Afghan superintended the cannon foundry, wherein were cast eight guns, in all probability, of inferior quality. The disregard of their customs excited the people not less than did the imposition of taxes. Their women were forbidden to walk about the streets with unveiled faces, and with plaited hair. Any breach of this latter regulation led to the hair being cut off by policemen specially appointed for the purpose. All the males from six years and upwards were obliged to wear turbans, and to attend the mosque five times a day. On this subject, Valikhan displayed great cruelty. A day did not pass without the execution of several victims for breaches of this regulation. Having made on the banks of the river Kizwil-Su a pyramid of human skulls, both Chinese and Mussulman, Valikhan Turya steadily laboured to increase the size of this pyramid. One of his favourite pastimes was to cut off the heads of offenders with his own hand, and of opportunities there were none lacking. An unfortunate movement, a word, a yawn in the presence of the despot was sufficient to court death. Th e German savant Adol- phus Schlagintweit was amongst the number of his victims, and his head went to increase the size of the pyramid. According to the information communicated to the Russian traveller, Mons. CHAP. V.] KASHGARIA. 151 Valikhanoff, who went to Kashgar two years afterwards, Schla- gintweit was executed because he would not give the Khodja the papers addressed to the Khan of Kokan, with which he had been furnished in Bombay. The remaining towns refused to recognize Valikhan Turya's Aksu, Yangi- _ . TT . Hissar, Yar- sovereignty, and against them, viz., against Aksu, Yangi-Hissar, kend and Yarkend and Khotan, he sent forces. These succeeded in cap- to recognize ., p -\T ' XT- i Valikhan tunng the town of Yangi-Hissar only. Turya's sove- reignty. The reign of Valikhan Turya was happily not a long one. In End of Vaii- the month of August 1857 (four months after his entry), a rei^n and Chinese army entered Kashgar amid the joy of the inhabitants. t i, e Chinese Valikhan Turya's army fled, and after it went the ruler himself. sc On this occasion, 15,000 families fled after the Khodja to Kokan. The Chinese occupied Kashgar, but soon the joy of the in- habitants was turned into despair. The Chinese, for the first Severity of the Chinese. time during their possession of the country, endeavoured to out- do the ferocity displayed by Valikhan Turya. They seized the people's cattle, stores of grain and hay, burnt down their mosques, and overthrew the tombs of the Khodjas. The Kalmucks were especially foremost in the perpetration of every kind of atrocity. They stabled their horses in the mos- ques, killed the natives for no fault, and violated their women. The Chinese were at the same time active in torturing those who had taken part in the rebellion against themselves. The least suspicion that any one had participated in the insur- rection or had served under Valikhan Turya was sufficient for him to be condemned to capital punishment. The innocent were subjected to severe tortures, and when in their agony they con- fessed to a crime that they had not committed, they were executed as bond fide offenders. The Chinese executions, whilst not less in number than those ordered by Valikhan Turya, differed therefrom only in this respect, the skulls of the victims were not added to the pyramid, but were placed in cages spe- cially constructed for the purpose, and these cages were hung on poles so as to look like avenues to every street that led to the several gates of the town of Kashgar. The Russian traveller, who visited Kashgaria towards the end of the year 1859, i.e., 152 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. V. two years after the expulsion of the Khodjas by the Chinese, tells us that these avenues then remained. 1 On this occasion, the Chinese, not seeing the advantage of obtaining a promise from the Kokan authorities that they would not allow the Khodjas to enter Kashgaria, were in no hurry to renew a treaty with Kokan that had been so disadvantageous to themselves. Khoodoy.ir In the spring of 1858, Khoodoyar Khan himself despatched makesadvan- an Embassy to Kashgaria, by means of which he expressed his Chinese. 6 extreme regret on the occasion of recent events, and gave pro- mises of various kinds for the future, asking at the same time for a renewal of the treaty of 1830. The Chinese once more concluded an arrangement, and Nass- reddin Sarkar, who carried out the negotiations with them, was appointed the Kokan Aksakal with the title of Datkha. With regard to Valikhan Turya, he dwelt peacefully at Kokan, where, as a member of the local aristocracy, a Said, and a descendant of the Prophet, he was by Mussulman law exempted from bodily punishment or sentence of death. End of the / Thus ended the fourth attempt of the Khodjas to restore their sovereignty over Kashgaria. On this occasion, the attempt only to sti1 ^ g reater l ss to tne country, and to the execution of several thousand persons, who were, for the most part, innocent. On this occasion, too, the principal offenders and participators jsaved themselves, and carried off their plunder, leaving the people, whom they had deceived, as victims in the hands of the Chinese. 1 Complete details concerning the- reign of Valikhan Turya are given in an article by Valikhanoff in No. 3 of the " Proceedings of the Imperial Eussian Geographical Society for 1861." From this we have borrowed much of the information that we have herein furnished. Author. CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 153 CHAPTER VI. Some words on the Doongan insurrection in the Chinese Provinces of S lien-Si, Han-Su and Djoongaria Rebellion in Kashgaria Rasheddin Khodja Habiboolla Khod- ja Sadwik Bek Boozrook-Khan Arrival of Yakoob Bek in the town of Kashgar His biography Yakoob Bek defeats the Aksu and Yarkend troops sent against him He captures the town of Yangi-Hissar and the citadel of Yangi-Shar Suppression of the rebellion of the Kipchaks Capture of Yarkend and Khotan Yakoob Bek declares himself the ruler of Kashgaria His march against the towns of Aksu, Koocha and Koorlia Raid of the Doongans on the town of Koocha Second movement against the town of Koonya-Toorfan Third march of Yakoob Bek to Koonya-Toorfan for the purpose of engaging the Chinese forces Failure before Hoomatai Present condition of Yakoob Bek. AFTER driving out Valikhan Turya in 1857, and again posses- Mussulman sing themselves of the whole of Kashgaria, the Chinese did not thTweTtern '" long enjoy their victory. The Mussulman insurrection in the ETa western provinces of China, Shen-Si and Han-Su quickly spread until it embraced the whole of Djoongaria, and afterwards, in 1862-63,_ Kashgaria. The Chinese were in a desperate con- Action of the dition. Many hundreds of .thousands of them perished, and on. me yet with unconquerable obstinacy they step by step, during the course of thirteen years, put down an insurrection that had spread as far as Tchoogootchak on the west, and Manas and Ooroomtcha on the south. In the year 1877^ their armies be- sieged the town of Ooroomtcha, and opened a campaign against Yakoob Bek, their most talented and powerful opponent, who had ruled the events of the previous thirteen years. The Mussulman population of China is grouped in the pro- Mussulman vinces of Shen-Si and Han-Su, and numbers 5,000,000 souls. 1 china. The origin of these Mussulmans is variously accounted for. Ac- its origin, cording to some, the date of their settling in the provinces of China goes back to the Eighth or Ninth Century, when the Chinese, after subduing the Uigur State, deported 1,000,000 souls to their deserted western provinces. In course of time, these Uigurs embraced the Mussulman faith, lost, through intermarriage with 1 See Mons. Sosnovski's article in the " Military Magazine " for the year 1876, No. 10. Author. 20 154 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VI. Chinese damsels, their primitive type, and now but little resem- ble their kinsmen who remained in Kashgaria. The same Mussulmans who peopled the western provinces of China after- wards formed the bulk of the people of Djoongaria and settled in the towns of Tchoogootchak, Kooldja, Manas, Ooroomtcha, Koonya-Toorfan, Barkooli and Hami. The people of Kashgaria, who are alien to these Chinese Mussulmans, begin on the west of Fort Karashar and the town of Koorlia. They take the name of the locality in which they dwell : thus we find Karasharians, Koochans, Aksutians, Kashgarians, Yarkendians and Khotanese. The Chinese call their Mussulmans Hoi-Hoi-Tsian. 1 Name given to In Kashgaria, the same Chinese Mussulmans are known under insurrection in the name of Doongans, and the insurrection which they initiated provinceTand is called the ' Doongan insurrection.' The derivation of the derivadon S of word 'Doongan' is not exactly known. According to oral that name. tradition which I heard whilst in Kashgaria, the derivation of this name is sometimes traced to the epoch of Alexander of Macedon ; at others to the days of Chingiz-Khan or of Tamer- lane. It is thought, too, that, in the movement of bands of these popular heroes from the east to the west and from the west to the east, many of their soldiers remained both in Djoongaria and in the provinces of Shen-Si and Han-Su, and consequently received the name of Toorgan, which means "those left behind. " : Mons. Sosnovski believes that the origin of the word ' Doon- gan ' relates to the commencement of the rising of the Chinese Mussulmans in the year 1S61. According to him the insurrection firstbegan in the neighbourhood of Fort Doongan, which is situated in the province of Shen-Si. The name of this fort, which was 1 Mons. Heins, in his article in the " Turkestan Magazine " for the year 1867, No. 4, entitled the " Insurrection of the Doongans in Western China," supposes that the word ' Hoi-Hoi ' is a corruption of the word ' Ooi-Goor.' Author. 2 The story as to the origin of the Doongans, which most merits attention and which I heard in the town of Koocha, is as follows : When Chingiz-Khan advanced on Pekin he had in his army many Mussulmans from Eastern Turkes- tan. When he took possession of Pekin, he appointed his son Mangoo (or, as the Chinese call him, Mandjoo) governor of China. With Mangoo he left many Mussulmans in China, who from that time have received the name ' Toor- gan.' AittJwr. CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 155 very often repeated in the first despatches sent to the Chinese, came perhaps to be applied to the participators in the rebellion. But this idea is not based on probability, since the word ' Doongan ' existed long before the insurrection of 1861. Not being in possession of information that would enable us to arrive at a final opinion on the question as to the derivation of the word ' Doongan,' let us leave the matter to the considera- tion of specialists and turn to the facts in the insurrection itself. The rising began in the year ,1861, during the last year of the Date of the rule of Sian-Fwin, in the province of Shen-Si, and from there it spread first to the province of Han-Su and thence to Djoongaria. re The insurrection was signalized by the dreadful, and in places Cruelties which the total, destruction of the Chinese. The first attempts of the a Chinese Government to put it down were not attended with success. On account of the extortions of the officials and the privations to which they were subjected, the Chinese detach- ments would sometimes go over to the side of the insurgents. The Chinese garrisons, for fear of being massacred one after the other, were obliged to shut themselves up in the citadels, and the insurgents, who were thus free to pour over the whole of the disaffected country, everywhere slaughtered the Chinese popula- tion. The hatred against the Chinese was so great that, accord- / ing to Mons. Sosnovski, Mussulmans would themselves slay their own wives and children to prevent their falling into the 1 hands of flie Chinese. The same author tells us that the Chinese amply repaid the debt, for they mercilessty wiped out their enemies. On the occasion of the siege of the town of He-Djey, which lasted for seven months, 20,000 men were put to the sword by the Chinese on the fall of that place. Similarly at Si-Nin-Foo and at Tszin-Tszi-Noo, there were slain 9,000 and 50,000 men respectively, whilst a vast, a fruitful and a thickly populated tract was turned into a desert. Rich towns became heaps of ruins. 1 1 I visited the town of Tchoogootchak in the year 1870. According to native statements, in that place alone and its environs:40,000 men perished at the hands of the Chinese. The town was one vast heap of ruins without a single inhabit- ant. Six years after this massacre the bones of the victims of the rebellion still lay in the streets of the town and in the fort ditch. A handsome Russian 156 KASHGABJA. [CHAP. VI. JSfS C the Tlie action of the Chinese became energetic and swift only Chinese. f rom the date of the appointment in 1868 of Tso-Tsoon-Tan as Governor-General of the provinces of Han-Su, Shen-Si and Djoongaria. Being aware, as Mons. Sosnovski tells us, that disorder principally proceeds from extortion, he selected trust- worthy officials, made his soldiers contented and built a factory at Lan-Chey-Foo, where they now turn out breech-loading steel-guns and rifles on the newest system. The centres of the insurrection were one by one occupied by Chinese forces ; and in January of the following year the road from Lan-Djey vid Hami and Gootchen to Tchoogootchak presented an unbroken line of Chinese posts, whilst the rising in the provinces was crushed except that small bands of Doongans continued to wander about. Effect of the The tidings of the success of the insurrection of the Chinese of the rebels. Mussulmans in Djoongaria, Shen-Si and Han-Su, quickly spread to Kashgaria and caused the population of that country to rise against the Chinese. The Chinese garrisons were weak, and, what was more important, were principally composed of Doongan soldiers, who, on the first intelligence of the rebellion of their kins-folk, took up arms against their employers, and with the aid of the local population massacred the greater part of those Chinese who did not contrive to shut themselves up in citadels. The rebellion was first discovered in the town of Koocha. Rasheddin One of the inhabitants of this town, Rasheddin Khodja, who was the first to proclaim a gazavai, or holy war, in the year 1862, collected the people, and placing himself at their head "conducted an attack on the Chinese garrisons. The Chinese were slain, whereupon Rasheddin sent his emissaries to all the towns of Kashgaria to get up a war against them. The Doon- gans joined the insurrection, and with their aid the Chinese garrisons in the towns of Karashar, Togsoon and Koonya-Toorfan factory and the Russian church were thrown down. The Russian colony fled by night to Russian territory. It is related that the Russian priest's wife was taken in the pains of labour whilst flying, and that she died on the road, Author. CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 157 were slaughtered. The people then recognized Rasheddin's Rasheddin is * _ proclaimed sovereignty and proclaimed him Khan. Isa Khodja, Rasheddin's Khan, relative, was appointed Governor of the towns abovementioned. Rasheddin's two other relatives, Djalat-Eddin- Khodja and Boorkhaneddin-Khodja, set out for the towns of Aksu, Kashgar, Yarkend and Khotan, in order to exact from them Rasheddin's title of Khan. Before their arrival an insurrection had burst forth, and the Chinese garrisons had shut themselves up in the citadels. The people of Aksu were the first to recognize Rashed- din's title. One Sadwik Bek, of Kipchak l origin, was at that Sadwik Bek. time an influential person in the town of Kashgar. After going out with his adherents to meet the Khodjas, he recognized Rasheddin as Khan, and his example was followed by all the inhabitants of the town of Kashgar. Having appointed Sadwik- Khan Hakim of the town, the Khodjas continued their journey to Yarkend. Now the Hakim of Yarkend, who had been appointed by the Niaz Bek. Chinese, was Niaz Bek. A great part fell to the lot of this man in the later revolutions that took place in Kashgaria. The commander of the Chinese forces composing the gam- Action of the Chinese mili- son of Yarkend, perceiving the murmuring both amongst the tary com- inhabitants of the town and the Doongan soldiers who Yarkeud. formed part of the garrison, decided upon disarming the latter. News of this intention quickly reached the Doongans Its effect. and caused them to rise in rebellion. They broke into the citadel at night, which contained the Chinese garrison consisting of 2,000 men. These they slew together with their families. A small body of Chinese escaped by beating off their assailants and regaining possession of the citadel. In the morning the Doongans rushed into the town and, aided by the inhabitants, plundered the houses and shops of the Chinese after killing the owners. It was evident, however, that the emissaries from Failure of Aksu obtained no great amount of success in this place, the mission to 9 inhabitants of which chose as their ruler Hazret-Abdurrahman, Khotan! a " d 1 According to other accounts Sadwik Bek was a Kirghiz, who appeared with his band iu the town of Kashgar, and plundered both Chinese and Kash- garians with equal indifference. Author. 158 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VI. an old moollah. They also appointed as his assistant the former Hakim of the town, Niaz Bek. The inhabitants of Khotan followed the example of the Yarkendians, slew the Chinese and chose as their ruler Habi-Boolla, who was also a moollah, and who had lately returned from Mecca. This man assumed the title of padshah (king) and began to coin money in his own name. Places in At the close of the year 1863 the only places that the Chinese to the" Chinese held in Kashgaria were the citadel of Kashgar, the town of of 1863. Yangi-Hissar and the citadel of the town of Yarkend. Against the last-mentioned, detachments from Aksu and Yarkend were sent. To the aid of these detachments went also some Doon- gans. Nevertheless the citadel long withstood all the efforts of the besiegers, and when all the means of defence had failed, the Chinese commander and all his garrison heroically blew them- selves up into the air. Division of After this victory the Aksu Khodjas again demanded from Yarkend. & the Yarkendians the recognition of Rasheddin's authority. The inhabitants would not consent to the demand. At length, after a long dispute, the Government was divided between Abdurrah- man and the Khodja Boorkhaneddin. The former was supreme in the town, the latter in the fort, where were quartered the Doongans and some troops from Aksu. This state of things lasted until the time of Yakoob Bek. Extent of In the beginning of the year 1864, Rasheddin's rule was Kasheddin's authority in the recognized throughout the whole of Kashgaria with the exception beginning of 1864. of the town of Khotan. Rasheddin Khodja was not the descendant of those Khodjas who had governed Kashgaria, and, we should add, who had brought upon her during the space of 40 years so much cala- mity (we speak of Djengir and of Valikhan Turya). Therefore, amongst the population of Kashgaria, it would have been easy to seek out those who were dissatisfied with Rasheddin, and who wished to place the government of the country in the hands of one of the numerous descendants of Appak Boozrook- Khodja. Of these Boozrook-Khodja, Djengir's son, enjoyed the greatest amount of popularity. Amongst the people he was famous for his sanctity and for his kindness, but persons CHAP. VI.] KASHGAKIA. 159 who knew him intimately were aware also of the weakness of his character, and of his complete incapacity. For this reason Sadwik Bek Sadwik Bek, the Hakim of Kashgar, of whom we have already tage of BOOZ- spokeri, could -confidently reckon on making him a weapon in his e' al ~ charae- own hands for the attainment of his own ends. He at once took ^ ' W u e r n ds? advantage of Boozrook-Khan's popularity for this purpose. He then turned to Alim Kool, who was at that time Governor of Tashkent and Kokan, and begged him to send Boozrook, who was living at Tashkent, to Kashgaria, promising him easy possession of the entire country. Boozrook lost no time in going, attended by fifty men. With him went also Yakoob Bek Yakoob Bek. in the capacity of Lashkar-Bashi, or commander of the forces that were to be formed. Before continuing our exposition of subsequent events in Kashgaria, we will adduce some information which we have collected regarding Yakoob Bek, an historical personage without doubt and one who boldly stands out amidst all the rulers of the independent Asiatic States, who were contemporaries of his own. Yakoob Bek's father was Ismet-Oolla, an inhabitant of Genealogy of Khodjent. He devoted himself to the repetition of various prayers over the sick. During a visit to the hamlet of Pskent, 50 versts (33Jrd miles) from Tashkent, on the road to Khodjent, he married a native of that place and took up his abode in his wife's home. Yakoob Bek was the fruit of this marriage. I have not succeeded in determining with exactness the year of his birth. In the year 1876, Yakoob Bek had the appearance of. a man of about 50 yearsToF age. Those persons who were then about him said that his age was from 58 to 64, notwith- standing that grey nairs had only just begun to make their appearance. Soon after Yakoob Bek's birth, his father became divorced from his wife, who then married a butcher of Pskent, in whose house Yakoob Bek grew up. This is the reason that the people sometimes called him the butcher's son. Having lost his father and his mother whilst yet a child, the Early life and i T t* 1.1 i livelihood of young orphan, in order to gain a livelihood, became a batcha, or Yakoob Bek. public_dancer. The boy pleased a Kokan sipahi who was passing through Pskent, and this man took him off to the town of 160 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. vi. Dissensions in the Khanate of Kokan. Mussulman- Kool. Kokan. Once there Yakoob Bek passed from hand to hand and acquired renown as a skilful and pretty batcha, until at last he was taken up by a certain Mahamed-Kariin-Kashka, who was in the suite of Madali Khan of Kokan in the office of chilim-chi (or bearer of the chilim or pipe, a post correspond- ing to valet de chambre). I have chanced to speak with eye- witnesses who saw Yakoob Bek, at the time mentioned, in a great spectacle at Margelan, and they told rne that he was then distinguished for his skill in dancing. According to the stories of these persons, Yakoob Bek was then a pretty well-formed and strongly-made boy, with a neck slightly short, fresh coloured face and beautiful eyes. He had many admirers. To this period belongs the appointment of the chilim-chi Karim-Kashka to the office of Hakim of Khodjent and to that of Parmanatchi, corresponding to our rank of General. Asiatic potentates often appoint their servants, however menial, to the high office of Hakim preparatory to making them generals, and no one is surprised thereat. An unsuccessful war with Bokhara cost Madali Khan his life. On his death there took place in the Khanate of Kokan a strife of parties, each of whom put forth its own pretender to the throne of the country. The Kipchak party triumphed and placed on the throne Shir Ali Bek, 1 a man of very small stature. He appointed as his minister one Mussulman-Kool, also a Kipchak, and a person who subsequently played an important role. Almost all the old Hakims were changed and slain. Amongst these also perished Yakoob Bek's patron Karim Kashka. After being for a short period without a place Yakoob Bek became the batcha of Nar Mahomed Koosh-Begi, Hakim of the town of Tashkent, and a Kipchak. At this period disorder still continued 1 From the middle of the last century the Kokan meteors succeeded each other in the following order : Narboota-Khan (his brother's name was Khodja- Bek), Alim-Khan, son of Narboota-Khan, Omar-Khan, Narboota-Khan 's second son, Madali-Khan, Omar Khan's son. On the death of Madali-Khan, Shir Ali Bek, a Kipchak, succeeded to the throne as we have said. He was after- wards called Shir Ali Khan. He was Khodja Bek's son and a brother of Nar- boota Khan. Author. CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. in Kokan. Shir AH Khan, after a reign of two years, was killed and Moorad, Alim Khan's son, succeeded to the throne. He reigned for nine days. Mussulman-Kool was the rival of Moorad-Khan for the leadership of the Kipchak party. He slew Moorad, and having placed on the throne Khoodoyar Khan, Shir Ali Khan's infant son, began to personally administer the affairs of State. In order to obviate all pretensions on the part of Khoodoyar Khan's eldest brothers, he killed them. One of them only, Malya Khan, saved himself by flight. At this period Yakoob Bek had out- grown the age at which he could enchant the natives with his personal appearance or with his skill in dancing. His position would have become a difficult one, if fortune had not befriended him. Nar Mahomed, Hakim of Tashkent, became enamoured of Rapid rise of i T T i i"~"~ T~r~~i * Yakoob Uek his youngest sister (the butcher s daughter) and married her. in consequence Thanks to his influence, Yakoob Bek quickly attained the rank sister's 8 ' of Makhram (aide-de-camp), Piyanj-bashi (captain of fifty), Yuz- m bashi (centurion) and Pansat (captain of five hundred) in succession. Soon after this, Yakoob Bek was appointed Bek of Ak- He is appoint- . ed Bek of Mechet (Fort Perovski). In the year 1852, he had a skirmish Ak-Mechet. with a Russian force and was defeated. 1 On his return to takes part in Tashkent he began to take an active part in all the subsequent theliussians. agitations. His name, therefore, as that of an energetic and capable man began to be known to many. Meanwhile Malya Khan had ousted his brother Khoodoyar Execution of Mussulman- Khan from the throne, which he occupied for three years until Kooi. he himself was killed. The powerful Mussulman-Kool now 1 In the first account published by me in the "Military Magazine" entitled " Outlines of Kashgaria " on the subject of Yakoob Bek's biography, there has crept in a mistake. Misinformed by persons who were in attendance on Yakoob Bek, I wrote that he, on being appointed Hakim (Bek) of Ak-Mechet, heroically defended that place with a handful of men against a Russian force. This has been shewn to be an error. General Maksheyeff , Professor of Military Statistics, who took a part in the siege and storming of Ak-Mechet, has sent me a correct- ed statement borrowed from vast materials which he collected during his service in the province of Orenburgh, As this note is of interest, I have inserted it at length as a supplement to this chapter, and it will be found on page 182 and following. Author. 21 162 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VI. asked for an army from Tashkent to aid in putting an end to the disturbances that were going on. This army was furnished and Yakoob Bek accompanied it. The army, on arriving at the town of Kokan, instead of obeying Mussulman-Kool, arrested him and made him over to Khoodoyar Khan, who, having grown up, had long fretted under the harsh guardianship of this time- server. Though he owed his throne to Mussulman-Kool, Khoo- doyar Khan did not hesitate to execute him. His victim was fastened to a scaffold and blown from a gun loaded with a blank cartridge and placed at a short distance from his body. His clothes caught fire and the smoke suffocated him. 1 Alim Kool. Mussulman-Kool had no sooner disappeared from the scene, when his place was taken by another time-server, a man perhaps more energetic than his predecessor. This was Alim Kool, also a Kipchak. 2 Appearance of Alim Kool having ejected Khoodoyar Khan seated on the throne Said Bek, Malya Khan's son. This took place in the year 1863 (?) at a time when new enemies, more terrible to Alim Kool than all the parties in Kokan that were hostile to him put together, made their appearance ; these were the Russians who had already advanced to the town of Chemkent. Alim Kool, after leaving Kokan, set out for Tashkent in order to organize resistance to his new enemies. In Tashkent itself O there was a very considerable party inimical to Alim Kool. In the ranks of this party Yakoob Bek occupied a promi~ , Yakoob Bek nent place. Having set out for Chemkent, Yakoob Bek bravely/ AimfKool's fought with the Russians and obtained considerable renown./ This energetic and popular personage and a very formidable rival greatly alarmed Alim Kool, and he had already deter- mined on getting rid of him by the means usually adopted by Asiatics, viz., murder, when a circumstance unexpectedly presented itself and not only saved Yakoob Bek, but gave his capacity and energy a wider sphere of action. Emissaries from the town of Kashgar from Sadwik Bek came to Tashkent with , ' To say nothing of his body being blown to pieces by the force of the charge. Trans. * We were told that Mussulman-Kool was a Sart Kij)chah, and Alim Kool a Kirghiz Kipchak. Author. Further advancement of Yakoob CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 163 the request that Boozrook-Khan Khodja might be sent thence to Aiim Kooi's Kashgar. Alim Kool readily agreed to the request made to him getting rid of and with Boozrook he also sent Yakoob Bek away from Tashken^. Boozrook Khan, accompanied by Yakoob Bek and Aldash Dat- Boozrook- kha, 1 Alim Kooi's kinsman, and by fifty djigits and personal at- thra by th e ep tendants, made his appearance in the year 1864before the walls of Kaabgar! S the town of Kashgar, 2 and was gladly received by the inhabitants. Sadwik Bek gave over the government of the towns to Boozrook- Khan, hoping the while to play the most important part himself; but he soon saw that Yakoob Bek was opposed to his plans. Yakoob Bek Between the two rivals there now began a secret strife, which wik Bek's apparently could only end in the death of one or other of them. Yakoob Bek first of all succeeded in making a quarrel between Boozrook and Sadwik Bek, and then in causing the latter to fly. The victorious rival was now appointed Batwir-Bashi (commander-in-chief), and Mir Baba, an inhabitant of Andijan, Esaul-bashi (or second in command). The new commander-in- chief spent the first six months in collecting an army at the town of Kashgar. The nucleus of this force was represented by 400 And jans. These, in time, brought large bodies of men. Yakoob Bek received all his recruits with kindness, liberally rewarded their leaders, and gave them commands over the soldiers raised from the neighbourhood of Kashgar. During the first year a force of several thousand men was furnished from the local population. The siege of citadels, which the Chinese were stubbornly holding, was carried on uninterruptedly, and served as a good military school for the new conscripts. The recognition by the inhabitants of Kashgar of Boozrook 1 Up to the present time the Hakim of the town of Kashgar bears the title of Datkha. Author. 2 According to other information, there came with Yakoob Bek from Fergana from four to five hundred horsemen. After recruiting this band from the town of Kashgar to a strength of from three to four thousand men. he marched against the citadel of Yangi-Shar, situated at a distance of 7^ versts (5 miles) from the town of Kashgar, whence there went out to meet him Chinese and Doongans to the number of several thousand. A battle took place about a verst (f rda mile) from Yangi-Shar, on the banks of a canal leading from the Kizwil-Su. Placing his infantry in front, Yakoob Bek launched his cavalry on the flank of the main body of the Chinese who took to flight. Author, 164 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VI. as Khan, coupled with his pretensions, as descendant of Appak Khodja, to the sovereignty of the whole of Kashgaria, called forth the opposition of Rasheddin Khodja, who was ruler of the opposes BOOZ- country to the east of the town of Aksu, whilst Abdurrahman was ruler of Yarkend. The inhabitants of Aksu, Koocha, Yarkend and Khotan, whilst bearing in mind the inroads of the Khodjas of the Appak clan, Djengir, Katta-Turya and Vali- khan Turya, could scarcely be reckoned on to make a new attempt in favour of Boozrook. Forces both from Aksu and Yarkend advanced almost simultaneously on Kashgar with the Boozrook- object of driving out Boozrook, whose position had become critical. It was only owing to the energy of Yakoob Bek that ^ e was a ^ e * ^^ k' s own. Leaving a small but well-equip- } ped force to watch the citadel, Yakoob Bek went out to meet the ' army from Aksu, and, having defeated it at Khan-Arwik, ener- getically pursued its broken forces up to the hamlet of Yangabad. After this he returned and advanced against the Doongans and Yarkendians, who were still several marches from Kashgar. An engagement took place nine task from the latter town, at Tooz- goon. In speaking of the fight, eye-witnesses have exaggerated the enemy's forces by several thousands of men. According to their accounts, the Doongans approached to within a very short distance of Yakoob Bek's troops, and then directed against them a well-aimed fire which caused great loss. Yakoob Bek at once ordered several sotnias of his cavalry to attack the enemy's flanks. Having brought about, by this manoeuvre, some degree of confusion, he now moved forward the rest of his troops and won the battle. It is stated that Yakoob Bek received three wounds in this engagement, and that he concealed the fact till the end of the fio-ht, lest he should have depressed the spirit of his soldiers by appearing to be hurt. Following the routed enemy to the town Yangi-Hissar. o f Yangi-Hissar, he took that place by storm after a siege that lasted 40 days. The greater part of the inhabitants and of the garrison perished in the siege and in the assault. About 200 soldiers and women and children turned Mussulmans, and thereby saved their lives. After the capture of Yangi-Hissar, Yakoob Bek sent envoys bearing gifts, and the news of his victory to Yakoob Bek Aksu and* Captures CHA.P. VI.] KASHGARIA. 165 Alim Kool, who was at the time engaged in fighting the Russians. As part of his offerings, Yakoob Bek sent nine Chinese damsels. The envoys never even saw Alim Kool, for, before they came to Defeat and Kokan, the tidings reached them that Alim Kool had been slain Alim Kool. on the ~- May 1865, in a battle with the Russians before Tash- kent. The death of Alim Kool called forth new dissensions Fresh dissen- in Kokan, all of which indirectly served as a means whereby aid in the ag- Yakoob Bek's position became still more secured. of YakootTiiek. Said Khan of Kokan, who was advanced, as we have said above, to the throne by Alim Kool, on hearing of the approach of the Russians to Tashkent, moved with an army to the aid of that town. Before arriving there, he learnt that Alim Kool's forces had been defeated and he himself killed. Turning back, Said Khan was the first to fly to the town of Djizak, whilst a portion of his troops turned towards Kokan and proclaimed Khoodai Kool or Bil Baktchi Khoodai Kool, a handsome boy, who sold girdles and turbans in Khan, the bazaar, Khan of that place. This boy was known to the people under the name of Bil Baktchi Khan. The new Khan did not reign long. Taking advantage of Said Khan's march towards Tashkent, Khoodoyar Khan, who, after his expulsion by Alim Kool, had dwelt in Bokharian territory, moved with some troops of that State, and with a body of Turkmans to Kokan. Bil Baktchi Khan, without waiting for Khoodoyar Khan's approach, His flight, fled in September 1865, with 7,000 horsemen, 30 large guns and 400 infantry soldiers armed with falconets first to the town of Osh and then across the mountains to Gultcha, and so on vid Kizwil Koorgan to Soofi-Koorgan. At this point the roads Roada leading divide : one leads through the Terek-Davan pass to the town of toSood-Koo a r- Kashgar ; the other through the Shart pass to the Alai. The gan * route adopted over the mountains was a strange one, because the army had to take heavy guns by a bridle path in the follow- ing direction. Both the army and the guns marched in one day from the town of Osh to Langar, 30 versts (20 miles). Here a slight attack of Khoodoyar Khan's cavalry vedettes was repulsed. From Langar the cavalry moved on the following day by the direct road leading to Gultcha, 1 traversing 33 versts (22 miles). 1 The Russians have erected Fort Gultcha on the same spot. Author. 166 KASHGARTA. [CHAP. VI. The guns and convoys moved by a more circuitous route through the Tchigirtchik pass, where they halted for the night, reaching Gultcha, a distance of 43 versts (28rJs miles), in two days. At Gultcha, the whole force remained for ten days, and then moved on Soofi-Koorgan. The distance between Gultcha and Soofi- Koorgan, 22 versts (14rds miles), was accomplished by the cavalry in one day, and by the artillery in three. To each gun eight horses were harnessed, and 30 infantry soldiers (sar- bazais) looked after it. Wherever the road was narrow, the guns were dismounted and dragged along the ground. In the neigh- bourhood of Belyaooli, where a bridge broke down, two guns were lost, so that only 28 were left to bring into Soofi-Koorgan. Khoodoyar Khoodoj 7 ar Khan, with an heterogeneous army, supplemented 63 by 300 Turkmans, set out from the town of Osh to pursue Bil Baktchi, twenty days after the latter had left the same place. On the first day, Khoodoyar Khan's forces reached the Tamgik pass, 40 versts (26|rds miles) ; on the second day, they arrived at Gultcha, and on the third, at Soofi-Koorgan. Khoodoyar Khan left in the Tamgik pass all his transport and four small guns. From Gultcha his forces moved in light marching order, each man being provided with four small loaves only in the way of food. Bil Baktchi's forces consisted of three distinct elements, Kirghiz, Kipchaks and Sarts. The latter were the sarbazais with the falconets and the gunners. The only thing in common amongst them was that all were devoid of the necessary courage to fight with the same equally heterogeneous body as themselves that was advancing against them under Khoodoyar Khan. As soon as Khoodoyar Khan's Turkman advanced cavalry appeared Bil Baktci.i's in the neighbourhood of Soofi-Koorgan, Bil Baktchi's camp was broken up, the Kipchaks flying to the Terek-Davan pass, and the Kirghiz, taking Bil Baktchi with them, making for the Alai through the Shart gorge. The Sarts, on seeing their comrades take to flight, stood firm and directed their falconets at them as they ran. The whole then joined Khoodoyar Khan's party. The fugitives were not pursued for a long distance, and after taking 80 prisoners, Khoodoyar Khan returned homewards. CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 167 Together with the Kipchaks there had come to Kashgar Boozrook-Khan's cousin, Katta-Turya, who was Governor of Kashgar duriug the revolt of the Khodjas, Bik Mahornet, who commanded the Tashkent army, after Alim Kool's death, and Mirza Ahmet Koosh-Begi, 1 formerly Hakim of Tashkent. All the Kipchaks entered Boozrook's service, and thus Yakoob Bek's army was considerably increased. His siege oper- ations too against the citadel of Yangi-Shar became more sue- Yakoob Befc cessful. In the autumn of 1865, Yakoob Bek entered into negotiations for negotiations with Ho-Dalai, commandant of the Chinese forces, IvMhe relative to the surrender of the fortress, and he promised that if y^-Shar. all the Chinese would embrace Mahometanism, their lives should J? e chi "f e . Commandant be spared. Ho-Dalai agreed and apprized the Amban, Governor I)alai turns traitor. of Kashgar, who was likewise shut up in the fortress, of his intention, advising him to do the same. But the Amban would not seek his safety by sacrificing either his duty or his religion, The Chinese so together with some of his followers he blew himself up into m * mnof . Jvashgar refuses the air, and thus by heroically courting death expiated the to follo , w his example and cowardice and faiirt-heartedness which he had displayed through- commits sui- * & cide. out the rebellion. Hearing the sound of an explosion, Yakoob Bek at once sent his forces to storm the place. A portion of the garrison perished, but about 3,000 Chinese soldiers and women Capture of and children were forcibly converted to Mahomedanism. The houses of Yangi-Shar were given, over to pillage for a space of seven days, After this victory, Yakoob Bek began to make less use of Yakoob Bek Boozrook's name, for during a series of splendid feasts given Hoozrook- by him to the population of Kashgar, he received the' honours given only to the ruler of a country. 2 The weak and character- less Boozrook, who had given himself up to debauchery not- withstanding the halo of sanctity which surrounded him, and with which all his admirers would still surround him, was little able to oppose Yakoob Bek, and therefore from the very first he had given into his hands the general administration of affairs- 1 He lives still in Kashgar, but has no great amount of influence. Author. 2 During these festivities he married Ho-Dalai's daughter and placed her father over those Chinese who had embraced Mahomedanism, giving him the power of life and death over those subject to him. Author. 1G8 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VI. The Kipciiak But there were certain influential Kipchaks who envied Yakoob party in Kash- | ar PP e s Bek and who were not pleased at his aggrandizement. They, therefore, only waited for a favourable opportunity to snatch the power out of his hands. An opportunity soon came. Yakoob Bek Yakoob Bek, after the capture of Yangi-Htssar. marched against marches against the the town of Yarkend. A little before this, a detachment of his town of Yar- kend. troops had taken possession of Fort Maral-Bashi, which is situat- ed between Kashgar and Aksu. He had also succeeded in gain- ing the neighbouring hamlets, and was ready to direct against Insurrection of the defenders of Yarkend a final blow, when an insurrection Yakoob Bek's amongst the Kipchaks burst forth in his own camp. Not con- sidering themselves in a position to openly withstand Yakoob The Kipchaks Bek, they seized Boozrook-Khan and fled with him to the town fly, taking with the k Kh Z " ^ Kashgar, where they gave out that Yakoob Bek's power had been overthrown. Yakoob Bek's position was now desperate and one which called for all his lively energy if he would issue triumphantly from these circumstances. Without losing a minute, Yakoob Bek he left Yarkend and returned to Kashgar. The Kipchaks, on Kasiigar. hearing of his approach, shut themselves up together with Boozrook-Khan in Yangi-Shar. He enters into After an unsuccessful attempt to take their refuge by an with the rebel exhibition of strength, Yakoob Bek entered into negotiations with the rebels. Bek Mahomet, who had instigated the revolt, required that Yakoob Bek should swear on the Koran that he would grant full liberty to all the Kipchaks to go whither they would. Yakoob Bek swore to do so. According to the conditions subsequently arranged, the malcontents went out at one gate of the citadel, whilst Yakoob Bek's forces entered in at the other. With the Kipchaks fled, or, as others say, was carried off, Boozrook-Khan. ('Yakoob Bek Not feeling himself sufficiently strong, having regard to a Khans'hf to prospective struggle with the remaining cities of Kashgaria, to Katta-Turya. gefc fo^ w ith O ut the standard of the Appaks, Yakoob Bek Perfidious con- offered Katta-Turya, who had taken no part in the revolt of the duct ; of Yakoob Kipchakg) the Khanship in place of Boozrook. He then, in Se KipchaL. spite of his oath, followed the fugitive Kipchaks to Kokan. Many of his enemies were overtaken and slain. Yakoob Bek, however, soon perceived that his new Khan was but little CHAP. VI.] . KASHGARIA. 169 disposed to be the same willing weapon in his hands that Booz- rook was. Being one of those persons who never hesitate to employ any kind of means for the attainment of their own objects, Yakoob Bek found a way out of his difficulty. Katta- And poisons Turya was poisoned after a reign of four months. At the sumptuous ceremonials which he inaugurated at the funeral of the deceased, Yakoob Bek walked in front of the bier, shedding tears and wearing a girdle as a symbol of his grief. Katta- Turya was interred side by side with Appak. 1 The repentant Boozrook now returned and was again proclaimed Khan. 2 Having subdued the Kipchak revolt, Yakoob Bek advanced Yakoob Bek again advances a^ain against Yarkend. Khodia Boorkhaneddin, who command- against Yar- kend. ed the Yarkend Army, was gained over by Niaz Bek, and the latter was at this time assistant to the ruler Hazret Abdurrahman. He therefore refused to fight against Yakoob Bek, saying that he had been sent to free Yarkend from the Chinese, and that nothing could be said against the recognition of Boozrook- Yakoob Bek Khan. Thus it was that with Niaz Bek's aid Yakoob Bek gained possession of Yarkend after a very short fusillade, ^iaz Bek? The Moolla Yunoos-Djiana-Shahaul-Datkha was then appointed Hakim of the town. A native of Tashkent, this man served as a writer to the merchants of his native town, and by his skill in caligraphy and in composition, acquired some renown. Ap- praisers of Yunoos's talents have told us that if he wished, how- ever dry might be the subject on which he wrote, he could move the reader to tears. The Moolla Yunoos had been advanced to the rank of Datkha by Alim Kool, and he was ruler of Yarkend up to within a recent date. From Yarkend Yakoob Bek moved on Khotan. On arriving Yakoob Bek CT advances at this place he announced that he did not want to fight, and against Kho- ton that he would allow its ruler, Habi-Boolla Khodja, to remain. 1 Katta-Turya's son, Hakim Khan Turya, was afterwards Hakim of the town of Koonya-Toorfan. Author. 2 I have chanced to learn the sort of role that was played by the population of Kashgar during all these revolutions. I have been told, for example, that the people joyfully welcomed Katta-Turya's elevation to the Khanship. But I do not believe this statement, because no causes for their joy could exist. The revolt of the seven Khodjas was still in the memories of many, and it is there- fore difficult to place credence in Katta-Turya's popularity. Author. 22 tan. 170 KASHGARIA. . [CHAP. VI. The latter, placing confidence in Yakoob Bek's word, went out to meet him with a sumptuous dastar-khan and was kindly received by Yakoob Bek at his camp. He was further assured that the personage to whom he was paying a visit, had come to Khotan not for war but in order to pray at the tomb of the Imam Djafari-Sadwik, a descendant of the Sainted Ali. The credulous Yakoob Bek Habi-Boolla remained in Yakoob Bek's camp to pass the night, treacherously i -i i slays Habi- during which he was slam by his host s orders. The inhabitants ruler of Kho- of Khotan, on hearing of the death of their beloved ruler, became enraged at Yakoob Bek's perfidy, and, rising, went out beyond the city, walls to attack the murderers. Even the women armed themselves with whatever thing came in their way, and fought by Yakoob Bek fa e s {fte of the men. Yakoob Bek fell on the undisciplined mob gams posses- sion of the town of Khotanese, and putting it to flight, pursued it back to the of Khotan. city, into which he forced an entrance, and of which he gained possession after a terrible fight. Niaz Bek is Niaz Bek, who had aided Yakoob Bek in obtaining possession kTmof the a ~ of Yarkend, was appointed Hakim of the town. He also ruled in the same place until recent times. Yakoob Bek's / Thus during the year 1866-67, Yakoob Bek had united under ing 1866-67. j one sovereignty the Circles of Kashgar, Yangi-Hissar, Yarkend land Khotan. Boozrook- Boozrook-Khan, in whose name all these conquests were by Yakoob Bek. made, was by degrees completely set aside, until, at last, Yakoob Bek proposed that he should undertake a pilgrimage to Mecca. He had of course only to obey. Accordingly he set out for Kashmir, whence he made his way to Fergana, where he still lives in the hamlet of Kinagez, in the Kokan district, near the hamlets of Karaul-Tube and Kash-Tigerman. Yakoob Bek fs Without mixing in politics Boozrook-Khan lives like a hermit, Khan a Tnd r j- supported by the offering of his co-religionists, passing his days in fasting and prayer. After Boozrook's departure, Yakoob Bek was proclaimed Khan, with the title ofBadaulet, or "the fortunate one." Yakoob Bek's jjj s SO \Q rival now throughout Kashgaria was Rasheddin, sole rival at -i i i i i this time. whose sovereignty was still recognized by the inhabitants of Aksu, Koocha and Karashar. Yakoob Bek had scarcely returned from Khotan when he marched his forces, in the summer of 1867, against Rasheddin, who resided at the town of Koocha. CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 171 Yakoob Bek's route from Kashgar to Koocha lay by Fort Uncertainty Maral-Bashi, which he had occupied a little time beforehand, and koobBek'scap- by the town of Aksu. Regarding Yakook Bek's capture of the tu latter place we have various information. Some say that he moved from Maral-Bashi to it, and took it after a stubborn resistance. Others maintain that he left it in his rear and moved straight on Koocha, and that it was, after he had taken the latter place, that the inhabitants of the former submitted to him without opposition. After Yakoob Bek had captured Yarkend, Rasheddin Khodja Rasheddin im- sent from Koocha for his kinsman Boorkhaneddin who had khaneddin who refused to fight against his rival, and, having got possession of fi s i,t against him, placed him in confinement. But as soon as he heard of an( i then KK Yakoob Bek's movement against himself, he released his victim, order* tha? he whom he caressed and appointed chief of all the quotas fur- ^oo nished by Koocha, Bai, Koorlia, Karashar and Shaar which he his rival - had collected to resist Yakoob Bek. The strength of all these bands amounted f to several thousand men. 1 Boorkhaneddin Boorkhaneddin went out to meet Yakoob Bek, but only to go over with all his YakooiTBek. following to his side. Yakoob then came to the town of Koocha, and, in order to get possession of it, resorted to the same cunning as he had practised at Khotan. On the approach of Yakoob Bek's forces, Rasheddin sent emis- saries to inform him that their master had freed his father-land from the Chinese ; but that against Mussulmans he had no wish to fight. Yakoob Bek replied that he had come to the town with the sole object of prostrating himself at the tomb of Khan Hazret Maulan, Rasheddin's ancestor. Upon this Rasheddin went out with a dastar-khan beyond the city walls to meet his rival. Midway between the camp and the town both dismounted Rasheddin is from their horses and embraced. Rasheddin was invited to murdered by visit Yakoob Bek's camp, and that very evening he was mur- W hotakes e ' dered. On hearing of the death of their Khan, the inhabitants K* h s a of of Koocha surrendered without a fight, and Yakoob Bek ap- pointed Isa Khodja, his last victim's brother, Hakim of the town. 1 According to information not unworthy of credence the strength of these bands was 80,000 men. Author. 172 KASHGAEIA. [CHAP. VI. From Koocha Yakoob Bek marched to Koorlia, which also fell to him without a struggle. Thus all the towns of the coun- try with a Kashgarian 1 population became united. Yakoob Bek now entered into negotiations with the Doongan chiefs relative to a boundary line between their respective countries. A boundary A. boundary line was agreed upon which passed through line is agreed J r upon between Ooshag-Tal, which lies 50 versts (33 ^rd miles) to the east of Yakoob Bek and the Doon- Fort Karashar. Forming the town of Koorlia, Fort Karashar, the hamlets of Boogoor and Yangi-Hissar into a Circle, with the town first named as a capital, Yakoob Bek appointed Mir-Baba Datkha, a native of Andijan, Hakim thereof. Yakook Bek Yakoob Bek then considered the work of the subjugation of Kashgar. Kashgaria at an end, and so he returned, vid Koocha, to the town of Aksu, where he appointed Hakim Khan Turya 2 as Hakim. He then set out for Kashgar with the intention of engaging himself in the consolidation of the sovereignty which he had set up. 3 The Doogans But on this occasion he was not destined to remain for long to tiie^al'ree- a ^ nome - The Doongans of Koonya-Toorfan, Ooroomtcha and ment. Manas were not disposed to respect the boundary line which they had agreed to. Collecting in considerable numbers, they advanced first against Karashar and the town of Koorlia and then against Koocha. The inhabitants of Koorlia were plun- dered of everything they possessed. The Doonpans Hakim Khan Turya, Hakim of Aksu, on learning the move- Turya. ments of the Doongans, sent to Kashgar to inform Yakoob Bek thereof, and advanced himself to the town of Koocha, collecting reinforcements en route. Having received these from Aksu, Koocha, Bai and Shaar, he moved out against the Doongans. An engagement took place at a distance of 14 versts (9-Jrd miles) from Koocha in the neighbourhood of Ootch-Kar. In conse- 1 In the towns of Koonya-Toorfan, Togsoon, Ooroomtcha and Manas, the Doongans predominate ; in the Karashar Circle the Kalmucks. Author. 2 The son of Katta-Turya whom he had murdered. Author. 3 It may be supposed that it was at this time that Yakoob Bek received Col. Reintal at Kashgar, for that officer was sent there in the year 1868 by General- Lieutenant Kolpakovski, Governor of the Province of Semriaitchensk. Author. CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 173 quence of treachery on the part of the Sharians, the Doongans came off as complete victors. Hakim Khan Turya's loss in killed was reckoned at several thousands. Even now on this spot whole lines of the graves of his soldiers are to be seen. After pursuing the defeated enemy, the Doongans gained an The entrance into Koocha, which they pillaged and partially burnt, town of Koo- One Akmoolla-Sirkar, who in the time of the Chinese was a Bek, led the Doongans, and in the plunder of Koocha did much good by restraining those over whom he had placed himself. The Doongans after a short stay in Koocha separated, some to return to their own country, others to take up their final abode in the place. The latter then chose Hakims for the differ- ent towns in Kashgaria from among the local inhabitants who had assisted them. The newly-chosen officials were told to go Yakoob Bek * sends a force and wrest their respecti ve Circles from the grasp of Yakoob Bek. against the Doongans. Meanwhile the defeated Hakim Khan Turya had retired to the town of Aksu, to which Yakook Bek had already come. The two together made preparations and collected troops with which to undertake further fight against the Doongans. Yakoob Bek appointed Mirza-Ahmet Parmanatchi and his eldest son Bek Kooli Bek leaders of an army which he sent against the town of Koocha. The first skirmish which this force had with the Doongans Th e Doongans are defeated took place in the neighbourhood of Bai, whilst the first engage- and Koocha is r once more ment was fought at a distance of one march from the town of occupied by Koocha on the Aksu road and near the hamlet of Kooshtam. army. The Doongans were defeated and Koocha was once more occu- pied by Yakoob Bek's army. On Yakoob Bek's arrival, Alayar Bek was appointed Hakim of the town. The Doongans in their retreat pillaged the town of Koorlia for the second time, carrying off therefrom some young women and driving off cattle. They then remained in the neighbourhood of Karashar and began to collect fresh forces to resist Yakoob Bek's advancing army. A second engagement, more important than the first, took place near Danzil, between the towns of Koorlia and Karashar, about a march from the former and some 15 versts (10 miles) from the latter place. The Doongans were Complete rout completely defeated, but not till Yakoob Bek hud lost 500 men. E 174 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VI. Yakoob Bek On returning to the town of Koorlia, the ' Badaulet ' did not prepares to alter the for- desire to rest content with the boundary line which the Doon- line. gans had agreed to on the former occasion, for he dreaded, and not without reason, fresh attacks by his enemies. He there- fore determined to possess himself of the towns of Koonya-Toor- fan and Ooroomtcha, and for this purpose he began to prepare another army. The nomad population of the Koorlia Circle consisted of seve- ral thousand Kalmucks, of the Torgout and Koshoot tribes. Since the beginning of the Doongan insurrection these Kalmucks had joined the rebels, and in return for their services had received possession of the fruitful valley of the Haidwin Kooya, and of the lands adjoining lake Bagratch Kool, close to Fort Karashar. (On the maps this lake is incorrectly called Boston Nor.) The Kalmucks, after pillaging the settled population of Karashar, took up their abode in the places which they had appropriated. Hearing of Yakoob Bek's advance to the town of Koorlia, the O Kalmucks once more pillaged that town and then concealed themselves in the mountains. When the town of Koorlia fell to The Kalmucks y a koob Bek for the second time the Kalmucks decided on sub- submit to Yakoob Bek. m itting to him. Accordingly, their ruler, a woman of the Torgout tribe, made her appearance in the Badaulet 's camp with tokens of submission. The offerings that she made to Yakoob Bek consisted of 1,000 camels, 1,000 horses, 500 sheep and 45 yambas of silver (each worth 108 roubles or about 36). With the queen came her army composed of several thousand men, some armed with bows and some with rifles. Yakoob Bek received the queen kindly and readily accepted the Kalmucks as subjects. He then promised that their religion (Buddhism) should not be interfered with. He moreover directed KhodjaMirza, a native of Pskent, whom he had appointed Hakim of Koorlia, to be especially circumspect in dealing with his new subjects. Before we leave the Kalmucks we should add that, soon after Yakoob Bek's arrival at Kashgar, the queen behaved somewhat rudely to the Hakim, and then with all her tribe of Torgouts decamped across the mountains to the Kooldja frontier, after plun- dering the town of Koorlia. She there accepted Russian pro- CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 175 tection. At the present day only a small number of Kalmucks of the Koshoot tribe roams over the neighbourhood of Karashar. The information which I have contrived to procure regarding information * oo regarding Yakoob Bek's campaign against the towns of Koonya-Toorfan Yakoob Bek's vr v J.T- compaign and Ooroomtcha is very contradictory. .Notwithstanding the against the freshness of these events, I was unable, whilst collecting details Koon ya -Toor- concerning them during my stay at Koorlia, to arrive at the truth r oomtcha." either from Kashgarians who had taken part in the campaign or from the natives of the towns visited. I must, therefore, put forward two very complete but dissimilar accounts. According to the first, Yakoob Bek, after moving from the town of Koorlia, took Koonya-Toorfan without a fight, and then started for Ooroomtcha. At 16 versts (lOfrds miles) from that town his advanced guard met one evening the advanced posts of the Ooroomtcha forces. Yakoob Bek called back his vedettes and encamped for the night, keeping close to his main body. The town of Ooroomtcha lies on some high ground, and is Situation of watered by three branches of the same stream. The ' Badaulet ' Ooroomtcha. followed the bed of this stream. His forces were divided into five columns (lashkars). Each column was led by a lashkar-bashi. In the first column there were eleven standards, a battalion of red sarbazais, and eight guns. This column was commanded by Jamadar-Parmanatchi. The second column consisted of eleven to twelve standards, and was led by Niaz-Hakim-Bek-Datkha. The third column consisted of ten standards, and was led by Abdoolla. The fourth column, consisting of nine standards, was com- manded by Omar-Kool Datkha, who later on marched for the second time to Ooroomtcha with Yakoob Bek's son, Bek Kooli Bek. Yakoob Bek commanded the fifth column in person. This consisted of twelve standards. Each standard represented from 200 to 250 men, and was commanded by pansats. Each group under a standard was also divided into bodies of a hundred men under a Yuz-Bashi. The strength of from 53 to 54 standards would represent 176 KASHGARU. [CHAP. VI. from 11,000 to 15,000 men. Besides these, with the army there would be several thousand retainers. The troops of the several columns were composed of Kara- Koondaks and Djigits. The former are infantry, mounted on horses and armed with flint muskets. The latter are cavalry partially furnished with fire-arms. In Jamadar-Parmanatchi's column only was there regular infantry, numbering from 5 to 700 men. He had also 150 mounted Afghans. Yakoob Bek's opponents placed in the field 20,000 Doongans. As soon as morning broke both sides sent out their vedettes to open fire. The Doongans were the first to advance. Yakoob'Bek met them with three columns drawn up, so as to cover his right flank, centre, and left flank, keeping between each column a branch of the Ooroomtcha stream. Yakoob Bek's columns were in echelon, and each had its line of skirmishers. Two columns were in reserve. On nearing the enemy, the Kara-Koondaks ran forward and delivered their fire. The standards in each of the advanc- ing columns moved forward gradually. As the fight raged, both sides got mixed up in one confused mass that surged now this way and now that. Yakoob Bek remained with the reserves, whence, through a telescope, he watched the progress of the fight. Per- ceiving that the enemy made especial attacks on his right flank, and that he had already succeeded in pressing it back, Yakoob Bek ordered his column to mount. He then led them in person to reinforce his fighting line. At the same time his Makhrams (aides-de-camp) were sent off to all the columns with the news that reinforcements were coming up under the personal com- mand of Yakoob Bek, and that a general advance was to be made. By this timely succour of his right flank, Yakoob Bek retrieved the day ; the Doongans fled, the column that remained in reserve to the last was the only one employed to pursue the enemy. The loss was considerable on both sides. Out of the 150 Af- ghans not more than half remained alive. The day following the battle Yakoob Bek sent his emissaries to CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 177 the town of Ooroomtcha to tell the Doongans that their master did not wish to lay siege to the town, that he did not desire more bloodshed, that he came to fight for the faith, and there- fore that with them, as with all Mussulmans, he desired to remain at peace. He demanded only a very slight form of ac- knowledgment of his power. Some days afterwards a return mission bearing rich offerings made its appearance in Yakoob Bek's camp, and conveyed the assent of the inhabitants to the surrender of the town. The Badaulet at once entered Ooroomt- cha, and was " very affable to his recent antagonists. He ap- pointed Sooleiman Bek, brother of the former Khan of the place, Hakim of the town, and after a stay of twenty days in camp outside the town, he returned to Koonya-Toorfan, where he celebrated his new victory. His occupation of the town of / Ooroomtcha took place in the year 1869-70. According to other information, Yakoob Bek got possession of the towns of Koonya-Toorfan and Ooroomtcha in quite a differ- ent manner. During the insurrection of the Doongans, Shoosha Hoon, Am- ban of the Liyai San Circle, fled to the Badaulet, and was very kindly received by him. After the attack made by the Doongans en Koocha, the Badaulet advanced" against them, taking with him Shoosha Hoon, who collected about 8,000 Chinese who had escaped destruction, and induced them to accompany Yakoob Bek in his march against Koonya-Toorfan. When this place fell, Yakoob Bek sent Shoosha Hoon against the town of Oo- roomtcha, giving him a large number of his own troops. He himself then followed, making Ooroomtcha in one march. Shoosha Hoon, aided by some of Yakoob Bek's troops, took Ooroomtcha, Hoomatai (Homoodi), Moori (Moorooi), Tchatai (Kitai), Manas, Sanji and Liansai (?) All these places were taken after a fight, and were first of all made over to Shoosha Hoon to govern. After gaining possession of these towns with the aid of the Yakoob Bek f Chinese, Yakoob Bek changed his policy towards those who had p^cf towards helped him. He began to bully the Chinese, and to court the graces of the Doongans who inhabited the conquered towns. The Chinese troops were dismissed, and the garrisons of these 23 178 KASHGARIA. [CHAP VI. towns were formed partly from Yakoob Bek's own troops and partly of Doongans. At length the government of all the places abovenamed was entrusted to two Doongan chiefs, Shikho and Dakho, to whom Shoosha Hoou had to declare himself subor- dinate. Results of this The affronted man fled with 500 Chinese to Pekin, where he besought the Bogdwi Khan for 8,000 soldiers, with whose aid he pledged himself to get back all the Doongan towns. Yakoob Bek After settling his affairs in the eastern towns of his sovereign- his capital, ty, Yakoob Bek returned to the town of Aksu, which he made and devotes his capital. The next five years he passed here were devoted his time to domestic to the domestic affairs of the State that he had founded. One affairs. of his chief labours was to secure his frontiers on the side of the province of Semiraitchensk and of the Khanate of Kokan. The construction by the Russians of Fort Narwin greatly an- noyed him, and he protested against the occupation by us-^of part of the Narwin river, which he considered was the natural boundary between his possessions and Semiraitchia. The con- struction of the very strong fort of Chakmak between Fort Narwin and Kashgar, on the road leading through the Too- roogart and Terek passes, belongs to this period. Boundary be- On the side of the Khanate of Kokan, the boundary question glrisTaiuT had been raised by Yakoob Bek somewhat before this date. Taking advantage of Khoodoyar Khan's weakness, Yakoob Bek had begun to advance further and further towards the mountains, establishing one post after the other. In the time of Madali Khan, the Kokan frontier line passed through Koorgashin-Kani, 88 versts (58rds miles) from Kashgar. Yakoob Bek advanced, first to Ooksalwir, then to Ooloogchat, where he built a fort and established a centre for all the Kara-Kirghiz population. Not satisfied with Ooloogchat, he subsequently shifted his ad- vanced troops to Forts Nagrachaldwi, Yegin and Irkeshtam in succession. The annexation of the Khanate of Kokan by the Russians was the only thing that stopped continued progress on the part of Yakoob Bek towards the north. It is very pos- sible that if Khoodoyar Khan's reign had lasted for several years more, Yakoob Bek would have crossed the Terek Davan, and taken his advanced posts to the town of Osh. CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 179 In the year I860, the small mountain State of Sari-Kol Yakoob Bek declared itself a feudatory of Yakoob Bek, but subsequently its against the ruler Alaf Shah refused to recognize Yakoob Bek's govern- KOI. ment, in consequence of the general disturbances that took place in Shignan and on the Pamir. Accordingly, in the year 18G9, an expeditionary force was sent from Yarkend against the town of Sari-Kol. Alaf's forces were defeated, and he himself was slain, whilst a considerable portion of his subjects received orders to move their homes to Yarkend and Kashgar, where the fittest of them were enrolled in the military service as sarbazais. In the year 1872, a fresh insurrection of Doongans interrupted Fresh insurrec- Yakook Bek in his labours for the settlement of Kashgaria. Doongans? This time he entrusted the subjugation of the rebels and their punishment to his eldest son, Bek Kooli Bek, who advanced rapidly against the town of Ooroomtcha, laid siege to it, and after terrible bloodshed gained possession of it. From Ooroomtcha, iBek Kooli Bek went to the town of Manas, Bek Kooli of which he also got possession. After leaving small garrisons after suppres- iu the conquered towns, and after executing several hundreds sulg of rebels, Bek Kooli Bek returned to Aksu, where his father received him as a conqueror with great honour. From 1872 to 1876, Kashgaria experienced a degree of quiet Period of rest to which it had long been unaccustomed. During this period, Yakoob Bek was greatly taken up with the armament and train- ing of his forces. It was during the same period, too, that he received a Russian Embassy under Colonel Kaulbars and two English Embassies, and that he sent his own Envoy to India and to Constantinople for the purpose of obtaining a recognition of his title of Amir both from the English and from the Turks. But it was during the same period also that the Chinese, with The Chinese .. ,. , once more methodical measurement and step by step, were moving to put advance down the Doongan insurrection. They reached the town 8 Manas, which they besieged and took. News of this victory of the Chinese compelled Yakoob Bek, after leaving his eldest son, Bek Kooli Rek, in Kashgar, to move out to meet his enemies, and prevent, if possible, their obtaining possession of the towns of Ooroomtcha and of Koonya-Toorfan. 180 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VI. Yakoob Bek moves against them. The Chinese take Hoomatai and defeat a detachment of Yakoob lick's troops. Azim Kool. Both at Manas and the two last-named points, Yakoob Bek had only weak garrisons which could not offer any resistance to the Chinese, whilst in the Doongans he could not repose any special confidence. Collecting all the forces he could from Kashgar, Aksu and Koocha, Yakoob Bek advanced vid Koorlia, Karashar and Tog- soon. His forces amounted to from 12,000 to 15,000 men. During the movements of Yakoob Bek, the Chinese had marched from Manas to the town of Hoomatai. As a reinforcement to the small garrison of this town, the Badaulet sent 600 well- mounted and well-equipped horsemen with four pansats under the command of Azim Kool. Yakoob Bek himself followed, but at several marches' distance. The Chinese forestalled Yakoob Bek, for, before his reinforcements arrived, Hoomatai was taken and destroyed, and a large number of its inhabitants killed. The Chinese, who were now in considerable force, fell upon Azim Kool's weak detachment. The Kashgarians fought desperately, but the greater number of them, including Azim Kool, were laid low, only about 100 escaping to bear the unfortunate news to the ' Badaulet.' Regarding the personalty of Azim Kool, and this particular defeat, I have been told some interesting and characteristic details. Known as a brave and energetic man, Azim Kool was never- theless for a long time in disgrace on account of a quarrel which he had with Khodja Mirza of Pskent, who was then Hakim of the Koorlia Circle. The two quarrelled whilst in the presence of Yakoob Bek. Azim Kool reproached his antagonist with being too conceited and with having a short memory that failed to enable him to recollect his recent trade as a bootmaker in the village of Pskent. Upon this, the Mirza retorted, " Why art thou so proud, seeing that not so long since thou spunest coarse yarn at Alti-Arwik ? " (close to the town of Kokan). Both were right, since, before they came to be enrolled amongst the nobles of Kashgar, one of them was a bootmaker, the other a weaver, in his native place. Still Azim Kool so far forgot himself on receiving this retort that he drew his sword and ran at the Khodja Mirza in the presence of Yakoob Bek. On being disarmed, he was sent to the CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 181 town of Koorlia, where he lived in banishment for nine months until Yakoob Bek came there. Having sent for Azim Kool, Yakoob Bek forgave and embraced him, hoping no doubt to benefit by his bravery in the campaign on which he had himself started. In order to give Azim Kool an opportunity of distinguishing himself, Yakoob Bek appointed him to command the reinforce- ment, of which we have already spoken. When masses of Chinese and of Kalmucks surrounded the Kashgarians, one of the four pansats, Mahomed Said, advised Azim Kool to retire, but he answered, " It is better to die once than to again lick the dust from the feet of the ' Badaulet.' " A close combat now ensued. Azim Kool fought like a mad man and would answer no proposals of surrender. Wounded and lying on the ground he discharged his rifle, and then raising himself on his knees continued to make cuts with his sword. At last one of the Kalmucks shot him with an arrow. Said, the pansat, now succeeded in getting through the ranks of the enemy with about a hundred of his men. After the capture of Hoomatai, the Chinese moved towards The Chinese _ . advance the town of Ooroomtcha. against Oo- As the Chinese forces advanced, thousands of Doongan families abandoned their abodes and fled to seek the protection of Yakoob Bek, who sent the greater number of them to the frontier towns and raised from amongst them a body mustering 10,000 men, whom he made over to the garrison of the town of Koorlia. The winter of 1876-77 put an end to military operations before the main body of Yakoob Belt's forces could measure its strength with the Chinese. Both sides felt the great want of provisions, and each was obliged to withdraw its more advanced line of posts. The Davantchi ridge divided the combatants. The advanced Relative posi- post of the Chinese was the town of Ooroomtcha, which was Chinese forces held by 6,000 men. Yakoob Bek's advanced post was Fort Da- Bek's army. vantchi with a garrison of 800 men armed with quick-shooting rifles and two rifled guns. The winter did not bring with it any accessions of strength Effect of the to Yakoob Bek's army, nay, as regards the morale of that Yakoob Bek^s army, it lost in power. Desertion had increased, and had begun personal*"' to enrol in its ranks persons in whose devotion Yakoob Bek had adhereuts - 182 KASHGARTA. [CHAP. VI. been always able to trust. The first of such who fled were Sadwik Bek, a former Hakim of Kalpin under the Chinese administration, and who had been a Yuz-Bashi in the town of Aksu under Yakoob Bek ; Bakwish Mirab Bek, who had also served under the Chinese as Mirab-Bek in the village of Yar- Bashi-Djam and others. These two persons, on flying from Koonya-Toorfan to the Chinese, were very kindly received by the Chinese Commander-in-Chief Shoosha Hoon, who appointed 1 the former Hakim of Kashgar, and the latter Hakim of Yarkend. Following the example of these persons, there deserted to the Chinese during the winter of 1876-77 Yakoob Bek's treasurer, Ashir Akhoon. This man took away all the treasure of which he had charge and forty-one picked djigits. Then followed in the same direction the brothers of the Hakims of Koocha and of Kashgar, the brother of Yakoob Khan, Yakoob Bek's Envoy to Constantinople, Hamil Khan who now lives at Tashkent, and many others. There deserted too from the close of 1876 to February 1877 (old style) 400 soldiers. Further mis- Besides the loss of his treasure, and of people of whose services fortunes of Yakoob Bek. ] ie stood in need, the same winter brought fresh misfortune to the ' Badaulet.' A store-house containing provisions and powder, which he had built at Siapoor, on the road between Togsoon and Fort Davanchi, was burnt to the ground. In this store-house, there were 80,000 charilcs (about 1,440,000 Ibs) of flour, and 17,000 chariks (about 3,06,000 Ibs) of groats. The cause of the fire was not ascertained, though it was supposed to be the work of an incendiary. Some additions to the biography of Yakoob Bek? Correction of In an article inserted in the " Military Magazine " entitled merits made in ' Outlines of Kasgharia," Mons. A. N. Kooropatkin very vividly eL and circumstantially gives us the biography of the famous Yakoob Bek of Kashgar, as based on information, collected by him on the spot, from persons in close communication with that remark- able man. Nevertheless there are mistakes in the narrative and these have been repeated more than once in other Russian publications, statements to the effect that Yakoob Bek on being 1 Prospect! vely it may be presumed. Trans. 2 Vide allusion on p. 161. Trans. CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 183 appointed Hakim of Ak-Mechet heroically defended that fortress in the year 1853 with a handful of men against a Russian army. Now the fact is that Yakoob Bek was not Hakim, but only Bek, of the place named, which was subordinate to the orders of the Hakim of Tashkent ; that he was not at Ak-Mechet in the year 1853, when the fort was besieged and taken by storm by a Russian force under General Aide-de-Camp Perovski ; that he was not even there on the r^r-" t 1852, when Colonel I SI All^USt Blaramberg attacked it. The only occasion on which Yakoob The only 4th T i occaa i n on Bek had a skirmish with the Russians was on the ^ March which Yakoob I 1852 at Ak-Gerik, not far from Fort Aral. On this occasion countered the / he had a force ten times stronger than that of the Russians. Afield! m He was then defeated with great loss, consequently he did not display any special bravery. Soon after that he was re- called from Ak-Mechet. I will here introduce some particulars, which I have already published in various articles during the last fifteen years, both regarding the engagement at Ak-Gerik and concerning the o o o o <-* activity displayed by Yakoob Bek during the time he was at Ak-Mechet. About the year 1850 there began to be some talk at Oren- Ak-Mechet burgh about the Kokan Fort of Ak-Mechet and about its Bek i'ek's predatory Yakoob, who directed his myrmidons to carry on plunderings es and pillage amongst the Kirghiz subject to Russia. The Sultan ruler of the eastern portion of the Kirghiz horde in the Ahmed- Djanturin section of the Orenburgh Government, one of the most enlightened Kirghiz of the age, expressed himself in a letter in the following manner about Yakoob Bek : " He does not know to-day whether he will plunder his neighbours to- morrow or not. All his actions depend upon sudden orders which he may receive from the Koosh-Begi of Tashkent, to whom he is subordinate, and who may be in need of money. In any such case the Bek of Ak-Mechet immediately sends out a band, which is always ready, to plunder the Kirghiz and to take away their last piece of property. It is only those members of the horde who satisfy without a murmur all the heavy exactions of the depredators that are not subjected to violence." 184 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VI. At the close of the year 1849, an Ak-Mechet band, consist- ing of 100 Kirghiz of the Kipchak tribe under the leader Bookharbai, rode in and plundered the Oolootaw post. They drove off a number of horses belonging to the Baganalin tribe of Kirghiz and carried off as prisoners several Siberian Cossacks. Of these Milushin and Batarwishkin, when they returned from a Kokan prison in the year 1852, related, amongst other things, that " when they were taken to Ak-Mechet on the ~~ Decem- ber 1849, Yakoob Bek expressed himself satisfied with the plunder, but scolded the Kirghiz because they had not taken alive all the Cossacks whom they had surprised. Of the horses that were driven in, he took half for himself and divided the remainder amongst the robbers." On the night of the |g February 1850, an Ak-Mechet band carried on depredations in the neighourhood of Fort Aral, plundering twenty Kirghiz auls, in which they killed six persons and from which they drove off 1,000 horses and 25,000 sheep. On the night of the 6 ^~^ r of the same year, another band from Ak-Mechet, numbering 400 men under the leadership of Bookharbai, plundered some Kirghiz nomads in the neigh- bourhood of Kazal, killed eleven of them and drove off 934 horses, Major Damis, ^55 camels, 139 cows and 20,800 sheep. Major Damis, Com- Conrnmndaiit man dant of Fort Aral, took revenge for this raid by capturing makefal-e-'' and destroying on the f t September Kosh-Koorgan, a place raiTof Yakoob under ^ ne charge of Yakoob Bek, to whose assistance some more Bek's band. Kokanese soon came. In February 1851, the Ak-Mechet band of robbers drove off from Russian Kirghiz, who were encamped at Kara-Koomakh, 2,500 horses, 1,900 camels and 70,600 sheep. In revenge for this the Russian Kirghiz, to the number of 90 men, raided on the Kirghiz encamped in the neighbourhood of Kokan-Koorgan or Fort Djoolek. On the evening of the ~ March 1852, a fresh band of robbers pillaged 100 auls of Kirghiz nomads at Ak-Gerik. This band, which was under the leadership of Yakoob Bek himself, con- sisted of the Kokan garrisons subordinate to him, viz., Djoolek, CHAP. VI.] KASHGARIA. 185 Ak-Mechet, Koomwish-Tchin, and Kosh-Koorgan and of Khivan Khodjanias : also of Kirghiz nomads from the same neighbour- hood. The Kokanese numbered about 1,000, and the Khivans about 130. The latter had joined the band for the purpose of carrying off Sultan Ir Mahammed Kaswimoff (Ilikei) who had returned to us from Khiva. The band collected at Koomwish Koorgan, and after crossing the Sir-Darya at Kosh-Koorgan followed its right bank. Major Engman, Commandant of Fort Aral, on receiving Major Eng- news of the raid on Ak-Gerik, started from the fort the same Commandant evening with a party of 22 infantry soldiers mounted on horses, proceeds with 74 Cossacks and a howitzer with its crew. The next day p U f n[ s C h the he was joined by 17 Kirghiz, and at four in the afternoon he ^k-Gerik came up with the raiders at Akcha-Boolak. Major Engman opened fire from his howitzer. The enemy extended and, surrounding his detachment on all sides with a double chain of skirmishers, came well within rifle-fke ; but Major Engman's artillery and rifle-fire combined caused the raiders to keep further back. Notwithstanding this, many of the enemy rode up to the small Russian force and engaged the Cossacks at the lance's point. The firing lasted till nightfall. Next day at dawn it was found that the raiders had left the Yakoob Bek's battle field. They had made a hurried move to Kosh-Koorgan, to Kosh-Koor- taking with them only a small part of the plundered cattle. gan ' The Kokanese carried off 100 camels and 2,000 sheep, and the Khivans, 6 camels and 300 sheep. The rest of the livestock, to the number of 53,000 sheep, a few horses, camels and cows, were restored by the Russians to the plundered Kirghiz. In the afkir of the ^ March we had four men wounded, whilst the enemy's loss amounted to 100 Kokanese and 3 Khivans killed,very many wounded and amongst the number the leader Bookharbai. Yakoob Bek's hasty flight was due not so much to the heavy Yakoob Be k's loss suffered by his band, as to the surprise at the sudden and D unexpected appearance of a Russian detachment, to the stoi- P sts - cism evinced by that detachment in the fight and to the fear lest the Russians should move up the Swir in order to destroy the posts subordinate to him and which he had left unprotected. 24 186 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VI. Yakoob Bek is After the engagement at Ak-Gerik, Yakoob Bek was re- recalled from ,, , ., Ak-Mechet called irom Ak-Mechet. He arrived with his suite at Tash- kent on the g April, and on the ^X" he presented to Nar Mahammed Tart, Hakim of Tashkent, gifts that were valued at 1,000 ducats (about 140), as stated in the journal of the merchant Klutchareff, who was living at the time in Tashkent. Oppression of Soon after Yakoob Bek's departure. Bontch Osmolovski, who the Kirghiz agricuituring had taken part in the expedition to Ak-Mechet under Colonel class. Blaramberg, collected on the spot some very interesting parti- culars regarding the relation of the Ak-Mechet Kokanese with the neighbouring Kirghiz agriculturists and husbandmen, particu- lars which clearly show to what a degree the burden of the yoke of ignorant Asiatic despots can reach. Osmolovski says : " The Kokanese divide the taxes taken from the Kirghiz into two classes the ziaket, which is the tax on cattle ; and the heradj, which is the tax on grain of all kinds. " In opposition to all Mahometan laws which limit the levy on cattle to a fortieth part, the Kokanese take daily, by means of force, six sheep from a kibitka, and from the richer Kirghiz twice as many. Amongst the number so taken the so-called gifts do not enter. These are presented by the Kirghiz to the chief tax- gatherer and to his assistants. " From grain the Kokanese take every third crop. From cer- tain Kirghiz, who wander about the forts, in exchange for the heradj on green corn they take baked bread and millet gruel. The heradj taxes comprise the levies on wood, charcoal and hay. They exact yearly from each kibitka 24 sacks of charcoal, four loads of saksaul and 1,000 sheaves of reeds and grass. From those Kirghiz whose homes lie distant from the Kokanese fortified posts, in exchange for these exactions, the Kokanese take either cattle or grain according to a valuation which they themselves fix. " Besides the ziaket and heradj taxes, the Kirghiz are sub- jected to the following burdens : " Free labour for the Kokanese, i.e., the cultivation of fields and orchards, repairs to fort- walls and the like. Each kibitka has to send monthly for this purpose one man, who has to give his labour for nothing. The distant Kirghiz, in consideration of their release from this kind of forced labour, have to furnish more cattle. CHAP, VI.] KASHGARIA. 187 " The cleaning of stables and stalls, &c., in the fortified posts, takes place six times in the year. Kirghiz are driven out to perform this duty. As a rule, those are taken who chance to be at the time in the neighbourhood of the posts, no regard being paid to a roster. " In case of a war or a raid, every able-bodied Kirghiz must, on being told off by the Kokanese, serve at his own expense and supply his own horse, however protracted the particular service may be. " The heaviness of the imposts and of the dues is increased still more by reason of the raids on the part of the Kokanese who, leading as they do an idle and depraved existence, often ride up to the auls of the Kirghiz and defile their women, or, in defiance of the ordinances of the Shariat, marry such women. " All this has combined to bring about poverty and slavery amongst the Kokan Kirghiz." Such relations between rulers and ruled are very common in the East, and they are cultivated in various degrees amongst the majority of Asiatic despots. Yakoob Bek was no exception to this rule. Like others he manipulated the administration of the Ak-Mechet tract exclusively with one aim viz., the squeez- ing and pilfering of the unhappy husbandmen to the last degree. Still, even he spared some of the flying Kirghiz from fear that they would change their places of abode, and that he would not then have at hand bands wherewith to carry on his plundering expeditions amongst those distant Kirghiz who were under Kussian rule. Except this idea, it is difficult to find another motive in his Ak-Mechet mode of action which did, indeed, result in political service, not to the Kokanese, but to us Russians. Yakoob Bek was the first to call our attention, directed as it was up to that time exclusively on Khiva, to the side of Kokan, and he was the cause of our moving up the Sir-Darya, and of our occupying Ak-Mechet, Turkestan, Tashkent and Kokan in turn. He was then the first to call us to the not-to-be-deferred fulfilment of that Central Asian problem which has been imposed on us by the force of historical expediency. A. MAKSHEYEFF. 188 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. CHAPTER VII. The Kashgarian army Its organization, complement, commissariat, armament, training 1st and nature of employment Its numerical strength and distribution on the r5 -r loto February 1877 Conclusions to be drawn therefrom. First standing THE first attempt at forming a standing army in Kashgaria garia. mKash ~ relates to the sixtieth year of the present ceutury, when the Khodja Valikhan Turya ruled over the country. Aided by a few hundred exiles from the Khanate of Kokan and by some Kara-Kirghiz, Valikhan Turya occupied the town of Kashgar in April 1857, slaughtered those Chinese whom he found there, proclaimed himself Khan of Kashgaria, and was recognized as such both by the inhabitants of Kashgar and by the surround- ing population. His swift successes drew to him crowds of new adherents, part of whom came from Yarkend, Khotan and Aksu, and part were Kara-Kirghiz and Kokanese. The Chinese, according to their custom, shut themselves up in the citadels and awaited reinforcements, which never came. Valikhan Turya at once set himself energetically to work at the organization of Valikhan Turya organ- n i s forces. All those who had volunteered their services, and izes his forces. who were capable of bearing arms, he arranged under standards, placing 500 under each with a pansat to command them. His troops were divided into infantry (sarbazais) and cavalry (djigits). They were fairly well dressed in some sort of uniform and were taught to move with a certain degree of order, and to act together on certain words of command. Their armament was very varied. The best armed, both of the infantry and cavalry, had matchlocks with a flint and steel apparatus for igniting the powder, but the majority of the infantry carried lances or short javelins, swords, &c., &c. The number of Soon, however, the number of volunteers for Valikhan Turya's volunteers falls army ^ shorfc Q{ ^ demandj and tlien t |, e population of the town of Kashgar and of the neighbouring villages was obliged CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 189 to furnish as recruits all the young men who were fit for the Forced eniist- service. This measure, whilst it increased to a considerable tu ted. extent the numerical strength of the army, excited great discon- Discontent tent amongst the people. It nevertheless reduced the already ca small cost of Valikhan's military forces. Besides having to Exactions from , IT i i tlie people for furnish recruits, the people were likewise called upon to supply army purposes. gratis horses, cattle, provisions, forage and fuel for the use of the troops. All the skilled workmen were taken to manufacture cannon, or to prepare the dress and equipment of the soldiers. A foundry was opened in the town of Kashgar, where, under the A cannon foundry direction of a certain Afghan, eight guns were soon cast. A want established at of copper in his foundry caused Valikhan Turya to seize all the copper- vessels which could be found amongst the local inhabitants, or amongst the foreign merchants. The manufactured guns were now attached to a battery which was very badly worked. During four months of uninterrupted exertion, Valikhan Valikhan ... Turya inedi- Turya got together a fairly strong army, and with this he pro- tates a fight posed to enter into a struggle with the Chinese, who had already Chinese. begun to advance from Aksu, Koocha and Kooldja towards the town of Kashgar. The first collision shewed the entire worth- His army is lessness of Valikhan's troops. Almost before they met with the first opposition, they all gave signs of wavering, whilst many of ancThe hfms'eif them ran away. Valikhan Turya followed his fugitive soldiers and contrived to reach Kokan, in company with a few adherents ^"chl who had stood by him. The inhabitants of Kashgar then opened tro P 3 - the city gates to the Chinese forces. In the subsequent commotions in Kashgaria, eommencing with The Doongan the year 1870, and known under the name of the " Doongan ln Insurrection," both the inhabitants of the country and the Doongan troops took part in the struggle against the Chinese Principal sovereignty. Now a considerable portion of the troops, with Chinese forces. whose aid the Chinese had maintained their dominion over Kashgaria, was recruited from the same source. The rebels were, however, without any organization except in The rebels without rare instances. Whenever they sent aid from one town to organization. another, this aid would be furnished in the shape of loosely put together and badly armed bands, undisciplined and devoid of all feeling of heroism. 190 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Spread of the By the year 1863, the insurrection against the Chinese had surrecdon." taken possession of the whole country. The people, who joined the Doongans, compelled the Chinese to shut themselves up in Sadwik Bek. the citadels. Sadwik Bek, a Kipchak, seized the power in the town of Kashgar, but not considering himself strong enough to carry on a struggle against the Chinese, he besought the aid Alim Kool, of Alim Kool, who was then ruling over both Tashkent and kenYand Ko- Kokan. This aid was furnished to him in the year 1864 in the Boozrook- person of Boozrook-Khodja, with whom came also Yakoob Yakoob'Bek ^ e ^' * n *^ e ^P^ty f l^shkar-bashi (commander-in-chief). Yakoob Bek Attached to Boozrook were from 50 or 60 djiyits and seekers of fortune. By degrees Yakoob Bek pushed aside the weak and incapable Boozrook-Khan and took into his own hands the - power at Kashgar, until in the same gradual way, during the s atia - ten years which followed, he had subordinate to his own rule the whole of Kashgaria from the town of Keria to Koonya- Toorfan, including Khotan, Yarkend, Kashgar, Aksu, Koocha and Koorlia. First military The first military operations entered into by Yakoob Bek operations of Yakoob Bek. comprised the siege of the citadel of Kashgar (Yangi-Shar), two campaigns against Yavkend, and a campaign against Khotan. Heterogeneous In these operations, his troops were composed of every kind of nationality, Kashgarians, Kara-Kirghiz, Kokanese, &c., &c. All Foes of Yakoob were very badly armed and but poorly clothed. The fact, how- tiie population ever, of Yakoob Bek's having been strong enough to seize the army! 1 ^ * power raised up for him many foes not only amongst the popu- lation but in the army. The Kipchaks Thus, the want of success attending his first campaign against revolt. the town of Yarkend resulted in an insurrection of those Kip- chaks who were in Yakoob Bek's army. The Kara-Kir- After them, the most disobedient and most restless element in ghiz element of Yakoob Bek's Yakoob Bek's forces was the Kara-Kirghiz. These he eradi- army is eradi- cated. cated. Yakoob Bek is Having seized the power over all the cities of Kashgaria, here on ,upon the by force, there by fraud, Yakoob Bek could not count on the sympathy of the people, and therefore from the commencement of e- his reign he resolved to lean on the army and to make it the pendenceonthe pr i vi i e ged and dominant class in the State. CHAP. VII.] KASHQARIA. 191 The original organization that Yakoob Bek gave to his army, Original orga- and which is preserved in its principal features up to the pre- koob Bek's sent day, differs in no sense from the organization long ago built up in all the independent Central Asian sovereignties. The army was divided into infantry (sarbazais\ cavalry The army is . J divided into (djigits) and artillery (topchis). The fighting unit was the sotma, infantry, caval- under the command of a yuz-bashi. The sotnia, comprising from lery. 40 to 60 men. was divided into half sotnias. over which were Subdivisions of J ' the several placed piyand-bashis (one over each). The half sotnias were branches. again divided into sections of ten, and over each of these was put a da-bashi. The resources of the country furnished Yakoob Bek with The resources of the country provisions and materials for the clothing of his troops, except hw far capa- . ble of meeting cloth (which was imported partly from Kussia and partly from the wants of India), powder, lead and unmanufactured iron. Yakoob Bek stood in special need of firearms and cannon. Such of the former as he had were principally flint muskets, got partly from arms ami of ' J cauuui). the independent States around, and partl} r manufactured in the local workshops. Beside flint muskets, Yakoob Bek contrived in the year 1868 to procure a small supply of sporting guns, with one and two barrels. Yakoob Bek's artillery was in a very bad condition. As soon as he had established relations with the English and Yakoob Bek establishes re- with the Turks, Yakoob Bek found out a source whence he could lations with the ,. f , . .,, i -a i LI English and equip a portion of his troops with good rifles, both percussion with the Turks and repeating. Shaw's mission and the two under Fovsyth had fles from U them" made him acquainted with perfected systems of firearms. These mission! under persons had brought him as gifts several hundred breech-loading anTForsvtiT rifles on the Snider system, Enfield muzzle-loaders, revolvers ^ it c h "heequ? - and several specimens of magazine equipment. Mr. Forsyth also invited Yakoob Bek to send an Embassy to India to the Trade in arms . between India V iceroy, which would find a way through India to Constan- and Kashgaria. tinople. He at the same time opened a road along which even now goes on a fairly active trade in arms with Kashgaria. The desire of the English to include Kashgaria in a neutral The English zone, which should separate their possessions in India from the elude Kashga- Russians in Turkestan, induced them to resort to the same measures in the case of Kashgaria as they have long practised 192 KASHGARTA. [CHAP. VII, from those of j n other countries. Such measures have for their object the the Russians in Central Asia, making of the neutral zone in question as impenetrable as possi- ble for Russians, should the latter be forced to advance their Measures frontiers in Asia still further towards the south. They consist, English iiffur- too, in furnishing the independent rulers of Afghanistan and of their desire. Kashgaria with arms and instructors and in concluding defen- sive alliances with such rulers. In order to gain a political supre- macy, England very skilfully seeks the right of maintaining at independent courts her own agents under the title of residents or commissioners. For the attainment too of a trade monopoly she makes use of the powerful means at her disposal through her numerous factories. Yakoob Bek Yakoob Bek contrived to take full advantage of the interfer- taseof English ence of the English in his affairs, and for many years improved respect! n ' the organization of his army and also its equipment and train- ing. Colonel Baron In the year 1872, Colonel Baron Kaulbars, the first Russian ikst Russian 16 Envoy to Kashgaria, was present at parades of Yakoob Bek's gadafan^hS'army, and in his letters to the Governor- General of Turkestan Go P v e r or- the he thus wrote on the subject :- General of Tur- "They began by shewing me the Chinese and Doongan infan- kestan on the Jo J Kashgarian f.^ num bering 3,000 men. The character of its manreuvres is of the defensive order. The chief strength of this infantry lies in being able to deliver a ceaseless and deafening fire from the taifoors. " They then shewed me the sarbazais, who fire very accu- rately at a mark. They had a bronze gun with which they made several successful shots at a distance of not less than 1,000 paces. " In conclusion, I was shewn a field-battery of six guns, which manoeuvred with some degree of skill by English signals and words of command. Amongst other movements they several times performed that of going through a retreat, accompanied by firing without stopping to take aim and without arranging the sights of the gun. " From 50 to 60 horsemen and as many infantry soldiers formed the escort of the battery. The latter are armed with English rifles and bayonets. The commandant of this battery CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 193 is an Afghan, and attached to it are some Hindoo officers and three Afghan trumpeters. Its instructor is a Russian or Tatar deserter." After the above parades Baron Kaulbars was allowed to see the barracks of the Kashgarian troops. According to our Envoy's opinion, the artillery barracks were modelled on the European style. Along the line of guns a sentry paced with a drawn sword in his hand. The rank and file when address- ing their superiors in rank did not stand but sat down. The private dwelling-house of the commandant of artillery was not like an ordinary hut. In a word, Baron Kaulbars finishes the narration of all that he saw by remarking that in everything is traceable English influence. In the year 1875, Colonel Reintal was sent to Yakoob Bek to The Russian convey to him some presents from the Tsar. During his stay of sentin the year three days in the town of Kashgar, Colonel Reintal succeeded in garia! Kash " witnessing a parade of the Kashgarian troops, and in collecting some information regarding the strength of Yakoob Bek's forces. On his return to the town of Tashkent, he presented his report to the Governor-General of Turkestan. The substance of this report is as follows : " 1. The English have given Yakoob Bek a large number of Colonel Rein- tal's report on percussion rifles ; these I have seen. One of these weapons the Kashgarian which I handled is so badly preserved that it is now almost rmy> impossible to distinguish whether it is a rifle or a smoothbore. " 2. Yakoob Bek has built a foundry in which muzzle-load- ing rifles are converted into breech-loaders. Without doubt this foundry was built by aid received from the English. 4,000 rifles have been so converted. I suppose that on the parade at which I was present on the May 1875, about 6,000 infantry soldiers were armed with breech-loading rifles. I saw one of these. Its O breech block did not draw out, but opened from left to right. In the breech block there is a needle, which on the fall of the trigger is struck by the hammer. " The foundry turns out sixteen rifles a week. "3. In Kashgar, there are several powder manufactories- in which very good burnished powder is prepared. 25 194 KASHGAH1A. [CHAP. VII. "4. In Kashgar, there is a common foundry. I saw four newly-cast rifled-guns being proved. In Kashgar, there is also a special factory where they prepare elongated cartridges for these guns. " Yakoob Bek liberally rewarded the English for a successful trial of explosive charges, especially of grenades. " 5. I saw only one battery at Kashgar. It consisted of six guns ; of these four were new mountain guns, Avhich with their carriages were packed on three horses. Besides these attached to the infantry were sixteen guns. Some other guns and 18,000 troops had been sent to the towns of Manas and Ooroomtcha. " 6. The infantry marches well ; its principal formation is the square. The extended formation is now being taught. This has recently been introduced by Yakoob Bek, and is the weak side of his infantry. " 7. The cavalry manosuvres well together. Its armament is varied. On the parade which I saw there were about 1,50'0 cavalry soldiers. " 8. There are many English workmen in Kashgar. " 9. Turks are the instructors of Yakoob Bek's army. I saw twb of them. " 10. There is to be soon introduced a new uniform for the infantry which is to resemble the Russian style." Colonel Rein- Colonel Reintal's information appears to be somewhat exag- tal's report not quite accurate, gerated, nevertheless it does not admit of doubt but that the Improvement in the anna- considerable improvement in the armament of Yakoob Bek s Yakoob Bek's forces which has been attained up to the year 1875 has been forces un- . -, , .,-, -r-, ,. . ^ doubtediydue arrived at with Ji.nghsh aid. to English aid. Our Embassy of 1876-77 as compared with all which had Embassy of . 11-1 1876-77 in a preceded it, was placed in the most favourable circumstances as compared for collecting information regarding the military strength and had preceded ' resources of the Badaulet. Setting out, as that mission did in October 1876, from the town of Osh, it passed through Kashgar, the Aksu > Bai and Koocha to the town of Koorlia and Fort Kara- s ^ ar traversing 1,250 versts (811 Jrd miles) in the dominions of Kashgaria. Yakoob Bek in one journey. At Kashgar, the members of the mission witnessed several parades of the Kashgarian troops, CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 195 inspected their barracks, and saw parades also at Bai and at Koocha, besides a camp of exercise held by the Badaulet in the neighbourhood of the town of Koorlia. Finally, during its sojourn on the borders of Kashgaria for nearly six months, the Embassy had several opportunities of verifying by various ques- tions the information already collected regarding Yakoob Bek's army. Nevertheless, the collection of accurate information in Difficulty of obtaining accu- independent Asiatic States, in consequence of the extreme sus- rate inform- picion of the local authorities and of their wish to hide the truth, subject in is attended with such difficulty that I cannot be assured of the Asiatic States. complete accuracy of the information given below ; so beforehand Possible in- I wish to apologize for mistakes, which I hope will not be import- ant, that may, perhaps, have crept into the narrative. bythe The particulars collected by the Embassy regarding the forces of the Badaulet present some interesting details concerning of 1876 - 77 - their organization, complement, equipment, armament, periods of service, commissariat, training and manoeuvres. In conclusion, I have endeavoured to approximately determine the numerical strength of the ' Badaulet's ' forces, and their distri- bution over the country, and to draw up a general summary of their value as a military machine. All persons in Kashgaria who belong to the military class are Division of the called sipahis by Yakoob Bek, and are divided, according to the oT Kashgaria 63 branch of the service with which they serve, into infantry ca^ry^ancf' (sarbazais}, cavalry (djigits) and artillery (topchis). Besides "J'Sng the sarbazais and djigits, there are also the taifoorchis, who on ta if oorchis - account of their armament, which consists of long heavy flint matchlocks (like those employed formerly in Russian forts), one to every four men, and of their designation, are a kind of body that more closely resembles artillery than infantry. The sarbazais, djigits and taifoorchis compose the standing The, standing army. Besides these, Yakoob Bek has formed in his eastern Doongan towns, 1 for service against the Chinese, levies of Doongans. The various branches of the Kashgarian army are not classed Regular and as regular and irregular, still, having regard to their training, troops.' 1 Ooroomtcha, Manas, Koonya-Toorfan. The two first named were occupied by the Chinese in the year 1876. Author. 196 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. The active army of Kashgaria. Newsubdivi- infantr into armament and equipment, the sarbazais and a portion of the djigits and topchis alone can be considered regular. All Yakoob Bek's soldiers belong to the active army. Subdivision of (a.) The infantry (sarbazais). Since Turkish instructors came to Yakoob Bek a few years ago, the Kashgarian infantry, instead of its former subdivision into sotnias and standards, has been divided into tabors. Each tabor again is divided into eight booluks of thirty file each. The real strength, however, of a boolulc, in consequence of the army not being up to its full strength, varies from fifteen to thirty file. (&.) The cavalry (djigits). The greater portion of Yakoob Bek's cavalry during the last years of his life has likewise re- ceived the organization introduced by Turkish instructors. As have been the sarbazais, so too have been the djigits divided into tabors. Each tabor, which as regards numbers is equal to two Russian squadrons, is divided into eight takims of from fifteen to sixteen file a piece. Besides this subdivision, the old divisions by sotnias and standards have been maintained in the greater part of the djigits. Yuz-bashis commanded the former unit and pansats the latter. The strength of a sotnia varies from forty to hundred men. A standard consists of from three to six sotnias. In the infantry and the cavalry the double rank formation has been adopted. (c.) Artillery. In the Kashgarian army there are two bat- Kashgariau * teries, each of six guns forming separate military units. In the o h ese w hich Colonel Kaulbars saw, there are smoothbore guns of local manufacture, carrying shot of about 12 Ibs weight. The second is a 3-pounder mountain battery containing rifled breech-loading guns. 1 Strength of the The guns of the second battery were imported from India a f or th" guns. r f ew years ago. They are at the outposts notwithstanding that five of them are ineffective, the breech mechanism being out of Guns attached order. infantry. about as many foot soldiers. Relative sotnias and of Amount of Kashgaria army Each battery has an escort of about fifty horsemen and Other guns also of local manufac- 1 According to other information, there are eight guns in this battery, of which four are breech-loaders and four muzzle-loading guns. Author. CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 197 ture have been served out to the infantry. Attached to two tabors of red sarbazais l of the guard there are sixteen guns, or eight guns to each. Other tabors have but two guns a piece. (d.) Taifoorchis. This kind of soldier is recruited exclu- The taifoor- sively from the Chinese and the Doongans. A group of four recruited, soldiers forms the crew of a taifoor, the length of which is about Length and a sajen (7 feet) and its bore something less than one inch. Five taifoor. taifoors comprise a section. Every section has its own standard Subdivision and escort of and an escort of five men armed with ordinary flint muskets. taifoorchis. In the infantry, cavalry and artillery the following are the The several grades and grades and their respective titles. The lower ranks are of two their titles in degrees, the da-bashis, piyand-bashis ; the grade of officer is cavalry anil' confined to the yuz-bashis or centurions and the pansats. The ar first mentioned is a sort of under officer, the second a staff officer. The highest military title is that of lashkar-bashi. He com- mands from five to ten pansats and corresponds to the European commander of a division. At first Yakoob Bek was satisfied with those who offered Kashganan their services both from amongst his own people and from at first by foreigners for the filling up of his army. Soon, however, the system of number of those who volunteered their services did not meet en the demand for recruits, and so Yakoob Bek was obliged to adopt Compulsory system substi- a compulsory system of military service, keeping the voluntary tuted for it. system as but an aid in filling up the ranks of his forces. Obligatory service fell on all males who had reached fifteen Obligation O V f . years of age. The number of recruits furnished yearly varied , T Number of according to the requirements of the service. The recruits yearly recruits variable. who were drawn were assigned to the several Circles, towns Recruits how rm i i f i distributed. and villages. The burden of the compulsory system was especially heavy on a family consisting of two or three brothers, of whom one was taken. A son could be taken in place of his father. The age fixed for recruits was from 15 to 30 or even 35. In consequence of the continual wars, now with his neigh- Yakoob Bek's bours, now for the subjugation of his own people, Yakoob Bek st"eiTgth S than e was obliged to keep up an army of greater strength than the population could furnish without overburdening itself. More- 1 One of these tabors, at the time of our stay in Kashgaria, was at the advanced posts, the other was at the town of Kashgar. Author, 198 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. over a corrupt administration made this burden still more heavy. Abuses of the For some years a forced enrolment was carried on throughout system dT whole towns and villages. They seized and made over as enlistment and -IT n . -i .-. their results, soldiers even foreigners who came to the country merely as traders, 1 or as leaders of caravans. This forced enlistment led to desertion to such an extent, that the vacancies in the ranks of Yakoob Bek's forces often remained unfilled. Foreign ele- Of those foreigners who entered the Kashgarian army of their Kashgarian own free will, the first place belongs to exiles from the former c[assescom- a Khanate of Kokan, people known in Kashgaria under the general name of Andijans t to exiles also from Bokhara and from Yakoob Bek's Russo-Asiatic territory. Yakoob Bek's preference for exiles from iove\*nerstrom Western Turkestan is easily understood. The Andijans were Western Tur- hi s fi rs t allies after his appearance in Kashgaria. He was more- kestau. over, himself, a native of Pskent, a village near Tashkent. Besides which these same Andijans undoubtedly comprised the most intelligent and the bravest part of Yakoob Bek's army. Privileges It can therefore be understood why they enjoyed such privileges them. as they did in Kashgaria. The best places in the government of the country and in the army were occupied by Andijans, who formed a very powerful party in Kashgaria, on which Yakoob whilst pros- Bek could thoroughly depend. In fact, so long as fortune they J were tet ' attended Yakoob Bek, the ranks of this party steadily increased ; fa U iS, U but nd but on the firsfc failures occurring in the year 1876, when the strug- when adversity g[ e w it} 1 the Chinese began, the weakness of this prop was suffi- came, the}' fell away. ciently manifest. Of those who had come to Kashgaria to seek their fortunes and a livelihood, many, after Yakoob Bek's first failures, had ceased to believe in his star, and only waited for a favorable opportunity for making off in time to their own country with the wealth which they had plundered. Amongst the individuals who abandoned Yakoob Bek at the very outset of his failures, may be counted some of those who were nearest to his person. Heterogeneous Besides the exiles from "Western Turkestan, there served also Yakoob Bek's in the ranks of Yakoob Bek's army, Afghans, natives of India, army. 1 At the time of our stay in Kashgaria, several of our own Tashkent subjects came to me with complaints of some of their members having been forcibly taken for soldiers. See page 63. Author. CHAP. VII.] KASHOARIA. 199 a few Turks, Chinese, Doongans and Kirghiz. Yakoob Bek highly prized the Afghans as good soldiers. They took service The value put principally in the artillery and in the red sarbazais. There were as soldiers. also one or two sotnias composed of Afghans. The workmen in the rifle and cannon factories were also Afghans. The number of natives of India in Yakoob Bek's army was Natives of very limited. They preferred to employ those of the race that they had in the artillery. Yakoob Bek's Turks came from Stamboul in the capacity of Turkish instructors. They introduced the Turkish system, but they were not able to do much. For this reason many of them, whose hopes had been disenchanted, were not slow to return to their own country. One of their number built in the town of Kashgar a A cap factory factory, where he prepared very good caps for percussion firearms- The Chinese, serving in Yakoob Bek's army, were the remnants Chinese merce- /-N i T -i naries in the of the Chinese forces that were destroyed during the insurrec- Kashgarian tion in Kashgaria in 1863-64. By embracing Mahometanism they of their saved their own lives, but both they and their children had to af serve for twelve years in the military service. The Chinese The Chinese were the taifoorchis of the army, and as such represented the Mahommedan- weakest part of Yakoob Bek's forces. Besides their services as perform menial taifoorchis, the Chinese were made to perform all the menial offices in the army. The Doongans in Yakoob Bek's army were the remnants of Whence the those who had served under the Chinese in garrisoning the Yakoob Bek's towns of Kashgaria. They, too, were enrolled as taifoorchis, my c but some of them also entered the cavalry. Their position was Their position somewhat better than that of the Chinese, though they, in like than that of manner, were regarded with suspicion. The Chinese and Doon- gans had leaders appointed from amongst their own number. The Kirghiz and Kara-Kirghiz readily volunteered for service The Kirghiz in Yakoob Bek's cavalry. They were employed principally in Kirghiz, the garrisons of the distant posts, and as runners or couriers in How employed, the postal service. Lastly, in Yakoob Bek's army there were a considerable Slaves in the number of slaves who had been taken in wars with the various army, independent and minor potentates whose territories bordered on the west and south of Kashafaria. 200 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Service in the Service in the Kashgarian army was for life. Those who army or its substitute. were not fit to serve in the active army, were either made to work in the fields or to pasture the State cattle. Nature and Rewards for service consisted of money, robes, rifles, promo- extent of . rewards for tion, and finally release from further service. The amount of the money rewards was completely discretionary. For the rank and file they never exceeded 50 tengas, i.e., 5 roubles or about 12s. Qd. Usual form of Rewards by the bestowal of robes or rifles was the form usually practised by Yakoob Bek, when any one was personally presented to him on the completion of any particular service. The robe would be a khalat of value that would vary according to the rank of the recipient. Simple soldiers would be given chintz or adrias 1 khalats : yuz-bashis would receive either cloth or silken robes : on pansats would be bestowed robes made either of cloth of the best quality, or brocaded stuffs, or it might be of velvet. When the rewards took the form of firearms, double-barrelled sporting guns or revolvers were usually given. The latter were generally preferred. The rewarding of officials depended on the ruler's will, and was not guided either by length of service or by seniority. Promotion how Promotion to da-bashi and to piyand-bashi was in the hands regulated. of the pansats. Promotion to yuz-bashi and to pansat rested with Yakoob Bek, who, at his inspections, could promote a man from the ranks direct to the grade of pansat, and in like manner degrade a pansat to the ranks. The further promotion or rewards of pansats consisted in either farming to them, or bestowing on them, tracts of land, sometimes whole villages ; in appointing them to offices at court, or to places in the adminis- tration. The highest offices, such as toksobas, Bek-toksobas and Belcs were thus open to them. Persons appointed to fill posts in the general administration of the country could, at the same time, retain their military positions and commands over such portions of the army as might be distributed over the district entrusted to them. Semi-silken flowered material. Trans. CHAP. VII.] KASHGARfA. 201 The highest military rank which could be reached in the Highest miii- Kashgarian army was that of lashkar-bashi, which corresponds the Kubgoriao to our commander of a division. He had under his command army< from five to ten pansats. In consequence of political combina- Distritmtion of tions, Yakoob Bek endeavoured, as far as possible, to send those ject to political portions of his army that were recruited, from his eastern pro- cc vinces to the western borders of his dominions, and vice versa. Leave privi- In return for good service, every private soldier had the right private soldier to claim in time of peace one month's leave. peace" 6 A man on obtaining leave would be furnished by his com- Regulations mandant with a pass; this he had to show, on arriving at the of Absence!* 7 * place to which the leave was granted, to the local Aksakal. It was also considered a reward to transfer a soldier for service in his native town. All those serving in the Kashgarian army received a State Uniform fur- nished by the uniform which is described below : state. The sarbazais had a long double-breasted kaftan of a reddish Uniform of the cloth, with metal buttons. On the shoulders, stars were embroi- dered in various colours. Those sarbazais whom we saw had parti-coloured kaftans, but some of them wore ordinary khalats. A few were attired in the uniform of Turkish soldiers consisting of a frock coat of thick black cloth braided with red, of loose trowsers of the same material, with a red stripe. The rest of the infantry had leathern chambars 1 of a yellow colour and ornamented with braid. The head coverings were tall cone-shaped hats, made either of cloth of various colours, or of felt edged with fur, or the skin of the Eussian otter. The kaftans were fastened with wide girdles made of leather, with white embroidery, and secured with silver buckles. At the waist hung several wallets of one pattern. On the right side was a small pouch for odds and ends, such as thread, needles, an awl, a pocket knife, &c. On the left side there hung a leather-covered powder horn, bags for bullets and for caps, three cartridge cases, each holding five cartridges, and a horn containing tallow for lubricating the particular firearm. 1 This word is probably the same as samba?'. Sambar skin garments are well known in India. Trans. 26 202 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Uniformity ns The sarbazais, djigits and artillerymen all wore the same to head-dress. . , . ,, ' description of head-dresses and girdles. The artillery T lie art iu e rymen had kaftans of a blackish cloth or felt uniform. material. Red stars were embroidered on the shoulders. The cavalry -phe cava l r y wore khalats of various colours and materials, uniform. such as chintz, semi-silken or silken webs, mata, &c. The ends of the upper garment were tucked inside the leathern chambars or pantaloons. Dress of the The taifoorchis, whether Chinese or Doongan, were dressed in khalats made of mata of various colours, but principally grey. A towel made of mata appeared to be the headdress of the greater number of this class of soldier. One end of this towel was allowed to hang down the back. The foot covering of the taifoorchis consisted of blue stockings aad thick shoes. Those of the infantry, cavalry and artillery soldiers were wide tipped boots made of soft leather with thick soles. Periods for The period for which a kaftan had to last was from one to two severai'articies vears > chambar half a year, boots four months. Every year a eqiiipmenTwere cnan g e ^ under-clothing was served out and every two years a supposed to poshteen. To the cavalry two khalats were issued every year. Horses and The horse and the saddle were furnished by the State and were niahedby the supposed to last for ever. As a fact all the articles, the issue of replaced. *" " which was fixed by regulation, were issued very irregularly, so that the soldiers very often went about in tatters and in worn out boots. Armament of Yakoob Bek's forces were armed, the sarbazais with firearms, Yakoob Bek s ^ Q djiqits with carbines and swords, the Doongan horsemen troops* with lances. Those artillerymen who served the guns had swords ; those who formed the escort of the guns had firearms. The taifoorchis composed of Chinese and Doongans had taifoors and their escort was furnished with firearms. All the persons in command, from the yuz-bashi downwards, had firearms, swords, pistols and, in some cases, revolvers. The greater portion of the firearms in use in Yakoob Bek's army consisted of flint muskets of various lengths and bores. These, together with the small number of percussion arms in the possession of the same army, were, as a rule, of small bore. They were heavy too on account of the Chinese sights that were CHAP. VII.] KASHGARTA. 203 fastened to the piece for the purpose of insuring aim and because they were weighted with iron ramrods. In many of them the rifling consisted of a few straight in- System of cisions in the barrel of the piece. In loading it was necessary to force the bullet down with some sharp blows of the ramrod. U The accuracy of these pieces was very fair up to 200 paces, Their range sometimes exceeded 1,000 paces. The unfitness of use< this kind of weapon is patent and is comprised in the delay which occurs in loading, in the necessity of dismounting for the General unfit- , . f ness thereof. purpose of firing, in the insufficiency ot range and accuracjr of the piece in question. In point of numbers the percussion arms, both smoothbores Number of and rifles, occupied the next place in Yakoob Bek's army. forSgnnaann- Amongst the number of the latter that we chanced to see and to i^eVash- 6 hear of, there were about 8,000 Enfield rifles with bayonets, with s arian arm > r - a bore of about f ths of an inch, stamped " Tover, 1 1864," and in some cases 1867. A considerable portion of the cavalry and several tabors of infantry were armed with this description of weapon. Yakoob Bek procured these rifles from India a few years ago. The remaining percussion firearms belonged to two categories : 1. Sporting weapons, with single and double barrels, of foreign workmanship ; these were mostly marked " Joseph Brown and Son, London," some too were from the Russian factory at Toola : 2. Percussion rifles or smoothbores of local manufacture. Of both the one and the other description the number was not considerable, but it is difficult to determine what that number was. The sights of the double - barrel smoothbores of local manufacture were arranged for shooting up to 600 paces (! !) The percussion arms that were prepared in the local factories Percussion fire- were of two patterns : smoothbores in shape like au Enfield, with manufacture, several straight cuts in the barrel and short pieces with a length of barrel corresponding to the Berdans of the Russian cavalry. Both patterns were very roughly turned out still it must be Sr acknowledged that they lasted well and were fairly accurate at results< 1 Sia in original. Tower (meaning Tower of London) is probably the word which the author wishes to use. Trans. 204 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. vii. short ranges. They had a bore of about f ths of an inch. The weight of the longer specimens was 10 ifes, that of the shorter from 6 to 7 fts. They had no bayonets attached to them, but were fitted with iron ramrods and with sights for shooting up to 600 paces. The stocks of these weapons were not ornamental at all. On the right side of the butt, a small piece of wood lifted up and displayed a small cavity for holding grease and rags for lubricating the piece. Over the breech-end of the barrel the name of the maker was cut in Turkish letters. Issue of breech- According to information which I gathered, Yakoob Bek in YakoobBek's January 1877 arranged that 4,000 breech-loaders should be served out to his troops. Part of these rifles had already been issued and part were in store at Yarkend. The first consignment of these weapons, to the number of 2,200, had been brought from India some two years before, together with 8-rifled 3- pounder mountain gans, 4 breech- loaders and 4 muzzle-loaders. The breech-loaders which we saw at Kashgar were in the possession of the soldiers forming the escort of Datkha-Aldash, Hakim of Kashgar. Those at Koorlia were Enfields converted on the Snider system. They had three grooves and were, fitted with three-sided bayonets. We noticed, however, a few weapons, apparently on the same system, with French bayonets or sabres like those attached to rifles of the Chassepot patent. 1 Cartridges for The cartridges, for the rifles on the Snider system that we saw in Kashgar, were central fire on the Boxer-Henry principle. Specimens of these cartridges have been taken to Tashkent. Apparatus sup- Except in the case of the Sniders, extractors had not been tachingto En- provided. Yakoob Bek received a consignment of the necessary ed 1 on C the Vei '" mechanism, and this was fitted in the local workshops to the Smder system. r '.fl es o f i oca i manufacture. I saw one such weapon, it was a smoothbore, of coarse workmanship, but the extractor had been fitted to it with a fair amount of skill. Several persons, on being questioned by us, exclaimed with one voice that the con- 1 Both the French and the English first adopted (in the year 1867) as a tem- porary measure the Snider system with some modifications; with them the head of the hammer is not flat but concave Author. CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA, 205 verted Enfields and the breech-loaders came from Stamboul, and Source of snp- ply of breech- they added that these weapons had been sent by Abdool Aziz as loaders and , . . 1 , converted a present to Yakoob Bek and as a token that he had accorded to his country the protection of Turkey. Another revelation, more detailed and perhaps more worthy of credence, tells us that Yakoob Bek commissioned his Envoy in Constantinople, Said Yakoob Ishan Khodja, to buy and to send to Kashgaria 12,000 rifles and some guns. Relative to the place where such rifles were to be bought, Ishan had no definite directions, but he had powers to act in the matter within his own discretion. Further revelations tell us that Ishan Khodja received whilst at Constantinople (whence is not known) 6,000 rifles and six guns. These he took with him through India to Kashgaria. The re- maining 6,000 rifles were not delivered to him because he had not money enough to pay for them. On arriving at Tibet in the year 1875, Ishan Khodja was not allowed to go on until he had paid the duties on the guns, &c. This duty amounted to 30 yambas (or about 3,200 roubles or 400). Having sent on Ismail Effendi to procure the required amount, Ishan Khodja remained in Tibet. Yakoob Bek, on hearing of the detention of Ishan and of the guns, immediately sent off the 30 yambas which had been demanded. These he collected from merchants. He at the same time proceeded to make fresh requisitions for money to send by the hands of Ismail Effendi to Ishan, to pay for the remaining rifles left in Constantinople. The rifles already purchased by Ishan Khodja were partly breech-loaders and partly muzzle-loaders. Above we have reckoned that the whole number of breech- Number of , n . __ . breech-loaders loaders in Yakoob Bek s possession was 4,000. It is probable, > the posses- , , , ,. . . , ' sion of Yakoob though, that one or more of the consignments sent bv Ishan Bek, and how f "I? 1 /I Khodja entered into this total. Notwithstanding the informa- took TpaTt tion in my possession, I still will not take upon myself to Llm wTtfpef- decide the question as to what extent the English had a a e r ms dfire " part in furnishing Yakoob Bek with perfected firearms. The Turks, who have lately adopted the Henry-Martini system The Turks f 1 1 . , , would not be lor their army, would seek to get rid of their rifles on the likely to have Snider system, and therefore they would be in a position to sell "Si^na**' a portion of such rifles to Yakoob Bek. In like manner the sT^ t0 d KASHUAUIA. [CHAP. vir. English, in India, whose sepoy troops are all now armed with rifles on the Snider system, continue to manufacture such rifles up to the present moment. It is, indeed, difficult to believe that the Turks, a considerable portion of whose forces are still armed with percussion and even with flint muskets 1 would find it advantageous to sell breech-loaders to Yakoob Bek. Nevertheless we, up to this time, possess no direct information as to the part taken by the English in furnishing Yakoob Bek with rifles. We only know that English trade agents, such as Shaw, and English Envoys, such as Forsyth, took with them as presents for Yakoob Bek several hundred rifles and revolvers and some specimens of magazine equipment. We know too that Ishan Khodja, the Kashgarian Envoy, remained for some time in London, with what object we have not discovered, and yet, before finally deciding the question as to who furnished Yakoob Bek with arms, whether English or Turks, or both, we must await more circumstantial information. Trade in arms To what has been said above, I will add the undoubted fact With Kashgana continued to a that a trade in arms with Kashgaria has continued up to a very very recent J date. recent date. f^ ,i 23rd December 1876 ,, , -, ., On the 4ti i j a im arv i 77 > we mefc on ***& road between the towns of Koocha and Bai, at one march distant from the latter place, five carts, each drawn by from four to five horses, laden with boxes of rifles. These carts were going to Fort Togsoon, where the rifles were to be issued to the troops. we met ^ tne v i^ a g e f Yangabad, between mi Marc the towns of Koorlia and Karashar, a caravan of twenty camels ; of these ten were laden with long wooden boxes, two on each camel, containing arms. On two camels four guns in cases were being carried. It may be supposed that these were the 3-pounder breech-loading mountain guns. As we have remarked above, Yakoob Bek possessed one battery of six such guns. Two camels were laden with the wheels of the guns, and also 1 During March 1875, when I was paying a visit to the Turkish sea port towns of Volo and Salon-lea, I saw in the former 1,000 soldiers armed with percussion muskets, and in the latter sentries with worn out flint muskets. Author. CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 207 on each animal was a box of ammunition. Two other camels were carrying four gun carriages. On the remaining four camels were sixteen small but well-packed boxes of ammunition. The men attached to the caravan told us that behind was following a lanje caravan with rifles and ammunition. These , O O caravans, as also the carts which we had first met, had been despatched from Yarkend, where both guns and ammunition are kept in store. Islam Bek, the Hakim of Togsoon, told us that, at the close of the year 1875, he brought from Tibet and depo- sited in store at Yarkend 780 boxes of gun ammunition and rifle cartridges. He had with him a party of thirty-six djigits and 40 mule-drivers. Two men died in consequence of the labour undergone in the difficulties met with on the road and 76 mules were lost through the same cause. According to Islam Bek's statement, this ammunition was sent by the Turks from Con- stantinople to India, whence the English undertook to forward it on to Yakoob Bek. In Tibet (was it not at Ladak ?) the English agent put pres- sure on Islam Bek until he paid him as a bribe 3 yambas (325 roubles, 40). The road from Ladak to the town of Yarkend was traversed in 36 days. With regard to the steel weapons which we saw, the swords steel weapons were very mediocre as to quality, but of good shape. Most of quality." the sword blades were of local manufacture, but we found a few which had been imported from India. It has been remarked above, that the officers of the Kashgarian The officers of army, besides having muskets and swords, were furnished with armyli pistols and in some cases with revolvers. With regard to the arnied - pistols, nothing need be said since they were sufficiently bad; but concerning the revolvers it may be observed that though the number of these weapons in Kashgaria was limited, it was steadily increasing, thanks to Yakoob Bek's exertions and to the intense desire to obtain them manifested by every yuz-bashi. Colt's and Lefauchaux's systems were those most frequently met with. Those of the latter pattern that we saw quickly became useless, either on account of an insufficient supply of their cart- ridges or, still oftener, from their mechanism getting out of order. 208 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Payment and The payment and victualling of the army in Kash^aria were victualling of . "I, the army of not regular or subject to any fixed rules. The amount of pay issued to the troops depended on whether they were on the march, or were stationed in barracks in the several towns, or were at the advanced posts, but chiefly on the condition of Yakoob Bek's cash deposits. The scale of The scale of pay was also subject to the questions Were the pay how considered. particular troops kept up at the cost of the State or were they furnished by private individuals ? In the latter case the scale would stand at a minimum. Scale of pay Under favourable circumstances the following rates of pay of the several l J ranks. were issued : To a private soldier from 3 to 15 tengas (from 30 kopaikas, or about 9cZ. to 1 rouble and 15 kopaikas, about 3s. 9d.) a month ; to a da-bashi 20 tengas (about 5 shillings), and to a piyand-bashi 25 tengas (about 6s. 3d) per mensem. Yuz-bashis and pansats received revenues derived from land or payment in kind or in money at the discretion of Yakoob Bek. A yuz-bashi's expenses would amount to 30 roubles (3 15s.) a month. Artillery soldiers were paid at a higher rate. The pay of many of the djigits, who entered the service of their own free will, was discretionary with Yakoob Bek. Issue of With regard to the rationing of the army, several methods were practised in Kashgaria. The issue of rations was twofold : 1. Two cakes (in weight about 1| Ibs.) were issued daily to each soldier, and a dish of pilau was divided amongst several men, who messed together according to commands. Once a month each soldier received one pound of tea. 2. Each soldier received for the month 2 chariks (about 32 Ibs.) of flour, 1 charik (16 Ibs.) of groats, and 1 or 2 chariks of meat. Alternative Instead of the issue in kind to soldiers, especially those who had oTissu^in kind, families, small plots of land were allotted to them, and they could Sidiers! ed thus raise a crop at an expenditure of 15 chariks of corn for seed. The occupant of such a piece of land, even if he was not able to cultivate it himself, would still receive half the crop, and this would amount to about 80 chariks for the year. The families of the rank and file received allowances from the State only in cases of extreme poverty. CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 209 The extent of such allowances would not exceed for one family 100 chariks of green corn. This would give each mem- ber of the family about two chariks of flour and one charik of groats per mensem. In cases of poverty, the families and parents of soldiers would be freed from all or from certain imposts and duties. Troop horses, whilst halting, would receive per diem two Allowance of sheaves of clover and a bundle of straw amongst three. Corn al the rate of 50 chariks for the year would be issued to each horse. On the march a horse would receive from three to four sheaves of clover or of hay, if such were procurable, and four djins (about 10 Ibs.) of green corn. During the movement of large forces through desert countries, the horses would receive the green corn only, and this would be reduced to an allowance of 7 Ibs. instead of 10. Instead of clover, sheaves of young reeds, sedge grass, a grass called tchi, or straw would be issued. Maize was largely used for horse's fodder, and also djoogara and barley. The issue of clothing to the Kashgarian soldier was, under issue of favourable circumstances, as follows : Every year : One inner Kashgfrian chintz khalat, one upper ornamented khalat, one kaftan made of s either mata or cloth, two pairs of leathern chambars ; one, two or three pairs of boots, one or two changes of linen. Every two years : One poshteen. Amongst the articles issued to the soldier for an indefinite period, were his firearm, his belt with all its appurtenances and his saddle. His horse too was not replaced until it was quite inefficient. All allowances were received from the pansats and were passed on to the detached posts by the yuz-bashis, Each pansat received from the sirkars the quantity of corn channel of required for a given number of horses. The issue was checked supp y ' by receipts, which had to be given to the sirkars for a given quantity of corn. These receipts were filed. The pansats received the firearms and the yearly kit from the daulat-khanas or stores, which had been established in all the large towns of Kashgaria. On arriving at fixed quarters, instead of receiving issues of Allowances in. corn, the pansats would have allotted to them tracts of State fixed quarters ' 27 210 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. land. These tracts were cultivated partly by the soldiers and partly by hired labour. The cultivation of such lands was a burden that fell heavily, especially on the Chinese soldiers, because they were made to work gratis. Besides the State lands the pansats had made over to them droves of horses and of cattle which were pastured in the mountains. Those who took service with the pansats, either for working in the fields or for pasturing cattle, received 3 roubles (7s. 6d) per mensem. Method of Every pansat had at his disposal the following means of * Kashga- transport : Several camels, from 10 to 15 horses and five rian army. The most sim- The most simple method of maintaining bodies of troops, and pie method of . maintaining one that was most often practised in Kashgana, consisted in in Kashgaida? 8 farming out to each pansat, togsoba and bek one or more villages, the income from which went to keep up a given number of soldiers. Under such an arrangement, the arms, and sometimes the uniform, were issued by the State, all other allowances, whether pecuniary or material, being at the expense of the occupant of the leased land. Examples of Such an arrangement was made, for example, with the togsoba of Fort Ooloogchat, who administered the mountain region extend- ing from the frontier of the Russian province of Fergana to the exit from the mountains at Kashgar, and who had under him more than ten small posts. In return for the maintenance of from 700 to 850 djigits, who composed the garrisons of these posts, the togsoba collected a fixed tax from the sparse population of nomad Kirghiz, that wandered over the district under his rule. In like manner the Beks of Kashgar, Aksu, Khotan, Yarkend and other places, who held their provinces under the same system of tenure, were obliged to maintain a fixed number of sarbazais and of djigits. The system one The latter method of raising soldiers was very hard upon those who served, since they received no fixed remuneration but just what their masters were pleased to give them. Indeed they very often were hungry because they received no pay, and were burdened with field and various domestic works. The troops In the towns and at the detached posts the troops occupied barracks. These took the form of detached blocks (koorganckis). CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 211 Each block comprised several huts, surrounded by a common wall. Around these blocks were built rows of smaller huts, which were also occupied ; ten men lived in each hut. Certain blocks were made over to the families of the soldiers, the soldiers themselves occupying other quarters. The divisions of the blocks were kept clean, but the detached huts were dirty, hot and too confined for the number of people occupying them. The married quarters were respected, and no one was allowed to enter them without invitation. Before the barrack system was introduced, the soldiers used to live in small and very light tents made of mata ; ten occupied one tent. In the town of Koorlia we saw a camp of from 2,500 to 3,000 picked soldiers of Yakoob Bek. In the months of December, January and February, they were still in tents with 10 and 11 degrees of frost on the ground. They had scarcely any fuel and an insufficiency of warm cloth- ing. Their beds consisted of a small quantity of straw covered over with felt. Another felt served as a general covering for all the occupants of one tent. When in barracks the soldiers were The soldiers occupied daily, Fridays excepted, with their drill. Their parades how occu P ied - lasted from 5 to 11 o'clock in the day. After the parade, they were kept from 1 to 2 hours under arms waiting for their dinners. Sometimes after dinner parades were instituted, but as a rule the soldier's time after dinner was taken up with work- ing in the State fields, orchards, or workshops and with various domestic duties. They had but little leisure time at their dis- ^^ from posal. Leave from barracks lay with the superior officers. On ^.ued? h W Fridavs all the troops assembled at the principal mosque to Religious ser- " vice on r ridays attend the Djooma-Namaz or Friday's prayer. attended by .the troops. Disciplinary punishments, as imposed on the Kashganan Disciplinary soldier, took the form of arrest and of flogging with rods or pUD leathern thongs. The powers conferred on the several officers to inflict punish- Powers confer- , , red on the se- ments were not clearly defined. In this particular, complete yerai officers to license reigned. For criminal offences those who served in the m en ts not 'de- army were subject to trial according to the ordinances of the Shariat as interpreted by the Kazis. For a first offence, say stealing, detention in prison was awarded ; for a second, severing ggjg^ 01 the of the arm at the wrist ; for a third, death. 212 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Capital punish- Capital punishment, in spite of the prevailing opinion to the resorted to in contrary, was rarely resorted to in Kashgaria. Death by hanging Deat'ifby hang- was the method most generally followed. Gallows, for a number u'suaVfor^Tof f persons varying in size according to the extent of the town menf 3 ' pmusll ~ or village, were erected everywhere in the most conspicuous places. These generally were the first object that met the eye on entering a town or large village. Before concluding the account of the condition of the Kash- garian soldiers I will here introduce some statements of different persons which I have recorded. Statements re- During our stay at Fort Ooloogchat, one of the soldiers at- garding the condition of the tached to our escort told us that he was a native of the town soldier. of Khotan ; that seven years before he had been pressed into the service ; and that during the whole of that time he had been detained at Fort Ooloogchat. His family was at Khotan. Throughout his previous service he had not once received any Rations of the pay. According to the statement of this man, the rations of the ootoogchat garrison of Ooloogchat consisted of two cakes, of which they ate one in the morning and kept the other for dinner. Two sheep were killed evey day for the men's dinner. One of these the togsobas and yuz-baskis kept for themselves; of the other they made a broth mixed with peas for the whole garrison consisting of from 70 to 80 men with their families and about 100 unmarried soldiers ; the married men set aside their portions of this broth in separate cups. Uniforms and The uuiform and arms furnished from the State workshops arms furnished . by the state and stores m the town or Kashgar were very irregularly served very irregular- ly served out. Out. Portion of the The togsobas only issued a part of the pay due to the soldiers pay only issued. soldiers. Garrison dis- The greater portion of the garrison was discontented and of opinion that the people were better off under the Chinese. Under them the soldiers at any rate did not suffer. Only the Andijans and the inhabitants of Pskent (Yakoob Bek's' birthplace) lived well, it was said, under the present regime. ^ n ^ ie y ear 1^75, * wo persons who had fled to Russian terr ^ 01 T were made over to the Kashgar authorities by Musul- author- man gii chief of the Sartlar tribe of Kara-Kirghiz, subjects of ities by the CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 213 Russia, who wander over both sides of the Terek-Da van pass. The Sartiar tribe of offenders were executed and Musulman Bil received a reward from the Kashgarian authorities. A little before this two persons were cut to pieces by order of Other persons punished for the togsoba for attempting to escape. Although the togsoba had attempting to no right to inflict capital punishment, he was allowed to so act by the personal will of Yakoob Bek. Certain soldiers, forming the garrison of the town of Kashgar, Garrison of the related that Aldash-Datkha, Hakim of that town, kept his gar in the same soldiers (to the number of 800) almost in the same condition as that o/Oofoog- those of the togsoba of Ooloogchat, viz., without pay. Shkokoff, a Russian agent, who had lived for a long time in Testimony of the town of Kashgar, said that neither Kashgarian soldiers nor Russian agent officers ever appeared as purchasers in the bazaar, and that after Kashgar. 81 their uniform had been issued, they would sell it and also their poshteens and boots for a mere song and remain themselves in a tattered condition. On our return journey from Koorlia to Koocha, we travelled story of a dji- for several marches in company with a djigit, a native of Yar- Yarkend. kend. This man, amongst many interesting particulars relating to recent collisions between the Kashgarians and the Chinese, told us that he had served for five years in succession at the advanced posts. During this period, he received two cloth kaftans and 25 tengas (2 roubles and 50 kopaikas, 6s. 3cZ.) Rations had never been issued, and the soldiers at Koonya-Toor- fan had sometimes been obliged to beg alms. On account of sickness he had been permitted to go to Yarkend, but only on condition that he joined the garrison of that town. They gave him money to buy a mule to take the place of the horse which he had lost, and on this animal he rode with us. They took from him the powder and the bullets of his flint musket, which he carried, leaving him but two charges for the road. To admit of the unhindered progress of this man to Yarkend, he had been furnished with a pass and a paper showing that he had the right to procure provender for his mule at the stations on his route. Beyond the town of Koocha we met another man on leave The story cor- who was returning to Yarkend on foot, with his flint musket anothe^man on his shoulder. He corroborated what his comrade had said, yarkendf ^ 214 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. information During all our halts in the several towns of Kashgaria, thev gained thro ugh. i -, the soldiers of furnished us with a guard of Kashgarian soldiers to wait on us the several , guards which as a mark ol respect. At first they would speak boastfully of to the Russian their condition and talk of the liberality of Yakoob Bek, ex- aggerating the pay and allowances which they received ; but on closer acquaintance with us, they would become more open, and, as a rule, bitterly complained of their fate and of the evil deeds of their officers. Attendance of Our attendance at the training of the Kashgarian army relates the members , of the Kussian to the towns of Kashgar, Aksu, Koocha and Bai. At Koorlia, parades of the notwithstanding the considerable force which was there station- troopf.''"' ed during the period of our stay, we never once witnessed a parade. Number and At Kashgar, where there were upwards of 5,000 men. the train- duration of such parades, ing went on on the most systematic manner. Every day at 5 o'clock in the morning all the soldiers were drawn up in front of their barracks. Twice a week the several branches of the service paraded together on a large field facing the town of Yangi-Shar. Four times a week all the troops in turn took part in target practice, and thus each branch of the service had the chance of attending this practice once or twice a week. Up to a recent date the training of the Kashgarian troops was on a system which was a mixture of Afghan, English (as taught by Hindoos) and Russian, with changes that had been introduced by Yakoob Bek himself. Of late years Turkish in- structors had appeared, who took the training into their own hands, with the exception of that of two tabors of red sarbazais, who adhered to the old system of training. The new instructors introduced new forms only, leaving the essence of the matter what it was before. With regard to the infantry, the new training inculcated the manual exercise, especial skill in preserving an unbroken front, and in marching. The cavalry were taught changes of front, to ride past at the walk and at the trot, column of threes and sixes and dismounted exercise. Extended order for the infantry, the attack and outpost duty for the cavalry, did not enter into the course of training. Neither was any attention paid to manoeuvres over mixed ground or to the complex evolutions of System on which the Kashgarian troops were trai ned a mixed cue. Teaching of the new sys- tem. CHAP. VII.] KASHGABIA. 215 the several branches of the service. For the teaching of such o it would have been necessary to await the arrival of other in- structors more skilled and possessed of knowledge than those sent by the Turks. In order to make the reader better acquainted both with the Account of the character of the training and with the Kashgarian troops, whose JunSJlVby occupations we had opportunities of witnessing. I give below ur ,P atki " a . fc Kashgar, Bai an account of some of the manoauvres which I saw in the towns aud Koocha - of Kashgar, Bai and Koocha. Amongst other occasions, I happened to attend a parade of the Parade of the Kashgarian army near Fort Yangi-Shar on the ffjg^, 1876 ' SJ?? This parade took place on a piece of ground, two versts (l|rd shar. YaUgl " miles) long and about a verst (frds mile) wide. This extent was bounded on the south by a portion of the walls of Yangi-Shar and on the east by the Igiz canal. The troops, to the number of about 3,000, were drawn up in a large square, the northern face of which was formed by cavalry (two tabors or 16 taldms), the western and southern by infantry (three tabors or 24 booluJcs, with eight guns). On the eastern face were red sarbazais with eight guns and four takims or half a tabor of cavalry. About 400 Chinese were drawn up in front of the cavalry on the northern face and the same number of Doongans in front of the infantry on the western face. Both were armed with taifoors. All t the troops were faced towards the interior of the square. In the centre stood Yakoob Bek's son, Bek Kooli Bek, with his staff, consisting of an instructor, a few yuz-bashis and makhramns. The latter, youcg boys of from 15 to 17 years of age, performed the duties of aide-de- camp. At the most conspicuous part were the red sarbazais formed in column of eight booluks with eight guns. An Afghan, by name Jamadar Parmanatchi, commanded this column. The red sarbazais were dressed in long red and green cloth Dress of the Jcaftans reaching to within a short distance of the ground and greatly interfering with their movements. To the wide leathern belts which they wore hung several cartridge boxes. Chambars of a yellow colour had gone out of wear. On their heads they had conical hats with fur trimming made of the skin of the 216 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Russian otter. The greater portion of the arms which they carried were Enfield rifles fitted with bayonets, but we also saw a small number of firearms of local manufacture. Formation of These sarbazais were in booluks numerically very weak, i.e., the saroazais. _ * they were composed of 15 instead of 30 files. The eight guns attached to this body reminded us of Russian 18-pounder howit- Carriagesof zers. Some of them were only 12-pounder guns. The carriages strongly made of these guns had the appearance of being strongly made workmanship, although of rough workmanship. Some were painted green, placed""!! thT The guns rested on their carriages by means of trunnions after carnages. ^ e English fashion and each was drawn by two horses. The Number of crew of each gun was composed of five footmen, who carried no each gun"* arms at a ^> anc ^ ^ ^ wo horsemen. Arrangement The guns were placed at intervals between the booluks, so that the whole eight were on the left flank. Taking their orders from Jamadur Parmanatchi, all the manoeuvres of this tabor, both infantry and artillery, went on simultaneously. Square forma- The first formation of the red sarbazais that we saw was the s. square. The front face was made up of four booluks and five guns, the rear face of two booluks and one gun, and the flank faces of one booluk and one gun each. The flank and rear faces were formed of the booluks deployed into line with the guns in the middle. This original formation was, however, considerably varied according to the several words of com- mand given by Jamadar Parmanatchi. Sometimes the front rank would double to the right and left of the front face, form- ing a sort of screen for it. At other times the size of the square would be increased by sending the rear rank of the front face to prolong the flank faces. Sometimes again the size of the square would be decreased by taking the two booluks at the ends of the front face and by placing them on the flank and rear, thus making those faces four deep instead of two. During the manoeuvres the guns were moved by the hand, the carriages being left inside the square. When the.square was moved for- ward or backward or to the flanks, the guns were again placed on their carriages, and this operation was performed in a rapid manner. CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. When firing was going on from all sides of the square, the Working of the men worked fairly well together. After firing, however, they did ing. not load with regularity. They were taught to do so as if all had quickshooting rifles when such was not the case. After Skirmishers sent out to the firing from square had taken place, small bodies of men cover the front mi n ' t * l ' ie sc l uare - were sent out. These, after moving slowly forward, covered the front, preserving intervals between themselves. The firing of these skirmishers was carried out by command of Jamadar Parmanatchi. The square appeared to be Jamadar Parmanatchi's principal Tlie square, the principal form form of instruction of the red sa-rbazais, to whom he gave the of instruction of the red sar- words ot command in the Afghan language. The same manoau- bazais. vres were repeated several times. Besides the square the sarbazais carried out deployments, 9 ther forma- moved to the front and rear and formed column of companies. The description of column most used was that which preserved the wheeling distance. In these movements the guns were on the right flanks of the booluks. The pace in marching was very short, and the men started with the left foot. All the move- ments were very slow, but regular as to pace and step, and the intervals beween the booluks were preserved. Whilst Jamadar Parmanatchi was drilling his tabor he was The various calls sounded attended by a bugler on foot, who sounded very skilfully the i>y a bugler, various calls. These reminded us of our own bugle sounds. The manoeuvres of the red sarbazais had no connection with The manreu- vres of the those of the other portions of the force assembled. In like several bodies independent manner, these several portions all drilled independently. one of the The rest of the infantry made up into 24 booluks or three Bek kooiwi tabors, was drilled under the guidance of Bek Kooiwi Bek. His SJmovements orders were conveyed to the men by the Turkish instructor, who o theinfan fy- flew about from one end of the field to the other on his sorry steed like one asphyxiated with the fumes of charcoal. These three tabors were composed of recruits, of whom there The three were 30 file in each booluk, i.e., they formed a body just composed of * double the number of red sarbazais. Two of these tabors were re being drilled together and the other by itself. The uniform of the soldiers consisted of ordinary khalats of Uniform of the embroidered mata with the ends let into yellow chambars, belts 28 218 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Variety of firearms. Inferiority of the guns in possession of the artillery. Movements how carried out. The standard of the training of the recruits not a high one. Infantry words of command. Force of cavalry. Division of the cavalry. Dress and armament of the cavalry. Condition of the horses. Maneeuvres of the cavalry. with wallets, like those worn by the red sarbazais. Amongst the firearms was noticeable a very great assortment. Apparently, flint muskets predominated. The eight guns in the possession of the artillery were inferior in respect of manufacture and equip- ment to those attached to the red sarbazais. The movements were carried out in columns by booluks with intervals somewhat greater than the front of such booluks. In these movements the men were not always in step, but they moved with regularity. The booluks closed and opened out on the march, halted and deployed fairly well and in good order. The sarbazais held their rifles on the right shoulder, the small of the butt resting on the nape of the neck with the arm nearly outstretched. The training of the recruits was confined to working together in closed ranks. It was apparent that the standard at which they had arrived was not a high one. The infantry words of command, with the exception of those given to the red sarbazais, were in the Turkish language. As we have observed above, those addressed to the red sarbazais were in the Afghan tongue. The cavalry that we saw consisted of nine separate bodies, corresponding to our squadrons, and sotnias. Eight of these manoeuvred together and two separately. Each sotnia was divided into two troops containing from 15 to 16 files apiece. These troops bore the designation of takims, eight of which went to form a tabor. Altogether two and-a-half tabors attended the parade. The cavalry were dressed in khalats of various colours with the skirts let into chambers. Their armament consisted of firearms, principally percussion, with fixed bayonets and of swords. Amongst the firearms were some breech-loaders. The men slung their firearms round their necks. The drawn swords which we saw in possession of the officers were of very good quality. The cavalry horses were good and well-fed. Most of them were karabairs, i.e., a cross between the Kokan argamak a breed of stallion and the Kirghiz mare. The cavalry manoeuvres were confined to the formation of columns of threes and of takims, and to the movements of such CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. columns at a walk and at the trot. The distance between the several bodies was sometimes more sometimes less. Circling was performed in fair order. The flank, which formed the pivot in the circle, moved on its own ground, whilst the outer flank increased its pace. The men sat firmly in their saddles ; nevertheless, in every movement one or two of them fell. These having re- mounted each time overtook their comrades. Neither the attack, nor dismounted drill, nor skirmishing, was practised although the men had been taught the second form of exercise. At the end of the parade the cavalry moved past us by talcims ; these were commanded by Moolla Kabool, yesaul-yuz-bashi, a native of the town of Andijan. After him followed several officers at the head of the taldms, who saluted with their swords. Besides the infantry and cavalry, the Chinese and Doongan Chinese and taifoorchis were being drilled on the same parade ground. Of taifoorchis. the training of this kind of soldiery we will speak below. The parade of all the troops terminated with a discharge of The whole parade finishes blank cartridges. The aides-de-camp of the Be/c-Batcfia L now with a dis- galloped in every direction and soon all the troops were formed up cartridge. in line. The cavalry were at some paces in rear of the infantry. The guns were placed in between the booluks of infantry. At a signal from the Bek-Batcha all the troops opened fire. The troops fire During this the front rank of the red sarbazais knelt down, y Slgua and the cavalry fired over the heads of the infantry. The guns were discharged as often as possible without aiming Method of , ,. , -, firing off the before each round. gun s. The infantry, except the red sarbazais, fired slowly. Their Slowness of pieces were then lowered to the ground and the' charges pressed fire, home with the ramrod. In the case of the flint muskets the powder dropped about and was strewn over the regiment. A deafening and disorderly fire continued for about ten Firing ceases J by signal. minutes. It then ceased almost in one moment at a signal given by the Bek-Batcha. During the parade silence was preserved, which was broken Silence is pre- served, only by the violent shouting of the officers. It was only after the firing that talking in the ranks was heard. 4 As Bek Koolwi Bek was called, Author. 220 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Number of The number of soldiers present at the parade was approxi- soldiers pre- - sent on the mately as follows : parade. Men. 1. 3 tabors or 24 booluks of infantry, with from 28 to 30 files apiece ... ... ... 1,600 1 tabor or 8 booluks of red sarbazais, with 15 files in each ... 300 The parade unintelligible from a mili- tary point of view. Display of the kindof treat- ment experi- enced by the people who came to look on at the parade. The members of the Russian Embassy inspect the barracks of the Kash- gariau troops. Arrangement of the bar- racks Total number of men in the four tabors of infantry ... 1,900 2. 2^ tabors or 20 booluke of cavalry, with 14 files in each ... ... ... 700 3. 16 guns with 32 files and abont 80 drivers ... 100 4. Chinese and Doongan taifoorchis, about 400 of each 800 Total number of men ... 3,500 As a whole, the parade presented a very pretty and picturesque scene, but from a military point of view it was completely unintelligible. I will finish by an observation which characterizes Kash- garian manners. During the parade many of the inhabitants had collected to look on. These persons were let alone for a long time, when suddenly, by somebody's order, several of the mounted boys (inakhrams) rode at them and began to drive the people off the ground. One man was even struck with the buttend of a frrearm, and two or three others were kicked by the horses and fell to the ground. On the ^~ November 1876, we rode out to inspect the barracks and to attend the private parade of the red sarbazais. These bar- racks are situated a short distance from Fort Yangi-Shar, and about averst (frds mile) from the house occupied by the Embassy. The commandant of the red sarbazais, Jamadar Parmanatchi, met us at the gates, and after the usual compliments, conducted us to his official residence. The barracks, which were occupied by the tabor of red sarbazais, and by the men attached to the eight guns that we saw on the previous parade, were divided into four CHAP. Vlt.] KASHGARIA. 221 sections or blocks built in lines one behind the other. In front and of the of the first block the guns were arranged under a canopy, the gl crew of each gun being drawn up in front of it. Under a canopy were also placed three mortars of local manufacture. One of these threw a shell of about 70 Ibs., and the other a shell of something under 18 Ibs. At the flanks and rear of this Huts of the block and of the others there were small huts which were occu- soldiers. pied by the soldiers and their families. These huts were kept very clean. At all four blocks were seated rows of Attitude of the 111 t r_ i. soldiers during soldiers with their firearms on their shoulders and with their the inspection eyes fixed on the ground. The greater portion of their fire- barracks. arms were muzzle-loading rifles bearing the Tower-mark. Long cloth kaftans, in many cases much worn, left the neck Clothing, and part of the breast open and bare. Boots of goatskin, which were much trodden down. Foot coverings. The appearance of the soldiers, amongst whom we leisurely Unattractive . appearance of passed, was not attractive. These men were in their prime, and the soldiers, yet they looked haggard and ill rather than healthy. It may be affirmed without mistake that the average age of the soldiers whom we saw was from 30 to 35. There were several younger men, but there were also old men of 50. About a hundred Afghans and Hindoos and several Doongans could be distin- guished from the others, who were natives of the country. The commandant of the sarbazais, Jamadar Parmanatchi, was, accord- ing to his own statement, 73. He was yet a vigorous old man, of Jamadar middle height, slim and with a slight stoop, with an energetic and very agreeable expression of countenance. During his mili- tary career he had served for 50 years in the Sikh army, and had fought with them against the English. He had then set out to seek his fortunes in Central Asia. Having entered the Kokan army he fought against the Russians at Chemkent, and finally, when the Russians occupied Tashkent, he came to Kashgaria, where by his military capacity he won the favour of Yakoob Bek. He was considered the commandant of the Kashgarian artillery, although he had only eight guns under his com- mand. When he was lashkar-bashi, he commanded from eight to ten standards (about 4,000 men) of infantry and cavalry. 222 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Jamadar Parmanatchi had, he said, eleven wounds. He nevertheless enjoyed good health. His uniform. His uniform consisted of a kaftan of fine English red cloth fastened with silver clasps on his breast, a wide girdle, orna- mented with round silver-plates, from this hung a sword of the best quality. At the back of his belt was placed a revolver, on the piston system, probably Colt's. On his head he had a coni- cal-shaped hat of violet coloured velvet trimmed with marten's fur. His official The official residence of Jamadar Parmanatchi was a four- storied house, in which his staff also lived. On the halls were hung firearms of different kinds, double-barrelled flint muskets and one breech-loader. Private parade After the usual dastar-klian had been offered to us in Parmanatciii's Jamadar Parmanatchi's house, we requested him to show us a private parade of his soldiers. Accordingly there soon ap- peared at the first block of barracks about 70 sarbazais with " ordered arms." On the word ' silence ' the whole came to attention, drew their heads back, threw out their chests and The "manual slightly shuffled their feet. On the word " arms at ease " all threw up their pieces together to the left shoulder, seized the butt with stretched out arm and " presented," and " ordered arms " in a manner very similar to that practised by Russian soldiers. 1 After the manual exercise was over they shewed us Wheeling ami some wheeling and marching past. Wheeling on one foot, the past. sarbazais raised the other somewhat high whilst marking time on the ground. On the word " slow march " the first steps were made on the ground by marking time. The movement forward was made with the left foot. In marking time the legs were raised very high with the bend of the knee almost directly at right angles. The pace was very short. The body was held erect with the head slightly raised. The movements, with some exceptions, were made in time and with the head erect. The ranks were composed of sections with from five to ten men in each. The right was the directing flank of the 1 In this motion the bayonets of the rifles stood out more from the shoulder than with us. Author, CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 223 sections. In breaking into sections it was evident that they took especial care to confuse each part of the movement. Wish- ing to show off, the Jamadar rapidly^ changed the formation, Extraordinary during which his men circled round him, made leaps, struck their 8 ome of the feet together and went through a number of antics. This part m of the parade reminded us of a dance. It became so mixed up that at last the sarbazais, without crowding, beat each other on the neck and exchanged abuse. A certain yuz-bashi got parti- A yuz-iasM cularly angry, and several times struck those men who had lost conspicuous! 5 their places hard blows with the butt-end of a musket. An Afghan, who played the clarionet, and who, though in attendance An Afghan on the Jamadar, was in a tattered khalat, considered himself an authority whose duty it was to control matters. This person, dt perceiving the confusion that was going on in the formation, ran hither and thither freely bestowing his blows. Having seen a parade of the infantry we begged them to An artillery show us an artillery parade. After repeated refusals, the Jama- dar at length agreed and directed the two end guns to be moved out from under the canopy and the gunners to form up in their places. The guns were bronze smoothbores of local manufacture. Description of One was an 18-pounder, and the other a 12 -pounder, but both the carriages. were much shorter than Russian guns. The carriages were of the naval pattern ; one of them was painted green. The raising mechanism consisted of a screw fastened strongly to the sides of the carriage. The thread of this screw was let into the breach part of the gun. The wheels of the carriage were roughly made, but strong ; they had thick tires. 1 The gunners were variously dressed,, some were in black Clothing of the woollen kaftans, others were dressed like the sarbazais. The gl uniform of all was dirty. At each gun stood seven men, of whom two or three had Crew and swords of different patterns in steel scabbards. From five to guns. six men, forming the escort, were armed with muzzle-loaders. 1 These tires were fastened on with nails on the Chinese pattern. The heads of these nails were coarse and angular, projected out a good deal, and impeded the progress of the carriage. The same kind of tires are used for the wheels of arabas, or tilted carts. Author. 224 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Distribution Of the seven men who formed the gun's crew, one carried the sponge, one the match, one the charge, one was the man who placed the charge in the gun, one stood with the needle to prick the charge (the same fired the charge or inserted the fuse). Finally two men, apparently orderlies, took no part in the proceedings at all. Nature of the The parade consisted in going through the motion of loading and firing. All the numbers went through their work fairly well by word of command. The loading was carried out with much shouting. The numbers ran out and ran back with jumps and great gesticulation. Manner of The man with the sponge especially distinguished himself in loading. this respect. Generally speaking, the loading was performed in the same way as we used to carry it out not long ago when we had smooth-bore guns. It was difficult to keep from smiling at the comic zeal which accompanied each movement. Distress of the After ten rounds the gun's crew appeared to be completely out gun's crew after firing ten of breath. Change of By command of the Jamadar the numbers were now changed, and the loading continued, although less skill and some confusion were apparent. A change was made five times until each man had performed the duties of each number. Awkwardness It chanced that one old gunner, to whose lot it fell to carry of a gunner . and rage of the the sponge, put all the rest out. This awkwardness, completely thereat. unexpected, so enraged the Jamadar, that he pulled out his sword and with curses rushed on the offender. The poor fellow, pale with fright, expected to be struck. Happily the matter termi- nated with threats only. Amenities of Another time one of the men struck a gaping comrade on the neck with the linstock. The latter took the linstock when it came to his turn, and darted to his place with an air of offended dignity. When the time came to load, thinking it a good opportunity, he turned towards the man who had touched him, and who was now carrying the charge and struck him full in the face. End of the Having carried out the process of loading an indefinite num- ber of times, Jamadar Parmanatchi at length informed us that the parade was at an end. CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 225 Some days after this, viz., on the ^ T November, we chanced Parade of the J 26 . th Chiiiese troops. to see in Kashgar a parade of the Chinese troops. They took us past the gates of Fort Yangi-Shar to the quarter occupied by the Chinese soldiers. From afar a quantity of standards shew- ed us the spot where the taifoorchis were drawn up. We rode out to a vast and well-cleared square, the rear face of which was occupied by a line of troops. In front of them was a canopy under which Dalai, the commandant of the Chinese troops, awaited us. In the middle of the square were the bands- men. On our approach, Dalai came out to meet us and invited us to take our seats on the carpets which had been spread under the canopy. Dalai was a decrepit old man of 66 years of age. Da1ili i the rj commandant He had no hair on his face except a straggling grey beard. His of the Chinese countenance was of the characteristic Chinese wrinkled type. Kasiigaria. He had on a rich khalat of green silk trimmed with fur, warm yellow trousers with fur lining, and a conical hat made of some thick material. On his knees as he sat on the carpet lay a double-barrelled gun of inferior quality. A Kashgarian youth acted as interpreter. Two or three Chinese of from 16 to 18, with small parti-coloured flags in their hands, acted as aides- de-camp, and carried his orders to the troops. About 13 years before, Dalai commanded the Chinese gar- Daiai's P re- rison in the town of Kashgar, where, on the outbreak of the re- v ' bellion against his Government, he shut himself up in the cita- del (Yangi-Shar). Yakoob Bek laid siege to the citadel, but, per- ceiving the want of success that attended his endeavours to take the place, he entered into negotiations with Dalai, who, at the price of treachery and the change of his religion, purchased his own life, for, during the subsequent storming of the citadel, he, with his accomplices, went over to the side of Yakoob Bek, whilst the Amban of Kasghar, with those Chinese who remain- ed faithful, heroically blew himself up into the air. At first Dalai's position was not a particularly good one, but HJ S position afterwards, having become Yakoob Bek's brother-in-law, he began not to be treated with some respect, which was, however, only super- atfirst> ficial. 29 226 KASHGAR1A. [CHAP. vii. Inspection of the taifoor- chis. Uniform of the Chinese soldiers. Having partaken, according to custom, of the inevitable das- tar-khan, which on this occasion consisted of numerous Chinese dishes, we set out for the right flank of the troops, along whose front we then passed. The taifoors to the number of about 200 were placed within an even line of props. The men who served them sat two on each side. Standard-bearers, with large three- cornered flags of coloured materials, were distributed among each set of live taifoors, and they also sat in a straight line. Neither the men serving the taifoors nor the standard-bearers had any sort of weapon. Behind the taifoors there was a line of sharp- shooters, one for each taifoor, armed with ordinary flint muskets. These men had about 20 square-shaped flags, which were intended to frighten the enemy's horses. Five taifoors composed a section, on the right flank of which sat an under-officer armed with a flint musket. Some of the sections, however, had on their right flanks yuz-bashis, who were armed with double-barrelled rifles and swords. As we passed along the front we were struck with the plain, and often ugly faces of the soldiers who were seated before us. Pure Chinese predominated, but Kachirs 1 or mixed breeds entered largely into the number of the men whom we were inspecting. (They call the offspring of a marriage between a Kashgarian and a Chinese woman a Kachir.) The leaders of tens and the yuz-bashis were principally such. Amongst the soldiers were some very young men, almost boys, and likewise some old men. As a rule, moreover, the men were younger than the infantry, and especially than the red sarbazais. The uniform of these Chinese soldiers produced an impression not less dull than did their faces. Only a small portion of them had on new wadded khalats, embroidered with chekmen? The greater number had old worn and torn khalats of mata. Their foot coverings Chinese shoes (cloth with leathern soles) were much trodden down. The headdresses were conspicuous for 1 Properly speaking the word signifies a mule. Author. 2 A cotton web of local manufacture, very durable. Author, CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 227 their variety. Those who wore chekmen khalats had conical hats trimmed with fur. The majority, however, had only a piece of mata which was fastened round the head, so that the folds protruded over the ears. Some had for a headdress a conical-shaped cap of some striped material which reminded us of ancient head-pieces. Of the four men who formed the crew of each taifoor, one offices of the had a belt filled with about ten wooden cartridges. The second the'crewof was the sponger out ; the sponge was an iron rod with a bundle ea of hair tied to the end. Numbers three and four had to carry the taifoor and to form themselves into a sort of carriage when it was fired off. Not long ago, the Chinese troops presented a Former dress of the Chinese much more original appearance. They were dressed in Chinese troops, cloaks, with wide sleeves, and wore armour and tiger skins in order to frighten the enemy's horses. The escort of the taifoors were spearmen and pikemen. With Escort of the the troops were many flags of various sizes and shapes. The band .consisted of a large number and of different sorts of instruments. Yakoob Bek turned all the Chinese soldiers whom he cap- Yakoob Bek's tured in war into Mussulmans, gave them a native dress and t h e Chinese formed bodies of taifoorchis of all who had been spearmen and turetTin C \var. pikemen. Of the Chinese musical instruments he retained the drum and the tambourine only. The parade commenced with the signal " to rise." At a sign Commence- from Dalai the drummer gave one roll on his drum. All the parade. men then got up, placed their taifoors on their shoulders and prepared to move off. Dalai now took from one of his aides-de-camp two small flags, Movements of which there appeared to be six shapes. He held one flag up Cavin in the air and placed the other behind him. On this signal, half of the taifoorchis went to the right and half to the left, and keeping their right and left shoulders forward, began to deploy from both flanks into two lines. At the head of each line a standard was carried. Behind this marclied five taifoor- chis in single file. Then there was another standard followed by another set of five taifoorchis, and so on. The commanders of tens and of hundreds inarched on the flanks of their respec- 228 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. tive commands. The escort and its flags remained stationary. Method of On the march a taifoor was placed on the shoulders of every carrying the taifoors. two men, the foremost of whom held it with a cloth fastened round the barrel. This cloth was not removed when the taifoor was discharged, so that the aim must have been interfered with. During the march the pace was marked at intervals by the dull beating of a drum. On arriving at the spot where the band stood, the lines of taifoorchis wheeled to the right and left, so as to clear the obstacle, again closed in and continued the move- Character of ment. This manoeuvre, on account of its measured pace and manoeuvres, the monotonous beating of the drum, put one in mind of a funeral procession rather than of a military movement. When the manoeuvre was to terminate, Dalai lowered the arm which held the flag up in the air. Method Whenever those in rear got out of step, the drummer would, hrnTdn^ proper by Dalai's order, sound the pace, whereupon all quickened the e mi e chi S n& Pt st ep to the proper time. The taps on the drum gradually became more rapid, until at last a roll was beaten. This was the signal for those who were not in their places to double up. Nature of other The second manoeuvre consisted of a movement forward, back- ward and in an advance of the sharpshooters. The attack was made sometimes with and sometimes without firing. In either case, each set of five taifoorchis marched in single file preserv- ing the dressing. The sharpshooters, who had formed up in rear, as soon as the taifoorchis were halted, ran forward and covered the front. In front of the skirmishers again ran a number of Chinese whose business it was to wave flags in a frantic manner. On the signal ' fire ' (which referred only to the sharpshooters) the sharpshooters delivered their fire, and then on the signal ' retire ' they shouted and brandished their fire- arms. The Chinese who were in front of the line of sharp- shooters lay down, but continued to wave their flags in a still more frantic manner. The idea was that an attack of cavalry had been beaten back. Position of the When the main body of the taifoorchis advanced firing, half ztaifoors K were halted for a few seconds t<> fire ; this done, they advanced J n s SSe tai ~ and joined the other body, who, in turn, halted and fired. The tired. CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 229 two men who carried each taifoor slightly bent the back and advanced one foot. The first kept the taifoor in position on his shoulder by means of the cloth spoken of above, the second pressed it to his neck with his hands. Notwithstanding the p eco ii very great weight of the piece, the recoil after firing was still more & striking. There have been cases wherein a discharge of ball cartridge has thrown down the living carriage. In order to Measures . , 1-1 f adopted to lessen the recoil the charge has been reduced ; this has, ot lessen it. course, diminished the range and accuracy of the weapon. Of the last little need be said, for they fire almost without taking aim. After a few rounds the numbers were changed. In. advancing firing by sections, one taifoor was carried behind Firing of the other. After firing, each taifoor was doubled up to the head sections how of the advancing section. The next then fired and doubled up, and so on. Some of the sections, in hurrying tlieir firing, struck some of the crew of the taifoors nearest to them. The dis- charge was scattered amongst them, hitting the men on the back, shoulders and head. The firing of the taifoors ceased by signal given on a tarn- Order to bourine. The Chinese imagine that the shrill sound of a tarn- how given. bourine with its little bells can deaden the noise of the firing. After thanking Dalai for the satisfaction which he had afforded Leave-taking us, and after praising, according to custom, his soldiers and ex- Chinese com- pressing the joy which we felt on making the acquaintance of m so celebrated a commander, we prepared, to take leave. Dalai warmly reciprocated our good expressions. His corpselike face was lit up with a self-sufficient smile. He told us that amongst the body of men whom we had just inspected there were soldiers who for twenty years had not been out of fire, and that in any serious engagement Yakoob Bek could always rely on the strength and braveiy of his taifoorchis. After listening to this boast we took leave of Dalai, carrying p 00 r opinion away at the same time the firm belief that a hundred good member^ 1 " 5 Cossacks would be sufficient to scatter in the open field and to Emb'ilwy S? overthrow all the Chinese we had been inspecting. And the c^nese merce- loss of the Cossacks . need not be especially great, since the naries - Chinese, not having weapons of cold steel, would have nothing to defend themselves with. 230 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Strength of the The strength of the taifoor army that we had seen was Itodyoftaifoors . present at the approximately as follows : inspection. XT , /.../. .Number of taifoor s Crew of taifoors Men with separate flags ... Section commanders Centurions Sharpshooters ... Men in advance of sharpshooters Total number of men ... 200 ... 800 ... 40 ... 40 8 ... 200 20 ... 1,108 Kasligarian troops on the march. U.ipidity of marching dependent on the necessity of the case. Average dis- tance perform- ed daily. Order of march. Demands made on the people of the districts through which the troops marched. Method of supply when marching through desert tracts. For a distance of from 50 to 100 versts (from 33-|rd to 66rds miles) the infantry of the Kashgarian army would march on foot. Should the distance be greater, the men would be mounted on horses, or failing these, in carts. Each cart would be drawn by three horses and would carry ten men. Part of the horses and carts would be furnished gratis by the inhabit- ants and part would be bought. In the march, for example, from Kashgar to Karashar (1,000 versts, 666rds miles) only a small portion of the infantry rode in carts, all the rest were turned for the time into dragoons or into mounted infantry. The rapidity of the movement of the Kashgariau troops would vary according to the necessity of the case. The average would be 25 versts (IGfrds miles) a day. Thus, the distance from the town of Kashgar to the town of Aksu is 436 versts (270rds miles). This would be performed in 18 ordinary marches, and in 12 forced marches. During the march the troops went in echelon, and halted at the several posts that Yakoob Bek had constructed. In all populated districts the inhabitants had to furnish forage, fuel and cattle for the troops, and these supplies were not always paid for. When traversing roads through desert tracts, one or more traders followed the army with all the necessary provisions. These traders entered into a sort of contract for the supply of a portion of the requisite stores. In addition to what they furnished, wheat, maize and barley were taken on State carts. As a rule, the pansats gave the contracts, and they, on receipt of CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 231 the necessary stores, made it over to the yuz-bashis, who, in turn, gave out one or more days' consumption to their subor- dinates. On arriving at a halting place, the. traders opened their bazaar, in which the soldiers could buy rolls, meat pasties, pilau and tea. Generally speaking, however, the commissariat arrange- Commissariat -,,,*, i_r 11 i jv arrangements merits in Yakoob Bek s army were very bad, and the troops ; Yakoob on the march were often in a starving condition. Nor was generally it a light part of Yakoob Bek's labours to arrange for a water- bad! kl " g ' VG supply in traversing the waterless tracts of Kashgaria. On the Difficulty of road from the town of Kashgar via Aksu to Fort Karashar, supply of water Yakoob Bek, by establishing a post with wells or reservoirs to on hold the spring water, succeeded in securing a watersupply for his troops whilst on the march. On this route the waterless tracts do not exceed 45 versts (30 miles) in length ; but, on the route from Fort Karashar to Koonya-Toorfan, whereon there are two long marches through a waterless country containing some very deep and almost empty wells, Yakoob Bek used to store water in bags (toorsooks) made of sheep-skin, and placed two of these on every camel set apart for carrying water for the troops. During the summer season, in consequence of the great heat, During the summer season ., . ,. , , . ,, , , i , . , , the troops halted during the day and marched at night. marches were made at night. I consider it interesting to communicate some details regard- Manoeuvres -., TT , . ,- oftheKashga- ing the manoeuvres of the Kasngarian troops in war time. rian troops in war time. On approaching the enemy, the cavalry was first of all sent out to reconnoitre. The infantry left their horses and carts in the train of waggons, over which a strong escort was placed. On approaching still closer to the enemy, the cavalry rode on the flanks of the column which was composed of infantry and of artillery. The train of waggons halted in rear. The order of battle was now formed. The infantry and artillery were deployed into one or more lines. Iti the intervals between every two guns were from 40 to 60 infantry soldiers. The cavalry was principally held in reserve. In case of need the length of the fighting line was increased from both flanks. Until the battle became hot, the troops moved slowly forward. After this 232 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. the greater portion of the troops of both sides would become mixed up in one general disorderly crowd which, like a swarm Importance of of bees, went now this way and now that. The importance of having a reserve ready at this moment, was fully understood by Yakoob Bek, and, in this way, he often got the upperhand of his more numerous but less experienced antagonists. As a rule, he held in reserve picked troops, principally cavalry. Part performed The part played by the cavalry in the attack and on the halt by the cavalry. consisted, according to the statements of Kashgarian military men, in protecting the guns from the enemy's cavalry. In order to do this, they moved in small bodies at about from 200 to 600 paces in front of the flanks of the advancing body. The cavalry during the fight, as a rule, used its firearms. Advancing to a certain distance, it would extend like a chain of skirmishers, and open fire on the enemy. Firing from Firing from horseback was practised not singly but in entire accurate. ranks. The horses that we saw had been well trained to the noise of firearms. Nevertheless the fire delivered from horse- back was not very accurate, so that wherever it was possible to do so, the men would dismount to fire. Cavalry on the When acting on the defensive the cavalry dismounted, with the exception of a fourth of their number. Final action of The real opening for the cavalry was when the enemy wavered. the cavalry. Then, throwing their firearms over their back (they generally held them in their hands), and seizing their sabres they dashed forward and not only routed the enemy, but sometimes caused a general massacre of the defeated foe. Attacking an When attacking an enemy of superior strength, the fighting enemy of supe- rior strength. jj ne o f infantry, cavalry and artillery, formed square with guns placed at the corners. The taifoorcMs The Kashgarians looked upon the taifoorchis with suspicion looked upon with suspicion, and said that in a hard engagement they only got in the way, that it was a difficult matter to know where to put them, and that they did no harm because they were the first to fly. Their numbers Yakoob Bek had known for a long time of their unfitness, and reduced/ he had for this reason gradually reduced their numbers. Out of the several thousand taifoorchis (they told us 10,000, but these figures are probably exaggerated) which he had in his army, there CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. were only some hundreds, and these were Chinese and Doongans. We have seen above that to the Chinese taifoorchis flint-muskets had already been served out. A great number of the taifoors of the Doongan soldiers were then withdrawn, and they had given them flint-muskets in exchange, which had been returned into store after the arming of the cavalry and of the sarbazais with percussion and breech-loading rifles. These Doongans were then sent out on the line of advanced posts, and to form the garrison of Koonya-Toorfan. Yakoob Bek established in various towns of his sovereignty Yakoob workshops for the preparation of uniform and equipment, also arms factories, arms and powder manufactories, and magazines for the reception c '' of military stores of all kinds. In the workshops they prepared the kaftans of the sarbazais, also head-dresses and a portion of the khalats. The greater portion of the khalats and of the under- clothing of the troops was of local manufacture, and was fur- nished to Yakoob Bek by the several Beks, who took it from the people without paying for the same. Of the material used in making the uniform, it only remains to mention Russian and English cloth and Russian otter's fur for the trimming of khalats and head-dresses. There were three arms factories at Kashgar, Aksu 1 and Koorlia Arms factories, (some said there was another at Yarkend). In these were turned out percussion rifles on the Enfield pattern. These rifles were of two kinds, long and short, but mention Rifles which has already been made of this when speaking of the equipment therein, of the Kashgarian troops. Some of the rifle-barrels had three or four straight grooves varying in width. There were 30 mechanics employed at Kashgar, who turned Number of me- . chanics in the out five rifle-barrels in a week. Kashgar and In the arms factory at Aksu, amongst the workmen, were seven and amount of Hindoos. This factory turned out only one rifle per week. them. 1 The information relating to the arms factories of Kashgar and Aksu was partly taken by me from details furnished by Kalil Khan Khodja (formerly superintendent of the Kashgar factory) and which were inserted in the ' Tur- kestan Gazette ' for 1877, No. 10. Autlior. 30 234 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Factory at A Kalrnuk superintended the arras factory at Koorlia. This man was an exile from Kooldja. Very good arms were turned out here. Rifles stored Rifles, after being manufactured at Aksu and Kashgar, were ture. sent to Koorlia, where they were kept in store. During our stay in the latter city, there were issued to the troops from this store from 200 to 300 percussion rifles of local manufacture. How cannons There was no regular cannon foundry in Kashgaria. In cases of necessity, Abdrashit, a Kokan mechanic, superintended the casting of guns at Yangi-Shar. He collected for this purpose all those workmen who were engaged in the manufacture of cast- iron in the town of Kashgar. Copper was procured principally from the Aksu Circle. On one occasion one of the Turkish instructors, Mamadoo Efendi, was entrusted with the casting of rifled cannon, but his attempts were not successful, inasmuch as at the first trial one of the guns which he had manufactured burst, and the breech fell off another. factiire manu " Powder was manufactured in all the large towns of Kashgaria. In the town of Kashgar five chariks were sent into the public store every week. In addition to this many of the pansats had their own small factories with two or three marking mills for the manufacture of powder for their own private use. The powder prepared in some of these factories was of very good t bnmston quality. Lead and brimstone were obtained in sufficient quan- tities from the various points of the mountainous tracts border- ing on Kashgaria. The richest lead mines were situated in the Kashgar Circle. The richest brimstone beds were in the Koocha Saltpetre. Circle. Of saltpetre there was very often a great deficiency. There were, indeed, very small saltpetre manufactories near the town of Bai, in the village of Kooshtam and at Dan Lan Za on the road between the town of Koorlia and Fort Karashar. Percussion In the town of Kashgar a factory had been built under the superintendence of one of the Turkish mechanics, where they prepared percussion caps of very good quality. Flint muskets The manufacture of flint muskets and of sabres (khvitchi) and sabres. was carried on by private enterprise. English me- Of the existence of English mechanics nothing was to be chauics. heard anywhere. CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 235 Cartridges for muzzle -loading rifles were also prepared by Cartridges for private enterprise. These were very well made and greatly re- iag^iaes sembled those used in Russian percussion rifles. 1 The cartridges for the flint muskets, as a rule, held only the Cartridges for powder which was wrapped up in a coarse kind of paper. The bullets were kept in a leathern bag, which was attached to the waist-belt. Cartridges for the breech-loading rifles were imported, but Cartridges for there was a great insufficiency of them. They told us that in rifles. ' the town of Kashgar a factory was being built for the manufac- ture of these cartridges. I do not know where they cast the shot for their smooth-bore Casting of shot guns. For the eight rifled guns which were received through bore guns. India, Yakoob Bek was provided with 2,000 rounds of ammu- for Yakoob , Belt's rifled llltion. guns w hence obtained. It now only remains for us to make some observations regard- Fortified places ing those fortified posts which were inspected by me during my stay in the dominions of Yakoob Bek. These points were Yangi-Shar, Kashgar, Maral-Bashi, Aksu, Koocha and Koorlia. Fort Yangi-Shar, which lies 7 versts (4frds miles) from the Yangi-Shar. town of Kashgar, is the strongest fortified point in the whole of Kashgaria, and alone deserves the name of a fortress. Yangi- Shar was built by the Chinese, who called it their citadel. In form it is an irregular square with faces of about 700 yards in length. Its defences consist of ramparts, surrounding walls and a ditch with water. The ramparts are of beaten earth and have a thickness of 5 sajens (35 feet). They consist of a terre-plein, along which a cart can pass, and of a castellated wall with towers. The height of the terre-plein is 4| sajens (31 \ feet). Clay walls of a thick- ness of 1 sajen (7 feet) rise to a height of 2 sajens (14 feet) 1 In the town of Koorlia, at the request of the Kashgarian djigits, who were attached to our suite, I gave 36 cartridges belonging to rifles that were formerly in possession of Siberian Cossacks. These cartridges the djlgits pre- sented at the inspection held by Yakoob Bek, instead of those of their own which they had expended 011 the road. Author. 23G KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. above the terre-plein. The base of the exterior and interior slopes of the ramparts is equal to half their height. The ditch has a width of 4 sajens (28 feet) and a similar depth. At the bottom of the ditch there is a cistern, about 5 feet deep. The sides of the ditch are of such a shape as to admit of easy descent into it, and of an escalade of the defensive walls. The water is supplied from the Igiz canal and is intro- duced into the fort from the western side. The canal supplies the fort with running water and fills a large reservoir which has been excavated inside. It seems that there are wells also in the fort besides this reservoir. The Igiz canal passes along an aque- duct which could be easily destroyed. The defence of the ditch is provided by two projecting towers. At the angles this defence is very weak. On the top of the scarps a wall has been built about seven feet high, but of insufficient thickness to resist even a bullet fired from a rifle. In this wall embrasures have been cut. Without having made a breach in this wall it would be difficult to storm the principal works. On the other side of this wall there is a banquette with a width of 70 feet. Plan and pro- One gate on the north side leads into the fort. During the year files of Yangi- Shar prepared 1872, when our Embassy was at Kashgar, Colonel Kaulbars and in 1872 by Colonel Kaul- Second Captain Startseff prepared a plan and very good profiles Second Captain of Fort Yangi-Shar. Judging from this plan, Yangi-Shar had StartseS of the . ., .-..-^ , , ., Russian army, in the year 1872 a better glacis than in 18/6. The glacis of We found a number of newly-constructed buildings on the much obstruct- Igiz canal, at a distance of 50 paces from the fort. On the north time." 03 that side too barracks which before were 200 paces from the ditch have now been moved to within 100 paces of the gates and in some places to 60. These erections are numerous and could not be easily thrown down from the fort. They, therefore, present several favourable points for the erection of batteries without great loss. Ordinary gar- ^ Q ordinary garrison of Yangi-Shar amounts to 1,000 men. rison of Yangi- * ' Besides these there are in the surrounding barracks about 3,000 more ; no guns were mounted on the walls. Inside the fort we only saw eight guns of various patterns and one large mortar. CHAP. VII.] EASHGARIA. 237 Another fortified point is the town of Kashgar, distant 7| Kashgar. vtrsts (4| miles) north-west of Fort Yangi-Hissar. The town is surrounded by a wall of Chinese construction, with a circum- ference of 3 versts (2 miles). In shape the wall is an irregular polygon. Numerous towers form the flanking defences of the ditch. The wall, during our stay at Kashgar, was kept in good order, but throughout almost the whole of its. extent it was without a banquette, so that its defence was only possible from the towers. The defences of the town of Kashgar have rw> glacis, and admit of an approach to within 50 paces of its walls. The armament of the defences of Kashgar consisted only of taifoors. After taking Fort Yangi-Shar, the surrender of the town of Kashgar without a fight might be reckoned upon. The third of the important defences of Kashgaria is Maral- Marai-Bashi Bashi, which is a point of very great strategical importance, as very the meeting place of the roads which lead to the town of Aksu from Khotan, Yarkend and Kashgar. It lies on the river Kashgar- Darya (which in its upper course is called the Kizwil-Su), half- way between the towns of Kashgar and Aksu. Maral-Bashi was also built by the Chinese. It is in shape a pentagon with faces about 120 sajens (280 yards) long. The thickness of its earthen ramparts is about 21 feet and their height about the same. At the corners there are high projecting towers, and in the middle of each face there is a small covered lodgment (capon- mere). Below the counter-scarp a defensive wall has been built. The ditch, which is fourteen feet wide, is furnished with an apparatus for filling it with water. At the bottom of the ditch stakes have been placed. No guns were visible, although each of the towers at the angles had embrasures. The gates are on the eastern face. Opposite them and out- side the fort stands a caravanserai, which was built for Yakoob Bek's reception on the occasion of his visits to the place. This caravanserai and the mosque attached to it greatly obstruct the 238 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. glacis of the work and afford suitable points for the erection of batteries. The fort, which is large enough to hold a garrison of 1,000 men, was occupied, during our stay there, by a hundred sarbazais armed principally with flint muskets. Several taifoors, which have been placed on the walls, would have to make way for artillery were any useful purpose in view. Aksu - The fourth of the fortified points of Kashgaria is the town of Aksu, which fs surrounded by a small wall about fourteen feet high, with a banquette. The whole is in a good state of preserva- tion. Along the western side of this wall there is a small ditch, at the bottom of which runs a small canal. There is no glacis at all outside the walls. Four gates lead into the town. Outside the city walls stand two citadels, an old one built by the Chinese and a new one built by Yakoob Bek. The old citadel lies to the north of the town on an eminence underneath which stands the town of Aksu, and hence this citadel commands both it and the new citadel. The old citadel has now been abandoned on account of its being found impossi- ble to carry water up to it. It would not, therefore, be difficult to gain possession of it. This commanding point once held, both the town of Aksu and the new citadel could be gained after a single bombardment. O The new citadel, which lies to the west of the town, has been recently built. Part of its walls are composed of burnt brick. Nevertheless the fire from 3-pounder mountain guns would soon overthrow them. The gates which lead into the citadel from the town are massive. There is no glacis to the works. Inside are the residence of the Hakim, stores, an arms factory and a portion of the garrison. Outside and close to the citadel there are two barracks. Beyond these again stretches a vast cleared space, which is used as a parade ground. In Yakoob Bek's time Aksu was defended by from 200 to 400 sarbazais, two guns and 1,000 of the latest joined recruits. Koocba. The fifth of the most important fortified places of Kashgaria is the town of Koocha, which has lately been encircled with a CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 239 new clay wall, in which embrasures have been cut, and to which flankino- towers have been attached. The wall is not thick. o The ditch is about 28 feet deep and about 21 feet wide. On the top of the scarp there is a defensive wall, and on the other side of it a wide banquette. The town is entered by two gates, on the west and east respectively. The second of these is badly defended and could be taken with a rush. On the western side the ditch has somewhat fallen in, so that here it could be crossed without a ladder. At the bottom of the ditch on this same face a small cistern has been sunk, which has been filled with water. 1 There is no glacis on the north-east and south faces. On the northern face there is a cemetery, whence part of the walls can be completely commanded. In front of the west face stretches a vast extent of ground forming a splendid glacis on this side. Inside the town and at about from 120 to 150 paces from the new wall is the old wall, which in places is almost entirely in ruins. The garrison of the town during our visit consisted of 1,500 men and two guns. Of these 1,000, who were uniformly clad and well-armed notwithstanding that many had only flint muskets, came from the town of Khotan and were going to start in the ensuing spring 2 for the advanced posts, leaving 500, who were for the most part recruits. Lastly, the sixth of the fortified points of Kashgaria is the Kooriia. town of Kooriia. This some years ago was encircled by a wall of very good construction, but thin and without flanking defences. The diameter of the town of Kooriia is about i verst (f ths mile). The river Hoidwin-Kooya washes the western and part of the southern face of the city walls. At 1| versts' (1 mile) distance to the east of the town is the citadel, quadrangular in shape with faces of about 160 yards in length. This is encircled by a wall with projecting towers at the angles. The height of this wall is about seven feet and of the towers about fourteen feet. The wall is very thin. Two gates facing the city lead into the citadel. 1 During our visit this water was frozen. Author. 2 In the year 1877. Author. 240 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. The garrison of the citadel in the year 1877 consisted of 600 soldiers with three guns. 1 Line of posts Besides the places named, we inspected also the line of posts from the river Kok-Su to the from the river Kok-Su, which is the boundary between the town of Kash- gar. province of Fergana and -Kashgaria, to the town of Kashgar. We refer to Irkeshtam, Yegin, Nagra-Tchaldwi, Mashroop, Ooksalir, Kan-Djoogan and Min-Yul. These are all of the same type and are quadrangular in shape, with faces of from 35 to 70 yards long with projecting towers at the angles connected by a defensive wall. Some have also a ditch. The walls are of clay and very thin. Their armament consists of some taifoors, and they have a garrison of from 20 to 80 men. stron^r^iian ^ n order to take possession of each of these posts in turn, a the rest. company of infantry furnished with a beam for battering down the gates or the walls would be sufficient. The post of Ooloog- chat is somewhat stronger than the others and may almost be called a fort. It is of the same type, but the length of its faces is from 9 to 115 yards and its garrison numbers 150 men. The town of Of all the towns which we visited Bai alone is not fortified. Bat not forti- fied. Numerical Let us now turn to an examination of the numerical strength distribution of and distribution of the Kashgarian army during our residence army a in h ?he" iau in the country in the year 1877. year 1877. Below will be found authentic details of the numerical strength of that army arranged in two categories. The strength at those points where we were ourselves and where we saw the troops mentioned, and the strength at those points which we did not ourselves visit. To the first category relate particulars as to the numerical strength of the troops at Kashgar, Fort Maral-Bashi, Aksu, Bai, Koocha, Koorlia and Fort Karashar, and at the posts between Fort Gultcha and Kashgar. To the second category belongs the information supplied in answer to questions put on the subject of the numerical strength of the troops in Yakoob Bek's advanced line of posts, viz., at Togsoon, Divantchi, Koonya-Toorfau and in the Circles of Yarkend and Khotan. 1 During our stay at Koorlia there were, besides these, in camp 2,500 djigits, brought by Yakoob Bek from Fort Togsoon on account of the deficiency of supplies at that place. Author. CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 241 A. Points which we visited. The Town of Kashgar Under the command of Yakoob Bek's eldest son, Bek Koolwi Bek : Sarbazais Dj iff its Chinese and Doongan taifoorchis Sarbazais and djigits under Aldash, Hakim of Kashgar, forming the ordinary garrison of the town Fort Maral-Bashi. Djigits Sarbazais The Town of Aksu. Sarbazais Djigits The Town of Bai. Djigits <$ sarbazais The Town of Koocha, Sarbazais Dj iff its Town of Koorlia. Sarbazais composing the garrison of the citadel Dj iff its in camp ... From 2,000 to 2,200 men 1,000 , 1,000 , 600 Total from 4,600 to 4,800 men, with 20 guns 300 men. 100 , Total... 400 1,000 men. 100 Total 1,200 with 2 guns. 400 men. 500 men. 1,000 Total 1,500 with 2 guns. 660 men. with 3 guns. 2.500 men. Total 3,160 with 3 guns. f One tabor of infantry was armed with rifles, the rest had firearms of vari- ous kinds, and amongst them many flint muskets. Most of the cavalry had . percussion and even breech-loading rifles. Part of Aldash's force had breech-loaders (we saw about 30 such). The rest had firearms of various J kinds, and amongst them l^were flint muskets. f The sarbazais were arm- I ed with flint muskets. The I djigits were away with the { Hakim of Maral-Bashi at I the advanced posts, and I I do not know of what their [armament consisted. f Of these only 300 were | old soldiers, the rest being I recruits. Their armament ) was composed partly of | percussion and partly of [flint firearms. f Three hundred of these J were recruits, and they were ) armed for the most part ( with flint muskets. P Amongst the sarbazais were 200 recruits. The 1.000 djigits, who were well trained and uniformly clothed, came from Khotan, and were to winter only at \ Koocha, departing in the spring for the advanced posts. Amongst their ar- mament were many per- cussion rifles and some flint [muskets. f The djigits had been brought from Togsoon by Yakoob Bek for commissa- riat reasons. Of these 600 men were sent with us to Koocha for the same reason. In the spring the whole were to go again to Togsoon [or to Koonya-Toorfan. 31 242 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. B. Points which we did not visit. In posts and forts of the mountain tracts. Djigits ff sarbazais ... (The posts which we visited were: Irkeehtam, Yegin, Mash- roop, Ooksalwir, Kandjoosan, Min-Yul and Fort Ooloogchat. The garrison of each of these places numbered from 20 to 100 men, whilst that of Ooloogchat was 150.) 1,500 men The armament of these men consisted partly of flint [ muskets and partly of per- cussion rifles. J Collected by Takoob Bek at the advanced poses to oppose the Chinese. f These were armed with At Fort Divantchi. Djigtts In the Town of Koon- ya-Toorfan. Under the command of Hakim Khan Turya : Sarbazais Doongan levies At Fort Togsoon. Under the command of the Badavlefs second son, Hak Koolwi Bek : Dji gits Sarbazais In the Yarkend and Yangi-Hissar Circles. Dj iff its Sf sarbazais ... In the Khotan Circle. Djigits 8f sarbazais ... 900 men and 2 guna. 3,500 men. 5,000 Total 8,500 with 20 guns of dif- ferent patterns. 10,000 men. 4,000 men. 2,000 Total 6,000 with 5 breech-load- ing guns.* 4,000 men. 3,000 Total 7,000 breech-loaders on the Snider system. Of the guns one { was a breech-loader, the other a muzzle-loader. Both I were rifled 3-pounders, and l^each was carried on a horse. f A portion of the cavalry was armed with breech- loaders and a part of the infantry with percussion I rifles (some of these were of local manufacture). The rest, both cavalry and [infantry, had flint muskets. f These Doongans had been ! recently collected for the J defence of the town, they j were little to be depended j on, were badly armed and ^ill-disciplined. f A portion of the cavalry was armed with breech- loaders, but the majority of the infantry with muz- zle-loaders. The guns were of no use, either because the breech mechanism was out of order or because of an in- sufficiency of ammunition. These figures are only } approximate, and should be received with caution. 1 According to other information two of these guns were muzzle-loaders. The whole were rifled. Author. CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 243 TOTAL. Djiffitg 13,300 men. 1 Sarbazais 11,560 ., Djigits and sarbazais With these troops were together 9,600 (54 guns of different apt- Chinese and Doongan terns. taifoorchis 1,000 ., Doongan levies 10,000 J GRAND TOTAL ... 45,360 These figures show the maximum force which Yakoob Bek Maximal* could muster for the maintenance of peace in his own vast Bek's disposal sovereignty, for the preservation of his frontier line towards Russian territory and for a struggle with the Chinese. Against the latter he had placed in the town of Koonya-Toorfan and in Forts Togsoon and Divantchi forces of the following strength : sarbazais 7,000 ; djigits 7,500, with 27 guns and levies of Doongans amounting to 10,000 men. These forces had, on the 1st March or 1st April (old style), to be increased by 1,500 djigits from Koorlia and 1,000 djigits from Koocha. In November 1876, in consequence of a famine in the Koonya- Toorfan District, Yakoob Bek was obliged to withdraw a con- siderable portion of his forces from the advanced posts to Koorlia and even to Koocha. On the h January 1877, the troops in the advanced posts were distributed, on account of the difficulty of provisioning them, at the following points : At Divantchi, Koonya-Toorfan, Togsoon, Fort Shag Tal, Oortantcha-Taulga (the last two are on the road between Togsoon and Karashar), Fort Karashar and Koorlia. The Badaulet brought with him to Koorlia 3,000 djigits. Of these 600 were sent to Koocha, and after taking to the advanced posts provisions for 1,000 men up to ~ February, they returned to Togsoon. The condition of the troops at the advanced posts during the condition of winter was woeful. The greater portion of them lived in tents Yakoob >F Bek's made of mata, with 20 degrees of frost on the ground. They advanced peats, had not sufficient warm clothing and scarcely any fuel. 244 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VII. Advanced The advanced point of the Chinese on the I st February 1877 point of the . _ . 13th * Chinese in the was the town of Ooroomtcha, where they had a force of 6,000 banning of Yakoob Bek's Spirit of his troops bad. Causes. Ynkoob Bek's After casting a rapid glance over all that we have said, one army not to be 1-1 compared with cannot but come to the conclusion that the army which Yakoob army." 11 " Bek had, could in no sense be compared with a European army. Hence it is only possible to compare it with those of other independent Asiatic potentates, with whom we had come into collision. ^ n ** s organization Yakoob Bek's army was more hetero- geneous than, for example, the army of Bokhara. In its armament and training it stood perceptibly higher than the forces of the Central Asian Khanates. Especially good was the Kashgarian cavalry in comparison with those disorderly and badly equipped bands of horsemen with whom we had come in contact in Central Asia. The spirit of Yakoob Bek's troops could not be considered L favourable for undertaking a stubborn fight. Abuses in recruit- ment (compulsory enlistment), the withholding of stipulated pay, the privations which the men had to undergo at the advanced posts, the presence of masses of Andijans (who were ready after the first failure to abandon their employer, and to make off to their own country with the goods which they had plundered in Kashgaria), lastly, a struggle with the Chinese, the issue of which could scarcely be doubted by any, all these were the causes which called forth in the ranks of Yakoob Bek's army that inducement to desert which increased day by day. Forecast of the We have not seen the Chinese army which is opposed to that tweeu Yakoob of Yakoob Bek, and we, therefore, cannot judge of its merits, Chines". much less settle the question as to which will come out victorious in the struggle which has commenced. This much only is clear to us, that whereas Yakoob Bek has already made every effort to bring together all his forces for the fight, the strength of the Chinese forces must increase with every month. We can in like manner confidently predict that the first serious engage- ment of the Badaulet's force with those of the Chinese will call forth a rising of the people against Yakoob Bek, because CHAP. VII.] KASHGARIA. 245 they are burdened with intolerable imposts, and because the existing order of things in Kashgaria is too oppressive to last. With regard to the opposition which at this particular epoch Opposition to a . Kussian force a Kussian army marching on Kashgaria would encounter, it may entering Kash- be said, that such an opposition would detain us only during the time that it would take to march through the mountainous tracts for the purpose of capturing Yangi-Shar and certain other forti- fied points. In the open field Yakoob Bek's army could be as easily defeated and scattered as have been the hosts of Kokan, Bokhara and Khiva, when these have met our Turkestan troops at Irdjar, Tchapanata, Zeraboolak, Chandir and Makhram. 246 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. vnr. CHAPTER VIII. Glance at events in Kashgaria from February 1877 up to the present time Death of Takoob Bek Internal dissensions Struggle amongst Yakoob Bek's sons Bek Koolwi Bek Advance of the Chinese Capture of Koorlia, Koocha, Aksu, Maral- Bashi and Kashgar by the Chinese Bek Koolwi Bek's unsuccessful campaign against Khotan Policy of the Chinese commanders towards the population of Kashgaria. Yakoob Bek's AT the time of our stay in Kashgaria, viz., from October 1876 advanced posts. to March 1877, Yakoob Bek's advanced posts were the follow- ing :- Koonya-Toorfan, which was held by Hakim Khan Turya with a force of some thousand sarbazais and levies. Togsoon, which was held by Hak Koolwi Bek, Yakoob Bek's youngest son, with a force of 6,000 djigits and sarbazais. Fort Divantchi, the most advanced post, which was held by 900 djigits armed with breech-loaders. Chinese The small range of the Divantchi hills separated the combatant Lowering P of n forces. Ooroomtcha was the most advanced point held by the Yakoob Bek's Chinese. In it they had 6,000 men. The winter of 1876-77 dertfon dthe had lowered the condition of Yakoob Bek's army, especially in therefrom. regard to its morale. Desertion had begun to rapidly spread even amongst those persons on whose devotion Yakoob Bek had always depended. Chinese treat- The Chinese received deserters very kindly and nominated deserters. them to various posts in the towns of Djitwishar. Return of the We ourselves did not happen to be spectators of the events Bion before which led to the rapid and unexpected overthrow of the Kash- Yakoob Bek's . . -mi. i i L L ^ j_i 24th March overthrow. garian sovereignty, since our Embassy had started on the - 5th Aprii - 1877 on its return journey, one week before the advance of the Chinese to their attack on Yakoob Bek's army. Below will be found some interesting particulars obligingly communicated to me by Major lonoff, Commandant of the Osh District, and by Zamau. Khan Effendi. 1 1 Zaman Khan Effendi, an exile from the Caucasus, and a man of some education, came from Constantinople to Kashgaria, where he succeeded in obtaining a prominent position under Yakoob Bek. During the period of our CHAP. VIII.] KASHGARIA. 247 _ _ ------ -"" - ,. -,-r- -,-r-, - According to the testimony of these two persons, the march of events in Djitwishar, from April 1877, went on in the follow- ing order : On the 5 April 1877, the Chinese, to the number of 4,000, Thc Chinese advance from marched from Ooroomtcha to Fort Divantchi, to which they laid j siege. The garrison, numbering 1,300 men, after a poor defence, which sur - renders to which lasted for three days, surrendered to them. them. At the same time as they moved from Ooroomtcha to Divantchi, They make a " . demonstration the Chinese made a demonstration from the town of Hami also from (Komool) towards Koonya-Toorf an. 2,000 armed inhabitants held Koeny*-Toor- this place, and they surrendered to the Chinese without firing a surrenders to S shot. Hakim Khan Turya just succeeded in getting off with a them ' handful of soldiers toTogsoon, where he joined Hak Koolwi Bek. The detachment, then under the command of the latter, was composed of 4,000 djigits and sarbazais and of 6,000 armed inhabitants. On hearing of the advance of the Chinese, Hak Koolwi Bek sent to his father, who was at Koorlia, for permission to forward reinforcements to Divantchi and Koonya-Toorfan, but before an answer could be received these places had already fallen, and Hak Koolwi Bek, who was, in turn, without reinforcements, Hak Koolwi retreated with his whole force to the town of Karashar, fearing 12iSir. at8 that he would be cut off from the Soo-Bashi pass. Loo Tcha Darin, the Commander of the Chinese forces, acted judicious very judiciously with regard to the prisoners whom he took at Chinese Com- Divantchi. His treatment of these men was calculated to have "chlf Dari^ a good influence in favour of the Chinese. All of such as were inhabitants of Djitwishar, amounting to 1,000, he treated kindly, furnishing them with money for road expenses and with passes, and then releasing them. He further announced that he was fighting only against the Andijans, i. e., the parvenus from Fergana and Tashkent ; that he stay at Koorlia, Zaman Khan shewed many civilities to us. In like manner he did much to lighten the position of our traveller Prjevalski, whom he accom- panied to Lob-Nor. Zaman Khan remained with Yakoob Bek till his death, and was present at the fall of the Kashgarian monarchy. He then, with other adherents of Yakoob Bek, fled to Russian territory, where he met with a hearty reception. Author. 248 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VIII. held no doubt as to the devotion of the inhabitants of Djitwishar to the Chinese Government, and that in a short time he would endeavour to free them from the extortions of Yakoob Bek. The remaining prisoners, who were natives of other parts of Turkestan, were sent to Ooroomtcha. Effect of this The released prisoners came to Karashar, and the rumour of mi Id treatment. the details attending their release reached the Badaulet. Esteeming the course of action adopted by the Chinese to be Yakoob Bek in very pernicious to himself, Yakoob Bek, in order to neutralize endeavouring to neutralize the Chinese influence over the released prisoners, resorted to a influence measure, which did himself still greater harm, whilst it increased measure which the general sj'mpathy for the Chinese. He sent directions to his s til? greater son Hak Kool wi Bek to deprive the released prisoners of all further power of spreading the story as to their deliverance. Hak Koolwi Bek, in fulfilment of his father's orders, massacred the greater number of these unfortunate persons. The remainder effected their escape and returned to the Chinese. This measure, as might have been expected, produced a result entirely opposed to that anticipated by Yakoob Bek. The report of this atrocity swiftly spread throughout the whole of Kash- garia, and not only revealed the weakness of the Andijans, but made them more detested than before. The clemency of the Chinese towards their prisoners was exaggerated in the narra- tion and served to strengthen the party opposed to Yakoob Bek. The Chinese were thus benefited and a machine was set in motion, which, aided by a course of energetic action, tended to the overthrow of Yakoob Bek's authority. Causes of the Certain it is that the effect of this story acting in combina- rapid successes of the Chinese, tion with the general discontent of the people against Yakoob Bek, is the only explanation of the subsequent and extraordi- narily rapid successes of the Chinese, of which we shall speak below. Yakoob Bek in At 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the ff[J May 1877, the siayshis n ' Badaulet ' became greatly exasperated with his secretary Hamal, HamaT 5 ' whom, for some inexact discharge of a certain duty, he killed with a blow delivered with the butt-end of his gun. And k hC h' Having killed Hamal, he set upon his treasurer, Sabir Akhoon, treasurer whom he also began to beat. In the struggle with him he CHAP. VIII.] KASHGARIA. 249 received a blow which deprived him of his senses. After remain- ing in this condition for some time the ' Badaulet ' died at 2 o'clock Je in the mornin^ of the ? May. The stories that Yakoob Bek deprives him 29th . of his senses. was poisoned by his son Hak Koolwi Bek, and that he himself Death o{ took poison in consequence of his want of success against the Yako ' Chinese, are devoid of foundation. I will here insert verbatim an account of Yakoob Bek's character as related by Zaman Khan in a letter to my address : " The deceased Yakoob Bek was an intelligent and energetic man, possessed of a surprising memory. He was at the same character, time both cunning and sly. The truth he scarcely ever spoke. He was an egotist in the fullest sense and respected the opinion of no man. As a military man he of late shewed himself to be very inferior. As a polygamist he surpassed the Persian Fatali Shah. In his private life he was simple, without any preten- sions, and was satisfied with little. At times he was kind and courteous to all. He observed the ceremonies of religion in a conscientious manner. During the 24 hours he rested only for four hours, 1 being occupied during the remainder of the day. He trusted no one. In all matters, whether relating to the stable or the cook-house, or to the most important affairs of State, he looked after everything himself. " Three secretaries formed his entire council. Yakoob Bek was not an educated man, and yet those who did not know him would imagine him to be learned ; for oftentimes he would quote, either for the sake of eloquence, or in illustration of what he was saying, such texts from the Koran as might be apposite to his remarks, or couplets from verses by well-known Persian poets. In the Persian language he conversed with freedom. His orders as issued to his subordinates were written out at his dictation, and their reports were returned with his remarks noted thereon. Letters, however, which he received from Russia or from other States he kept together with the copies which were made of the same. 1 Probably in this period the time which he devoted to sleep is not reckoned. Author. 32 250 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VIIT. " Yakoob Bek took nothing from the rulers of towns except the yearly offering. Such officials were, however, obliged to keep up a certain number of troops. With regard to the taxes exacted by the provincial rulers from the people under their administration, they had no control over such demands. It was only at uncertain periods that he called upon his officials for considerable sums of money, and these had to be paid without demur. Niaz Bek, Hakim of Khotan, besides a yearly offering, sent every week 11 yambas of silver (1,200 roubles or 150) and 44 seers of gold about 1,800 roubles (225), or about 3,000 roubles (375) a week." Hak Kooiwi On the day of Yakoob Bek's death, i. e., on the l ~ May, Hak Bek goes to Kooriia on the Kooiwi Bek came to Koorlia from Karashar. For three whole Bek's death, days he told no one of his father's death. During this period all the troops at Karashar were called back to Koorlia. He announces Having collected his forces at Koorlia, Hak Kooiwi informed the event to his troops. them on the 20th May of the death of their sovereign and declared 1st June that it was his wish to go with his father's body to Kashgar, where his elder brother Bek Kooiwi Bek was, who, he said, had taken the place of a father to him and without whose permission Appoints he would undertake nothing. Having contented the army with Hakim Khan , 'i urya as his the issue of two months pay, and having appointed Hakim Koorfia and Khan Turya his deputy for the time being, Hak Kooiwi Bek set Ks C h e gar. t0 out on the %^~ e for Kashgar. Report as to According to report, it was Yakoob Bek's wish to appoint not Yakoob Bek's wishes with his eldest but his youngest son, Hak Kooiwi Bek, his successor, succession to the latter being more warlike and more liked by the army. All Sympathy'of the officers of the army were also on his side. With regard to the sympathy of the people, especially of Kashgar and particu- respective y. j ar j v o ^ ne me rchant class, that was on the side of Bek Kooiwi Bek. Real motive According to the same information, Hak; Kooiwi Bek set out for Kashgar with the object of proclaming himself ruler. The taking of his father's body to that place was a mere pretext. . Bek Kooiwi It is equally certain that Bek Kooiwi Bek recognized in his toward8his S brother a dangerous rival, of whom he hoped to rid himself brother. w |^ n fa Q ^ Q f an assass i n> CHAP. VIII.] KASHGARIA. 251 On the 2juhMay j i 6i} the day after Hak Koolwi Bek's departure The troops at 7th June TTnnrl'n r from Koorlia, all the troops assembled in that town and pro- claim Hakim claimed Hakim Khan Turya, Khan. The latter immediately- fha" aH-kt sent off a certain Kipchak, Dash Bek by name, with 500 place * horsemen, in pursuit of Hak Koolwi Bek, with orders to prevent his seizing the treasury at Aksu. On the l ~ June, Hak TKoolwi Bek, with 30 attendants, left Hak Koolwi Aksu for Kashgar. At 80 versts' (53Jrd miles) distance from that the instigation town, near the station of Koopruk and at the bridge over the Bek. 6 Kizwil-Su, Hak Koolwi Bek was treacherously slain by Mahmed Zia Pansat, who was sent by Bek Koolwi Bek to meet him. According to another story, less worthy of credence, Bek Koolwi Bek personally met Hak Koolwi Bek and shot him with a revolver at the very moment of their meeting. He at the same time ordered all Hak Koolwi's followers to be slain. In consequence of these events the Kashgarian sovereignty Division of the became divided into three parts, each of which had at its head Kashgariainto a separate ruler. In Kashgar there was Bek Koolwi Bek ; in ui^e/Bek' Aksu, Hakim Khan Turya; and in Khotan, Niaz Bek. These Hakim Khan three began to fight amongst themselves. Bek Koolwi Bek ^z Befc d proved himself the most powerful ancl the most energetic. res P ectlvel J' Having collected a force of 5,000 men he advanced against Aksu. Hakim Khan Turya, on his part, collected a body numbering Bek advances over 4,000 men and went out to meet him. Near Yaida (Djaida), against Aksu> between Maral-Bashi and Aksu, the respective advanced guards had a skirmish, in which the Kashgarians were defeated and pursued as far as Tchool-Koodook (Shoor-Koodook). Three days afterwards Bek Koolwi Bek concentrated his forces at the place last named, whilst Hakim Khan Turya's main body was at Turya's forces Yaida. Between these two places a decisive battle took place and hVflies to that lasted for five hours. Hakim Khan suffered a defeat and tory!'*" saved himself by escaping to Russian territory. His army surrendered to Bek Koolwi Bek. On the -^ August, Bek Koolwi Bek entered Aksu in triumph. Bek Koolwi Having stopped there two weeks, he started on the 1*J^IS5L_ Akauhuri- September un]D j on his return journey to the town of Kashgar, where he o- av e 252 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VIII. He advances to Khotan. Niaz Bek's forces having been defeated he flies to Tchar-tchak. Bek Koolwi Bek enters the town of Khotan. The Chinese capture Koorlia, Koocha and .Aksu and the Kashgarian garrisons retreat to Kashgar. Effect of this news on Bek Koolwi Bek. The Chinese troops in the service of Kashgaria shut them- selves up in Yangi-Shar. Effect of this news on the followers of Bek Koolwi Bek. his troops a month's rest, after which he set out, on the ^October with 5,000 men for Khotan. On the jo^h Octoter he was met at Zava by the Khotan army under the leadership of Emm Bek, brother of Niaz Bek. The Khotanese fled on the first charge of the Kashgarian cavalry. Niaz Bek, who was at the time in Khotan (Ilchi), 30 versts (20 miles) distant from Zava, hearing of his brother's defeat, had no desire to prolong the contest, so he took his family and his belongings and set out for Tchar-tchak, whence, in all probability, he intended making his way to the Chinese by the river Khotan- Darya and across Lob-Nor. The next day Bek Koolwi Bek entered the town of Khotan and sent men to pursue and to catch Niaz Bek, but those whom he sent returned without success. On the ^ October Bek Koolwi Bek received news of the capture of Koorlia, Koocha and Aksu by the Chinese, and of the retreat of the Kashgarian troops towards Kashgar. Under the influence of this news he sent a messenger to Kashgar for his family, directing that they should be escorted to Yarkend. - he himself went to Yarkend, where he found 25th October Flight of the whole of Bek Koolwi Bek's infantry. Bek Koolwi Bek endea- vours to make On the 6th j>j ovembel . his family. But meanwhile still sadder news had reached the same place. Those Chinese soldiers who had been made Mussul- mans by Yakoob Bek, forced their way into Fort Yangi-Shar (citadel of the town of Kashgar) and shut themselves up in it. This intelligence produced a great impression on all Bek Koolwi Bek's followers, for the families of very many of them were living in Yangi-Shar, and had, therefore, been seized by the Chinese. They, therefore, began to publicly reproach Bek Koolwi Bek, saying that if he had not sent for his own family from Yangi- Shar, the Chinese would not have dared to resort to such an extreme measure. A little before this, Bek Koolwi Bek had sent all his infantry from Yarkend to Maral-Bashi by the direct road, but on the way they all fled. Seeing that his affairs had now become des- perate, he, accompanied by the Hakim of Yarkend and by his own family, started on the night of the ~ November for the town of Kargalwik, which lies oil the road to Khotan. But CHAP. VIII.] KASHGARIA. 253 certain persons, whose families had been detained in Yangi-Shar, for K but is prevent- stopped the intending fugitive, and demanded that he should ed and made , .. . . to undertake go with them to try and recapture this tort. measures for the recapture of Yangi- Shar. Bek Koolwi Bek was consequently obliged to consent and to Bek Koo i wi return to Kashgar. Having arrived at Yangi-Hissar, which is half- ^\ way between Yarkend and Kashgar, he out of pure spite to the | Chinese Chinese gave orders that all the Chinese boys in the service of various persons should be slain. Two hundred were the victims of this order. At the same Aidash Dat- time Aidash Datkha, Governor of Kashgar, killed 400 Chinese of O f Kash both sexes and of various ages who had not gone into the citadel chmese. of Yangi-Shar. On the Bek Koolwi Bek came to Kashgar and took * up his abode in a garden, distant about 3 versts (2 miles) from Kasbgar. Yangi-Shar. Those of his troops and some Doongans who had come to him from Aksu, to the number of more than 10,000, laid siege to the citadel and began to prepare to storm it. All their efforts were fruitless. The garrison of 500 Chinese defend- Failure of his ed itself heroically, for not only were all the assaults repulsed, but almost every night the Chmese made sorties and inflicted y sensible loss on the besiegers. On the ^ December reports were circulated throughout Bek The Chinese said to be at Koolwi Bek's camp that the Chinese were close to Faizabad, 60 Faizabad. versts (40 miles) distant from Kashgar. Aidash Datkha was Aidash Dat- sent with a force against them, but he, after firing a few shots, kha ' s force ' retreats. retreated. This retreat was the commencement of a general retirement. A panic seized Bek Koolwi Bek's troops, and they fled into Bek Koolwi Russian territory, some to Fergana through the Terek-Davau fl y k in * various pass, some to Narwin by Chakmak and Artoosh. Bek Koolwi thiis^he'him- Bek was the first to give the signal for the flight. 8elf s es to - At seven o'clock the same evening a small reconnoitring party The Chinese sent by the Chinese from Haral-Bashi entered the town of Kashgar. Kashgar without a blow. After Bek Koolwi Bek's troops followed thousands of the Exodus of the inhabitants of Kashgar and their families, for they feared a o" ' Kashgar. 254 KASHGARIA. [CHAP. VIII. repetition of those atrocities which had on every occasion attend- ed the appearance of the Chinese after the expulsion of the Khodjas Djengir, Valikhan and Katta-Turya. These unfortunate people set out for the Terek-Davan and crossed the range of mountain bordering it at a time when there were 30 degrees of frost. Their suffer- There now began a repetition of the horrors which attended the flight of the Kashgarians after Katta-Turya's expulsion, when tens of thousands perished from frost and hunger. Measures Happily for the fugitives on the present occasion, Major lonoff, adopted by the ' * . Russian forces an energetic and experienced Turkestan i an and Commandant of of the fugi- the Osh District in which the Terek-Davan pass is situated, adopted measures for their safety. He himself accompanied by his second-in-command, Captain Koselein, set out for the pass and at once organized measures for the relief of those Kashgarians who reached Russian territory almost frozen and perished from hunger. The fugitives were warmed and fed and then sent on horses to the town of Osh. All who crossed Russian territory were saved. The District Commander of the province of Sermiraitchia likewise did all he could to lighten the sufferings of those fugitives who sought safety in Russian territory. The Sari-Koi The inhabitants of Yarkend tried to fly to Sarwikol and even vent fugitives to Shignan, but the Sarwikol Kirghiz made them go back and entering their gave them into the hands of the Chinese, territory. Q Q ^. g occas j on ^he Chinese, taught by bitter experience, Altered behaviour of kept themselves at first under comparative restraint. The peo- the Chirese r towards the pie were appeased. Mussulmans were appointed as headmen country. l of the towns. Trial by the Code of the Shariat was permitted, and religion was not interfered with. 1 About ten men were executed during the first day of their return. But the Chinese had only just come. They let the people remain in peace and turned their attention, amongst other matters, to the horses. The inhabit- Rumour tells us that the Kashgarians were forbidden to keep sariaare K not " horses. Those who disobeyed this order were executed, or, permiited to possess horses. 1 The Chinese always strictly adhered to non-interference in religious matters. Author, CHAP. VIII.] KASHGARIA. 255 according to other reports unworthy of credence, they were starved to death and even blown from guns. la the horses which had given the Kashgarians the power of Reason for moving rapidly over vast tracts, the Chinese saw one of the tion. pr principal causes of their former defeats. The further events which took place during the present year Further events are but little known to us. We only know that with the occu- a pation of Kashgar by the Chinese, the struggle is not yet over. Chinese. Certain towns have not acknowledged the supremacy of the Chinese, and continue to fight with them up till now. Amongst these towns, Khotan and Ootchtoorfan maintain the lead. The Chinese have undertaken to occupy the country with too weak forces, which must perforce be scattered about. If, therefore, there should appear in Kashgaria an energetic opponent of the Chinese, he might hope to give them much trouble and might even defer the pacification for some years until sufficient rein- forcements from the Celestial Empire should arrive to overcome all opposition, and be in a position to uphold the order of things once more re-established. From the latest intelligence it is apparent that the mild The Chinese alter their behaviour of the Chinese towards the natives has ceased. The behaviour people, as of old, are burdened with intolerable exactions in natives, who the shape of money, provisions and forced labour. Executions regret the have begun. Dissatisfaction increases and many have come to Yakoob Bek. dwell on the memory of Yakoob Bek with regret. THE END. 13 53 84 \ a jffjm U.C.BERKELEY LIBRARIES X