vv * LIBRARY <>K T1IK UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. Received.- . Accessions No^-^J 2 Shelf No. VIEW OF T H K Conduft of the OF T H S United States. ft VIEW 07 THE Conduft of the Executive, I N T II E FOREIGN AFFAIRS United States^ CONNECTED WITH THE*MISSION TO FRENCH REPUBLIC, DURING THE YEARS 1794, 5, & 6. By James Late Mini/let" Plenipotentiary to the fa'id ILLUSTRATED BY HIS Inftrulions and Correipondence AND OTHER AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS. COPY R:GHT SECURED ACCORD^G ro LAW. PHILADELPHIA: inrcJ by and for BENJ. FRANKLIN BACH E, and to be kad at the 'e of the AURORA, No. 1.2, Market- (licet, f e>* Advertilement. THE Editor conceives it incumbent on to inform the Public, that the Author of the fol- lowing Vh>\v is notconcerned in the emoluments of the publication. The Editor holds the copy right as a free aift, and .it is entirely at his expense and for his benefit that the work is published. One paragraph in Mr Monroe's Instructions and likewise a part of the Le tiers No. 2 2 ai.d 09 (of the last only a few words) are, from mo- tives of delicacy, omitted. The article of In- struction applies to the case of an individual, and the passages in those letters are likewise of a personal nature, unconnected with the merits of any general topic. The absence of the Author has prevented his superintendance over the publication, and is the cause of a few errors, the most material of which are noted in the next page. His distance from this city, also, delayed the receipt of the following note, until it was too late to give it its proper place in the J^iew* It "is heie sub- joined. ridas Note. I did not mention the intimation about the Florida to the adminillration, becauie I thought it a fuby.ft with which I had nothing to do feeking only to open the Mifli- fippi and fettle the boundary, according to my inftrucHons ; and becaufe, had the cafe been otherwiie, that ftate of things was too tranfitory to admit any thing being done in it. I find however, afterwards, when the French government began to change its policy towards us, and were fuppcfed to be treating for that territory with Spain, that in communicating what I heard of the depending negotiation, I mention- fo, its former difpofirion in that refpect, as a proof o/ that change. See page 363. E R R A T A. IN THE V I E W. Page 10 4th Line, after the word administration iafert, and to place tbe views of the administration* IN THB DOCUMENTS. Page 7 The letter fiiould bear date the nth not iot.b. 15 Line I4th read, succeeded for succeed* 19 The letter to the Prefident oi' the COB vent i on fhould be da* led the itfb. 24 In the i ft line of the MinifterVlrtter, read representative for representatives. 41 Line 8th from bottom, acid ^period afier the word solid. 42 Line 5th, alter observe add also. 75 Line 8th from bottom, re.'d occluding for secluding 80 Line i4th from bottom, $&& possesses for possess. 1 1 1 Line 8th, for seemed read seem. 119 Line 2ift, for dispositions read, disposition. Ibid. Line i3th from bottom, for avoided read dreaded. 143 Line 1 8th, for completed read concluded. 273 Line 24th, for constitution read election. 274 Line 5th, for hundred read thousand. 276 Line 27th, after declaration add in favor. 277 Line 26th, for whatever read irA-z/. 296 Line izth, for conclude read presume. 374 Line i9th, before the word complain iufert & 375 Line 4th, fc received v i E w, |_N the month of May, 1794, I was Invited by the Prefident of the United States, through the Se- cretary of State, to accept the office of Minifter Pleni- potentiary to the French republic. The proportion was plain and direct, Lnnouncing to me, for the iiril time, that the exe- cutive thought of me for thit office ; aiid certain it is, I did not folicit, defire or even think of it for myfelf. The fecre- tary obferved that Mr. Morris was to be recalled , and itbe- intf neceffary to appoint a fuccefibr, the prefident had requefl- ed him to inform me, he {hould be glad I would take hi ; place. I received the communication with a due degree ienfibility ; but yet the propofal was fo new and unexpected, that it was, from a variety of confederations, impoflible for me to give an immediate anfwer to it. I requefted fome days to deliberate on the fubjet, which were granted. I was at this time a member of the fenate of the United States, for the State of Virginia, which (lation I had held for feveral years before. It had been too my fortune in the courfj of my fervice, to differ from the adrniniftration, upon many of OUT moil important public meafures. It is not necefla- ry to fpecify here the feveral initances in which this variance in political fentiment took place between the adminiftratioa and myfelf : I think proper however to notice two examples of it, fmce they ferve eflentially to illuftrate the principles up- on which that variance was founded: and the light in which I was known to the adminiftiation and my country before this propofal was made to me. The firft took place when Mr. Mor- lis was nominated minifter plenipotentiary to the French re- public; which nomination I oppofed, becaufe I was perfuaded from Mr. Morris's known political character and principles, that his appointment, and efpecially at a period when the French iJjf. a courfe o revolution, from an arbitrary to a Fr.ee government, would tend to difcountenance the repub- lican caufe there and at home, and otherwife weaken, and j.itly to our prejudice, the connexion fubfifting between the two countries. The fccond took place when Mr. Jay was nominated to Great Britain ; which nomination too I oppofed, becaufe under all the well known circumitances of the mo- ment, I was of opinion we could not adopt fuch a meafure, confiftently cither with propriety, or any reafonable ppofpe6t of adequate fuccefs; fince being a meafure without tone, and one which fecured to that power time, which of all things it wiflied to fecure, it feemed -better calculated to anfwer its purpofe than ours ; moreover, becaufe I was of opinion, in the then flate of European affairs, it would be made by the enemies of the two Republics the means ot embroiling us with France, the other party to the -juropcan war; and be- caufe I thought it .was unconftitutional tq appoint a member of the judiciary into an executive ofFcc : And laitly becaufe I alfo rhou-ht, from ; a variety of confiderations, it would be difficult to find within the limits of the United States, a per- fon who was more likely to improve, to the greateit poilible extent, the mifchicf to which the meafure naturally expoied us. This laft example took place only a few weeks before my own appointment, which was on the. 23th of May 1794. "When I confidered thefe circumftanccs, I was furpriied i this propofal fhoula be made me by the adminiitration, and intimated the fame to the Secretary of State; who replied, that my political principles, which were known to favor the French revolution and to cherifh a friendly connection with France, were a ftrong motive with the Prefident for offering rne the miffion, fince he wirhcd to fatisfy the French govern- ment what his own fentiments were upon thofe points. He added, that in his opinion, the Prefident was as fincere a friend to the French revolution and our alliance with France, as I could be, and ofcourfe that nothing wcwjd be required of me inconfiftent with my own principles ; on the contrary that I mould be placed on a theatre where I might gratify my feelings in thofc refpech, and at the fame time render a moft uleful and acceptable fervice to my country; for that our af- fairs with France had fallen into great derangement, and re- quired an immediate and deci.fi ve effort to retrieve them. Thus advifed I fubmitted the proportion to my friends, who w.reof opinion 1 ought to accept it, and whereupon I did accept it. My inftru&ions were drawn in ftricl: conformity with thefe fentiments, as will appear by a perufal of them. They enjoin- It <>n nie, ' " nMnofl: - .ir* (o IP/ French - ef s cf //: i ' 6 loejl'til re- i -net in the c'Ar--fc of our i\ : in explicit terms ( :\\t\\r.\\*\\ neutrality was the Jot we prckrrcd, yet i;i cafe :r tf ".vow-.- >*ne- had occurred in the ccurfc- ci cur aiTairs of a nature to i reatC in France doubts of a t cxpresliy adverted to, for : t:> riiiR- pnteth;/ ;\ic- cc fa ful .The ini'Iion of Mr. Jay to Lot>6c ly noticed ; becaufe it was, I p:vfi: : to .produce or folicr fuch doubts. IToon ' inftruc- tio-is were 25 follows : fe It is no: -ill be o- : on :;ter r- But you m;iy declare tiie ::^j-:ves of th^ v-, tj ob- tcli /'->:': , and re-* uiioftbspL Another incident ivas taken' atlvan li^ 2 cf by tiie r.dm'tnif- trati?:i, vith n vievr ro fat-' nt of France th?.t its profeflions were in ail rcf The fenate r.r.cl hcuff of reprcf.ntativeG hr.d each pa(Ted a rciblution, ex- preiTive of the i.ntereit they tcok, refpcclirely, intlie vveifure of the French republic, with a requeft by each to the executive, to tnmfmit the fame in its behaif to the French government. In fuJfiiling this duty the executive availed itfelf of the oppor- tunity furnimed, to declare its own fentiments on the fame fubjet, which it clid in terirjs the rnoft ftrang and empha- tic that could be tifecL In domoiunicating the refulution of the fenate it .va's cbf^rvcd by the Secretary of Stare (thro whcfe department the communication palled) " that in ex- ecuting this duty, the liberal fuccours which the United Sr received from the French nation, in their fcrii^gle for inde- pendence, prefent themiVives warm to the recoficclidn. On this bails was the friendikip between the two nations found*- cfd : On this bafis and the continued interchange of regard fince has it grown ; and fupportcd by thefe motives it will J-emaiii firm and conftant. The Senate therefore tender tr> the committee of public faftty, their zealous whiles for the French republic , they learn with fenfibiitty every fuecefs eh praraotss the happinefi of tl^s French nation ; "C vi ] the full eP ablifhment of their pence and liberty will be ever ned by the .Senate as a happinefs to the Umtcd States V." And in communicating that of the houi? of rty; rt was further added ; that in no manner could tin's honorable and grateful fur, cHon be more properly ' feizirigthc occafion of declaring to the al- ly of tlvj United States, that the caufe of liberty, in the de- fence of which fo much American blood and treafures have i.uiflied, is chcrilhed by our republic with increafing cnrhufuifm ; that under the itandard of liberty wherefoever u iiiall be ditphycd, tlie a fled ion of the United States will always rally ; and that the fuccelles of thofe who (land forth avengers will be gloried in by the United States, and will be felt as the fuccciTcs of themfclves and the other friends of humanity. Yes, reprefcntatives of our ally, your com- munication 'has been addrefied to thofe who fliare in your fortunes, and who take a deep interefl in the happinefs and prbfperity of the French republic." Theie resolutions were public, being printed and pub- lilhed on the journal of each houfe ; whence it was reafon- ubic to infer, that the communication of the executive, which announced them to the French government, was likcwife of a public nature, especially when it was coniidcred that the committee of public fafety might publilh the whole, if it lit fit. No intimation was given me by the adminif- tration that it was its wi(h they ihould be kept fecrct ; I fort concluded that the publication thereof, was a cir- cumflance, that mud have been contemplated by the execu- tive. Upon this bafis my miflion war, laid ; a bafis which. fa- tisfied me, that whatever might be the fuccefs of our -ex- inary million to England, its objects were fo few, and its powers ib ftriHy limited and well defined, that nothing pofiibly refult from it, that would leflen the confidence of France in the friendship and affection profeffed towards her, or call in queition the purity of my motives in accepting, un- ; adminiitratfon, this million to the French republicr ' rheprofpecl; before me therefore every way was an eligible one, My connection with the adminiftration was formed upon my . iiiciples j or rather ourprinciples appeared to be thefame in all the points in o,ue(lion ; and the duties it was enjoined upon me to perform, were thofe in which of all others I v. idrjd to fuccccd : for nothing could be more delightful to me, than by labouring to infpire the French government, upon terms i;v r e u-nl honorable to myfclf, with a confidence E v,i i in the fair and friendly views of our own, to contribute to re* claim to the bonds of a clofc amity, two couiurks \vho f& friendfliip was contracted in the war of our revolution, and which ought to be eternal ; but who were now unhappily di- verging from each other, and in danger of being thrc\v;i v/hol- ly apart ; and, as I preiumeclj equally againil the intereii: and inclination of both. Nor could any thing be more delightful to me, than to be able, by means of that confidence, to recover to our citizens a full indemnity for the injuries they had al- ready iiiitainedby the lofs of it : And thcfc were the particu- lar duties it was enjoined upon me to perform. I embarked therefore immediately with a view to commence and purfuc them with zeal. Upon my arrival in Paris, which was on the 2(\ of Auguft 1794, I found that the work of alienation and difunioa had been carried further than I had before even fuipected. The. liaraiTment of our commerce had commenced, aiid gone to fonie extent ; and a coolnefs and diitruit of our policy \ver^ marked ftrongly in their proceedings. In fliort it was ap- parent that things were in train for an entire feparation of the two countries, as may be feen by reference to the docu- ents which exhibit a correct view of the then Hate of our affairs.* I prefented my credentials to the commiiTary of foreign af- fairs, foon after my arrival ; buc more than a week had elap- fed, and I had obtained no anfwer, when or whether I ihouicl be received. A delay beyond a few days lurprifed me, be^ caufe I could difcern no adequate or rational motive for ir, The ftate of things occafioned by the fall of Robefpierre, which took place jufl before my arrival, might protract it for that term, but not a longer one. Soon however intimations were given me, that it proceeded from a very different caufe ; one too which materially affected the honor of our adminiltratiou as well as my own. It was intimated to me that the com- mittee, or feveral at lead of its members, had imbibed an o- pinion that Mr. Jay was fent to England with views unfriend- ly to France, and that my million to France was adopted for the purpofe of covering and fupportrng his to England ; that the one was a meafure of iubftantial import, contemplating on our part a clofe union with England ; and that the other was an act of policy, intended to amuie and deceive. It was added that * See a fummary in letter No. 10, pge 118 ; alfb my notes to the com- mittee, of the jd. of Sept, page 30, andiSof Oil. page 63. As alfo Mr. Skipwith's report tp m hcrctoibre prmtJ by orc^r of the licufc of rcv>r- L v ^ L this in- my reception but become the dupes .of lent it, and in confcquence . to f.:y \vheii I fhould be received. I .-.! with this intelligence, be- < i the committee had taken cf ,iticn was unfounded ; and bccaufe I : . vcundis it uould produce cftl els v injurious to our uiT.iirs. And on my uv a part I felt a, iv^nt towards the committee, for fufpeiing .. become theinftrument of a policy ib oppofte to rny o-., n pviiiciplct> ; or mother \vcrtls thi:t I would inihi un- q :~v,r ci:;j purpcic of prcinciing the vlev/s^ ih..; , ...I to it, by betraying thofc republican r/riu- j n?:r to my heart, and to the advancement v.'hercei my 4 ;nd fcrvices had Lern dedicated. Upon ecu ' j circumiiiuices, and especially as I ccn- cei'- . 'f ilr{;ii^ in th? procmd upon v, hich I ftocd, in rcfpedt to the vic.v/:i . f ilie admiriiflration as well as my own, I \. . .d to take the fubjcci: from the committee, and it before another tiibunal. "With this vic\v I ad- :i;rd a letter to the convention on the 1 4th of that month, .,\ir it of my late arri-\il, :>nd ailcm^ to what 'department nmciit 1 ihouid nrelent mylclf for recognition ; r.nd I was luppy to find tliai: this expedient produced iinnic- j cflecl, for 1 v/asin eonfeqiiL^iec thereof rc- 1 by the convention itici/ oa the day * N'oJuof Mr. Sklpwith \vcr t^your rrqusft of rry ftitlng to you fuch incidents as con- cornet a:ul prcvccJal ,C.LI- iccc^i:;rn by u:c national ccjivention, I am en- jktyieti to fy, i. .n,!);.:.c'j of tlic f:.dt, that from the j.umiiite of public fafciy, who !i.iU il;c f.-.lc coiv- .;ii,;iiN, foi;ij u.>ubts iia.i btfp.ia to circul^ie ui' ilio ul- r.f your leapt ion ; and I we',! OecclUd n.at uf on an in'erview .Ml wir'i actiu'n; iv.'.cman, who InJ before ft r s LOW fill, ;>. tefpe-tUblc flatioA unoer ihij rue to utidrrftandi tliai ;l;e^ tni^-iu be in the commitiea * J P 1 !l0 ': orfcmeoupfi&tion to yo ' ! ' o yo en^ fvco^nzei, rnmendcd the 'expediency -.n 1 pwpriciy cf:your y to the ccr.ven-icn. The fuhflanceof tUi:' ccuver- .-peaicd ioir.c l\v fiiii gcnllcman, and with ihd particular ; ; ^ you. You may alfo ieco!lcd, as 1 think I il,., ihat s.- rJ:er peilon at that t'ii:C holding a cifice wiilc gave raibn, did mak? 10 boih >ou and my- . iic delay f the , ornn.ittceof ; ublic fj.cty at- :r !/,i{fi,,;i ;n CAufin,: you to Ix; Jrci-.^nizca, was tfl5Ct - , veiy fa-ions doubts of its final iilue. With ..:jc citccui, 1 ;:.iu:ar Sir, vcur mtft obcdier,? ilrvar.t, SKIP WITH, V'hen I delivered my addrefs to the convention, I thought proper Jikc\vife to lay bclcrc it., the r_ - of the .by i he admi- , as \vei! as my c\v::, ;n Kiy.cctto France and the French revolution upon clear, juit, u^d hcr:cr.u>ie ground, I .lit f perceived ciiitmcliy that not only die temper ten ih-.v.M by the ccrrmittee. but the general deiang- nitiii .:'.*irs with France, \. ii not >.li.octher, from i ife, J -a futpijion that \vc ; feeling no motive to d Rilna:. . ih'.T iv.utrd pov/crs, v. Lieh \vere powers, and ;' '.tier/, they hud com;.. wit'; r-^fpe^V co i. - theixrji-e . he me ft lait-.sblc tinic to an eiVort to ren ov re the molt likely to accoiiioiiih it. Upon this princ^pi- th :i tint llep. was taken and I i to find that it pioduccd intmedi* r.tdy in the convention, /j-hout France, h-j ia\\:ii; r ble-ffec^: I had cxv V/iih u how- ever it did no!: produce au eirecl le* immediate^ nor ever hi the f^Rie degree. ^ Being recognize:', I now applied in yfc If ro th^ ')r ties of my oiBeCj and \vhh all the zeal or whXii '. . ble. The fiiil cbjcCl to which I turrj- tlcranged (late of our commerce, and the iiril : v i. made to the committee of public -faicty was for a, i cf the ancient and legitimate order e: /, ith repr.raticn to cur citizens for the injuries they had . by r. de- parture from it. My firit note to the committee cf public fafety en this fubjec"!, bears date ox tl:-e 3d cf S-:nien:ber, : 794 ; * in \vhichU. diivuiled and combated copioully, and as al I could, the conducb cf France in thus haralfin -; our corn- ir.crce, againit the ftipulations cf certain articles in our SPG at y \vith her ; and urged er.rneftly the immeiii-.te repeal ( decrees v/hieh authorized that proceeding. I had my note \vith this demand, when further ieiiellon., 11.:.. ened by the apparent temper of the commit: ;e; fu^^eited a doubt v/hether i had not tranfcend~ 1 tr.y hlttrsw^lions, and n:ig!it not by fuch a demand, under fuch eirev. \ and upon my own refponfibiiity, : .:ri:ig en my country the embar- raiTmeRt of demands on I ; part, under ,::ticle of the treaty. I examined again and again my io&rucYions; and \vasiinallyof opinion they did net contc^ipiutc ihs dc- * See o^? rv C X 3 But yet I was unwilling to futfer the impreflion v, hich the manner of my reception by the convention had made up- on the: community at large, to pals otf, without mi effort to ,-e it to advantage j and v/ao pcrfuaded from what I wit- d of the gcner f of the public councils, that the I :t imprcfiicn to the bell account, was to make jal, on our part, to b '-.-.' iru -lives on Upon thij principle, therefore^ and upon dic _ circumftanccsj the lalh chufe ;, ]jy this however I do not wifli to be undtTftcocl as having been guided by political mo- rn exprenlng tiic Lauirncnl^ continued in that chiuie. *, on x the contrary I admit they \vcre itridly my . ming at the lame time that they would never have been thus exprcilcd, had I not been fatusiied, they were iuch, a3 it was honourable for the United States to exprefs, and \vere likely alfo to promote tlieir intcrelh The pail age in my indruclions applicable to this fubjecl xvas as iGilowr. Alter ip.eaking of the Bordeaux embargo it adds : u But you will go farther and iniift upon compenfa- tton f'.;r the captures and fpoliations of our property, and in- juries to the pcrfons of our citizens, by French cruilers.'" ! appeared to me to be a nrateib! difference between a power to demand com pen IV. tion for captures and ipcliaticns already made,, or which might afterwards be made, and that ef cailing fpccifically on the French government, to execute certain articles of the treaty between the United States and 1'rance, which it v/ai known before I left America were fet aiidcj and the "ivalbns for fo doing explained. I concluded intended to demand an execution of thofe ar- ticles of die treaty, I fhould have been fptei; liy iuilructed ib to do, fince tiie objt-cl appeared to me to be too par- '. mpcn'tant to have efeaped the attention of the ad- n ; or, being attended to, to have been meant to be hove article of iniirucliGii. And the cir- which fu^gefled caution on my part, Icit I fhould. expofe i^y country to injury and myfelf to cenfwre, was the : in our treaty of alliance with France of 1770, by bound c uriel ves, in return for her guarantee of our indep, . to guarantee to her forever, her poilef- I was IV-avi'iil if we preiled her to articles in our treaty of commerce, which to us, it might induce her to call upon us to jiicntioru'J ii\ our trc-it of alii- My note was now before, the committee, and my ci to obtain an early and full compliance with its lever::] r>! . earneftand imceafmg. Six weefcyhov pic.! and made no prcgrefo at ail. On the it:h o: a fecond note in fupport of the former and with like erlecl:. From the committee itfelf I could obtain no aniv/er, and to my informal applications to forne cf its s,^ found that the dilficulty of allowing our vcffcb to protect the pro- perty of Engiifh fubjetts, v y> that cf French citizens, againft the Engliih . \vith that of diilinguiihing in our favor from the cafe of Denmark and .Sweden, in which we were now involved, were objections of great weight with the committee.-]' But yet I thought I could difcern another motive which though withheld, or rath- cr not avowed, was like wife a powerful one. . I thought I perceived, ftill remaining in the councils of that body, a flrong portion of that fafpieion of our views, in iegard to our mif- ilon to England, fo impreifive upon my arrival ; but which "I had hoped was eradicated ; and the more eanrellly I prefiect an accommodation witTi my demands the more obvioufly did this motive prefeiit itfelf to rtoy view. Thus our aitairs were at a fraud and the profpect of making any prcgrcls in them at bed a gloomy oner In the interim too our commerce was harafled, and the fame fyftcm continued in other refpcfts, which I was labouring to change. PofTelTmg then, as I thought I did, the fpecific remedy, I was- refolved to apply it to the cHfeafe. For this purpofe therefore I fought and obtained aa interview with the diplomatic members of the committee, commencing a converfation with defign to lead them to that point, that I might explain in a fuitable manner the objects of Mr. Jay's million to England, ancf in which I. cafily fucceeded.J The Gazettes had teemed with reports for * Sec page 6?. I See page 82. | Memorandum of a corivrrfation tfiat paflecl fomc time in No- vember, in an inters'ic-AV between Mr. Monroe and two Diplomatic members of the committee of Salui Public $ at which, by Lisdeure, J was prefent* The fubject was introduced by Mr. Monroe's obfcfving on the neceffity that all powers at war mr.flfeelto bring their disputes to a elofe That thi> was often efiedledby the interpolation or mediation of a third power That, on the prefeiit occafion, the United States, aftuated by the warmed vifhes for the tranquillity and happinefs rf the Republic, would cheerfully contribute their good offices to- s bringing abput a pacificth)u vv.it-k ilic allied powers; if their L & 3 fern:: time before this, that Mr. Jay '-.vns about to pals oV~r :,; -.nfo a r.icdtatioii of pence, on il:cp:r rica, at theiniu.ice of hngiand, v-hich rjportc! h-.id, .13 i V.TI- i a-> the committee v/.is \vi:": bio fclirienl inbuted co k-^p alive ,if net hur^fc, the i'ufpi- fe>. i -: by raakir;: n kind . .ror our fervices to th ic :j promote peace, by of n4edifltio% according to a . tions; tut. in a manner to create a belief that \vc neither \vilnecS :;or :ts by felicitation ; r.c exce r : ..;iiaiice ol ; .vidir.g that 1 waneed ::o ,;iate aniv. - ucation, Irivin;^ m:;Je it cn- te vie\7o of cur ndmlnidra- tion t i .v.ncc. Sj i".ir r.iy chici'objcdl was to diicrcdit that report witliout noticing it. The members however ad- ir ~ i to tae Rcptil.'Ik ; r.' t!;e citly, thcg v. jr.; cv no mca'.is clirpofod to :o i;:rv < that rni'jbt bd made them br the other 4 -s nt war, ion- />, tacir nu-.tiation. To this it v.'aS replied, t.Kii th.c ^ovenment rrccivcd tliofe oiTcrs i of tho United :ht cf th 111 : ' lity for peaco, mufl irjakc : . that the dignity of the Rt'v fuecefs ,:l prorreis of its arms, rendered this mode of treating 0:1: .le. It v.-.is r.fkccl ; if JVlr. Monroe wss in correfpondence with Mr* j . vl-.idi he rtrpiied, he was r.ot. And it was/tlirti funher alke.l ; il' J.lr. Jay vas expected fj!.:i !n Pavii ? Scir.e convcrfakion led txj Mr. Monroe's ohfervin^, that the o'> ject c; V> miflien to Eugland \vas conf.iK-dfoi^iy tct'ie pro- tprjnz CQinenlatin for the deredations commit z CQinpenlatipn for the depredations committed on oui and obtaining the fnrreiidsr of the \v/:!!c.r:i -.'oRs. By the diplomatic n:crnbers. it was mentioned, that it was under-*- ftcod, t!',e United States had declined acceding to feme prbpbfaig made them hy Sweden rrd Dc-nr.ir.rk, for joining their armed neu- trality to which Mr. Monroe obferved, that he was unucqviainted with inch p nlttlngthey \vcre r.i:ulo. the refult could i)-:t he knov,T.. until after the opening of the iVl'r.o;) of congrcis. The offer of the mediation of the Uivte-1 States, made by Mr. ?Jo::r .1 t(; r,ic to he- received with ccolnefs,thoug!i the ex- - 'fusing tl-.cir fenfe of it were perfectly polite ; and ; . Jay, a':o'. c eited, with others of r.ior-j ' --.-r, thcvc r.pp.i red to be couched a degree Ov ;i of the oh'eCl of i;i<5 million. JOHN H, P..-.V, ^ -79;. tcrted directly to it, a(king me whether it v/as frue, an - which I replied, that it could not be true, fince Mr. Jay fent to England upon fpecial bufinels only, " t eompenfation for the depredations on our : render of the weftern polls,"* to which his authority \vr.s ftrictly limited. The members acknowledged, in terras L ciently polite, the attention which was iliewn upon that oc- c.ifion,by the adrmniftration, to the inter jft of France, as well in the offer of fervice to the French republic by the United States, as in the confidential communication I had made up- on the fubject of our own affairs, and thus the conference ended. About this time I was applied to by Mr. Gardoqur, minil- ter of finance in Spain, to obtain for him of the French go- vernment permiffion to enter France, ojlenfibly to attend cer- tain baths on account of ill health j but, as I fuppokd,to open a negociation for peace with the French republic. At nri't 1 was averfe to comply with Ins demand-, becaufe I vras perfur.d- ed, from what I faw of the jealous temper of the committee towards us, that an agency in the affairs of the enemies of France, however friendly the motive for it in regard to France might be, was more likely to encreafe than diminifh their dif- truft, and by means thereof injure our own affairs ; and be-* caufe I did not like to repeat overtures of fri-rndly oinces, where k was poffible the motive for fo doing migJbt be mifinterpre- ted. The demand however being reiterated, and palling by trumpet through the Spanim and French armies, I could no: well avoid prefenting it to the view of the French government. I refolved however, in fo doing, to exprefs myfdf in iuch terms as to fhew my independence, equally of Spain and France j upon which principle my note to the committee of public fafety of the I3th of November 1794, inclofi.ig copies of Mr. Gardoqui's letters to me, was drawn ; for by the manner in which I delivered my fentiments of Mr. Gardcqui's- views in writing thofe letters to me, it mud have been ob- tious, that there was no political concert between him and me y *" See Mr. Purviar.ce's no'.e of the con r erenc;, which inay be reHed on as accurate; becaufe he interpreted bctr/c en the members 2nd myfcil, upon that occalion ; firce at that time I could not fo much rely on my knowledge" ef the French language, as to depend on mviclf inthat lefped. By his no:e I am alfa reminded, that other iopics were touched en by thefe n-.e;nbers, and in particular, that f wasaik-d, whether I corrcloonded with Mr. Jiy * and rep;ied, that I did not (as was the facl at the lime) on po!ii:c~i rv- pics, which wasdoubtleft the objett of the enquiry. I recoiled too, that when the q-ieilion was propounded, it was done ina manner toimprefr me with a belief it was fufpeded I made the proportion at the instance oi' Mr. Jay, and in harmony with rue Brinfh government. f C *iv ] and by the manner in which I addreiTed the committes upow that occalion, it mud have been tonally To, that although 1 wifhed fuccefs to the French republic, yet I had too high at reipecl for the United States, and knew too well what was- ttue to myfclf, to weary that body with profeffions or overture* of friendly offices, which were not folicited. This incident I ;.m fatisfied produced a good effeft in our favor, by drawing towards me the confidence of the French government, and of courfe to the communications which I made it an the part of our own.* jufl after this, I was a (Iced by the diplomatic members of the committee of public fafety, whether I thought they could obtain by loan, of the United States, or within the United States, fume money to aid the French government in its ope- rations. I underftood, about four or five millions of dollars were wanted, to be laid out in the purchafe of provifions and other fupplies in the United States. The inquiry was rather an erribarrafling one, for many reafons. Upon a full view however of all circumftanccs,! thought it beft to refer the com- mittee for an anfwer to the administration ; availing myfelf of the occafron it furnifhed, to unfold more fully the then fub- fifting relations of the United States with Britain and Spain refpedVively, with a view not only to dhTipate all remaining doubt on thofe points, but to engage France to affift us in our claims upon thofe powers in cafe it mould eventually be ne- cefTary fo to do. Shortly after this I was informed by the di- plomatic members of the committee of public fafety, that their mini fter then about to depart for the United States would bein- Rru&edto propofetoour government an arrangement, whereby France fhould engage to fecure the attainment of all our claims upon thofe powers, when fhe made her own treaties with them,, as likewife to protect our commerce againft the Algerincs.f By thcfe feveral communications and explanations, on my part, which were much aided by the movements of General Wayne on the Frontiers, (hewing that if we were not in a ed it. f It is . , '. ance worthy of attention, that as, upon a former .! States followed the fortune of the other rcut:r; Donmark, iSwtden, &c. when the de- reilriclive of their commerce paiTed,fo upon the prefent one thole powers followed the fortune of the United States, by participating with them in the benefit of the repeal of thofe decree. In the former iiage, the United States had not fuffi- cicnt weight to feparate thcmielves from the condition of thofe powers, wlu'ch were royal powers, and unfriendly to the French revolution ; in the latter diey had acquired fufficient ;L to recover the ground they had loft, and even to im- part the advantages of it to thofe powers alfo; for having been heretofore connected, it was now difficult for the French government to diftinpiiifh, in that refpecl, between thofe ihates and thofe other powers. OL. -itli France were now in a profpcrous ftate. By the repeal of the decrees under \\hichour trade was har- ., there was an end put to complaints from that caufe; * Tage 9;. f Page ie6, .crifl, as orders were iiTued for the adjuftment of the accounts of iuch of our citizens as had .claims upon the French Repub- lic, with a view to their payment, the profptct of for pail loflcs was like wife a good one. ^Soon too ou< G**n- mcrce flourimed beyond wHat was ever known before; lor by -virtue of our treaty with France of 1778, whole liipiihuicns were now rcfpeckd in evtry article, we were becoming, and .actually became, not only the carriers of our OV.TI bulky .i::d valuable materials to England and her allies (with the exctpti- ,on, in their cafe, of the ilricl: contraband of war c of .courfe to every port of the fea, which gave us a friendly wel- come; but were likewife, .on account cf the protection \v;.icli our veflels gave to the property of the enemies of France, be- coming alfo the carriers of England and her allies in the war. Such, too, was the friendly bias of the people of France ^to- wards us, that notwithstanding our veflels gave no protection to French property againll Englifh cruizers, nor in certain cafes to the productions of the French lilands become Ameri- can property, yet we were become likewife the principal car- riers of France. ) Even the privilege -of American citizenfhip was an object of great value to the owner (I mean in a mer- cantile view) for an American citizen could neutralize vefkrls, funds, &c. and thus profit, in many ways, by the condition of his country. Nor did France invite us to the war, or inar-ifeit ,a wi(h that we fhould engage in it ; whilft fhe was difpofed to afiiil us in fecuring our claims upon thofe powers, againft whom we complained of injuries. In iliort, iuch was our fi- tuation with the French Republic, and with other powers, ib far as depended on the French Republic, that there was but one point upon which wehadcaufe to feel or exprefs any fc- licitude, w r hich was that it might not vary. But unhappily this date of things, fo cor-refpondent with -our ancient relations with that country, fo congenial with the public fentiment, and necefiary to the public welfare, was not doomed to be a permanent one ; for even whilil the propoft- iion, laft above mentioned, was depending before the conven- tion, accounts were received from England, that Mr. Jay had -concluded a treaty with that power, of very different import from what I had "been taught by my inilruclions to expect, and had likewife taught the French government to expecl: would refult from his million. Hitherto I had underftood, and had fo ilated, that his powers were limited to the adjuft- ment of the particular points in controverfy between the two countries; but by thefe accounts it appeared, that a treaty was formed, upon very different principles, whereby cur connw> [ xviii ] -.\ with France war, efientially weakened, by a new and very clole one with England. Here then began a new era in cur fliKiirs, which will b^ perhaps forever memorable in the an- nals of our country, the incidents attending which I will pro- ceed tO 1'' It will readily occur to every difpaffion^te mind, that this report, though merely a report, mull have fubjettsd me to :ic cmbarr aliment, which would continue 'till I was ena- bljci completely to diiprove it. But I will net dwell on this circu reliance. I will proceed to narrate facls which mew .-how we left the ground we had gained as above, and ultimate- ly reached the point where we now are. r j\sfoon as this report reached Paris, it was obvious that it produced in the committee a very difagreeable fenfation in rc- .u to us; for immediately afterwards, I was applied to by That body in a letter, which itated what they had heard of the contents of -that treaty, and aiking in \vhat light they were to confidcv it. 1 * It happened, that I had received on the lame day a letter from Mr. Jay, of the 25th of November, fin- forming me, that he had concluded on the ipth of the fame month, a treaty with Great-Britain, which contained a decla- tion " that it ihculd not be conflrued, or operate,, contrary to our emitting treaties-," but, " as it was not ratilkd, it would be improper to publifk it." I therefore made his letter the ba- f;s cf my reply to the committee, inferring verbatim fo muc of it as applied ; adding, that although I was ignorant of th particular (lipulations of the treaty (which, however, for th removal of all poffiblc anxiety on that fubje&, I would com- municate as foon as I knew them) yet I took it for granted, the report was a-Itogethcr without foundation. My anfwcr v/as fo far fatisfaclory to the committee as to prevent, at the time, any change in the policy recently adopted towards us ; for the decree, which propofed to put into full execution our treaty of commerce with France, then depending, as already obfcrvcd, bd.orc the convention, was pafled without oppofi- tion. In promifing to communicate to the committee the con- tents of this treaty as foon as I knew them, I did fo in the ex- pectation of fulfilling my promifc, when I received a copy of the treaty from the department of fhte, and not before; for I cxpcded no further information upon that fubjecl: from Mr. jay. I concluded, as he had already communicated to jiic a pait of the treaty, and withheld the refidue, that he had ,05. r *:* ] rforre foupon mature deliberation, and meant to o me no more of it;, and in this opinion I was the more con- firmed, from t!iat pailiig^ in his letter, which Hated, that a* the treaty was not ratified, it would be improper to pul>!fi icy fince I could not underftand that pailage, othcrv/iie than as an intimation, he ihouid withhold from me the other parts of the treaty. And in making that promife to the committee, I ciid it with a view to. prcfcrve the fame fpirit of candour in my communications with that body, nofiv that tbe treaty i':c.s c:::~ ehtdsd, that I had done whilft the Jie^xia^n was depending, a, departure from which would doubtbfs have been immedh:- 1 - Ly noticed. To the department cf ftatc therefore alone I new looked for fuch information refpecting that tiMnfaction, as the- public mtereft required I (hould pofieis;. always prefuming it would place the rcfuit, upon a footing correfponcier.t with its- previous communications to me, and mine to the French go- vernment, with which they were fuificiently acquainted. On the r6th January, 1795, I received another letter from Mr. Jay of the 28th of November preceding, informing rr.e- that lie propofed foon to communicate to me, in cypher, the pr'uH-ipiil /.'jads-of the treaty ccrflc-i.':. This information furprifed and embarrafled me. It furpri&d me, bccaufe it promifed a rcfuit different from what I had expected from his preceding letters; and it embarraiTed me becaufe, although it was for many reafons an object, of great importance with me to poiTefs the treaty, in cafe it were of the kind 1 1 had un- derftood it would be, yet I was now very avcrfe to receive it v in cafe it were otherwise, on account of the promife I had al- ready made to the committee, to communicate to it the con- tents, as foon as- 1 knew them, as abore frated. Thus circum- ftanced I refolved to write to Mr. j ay, by a confidential perfon, and inform him of my engagement with the committee, re- quelling a copy of the treaty to enable mejfco_complv_vvith ir^ urging as a motive for his fending one andTruly, the good effect it would produce upon our affairs there; in the expecta- tion of obtaining one, only in cafe the treaty v/as-of a par- ticular import, in which cafe I could fee no motive whv Lc fhouldrefufe that m,ark of confidence to the committee;' and of preventing its. being fent, in cafe it was otherwife, or in cvfe Mr. Jay did not wifh its contents to be known to the French government \ for in either of thofe cafes, andefoccully if clog- ged with any condition whatever, I did not v/iih to poifrfs it. I committed this letter f to the care of Mr. Purviance, a very * See page i i.j. * Ibid, e and defending citizen of Baltimore, who departed with it a few days after the receipt of Mr. Jay's letter above mentioned, ana returned with his anfwer, bearing date on the $t:i of February, i/jmstime early in March k>i lowing. In his Tvply he refufed to fend me a copy of the treaty as I had re- '.1; urging as a motive for his rtfufal, that we were an independent nation, fjV. bad a right to form treaties, sV. with- ether found maxims which were never qucftioned.* Hero again I concluded and hoped that the bufmefs be- t \veen Mr. jay and myfelf was at an end, and of courfe, that I ihoulil hear nothing further from him upon the fubjec~b of his treaty. But here again I was disappointed , for fometime' .rch I received another letter from him of the ipth of February, by Colonel Trumbull ; which he informed me,, he had authorifed that gentleman,- to communicate to me : ^the contents of that treaty, in perfift confidence^ to be imparted to no other perfon.f This lait letter was (till more extraor- dinary than any which preceded it : For as he had refufed to- fend me a copy of the treaty, according, to my requefr, by Mr,. Purviance, snd omitted, not to fay refufed (though indeed I underilcod his million in the light of a refufal) otherwife to inform me of its contents, by that very fafe opportunity, I did? not fee how the correfpondence coivld be continued on that fubj.cct, on his part.- Nor was my furprife otherwife than greatly increafed, after having informed him, that the only ac- ceptable mode by which die contents of the treaty could be conveyed was by the tranfmiffion of a copy of the kiftru- ment itfelf, at the proportion which he now made, to com- municate them to me verhill^ upon a prefumption that it would be more fatisfaffory to me, to receive them thus, than by written extracJs from the treaty , and upon condition that I would communicate them to no ether perfon whatever. This- proportion being altogether inadmiflible, was of courfe re-- jeUd. Soon after this^ Colonel Trumbull made a communication,, upon the fubjed of this treaty, to Mr. Hichborn of Bofton,, \vith defign that he mould communicate the fame to me un- conditionally; and of courfe, in the expectation that I would communicate it to the French government. In confequence I received this communication in writing from Mr. Hichborn,, with the attention which was due, to thofe two gentlemen, \yhom I p-rfonally rcfpectcd ; and made of it, afterwards, all the ufe which a paper ib informal would admit of \\ And thus * Seepage i -. t Ta S e 151. " :J ; Pago 155, [ xxi J WITS executed Mr. Jay's promiie to communicate ton contents of his treaty with the Englilh government ; uponf which topic I will now make a few observations only, and then difmifs it. My promife to communicate to the committee the contents- of Mr. Jay's treaty, as foon. as I knew them, iufficiently ex- plains the motive of that intimation to him ; but why de- mand a copy of the inftrument for that purpofe ? Why not make my reprefentations to that body, upon the faith of Mr. Jay's to me, without further proof ? Ought this to be expect- ed under like circumflances by any one ? Or, ought any per- fon who refufes to repofe confidence in another, as was the cafe in the prefent initance, by withholding the document in queftion, to expect that that other would confide in him ? Is not the very circumftance of withholding a document, whilft: the party poffeffing it labours to imprefs you with a belief that fuch are its contents, calculated to create at kaft a fufpicion that the fact is otherwife ; and that the foiicitude {hewn pro- ceeds from a defire to deceive ? And if fuch would be the ef- fect of fuch conduct on the part of a man indifferent or un- known to you, what ought to be expected from it when prac- tifed by one in whofe political morality you had no confidence,, and of whofe obnoxious political principles and views you were already forewarned, by a long acquaintance with them ? Thcfe confiderations will, 1 prefume, likewife fufliciently ex- plain why I would make no reprefentation to the French go- vernment of the contents of that treaty, for which I became perfonally refponfible, upon the mere authority of Mr. Jay,. or otherwife than upon a copy of the inftrument itfelf. But I had another reafon of great weight in my mind for re- quiring a copy of the treaty from Mr. Jay, or preventing fur- ther communication with him on that fubject, in cafe he would not fend one. My object, as already fiated, was by fair and honeft means, to remove the fufpicions which the French government entertained upon that fubjecF; and with a vie\v to promote the intereit of my country. If then, Mr. Jay en- abled me to accomplifhed the object, by a copy of the treaty, he feconded my views. But if he did not, every communica- tion from him fhort of that, only tended to weaken the ground upon which I ftood ; whilft it perfonally embarrafied me. It will be remembered, that by my instructions I ftood upon ftrong ground ; fince by their authority I could declare what I believed the treaty was, as I had before clone what I believ- ed it would be. But this I could not do in the cafe of a dif- ference of the treaty from my inftruclions, unlefs I remained d [ xxii ] nbfoliitcty ignorant of its contents : Nor would the "French go- vernment believe me in cafe I did, unlefs the declaration was fupported by circumltances the moft fatisfactory, of which would be a belief, that there was no confidential underftand- ing between Mr. Jay and myfelf ; for knowing, as was to be prefumed, the footing upon which we flood before we. left America, as well as the adminiflration knew it, or even we ourfclves, and fufpecting (as the committee always did) the object of his miflion to England, which fufpicion was now revived, perhaps much increafed, it would not fail to conftrue fiich intimacy into a proof of my npoflacy, and his and my iniflion, on the part of the adminiflration, into an act of poJi- tical intrigue, directed againft the caufe of liberty, of which France was to be alike the dupe and the victim ; an imputa- tion I not only did not merit, but to which I was refolved to give no countenance or fanction whatever, by any part of my conduct. This consideration, therefore, likewife fortified me in the refolution I had already taken, to requefl a copy of the treaty as the only document that could be ufeful to me, and neither to accept from him that or any other, otherwife than unconditionally. Such was my conducl: upon the above occafion, and fuch the motives of it. Such was, likewife, Mr. Jay's conduct upon that occafion, on whofe motives I fhall forbear to com- ment. What they were throughout, it is fubmitted to others to determine, upon a view of the facts and circumftances prefcntcd; which cannot otherwife than furnifh to the impar- tial a fatisfactory guide. [ Henceforward, therefore, I looked to the department of ft ate, for all further information refpect- ing the contents of that treaty, and in the interim, upon the faith of my inftructions and the claufe fent me by Mr. Jay, continued to iflure the committee, that, in my opinion, it con- tained nothing which ought to give them juft caufe of unea- fmefs ; but if it did, that it would be difapproved in Ameri- ca: ' Which aflurance was, moft certainly, not without effect; fmce, by means thereof, the committee was preferved, if not in a ftate of perfect confidence, yet in one of perfect tranquil- ) Heretofore, the few letters I had received from the Secreta- ry of State were written before he was apprized of my ar- rival in France ; and, of courfe, referred to a ftate of things which preceded that event : But about this period, being the beginning of February 1795, I received a letter from him of See page 147, [ xxiii ] the 2d of December 1 794,* which was written after he knew of my arrival, and upon the receipt of my third letter (of the I5th'of September, of the fame year) the two preceding let- ters having not yet reached him. In this he notices my ad- drcfs to the convention ; as alfo my letter to the committee of public lafcty of the third of September following j both of which acts he cenfures in the molt unreferved and harm man- - ncr. In the firft he charges me with having exprefled a ibli- citude for the welfare of the French Republic, in a itije too warm and afYcdionate ; much more fo than my inilrudions warranted j which too he deemed the more reprehenfible, from the confideraticn, that it was prefented to the conven- tion in public and before the world, and not to a ccmmittee in a private chamber ; fince thereby, he adds, we were likely to t*ive offence to other countries, particularly England^ with \ukom we were in treaty ; and fince, alfo, the dictates cffmcc- r'ity do not require that we foould publtfb to the world all our /I\7- ings in favor of France. For the future he inftrucls me, to cultivate the French Republic with zeal, but without any un- nectilary eclat, and by my letter to the committee, demanding an indemnity for fpoliations, and a repeal of the decrees fui- pending me execution of certain articles of our treaty of com- merce with France, he objects that 1 had yielded an interefl it was my duty to fecure. To fupport this charge, he feletU out the laft claufe in that letter, and without entering into ths fpirit of the paper, or its probable effect upon the committee, veafons upon it as if it flood alone, and contained an abfolute and formal furrender of the right in queition , for which acl of indifcretion, or rather mifcondut, he intimates in pretry itrong terms, that the adminiitration think a mere reprimand inadequate. To this letter I replied immediately, in one of the 1 2th of February,! in which I anfwered, explicitly, his feveral char- ges, and, I prefume, proved they were unfounded in every in- ilance.J Upon this occafion I thought proper in reply to his firft charge, to lay open more fully than I had before done, fome truths, at which, indeed, I had before only glanced > particularly the light in which our adminiitration was view- ed by the committee upon my arrival ;$ a circumftance which * Seepage 115. f PagenS. \ Ibid. UTo convey an idea of the rife and progreft of the di Tear. tent diftruft of the French government, it would be ueceflary to gtx back to a period antecedent to my miflion. to the appointment of. a man of the political principles and character ivhidi were . liad fubjecle-d me to fo many and painful embaraflinents at that period, and for fome confiderable time afterwards, and fo much to the injury of our affairs ; details I \vould never have given, liad I not thus been called en to do it in my own defence : For, in truth, as I thought after thofe embarrailments were fur- mounted, that complete harmony was perpetually re-efta- bliihed between the rwo countries, it was my wifh as well from public confederations, as from motives of perfonal deli- cacy towards the parties intereded, to bury them in oblivion. in reply to his ftcond charge, I anfwered by informing him, thrit fome time before the receipt of his letter I had tranfmitted him a copy of a decree which carried into full execution the violated articles of .our treaty of commerce -with France *, whereby the very objec?t was obtained (as in my judgment it had been much forwarded by the mode in which it was preyed) the abandonment whereof he had laid to my .charge. I like wife thought proper, upon this occafion, to explain fully the light in which I had underftood my million, as dat- ed in my mihuctions; with the relation it bore to that of Mr. Jay ; all doubts reflecting which, in the French government, I was inftrucled to remove, by making explanations the moil explicit, and upon thofe points upon which fuch doubts were mod likely to arife. In diiculling urns fubjeci, and dating how I had ac?ted, I plainly told our adminidration within what limits I expedled the refult of that million would be found j inti- mating, that I had a character not to be facrificed. To this view I was led by the general tone of the Secretary's letter ; which created a doubt, whether the ground upon which I was -placed by the adnnniitnuion was a folid one j for I could not to Mr. Morris, my predeceffor ; to his conduct during the -early ihge of the French revolution, and w hi I II in office; which by ./cly favoring the royal party, in oppolition to the republican courfe of things, rendered him odious to the French government; t^ his being continued in place, notwithstanding all this, till his recall was absolutely demanded by the French government ; and to the difcovery made by that government, that ours was not Tied with his cnndiv o its demand, and not to a ciif- appr'cbation of any part of MY. Morris's conduct was his recall o\v- Jng ; which difcovery was made by an intercepted letter from the Secretary of State, to Mr. Morris, expreisly alluring him.tliat i'ueh -was the caie. It would be painful to go into details on this fubject; hit the circurnftances here hinted will make it eafy to conceive t.ho unfavorable inferences that mufl have been drawn refpecting the temper and views cf our adminidration. t xxv ] conceive, if Mr. Jay's million was limited to the objects fpe- cified in my inftruCtions, and was otherwife of the .character I was taught to believe it was, why fuch fenfibility, or rather fuch difiatisfaction, fhould be fhewn on account of my pre- fenting to the convention, publicly, thofe documents which tended to prove how ftrong the feelings of the adminiftraiiou were in favor of the French nation. To exprefs fentirnents in private, which it was wifhed {hould not become public, ap- peared to me a ftrange doctrine to be avowed by the acl- miniftratio.n of a free people ; efpecially as it was known that the fentiments, thus expreiled, were in harmony with thofe of the people, and with thofe publicly and formally expreiled by the reprefentatives of the people. Nor could I reconcii. a folicitude for privacy to any idea of confident or rational po- licy, in regard to the object of the million to England: the object of that million was to prefs that government into a compliance with ur juft demands, as I underftood it to be, I could not conceive how that preilure could be weakened by a knowledge, that we were upon a good footing with the French Republic. On the contrary, I did fuppofe, that a knowledge of that fact would produce the oppofite effect, by giving us a more advantageous attitude in the negociation. Thefe confiderations, therefore, fuggefted a train of reflection which gave me much difquietude, from a fear that the admi- niftration had dealt uncarrdidly with me from the commence- ment. Scarcely, however, had I difpatched this letter, when I received another from the adminiftration of the 5th Decem- ber 1794 (three days later only than the former one) bur of a very different import from the former one. In this lail letter, my two firft of the i ith and 25th of Auguft 1794, were ac- knowledged and approved, and a kind of apology made for the harm language ufed in the preceding one. In this alfo was renewed, in general but very ftrong terms, the injunction for- merly laid on me,"tocultivatewiththe utmoft zeal the friendship of the French Republic, taking care to remove every fufpicion of our prefering a connection with Great Britain or weakening our old attachment to France." To this letter I likewife gave an immediate anfwer, in which I afTured the Secretary that it had removed the difquietude his former one had occasioned, and that thus initrucl:ed I fhould continue to ufe my utmoft efforts to forward the objects of my million, as I had done before. It will be remembered that before the accounts of Mr. Jay's Treaty arrived I bad availed myfelf of forae incidents that occurred, to explain to die committee the actual fituation of the United States in regard to Britain and Spain > with a vicv, , among other objects, to obtain the aid of France in our depend- ing negociations with each, in cafe it were deemed neceiiary by our Executive ; and that the French government propofed inrtru&irtg its miniiter, then about to depart for America, to make feme propcfition to our admmiitration upon that fubjet. But as foori as thole- accounts were received, that project was of courie abandoned; for it was entertained only at a time, \vh-jn it was fuppofed the million to England would fail. JSiiii however I wiihed molt eaineftly to embark the committee in fupport of our claims upon Spain, iince ibe\ formed a diftin whether we \\ ifhed to pofleis the Floridas, fince it was intimated it would be eafy for France to obtain them; byr which fhe would not do otherwife than with a view to cede them to the United States. I replied I had no power to an- fwer fuch an interrogatory; but was well perfuaded we did not wifh an extention of our territory. Well latisfied I am, that France declined taking them in her treaty with Spain, which foon followed, from a fear it might weaken her connection with the United State?. It merits attention, that the part which the French govern- ment now took, with a view to fccure the claims of the United States againil Spain, in its own treaty with that power, was taken merely from motives of friendihip for thofe States, without any claim to, or demand of retribution of, any kind whatever. It equally merits attention, that it was taken at a time when the contents of the Englifh treaty were unknown to the French government, and not untufpetted by many to be ef a nature injurious to France. Had that treaty then never patfe-d, and had we alfo otherwife preferved the ground upon which we ftood with that nation, in the commencement of its revolution, what might we not have expected from its friend- fni pl ? About the middle of May I received a letter from Mr, ShortJ at Madrid, written by the defire of the duke of Alcudia, chief minifter of Spam, to requeft that I would, as minifterof the United States, endeavour to open a new and more aUvc. negociation between that power and France, he having previ- ouily aflured Mr. Short, that the claims of the United States ihould be adjufted to their fatisfacUon. The profpecr. there- fore of fucceis in that important concern was now as fair as it could be. Shortly after this Mr. Pinckney, who \vas commiOicned to T r - ; See the poftfcript to letter No.- 1 2. | See Puge t8u !_ xxvni jf r;CjTOCKitc and acljuil our interfering claims with Spain, arrived in Paris 0:1 his way to Madrid. I informed him of what had bctvv-een the committee of public fafety and myfelf that fubjeft; alluring him I was of opinion, if he would explain the object of his million to the committee and alk its friendly cooperation, fatisfying it at the fame time, that the interns of France were not injured by our treaty with En- gland, that fuch aid would be granted. Mr. Pinckney was- aware of the benefit which would be derived from fuch aid; but yet did not confider himfelf at liberty to obtain it, by flie wing a copy of Mr. Jay's treaty, which I intimated might be neceflary completely to remove the doubts that were enter- tained in that refpeSr., and therefore deemed it mod fuitable to fay nothing to the committee upon the fubjecl: of his million. I obtained for him, however, an interview with the diplomatic members of the committee, by whom he was recei-ed with refpeclful attention; after which he proceeded on his route to Spain. From this period I never mentioned to the committee the fubjedl: of our difpute with Spain ; becaufe all agency in that bufmefs feemed now to be completely withdrawn from it, and becaufe I could not well do it, under exifting circum- ftances, without violating equally the rules of decorum to both .'.ments. By the committee indeed, a further prefTureon my part for its aid, would moft probably have been deemed an adt of extreme impropriety ; and by our adminiftration it might have been deemed an indelicate and ill-timed interfe- rence with its meafures. Had the committee, however, fecured for us thofe objects in its own treaty, without regarding our million to Spain, it would have exhibited a novel fpetacle to the world ; that of one government purfuing another with good oiEces, apparently againft its wimes; nor would the fur- prife, which that fpectacle mud have occafioned, have been diminimed by a knowledge of the interior details which pro- duced it. It would atleait have greatly embarrafled the adminif- tration to explain the caufe of fuch a phenomenon to its cre- dit 5 notwithstanding the advantage thereby gained to the public. Such was the Hate of things when Mr. Pinckney arrived, in Spain ; who very wifely and very fortunately pufhed his ncgociation to a clofe, whillt that ftate lafted. Sometime in the beginning of May 17951 I received a letter of the 8th March,* from the Secretary of State, and Ihortly afterwards two others ; one of the I5th February-}- aujeclion was weighed and overruled before his departure. Hav- ing however made the application I was refolved to purfue the objecl of it with the utmoft poUible zeal. In confe- quence I fought and had many conferences with the members of the diplomatic fection of the committee of public fafety, and the commiffary of foreign affairs upon the fubje6t, in which I was afTurcd the aid defired mould be given in the moil efficacious manner that it could be. After fome delays too, attributable atone time to us, on account of the fituation of our funds, and at another, to the committee then much occupied with their own affairs, arrangements were taken for purfuing thofe negociations under the care of Joel Barlow, and with the full aidofFran.ee. At the moment however when Mr. Barlow was upon the point of embarking with our prcfents, &c. intelligence was received that a Mr. Donaldfon, whom Col Humphreys had left at Alicante with a conditional power, but in the expectation that he would not proceed in the bufinefs till he heard further from him, had paffed over to Algiers and concluded a treaty with that regency, and of 2 without the aid of France ; and thus ended our appli- ed on to the French government for its aid in fupport of our negociations with thofe powers, and nearly in the fame man- ner as that did, which I made for its aid in fupport of our negociation with Spain. But as Mr. Barlow was like impowered by Colonel Humphreys to treat with Tunis and Tripoli, and the real ftate of the bufinefs with Algiers was unknown 5 it was ftill thought advifable that he fhould thither, in the hope by concentring in his hands bur fi v e l u C Tf rnS WltH thol " e re endes > that not only any error been committed, if fuchwere the cafe, might be correded, but. that by his obfervations upon the chafer and umftances of thole powers, fuch light might alfo be ob- amed as would prove ufcful in the guidance of our affairs ith them for the future. Accordingly Mr. Barlow depart- 1 foon after this w the difcharge of the duties of the truft repofed in him, and to whofe very important^ and extraordi- nary fervices to his country, in the courfe o"f his million, I with pleafure add here my teilimony to that of all thole who are acquainted with his conduct in it. (LFrom this period JE had but one object to attend to, the prefervation of our actual footing with France, which was, as already fhswn, as favorable as we could wiih it to be. Nor . was there any caufe to apprehend a change. for the worfe, un- lefs it was produced by the Engliih treaty. But the contents of that treaty were unknown and of courfe there could be no fair ground for a change of policy towards us on the part cr France. And upon the fubject of it, but little was now iUiJ, either by the committee or myfelf, in our occafional inter- views. By the committee indeed it was never mentioned even informally, except when forne occurrence brought to view the fubiiiting relations between the United States and France, fuch for example as the arrival of Colonel Trumbuil, Mr. Jay's fecretary, of Mr. Pinckney on his route to Spain, and of Colonel Humphreys, as above fiated ; or upon Corns preffure for the fettlement of the claims of individuals , upon which occafions it was eafy to perceive, it was a fubject not loft fight of. And by me it was never introduced, for as I had no new communication to make to the committee upen it, whereby to remove the fufpicions that were entertained of its contents, and any -dlufion to it in that itate could of courCe only ferve to revive unpleafant fenfations to our difcd van- tage, I thought it moil eligible to keep it out of view. I con- tinued however to look with anxious expectation to the ad- miniftration, in the hope of receiving from it foon fuch in- formation, refpecting that treaty, and of the future views of our government towards France, as might at leaft preferve the fubfifting harmony between the two nations. Early in June 1 795 accounts were received in Paris that the Britilh government had revived its order for the feizure of provifion vefTels deftined for France. At that period Paris, and many other parts of France, were m the greatefl diftrefs for provisions, in confequence whereof the attention of the go- vernment was directed with great folicitude to thofe quarters whence fupplies were expected, particularly to the United States of America, where great fums had been expended in the purchaCe of them. Unfortunately however but few of thofe veflels reached their deftination, for in general they were tak- en into port by the Britifh cruifers. It was foon obvious that this aggreffion of Great Britain upon the rights of neutral na- tions, being made with the intent to increafe the diftrefs of famine which was then raging at Paris, and thereby promote [ xxxiv ] the diforders which were in part attributable to that cauie, excited a ferment in the French councils which was not point- ed againft Great Britain alone. The neutral powers were iikewife animadverted upon, particularly the United States^ : t vj attention of the committee was, as I had reafon t3 believe, in a more eipecial manner drawn, by the report of ret agents from England, who fbted that he was iied therethrough a channel to be relied on, that the i '.ration had intimated the meafure v/ouid not bs ifive to our government, fmcc it was a cafe provided for l-ttwe~n the two governments. I was however happy to iind that this report, which I treated with contempt, was at the time not much attended toby the committee ; for it was t!e:.Mied impoillble, that our government fhoukl give a fane- lion to tiie fyftem of kings for ftarving France. Neverthelefs r the treaty appeared, I thought it my duty to communi- i :.: the purport of that report to the ridnimiflration, vvirh comments that were made on that part of the treaty, vhich was fuppofed to authorize the Britiih feizures ; in the hope that fuch a conduct would be obferved in regard to that proceeding of the Englifh government, as would exempt us from the imputation of countenancing it.* About the middle of Augiifl 17955 American gazettes wtrc received at Paris containing copies of the Englifh treaty, jreby its contents were made known to the committee of public fafety without my aid. From this period therefore all myftery upon that fubjecl: was at an end. The pcfieflion ef the treaty enabled the French government to judge for If upon all the points which it 1 involved. Nor was the effect which it produced an equivocal one ; for there did not appear to me to be a defcription of pevfons, not in the inter- e;t of the coalefced powers who did not openly and feverely cenfure it. True it is, it made its appearance at a time when it was likely to produce the word effect, being when Paris and many other parts of France were, as above mentioned, iu the utmort diitrefs for provifions, and when the Britifh were like wife feizing our provifion veflcls deilincd for. their 'ief. It will readily occur, from a variety of confiderations, that my fituation was now truly an embarraifing one. 1 had, however, long before this fettled in my mind the part it be- c ime me to ad during this crifis of our aflairs 5 which was to do every thing in my power, confident with propriety, to re- * Page zo;. toncile the French government to that treaty. I had Iptenrw no new deciilon to make, but limply to puifiu which I had already made. But as yet it was not known that the treaty was ratified, nor certain that it would be, for the fpontaneous and almoit univerfal difapprobation that was bellowed upon it throughout the United States, as ibonas it was feen, was fufficient at leail to infpire a doubt on that point : Nor had I any letter from the department of ft ate of a lateda:e, to intimate the courfe our ad mih HI ration was likely to take. At this period, therefore, comprehending the months of Auguft and September, 1795* I did not know how to act. ;* for admitting that neither my previous well known pc- Htical principles, nor the communications I had made to the French government, which were in oppofition to the refult now before it, impofed upon me any reflraint, tho' doubtlefs in ill-Id propriety they ought fo to have done, yet until our government took a part, it was impoflible for me to take one. Had I for example, turned out in that llage as a partizan of the trer.tv, a-i-l provoked a difcuiTion of its merits with the French government} and a month afterwards received advice from the adrniniftration that it was rejected, I mould not on- ly have expofed myfelf to comempt, but like wife have deprived the United States of the merit which the rejection would have entitled them to with the French nation. Befides, what advantage was to be gained by fuch a courfe of proceeding in any ftage ? Was it not always in time to difcufs the merits of that treaty, when the French government refolved to do it ? and was it not my duty, feeking to preferve harmony between the two countries, to labour rather to prevent a difcuffion throughout, than to promote one ? A certain portion of re- ferve, therefore, on my part, was now particularly neceflary ; and fuch was the conduct which I obierved. At the fame time I afrirm, that it was my invariable practice to avail myfelf of every opportunity that occurred, to inculcate by all the means in my power, as well by obviating fuch objections as were made to the treaty, in the bell way I could, as by urging confederations of a more general nature, the propriety andpc- licyof preferving the fubfifling harmonybetween the two coun- tries, and with what effect will be feen by the documents which follow. At this period I witnefied a very extraordinary political phe- nomenon. The appearance of the treaty excited the general dif- guft of France againft the American government, which \\\: * S^c Pag? 206, [ xxxvi ] now nirninifhed by the oppofition which the American people made to the treaty : for as ibon as France faw that the Ameri- cans took up the caufe as their own, and were indignant at a meafure which they thought arranged them on the fide of Bri- tain and of kings, againlt France and public liberty; from thit moment did a friendly fentiment dilcover itfelf in her councils and throughout the community towards us, which by moderating the temper of the French government pro- moted of courfc the views of the adminiftration. The con- trary effect was charged upon that difplay of the public fen- timent in America ; but the charge was dictated, more in the fpirit of party than of true philofophy; for it was not warrant- ed at the time by the principles of the human heart nor did it correfpond with the fact. But near the middle of September had now arrived and I had heard nothing from the adminiftration of its decifion on the Britifh treaty, or its views in that refpecl:, and in the in- terim had the mortification to fee that we daily loft ground which it would not be eafy to recover. In ihort it was ob- vious not only that the French government no longer confided in the amicable profeffions of our own, but that this treaty had otherwife produced an effecT: fo unfavorable in the public councils towards us, as to give caufe to apprehend in cafe it were ratified confequences of a very ferious nature. By my original inftrudion it appeared that in cafe our negociation with England failed and meafures of fome tone were in confequence taken towards her, that much reliance would be put on France. It was in fact the plain import of thofe inftructions ; that if war was reforted to, which in that cafe feemed to be contemplated by the adminiftration, that we mould be arranged again on the fame fide with France, our firjl and natural ally (to ufe the words of the adminiftra- tion) fince I was exprefsly inftructed to let thatbe feen by the French government. And by fubfequent letters, particularly ilv/t of the 25th of September i794> this idea was reitera- ted and inforced. It was upon this principle that I touched x upon that topic, in my communications with the committee of public fafety at a certain period, the refult whereof was always m^e known to the adminiftration immediately after- wards. Nor can it be doubted, in cafe that negociation had failed, or the treaty been rejected, that fuch would have been the policy of our adminiftration. Having then at that period intimated the reliance, which in that cafe might be placed on France, it became my duty, now that it appeared proba- ble the treaty would be rejected, and myfelf in confequence [ xxxvii ] called on to verify the intimations I had given of the difpofitior* of France to fupport our claim* again it that power, to (late the arrangements it would be neceffary for us to adopt to fe- cure that fupport. Accordingly I informed the admin iitration, explicitly, that if the treaty was rejected, and it was wiihed to command with effect the fortunes of France in any further negociation with England we, remaining at peace and relying on France for the fupport of thofe claims agairtfl that power uqithout nn-j effort of our own, that under exifttng circumjlances it would not only be neceffary for the adrmniltration to avail itfelf of fome well known pronounced character in regard to the great queition which now agitates the world, to whofe care the ne- gociation fhould be committed, but that in other refpedts ex- traordinary circumfpection mould be ufed in the profecutiou of the negociation itfelf : -For otherwife it would not com- mand the confidence of France, nor could her fupport without it be counted on as fure or effectual.* If this was done I re- peated to the administration my ailurance that I was fatisiied the full aid of France might be obtained to fupport our claims upon that power, and upon terms fair and honorable to us : Nor have I a doubt that iuch fupport wifely managed in ne- gociation would have been effectual* About the lalt of September, or fiHt of October 1795, I received feveral letters from the Secretary of State, of which, thofe of June iftf July 2dJ, i4th[| and -2iitf[ alone merit at- tention : All of which came to hand at or about the fame time, and generally by the route of England*, the veffels by which they were lent being taken into port there, under the order of the Britifn government which hTued in the fpringfor feiz- ing all veffels laden with provifions deftined for France. The letter of June ift contained a justification ol the con- duct of the adminiftration in forming a commercial treaty* with Great Britain at ihat period , and Hkewife a vindica- tion of the administration againft the charge of a want of candor (which Teemed to be apprehended) in the explanations that were given by it of the motives of that miffion-, in which, the idea of a commercial power was 1 always withheld. The Letter of Juty 2d contained advice, that the treaty was not- ratified, and that the prefident was undecided upon the point of ratification ; which uncertainty too as to the ratifica- tion was encreafed by thofe of the i4th and 21 ft. A copy f the treaty accompanied the letter of July 2d, and a copy * See page 209. t Pages 229. \ 256. H 257. 5 257. [ xxxviii ] of the correfpondenee v/ith Mr. Adet, upon the fubjecT: of the treaty, that of July I4th. It was inferred from thefe letters, that, when that of June jft was written, the executive had refolved to ratify the treaty in cafe the fenate approved it, and that the hefitation \vhich. afterwards took place proceeded more from the (hock xvhich the general difapprobation of the treaty by the people gave the adminiftration, tharTfrom any difiriclination on its v.vvn part co the ratification. It was likewife inferred that that letter was written with a view to lay the foundation for luch an event, in the expectation the ratification would proba- bly embroil us with France. In one particular the contents of this letter aiTccled me perfonally, by affirming that my in- ilrucYions hadnot warranted the confl ruction I had given them, in explaining as I had done the motives cf Mr. Jay's million to London. In this was opened a (ubjer, for difcuiTion be- tween the executive and myfelf of a very delicate nature. It was however ft ill my hope that our affairs with the French republic would be fo managed, as to prevent any controver- fy whatever, or even difcuilion of an unfriendly kind be- tween rhe two governments, and, in any event, my firm rdb- lution to engage in none of a perfonal nature, with either of them, if to be avoided. Upon this principle I anfwered the above letters of the Secretary, (imply by an acknowledg- ment of their receipt , repeating to him at the fame time my a durance that I had done and mould continue to do every thing in my power, not only by a proper ufe of the documents and lights derived from him, but of fuch others as my own imperfect experience and erring judgment had fupplied, to prderve harmony between the two countries.* It happened that a few days after the receipt of the cor- refpondehce between the fecretary of State and Mr. Adet, which accompanied the lettter of the I4th of July above no- ticed, I had occafion to ufe and accordingly did ufe it. I had called upon Mr. Jean Debry, the member of the commit- tee of public fafcty who was charged with American affairs, to procure the paiFports, difpatches, &c. which werepromifed by the French government for Mr. Barlow, who was upon the pointof departing for Algiers to purfue the negociation of our treaties with the Barbary powers. Scarcely however was this topic clofed, when my attention was drawn by this mem- ber to another, tint of our treaty with England, v/hich he Lid was confidered by the committee as injurious to France. * Page 2 He added that he was then preparing a letter in behalf of the committee, and by its order, to rne upon that fubj- cl. V r e difcuflfed this point fomc time, till at length I afked him if the committee had received the correfpondence of our Secretary of Srate and Mr. Adet's upon it, to which he replied in the : I then aiked permifiion to put into his hands a copy of "that correfpondence-, requefting further that the letter fpok- en of might be deferred until the committee hail examined and weighed it, to which he readily aflerited: A copy of the cor- refponde.ice was in cpnfequence lent him on the next day, or very foon afterwards.* It was upon this ground that I ia- * See Mr. Purviance's note About the end of September, or perhaps the beginning of Oc\c- ber lift, 1795 - 7 lonroe at a conference he had with there-pr tentative, Jc*n Debry, then a member of the com- .--{ ralat Public, and charged with the department of Ameri- can . ..Thirs. This conference v/as forthe pnrpofe of en^cinp: the good cftlces of the rrench government in atdofoufoegocratrens then pending with Algiers, &f. .'une I uojc-ct had fome time before Been made to the .-. > and alYurances returned, that meafares would be taken to promote oer withes. crfation digrefliog fron> the above topic to others, turn- -'lat oi" tiie treaty concladcxl between the United States and ': ind, a copy of which, with the news of its ratification by the : accompanied b) certain comments or flriftures fc hereon by a French citizen, Jean Debry faidhad been jud received by the com- mittee, and if Irecclledl right h? immediately after hinted atthedif- fatiifaclion excited by this trea'.y in the mind of the govern- ment. Being aiked by Mr. Monroe if they had received the correfpon- dence which had paffed between their minifter, ^lr. Adet, and our government on the fubjccl, he replied they had not; whereup- on he waspromifed by Mr. Monroe a copy of that correfpomience, and it was accordingly delivered to him the next day, or in a very few days after. Upon his intimating to Mr. Monroe the intention of the com- mittee to addrefs him a letter upon the fubj eel of the treaty, it was requeued this letter might be deferred until the correfpon- dence juft fpuken of had been examined and weighed bv the com- mittee. In this proportion heacqmefced,andprefumed they v.-culcl likf-vife The topic being purfued, Mr. Monroe took occafion to reprefent the great importance of cool and difpaffionate meafures on the part of the French government in their relation v,*ith the United States, alluring J. Debry, that the purfuit offuch n:: could not fail to produce the happieft effecls, while from a differ- ent policy might flow conferences highly gratifying to the enemies of both republics. tlmated in my letter of the 2oth of O&ober my opinion, that if the treaty was ratified, 1 Ihould hear from the French go- vernment upon the fubjccl of it : Of the fymptoms cf dif- content which I witnefled, I had before given frequent in- timations. On the 27th of October, 1795, the convention clofed its career, by transferring its powers to the prefent government of Prance, founded in a conftitution which had been regularly fubmitted to the people, and adopted by them. To this new government was Hkewife transferred the fubfifting relations between France and other powers, comprehending, of courfe, thufe with the United States of America, Juft before this change of government in France, Mr. Fau- diet arrived from the United States with an account, that the treaty was ratified ; of whofe arrival, difiatisfation with t the treaty, and apparent favorable reception by the commit- tee of public fafety I informed our adminiilration in my letter of the cti* of November, which immediately fol- lowed.* In the beginning of December, 1795, * rece ^ ec l two letters from Mr. Pickering, who had been called by the prefident provifionally to the department of State, upon the resignation of Mr. Randolph ; the firft of which bore date on the I2th,f ;and the fecond on the I4th of September of the fame year. By that of the I2th I was informed officially, and for the firft time, that the treaty was ratified, although near a month had clapfed fince the ratification. And by that of the I4th I was advifed of an attempt made by the Captain of a ritilh Some particular expreflion ufed by Mr. Monroe, in urging this point, provoked on the part of J. Debry a reply, in which be dwelt at dome length, and with fome warmth too, upon the perfect compe- tency of the pren :.n government to difcern and decide upon what mealures were proper to be taken by it under particular circum- flances ; upoH its uniform friendly difpofition towards the United Staus and upon the evil effects that muft refult from a final adoption of the treaty with Britain. Some hints too were given by J. Debry of a projedt which had beenfkeuhed for either extending or urengtheningthe cxiflingcon- neclions between the two republics, which from its not being fuifi- ciently matured,. and owing toCthe other great labours of the com- juittee had not been hitherto intimated to Mr. Monroe. J. H, PUHV1ANCE. Paris, Apg. 1796. 284, f ag. C xli ] .frigate, to feize Mr. Fauchet, the late French rrdnifter, with* in the limits of the United States, on his return home, as like wife of the meafures taken by our adminiilration to obtain of the Britifh government adequate fatisfactien to the United States for that violation of their rights. The letter of the 1 2th of September, firft above mention- ed, which announced the ratification of the treaty, was writ- ten expresfly for the purpofe of defignating to me the conduct I was to obferve for the future, and in confequence of the rati- fication, in my deportment towards the French republic. It will therefore be proper to prefcnt here, concifely, the fubitance of that letter. Mr. Pickering begins by obferving, that as the treaty with Great Britain was ratified, and likely to become a compact: between the two nations, it was proper I mould become pof* fefied of the opinions of our government, efpecially as it appear- ed probable from my letters and the movements of dife-ffeffed per- Jons in the United States, that unfavorable impreflions upon the government and people of France were to be apprehended. Hs adds, that from motives of fnendfhip, and with a view to produce tranquillity and fatisfa&ion, the administration hadac- ted with the utmoil candor tov/ards the French government in every ftage of the negociation ; of which he gives the expla- nations that were made it of the motives of Mr. Jay's million to London, whilft the negociation was depending, and the communication of the treaty to Mr. Adet, after the advice of the fenate, and before the ratification by the prefident, as diftinguiihed examples : Affirming that by the treaty iifc-if the rights of France, whether founded in the laws of nations or treaties with Lie United States, remained unviolated and unimpaired. He then adverts to the late feizures by order of the Britiih government, of provifion vefTels dcftined to France, as a circumftance likely to create inquietude, with a view to explain the i8th article ; which he fays had been mifreprefent- cd in America, as being unfriendly to France. The firil paragraph of that article, he admits, had departed from the fpirit of modern treaties, in allowing certain articles of mer- chandize, made free by fuch treaties, to be deemed contra- band of war ; but yet, he fays, we have not departed from the fpirit of the old law of nations, by admitting any article to be contraband which by that law was not. Britain he faid would not relax j and therefore the bed that could be done in that vafe, was to recite in the treaty the lid of contraband defignat- ed by the old law by way of advertisement to our maritime and wnmtrcial people ) to admwifh tjpem of a rifk ivhich exijled. And L xia 3 by the fecond paragraph cf that article, \vhich refers to tlie doctrine inufted on by England, that provifions may be con- traband u hen deftined to places net blockaded or inverted, he fays that without acknowledging her doclrine, we have guard- ed again!! its ill effects, by ftipulating that when provifions :er art ; c!es, net generally contraband, {hall become iuch, and for that reafon be feized, they (hall not be confiscated but paid for : A ftipulation, he adds, it was evidently expedi- ent for the United States to obtain, fince by it our commerce is no longer left a prey to future fpoliatiovs without any definite menus of liquidation or redrep : That, whether it was left to oppoff this prevention of England by force, was aqtteftion which pertain- ed to the proper authorities of the United States to decide, who alone k-ul a right to determine in what manner it was bcft to obviate an evil, and when it was proper to repel an injury : That as an independent nation we were the exclufive judges, and competent guardians of whatever concerned our intereft, po- Jicy and honor -, upon which fubjeCts we would never aik the advice, or be governed by the councils, of any foreign nation whatever. Re then proceeds to animadvert upon the impoli- cy of going to war with England ; fince thereby, he fays, our commerce would be ruined, and thoufands of our citizens be (hut up or die in jails and prifon-fhips ; our landed intereft would fuller ; agriculture decline , the fources of revenue fail, and other thoufands of our citizens dependant on it, be involved in ruin , whence would follow the calamity of a di- rect tax tofupport the war, and happy fhould we be if our misfortunes ended there, or if we could contemplate only a foreign war, in which all hands and hearts might unite. He adds that by going to war, we (hould even hurt France, fince our ports would be blocked up and our commerce at an end. That afruitlefs diverfton on the fide of Canada would nearly bound our efforts; whereas, whilflwe remained neutral, the aid we give her was immenfe ; for as, by the claufe in queftion, payment was ftipulated for our provifions deilined to France, when taken, being contraband, it was prefumed our merchants would find therein a new llimulus for puftiing their enterprizes to that country. He affirms however, that the late order for fei/incj did not proceed from that claufe in the treaty ; be- caufe the Britifh had feized before the treaty, and becaufe al- ib the order apniird to other neutral powers with whom there was no fimilav ftipulation. Finally he proceeds to lay down certain portions to which, he fays, I may give the folemnity of truths ; fuch as, that the late negcciation did not proceed from any predilection in our government towards England j [ xliii ] that the remembrance of the lad war, from \vhich we j lift- began to recover, made us deprecate \\hut-jver even fecined tu like a renewal of it ; that there were i. .;cs of clil- ferenc ...iand G. :!, the aa- juitment whereof could not longer be delayed ; that the com- mercial part of the treaty, though important, was a iubcrdiuate one, and not a new meaiure \ that the government of the United States was fmcerely friendly to the Trench nation. My wiih was to conciliate the French government towards the treaty which was now ratified, and moft anxiou/ly hud I looked to the adminiftration for the means of doing it : 1'ut no perfon will, 1 am perfuaded, be able to point out any trait in the above letter that was likely to produce that <- The'eulogium beftowed by it, in the beginning, upon the can- dor of the adrniniilration, which it fays was {hewn tc the French government in every ftage of the negotiation, and t the treaty was depending, if admitted by that govern- ment, was not a thing for me to dwell on. Acts of candor when performed, if acknowledged by the party to whom they are laid to be rendered, ought not to be boafted of bv thole who perform them. But if they arc not acknowledged, and efpecially if the a defi- nite means were faid to be provided ? Or would the adminif- tration, in a demand of payment for thofe feizurea, which took place after the treaty was concluded, diftinguifh the cafes, and con fine that demand to fuch veflels as were taken in their route to a blockaded port, faying, for thefe only will we be paid, but for the others, comprehending perhaps 99 out of I oo, we will not and thus revive the controversy which it was laid was thus amicab.ty clofed ? This, it is prefumed, would not be done. This, therefore, was not a ground to conciliate upon, nor did the other parts of the letter fumifh one that was more fo j for the picture of the horrors of war which it p: efented, a picture common to all wars, was either altoge- ther inapplicable, or if applicable, was fo only by furnifhing a reply to objections, which it was apprehended would be vaifed againft the conduct of the aclminiftration -, as was the declaration which the letter contained, that the late feizures were not made in confequence of that treaty ; and as was like- wife the; argument it furnifhed, that the ftipulation in the i Mill anicle, which fecured payment in cafe of feizure, would, by encouraging the enterprizes of our merchants to- France, be for her benefit. Thefe two latter topics were indeed deli- cate ones for me to touch on, efpecially as it was known thr.t the other neutral powers complained that we had flight- ed, if not injured, them ; and as it was likewife known by the example of the feizures in the fpring, which enfued after the treaty was concluded, that if the practice was permitted, let the encouragement be what it might, Britain, preponderating at fea, might take almoft every veflel that attempted to enter the French ports. And withrefpect to the declaration, that we were an independent pevpte and had a. rtgbt ty decide for utr<* C i 3 fefaeS) &c. fo often repeated, I did not perceive how it ap- plied at the tim^ : t.K;u had been no qutrtton on that point that I knew of. France hid attempted to impoie on us no conditions ; had aiked of us no favours ; on the contrary had (hewn a difpoiidon to render us many ; under which circum- flances we had made a treaty with Britain, which it was ex- 1 by the adminiftration would produce an ill effect ia France, but of which (he had not yet complained : To prevent which and reconcile her to that treaty was the object, and to accomplifh which required on our part wife and temperate councils. It became us with that view to convince her judg- ment, and to avail ourfeives of her antient and friendly difpo- fition towards us, not to provoke and irritate her paffions. So that upon the whole, I did not perceive a (ingle trait in this letter, which was written after long delay, and doubtlefs with, mature deliberation, to defignate the courfe I was to purfue in confequence of the ratification of the treaty, which breath- ed a fpirit of conciliation; not even in that part which contain- ed what was called pofitions to which I was initruted to give the folemnity of truths ; for thjy alfo were calculated only to> meet objections, and were otherwife exprelTed in fuch a tone of moderation, in point of friendly regard, as to have been well adapted to a communication in a like cafe to Ruilia, Tur- key, or any other power with whom we had no political con- nection. On the contrary^that litter appeared to me, in its general tenor, to be dictated in a fpirit of hoftility, and more: with a view to promote a rupture than prevent one. To reconcile France to that treaty, I expected to have beea authorifed to explain to her government how long the com- mercial part was to remain in force $ to (tare to it formal!)^ that we were ready to enter into a new commercial treaty \vith her, and upon what principles, to be commenced either in Paris or Philadelphia : In which expectation, and with a. view to the event of a ratification, I had told the admimrtra- tion, when I advifed it of the ill-effect the treaty, whofe con- tents were then known, had produced, that I fhculd await its orders without any, the flighteft, compromitment either of it or myfelf.* But nothing of this kind was to be found in that letter, nor in any which preceded or followed it. For all that the letters contained or attempted, which touched that fubject, luas a j unification of the admi.-ift ration, againjl the fharge 'which was either raifed or expeEled^ of having evaded tkf ivertures of France to treat on commerce t at a tune when it * See Page 206. L ivi J ^ admitted that an advance was mads by the attmin'ijlratwn to treat en that fub/jcj) and a commercial treaty actually concluded by if, u'ih Great Britain.* Still, however, my object was the xvhich was to conciliate and prevent, if poiiible, a rup- :t\ve-jn the two countries ; and I was refo!ved> if I could derive no aid from the adminift ration to promote that end, at leaftn.v co Income its inllrument in defeating it, if fuch was its view, which now teemed probable. But it was my duty to anfwer this letter, which .( did with- out a comment ; for it was improper for mo to cenfure and iifcl*fb to advifc. 1 {imply acknowledged its receipt with au af- furance that due attention ihoui.l be paid to it, as occafion re- quired -,f to which 1 likewife added the fact, that fymptoms of difcontent were itiil feen, but whether they would allume riore unfavorable I knew not : If they did I would tviy communicate it. : e was however one trait in that letter to which a more explicit anfwer became necefTary. It had been intimated to me in that of June the ift, that my inftructions had not explanation I had given of the object of Mr. i London ; which intimation was here repeat- .1 manner it is true not fo direct, but yet in a tone not leis pofitive. I had avoided anfwering that paflage in the for- mer letter, from the confideration that, in the then ftate of our affairs, the intereft of our country required cool and unit- ed councils, to extricate us from the difficult fituation into which we were thrown. But by reviving and prelnng this point upon me, it feemed as if the adminiitration expected an anfwer, with defign to ground on it fome meafure it was mueh bent on, in which view it was my duty to give one. I therefore anfwcred that paflage by obferving, that my former communications had ihewn that I had underilood and acted on that part of my inftructions differently from what it ap- peared by thefe letters, it was intended I fhould underitand and act on it ; whereby I was placed, by the courfe of events, i n a very delicate and embarralfing dilemma, from which in- was not then perhaps relieved, though I hoped and thought I was. In my anfwer I dated the fact correctly, and left it to adminiftration to purfue its policy. e tone of the new government was cool and referved towards me. But my conduct was the fame, becaufe my ob- ject was the fame. I (hewed, it is true, no mark of undue condefcention to that government, but yet I certainly omitted * Page 238. t 296 no opportunity that occurred to conciliate its good will .to- wards us. Unhappily however displayed itfelf in i :tion, whcie nieafures obvi- oully tended to promote a rupture. Soon after the new government was organized I rer .jr from the miniiter of foreign affairs, co;: of the mifeondut of Mr. Parifli, American ccnful at I : in gran: ing pafTports to Englifh fubjedls as American citizens, and in being the agent of England for the equipment of the emigrants, defiring that I would comma ;ucate his note to our .government with j -. Ir.Purifh be removed.* Some confiderable time before this I had earneftly recommended this meafure to our adminiftration, urging many coniidera- tioas, fuggefted as well by fome particulars of his own con- duct, as by the circumftance of his being a Britiih fubject, why it was of importance to our intereil and character as a feparate and neutral people, that his commiiTion fnculd be revoked and committed to an American citizen.-}; Thofe considerations appeared to me to be fo ftrong and pref- fing, tliat I concluded, ?.s foon as they were brought ta the view of die adminiftration, he would be removed, and of courfe that the meaiure was already taken : In which ex- pectation I anfwered the minifter politely, intimating that I ihould communicate to our government the requeft of his in that refpedt, not doubting that it would be readily complied with. I ihould have ilated, that I had anticipated the de- mand fometime before, and recommended the meafure of my own accord j but I wifhed, now that it was aiked by the French government, that it might appear to be granted at its requeft ^ an accommodation which I was perfuaded would produce a good effect at the time. But I was foon advifed by Mr. Pick- ering;|: that this Britiih iubjedt mould not be compelled to yield his pofl to an American citizen, at my requeil, fupport- ed as it was by fuch weighty reafons. And the fubfequcnt management of the affair upon the application of the French government Ihewed that the incident became rather a caufe of irritation, than of conciliation with that government ; not- withstanding the evident impolicy of fuch a procedure at the time, on account of the dills to which we were brought : For although the adminiftration (not being able to refill the ob- jections to his continuance) did remove him, yet it was done in a manner fo as to {hew the French government, it \v. done in compliance with its requcit.Jj * Page SGI. f 195, t 319. |j 36$. [ xlviii ] In January 1 796, Mr. Randolph's pamphlet was received sn Paris, which contained feveral of the Prefident's letters, in fome of which the French republic was fpoken of in terms by no means refoectful, and the friends of the French revolution in the United States reproached with being the friends " of war and confufion ;" and ihortly after this, was received alfo, the Prefident's addrefs to congrcfs. upon the opening of the feffion, which in treating of the fiourilhing condition of the United States, contracted it with the miferable, famifhed, and diforganized (late of other powers. Much too was faid in that addrefe of the advantage of cu.r accommodation with Bri- tain, as likewife of the favourable difpofition of that power towards us, without the flighted attention being fhewn to the Trench republic ; unlefs indeed it was referred to in the picture of diftrcfs above noticed, as was inferred by the French government, as I underftood from good authority, at the time. In the courfe of the year 179^5 the French government had repealed, as already {hewn, all the decrees which were paffed during the million of Mr. Morris, under which our trade had been harraffed, and had alfo, notwithstanding its fufptcion of the contents of the Britim treaty, fhewn a diipo- fjtion to aflift us in other cafes, and had actually taken meafures to aflill us in thcfe of Spain and the Barbary powers ; yet none of thofe acts orof the difpofition which prod need them were even glanced at in the preficlent's addrefs to congrefs, although it was to be inferred, fuch notice would have produced a good ef- fect, and although it was then as juft as it was politic to no- tice them. This conduct, in the adminiftration was the more extraordinary, from the confideration that thofe decrees, by whofe authority our trade was harrailed, with the harraffment. itfelf, had been announced in former communications to the congrefs, when the Britifh depredations were announced. It ieemed natural therefore, now that fo much was faid upon the fubje:t of our accommodation with England, that fomething ihould alfo be faid of the repeal of thofe decrees by the French government, as of the proofs of friendfhip it had fhewn us in other refpecls. But this was not done. Under fuch circumilances it was impoflible forme to fuc- ceed in conciliating the French government towards the Britifh treaty, fmce my efforts were not only not feconded in that refpecl, by our adminiftration, but absolutely coun- teracted by it. Neverthelefs I continued to purfue the fame line of conduct that I haddonc before, being refolved not to xehx in my efforts, however unfuccefsfuj I might be. C xlix ] The fequel of mymiflion exhibits an intcrefling but~p ful fpectacL-,the diitinguithing charactoriftics whereof are; the avowed decifion of the French government to take forne mea- fure towards us in confequence of cur treaty with England, as illuftrated by many examples -, with my efforts to prevent any fuch meafure taken effect ; and the attack made on me by our adminiftration, upon pretexts equally unjuft, frivolous and abfurd. This part therefore I {hall reduce to as frnall a eompafs as poflible. On the ijth of February 1796, I called on the rninifter of foreign affairs to ft ate to him the diftrefs of many of our citi- zens, merchants at Paris, on account of their claims upon the French government, with a view to engage his aid for their relief ; but was immediately diverted from that object by infor- mation \vhich he gave me, that the directory had at length made up its mind how to act in regard to our treaty with England ; which it confidered as having annulled cur treaty of alliance with France, from the period of its ratification ; and had appointed or intended to appoint an Envoy extraor- dinary, to repair to Philadelphia toremcnftrate again ft it ; ad- ding that he was ordered to fend me an official note upon the fubject, which he fhould accordingly do. I exprefled to him my great furprife and concern at the communication, and was difpofed to enter immediately fully upon the fubject, but was prevented by obferving that he was upon the point of going out, whereupon I left him for the time.* I attended him pgain on the day following, and remonf- trated moft earneftly againft the meafure, urging every argu- ment that I could avail myfelf of to divert the government from it ; offering to enter with him, whenever he thought fit, into a difcuHion of his objections to our treaty, or any other act of our government ; alluring him that I ihould not only be al- ways ready to enter with him into fuch explanations, but in the prefent inftance (hould do it with pleafure, fmce by being poffeffed of our view of the fubject, they would be better able to decide whether the complaint was well or ill founded, and of courfe how far it merited to be confidered in that light. Upon this occanon, as upon the preceding one, the minifter declined dating any fpecific objections to the treaty, or any other act of our government, and therefore I could make no Specific defence. He admitted however that the objections I had urged to the meafure had weight, and promifed to com- municate them to the directory, from whom, he doubted not, they would receive the attention they merited.f * Page 3 10. t 3124 r i 3 Thus I continued without interrmilion my efforts to break this meafure, repeating in my conferences with the -minifter of foreign affairs, who always heard me with attention, all the objections that 1 could urge againft it ; affuring him that it was not admitted by our government, that any deviation was ir.ade by our treaty with England, from thofe with France i and renewing my proportion to enter with him into a cliicuf- -. "that poi.it.* Finally upon hearing from him that the fubjecl was iliil before the directory, and fearing the com- .1 promiied me might be deferred, till it would be too late for me to produce an effect . upon the meafure itfelf (if .1 it were poflible in any cafe) I aiked and obtained an nee of the directory on the 8th of March, with a view at k.aft to attempt it.f The refult of this audience was a pro- inifw by the directory, that the order for fending an envoy ex- traordinary to the United States fhould be refcinded, and the miniiteroi" foreign affairs be inftru<5ied, to furnilh me a copy, ;md difcufs with me its feveral complaints againft the conduct of cur government, and that no meafure mould be taken upon the fubject of thofe complaints, till after my anfwer was received and fully weighed. J Accordingly a fummary of thofe complaints was prefented me by the minifter of foreign affairs in a paper bearing date ; ipthcf March 1796. (ipth of Ventofe by the French calendar)!} to which I replied in one of the 15th of the fame month.f Copies of thcie communications were tranfmit- tcd to the Department of State in my letter of the 2d of May following. About the 2oth of April I received from the Department >f State a letter of the 7th of January., tranimitting the corref- pondence which took place between the Prefident and the minifter of France, when the flag of the French republic was pr-jibited by the former to thcgovernment of the United States. I received at the fame time, from the Secretary of State, a let- ter to the directory of France, from the prefident cf the Unit- ed States, upon the fame fubjecl: j which I was initrutted to take the earliefc opportunity to deliver. Accordingly I de- livered that letter to the minifUr of foreign affairs on the next day, with a rcqueft that he would prefent the fame to the di- rectory as foon as poffible. A few days after this I received from the miniiler a ihort note, informing me that he had fub- mitt'jd to the directory the difpatch which was addreffed to it, by the prefident of the United States, in the name of the con- grefs ; and that the French government could not but receive C K- 3 .'.-.tisfaction whatever tended to confirm the bonds of friendmip between the two nations. From the period of my audience by the directory, and more efpecially after my communication with the minister of foreign affairs was handed in, I had frequent conferences with ieveral of the members of the directory, in which I labor- ed to promote the fame object, and at one time, as I thought, with complete fuccefs ; being informed by a member, upon one of thofe occafions, that the directory had done nothing towards us in regard to its complaints, and he prei would not. The purport of this communication was im- mediately made know to the department of State in my next letrer of the I2th of June 1796. But this profpect was foon changed ; for on the 2 5th of the fame month I received a letter from the miniiler of foreign affairs requeiting information, whether the intelligence which the gazettes announced, of the houfe of reprefentatives having agreed to carry the treaty into effect, was to be relied on, and in cafe it was, aiVing further in what light they were to view that event, before he called the attention of the direc- tory to thofe confequences refulting from it, which fpecial- ly interciled the French republic. I replied to the mmifter, that withrefpect to his firft interrogatory,. whether the houfe of reprefentatives had paired a law to carry the treaty into effect, I could give him no authentic information, havin g no official advice upon it. And with refpect to the fecond, that as I had already anfwered, and as I fuppofed to his fatisfac- tion, his feveral objections to that treaty, to which I had re- ceived no reply, it was impoffible for me to enter again, un- der fuch crrcumftances, into that fubject. But if there were any points in the communication I had made him, upon which he thought I had not been fufficiently explicit, and he uould be pleafed to itate them to me, that I would immediately notice them more particularly than I had done, and I hoped fatisfactory.* On the 7th of July following I received another, note from die minifter, dating certain objections to the Britifh treaty, to which I made a reply on the i4th of the fame month.j- In the beginning of Auguft 1 796, the directory recalledMr. Adet and appointed a gentleman to take his place, with the grade of charge des affaires ; \v ho, I concluded, from particular confiderations, could not be well received by our government. As foon therefore as I heard of this appointment, I remon- * Page 349. t 355-6- C Bi ] ftrated ftrenucuily againft it, with the French government, and with fuccefs \ for it was revoked.* In the beginning of Auguft, I faw in the gazettes a commu- nication from the rainiiter of foreign affairs to Mr. Barthek- jny,the ambaffador of France to the Swifs Cantons, anounc- ing an arrete of the directory, by which it was determined to uct towards the commerce of neutral powers in the fame man- ner as thofe powers permitted the Englim government to act towards them. In conftquence I applied alfo to the minifter for information relative to that arrete , from whom I received a general anfwer only, correfponding in fentiment with his leiter above mentioned, to the ambaffador of the republic at Bafle. About the laft of Auguft, I heard that Mr. Adet, (who had heretofore been remit ated when the arretes for appointing an envoy extraordinary, and charge des affaires were refpehvely revoked) was now recalled and no iuccefibr appointed to him. I was advifed, at the fame time, that any further application from me to the French government would be improper ; fincc it would not only prove fruitlefs, but moil probably produce an ill effea.f Near feven months had now elapfed fince the rninilter of foreign affairs communicated to me the difcontent of the directory, on account of our treaty with England, and its de- cifion to make the fame known to our government, by an envoy extraordinary, to be difpatched to the United States; in the courfe of which time I had not received a fmgle line from the Department of State (a letter of the 7th of January txcepted, which applied to another fubje&} although I hud regularly informed it of every incident that occurred ; and al- though the crifis was a very important one, requiring the profound attention of the adminiilration. In the courfe of this time, therefore, I was left alone by the adminiftration, to oppofe the difcontent of France, not only unaided, but like- \vi:e under circumltances otherwife the moil unfavourable. At this period however, which was in the beginning of Sep- tember 1 796, I received a letter from the Secretary of State of the 1 3th of June preceding, communicating to me the high cliflatisfacHon of the prefident on account of my conduct re- fpecting the Britifh treaty. To that letter I returned an an- fwer of the loth' of the fame month.J On the 1 2th of Oct. following I received a letter from the minifter of foreign affairs, announcing the recall of Mr. * See Page 361. f 363. J 365. C in; j A u<_t, with the motive of it. To that letter I replied in one of the 1 2th of October. In the beginning of November 1706, I received a letter from the Secretary of State of the 226. of Auguft, announcing my recall by the p refute nt of the United States. In thi;-> letter the Secretary refers me for the motives of that meafure, to his former letter of the rjth ot June. He adds, however, in this that the . prefident was further confirmed in the propriety of that meafure by oitjxer concurring circumitances, but of which he gave no detail. To this letter I made no reply un~ rill after my return to Philadelphia, in July 1797. About the loth of November 1796, General Pinckney ar- rived in Paris with my letters of recall, by which my million, to the French republic was terminated. I prefented him im- mediately to the minifter of foreign affairs for recognition, and at the fame time, delivered to the minilter a copy of my let- ters of recall, requeuing that I might have a day affigned me for taking leave of the French government as foori as con- venient. It gives me pleafurc. to remark here, that the conduct of General Pinckney, upon that occafion, which was one of pe- culiar delicacy to me, was in every refpect candid, manly, antl honorable. On the firft of January 1797, I took leave of the execu- tive directory of France, in an audience fpecially ailigned me- for the purpofe, and failed with my family for the United States, as foon as the feafon would permit. Upon leaving France I committed my letter-book and ether public documents to the care of Mr. Prevoft who had afted with me in the character of Secretary of Legation, a young man of merit and talents, well quaiirkd to ferve hi* country in a more important trull. The above is a plain narrative of the facts and incidents at- tending my miflion, from its commencement to the cioie ; up- on which I will make a few comments. The prefent fituation of America is under flood by every one, becaufe almoil every one is fome way or other affected by it. And what it has been in every preceding flage of this European war, is equally well known, for the fame reafon. The picture fhe has exhibited is an uniform one. Its cha- racters are ftrong, but yet not diverfified. In her foreign re- lations nothing is to be fecn but the wafte and pillage of her commerce, fometimes by feveral powers , always by fome- one power ; and little lefs than anarchy at home ; for th^ feeds of difcontent, jealoufy and difun-ion have been fcacrerecfc h '..-oughout thcfe States, in the courfe of a few years paff, with a wafteful hand. By what means then was this ftate of things produced, and why was it produced ? It is well known, that the executive adminiftration has here- tofore guided all our meafures j purfuing, in many inftances, a courfe of policy equally contrary to the public feeling, and the public judgment: And it was natural to exped that that ad- inimitration Ihould now be held highly refponfible for the embarraffments it has thus brought upon our country. But by this attack on me, a new topic has been raifed for difcuf- iion, which has drawn the public attention from the conduct of the adminiftration itfelf 5 for in confequence the only quef- tion now before the public feems to be, whether I have me- rited the cenfure thus pronounced upon me, by the adminif- tration, or have been dealt hardly by. But this was a mere political manoeuvre intended doubdefs to produce that ef- fect. Whether I have preformed my duty to my country, as I ought to have done, in the various, contradictory, and em- barrafTmg fituations, in which I was placed by the adminif- tration,. is a point upon which my country will determine, by the facts and documents fubmittcd to it. Upon this point I fear not the refult, becaufe 1 have the utrnoft confidence in the wifdom and rectitude of a public decifion, when facts are be- fore the public ; and becaufe, knowing what my conduct was, I can always find a confolation in my own bread, if the con- trary Ihould be the cafe. But whether the adminiftration has performed its duty to the public, by a proper difcharge of the great truft repofed in it, during this awful erifis of hu- man affairs, is a queftion of much greater importance ; which ought to be well underftood, I arn happy however in reflec- ting that thefe two points are altogether unconnected with; and, independent of each other ; fince the eftablifhment of mifconduct on its or my part, is no proof of the good con- duct of the other patty. To each a feparate duty \vas allot- ted, and the queition is entirely a diftinft one, how each per- formed that duty, in its appropriate fphere. NoT-fkould I, inrefpecl tomyfelf, add a word to the light which thofe documents contain, being willing fo far as the propriety of my own conduct is involved, to fubmit the point to the judgment of my countrymen, upon the documents a- lorie. But the adminiftration has attempted by this attack on me, to fhield itfelf from the cenfure it juftly apprehended, In the hope of throwing the blame on others ; a fineffe "*h:ch ought not to fucceed. It is proper therefore to ftrip the adminiuration of a mantle thus artfully drawn over it : With which view I propofe to examine briefly the charge al- ledged againfl me by the adminiftration, with the evidence by which it fupports it : Not for the fake of {hewing, I repeat again, that my conduct did not merit the attack, but that the adminiftration knew it, at the time it made the attack. The charge which the adminiftration alledged r.gainft me is to be found in a letter from the Secretary of State, refer- red to above, of the I3th of June 1 796 ,* the purport of which is, that I with-held certain documents from the knowledge of the French government, illuftrative of the views of ours, refpe&ing the Britifh treaty, although I knew the French go- vernment was diiTatisfied with that treaty, and had likewife acknowledged the receipt of thofe documents : and the tefti- mony adduced to fupport this charge confifts of the three following circumftances: Firit the importance of the docu- ments themfeives, which were deemed conclufivc, and fuffici- ent to have filenced the French government had they been thus applied : The fecond, the delay of that government to cxprefs its difcontent, for fometime after I was poflcfied of thofe documents ; notwithflanding fuch difcontent was known to exift on account of the Britifh treaty, and was likewife much aggravated by other caufes , and the third, the fuc- cefs which attended my efforts to remove that difcontent, af- ter the 1 5th of February 1796, when it was announced to me by the miniftsr of foreign affairs, as heretofore fhewn ; whence it was inferred, that had I begun in time, the affair would have been fmothered in embrio. This is the charge, and this the teftimony by which it is fupported. The fecretary adds, it is true, in his letter of the 22 J of Auguil following, that there were ether concurring circumft nces, which confirmed the prefident in the proprie- ty of the meafure he had taken towards me ; but thefe he did not then communicate, nor has he fincc, though called on to do it ; nor has he communieated other teftimony to fup- port the charge already raifed. To that charge therefore with the teftimony adduced, I mail confine my comments. It is proper to obferve here that the documents, the with- holding which the fecretary lays to my charge, were two let- ters, one from Mr. Randolph of the I4th of July, 1/95, com- municating his correfpondence with Mr. Adet, upon the fub- jecl: of the treaty, received about the beginning of October following, and one from Mr. Pickering of the I2th of Sept. * Page 364. received fomctime about the laft of November, or beginning of December, of the fame year ; for thcfe were the only let- ters which I received from the department of State on that fub- ject, after the treaty was fubmitted to the fenate ; or indeed be- fore, except fitch as (hewed the fluctuating ilate of the execu- tive mind refpecHng the ratification ; which letters could not be referred to as explaining the views of the executive, fince then it had none. To thefe two letters therefore the charge folely applied. It is alfo proper to obferve here, that the firft of thefe let- ters was (as heretofore dated) put into the hands of the com- mittee of public fafety, as foon as it was received, a fuitnble cccafion permitting it $ that the feooiul was not then received, sndof co'urfe could notbe thusapplied; though indeed had itbeen then received, I do not think I iliould have thus applied ir, for rcafons heretofore given. It will however be ieen by a pe- rufal of my difcuflion with the minifter of foreign affairs, that I omitted nothing which either of thofe papers contained, which could be turned to any account. The fir (I of thefc. facts, it is true, was not then known to the fecretary ; for as the object, at that time contemplated by the committee, was not purfucd, on account I prefumc of the change of govern- ment which took place immediately afterwards in France, and might poinhly never be revived,! declined mentioning it to our adminitt ration, from motives of delicacy to both govern- ments ; wifiiing, if to be avoided, that no fuch evidence of the difcontent of France, (herald appear in my correfpondenee. The omiinon however to communicate it to the adminiftra- tion, was no ground whereon to charge me with a contrary line of conduct, againfl the force of fo many other facts and circum Ranees as were at the time in its pofieflion. The other fact could not then be known, becaufe the decifion re- fpetting me was hurried, before a copy of that difcuflixm was received. The caufe of fuch precipitation, at that pre- cife time, and under the then exifting circumfrances, the ad- miniitration ought to explain. But I will proceed to examine the fecretary's charge with the *efHmony by which he fupports it , the firft item of which i.-,, the importance of the documents in queftion; which he fays were fuffccient to have filenced the French government, had they been thus applied, whence he infers that they were not thus applied. In noticing this piece of teftimony, I do not wi(h to be underftood as derogating from the merit of thofe documents : I will admit, at leait for argument-fake, that the letters referred to are well written. But I deny that the coa- C Ivii 3 clufion drawn from that circumftance is a juft one ; or in other words that the continuance of the discontent of the French government, after I received thofe documents, is u proof that the light they contained was withheld. It is well known, that every free government is the pr&per guardian of whatever concerns its inter eft y policy, or ko?2sr, upo?i luhicbfitbjicfs it takes its civn counfel, and purfues its CIJUH meafures ,-* no; it often happen, that fuch government regards the counfcl of any foreign nation whatever. I believe no inftance can be adduced, by the adminiflration, of any counfcl being afk- ed or attention fliewn on its part to' the counfels of the French nation, from the commencement of the adminiilration to the prefent day, nor to the ceunfels of a minifter of that nation ; one inftance only excepted, in which his counfcl was afked, but immediately rejected.. Why it was afked it v. ill be eaiy to explain, as it likewife will be to mew, that it was deter- mined to reject it before it was afked. This fentiment then, which is a juft one, ought to be admitted as reciprocal j but although the fecretary is firm and peremptory, when he applies it in our favor, yet he denies its exiftence as applicable to the French republic. He fuppofes after thofe letters were written, that the affair with France was fettled ; that we were to hear no more of her difcontent about the Britifh treaty, or if we did, that I was to be refponfible for it. In {hort he feems to have concluded, from the moment thofe letters were forwarded to me, that he had put that nation under my care, and if I clid not keep it in order, that I merited cenfure. This indeed were an eafy way to fettle our controverfies with foreign pow- ers, and fortunate fhould we be if we could thus adjuft them. But how happens it, that none of our controverfies have been thus adjufted ? Many letters have been written ; much la- bour beftowed in that line by the fecretary himfelf, and ftill \ve are involved in many controverfies ; none of which, even of the old ones, feem yet to be finally fettled, though the op- portunity for it was a moft favourable one ; whilft others are accumulated. I think therefore it muft be admitted, that the continuance of the difcontent of the French government, after thofe documents were received, however important they might be, was no proof that any light they contained was with- held by me. And with refpecl to the fecond circumftance relied on ; the delay of the French government to bring forward its com- plaintSj for fometime after I received the documents in quef- * See Secretary's letter, page 287. iii 3 tton, not\* T ithfranding its difcontent, &c. I cannot conceive how that can be urged in fupport of the charge. If that ar- gument was found, it would follow that if that government had brought forward its complaints fboner, my conduct would have been correct ; whilfl on the other hand, if it had never complained, there would have been a complete demonftration.- of the charge. It is impollible to reafon on an argument fo abfurd. I (hall only o 1 ferve upon it, that had I been called on for a proof cf my activity and zeal, tQ preferve tranquilli- ty between the two countries, I fhould have urged the delay of the French government to complain, difcontented as it was, as a moft fatisfactory one. Indeed I do not know, before the goveinment did complain, how I could produce any ether. And the third circumflance relied on, to prove mifconduct in me, feems to be equally abfurd. I believe it is the firfl time that the fuccefs of exertions was ever urged as a proof that none were made, or that they were not made in due time. Such fuccefs, where the object was a defirable one, is generally received by the party for whom, or under whofe aufpices, it is rendered, with pleafure ; and obtains for the party rendering it, fome degree of acknowledgment. But that it fhould be adduced as a proof of previous mifconduct, and treated as fiich, is an act of which I think there is no example. Ar- dent muft have been the purfuit of fome political object there- by counteracted, or keen and violent the paffions which other- wife hurried the adminiftration on, or furely it would not have uied fuch an argument. I will aik, and the queftion ought to be attended to, whether thofc efforts, whofe details were then before the adminiftration, contained the evidence of a mind indifferent to the object in view ? Whether the fujcefs which attended them, whereby the courfe of the :h government was actually checked and fufpended, for uven months, was a proof that that government thought me infincere, or that the counfcll gave was unworthy its at- tention ? I might obferve, that for this argument to have Weight, my fuccefs ought to have been complete. But unfortunately feliis was not the cafe as is too well known. My efforts pro- iluced an effect . for a certain term only : A fufficient one However to have permitted the adminiftration to interpofc, and ailift me. It did interpofe, it is true, but it was not' for that purpofe. Had my fuccefs been complete w fhould have witnefTcd an extraordinary political phenomenon, that of a E ifc 3 minifter furnifhing, by fuccefsfu! fervices to his try, teftimony to an adininiitration hoftile to him, to prove that he had rendered none, and was a delinquent. Such an argument is too abfurd to be dwelt on. It requires only t* be underilood, to be defpifed. Whether I purfued the wife ft courfe that could have been purfued, to prevent the complaints of that government and to reconcile it to our treaty with England, I will not pretend to fay. The courfe which I purfued was a plain one : Ie was to prevent, by informal explanations, &c. the neceffity of an official diicuffion ; a practice I had been long in the ha- bit of, as was well known to the adminiltration. As foon however as the French government took up the fubject of- ficially) I was likewife prepared in that line to oppofe, and did oppofe, its meafures ; nor did I relax in my efforts, till they were evidently fruitlefs. From the period when the treaty was concluded in Nov. 1794 till February 1796, when the French government firfl took up the fubjecl: as above ftated, fourteen months had clapfed ; and from that period to the time when the firft act refpecting the commerce of the neutral powers was paf- fed, near feven month? more had clapfed ; forming in the whole about twenty one months, before any ftep was taken : Nor did it take a fingle ftep until after the treaty was ratifi- ed by the prefident and fenate, and the houfe of reprefenta- taives had likewife given its fanction, by the pafiage of a law to carry it into effect. Yet it was known that the French government was jealous of the object of the million which produced that treaty from the period of its nomination ; that it fufpeted the treaty was founded upon principles injurious to France before its contents were feen ; and that thofe fuf- picions were confirmed when they were feen. Whether I contributed in any degree to divert the French government from oppofing the ratification of that treaty, or taking its meafures after the treaty was ratified, I will not pretend to fay. This is fubmitted for others to determine. If I did, I am notboaftfui of it ; fince as our administration did not take advantage of that delay to heal the breach in time, it was of no real fcrvice to my country. Well however do I know, after the French government had rejected my ccunf .1, and taken a different courfe, that I was viewed by that govern- ment for fometime in a queftionabk light : Nor were the mo- tives of my conduct juiUy appreciated by iu, until after 1 was eenfured by our own. C !x 3 Such -were the facts and documents in pofleffion of the ac!-* miniiliMiion, when it pronounced a cenfure on ray conduct* Can any one then believe, that the motive ailigned for it was the true one ? And if it was not, what was the true one ( To- determine this latter point fume attention is due to the conduct of the adminillraiion through every ilage of this European controverfy ; for the whole of its conduct forms a fyftem, which ought to be taken together, to judge correct- ly of its motives in any particular cafe. To do jullice to the fubiccl, in this view, would require more time and attention than 1 arn now able to bellow on it. I will however no- tice fome facts and circumirances, which being duly appreci- ated, cannot othsrwife than facilitate the labors of others, in making a more accurate refearch. The fir ft is, the appointment of a perfon as minifter ple- nipotentiary to France, in the commencement of the French revolution, who was known to be an enemy to that revolution, and a partizan of royalty ^ whereby the name and weight of America (no inconiiderable thing at that time in that re- fpedl) was thrown into the fcaleof kings, againll that of the people and of liberty. Second, the continuance of that perfon in office, till everjr misfortune predicted of his million, by thofe who oppofed it in the fenate, and difapproved it throughout the community at large (which latter description was a very numerous one) was nearly verified , the connection between the two countries having gradually diminifhed, as the French revolution ad- vanced, till at the time of his recall it was reduced to a flight Bond indeed : In the courfe of which time the embargo at Bordeaux was impofed, and continued, till removed upon the. application of Mr. Fenwick, conful at that port; for our minif- ter was not attended to : Sundry articles of our treaty of com- merce were like wife fet a fide by formal decrees and many fpo- liations in confcquence made upon it. Third, the final removal of that perfon, not from a regard to the public intereft which was known thus to fuffer, but be- caufe it was demanded by the French government. Upon which occafion it was intimated to him, that his removal was attributable to that caufe only ; which intimation became known to the French government. Fourth, my appointment to the French republic with the circumftances attending it : It being known that, with other members of the fenate, I had oppofed in many inftances the meafurcs of the adminiftration, particularly in that of the mif- fion.of Mr. Morris to France, and of Mr. Jay to London ^ C fei 3 ,tne apprehenfion thofe millions would produce, in our eign relations, precifely the ill effect they did produce. Fifth, the instructions that were given me to explain to the French government the motives of Mr. Jay's million to London, not as an act of condefcenfion on our part, at the demand of the French government, but of policy, t* /-. tranquillity, and give fatisfaftbn, whilrt the negotiation \vas de- pending ; by which inftructions, if the exigence of a power to form a commercial treaty was not pofitively denied, yet it was withheld, and the contrary evidently implied.* Sixth, the ftrong documents that wers put in my poffef- fion at that period, by the adminiflration, of its attachment to France and the French revolution j fo different from any' thing before expreffed. Seventh, the refentment (hewn by the adminiftration on account of the publication of thofe documents ; it having been intended they mould produce their effect, at the fame time, and yet be kept^r^f Eighth, the approbation beftowed on me by the adminif- trarion when I made vehement preflures on the French go- vernment for a repeal of its decrees, under which our com- merce was harraffed, exhibiting a picture of its fpoliations, &c. and the profound filence and inattention of the adrniniftra- tion when thofe decrees were repealed, and a difpofition (hewn by that government to affift us in other cafes J Ninth, the power given to Mr. Jay to form a commercial treaty with England, in the rnidft. of a war, by a fpscial inif- (ion, at a time when no fuch advance was made to treat on that fubjecl: with France, and her advances at belt coolly re- ceived. Tenth, The withholding from me the contents of that trea- ty until after the meeting of the fenate ; notwithstanding the embarraffment to which I was, in the interim, perfonally ex- pofed, in confequence of the explanations I had before giv- en to the French government, by order of the adminiftration, of the motives of the miffion which produced it 5 which de- portment proves clearly that the adminiftration did not deal fairly with me from the commencement. Eleventh, the fubmiffion of the treaty to Mr. Adet after the advice of the fenate, before the ratification of the prefi- dent , at a time when, as it appears by fatisfactory documents, it was refolved to ratify it jjj which fubmiffion therefore was * Page 2 and 86. f 115. \ 156. |l 157. Alfo Mr ..Randolph.* pampKlct. f kli J probably riot iv.ade to obtain the pad of Mr. Adct's counfe-i* in v-'hLh ii 'ht it would have been improper, efpeeially as it had been withheld from his government ; but to repel an objection to the candor of the adminiiiration, in its conduct in preceding itnges. , Twelfth, the character of the treaty itfe.lf, by which (ac- cording to the adminiftration) we have departed from the modern -rule of contraband, with refpect to many articles made free by modern treaties ; have alfo made an arrange- ment, by which, whilfl it profefles not to have facrificed the right, has actually and avowedly fanctioned the doclrine and prndlice of England, in feizing provifions at pleafure, as con- tr.iband of war j and have likewise yielded the principle, fo important to America, that free (hips mall make free goods. Thirteenth, the conduct of the adminiftration after the ra- tification of the treaty, being in all cafes irritable towards France i although it was apprehended the ratification would embroil us with that power ; and although at a moment, when it was propofed to decline the ratification, a moit foothing and humiliating apology was drawn, to be prefented to the Englifh government, for declining fo to do.* Fourteenth, I mould not notice my recall, being in itfelf a circumftance too trivial to merit attention, if it were not for the date in which our affairs were in my hands, when my re- call was decided ; being at a period when it appeared I had fucceeded in quieting die French government for the time, and was likely to do it efreclually.f To be left there tQ that precife time, and then withdrawn and cenfured, feems to authorife a prefumption, that I was left there in the firit jnftance in the expectation I would not defend that treaty, and;in confequence whereof a rupture would enfue, and re- called afterwards, when it was known I had done my duty, and way likely to prevent a rupture. Du-i attention to the above facls and circumflances in> connection with others that will readily occur, will, I am per- fuaded, contribute cflentially to explain the views and policy of the adminiftration, through the whole of this European war ; the effecls whereof have been fo injurious to our na- tional character, as likewife to the agricultural and commer* cia! intereils of thefe States. I have omitted to comprize in the above enumeration, the nature of this great crifis itfelf, becaufe that being a ge- neral topic, will be embraced in the mind of every one, wht Sec again Mr, Randolph's f Ixffi ] warn'mes with eare the incidents attending it, in its relation to every country. It is known to have been produced by a war undertaken on the part of all the kings of Europe u- gainit France, with a view to prevent the fuccefs of a revo- lution in that country, in favor of liberty. Whether the nature of this crifis contributed in any degree to influence our meafures, by repelling us from France and attracting ui towards England, is fubmitted for others to determine. That it ought to have done fo, will I prefume not be avowed pub- licly by any one. Whether the motives which governed the adminiftration in its policy through this crifis are juftifiable, is a point upon which the public and pofterity will decide. I am hap- py however to obferve, that no imputation can be raifed a- gainft the adminiftration, againft which it may not vindicate itfelf, if its conduct admits of vindication. Be this however as it may, it is neverthelefs obvious, that the policy itfelf, was, at bcft, fhortfighted and bad. To fhiul well with France through the whole of this European war, was the true intereft of America ; fince great advantage was to be derived from it in many views, and no injury in any. What would have been the condition of thefe States had France been conquered, and the coalefced powers triumphed, it is eafy to perceive. Had the duke of Brunfwick, for example, reached Paris, and the kings of Europe, after distributing a^ mong themfelves fuch portions of that flouriihing country as Anted each, dictated to the refrdue fuch form of government as they pleafed (if indeed they had not annihilated the mini* of France as they have done that of Poland) was it to be prc- fumed that America, who, as the parent of liberty, was likc- 'v/ife the parent of the French revolution, would have efcapcd their notice ? Or was it likely, that by a variance with France^ preferring as we do, and I truft always {hall preferve, our free elective government, that we mould have flood well with them, hated as we know we are by one of the parties, who cannot view us in any other light than that of rebels ? For*, tunately the fuccelTesof France permitted us to have only a glirhpfe of the danger which menaced us. But the exiftencc of fuch a danger, or even the probability that it exiited, was a fufncient motive why we mould preferve a good un- derftanding with the power, by whofe fuccerTes it was fure to be averted. In many other views too, it was of importance for us ta ftand well with France. We had claims to adjuft with gowers, the favourable adjuftment whereof depended <>n ner fuccefs : For if me \vas conquered, it did not Icera likely that we fhould accomplim any of our objects with thofe powers ; nor could we profit of her fuccefs otherwife than by preferving a good underftanding with her. Befides our footing with France was in itfelf highly advan- tageous to us. By our treaty of 1778, we enjoyed the privi- lege of the modern law of nations in our intercourfe with her enemies. By it our fhips gave protection to the goods of her enemies, and to all kind of merchandize in our trade with her enemies, ftrict contraband of war only excepted. The beneiidal effects too cf this ftipulation, which was refpecled by France at the time that treaty pafled, was moft fenfibly f A: upon our navigation and commerce j for in confequence of it, we were then become the principal carriers of the enemies of France. It was therefore of importance to us to continue this ftipulation m force, and the obligation upon the adminif- tration, to be attentive to the means of preferving it, was the flrong'er from the consideration, that by the mifconduft of the administration, it had been already once loft in the courfe of the prefent war ; as from the further one, that as Britain oid not recognize the fame principle, the obfervance of it by France could not otherwife than be hurtful to her. And in contemplation of future and more beneficial com- mercial arrangements, it was of great importance for us to ftand well with France. The fertility and extent of her co- lonial pofleffions, with the amount and value of their produc- tions, furpafling by far thcfe of any other European power, (to fay nothing of the importance of the commerce of France herfelf) are facts well under flood by our commercial people. It was highly for the intereft of America to improve our foot- ing in that commerce, and eafy w*s it to have done fo, had due attention been paid to the neceflary means of improv- ing it. Thefe were considerations which ought to have been attend- ed to, and would have been attended to by the adminiftration, if fome more powerful motive had not interpofed to prevent 1 Nor was it difficult to ftand well with France through the whole of this crifis, and profit of her fortunes, without the fmalleft poflible lofsor even hazard. The demonftration of this pofition is complete j for we know that although our ground was once loft by the adminiftration, in the courfe of the prefent war, it was neverthelefs afterwards recovered " 9 although it is much eafier to preferve a friendfhip, whilft at .* height, than to recover it' after it is gone. And how was r Ixv ] it recovered ? Not by any addrefs on my part, for I pretend to none : But (imply by prcfenting to the Frencli govern- ment the documents that were committed to my care for tJ puroofe ; illuftrative of the good wifhes of our adminiflratioii for the French nation, and its revolution ; and likeuifeby fupporting thofe documents by my own conducl. , by whicli however I was known, as a fpectator only, not as a partizau in their affairs ; for I do not recollect that I gave an opinion upon a fmgle point, with which I had no concern, \vhilft I was there ; nor did I ever aiTociare with their parties, cr v. any defcription of perfyns as a party. All Frenchmen were kindly received at my houfe : In fhort I did r>c:-hi:ig but mind my own bufinefs in a plain and fimple way ; which thoufands of my countrymen might have done equally \ve!!, perhaps much better. And of her difpofition to extend to us the aid of her fortunes, in every line where they could aid i;~, t fufficient proof was likewife given. Nor did we hazard any thing in any view by {landing veil with France, whiiil much was to be gained. The admiihlira- tion admits me did not wifh us to embark in the war. Per- haps this was admitted to preclude the claim of merit for not wifhing it. But the fact in my .opinion was fo. I fpeak with confidence of the views of the French government, in that re - fpetl, after I got there ; efpecially whilik our footing was moil: cordial. Of the motive I fay nothing j but I think it not only due to candor, but found policy, to admit in all cafes th- rive to be good, when the effect was falutary. Such was the fituation of America in the co: ! .ncnt of this war ! Such our (landing with the French nation, il advantageous in itfelf, fo eafy to preferve ! And ye-': all the'e advantages have been thrown away, and inftead of that Tecure and tranquil (late, which we might have enjoyed throughout, we have been likewife plunged, fo far as th_ iftratiou could plunge us, into a war with our ancient ally, and on the iide of the kings of Europe contending again/ft litr for the fub- verfion of liberty ! Had France been conquered, to what objects that admiaif- trafcion would have afpired, has fortunately, by her victories, been left a fubjecl for conjecture only. Of its zeal to puih things to a dangerous extremity we have many proofs : Of its moderation, none. We have heard much of intrigues, between the people of thefe States and the government of France. But free peo- ple feldom intrigue together; becaufe there is no motive for it. Between the leaders hov/evcr of a free pecple ; azd-the neigh- [ kvi 3 monarchs, fuch intrigues have often taken placr* and always will take place, whilft liberty is odious to mon- archs, and men can be found bale enough to betray her. If iveread the hiftory of the ancient Grecian republics, we mall fee many examples of intrigues between the kings of Perfia and the leaders of thofe republics ; whilil none are to be feen of combinations between the people of any of thofe republics and the free governments of another, except of the purpofe of overthrowing their tyrants. But in America we have no ty- rant except that of prejudice, which time and information a- lone will overthrow. The contrail between the fituation we might have held* through the whole of this war, and that which we have held, is a linking one. We might have flood well with France* avoidii7g ;i)l the lofTes we have fuftained from her , enjoying the benefit of the principles of free trade, and even appeared us an advocate for thofe principles, and without going to any extremity : We might have preferved our ancient renown ; bought at a great expence of blood and treafure, in a long war, in a contell for liberty, and even appeared as a defender of liberty, and without fighting for her : We might too, in my opinion, have commanded a better fortune in our negocia- tion with Britain, and only by availing ourfelves, in a fuitabls? manner, of the fortunes of France. And infleadof a fitu- ation fo advantageous, fo honorable, fo fatisfadlory to our country, what is that into which our government has conduct- ed us ? Our navigation deftrcyed, commerce laid wafte and a general bankruptcy threatening thofe engaged in it ; the friendfhip of a nation loft, the molt powerful on earth, who htid dcfcrved better things from us, and had offered to place us, our vefiels, and commodities on the footing of its native citizens in ail its dominions ; war hanging over us, and that not on the fide of liberty and the juft afFecUons of our people s but of mortar chy and our late nioit deadly fos; and we arc made, fail, by treaty and by the fpirit of thofe at the helm, to a na- tion bankrupt in its refources, and rapidly verging either to arferchy or defpotifm. Nor is this all. Our national honor is in the dud; we have been kicked, cuffed, and plundered all over the ocean ; our reputation for faith fcouted j our govern- ment and people branded as cowards, incapable of being pro- voked to refill, and ready to receive again thofe chains we had taught ethers to burfl. Long will it be before we mail be able to forget what we are, nor will centuries fuffice to raifc B to the j-.igh ground frgm which we have fallen* INSTRUCTIONS A ND CORRESPONDENCE, &C. INSTRUCTIONS. June lo/, 1794, You have been nominated as the fucceiTor of Mr. Gouverneur Morris, in the office of Miniiler Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Republic of France, from a confidence, that, while you keep fteadily in view the necefiity of rendering yourfelf acceptable to that government, you Will maintain the ielf-refpecl due to our own. In doing the one and the other of thefe things, your own prudence and underftanding mull be the guides ; after firfl pofLiIing yourfelf of the real fentiments of the Executive relative to the French nation. The Prefident has been .an early and decided friend of the French Revolution ; and whatever reafon there may have been, under our ignorance of fads and policy, to fufp^nd an opinion upon ibme of its important transactions ; yet is he immutable in his wifhes for its accomplifhment ; incapable of affentin-g to the right of any foreign prince to meddle with its interior arrangements ; und perfuc.aed that fuccefs will attend their efforts ; and particularly, that union r.mong fhemfelves is an impregnable barrier againft external afTauiis- B C a- ] How the French government, when it mall be no longer attacked by foreign arms, will ultimately fettle, ts a point, not yet reduced to any abfolutely certain expectation. The gradation of publick opinion from the beginning of the new order of things to this day ; and the fluctuation and mutual deftrucHon of parties, forbid a minrfter of a foreign country to attach himfelf to any as fuch, and dictate to him not to incline to any fet of men, further than they appear to go with the fenfe of the nation. When the executive provifory council recalled Mr. Genet, they exprefled a determination to render it a matter of eclat, as you have feen ; and at the fame time difavowed all his offeniive acts. Nothing having been forwarded to us, rela- tive to Mr. Morris, which requires a difavowal, you will, if you mould be interrogated as to any particular feeling prevailing with the Prefident upon the occafion, refer to the letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Fauchet, as expla- natory of the Prefident's promptnefs to comply with their de- mand. .From Mr. Genet and Fauchet we have uniformly learned, that France did not defire us to depart from neutrality ; and it would have been un-wife to have afked us to do otherwife : For our ports are open to her prizes, while they are ihut to thofe of Great Britain ; and fupplies of grain could not be forwarded to France with fo much certainty, were we at war, as they can even now, notwithftanding the Britifh inftruc- ions ; and as they may be, if the demands to be made upon Great Britain mould fucceed. We have, therefore, pur- fued neutrality with faithfulnefs , we have paid more of our debt to France than was abfolutely due ; as the Secretary of the Treafury aflerts ; and we mould have paid more, if the ftate of our affairs did not require us to be prepared with funds for the poflible event of war. We mean to continue the fame line of conduct in future j and to remove ^all jealoufy with refpect to Mr. Jay's million to London, you may fay, that he is pofitively forbidden to weaken the engage- ments between this country and France. // is not improbable,, that \oif will be obliged to encounter^ on this heady fufpicions of various kinds. But you may declare the motives of that mi/Jion t9 be, to obtain immediate compenfation for our plundered property^ and reftituiion of the pofls. You may intimate by way of argument, but without afcribing it to the government, that 9 if war Jhould be neceffary> the affe&ions of the people of the United States towards it y 'would be better fecured by a mani^ejlation^ that every Jtep bad been taken to avoid it ; and that the Britijh nation [ 3 ] would be divided, when they found that lue had been forced nit 9 it. This may be briefly touched upon as the path of pru- dence with refpecVto ourfelves ; and alib with refpeet to France, fince we are unable to give her aids of men or money. To this matter you cannot be too attentive, and you will be amply juftified in repelling with firmnefs any imputation of the moft diftant intention to facrince our connection with. France to any connection with England. You may back your afiertions by a late determination of the Prefident to have it fignified abroad that he is avevfe to admit into his public room, which is free to all the world befides, any Frcnch- *men, who are obnoxious to the French Republic ; although, perhaps, it may again happen fometimes, as many go thither, whofe names and characters are utterly unknown. It is very probable that our country will become the afylum for moil of the French who expatriate themfelves from native land. Our laws have never yet made a diitinction of perlbns, nor is fuch a diftinclion very esfy. Hence fome of thofe who are perhaps attainted in France, have thrown themfelves upon the protection of the United States. This will not, as it furely ought not to be mifinterpreted into any eftrangement from the French caufe. You will explain thu y whenfoever it fiall be necejjary. If we may judge from what has been at different times uttered by Mr. Fauchet, he will reprefent the exiftence of two parties here irreconcileabie to each other. One republi- can, and friendly to the French revolution ; the other monarchical, arirtocratic, Britannic, and anti-Gallican j that a majority of the Houfe of Reprefentatives, the people, and the Prefident, are in the firft clafs ; and a majority of the Senate in the fecond. If this intelligence mould be ufed, in order to infpire a diftvuft of our good will to France, you will induftriouily obviate fuch an effect : and if a fair occafion ihould prefent itfelf, you may hint, that the moft effectual means of obtaining from the United States, what is defired by France, will be by a plain and candid application to the government, and not by thofe infidious operations on the people, which Genet endeavoured to carry on. The information, which we pofleis of France, before and in the early itages of the revolution, muft be confiderably changed at this day. You will, therefore, rranfmit to us, as foon as poi- fible, an account of the navy, the agriculture, and the commerce of France. It is defirable too to know, upon what footing reli- gion really ftands. Thefe, however, are genera) objects. But we are particularly concerned to underitand the true ftate of [ 4 ] the different feels of politics. Are there any of the old friends to the ancient regime remaining ? Are any ne\v friends created by the courfe of things ? Are the BriiTotines extinguished ? Are the Dantonilts overwhelmed ? Is Robefpierre's party firmly fixed ? Is he capable from talents and pcrfonal fortitude to direct the florin ? Is his character free from imputation, as to money ? Is he friendly to the United States ? How is the executive power adminiflered now ? What new acceffion of authority may have lately accrued to the committee of public fafety ? What relation do the twelve commiflions of admini- ftration, which have been lately eflablifhed, bear to that committee ? What is the true caufe of the various changes, which have lately taken place, by one party rifing upon the ruins of another ? What affurance can be had, that any party can fo long maintain itfelf, as to promife {lability to the go- vernment ? Are the people fincerely affectionate to their prefent government; or are they reftrained by the terror of the revolutionary tribunal, or by the danger of having- their country difmembercd by the coalefced princes ? What fpecies of executive will probably be at laft adopted ? What characters bid fair to take the helm of affairs, after the great destruction and banimment of able men ? Thefe and many other queflions of the fame nature ought to be fclved, to enable us to fee things in a true light. For without doubting the folidity of the French caufe, we ought not to be unpre- pared for any event. If, therefore, any very momentous turn mould arife in French affairs, upon which the conduct of our government may depend, you need not hefitate at the cxpence'of an advice boat, if no other fatisfa&ory opportu- nity mould occur. But it is the wifh of the Prefident, that at the end of every week, you commit to a letter the tranf- aclions of it, and embrace every proper conveyance, by duplicates, and, in great cafes, even by triplicates. Should you be interrogated about the treaty of commerce, you may reply that it has never been propoled to us by Mr. Fauchet. As to any thing elfc concerning it, you will exprefs yourfelf not to be inilruled -, it being a fubje& to be ricgoci- ated with the government here. In like manner, if a treaty of alliance, or if the execution of the guarantee of the French iflands, by force of arms, {hould be propounded, you will refer the Republic of France to this fide of the water. In fhort, it is expe&ed, with a fure reliance on your difcretion, that you will not commit the United States, by any fpcdlic 'declarations, except where C 5 ] you are particularly inftru&ed, and except too in giving teflimony of our attachment to their caufe. There is reafon to believe, that the embargo, when it was firft laid, excited fome uneafy fenfations in the breaft of the French minifter. For it fo happened, that at the moment before its operation, pretty confulerable fliipments of flour were made to the Britim Weft-Indies, and a fnow, called La Camille, laden with flour, for France, was arrefted near New-Gallic, on the Delaware, after fhe had quitted the port of Philadelphia. But you knew enough of the hiftory of this bufinefs, to declare, that the embargo was levelled againft Great Britain, and was made general, merely becaufe, if it had been partial againft her, it would have amounted to a caufe of war ; and alfo, that it was not continued, merely becaufe it was reputed to be injurious to France. My letters to Mr. Fauchet will explain the cafe of La Camillej and all his complaints about the embargo. Should our embargo be brought up, the way will be eafy for our complaint againfl the embargo of Bourdeaux. At any rate, you will rarionftrate againlt it, and urge fatisfacliou^ for the fufferers. Ycu will receive all the papers, which have come into the department of f:ate, relative to thofe matters ; and you will befides open a correfpondence with the captains and perfons interefled at Bourde^ux, in order to obtain more accurate information. But you will go farther and infill upon compenfatkm for ' the captures and fpoliations of our property, and injuries to the perfons of our citizens, by French cruifers. Mr. Fuuchet has been applied to ; and prcrnifes to co-operate for the obtaining of fatisfacUon. The dilator inefs with which bufmefs is transacted in France will, if not curtailed in the adjuftment of thefe cafes, produce infinite mifchief to our merchants. This mud: be firmly reprefented to the French Republic ; and you may find a feafon for intimating, how unfortunate it would be, if fo refpedlable a body, as that of our merchants (hould relax in their zeal for the French caufe, from irritation at their lolTes. The papers on this head are a ftatement of French cafes, Mr. Fauchet's letters to me, and the documents thcmfelves. You know the extreme diftrefs in which the inhabitants of St. Domingo came hither after the difafters of trie Caps. Private charity, and efpecially at Baltimore, m contributed to their fupport. The Cong re ft at length ad- vanced 15,000 dollars with a view of reiniLurfeir^at from C <5 ] France. This fubjcct has been broken to Mr. Fauchet here, and he appears to have been roufed at the idea of fupporting by French money French ariftocrats and democrats indifcri- minately. Both he and his nation ought to be fatisfied, that in the caufe of humanity, opprefled by poverty, political opinions have nothing to do. Add to this, that none but the really indigent receive a farthing. It was the duty of the French Republic to relieve their colonifts labouring under a penury fo produced , and as it would have been too late to wait for their approbation before the payments were decreed, it will not be deemed an offenfive difpofal of French money, that we now make a claim for repayment. If Mr. Fauchet has power upon the fubject, an attempt will be made for a fettlement with him here ; but that being very doubtful, it will forward the retribution by difcuffing it in Europe. You will be alfo charged with the demands of feveral American citizens for bills of exchange drawn in the French Weft-Indies on France. The report of a committee of them, Mr. Fauchet's letter, and the vouchers, which you will carry, leave no doubt of your fuccefs. But if there ihould be any difficulty, do not fail to communicate it to the Secretary of State inftantaneoufly. The fooner, therefore, the affair is entered upon the better. It is important, that no public character of the United States mould be in France, which is not acceptable. You will inquire into the confuls ; and inform, how they are approved, and whether they be deferving. Although the Prefident 'will avoid, as much as pojfflblc, to appoint any obnoxious per/on Confuly it may happen otherivife^ and muft be confidered as accidental. Mr. Alexander Duvernat goes for Paris in the quality of Vice-Conful, and Mr. Fauchet faid that he had nothing to object to him. Consulates are eftablimed in every port of France, where they are conceived ufeful. But perhaps you may find it ad- vifeable to mark out fome other places for fuch offices. It is recommended, that no bufinefs of confequence, be carried on verbally or in writing, but in your-own language. The miniiter of each nation has a right to ufe his national tongue, and few men can confide in their exactnefs when they do bufinefs in a foreign one. But great care is necefiary tn the choice of interpreters, when they are to be reforted to. It is a practice of great utility to note down every con- verfation of ccnfequencie, which you hold, immediately aftc'r retirement ; and the Executive will expect to receive copies of what fhall be thus written. C 7 ] A communication with our other minifters in Europe, under proper caution, may be advantageous. Let nothing depend upon verbal communication which can be carried on in writing. To conclude. You go, Sir, to France, to ftrengthen our friendmip with that country , and you are well acquainted with the line of freedom and eafe, to which you may advance, without betraying the dignity of the United States. You will mew our confidence in the French Republic, without betraying the moft remote mark of undue complaifance. TCou 'will let it be feeti) that in cafe of war, 'with any nation o?i earthy ive (hall conftder France as our firp and natural a/Iy. You may Qwell upon thefenfe 'which we entertain of paft fervices, and for the more recent interpolation in our behalf with the Dey of Algiers. Among the great events with which the world is now teeming, there may be an opening for France to become injlrumental in fecuring to us ths free navigation of the Miffifippi. Spain may, perhaps, negociate a peace, feparate from Great Britain , 'with France. If ihe does, the Mifffppi may be acquired through this channel^ efpecially if you contrive to have our mediation in any manner iblicited. With every wifh for your welfare and aji honourable ifluc to your miniftry, I am, Sir, &c. Signed, EDMUND RANDOLPH. CORRESPONDENCE. FROM Mr. MONROE TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, PHILADELPHIA. Paris, Augujl io/, 1794, Six, ON the 3 i ft ultimo I arrived at Havre, and on the fecond in ft ant at this place. Mr. Morris was, upon my arrival, from town, but he came in as foon as advifed of it. By him I was prefented to the commifFary of foreign affairs, who a mured me that as foon as the form of my reception mould be fettled, he would apprize me of it, but that this would unavoidably create a delay of fome days, as well from the prefent derangement - of their affairs on account of the late commotion of Robefpierre, as from the neceffity of ma- king fome general regulation in that r^fpect, it being the firft inftvmce in wMeh a miniflerhad been addreflea to the Repub- lic. I allured ir>.i I fliould wait with pleafure the convenience of thcfe w io:n it concerned, and nnce which I have not -feen him, but he ir L-I u the fubject is under confideration of the committee of public far sty, and will probably be conclu- ded in a day or two. I heard at Havre of the crimes and execution of Robefpierre, St. Juft, Couthon and others of that party, and fhould have written you on the fubjecl from that port, but that I knew I could give only the current report, varying, perhaps, in every fea-port town, and which might reach you before my letter. I hailened, therefore, to i/aris, in the hope of acquiring there immediately more correct information of facts, as well as of the caufes which gave birth to them ; but even yet, I fufpect, I am on the furface only, for it will take fome time to become well acquainted with the true liate of things on a. theatre fo extenfive and important. That Robefpierre and his aflbciates merited their fate, is a pofition to which every one ailents. It was proclaimed by the countenances and voices of all whom I met and converted with from Ha\!e to Paris. In the latter place, where the oppreffion was heavieft, the people feem to be relieved from a burden which had become infupportable. It is generally agreed that, from the period of Danton's fall, Robefpierre had amaffed in his own hands all the powers of the govern- ment, and controuled every department in all its operations. It was his fpirit which ruled the committee of public fafety, the Convention, and the revolutionary tribunal. The Con- vention was loon found, after the abrogation of the conftitu- tion to be too unwieldy, and How in its deliberations, to di- rect the great and complicated mafs of executive bufinefs -, this had given birth to two committees, the one of faint public, the other of furefe generate, into whofe hands the whole was depofited. To the former was afligned the management of foreign affairs, the direction of the armies^ c. to the latter, the interior adminiftration, and they were rcfpectively enjoined to render an account monthly of their tranfadtions to the Convention. It was intended that thefe committees {houlci be independent of each other, and both under the immediate controul of the Convention ; but by the diftribution of their powers, this defign was defeated, for fuch sin afcendancy was thereby given to the committee of public fafety, that the other became its inltrument, acting only C 9 ] under its authority. The principal members of the Convention were placed in thefe committees, and Robefpierre, who was by far the moft influential one, was aiHgned to the committee of public fafety. It foon happened in the courfe of the ad- min iitration, from the very extenfive patronage, comparative weight of character, and immenfe power, that this committee gained likewife an entire afcendancy in the Convention, and controuled all its meafures. Nor was the organization of the revolutionary tribunal more favourable to the independence of that branch, and of courfe to public and perfonal liberty. It was equally dependent on, and the creature of, this com-* mittee. Robefpierre therefore had become omnipotent. It was his fpirit which dictated every movement, and particularly the unceafing operation of the guillotine. Nor did a more bloody and mercilefs tyrant ever wield the rod of power. His acts of cruelty and cppreflion are perhaps without pa- rallel in the annals of hiilcry. It is generally conceded, that for fome months before his fall the lift of prifoners was fliewn him every evening, by the Prefident of the revolutionary tribunal, and that he marked thofe who were to be the vic- tims of the fucceeding day, and which was invariably executed. Many whole families, thofe under the age of fixteen excepted, were cut off upon the imputation of confpiracies, &c. but for the fole reafon that fome members had been more friendly to Brifibt, Danton, &c. or had exprefTed a jealoufy of his power. His oppreiTion had, in fact, gained to fuch an height, that a convullion became unavoidable. The cir- cumftances which immediately preceded and brought on the crifis are differently recounted. Some make him the active party and believe that he had arranged with the commune and the guards of the city, the plan of a general mafTacre of his enemies in the Convention. But I am of opinion, that thefe projects, for they were certainly contemplated, pro- ceeded from defpair, and were adopted at the moment only, as the means of defence. The time and manner of the ex- plofion which was in the Convention fupport this idea. It had been intimated fome days before by him or SL Juft, that other confpiracies threatened the fafety of the Republic and which ought to be laid open. The communication was given in fuch a manner as to fatisfy the audience, that he meant Tallien and fome other members of the houfe. And, in the moment of the explofion, St. Juft had commenced a developernent of ' this pretended confpiracy, leading tp a denunciation of thefe .members. If the power of Robeipierre remained, it was well knowr that death and denunciation C went hand in hand. To repel it by a counter one was the only remaining hope. It could, in no event, produce a worie eifecl. Tallinn therefore rofe and interrupted St. Juft, de- manding : " How long lhall we be abufed with denunciations of precended confpiracies ? 'Tis time to draw the veil from perfidy fo flagrant." St. Juft was filenced and driven from the tribune. Robefpierre afcended and made many efforts to fpeak in vain. The whole Convention rofe and cried out with one voice, " down with the tyrant." He flood like one amazed and ftupified, (taring at the Convention with a coun- tenance equally befpeaking indignation and terror ; deprived of the power of utterance, but yet afraid to defcend. A* foon as the convention faw its ftrength, he was arreiled and fent a prifoner to the committee of public fafety ; but by this time, his immediate coadjutors had taken the alarm, and were endeavouring to excite commotions in the city in his behalf. Ilenriot, the commander of the guard, with a few followers, purfued and refcued him from the committee. He then took his ftation with the commune, heretofore the theatre of his power, and began to harangue the people, and with fome efFecl ; whilft Ilenriot, in the character of general, was buried in alTembling the guards in the place before the Hall of the Convention, with intention to fire on it. There was at this moment an awful paufe in the affairs of the Re- public. Every thing was fufpended, and the public mind greatly alarmed and agitated. The fituation of the Convention was truly interefung. They knew that all the appointments were conferred by Robefpierre, that he had been )ong deemed a patriot, and ftiil poffeffed, by means of affection or terror, a wonderful influence over the citizens at large ; and more immediately in their prefence, they faw Henriot at the head of a refpectable force menacing an attack. But that body was not unmindful of its dignity or its duty upon that great occafion : On the contrary, it difplayed a degree of fortitude and magnanimity, worthy of thofe who afpire to the'exalted character of defenders of their country. It calmly entered upon the fubject of defence ; declared Rcbefpierre, St. Juft, Couthon, Henriot, and the commune without the protection of the law , appointed a commandant of the guard, and fent deputies to the fections to admonim them of their danger, and warn them to ftand at their pofts in defence of their country. A moment's reflection fettled the public mind. The people beheld on the one fide, the Convention labouring to fave the Republic, and on the other, Robefpierre and his *uwv,ites in c-pc;i rebellion. Hefitaticn was *t un end. The II citizens rallied immediately to the ftandard of their fecHons, and Robefpierre and his aflpciates were taken at the fame time to prifon, and on the next day to execution, amidft the rejoicing and acclamations of the people. Many believe that Robefpierre aimed at defpotic power, and fought to efhblifh himfelf upon the throne of the Capets, in the character of protector, or fome fuch character j and, in purfuit of this idea, fay, that he counted upon the iupport of the armies, and particularly the army of the North, and had othenvife arranged things in fuch order as to favour the project. What his views of ambition and carnage were, I know not : That they had been great was certain ; but that he had concerted any plan of permanent eftablifhment for him- felf, or been promifed fuch fuppcrt, even where his influence was greateft, cannot be true, nor is it warranted by circum- ftances. If he was not promifed the fuppcrt, it is net pro- bable he had fuch a fcheme ; and that it was not promifed, muft be obvious to thofe who take into view all the circum- ftances which merit confideration. It will be ebferved, by thofe who wifh to form a juft eftimate of the future courfe and fortune of this revolution, that frorr? its commencement to the prefent time, no perfon ever raifed himfelf to power but by the proof he had furnimed cf his attachment to the caufe, by his efforts to promote it ; and that from the moment doubts were entertained of the folidity and purity of his principles, did his influence begin to decline in equal degree. This was feen in the initances of La Fayette, Dumourier, Briflbt, Canton, and finally, Robefpierre himfelf; two cf whom, though popular generals, were abandoned by the armies they commanded ; the former compelled to feek retuge in a fo- reign country, and the latter in the camp of the enemy ; and the others, tho' eminent in the civil department, were, upon like charges, condemned by the public voice to the fame fate. In fact, the current of fentiment and principle has been fuch, that no character or circumftance has been able to obftruft its courfe : on the contrary, it has fwept every thing before it. Can it be prefumccl then, and efpecially at this mcmerit, v/hen the ardour of the nation, inflamed by conqueil, is at thff height, that any refpe&able number of citizens, of anv defcription, would turn afide from the great object of the revolution, to countenance, in r.ny individual, fchemes of ufurpation and tyranny ? Did not the late event, even in Paris, difprove it, where Robefpierre had mod influence ? There was no oppofing force but what depended on public opinion, and every thing tended to favour his views. [ 12 -] From due confideration of all circumftafices, I am led td afcribe the fanguinary courfe of Robefpierre's proceedings to a- different caufe. I confider the coiiteft between him and Danton, as a coiiteft for power between rivals, having the fame political objects in view. The former was jealous of the latter, and having gained the afcendancy, and the defec- tive organization of the government permitting it, by means of his influence in the judiciary, he cut him off. But the arreilaticn and condemnation were regular, according to the forms prefer ibed by law, and were on that account fubmitted to. The public, however, faw into the oppreflion, and difapproved of it ; for at the moment when Danton was led to execution, there was a general gloom upon the counte- nances of the citizens. They all attended at the place in hope of hearing the explanation : They heard none and retired diflatisfied. Robefpierre faw this, and in it the foreboding of his own ruin. " From that moment he faw nothing but confpiracies, afiafiimitions, and the like. He was furrounded by informers, and had fpies and emiflaries in every quarter. By means of fsverity he fought his fafety, and therefore ilruck at all his enemies in the hope of extirpating them. But it happened in this as it always happens in like cafes, every new execution encreafed them tenfold. It progrefled thus till it couid be no longer borne, and terminated as I have already Itated. It may be afked : Is there any reafon to hope that the vici- ous operation of the guillotine will be hereafter fufpended ? JVlay not factions rife again, contend with and deftroy each other as heretofore ? To this I can only anfwer, that the like is not apprehended here, at leaft to the fame extent ; that the country from Havre to Paris, and Paris itfelf, .appears to enjoy perfect tranquility ; that die fame order is faid to pre- vail in the armies, who have addrefTed the Convention, applauding its conduct, and rejoicing at the downfal of the laie conipirators. Some circumitances, it is true, have been fcen indicating a fufpicion, that all Robefpierre's afibciates had not fu fit-red the fate they merited, and ought not to cfcape; but latterly this has abated, though it is poffible it may revive again. In general it may be remarked that, until peace and a well organized government (hall be eftabliflied, no Hire calculation can be formed of what may happen in this rt;fpec~t. I am happy, however, to obferve, that the fubjecl of reform in the committees and revolutionary tribu- nals (and which was taken up immediately after the late commotion fubfidcd) is now under difcuflion, and that the "4 \ c ';' ] %^ral propofitions which are depending, are calculated to prefervc, as far as poffible, the controul of the Convention over the former, and promote the independence, and otherwife improve the organization, of the latter. But are not the people opprefled with taxes, worn out by continual drafts to reinforce the armies ; do they difcover no fymptoms of incr^afing difcontent with the reigning govern- ment, and of a defive to relapfe again under their former tyranny ? What will become of the army at the end of the war ? Will it retire in peace, and enjoy, in tranquiiity, that liberty it has fo nobly contended for; or will it not rather turn its victorious arms againft the bofom of its country ? Thefe are great and important queftions, and to which my fhort refidence here will not permit me to give fatisfactory anfwers. Hereafter I (hall be able to give you better informa- tion in thefe refpe&s. At prefent I can only obferve, that I have neither feen nor heard of any fymptom of difcontent fhewing itfelf among the people at large. The oppreflion of Robefpierre had indeed created an uneafinefs, but which dif- appeared with the caufe. I never faw in the countenances of men more apparent content with the lot they enjoy, than has been (hewn every where fince my arrival. In the courfe of the laft year the Convention recommended it to the people, as the fureft means of fupport for their armies, to increafe the fphere of cultivation, and from what I can learn, there never was more land under cultivation, nor was the country ever blefled with a more productive harveft. Many fathers of families, and a great proportion of the young men, are fent to the frontiers, and it v/as feared it would be difficult to reap and fecure it ; but the women, the boys and the girls, even to tender age, have fupplied their places. I favr this with amaze- ment upon my route from Havre to this place, and am told 'tis generally the cafe. The victories of their armies are ce- lebrated with joy and feftivity in every quarter, and fcarce a day has latterly parTed without witneffing a deputation to the convention, and often from the pooreft citizens, to throw in- to its coffers fome voluntary contribution for the fupport of the war. Thefe are not fymptoms of difguft with the reigning government, and of a defire to change it ! With refpecl: to the prefent difpofition of the army, or what it may be at the end of the .war, I can fay lefs as I have not feen it. At prefent the beft underftanding fubfifls be- tween it and the Convention. It is poilible that in the courfe of fervice, if the war mould laft long, many of its members may acquire habits unfriendly to retirement , but in an army C '4 I compofcd of the yeomanry of the country, as this is, that. fentiment will be lefs apt to gain ground than, in any other. Befides, is it not prefumable, that the fpirit which has raifed and influenced this, will continue to produce fome effect, even in its final difpofition. If, however, there fliould (till remain a confiderable force on foot, which could not be prevailed on to retire ; fond of conqueft, of rapine, and of plunder, can it be fuppofed that its parent country will fur- niih the only and moll grateful theatre to aft on ? Will no other portion of Europe prefent before it a more productive field, whereon to gratify ambition, avarice, or revenge ? There mud always remain in the breads of the foldiers fome fentiment in favour of their relatives ; and the fortunes of the wealthy will be pretty well broken and diffipated here by the courfe of the revolution. The example of the Ro- man Empire is always before thofe, whofe apprehenfions are greatefl upon this head : They fee there nothing but kindred armies fighting agr.inft each other, and tearing the common- wealth in pieces : But they make no allowance for the great difference in the ftate of things. The armies of the Empire were raifed in the conquered provinces, and compofed of foreigners : They, therefore, had no attachment to Rome. The State of the country, and the fpirit of the age, are likewife different. The diffentions of Rome were the con- vulfions of a corrupt and worn out monarchy, verging rapid- ly to a decline. But here the cafe is different ; the armies are otherwife compofed, and the fpirit of the age, that of a. rational and philofophical reform, feeking to eftablifh the public liberty, and fweeping before it old and corrupt infti- tutions which were no longer tolerable. I have thus gone into this interefting fubjeft from a defire to give the beft view in my power of the late commotions, and prefent ftate of the internal affairs of this country, becaufe I well know its importance to my own. It will be my object to improve my knowledge of it, and keep you cor- rectly informed in every particular, and as regularly as oppor- tunities offer. With refpeft to the (late of the war, I can only fay, in general, that the armies of France have prevailed over the combined forces every where. The commencement of the campaign was .favourable to them ; but the action which took place in July, near Charleroy, on the plains of Fleurus, between Cobourg, at the head cf about 100,000 men, and Jourdan, with an inferior force ; and which terminated, after the fevsrcft conflict and great flaughter on both fides, in favour C -J 3 of the French arms, has evidently given them the fuperiority ever fince. This was certainly one of the moil important and bloody actions which has been fought in the courfe of the prefect war. Cobourg, unwilling to retire before the republican troops, had gathered together all his forces, with defign to hazard a general alion, and in the hope of regain- ing Charleroy. He attacked them at every point, about five in the morning, formed in the field and ready to receive him. Three times he drove them back within their entrench- ments, reluctant to yield the day : But they faliied out a, fourth time, with {till greater impetuofity, mouting through all their ranks, " vue will retreat r.o more/' and, fingin Marfeillefe Hymn, and other patriotic fongs, advanced an ardour which was irrefiftible. The attack fucceed. Co- bourg, with his routed army, fled before them, leaving 0:1 the field, according to the French accounts, about 13,000 {Lin. The French, it is fuppofed, loft about 15,230 men. They have taken in the courfe of the preterit campaign, Oitend, Mons, Tournay, Narnur, Tirlemont, Landrccy, Anvers, Ghent, Charleroy, BruiTells, Quefnoy, Louvain, Liege, Nieuport, Cadfandt (at the moutE' of the Scheldt) with fome other places lying in that quarter. Cobourg at prefent occupies the ground in the neighbourhood of Maeft- richt, and endeavours to cover the frontier of Holland. It is, however, daily expected another action will take place, which may fettle the fate of the low countries. Conde and Valenciennes, you obferve, are left in the rear ; they are yet p-ofTefled by the combined forces, but are inverted, and 'tis thought will foon fall. Their fucccfs in Spain has likewife been great. They are in poflemon, at prefent, of the whole of the province of Guypuf- coa, Bilbca excepted. Many prifoners and immenle parks of artillery have been taken from the Spaniards. The detail I cannot give you with any kind of accuracy, but will endea- Tour to comprife it in my next. There has been but one tea action, and whtch was between the French and Englifh fleets, in the courfe of the prefent fummer. The French had 16 fhips, and the Englifh 2%. The Englim, having the wind, bore down on the French, and feparated 7 mips from their main force. Of thefe they took 6 and funk the other. It is faid there never was a more bloody, or better fought action on both fides. It lafted three days. On the fourth, the Britifh filed off with the (hips they had taken, and failed into port. The French, having cffcrcd 12 renew the combat, likewife retired after- C 16 ] wards to Breit, whither they conduced the merchantmen convoyed from America, and which was the object of the ^conteft, fafe. I ih ill write you again in a few days, and I hope to inform you of my reception. For the prefent, therefore, I (hall conclude, with aflurances of the great refpect and efteem with which I am, 5*c. FROM Mr. MONROE TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, PHILADELPHIA. Paris, Augujl 25, 1794. Szx, IN my lad of the nth inflant, I mentioned to you that I had been prefented to the commiiTary of foreign affairs, for reception, nd was allured he would lay the copy of my credentials, which I left with him, before the committee of public fafety, under whom he ated, and to whom it more particularly belonged to appoint the time and regulate the mode. After this, I waited ei-^ht or ten days without progreiling an iota ; and as I heard that a minifter from Geneva had been here about fix weeks before me, and had not yet been received, I was fearful I might remain as long, and perhaps much longer, in the fame fituation. It was obvious that the public boards had b^enfo much mocked by the late difailer, that from a variety of confiderations, fome public and others private, they could fcarcely move forward upon any fubje6t. At the fame time, I had reafon to believe it was the general defire that I (liquid be received as foon as pofiible, and with every demonftration of refpect for the country I reprefjnt.d. Upon the moft mature confideration, therefore, I thought it incumbent on me to make an effort to break through thefe difficulties, and expedite my reception. The Convention, I knew, pofleflcd the ibvereign authority of the nation ; and I prefumed, that by addrefling myfelf to that body, and efpecially in the prefent ftate of things, I mould not only avoid the cenfure of any fubordinate department, but perhaps relieve it from an unpleafant dilemma, and at the fame time, make an experiment of the real difpofition of country towards my own. The latter confideration I C A 7 ] fact win; occafions. I the Convention, ; . >fed No. i is a and was happy to an J i: ciiately taken, by a memb:r preient, to the comrrnitee of public fafety, by whom a report was made in two hours afterwards to the Convention, and a decree adopted by the latter body, of which No. 2 is a copy, for my reception by the Co:ivei-uio- > the foil- . I deemed it my duty to avail rnyfeif of this opportunity to di.iir- t ;, if pofhble, by the documents in my which had been made md were itiil m.iiang, of the ly difpjfitic'i of the American government towards the li- berty and happinefs of the French nation. At the time, therefore, that I preiented my credentials, I kid b the Convention the declarations of the Senate and Houie of Reprefentatives, as conveyed by the Prefident through the Secretary of State, with an aflurance that I was authorifed to declare, that the Prelident was actuated by llmilar lent'- ments. The communication was received in a manner very interefting, and waich furniihed, at the fame time, the ftrong- eft proof of the affection entertained by the French nation for the United States of America. The inclofed No. 3 is a copy of my addrefs to the Convention and of the Prefident's aniwer. Every department has fince fhcwn the ftrongeffc difpofition to prove its attachment to their ally, by embracing every opportunity which the flighted incident has offered. A few (lores brought for the accommodation of my family, in the ihip in which I failed, were arrefted in Havre, bee v.re no declaration was rendered of them by the captain. This was cafually heard by the committee of public iafety, and, without any intimation from me, by their order, restored. But being dciirous more formally to teitify their regard, the commhTary of foreign affairs announced to me yellerday, that he was inftru&edj in the name of the Republic, to appropriate a houfe for my ufe, as minifter of the United States, of fuch accommodations and in fuch part of the city as I would defignate. The inclofed No. 4 is a copy of his letter and of my reply. Thefe latter acls, it is true, may be deemed in fome meafure a&s of ceremony. So far, however, as they furnifh any indication of the difpofition of this country towards our own, it is a favourable one. I found here many of my countrymen, captains of vefTels, who were taken at lea and brought in, in derogation of the I '8 ] Treaty of Amity and Commerce. I intend immediately to 1 make an effort to have that order refunded, and compenfa- tion r for the injury fuftained. I have written to Mr. who is bed acquainted with the affair of the Bour- deri.ix embargo, to requeft his attendance hers, or to forward fuch documents as will enable me to purfue, with fuitable in- formation, the interefl of thofe who were affected by it. And I ihall likewife bring forward, at the fame time, the claims of others of our citizens for fupplies rendered to the government of St. Domingo. The poiition of the armies is nearly the fame as when I wrote you laft. No action has been fought, nor any other material change taken place fmce. A perfect tranquility too continues to reign throughout thc- Republic. The execution of Robefpierre and his aflbciates, has produced the fame effect every where. Every perfort feems to be freed from an oppreffion which was really terri- ble, and the more fo, becaufe it was fandtified by the autho- rity of the people, and covered with the-mafk of patriotifm. It is, however, laid, that others who have been equally guilty (for Robefpierre, who was a timid man, could not have made the majority of the committee vote againft their own opinion) will probably yet be brought to juftice. Of this I fliall be able to give you better information in my next. The reform, which I fuggefted in my laft, contemplated in the organization of the committees and revolutionary tribu- nal, is now completed or nearly fo. I will enclofe you copies of the decrees in my next. A great number of prifoners- have been discharged, who were confined here ana in other parts of the Republic, in confequence of a decree, that thofe ihould be liberated who were committed upon fufpicion only. It was, however, greatly unfortunate, that Robefpierre was not cut off fooner ; for it is mod certain, that his lafl days were itained with fome of the moil innocent blood of the Republic. The v'ice-conful has not yet arrived, and, to be candid, I doubt, when he does, whether he will be received or not. A native of this country is, at the prefent moment, unable to render any ferviceto our own, although he may have always redded litre, and his political principles been unqueftionable. But one who has been abfent, is confidered, if not an emi- grant, at bell indifferent, and perhaps unfriendly, to the revo- lution, and therefore cdious. If this gentleman has arrived* [ IP 3 I think it probable he is confined at the port where lie landed. I deem this unfortunate, for there is much bufmefs which properly belongs to the confular department here; as all the commercial affairs of the Republic are tranfadied here. No. L To the Prefident and Reprefentatives of the French People in Convention aflembled. Paris 9 Auguft 13^, 1794- CITIZEN PRESIDENT^ HAVING lately arrived here with authority from ths Prefident of the United States of America to reprci r cat thofe States, in quality of Miniiler Plenipotentiary with the French Republic, and not knowing the competent department, nor the forms tftablimed by law, for my reception, I have thought it my duty to make known my million immediately to the reprefentatives of the nation. To them it belongs to fix the day, and prefcribe the mode, by which I fhali be acknowledged as the reprefentative of their ally and lifter Republic. They will, therefore, have the goodnefs to de- fignate to me the department to which I mail prefent myfeif, to be recognized in the character I bear. I make to you this communication with the greater pleafure, becaufe it gives me an opportunity, not only to teitify to the reprefentatives of the free citizens of France, my own devo- tion to the caufe of liberty, but of affuring them, at the fame time, and in the molt folemn manner, of the profound in- tereft, which the government and people of America take, in the liberty, the fuccefs and profperity of the French Republic, No. II. As foon as this letter was read hi the National Convention, it was decreed that it mould be inferted in its procefs verbal, and in the bulletin of correfpondence, and that a copy of it, with one of the letter of credence which accompanied it, ihould be fent to the committee of public fafety, with in- ftructions to report thereon during the prefent fitting ; and afterwards, upon the report of the committee, the Convention decreed as follows : ART. I. The Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States lhrJ.1 be introduced into the bofom of the Convention, to- morrov/ ac two o'clock P. M. he mall then explain the obi ret of his million ; and after which die Prefident fhall faiute him fraternally, in teftimcny of the friendfhip which unites the American and French people. ART. II. The Prefident of the Convention fliall write a letter to the Prefident of the United States^ and tranfmit to him the prccefs verbal of this fitting.- AT two the next day, Mr. Monroe was accordingly in- tro.luced into the Convention, by the minifter of foreign i, accompanied by feveral of the members of the com- mittee of public fafcty, and upon which occafion he preferred the following addrcfs in Engliih, with a trari^atiorl of it into French, and which latter was read by a i^crc'cary. No. III. Citizens Prefident and Representatives of the French People* MY ndmifiion into this affembly, in .prefence of the French nation (for all the citizens of France are reprefented here) to be recognized as the reprefentative of the American Republic, irnprcfiec me with a degree of fenfibility which I cannot expreis. I confider it a new proof of that friendfhip and regard which the French nation has always fhewn to their ally, the United States of America. Republics ihould approach near to each other. In many refpeAs they have ail the fame intereft ; but this is more especially the cafe with the American and French Republics. Their governments are fimilar ; they both cherifh the fame principles, and reft on the fame bafis, the equal and unaiiena- ble rights of man. The recollection too of common dangers and difficulties will increafe their harmony and cement' their union. America had her day of oppreilion, difficulty, and war; but her fons were virtuous and brave, and the'ftorm ': long clouded he political horizon, has patted, and left them in the enjoyment of peace, liberty, and independence. Franc ...id our friend, and who aided in the conteft, has now embarked in the fame noble career ; and I am happy to add, that whilft the fortitude, magnanimity, and heroic [ 21 ] ralou* of her troops command the admiration and applaufc of the aftonifhed world, the wifdom and firmnefs of her councils unite equally in fecuring the happieft reiult. America is not an unfeeling fpectator of your affairs at the prefent crifis. I lay before you, in the declarations of tvery department of our government, declarations which are found- ed in the affections of the citizens at large, the moft decided proof of her fincere attachment to the liberty, profperity, and happinefs of the French Republic. Each branch'of the Congrefs, according to the courfe of proceeding there, has requeued the Prefident to make this known to you in its behalf; and in fulfilling the defires of thofe branches, I am inflrucl- ed to declare to you, that he has exprefled his own. In difcharging the duties of the office which I am now called to execute, I pro mile myfelf the higheft futisfadtion ; becaufe I well know, that whilft I purfue the dictates of my own heart, in wifhing the liberty and happinefs of the French nr.rion, and which I mo ft fmcerely do, I fpeak the fentiments of my own country ; and that, by doing every tiling in my power to preferve and perpetuate the harmony fo happily fubiifting between the two Republics, I mall promote the interell of both. To this great object, therefore, all my efforts will be directed. If I can be fo fortunate as to fuc- ceed in fuch manner as to merit the approbation of both Republics, I mall deem it the happieft event of my life, and retire hereafter with a confolation which thole who mean well and have ferved the caufe of liberty, alone can feel. Mr. Monroe delivered, at the fame time, the following communications from the department of ftate, with iimilar tranilations, and which were read in like manner. Tc the Committee of Public Safety of the French Republic. Philadelphia, June IQ//J, 1794. THE underfigned Secretary of State of the United States of America has the honour of communicating to the committee of public fafety for the French Republic, that on the 24th day of April, 1 794, it was ordered by the Senate of the United States, that the letter of that committee, addrefled to Congrefs, be transmitted to the Prefident, and that he be requefted to caufe the fame to be anfwered on behalf of the Senate, in fuch manner as fhall manifeft their fincere friendship and good will for the French Republic. [ 22 ] In executing this duty, which has been allotted by the Prefident to the department of State, the liberal fuccours which the United States received from the French nation, in their ftruggle for independence, prefent themfelves warm to the recollection. On this baiis was the friendship between the two nations founded ; on this bafis, and the continued interchanges of regard fmce, has it grown ; and, iupported by thele motives, it will remain firm and conftant. The Senate, therefore, tender to the committee of public fafety, their zealous wifhes for the French Republic ; they learn with fenfibility every fuccefs which promotes the hap- pinefs of the French nation ; and the full eflablimment of their peace and liberty will be ever efteemed by the Senate as a happinefs to the United States and to humanity. (Signed) EDM. RANDOLPH, Secretary of State. To the Committee of Public Safety of the French Republic. Philadelphia, June loth, 1794. THE underfigned Secretary of State for the United States of America, has the honour of reprefenting to the Committee of Public Safety for the French Republic, that, on the 25th of April, in the prefent year, it was unanimoufly refoived, by the Houfe of Reprefentatives, as follows : " That the letter of the Committee of Public Safety of the " French Republic, addrefled to Congrefs, be tranfmitted to " the Prefident of the United States, and that he be requeft- " ed to caufe the fame to be anfwered on behalf of this " Houfe, in terms expreffive of their fenfibility for the friend- " ly and affectionate manner, in which they have addrefled the Congrefs of the United States ; with an unequivocal " aflurance, that the Reprefentatives of the people of the " United States, have much intereft in the happinefs and c; profperity of the French Republic." The Prefident of the United States has configned this honourable and grateful function to the department of ftate. In no manner can it be more properly difcharged, than by icizing the occafion of declaring to the ally of the United States, that the caufe of liberty, in the defence of which fo much American blood and treafures have been lavifhed,. is cherifhed by our Republic with incrcafmg enthufiafm : That under the ftandard of liberty, wherefoever it fhall be difplayed, the affedtion of the United States will always rally : And that the fucceffes of thofe who (land forth as her avengers will be gloried in by the United States, and will be felt as the fucceffes of themfelves and the other friends of humanity. Yes, Reprefentatives of our ally, your communication has been addreffed to thofe who mare in your fortunes, and who take a deep intereft in the happinefs and profperity of the French Republic. (Signed) EDM. RANDOLPH. Secretary of State. Anfwer of Merlin de Dcuai t Prejident cf the Convention^ t& Mr. Monroe. THE French people have not forgotten that it is to the American people they owe their initiation into the caufe of liberty. It was in admiring the fublime infurrection of the American people againft Britain, once fo haughty, but now fo humbled ; it was in taking themfelves arms to fecond your courageous efforts, and in cementing your independence by the blood of our brave warriors, that the French people learned in their turn to break the fceptre of tyranny, and to elevate the ftatue of liberty on the wreck of a throne, fup- ported, during fourteen centuries, only by crimes and by cor- ruption. How then mould it happen that we mould not be friends * Why mould we not affociate the mutual means of profperity that our commerce and navigation offer to two people freed by each other ? But it is not merely a diplomatic alliance : It is the fweeteft fraternity, and the meil frank at the fame time, that muft unite us ; this it is that indeed unites us ; and this union fhall be forever indiffoluble, as it will be forever the dread of tyrants, the fafeguard of the liberty of the world, and the preferver of all the focial and philanthropic virtues. In bringing to us, citizen, the pledge of this union fo dear to us, it could not fail to be received with the liveiieft emotions. It is now five years fmce an ufurper of the fove- reignty of the people, would have received you with the pride which belongs alone to vice ; and he would have thought it much to have given to the minifter of a free people, fome [ 24 3 tokens of an infclent protection, But to-day the fovereiga people themfelves, by the '.rgan of their faithful reprefenta- tives, receive you ; and you fee the tendernefs, the effufion of foul, that accompanies this fimple and touching ceremony. I am impatient to give you the fraternal embrace, which I am. ordered to give in the name of the French people. Come and receive it in the name of the American people, and iec this fpecfcacie complete the annihilation of an impious coali- tion of tyrants. No. IV. The Commiffary of Foreign Affairs to the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. Paris , Afth Fruaidor, 2d Tear of the Republic* ClTlZEX, AFTER having received the Representatives of our ally, with the mod diftinguifhed marks of affection, the government of the Republic defires to do every thing which depends on it to make his refidence in France agreeable to him. With this view the Committee of Public Safety authorifes me to offer you, in the name of the Republic, a national houfe for your accommodation. I pray you, therefore, to make known to me your intentions in this refpecl: *, as likewife to defignate the quarter which will be moft agreeable to you. The Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of America To the Commiffary cf Foreign Relations for the French Republic. Paris y Augvjl 22, 1794 CITIZEN, I WAS favoured yefterday with yours of that date, informing me, that the Committee of Public Safety had authorifed you, in the name of the Republic, to appropriate a houfe for my ufe, as minifter of their ally, the United States of America, and in fuch part of the city, as I mould defignate. I have received this communication with pe- culiar fatisfation, becaufe. I confider it as a proof of the fincere regard which the committee entertain for their ally, whofe fervant I am. But, upon this occafion, I am not permitted to indulge, in any refpect, my own opinion or feelings. The Conftitution of my country, an extract from which is hereunto annexed, has prescribed a line of conduct to me, and which it is my duty to follow. The Committee of Public Safety, and you, Citizen, refpecl: too highly the fundamental laws of your own country, not to approve my reafon for declining the kind offer you have made me. I fhall, howeverj immediately communicate it to our govern- ment, and doubt not it will produce there the good effect it merits. Extract from the Conftitution of the United States. ' No title of nobility fhall be granted by the United " States, and no perfon holding any office of profit or truft * under them, fhall, without the confent of Congrefs, accept * of any prefent, emolument, office, or title of any kind " whatfoever, from any king, prince, or foreign ftate." [ No. III. ] FROM Mr. MONROE TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, PHILADELPHIA. Paris, i$th September, 1794. SIR, As foon as I could command a moment's leifure, I ap- plied myfelf to the immediate duties of my ftation. I found many of my countrymen here, labouring under embarrafl- ments of a ferious kind, growing out of the war, and was foon furniihed with like complaints from others in feveral of the feaports. Correct information upon every point was my firft object ; for unlefs I knew the nature and extent of the evil I could not feek a remedy. I encouraged, therefore, by my letters, thefe reprefentations, as the only means by which I could acquire it. Nor was it difficult to be obtained ; for the parties interefred had been too deeply affected, and long delayed, to be remifs upon the prefent occafion. In the courle of a few weeks, I believe moft of the complaints which had been occafioned by the war, and efpecially where the parties were prefent, either in perfon or by attorney, [ 26 ] were laid before me. By analyzing them I found they might he cl ailed under the following heads. 1. Thofe who were injured by the embargo at Bourdeaux. 2. Thole who had claims upon the Republic for fupplies rendered to the government of St. Domingo. 3. Thoie who had brought cargoes in for fale and wers ck Mined by delay of payment, or fome other caufe. 4. Thcfc who had been brought in by the fhips of the Re- public, in derogation of the treaty of amity and com- merce, and were fubjecled to like detention and delay. 5. Thoie who had been taken at fea, or elfewhere, and were confined, in derogation of the treaty of amity and com- merce, or rights of citizenfhip in the United States. Upon the two firfc heads, and indeed upon the two next following, fo far as compcnfation to the injured parties was in queition, I had no difficulty how to ac\: Your inftruclions had fully marked the courfe to be taken. I therefore required that compenfation be made as foon as poffible,. and upon in (I principles, according to the contract, where fuch was the cafe, and the fair eftimated value, where it was not. But the two latter * involved in them fomething more than the mere adjuftment of cxifting claims, and which clofed the fcene v/licn that was made. They grew out of meafures, which, if fu r r!'red to the perfons interefted an indemnity for the delay and other in- juries fuftajned ; it only remains, therefore, to adjuft the amount of the claims and pay the parties entitled to it. The third which refpe&s the claims for fupplies rendered by our citizens to the government of St. Domingo, is like- wife a matter of account, and which it is earneitly hoped will be immediately adjufted and paid. A perfon authorifed will appear in fupport of the claims, with the evidence, be- fore any board or tribunal which {hall b$ appointed for that purpofe. I have to obferve, that I (hall be happy to give every aid. in my power to facilitate the adjuftment and fubfequent payment of thefe feveral clafles of claims. So far as they are well founded I doubt not they will be allowed by the French Republic, and where this is not the cafe, they will not be fupported by me. In an aggregate view they refpet the great mafs of American merchants. If is of importance for France to cultivate that intereft, and the prefent is, for many reafons, a critical moment to make an impreffion on it. I hope, therefore, it will not be negle&ed. It is my duty to obferve to you,, that I am under no in- ftniction to complain of, or requeft the repeal of, the decree author ifing a departure from the 23d and 24th articles of the treaty of amity and commerce ; on the contrary I well know that if, upon confideration, after the experiment made, you ftould be of opinion that it produces any folid benefit to the [ 35 ] Republic, the American government and my countrymen in | general will not only bear the departure with patience, but with pleafure. It is from the confidence alone which I en- tertain, that this departure cannot be materially beneficial to you, and that the repeal would produce the happieft effect, in removing every poilible caufe of uneafinefs, and concili- ating ftill more and more towards each other, the affections of the citizens of both Republics, and thereby cementing more clofely their union, that I have taken the liberty, as connected with the other concerns, to bring the fubjecl: before you. To cement that union, in other fituations, has long been the object of my efforts : for I have been well fatis- fied, that the clofer and more intimate it was, the happier it would be for both countries. America and France thus united, the one the greateft power in the European world, and the other rapidly repairing the waftes of war and rifing to the firft rank in the fcale of nations ; both bound- ed by, and meafuring an immenfe fpace along, the At- lantic ; abundant in pfodu&ions fu-ning the demand of each other ; and, above all, both Republics, have nothing to fear from foreign danger, and every thing to hope from the happieft and moft beneficial domeftic intercouvfe. By u generous and liberal policy, France has it at the prelent moment much in her power, to promote this more intimate union, and in the hope fhe will avail herfelf of it, I have thought proper thus to develop the fubje&s which I Submitted to your confideration [ No. IV. ] FROM Mr. MONROE TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE -Paris, October 16, 1794. S/J?, I GAVE you in my laft a fketch of the embarraffments under which our commerce laboured in the ports of the Re- public, and of my efforts to emancipate it, as fhewn by my letter to the committee of public fafety, a copy of which was like wife forwarded. To this I have as yet received no anfwer, although I have requefted it more than once. To ir-y applications, hov/evcr, which were informal I was C 3<5 ] informally anfvvered, that the fubject was under and wcuiJ be decided on as foon as pcifible. i>ui . s thefe propcfitions were of extenfive import, and connected with the iyftem of commerce and fupply, which had been adopted here, 'tia probable 1 {hall not be favoured with an anfwcT until the fubject is generally reviewed. Nor lhall t. be furprifed to find extraordinary efforts to protract a decision, and even defeat the objeit in view. But as the oppoiiticn will not be warranted by the intereft, fo I am well fitisfted it wiii n t be fupported by the fenfe of the French nation, when the fubjecl: is well understood. To make it fo, will be the object of my future, and I trull not ineffectual, endeavours. You were, I doubt not, furprifed to hear, that the whole com :;j-ce of France, to the abfolute exciufion of individuals,. v/,*s carried en by the government itfeif. An inilitution of this kind would be deemed extraordinary, even in a fmajl. ftate -, but when applied to the French Republic it muft ap- pear infinitely more fo. Nor were the cireumfhmces which gave bi Li to it, more a proof of the calamities, with which the fociety was inwardly convulfed, than of the zeal and energy with which it purfued its object. Through the channel of trade it was found, or fufpecled, that the principles of the revolution were chiefly impaired ; that through it, not. only the property of the emigrants and the wealth of the country were exported, but that foreign money was likewife; thrown in, whereby the internal diffentions were fomented,, and in other refpects the intrigues of the coalefced power* promoted. For a confiderable time it was believed., that moft of the evils to which France was a prey, proceeded from this fource. Many remedies were in confequence applied, but itill the difeafe continued. Finally an effort was made to eradicate the caufe, by exterminating private trade altogether, and taking the whole commerce of the country into the hands of the government. A decree to this effect accordingly paffed on the day of October 1793, and which has fmce continued in force. But now many circumftances incline to a change of this fyftem. The act itfeif was confidered as a confummation of thofe meafures which completed the ruin of the Girondist party, whofe principal leaders had already fallen under the guillotine. By it, the commercial intereft, as difiinct from the landed, and dividing in certain refpects, with oppofite views, the councils of the country, was totally deftroycd.. All private mercantile interccurfc with, foreign nations was E 37 ] cut off, and fo fevere were the meafures, and great the odium on the mercantile character, that none were pleafed to have it attached to them. But when the apprehcniion of danger from that fource was done away, the motive for the a& itfelf was greatly diminished. Accordingly the public mind was foon feen vibrating back to its former itntion j and in which it was greatly aided by the fortune of the late domi- nant party, whole principal leaders had now, likewife in their turn, fettled their account "with the Republic, at the receipt of the guillotine. Thus we find, and tfp~cully in great commotions, that extraordinary meafures not only bear in general the ft rong character of their author, but frequent- ly fhare his fate. The fall of the BriiTotine party extirpated private trade ; the fall of R.obefpierre's may probably foon reftore it. At prefent many fymptoms indicate that a change is not diftant, though none ieern willing, fo prominently to take the lead, as to make th*:mielves refponilble for the quences. The only active intereit that I can perceive againit it, confifts of thofe who have managed the public trade and been intruded with the public monies for that pur- pofe. They readily fore fee that a change will not only take from them the public cafli, but likewife lead to an adjuti of their accounts for paft tranfattions. 'Tis however generally the fortune of an oppofition of this kind, to precipitate the adoption of the meaiure it wifiies to avert ; for as every one fufpeds that its motive is not found, and which is propor- tionally increafed by the degree of zeal fhev/n, fo every one feels an Intersil in defeating it. I have endeavoured in my proportions to coniirie th?m en- tirely to external objects, by fuggeiting fuch remedies as might be adopted without any interference with the interior general fyltem of France. By fo doing I hoped, that the injuries of which we complain might be iooner redreifed and not dependant on the great events which happen here. I foon found, that the extraordinary expedient to which this Republic had had recourfe, of excluding individuals from trade and conducting it thernfelvcs, would require, in a .^reat meafure, a correfpondent regulation on our part : For if the oonduct of the public fervants, on the on- fide, \vas not in ibme meafure fupervifed, and which it could, net be, bat by public agents on die other, the impoutions which might be pratifed on our improvident countrymen would be endlefs. in every contcft between a public officer here, raid the citi- ?f another country irr the purchafe of iupplics for the L 38 ] Republic, or execution of a contract, the bias of the go- vernment and of the people would be in favour of the for- mer. The cenfulate, under the fuperintendance of the mi- nifter, forms their natural bulwark, in the commercial line ygainft impofitions of every kind. Indeed it is the only one which can be provided for them. But to guard them againfl thofe proceeding from the fource above defcribed, it mould be organized with peculiar care. I was forry, therefore, upon infpecting into our eftablifoment, to find, that whatever might be its merits in other fituations, it was by no means in general endowed with fufficient ftrength or vigour for the prcfcnt crifis. American citizens alone can furnifh an ade- quate protection to their countrymen. In the hands of a Frenchman, or other foreigner, the confular functions lie dormant. In every litigated cafe the former {brinks into the citizen and trembles before the authority of his country ; and the latter, especially if the fubject of one of the coalefced powers, finds our commiflion only of fufficient force to exempt him from the decree which would otherwife doom him to a prifon. I annex, at the foet of this, a lift of our confuls and confular agents, with a note of thofe who have been actually under arreftation and confincm-ent, and by which you will be better enabled to comprehend the juftice o thefe remarks. My fituation was, therefore, in every view, beyond meafure nn erabarrafling one. But as there was no conful or agent of any kind or country here, where the whole bufinefs was con- centred, and every tranfaction clofed, it became on that account infinitely more fo ; for I was in confequence not only daily furrounded by many of my countrymen, complaining of delays and injuries, and intreating my interceffion for redrefs, but applied to by them from every quarter and upon every difficulty. I could not fettle their accounts with the departments, nor could I interfere in any other refpect hi particular cafes, where there were more of the feme defcrip- tion. I could not even go through the forms in the offices which were neceflary to verify facts, and which, if true, iurnifhed ground for complaint j nor could I demand redrefs of the government upon any fuppofititious cafe, and which every one muft be until verified. I remained thus for fomc time in expectation of the arrival of Mr. Duvernat ; although I was apprehenfive fuch an event, in confequence of the general objection above dated, and the decree which applied particularly to his cafe, inftead of affording relief, would plunge me into a new embarralmicnt. But finding that he E 39 1 not arrived, and that I could make no progrefs In the public bufmefs here, without the aid of a conful, I finally nominated my fecretary, Mr. Skipwith, provifionally conful for this cky, on the day of , and notified it to this government, a copy of which and of the anfwer of the commifTary of foreign affairs I herewith inclofe you. To him I have fince affigned the interefting duty of developing and demonftrating the caufe of thefe difficulties, by an appeal to authentic fats ; and the better to enable him to perform this fervice, I have inftrufted our confuls and agents ir?. the feveral ports, to render him a ftatement of thofe within their particular jurifdi&ions. Thus enlightened, he will make a report upon the whole fubjecl: to me, and which I will immediately lay before the committee of public fafety, in illuftration of my former comments, and with fuch others as may be found necefiary. At prefent I can fay nothing decisively upon the fubjecl of a general arrangement of the confulate. What I have faid may furnifh fome hints that may be ufeful. But I wifh be- fore any thing is definitively done in that refpecl:, to give you the refult of my further remarks on it. Mr. Fenwick will be here in a few days, and from whom I doubt not I mail derive much ufeful information. In the interim Mr. Skipwith will perform the duties of the office in which I have placed him, But as he undertook it without the profpecl: of emolument in the official line (for in truth the duties required of him are not ftriclly confular, but novel and growing out of the emer- gence of the time) and more from a regard for the public inte- reft, and to accommodate me, than himfelf, although I was thereby deprived of his fervices in the immediate ftation in which he had accompanied me, yet I could net bereave him of the appointment I had perfonally conferred, nor divert from him the falary belonging to it. By permitting things to ftand where they are for a few weeks longer, the public will derive no detriment, and I {hall be able to acquire, and give, fiich information as will enable you. to proceed with more pro- priety afterwards -, a confideration which will induce me to bear the inconvenience to which I (hall be perfonally fubjecl:- ed, with pleafurc. I found, upon my firft arrival, that I mould have much dif- ficulty upon the fubjecl: of paflports. The jealoufy of this government was immediately difcovered, withrefpecl to thofe who, being fubjects of England, or any other of the coalefced powers, had patted over to America fince our revolution, be- come citizens of feme one of the ftates, and returned to their t 43 3 proper country, where they now refided. T t was fuggefled to me, by the commifTary of foreign affairs, that if theie peo- ple were covered by my paflports, I ihould immediately fpreacl through France, in the armies, and in prefence of the public councils, a holt of fpies, who would report the cir- cum fiances of tha country to their enemies. It was iikewife urged, that I had no right to do it; for although this defcrip- tioii of perfons had acquired, for the time, the right of citizen- iliip with us, yet they were more attached to other countries, iiatc they refided, and had their property, there. I was Iike- wife told of inftances wherein this privilege had been abufeel by fuch perfons, two of whom were faid to be then confined at Dunkirk, as fpies. The fubjecr, was, in point of principle, cilHcult, and I was really embarrafTed how to .at in it, fo as to fatisfy this government, and dojuftics to the parties con- cerned , for, if citizens of America, it feemed difficult to dif- tinguifh between fuch and any other citizens. And yet the argument was equally ftrong on the other fide ; for, if the fub- jecl: of another power, it was equally difficult to diflinguifh between fuch and any other fubjecl; of the fame power, efpeci- ally in this region, where the right of expatriation is gene- rally denied. But in point of expedience, there was lefe difficulty in the cafe. Citizenfhip is, in its nature, a local pri- vilege. It implies a right within the government conferring it. And if confiderations of this kind are to be regarded, I can fee no reafon why it fhould not, in the prefcnt inflahee, be conftrued flrictly : For, if a temporary emigrant, after avail- ing himfelf of this benefit for a few years, and for the purpofes of trade, in our indulgent country, chufes to abandon us, and return from whence he came, why fhould we follow him on this fide the Atlantic, to fuppbrt in his behalf a privilege which can now only be claimed, at beft, for private, and per- haps difhonourable purpofes ? Can any motive be urged of fuffic'ient force to induce us to embark here in this kind of controvery, at the hazard of our national character, and the good will of the nation, believing itfelf injured by it ? Will the refufal to grant paflports to fuch perfons check emigration to our country? I am fatisfied it will not, of the kind that merits encouragement ; for it will rarely happen that a fingle member of that refpe&able lift of philofophers, artifts and yeomen, who feek an afylum with us, from the troubled go- vernments on this fide the Atlantic, will ever re-crofs it. Thefe obfervations apply only to thofe who fettled with, and abandoned, us fince the peace; for I confider thofe, be they of oimtry they may, and fpeeially if of the Eritifh [ 4' 3 (who were, of courfc, in the common character of Bridfh fubjec~b, equally members of our revolution) who threw their fortunes into our fcale, as being as much Ame- ricans as if they were born with us. After fome difcumou with the commhTary on th fubjeft, it terminated by an ailur- ance n my part, that I fhould be particularly cautius as to fuch characters, and refufe my paffports to all of that defcrip- tion (except in particular cafes of hardmip, and upon which he mould be previoufly confulted) who were not actually refident within the United States. This arrangement was fatisfa&ory to the government, as you will perceive by the commifTary's letters to me, copies of which are herewith tranfmitted. I (hall, however, be happy to be infiructed by you on that head. The councils of this Republic ft ill continue to prefent to view an interefting, but by no means an alarming, fpedlacle. Inftances of animated debate, fevere crimination, and even of vehement denunciation, fometimes take place ; but they have hitherto evaporated without producing any ferious effecl. It is obvious, that what is called the mountain party is rapidly on the decline, and, equally fo, that if the oppoiite one acts with wifdom and moderation, at the prefent crifis, it will not only complete its overthrow, but deftroy the evidence (if pof- fible in fociety) of all party whatever. The agitation which now occafionally mews itfelf, proceeds from the prerTure of this latter party on the mountaineers, and who in their de- fence, fometiines make a kind of incurfive or offenfive warfare upon their enemy; for having fince the fall of the Brifibtines, wielded the councils of the nation, and been accuitomed to a pretty liberal ufe of their authority over the remaining members of that party, they bear, with pain, and not with- out apprehenfion of danger, their prefent decline. The tone of the difcuffion, therefore, frequently exhibits to view the external of a violent controverfy between two rival parties, nearly equally balanced, and which muft terminate, under the preponderance of either, in the extirpation of the other. $ut this I deem only the external afper., and upon confider- ations, in my judgment the moil folid, I have obferved ge- nerally, that the firft indications of warmth have proceeded from the weaker party^ and from its lefs important members, who occafionally break through the reftraint impofed on them by their leaders; (if, when a force is broken and routed, there can be any leader) and fally forth into extravagancies, which provoke refentment, where they mould only endea- -our to excite pity ; and whilft a different conduct is obferv- G C 42 ]' ed by the leaders themfelves: For neither Barrere, Billaue c!e Varennes, nor Collet d'Hcrbois, ever take part in thefe difcuflions, otherwife than to explain forne fevere perfonal attack, and to which they confine their comments ftri&ly, and with all iuitable refpecl: for their opponents. I obferve it rarely happens, that any very diftinguifhed member in the preponderating party takes fhare in thefe difcuflions , though the field invites, and much might be faid with truth, and of courfe with effect From thefe confederations I infer, not only that the party of the plain has already acquired the complete preponderancy; but.alfo, that its motive is rather to fave the Republic, than to perfecute its enemies. There is, likewife, fomething in the origin and fpirit of thefe debates, \vliich authorizes a belief they portend nothing alarming; for they generally proceed from a review of paft enormities, which moil deny, and few jullify. But the fcene through which they have paft, cannot always be covered with a veil; on the contrary, it frequently breaks in upon their difcuflions, and always excites, like the Ghoft of Hamlet, whenever it appears, the horror of the innocent, and the terror of the guilty, fp ecliators. The debates, therefore, which enfue, though violent, are more of the exculpatory, than of the aflail- ing and fanguinary, kind. Each party endeavours to vindi- cate itlelf from the charges alledged againft it ; fometimes by absolute denial, and at others, by a counter crimination of its adverfary. Hitherto, the bufmefs has ended by a general Reference of the depending motions to the committee of pub- lic iafety, folely ; or to it, afibciated with the two other com- mittees of general furety and legislation, and who have had fufficient wifdom, either to keep up the fubjecl: 'till it-was for- gotten, or to report fuch a general eifay upon the flate of . the views of the coalefced powers, trade, finance and the file, as always to obfcure, and fometimes to throw it en- tirely out of view. By this, however, I do not wifh to be underftood as inti- mating, that in my opinion none of the members of the Qonvention will in future be cut off. On the contrary I think otherwife ; for it cannot be poflible that fome of thofe who have perpetrated fuch enormities in their miflions in the fe- 'veral parts of the Republic, and particularly at Nantes, mould efcape the juft-ice of their country. In the movements of the prefent day, the Jacobin fociety has, as heretofore, borne its part. The hiftory of this fo- ciety, from its origin to the prefent time, is of importance to mankind, and efpecially that portion upon which providence -C 43 3 .feas beftowed the blefnng of free government. It furniihes a 'leflbn equally inftructive to public functionaries and to private citizens. I am not yet fully porTeflcd of the details, although 1 have endeavoured to acquire themj but the outline I think I now underftand. In its hiftory, as in that of the revolu- tion itfelf, there are obvioufiy two great eras^ The firft commenced with the revolution and ended with the de- pofition of the king. The fecond fills the fpace between that event and the prefent day. The former- of thefe is flill fur- .ther divifible into two parts, upon each of which diftmct charafters are marked. The firft commenced with the revo- lution and ended with the conftituent afiembly, or adoption .of the conftitution. The fecond comprifes the adminiftra- tion under the conftitution. During the firft cf thefe, the Jacobin fociety was ccmpofed of almoft all the enemies to the ancient defpotifm , for in general thofe who were friends or the public liberty, and wifhed its eftabliihment under any poilible modification, became at this tune members, and attended the debates, of this fociety. But with the adoption of the conftitution, many were fatisfied and left it. Alter this, and during the fecond part of this era, it was compoiecl only of the enemies to hereditary monarchy, comprifing the members of the three fucce: ding parties, of Briilct, Danton and Robefpierre. During the whole of the firit era, there- fore, or until the depofition of the king, this fociety may be considered as the cradle of the revolution, for moft certainly the Republic would not have been eftablifhed without it. It was the organ of the public fentiment and, by means of dii*- cuffion and free criticifrn upon men and meafures, contributed greatly to forward that important event. But from that period and through the whole of the fecond era, this fociety has ated a different part anJ merited a dif- ferent character. The clergy, the nobility, and the royalty- were gone ; the whole government was in the hands of the people, and its whole force exerted againft the enemy. There was, in fhort, nothing exifting in that hue which merit t d reprehenfion, or with which the popular fentiment, virtuouily inclined, could take offence. But it had already gained a weight in the government, and which it had now neither fuificient virtue nor inclination to abandon. From this period, therefore, its movements were counter-revolutionary, and we behok) the fame fociety, which was heretofore ib formidable to the defpotifm, now brandiihing the fame weapon againft the le- gitimate reprefentation of the people. C 44 3 Its fubfequertt ftaiy is neither complicated ncVr rariouis. As the revolution was complete, fo far as depended on the interior order of things, it had no fervice of that kind to render, nor pretext to colour its movements. It was reduced to the alternative of either withdrawing from the ftage, or taking part in the ordinary internal adminiftraticn, and which it could not do otherwife than by becoming an inftrurnent in the hands of fome one of the parties again il the other. This itation, therefore, it immediately occupied and has fmce field it to the prefent time. It became the creature of Robefpierre and under his direction the principal agent in all thofe atro- cities which have ftained this ftage of the revolution. It was by means of this fociety that he fucceeded in cutting off the members of the two fucceeding parties of Brifibt and Dan- ton, and had finally well nigh ruined the Republic itfelf. It is an interefting fact, and very deferving of attention, that in the more early and latter ftages of this fociety, the beft men of France were feeking an admittance into it, but from very different motives. In the commencement and un- til the eftablifhment of the Republic, it was reforted to by them for the purpofe of promoting that great event. But in the latter ftage and until the fall of Robefpierre, it was rdcrted to by them merely as a (belter from danger. Vir- tue and talents, with every other great and noble endowment, were odious in the fight of that monfter, and were of courfe the object of his perfecution. Nor was any man of indepen- dent ipirit, polTelfmg them, fecure from his wrath. The Jacobin fociety could alone furnim any kind of protection, and to this circumftance it was owing, that many deferving characters were feen there, apparently countenancing mea- fures which in their fouls they abhorred. It is therefore only juflice, that the prefent preponderating party in France, and the world at large, fhculd now look with indulgence, srrd rrt- decd with forgivenefs, upon the conduct of many of thofe who feemed at the time to abet his enormities. Unfortunate- ly for them and for their country, their prefence fecured only a perfonal exemption from danger : The preponderating in- fluence had long been in the hands of thofe of a different description. In he kft fcene which was acted by Robefpierre, arid in which he placed himfelf at the ccmmune in open rebellion againft th- Convention, 'tis faid that this fociety arranged itfelf under his banner againft that aflembly. But after his fall, and which was inftantaneous, it immediately endeavour*, ed to repair die error of this flep, by charging it upon fomc, 2JI7BR I 45 ] were admitted to be bad members, and others who were faid to have forced themfelves, at that tumultuous moment, tinlicenfed into the fociety, and who were not members at all, It even went into high crimination of Robefpierre himfelf. But the principles of the controverfy were too deeply rooted in the minds of all to be fofuddenly eradicated. It was obvious that a crifis had arrived which mult eventually fettle the point, whether the Convention or this fociety fhould govern France, and equally fo, that the public mind was, and perhaps long had been, decifively fettled in favor of the former. As the cataftrophe was approaching, this fociety, as heretofore, ufeJ, fit one time, an elevated or commanding tone, and at others, an humilating one. But the convention acted with equal dignity throughout. Whether it contemplated to ftrike at its exiftence, by an overt act, or to feek its overthrow by contrafting the wifdom, the juftice and magnanimity of its own preferrt conduct, with the paft and recent enormities of this fcciety, is uncertain. The leading members of the pre- ponderating party feemed doubtful upon this point. But, finally, the rafh and outrageous extremities of the fociety, which was fecretly exciting commotions through the country, forced the convention into more deciiive meafures. By its order, the fecretary of the fociety at Paris was arrefled, and all the deputies from thofe aflbciated v/ith it through France, and who had arrived to deliberate upon the ftate of their affairs, were driven from the city, under a decree which ex- empted none, not inhabitants of Paris, except our country- men. Of all France, Marfeilles was the only diftrict, m which its efforts produced any effect. A fmall commotion, excited there, was immediately quelled by the ordinary police, and who, after making an example of the leaders, reported it to the convention. What further meafures may be adopted by the convention, in regard to this fociety, is uncertain : The fubject is now un- der difcuffion, and I mall, I prefume, be able in my next, to give you the refult. The fame fuccefs continues to attend the arms of the Re- public, and in every quarter. They have taken, fmce my laft, m the north, Julieis, Aix-la-chapelle, Cologne and Bois-le-duc-, and in the fo'uth, Bellegarde, with immenfe ft ores of cannon, provifion, &c. in each, and particularly in Julierr, and Bois-le-duc ; at both of which latter places, a general action was hazarded by the oppofite generals, and in which they were routed with great lofs. It is faid, indeed, that the action which atchieved Juliers, was among the moft im- ,$crtant of the prefent campaign, fince they confider it as de- ciding, eventually, the fate of Maeftricht, Bergen-op-zoom, and of Holland itfelf. Maeftricht is now clofely inverted, and muft fall in the courfe of a few weeks, fmce the Auftrian general has obvioufly abandoned it to its fate. Holland muft fall immediately afterwards ; for there is, in truth, nothing to prevent it. Indeed I think it probable, they will, previ- oully, detach twenty or thirty thoufand men, to take poflet- fion of it ; for it. is generally believed, it may be eafily accom- .plifhed. What effect thefe events may produce in England, k is difficult for me to fay. That AuRria, Pruffia and Spain have been for feme time paft wearied with the war, and have wifhed to withdraw from it, is certain. That they will with- draw from it foon., is more than probable, and upon the beft terms they can get. England, therefore, will have tp maintain the conteft alone; for Holland will be conquered and fubjecl: to the will of the conquer ors. This, however, is not the only danger which impends ever her. Denmark and Sweden,* offended at the unlawful restraint impofed by her on their trade, in the arbitrary rule of contraband, have, for near three months paft, united their fleet, to the amount of about thirty fail, for the purpofe of vindicating their rights,: and Spain, equally unfriendly, and irritated with that power, has, I have reafon to believe, ferious thoughts, not only of abandoning the war, but of acceding to this combination. The lapfe of a' few weeks, however, will, no doubt, unfol^ thefe fubjecls more fully to view. Parif, 2oth Fruftidir, 2d Tear of the Republic. (September 6th> 1794.^ ^The ComimJJary of Foreign Affairs to the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. CITIZEN MINISTER, I HAVE received the letter which you a -me, concerning the demand which has been made to you by r the family of Bingham, to obtain paflports, in quality ol* -American citizens. * It is a fad), tint thsfs potvers cor.fi.iere'.l themfclves is forfaken bf America. C 47 J I applaud the more the cireumfpeclion which you- think it your duty to obferve, in regard to thole travellers, \vho have the' twofold character of American citizens and Englifh fub- jcts; becaufe I recollect, that feveral of them have abufec?: the regard which the republic has for its allies, and have en- tertained, with the Englifh government, connections the molt reprehenfible. Convinced that the United States are far from wifhing to protect fuch citizens, I think they will equally, approve, with ourfelves, the repugnance which you mew to grant them pafTports. ' As for the relt, the laws of your country, have, without doubt, determined this queftion, fo important in the actual ftate of affairs. To confider it on.ly under the general rela- tion of the rights of nations, it appears, that, with the excep- tion of merchants, and political and commercial agents, the 'dbmicil and not the property of feme land, ought to decide the quality of an American citizen. It is known, that a great number of Englifh, Dutch and French people have purchafed lands in America, without redding there, and it would pro- duce a great inconvenience, if, on that account alone, they were confidered as citizens of the United States. The family of Bingham, having refided five years in France, it ought to be fufficiently known, in its municipality, to obtain paflports in the ordinary way. The law does not permit me to grant them to any but the exterior agents of the Republic, and to the envoys of foreign powers.* (Signed) BUCHOt. * Mr. Bir.gham had been an officer in lord Rawdcn's corps, in the courfe ftf our war, b:;t had, after its dole, as appeared by the declaration of an American, refi led forfbme fhort time in Jerfey, of which ft te this Ame- rjc. %d Tear of the Republic. (September 23^, 1794.^ CITIZEN MINISTER, I HAVE received the letter by which you inform me, that you have nominated Mr. Skipwith, provifionally, to the office of conful for the department of Paris, and I have written, in confequence, to the committee of public fafety, to requeft, that the exequatur of his commiffion may be grant- ed. The political principles and talents of Mr. Skipwith are fo favourably known here, that the choice you have made cannot otherwife than be a very agreeable ene to the govern- ment of this Republic. Befides, the numerous affairs which your countrymen have .to difcufs at Paris have proved, for a long time paft, the necefEty of confiding their interefts to a commercial agent, who fhould be.fpeciaUy charged with this detail. (Signed) BUCHOT. Commiffary of Foreign Affair^ to ihe Minifler -Plenipoten- tiary of the United States of America. Paris, ind Vendetmaire, ^d Tear of the Republic. (September 24^, 1794.^ CITIZEN MINISTER, AFTER an explanation which the Secretary of your predeceflbr has given to me, it appears, that the citizen Mor- ris propofes to return to America by the way of Switzerland, and that he has renounced the project of returning to France, to embark at Havre. As he ought to be entirely free to take, in his return to America, the rout which he prefers, there can be no further difcuffion upon die paflport which he de- mands. I am ready, therefore, to legalize that which you think proper to grant him, [ * 3 As to the e&fe&s which your preckfcdfor dcfires to embark ?,t Havre, I invite you to fend a detailed account of them to the co-mrrriiTion of commerce, which will give aH the facili- ties neceffary for. their exportation. (Signed). BUCHOT. The Ccmmiffary sf Fcreiga Rtltitidrts.y to tkt M&afikr Plenipd* tenliary 'of the United States of America. Paris, 6th Vendcvziairey $d Tear of the Republic* (September. Ml.NIST.ES, I HAVE received 'your letter of the firft inftafttj t^' which you fend me the memorial of t wo American captains;, whofe veffels were feized by a frigate of the Republic. 1 tranfmitted, immediately, their reclarnations.to the committee 't)f public fafety, whofe decifion will, I doubt not, be equal- ly fatisfa&ory; to your government, and the parties, interefted. (Signed) BUCHOT. The doihmiffciry of- "Foreign Rtfotwis, to the Mimjler Pknrp&~ tentiary of 'the United States of A-mcrita. Parts y i6th encUmaire y %d Tear cf the Republic. (Qfiober %th, 1794.^ I HAVE received an unfwer frjom the commiflion of marine and colonies, to the demand you made, and which I tranfmitted them, concerning the reftitution of the American ihip, the Severn, the enlargement of the paffengers who were embarked on that iriip, as, likewife, thofe who were on board the ihip Mary. ,You will perceive, by the copy of this an- L\. jr, which I haften to communicate to you, that your dc^ nvand upon thefe objeds. is fent to the committee of public for its decifion. .'Signed) BUCHOT. L & J Gommiffton of Marine end Cibaies, to the Cwmijfary sf Foreign Relations. Paris, l-$tk Vwtdtmifirej ^d Tear of it? CITIZEN, I HAVE received your letter cf the third of this rn with a copy of one from the mimftcr plenipotentiary of the United States, by which he demands the releafe of the Ameri- can fhip, The Severn, taken by the Proferpine, frigate of the Republic, and likewife the difcharge of paffengers, who were on board that (hip, as well as of thofe who were on board the "(hip Mary, another American veifel, taken by the fame fri- gate, but which was releaftd. The commrffio.n haitens to do every thing in its power, to increafe the gcod underftand ing which ought to reign betweea two friendly nations, by fubmittiug this affair to the commit- tee of public fa'fety, and it engages to communicate the re- 'fult to die minifter plenipotentiary of the United States, as foon as obtained. From the'Sweteryof Si ate to Mr. Monroe. hij, July $Qth, 1704, I HAVE applied to Mr. Fauchct for the adjuflmentcf the fifteen thoufand dollars, voted by Congrel^, for the re- lief of the St. Dcmingo people. His anfwer is not yet receiv- ed, although I can be at no lets to anticipate -it-: For I recol- kcfc, when htf fir ft came, he felt uneafy, that Congrefs Ciould be granting (as he called it) French money, againft tlie will of the Republic ; and even after I had preiled upon hrai the obligation of his' government to iupport its indigent citizens;- the heavy -tax which thefe unhappy fugitives had been upon us, and the impoilibiiity of feeing them ftaryein cur country, no other impreifion \vaimadeupon him, than to narrow his objection to the diiburfenient of French money for die fup- port of ariitocrats as well as democrats. You will, there- fore, proceed to bring this article immediately into view; and & it is fhort in its principle, fo will it be fufficient for us to obtain fhort decree, that fuch parts of the fifteen thoufand dollars t th July, origialaad duplicate, and had the pieatfure to receive then*. unopc* ( 57 J In my two laft letters, which were of the i5th September^ d 1 6th O&ober, I informed you of the feveral fubje&s which I .had brought before the committee of public fafety, as. alfo of the ill-fuccefs which had attended my efforts to obtain an anfwer upon any one ; and I am forry to be under the ne- ceflity now to add, that although I have preffed a decifion with the utmoft poflibJe zeal, yet } have not been able to ac- cofriplim the object. Being wearied with the delay, I notified to the committee foon after the date of my laft letter to you, that I fliould be glad to confer \vith them, or feme few members, on the fub- jecl: ; provided it comported with their rules in fuch cafes, and would otherwife be agreeable. The proportion was im- mediately affented to, and the evening of the fame day ap- pointed for the interview. I attended in their chamber \ we had fome difcufiion, and which ended in a requeft, on their part, that I would prefeut in writing the fum of what I had laid, or wimed to fay, either on the points depending, or any others I might find neceffary to bring before them, and which I readily pTromifed to do. By this time I had obtained from Mr, Skipwith a ccmpre- Jienfive ftatement of the embarraffments attending our trade here ; as well thofe which proceeded from the cruizers of the Republic, and applied to what was deftined or cleared out for foreign countries, as thofe which proceeded from the com- mercial fyftem of France and applied to the direct commerce }>etween the two Republics. As his report to me fpecified pot only each particular caufe of complaint, but likewife fur- nifhed fas to fupport them, I thought it beft to make that jfeport the bafis of this my fecond communication on that head. I accordingly laid it before the committee, with fuch comments as appeared to me fuitable : and I now tranfmit to you a copy of it, that you may be apprized how fully the iubjecl is before them. I was affured that it exhibited a pic- ture which mocked them ; for thefe evils, progrefling with the courfe of their own affairs, were long accumulating, and had probably attained a height of which they had no concep- tion. As I had reafqn to fufpect, that the chief oppofition pro- ceeded from thofe who conducted the public trade, and who were attached to that mode, from motives not the moft pa- triotic, I thought it proper to examine the question ; whether it were beft for the Republic to encourage the competition of individuals in neutral countries, for the fupply of its mar-: Vets or depend on agencies employed in or fent to thofe ( 5$ ) countries for that purpofe. This fubjeft had been incidental- ly touched in my firft note; but I thought feme benefit might* be derived from a more thorough developement of it. With this view I fent in, at the fame time, the paper entitled, " Supplemental obicrvations on. the American commerce." I felt extremely embarr ailed how to touch again their in- fringment of the treaty of commerce-, whetlfer to call on them to execute it, or leave that queftipn on the ground on which I had firil placed it. You defired me in your laft, to conteft with them the principle, but yet this did not amount to an inlhruclion, nor even convey your idea, that it would be ad- vifable to demand of them the execution of thofe articles^ Upon full confid'eration, therefore, I concluded that it was the moil fafe and found policy to leave this point where it was before, and in which I was the more confirmed by fome cir- cumftances that were afterwards difclofed. The day after this laft communication was prefented, I re- ceived a letter from the committee a Muring me, that the fub- jeft engroiTed their entire attention, and that an anfwer fhould be given me as foon as pomble ; and a few days after this, I was favoured with another, inviting me to a conference at 12, the next day. I attended and found only the three mem- bers of the diplomatic branch of the committee prefent, Mer- lin de Douay, Thuriot and Treilhard. I Merlin commenced by obferving, that I had advifed and preffed them to execute the 23d and 24th articles of the treaty of amity and com- merce : That they were perfuaded their compliance would be ufeful to us, but very detrimental to them : It-would like- wife be djffreffing for Frenchmen to fee Britiih goods pro- tecled by our flag, whiifl it gave no protection to theirs; and> after making other comments, he finally came to this point r " Do you iniift upon our executing the treaty ?" I replied, I had nothing new to add to what I had already faid on that head. Treilhard feemed furprifed at the reply, and exprefled a \viih that I would declare myfelf frankly on the fubje6l. I told him I was furprized at his remark, fince I had not only declared myfelf frankly, but liberally. We then pafled from the point of demand to a more general difcuflion of the poli- cy in France to execute the treaty, and in which I urged, that if (lie confidered her own intereft only, fhe ought not to hefi- tatc, fince it gave her the command of neutral bottoms, and, under the protection of their own flag, to fupply her wants ; with other confiderations which had been before prefTed in my notes that were before them. I was, however, brought back twice again to the queition : *f Do you infill upon or ( 5-9 ) Demand it ?" I found that a pofitive and formal declaration GW this point was the fole objec~l of the interview , and as I per- ceived that fomefching was intended to be founded on it, either now or hereafter, if given in the affirmative, I was the more refolved to avoid it, and to adhere to the ground I had alrea- dy taken. I therefore repeated my declaration, and in the mofl explicit terms, that I was not tnftrucled by the Prefi- tlent to infill on it, nor did I infill on it ; that their compli- ance would certainly be highly beneficial to my country, but that in my obfervations I had confidered the propofition mere- -Jy in relation to Franoe, and wifhed-them to do the fame, iince 1 was fatisfied that the true intereft of France dictated the meafure. They all exprefled an attachment to us, fpoke much of the difficulty of their fituation, and of the peculiar delicacy in adopting, in the prefent ilate of the public mind, any meafure which might be conilrued as eventually favouring .England ; and thus the conference ended. In revolving the fubjecl: over fince, I have been doubtful whether the folicitude (hewn to draw from me a decifive anfwer to the qu eft ion : " Whether I infifled, or demanded of them to execute the articles of the treaty," was merely intended as the balls of their own at, complying with it, and a juftification for themfelves in fo doing, or as a ground to call on us hereafter, in the profecution of the war againft En- gland, to fulfil the guarantee. I was, at the moment of the difcuffion in the committee, of the latter opinion ; but I muft confefs, upon a more general view of all eircumflances that have panned under my obfervation fince my arrival, that I am at prefent inclined to be of the former. ' I rather think, as there is an oppofition to the meafure, and it would commence an important change in their fyilem, and might aifo be con- ilrued into a partiality for England ( a nation by no means in favour here) that the dread of -denunciation in the courfe of events fuggefted it. Be this as it mav, I am perfectly fa- tisfied it would be impolitic to demand it ; fince the refuiai would weaken the connection between the two countries, and the compliance, upon that motive, might perhaps not only pro- duce the fame effect:, but likewife excite a difpofition to prefs us on other points, upon which it were better to avoid any difcuffion. I hope, however, foon to obtain an anfwer, and a favourable one. If the fubject was before the convention in the light it (lands before the committee, I am convinced it would long fince have been the cafe: But it is difficult to get it there; for if I carried it there myfclf, it would be deem- ed a kind of denunciation of the committee. Yeftenfoy there a change of feveral of the members of that which I deem, from my knowledge of thofe elected, Favour- able to our views. Be aflured, that I fhall continue to prefs this bufinefs with all fuitable energy, and in the mode that (hall appear to me moft eligible ; and, in the interim, that I will do every thing in my power to prevent abufes under the exifting fyftem. Upon the fubject of the fifteen thoufand dollars, advanced for the emigrants from St. Domingo, I have made no formal 'demand, becaufe I wifhed the other points, which were de- pending, fettled firil ; from an apprehenfion that if they granted feveral little matters, it would fortify them in a dif- pofition to reject thofe that were important. I have, how- ever, conferred informally upon it, and have no doubt it wiH ,be peremptorily allowed. I think, therefore, this fhouM be calculated on by the department of the treafury. I fhall 'certainly bring it before them fhortly, as I mall immediately "the affair of the conful in the Ifle of France ; upon which latter point, however, permit me refpedtfully to add, that the appointment of a perfon, not an American-, perhaps an Englifhman, to the office of conful, has not only been the V:auie of the difrefpecl: (hewn to our authority, but even of 'the embarraflTments to. which our countrymen were expofed ttiere. ; With re'fpe<3 to the bufinefs with Algiers, I have not fcnown how to at. It will be difficult for France, in thepre- fjnt ftate of affairs, to fupport the meafures of our refident in Portugal, or for them to concert any plan of co-operation. It feems, however, in every view, proper to rid ourfelves of the perfon in Switzerland, who I understand has been in rea- dinefs to prcfccute the bufinefs for fomc time pait. I have, in confluence, written him a letter in conformity to your idea, of which I enclofe yo'u a copy, and which I prefume, he'will confider as a refpe&ful diicharge. I am inclined to think France will co-operate with us upon this point, and if any plan can be adopted by which 'me may forward the mea- fure of Colonel Humphrey's, I will endeavor to avail him of it. But 'certainly if it is expected that her aid will be effica- 'cious, or that ihe will embark with zeal in the bufinefs, the Vholt ihould be concerted and executed from this quarter. Perhaps, as I have heard 'nothing from Colonel Humphreys, the bufinefs 'is now'done, or he is purfuing it without calcu- lating upon any aid from France. A letter which was pre- Tented me by Mr. Cathalan, our conful at Marfeilles (and wh6 %'now.here, as arc Mr. Fcmvick, Dobree and Ccffyn, a fon cf 61 you I fkali be happy to re:uiermy country any fervke iathis dii- treiung bufinefs, i my power-, even by vifiting Algiers if it were neceflary. I have enquired into the chara&er 'of our confuis at the feveral ports : I mean thole who are Frenchmen ; for Mr. Fenwick is well known, viz. La Motte at Havre j Dobree at Nantes; Coffynat Dunkirk and Cathalan at Marfeilks, and find them likewiie all men of undemanding and of excellent repu- tation, attached to ourcountry and grateful for the confidence repofed m them. If difplaced, it will fubjeer. them to feme cen- fure : I do not, therefoie, wiih it-; though I moft eameftly advife -that in future none but Americans be appointed. I was extremely concerned, upon my arrival here, to find tkat our 'countryman Mr. Paine, as likewife -Madame La Fa- y^ette were in priibij ; the former of whom had bc.r.n confined near m'iie months an4 'the latter about two. I was iinmedi- ately entreated by both to endeavour to obtain tksir enlarge- ment. I aflured them of the hiter/'ft v/hich Amlrica had in tkeir welfare ; of the regard entertained fcr them by the Fi\-~ lident, and of the pkafure with which I fliould embrace opportunity to ferve 'them ; but obferved, at the fame time, 'that they muft be fenfible it would be difficult for n;e to tdcc any ftep ofEcially, in behalf of either, and altogether impd?^ tie in behalf of 2 Fayettc. This v/as ?/.imitted by lier friend, who afnired me, her only wiih way, tlr/.t I \vcukl have her fituation in view, and render her, informally, what fervices I might be able, without compromitting the credit of cur government with this. I allured him ihe might confide in this with certr.i:/. ', and further, that in caie any extr-. w.as threatened, that I would go beyond that line and do ev> ry thing in my power, -let the coiifequeace be what it ml myfeif, to fave her ; with this ihe was fatisned. SJie ftiJ-i continues confined, nor do I tli-ink it probable flie wiii be foo:i r-deafed. I have afTured her, that I would iupply her with money and with 'whatever (he wanted ; but as yet, none ha-i feeeai accepted, diough I think flic will fooh be compd! avail herfelf of tliis refource. The cafe was different with Mr. Paine. He was actually a citizen of the United States, and of the United States only; for the revolution, which p>.:ttd us from Great Britain, broke the allegiance, which was before due to the crown, of ail thoi ; ; 'who took our fide. lie v, r ;.i-, of ccv.rf. j ; net 2 Eritiih f. "nor was he ilridly a citizen of France ; for he came by invi- tation, for the temporary purpofe of aflifting in the formation of their government only, and meant to withdraw to Ame- rica when that mould be completed : And what confirms this, is the acl: of convention itfelf arreiling him, by which he is de- clared to be a foreigner. Mr. Paine prefled my interference. I told him I had hopes of getting him enlarged without it } but if I did interfere, it could only be by requefting that he be tried in cafe there \vas any charge againft him, and liberated in cafe there was none. This was admitted. His correfpon- dence with me is lengthy and interefting, and I may proba- bly be .able hereafter to fend you a copy of it. After fome time had elapfed without producing any change in his favour, as he was preffing and in ill-health, I finally refolved to ad- drefs the committee of general furety in his behalf, refting my application on the above principle. My letter was deli- vtred by my fecretary, in the committee, to the Prefident ; who aflured him he would communicate its contents imme- diately to the committee of public fafety, and give me an an- fwer as foon as poflible. The conference took place accord- ingly betwecli the two committees, and, as I prefume, on that night, or the fuccecding day ; for on the morning of the day after, which was yefterday, I was prefented by the fecretary of the committee of general furety, with an order for his enlargement. I forwarded it immediately to the Luxembourg and had it carried into effecT:, and have the pleafure now to add, that he is not only reftored to the enjoyment of his liber- ty, but in good fpirits. I fend you a copy of my letter to the committee of general furety, and of their reply. Since my laft the French have taken Cobleutz, and fome other poft in its neighbourhood ; they have likewife taken Pampeluna, and broken the whole of the Spanifh line through a confiderable extent of country. About twenty ftandards, taken from the routed Spaniards, were prefented to the con- vention a few days paft. I likewife fend in the enclofed papers, a decree refpe&ing the Jacobins ; by which all correfpondence between the dif- ferent focieties is prohibited, as likewife is the prefenting a petition to the convention in their character as fuch, with fome other reftraints I do not at prefent recoiled. ( 63 ) From Mr. Mwroe, to the Commit tcecf Public Pan's, OElober iStk, 1794.' UPON the feveral fubjeh on which I addrefled you on die i yth Fructidor (September 3d) viz. The embargo of Bour- deauxj the fupplies rendered to the government of St. Do- mingo, and the departure by France from the 2.3d and 24th -articles of the treaty of amity and commerce fubfifting be- tween the two Republics, I have but little to add at prefent. The two former were matters of account only, and could of courfe involve no topic for difcuflion between the committee and myfelf. I had only to aik for fuch difpatch in the adjuft- ment and payment, as the exigence of the parties and the cir- cumftances of the Republic would admit of. Nor mall I add any thing upon the third point to change the principle upon which I refted it. The committee will, therefore, be pleafed to decide upon each, under the confiderations which have been already urged. I likewife ftated in that note, generally, the embarraflment tinder which our commerce laboured in the ports of the Re- public. A general view was all I could then give : But the appointment of a conful for this city has fince enabled me to obtain a more circumftantial and accurate ftatement on this head. This officer has already examined it with great atten- tion, and reported the refult to me, a copy of which I now lay before you. It prefents to view a frightful picture of dif- ficulties and loiTes, equally injurious to both countries, and which, if fufrered to continue, will unavoidably interrupt, for the time, the commercial intercourfe between them. I truft, therefore, the caufes will be immediately removed, and fui- table remedies adopted ; and in this I am the more confident, becaufe thofe which would be deemed adequate will not, in any degree, interfere with the internal police or regulations of the country. I alfo fuggefted in my former note, that however neceflary it might be for France to avail herfelf of agents in America at the prefent crifis., for the purchafe and fhipiramt cf fupplies thence here, it mould not be relied on as a principal refource. The more attention I have fince paid to this fubject, the bet- ter fatisfied I have been of the juftice of ther remark. I have, therefore, thought it my duty to add feme further cbferva- tions on it, and which I now beg leave to fubmit to your con-^ ^deration in the annexed paper. ( 4 T Yon will ebferve, the con fill has likewife corrt^riaetf in his Deport the cafes of many teamen arid other perfons, citizens of the United State?, taken at tea or clfcwhere, and who are now held as prifoners in confinement. I hope an order will be ifTued for their immediate enlargement ; and, as it is poffiblc inr.ny others may l>e in like fitu'tion, that it may be ftiade tb. comprehend all the citizens of the Uriited States, Hot charged ^ntli any criminal offence againft the laws of France, and of v.-hich latter d:fcription I hope there are fton'e. The Com- mittee will, I doubt not, defignate fuch fpecies of evidence neceffary to eftabltrh the right of citizenfhip irt doubtful da-fesj as it will be practicable for the parties to farriiftf. Permit me to requefl an early deciiion upon thefe fubje&S* that I may immediately communicate it to otir governrtietrt. The Congrefc will eommence its feffion in a few Week^ dffil It is the duty of the Frendent to lay before that bo'dy, a"rtd at fhat time, the (late of public affairs , cdntprizing, as the molt interefling particular, the ccndul and difpofition of oth^r na- tions towards the United States. Information upon the$ points will of courfe be expected from me^ and I mould be piortified not to be able to give fuch as would be deerttsd iaclory. (Signed) JAMES MONROE, &jppleinsn8d Gbfervatwns to the note of the -$d of September > upon the American Commerce. THAT France will have occaMon, whatever may bs the crop for the prefent year, fot fuppliea of provifion from foreign countries for the next, is certain. Thefe rnuft be ', btained from the neutral countries, and chiefly from the 1 Tnited States of America. It is important for her to afcer- t tin how they (hall be obtained, and brought into her ports Y ith greaieft certainty and leaft expenfe. There are but two poffible ways or modes by which thefe /applies or any others can be brought here, which are : Firft j by ; u'olic exertion, o: by agents in thofe countries, whofe duty .v b topurchafe the articles in demand, and fend them here v.'i public account: And fecondly 5 by the enterprize ofindi- v -.Uifllfi. Both fliall be impartially C 6; ] Firft, as to the certainty ; and which \vill depend upon prompt purchafes, fafe carriage and integrity of the agents. As foon as agents arrive in America, it will be known to the commercial intereit in every quarter. When ever they ap- pdint fub-agents, this will likewife be known. When it is intended to make purchafes and fhipments, this will be known. The movement of veflels to take in cargoes will be obferved. Immediately a combination will be formed among the mer- chants of the place, who will buy up all the flour, &c. with a view of taking an advantage of the emergence, and this will raife the price and create delay. A monopoly naturally revolts the fociety againft it, and this will add a new ftimuliis to the otherwife fufficiently active one of private intereit, to fpeculate and prey upon thefe agents, and of courfe upon the cmbarrafTments of their country. But the purchafe is finally made and fnipped for France ; the (hips are at fea ; the property belongs to France, and the fWps, though American, give no protection, by the ancient Jaw of nations, which is in force where net otherwife regu- lated by treaty, and of courfe with England. The cargo of every veflel which (hall be taken will be condemned ; ancl will not many be taken ? The movements of this agency will be well known to the Britifh adminilt ration, and it will be employed to counteract it in the purchafe and upon the fea. It will be apprized of the ports from whence fhipments will be made, and have veflels of war ftationed to feize them. It is the niture of an agency to be at war with every other mode of fupply. The amount .of its profits will depend upon the exclufion of every other ; for every cargo which mall ar- rive from another fource, will take from it fo much. It will, therefore, feawith jealoufy the commencement of en- terprizes of this kind, and deem each in the degree a robbery of its own refources. It will fear that not only the amount of its profits will be diminifhed, but that the funds upon which any are to be made, will be exhaufted. It will, there- fore, difcourage thefe enterprifes, by hinting that the Repub- lic does not want them ; that it has no money to pay for them j that the captains and fupercargoes are ill-treated in France by delay, 6v. It will be the intereft of the agency to crufh every other mode of fupply, and it will accomplifh it, unlefs the wifeft precautions are ufed to prevent it. Thefe latter obfervations apply to the motive of intereft only, fuppofing the agency difpofed to discharge the truft as faithfully as it could, making, at the fame time, the greatefc profit fc^r itfelf and whigh would generally be djpae. Buf let K r 66 if he fuppofctl that it was capable cf that commotions are taking place in five of the provinces, who have formally refolved to difmifs the Stadtholder ; reform the government by the republican ftandard, and ally with France. This muft be felt in England and will probably excite diftur- bance there. In any event it will produce fuch effe6t, that if America ftrikes the blow her own intereft dictates, and which every other confideration prompts, it muft be decifive, and if not ruinous to the fortunes of that proud and infolent na- tion, will certainly fecure us the objects we have in view. If I hear further from the committee about the proportion for a loan, CJ/Y. I will advife you of it by the French minifter who leaves this in about five days. By the paper which I fend, you will underftand how far the point has been difcufied, gf L 74 1 die propriety in France to fupport our claims agairifi Bfitaifr ana Spain j the opportunity for which wa's furnimed by my friend Mr. Gardocpii, and you \vill foon be able to afcertain. from the minKler, what his powers on that head are. Within a few days pad, two deputies were appointed by the committee of public fafety, by confent of the convention, to fdme Importaht truft, but whofe names and office are un- known. It is fuppofed, they are ccmnliffioned to treat on, peace with feme one of the powers, and which is moft proba-. ble , but with which of the powers, or whether this is the object are only matters of conjecture. I apprized you in a late letter, that I had written to Colo- nel Humphreys, and was endeavouring to concert with him, ifpoiTible, the mode by which the aid of this government, if difpofed to grant it (and which I prefume to be the cafe) may be given him in the negotiation with Algiers. As yet, I have not heard from him. As foon as I do, provided I find it necefiary, I will apply for the fupport contemplated. Previ- ous to this it will be improper. Touching this.fuhjecl:, I fend you a proportion from the government of Malta, prefented by its charge d'affaires here, to be forwarded for your confi- deration. You will give me, for that government, fuch a::~ fwer as fhall be deemed fu it able. Within a few days pail, the hall of the Jacobins was fhut up by order of the convention. That body was conftantly at work to undermine and impair the regular and conftituted authority of the government. Moderate meafures to check i*-> enormities were found only a ftiniulus to greater exceffes. This laft ftep was therefore taken, and there is feafon to fear its (Jifperfed members will Mill continue to provoke, by fomc raih mtafure, the indignation of the convention to fuch a height, as to bring upon them a degree of feverity it were bet- ter to avoid. Within a few days pail alfo, the commiffioh to whom was referred the charge againft Carrier, formerly re- prefent,'tive at Nantes, has reported there was ground for .(Ccuiation ; and to-d?.y, it is believed, the convention will approve the report, and confign him over to the revolutionary tribunal, who will, with equal certainty, and with the rn! plaudit of the natron, doom him to the guillotine. E :7S ] from Mr. JMtfirv/, to the Committee of Public Paris > November 13^, 1794. I RECEIVED fome weeks pad, a letter from Mr. Gar- doqui, minifterof the Spanifh finances, inclofing oiie to rny care for Mr. Otto, then in the department of -foreign nfluird, requeuing me to prefent it to him. As I did net wiiu to be the channel of communication from Mr. .Gardcqui to any ci- tijeen of France, whatever might be its object, and wljcih.; of a private or public nature, I refolv.cd, neither to deliver the letter, nor give an anfwer for the time, to that which \ addrefTed to me. And I was the more inclined to this, from the perfuafion, that, if of a private nature, the delay cculd be of no great importance, and, if of a public one, and cip-echiiy upon an interefting fubject, that \\hen it was found I at- .tended only to the concerns of my own country, and did not chufc to interfere in thofe of Spain, that he would take i\ courfe more .direct for the attainment of the object in view. As fome weeks had now elapfed, I tpok it for granted, that this was the cafe. In this, however, 1 have been difappchic- ed ; for I was favoured within a few clays pad with 2 fecond letter from Mr. Gardoqui, in which he er.ters more fully into the objecl: of the firft communication. Finding, thei\:iore, that he (till addrefTed himieif to ras, iict-ritiiftanciiiig the clii- couragement already given, I deemed it necciTary, not onl] examine more attentively the objecl of this but likewife to adopt, definitively, fome plan in regard to it, Nor had I much difficulty in either reipecl .j for when I re- collected that he was a miniller of Spain, and obfervcil that his letters, as well that to Mr, Otto, and which I have fince examined, as thofc tome, expreffed only a wiih to be admit- ted within the government of France, to attend fome bath:, I could not but conclude, that this was the oftcnfible mo- tive' whiift fome ether in reality e:ch'ied. And in this I am the more confirmed from a recollection of the relation in which Mr. Gardoqui and rnyidf formerly fcood in America/ to cr.cli other, and which, ofi account ci my ili'ong oppofition in the Congrefs to his proportion for fecluding the Mi8ifi.p.pi, i not the molr amicable one. From that ccriklerr^lon, I do not tliink he would foiicit a correrpondence with me for 2 trifling object. What other then jiv.iir bs the motive ? In judgment, there c.m be none other than the hope of the r ning the door for thp- ccmineacgaaent of a uegociation for t it ] peace, and that the Spanifh court has availed itfelf of this mode of making that wim known to you. Prefuming then that this was in truth the object, it re- mained for me only to decide what courfe I mould take in r --^rd to Mr. Gardoqui's communications , nor could I hefitate long upon this point ; for I well knew it was of im- portance to you to become acquainted with the difpofition of other powers towards the French Republic. I have therefore deemed it confident with that fmcere friendfhip which the United States bear towards you, and the intereft they take as your ally in whatever concerns your welfare, as well as with that candour which I mean to obferve in all my tranfa&ions, to lay the letters before you ; knowing their contents you will be enabled to determine how to at in re- gard to them. As it refpefts the United States whom I ferve, or myfelf perfonally, it can be of no importance to me to be acquainted with the refult; fince I doubt not, that under the v,-ife councils of the Republic, the revolution will progrefs to a happy clofe : But permit me to allure you, that if I can be of any fervice to the French Republic, in regard to the an- iwer to be given to this communication, it will give me the higheft fatisfadion to render it. From Mr. De Gardoqtti, to Mr. Monroe. Madrid, September $th } 1 794. Mr DEAR SIR, BEING informed of your arrival at Paris, with the character of minifler from the United States, I beg leave to renew you our old friendfhip in America, and congratulate you on your fafe arrival, where I fincerely wifh you all man- ner of happinefs. Permit me, dear fir, to trouble you with the enclofed letter for my friend Mr. John Otto, whom we knew in New- York, as charge d'affaires from France ; for I learn by Mr. Short, that he is in Paris, and it regards me particularly that it comes to his hands fafely. Should he, however, be abfent, I mould be glad you would open it, and fhould be extremely obliged to you, if you could procure me the contents, which I hope w r ill be the means of re-efla- blifhing my health. Excufe me, Dear Sir, the liberty I take in giving you this trouble, and if in my public or private character I can t 77 J tender you any fervice, you^may freely command. My belt refpscb to your worthy Mrs. Monroe, and to Mr. jiy, if with you. Yours> sV. (Signed) JAMES DE GARBOQUr. From Mr. De Gardoqui, ,'9 Mr. Monroe. Madrid, ~]th OSibsr, 1794- $lr DEAR SjR, ON the pth ultimo, I did myfelf the honour of wri- ting you, inciofmg a letter for our friend Mr. John Otto, in which I begged he would procure me a permifficn from the French government, to drink the waters of Bagneres de Luzon, for a fortnight, my health being very much impaired by the conflant attention of my miniftry of finances. This let- ter went through the hands of the commander of the French army, on the frontiers of Catalogue; but am uncertain whe- ther it came to your hands, and am forry for it, as my health declines, and would be extremely obliged if you could help me to get fuch a permifiion. I have a further favour to a(!: of you, my dear Sir ; it is, that you would endeavour to procure the reieafe of a parti- cular friend. of mine, Colonel of the militia regiment of Ecija, whcfe name is Don Antonio Alcala Galiano, who v/as made prifoner in the garrifon of Bellegarde ; he is a man of honour, land will by no means forfeit his word ; fhculd you therefore be able to get his reieafe, en parote, or in a way that he may agree to, I mall eileem it in the higheft degree; if at the fame time he fnould require any money afiiftance, I beg you would deliver him, afiured of his receipt being punctually paid by me with any expence that you may be at on account of thofe troubles. Pardon me the liberty I have taken, and believe me, that I mall think myfelf happy whenever I receive any of ycur friendly commands; being with fincere regard 2nd efteeuij Yours, CSV. (Signed) JAMES GARDOQUI. Pray, endeavour to get my permifiion ; for you knew m too well not to afTure the government that I am not a man to be fufpeded of. [ 73 3 From Mr, Monrse, to Mr. G Paris, I HAVE been favoured with your two letters lately, and can ail are you that the pleafure I fhould otherwife have derived from a renewal of our former acquaintance, was fen- fibly diminiihed by the information they contained of the decline of your health : And I am forry to add,- that corifider- ations of peculiar delicacy render it impofiible for me to take that part, in the means neceffary rn your judgment for its refloration, you have been pleafed to defire. You will naturally infer what thefe are, without my entering into them, and afcribe to thefe, and thefe only, my not aiding you in that rcqueft. I beg of you, however, to make your applica- tion to the committee of public fafety, diredYiy, and from whom I doubt not you will readily obtain an anfwer, which will be fatisfaclory to you ; for I am well convinced, that the circumftance of an exilling war will form no obitacle te your admifhon into the country, upon an occafion fo intereflr- ing to yourfelf. Be allured, if the officer, your friend, whom you fpeak of, falls within my reach, I will be happy to ren- der him any fervice in my power, being well fatisfied of his merit from your recommendation. From Mr. Monroe, to Colonel Humphreys,, Lifbon. Paris , November jj, 1794. I HAVE lately received a letter from the Secretary of State, mentioning that the power to treat with the regency of Algiers was committed to you, and that the aid of this Republic if attainable muft be thrown into th&t line. I was likewife appriied by Mr. Morris, of fome meafures tak^n by him in concert with the government here, relative to that object, but which were unconnected with you. As I have reafon to think you poiTefs powers, flowing from the lait fefRon of Congrefs, I think it poflible you have already pro- greffed in the bufmefs, and therefore that the aid of this government will be ufelefs. But if you have not, how mall a co-operation be concerted, fuppofing this government difpo- icd to enter into it? Will it net be neceffary for you to come into foms part of France, and depart thence with ibme agent from her ? Your thoughts upon this head will be ufefuls but until i know the ftate of the bufmefs in your [ 79 3 bands, it will be ufelefs and improper for me to occupy the councils of this Republic on the fabjecr. I therefore hope to hear from you on it as foon as poihble. From Mr. Citwn, Charge not ftate the minutiae, as his documents fpeak explicitly, and he himfelf will be on the fpot, ready for further explanation. There is*nothing in which you can render yourfelf fo accep- table to an important part of our community as on thefe occajQons. Indeed I flatter myfelf with die expectation of { 84 ) tearing fhortly of confiderable advances towards final fuccefs on your part. Mr. James A^cei-fori has been highly recommended, and his letters have ihcwn him to dderve fome degree of notice from our government* He was not fuggefted to the Prefi- dent in the late appointment of French confuls ; becaufe it tvas pK fumed from fome information, which was receded, that the phices for which confuls were defignated at the laft fdficn, were not iuitable to his views. You will therefore take the e.;rlivft opportunity cf inquiring into his character and refpe&abiUty, and inform us. A claim cf Mr. Cruger is alfo forwarded to you, in order that you may purfue the lame meafures relative to it, as in the others of a iinular kind. Mr. Boiand has promiied to deliver to yoti your quota of newfpapeis. From the beginning of Auguft to this day, they contain the late interefting tranfactions of the four weilern counties of Pennfylvania. Thefe would have been communicated to you, as they arofe, if conveyances to France were not of all others the molt difficult to be obtain- ed. You will recollect the murmurs which have long pre- vailed there againfl the excife. At length, the houfe of Ge- lieral Neville, the infpeclor, was attacked by a large party of armed men in the day, and burnt to the ground, together with moft, if not all, the out-houfes. Forefeeing that go- vernment could not be inattentive, and mixing perhaps fome prepoilercus views of ambition and perfonal aggrandizement, the leaders, to render themfelves formidable, contrived to give an appearance of an univerfal commotion, and aflbcia- tion of fentiment. A large body appeared in arms on Brad- dock's field, and appointed the i4th of Auguft for the meet- ing of deputies from all the townmips at Parkinfon's ferry, inviting the Virginia counties to fend deputies alfo. The Prefident difpatched fenator Rofs, judge Yates, and our at- torney-general Bradford, as commiffioners; having firit re- quired 12500 militia to be held in readinefs, in certain pro- portions, in New-Jerfey, Pennfylvania, Maryland and Vir- ginia. A committee of the infurgents were nominated to confer with them, and to report to a fecond meeting, to be held at Redftone at a later day. Our commiflioners unani- moufly prevailed upon thofe with whom they conferred, to agree to urge the people to peace. But the Redflone opinions were not fo propitious as thofe of Parkinfon's Ferry. The people there afiembled were difTatisfied with the conduct of the former committee of conference, and appointed another, which, like tlie former, were unanimous for acquiefcence; Still the people themfelves were to be confulted, and the i ith September fixed for the taking of their votes. The refult has been, jhat every leading man has fubfcribed to the terms required by the commiflioners ; that near three thoufand men above the age of fixteen have fubmitted ; that there is no real danger of an oppofition in the field. However, the mi- iitia having been on their march for fome time, and it being certain, that although open refiftance will not be found, the laws cannot be executed unlefs fome degree of military force be at hand to fupport the officers, their movements have not been countermanded. The command is intended for governor Lee of Virginia ; but the Prefident goes on towards Carlifle on Monday; where, after every proper ar- rangement of the troops deftined to that place of rendez- vous, he will decide whether to proceed or return. The principal information, which is to be procured from the newf- papers, will be the firft and fecond proclamation, the repre- fentation of the Secreta-ry of the Treafury to the Prefident, and the proceedings of the commiflioners. In a day or two their report will be concluded ; which will condenfe the whole date of this bufmefs into a fmall compafs. I have not adverted to judge M'Kean and general Irvine, two ftate commifiioners, who went upon the fame expedition ; becaufe their functions were neceffarily limited to the mere act of pardon, the great offences being againft the United States, not the individual ftate of Pennfylvania. However, you may be affured, that the infurrection will very quickly be fubdued ; and you can- not err in any political calculation built on this event. The fpirit which the dates have manifefted is aftonifhing, Throughout Virginia, to % favour the infurgents would be dif- grace, and actual perfonal danger. Some of their emiflaries produced a momentary difturbance in Fredericktown, in Ma- ryland, but it was foon hufhed by the rapid approach cf the militia. In Pennfylvania, from fome mifmanagement, the call of the militia was not haftily obeyed. But fuch an en- thufiafm has now grown up and been raging for a confidera- ble time, that the very Quakers have entered the ranks and marched to Pittfburg. New-Jerfey feems to be a nurfery of warriors, determined to fupport the conftitution. Even the Democratic focieties have launched out into a reprobation of the infurgents. All thefe circumftances combined, while they afford an ample range for fpeculation on the remote confe- quences, furnifh a conviction, that the energy of the govern- ment is, and will be, greatly engreafed. . ( 8 which authorized the feizure of our veflels laden with provi- fions deftined for other countries, is do v neaway ; and the (li- pulation of the treaty of commerce which gives free paifcge under our flag to the fubjects of any of the powers at war with the Republic, is likewife inforced. In fhort, every thing has been conceded that was defired, except the execution of that part of the treaty which gave freedom to goods in {hips that were fo. I have, in confequence, notified to the cornrniflion of ma- rine, that I-had empowered Mr. Skipwith to take charge of thefs claims, and attend their adjuilment on the part of our citizens, and I (hall continue to give every aid in my power to obtain for them the juflice to which they are intitled. In refpet to the* liquidation, unlefs, indeed, forne difficulty fhould arife, as to the mode of payment, whether in afUgnats, or fpecie, I prefume all difficulty is at an end. But in re- gard to the payment, I think it probable, unlefs affignats are taken, and which are now depreciated, further delay will be defired, owing to the great expenditures of the government at this very important crifis of its affairs. Upon this, how- ever, I fhall be able to give you more correct information in my next. If the treaty could have been carried into effect, by general agreement, I mould have deemed it a fortunate thing ; be- caufe it would have fecured our commerce hereafter from the poflibility of vexation, and upon any pretext whatever, by the French cruifeis j and becaufe i; would fove ranged the ( S3 ) French Republic, at an important period of its affairs, on the fide of a principle founded in benevolence and neceflary to the freedom of the high feas.* But as connected with other con- fiderations more immediately applicable to ourfelves ; and ef- pecially, if the hope of forcing it upon other nations, as a law, is abandoned, I have deemed it of but little confequence. It certainly precludes the probability of our being called on hereaf- ter to fulfil any ftipulation whatever, and will of courfe gain us greater credit for any fervices we may render them, in cafe it mould fuit us to render them any. I am likewife perfuaded, from the refponfibility the arrete impofes, and the increafing partiality pervading all France towards us, and which is felt by the Americans and obferved by the fubjects of other neu- tral powers, that the execution will not vary much from the import of the treaty itfelf ; for I cannot think that many of our veffels will hereafter be brought in upon the fufpicion of hav- ing enemy's goods on board. I informed you fome time fmce, that I was perfuaded, if the fubject was before the convention, it would readily be granted ; and in this 1 have not only been fmce confirmed, but in the further belief, that a majority of the feveral com- mittees was favourable to the object. The dread, however, of denunciation in the courfe of events, deterred them from adopting it. It was oppofed, as was likewife every other change, by a party who would not fail to take advantage of it, ihould a favourable opportunity occur. The fordid fpoilers of the public wealth never forgive thofe who detect and expofe to view their iniquities. And this was the moft vulnerable point upon which recrimination could hereafter act : Eor, as it is contemplated, when the other powers are withdrawn, to profecute the war againft England, with the collected force of the Republic, and this might be condrued into a partiality for that nation, it was deemed too hazardous a meafure, in refpect to the perfonal fafety of the members, to be encoun- tered. In this decifion too, it is probable they were the more confirmed, by the neceflity of cultivating Denmark and Sweden at the prefent moment, from whence great refour- ces are drawn in fupport of the war ; whofe councils are wielded by Bernftorf, a man believed to be well difpofed to a reform in the exifting governments of Europe,f and whofe fleets are combined with no friendly difpofition to- * Little war, it fufpcded at this time, that we fhouM be ranged on the 3de of England to fupport the oppu Ike principle. t Thii, however, is not certain. C 89 ] England. They would mod probably have preffcd to t/e- put on the fame footing, and the preflure could not eaiiiy have been refilled, after the example was given. As a proof, how- ever, of the difpofidon of the committee, upon the fubjecl: ge- nerally, I herewith tranfanit to you a copy of a report drawn upon my notes by Merlin de Douay, to whom they were referred, and which was informally given me by its diplo- matic members. I apprized you in my lail of the 2oth inftant, of Mr. Gar- doqui's attempt to obtain permiffion to attend certain baths within the Republic *, oftenfibly upon account of his ill-health, but in my judgment to commence a negociation for peace (a fineiTe too often practiced by a certain grade of politicians) and at die fame timeleffen any weight the United States might have upon that fubjecl:, in refpecl: to their own affairs, by in- fpiring a diflruit in me in the outfet. I likewife iiated to you in what manner I had ated upon that occafion, paying his original letters before the committee, with my free and can- did comments upon them : As alfo the further difcuffion which took place between the committee and myfelf in regard to Spain, and to which an incident of a different kind gave 1 birth ; in which I expofed, as far as the nature of the cafe would admit of, the real fituation of the United States with refpecl; to Spain and Britain, menaced with war by both ; {hewing how France would be affected by that event, and of courfe the part (he fhould take in cur affairs at the prefent: moment. To that communication, I have now nothing nev/ to add, having fince heard neither frc^i Mr. Gardoqui en the fubjecl: of "his proportion, nor the committee upon that, or die one which afterwards occurred. I omitted, however, at tliat time, to tranfmit to you a copy of my letter accompa- nying Mr. Gardoqui's to the committee, and v/hich I no-w inclofe for the purpofe of prefenting that bufincfe more fully before you. I am convinced that this expofition of our fituadon witu Britain and Spain, and to which the incident of Mr. Gardo- qui iuxniihed the firft opening, has been ufeful : For before that expofition, I had reafon to believe, that it was not only unknown, but that a very erroneous opinion was entertained by many in the committee upon that fubjecl. I thought I had felt the effec> of that opinion, created no doubt in the manner you fuggeft ; but as it was not communicated in a way to enable me to take official notice of it, I was cmbar raffed how to acfc, or what meafure to adopt in regard to i:. For a- wiile, as it was circulated only in private, I thought it beil' C 9" I fo counteract it, by making the necefiary explanation only tit- thofe who mentioned it to me. Finally, as I knew the cam- paign was progre fling towards a clofe, and that the winter was the feafon for negociation ; and more efpecially as I fear- ed its commencement with either of thofe powers, with fuch improper opinion of our fituation with each, becaufe I well knew they would improve it with great dexterity to their ad- vantage j I deemed it my duty to make an extraordinary ef- fort to remove it. With this view I appointed a rendezvous with the diplomatic members of the committee, and which took place accordingly. I was refolved, however, not to meet the imputation as a charge fuppofed to exift, or which I was bound to anfwcr in cafe it did. A denial of a charge might beget a fufpicion where there was none. I took different ground, by informing the committee, that the war in which they were engaged, like all other wars, mufl have a termina- tion : That moft were concluded by the friendly mediation of third powers : That I was well convinced the United States would be happy to render the French Republic any fervicc in their power, in that refpeft, to bring the prefent war to a happy clofe : That it was not their intereft to interfere, even by mediation, nor, in my judgment, would they, otherwife than at the inftance and by the requeft of the P'rench Republic, in the hope of promoting thereby the fuccefs of their revolution. I obferved further, that I wanted no anfwer to this, and had onW given the information, that they might retain it in memo- ry for the purpofe of availing themfelves of it hereafter, in cafe it mould be found expedient. It was received refpe&fully, but calmly. By one of the members it was obferved : " That having beaten their enemies completely, it belonged to thofe enemies to determine whether they wifhed peace or not ; and if they did, they would, no doubt, be able to find a way where- by to make it known to the Republic." By another, I was aiked : " Whether Mr. Jay v/us ftill in London, and whether he intended to come over to Paris, as had been publifhed in an Englim paper.'* This was the very fufpicion I wifhed to combat and remove; though indeed, I did not expect it would have been avowed in fo abrupt a manner. I replied, I could not tdl whether he had returned or not j but that it was im- pomble the paragraph in the Englim paper mould be true, as he was fcnc to England upon an efpecial bufinefs only j to demand reparation for injuries, and to which his authority was ilriclly limited. I then repeated what I had before faid of the friendly difpofition of the United States towards the trench Republic, in all cafes, and of the pleafure with which they would, in my judgment, ferve it upon, the prefent one. if in their power. That I was perfuaded they would liften to no propofition upon the fubjecT: of mediation from any other power ; for as it was a bufmefs which could' not poilibly be- nefit them, they would, of courfe, embark in it only upon ac- count of their ally. I like wife added, that I knew nothing of the difpofition of any power upon the febject of peace ; but prefumed the fuccefs of their armies had difpofed them all well towards it ; and thus I left them to reflect afleifure up- on what I had faid ; in the belief, however, that the commu- nication mufl produce a good effect. As this took place prior to the affair of Mr. Gardoqui, and which was more particularly detailed in my laft, I have thought proper to communicate it to you, that you may be pofTefled of every, the minuteft, circumftance relative to our affairs upon this very important theatre. If the fubjeft of a loan is mentioned again here, or in Ame- rica, that of fecuring for us the points in queftion, muft like- wife be ; but as I have faid every thing on that head that I can fay, having only a right to conjecture, I am not anxious to revive it here. I am, however, perfuaded it will be re- vived with you ; for fo vaft are their armies, and extenfive their operations, that they muft be diilreifrd for money, and forced to gain it from whence they can. And I fmcerely wim we may affift them, if poffible, and which I prefume it will be, efpecially if not comprifed in the war, and which I think cannot be, although we mould immediately wreft from Britain and Spain the rights they have ufurped from us. The credit of the United States is fuch in Europe and America, and their means of reimbnrfem-jnt fo unquciiion- able, efpeciaily in the particular of the weftern territory (an objecl: viewed at prefent with great cupidity on this fide of the Atlantic) that I am perfuaded the amount expected might be obtained by loan j and I am equally fo, that the people would chearfully bear a tax, the product of which was to be applied in aid of the French Republic. Upon thefe topics, however, I have only a right to conjecture, and as fuch you will be pleafed to confider what I have faid.* The day after my remarks upon the fubjec~t of a loan were handed in, I was favored with yours of the 25th uf Septem- ber, and which I beg leave now to acknowledge. Finding that my idea of our fituation with Britain and Spain \vas correct, I was extremely happy that I had given that rcpre- * The fum the French Republic wanted f> om us was about fi/e millions f dollars ; to be borrowed under the guarantee or the United States, but tcured by a mortgage of an adequat- portion of their national d^ ftricliy into tl.e propriety of our re a Ai.zJ.to France th# oHiiVition we owed her, by guarantying " f bar or live millions of dollars," to be Lud out here in the piuclufs of nuvi- C 94 3 this Republic , imlefs, indeed, fome ingenious f&phift, jea- lous of the honor of Spain mould contend, that' as they were completely routed on the firft, and maintained only a ftrag- gling battle en the fecond, it ought to be called but one. Cer- tain it is, that in the two days' conflict, feveral thoufands were flam, and upwards of two thoufand taken prifoners, with their camp on each day, and on one, tents for fifty thoufand men. I promifed you, fome time fmce, my comments upon the fubjecl: of a confular arrangement, for the ports of this re- public. The confuls have been here to confer with me upon the fubje& of trade, and I have obtained from them their ideas on that of the arrangement which I now inclofe you. I will add my own comments on it in my next, and will fub- join the names of fome Americans now here, that may be deemed worthy your attention. I think proper, however, now to mention, that Mr. Skipwith will accept the office of conful for this city, and that I think him worthy of it. He is, in my opinion, a fenfible of man, of ftricl: integrity, and well acquainted with the duties of the office. The duties of conful here, will be thofe of conful general, and in ftri&nefs the commiffion mould be correfpondent. They may, howe- ver, be performed under that of conful only , for I pre- fume thofe in the ports will refped him equally in either cha* racier. From the Copimiffion of Foreign Relations, to ike JMinifter Pleni- potentiary of the United States of America. Paris, ^d Frimaire, 3 d Tear of the Republic. (November 24^, 1794-^ You will find within, Citizen Minifter, the copy of an arrete, taken on the 25th Brumaire laft, (i8th November) by the committee of public fafety, relative to the conduct which fhall hereafter be obferved in the ports, and by the veflels of the Republic towa-rds neutral veiTels and their cargoes. This arrete furnimes an anfwer to the memoir which you prefented on the 1 7th of Fru&idor (September 3d.) You will doubt- lefs be fully fatisfied with the difpofitions which are there an- nounced. You will confider them as a new proof of the de- fire of our government to maintain and ftrengthen the good C 95 ] intelligence which now fo happily reigns between our two Republics. Si " ed MIOT. ExtraEl of the Regifter of Ar rets of the Committees of Public Safety, Finance and Supplies. 1.$th Brumaire, ^d Tear cf the Republic, (November \$th y 1794.} ( THE COMMITTEES OF PUBLIC SAFETY, COMMERCE AND SUPPLIES, ORDER AS FOLLOWS T * ARTICLE I. The veflels of the United States of Ame- rica, and thofe of other neutral powers, mall be permitted to enter freely into the ports of the Republic, and retire from them when they pteafe : Nor fhall it be permitted to any con- ftituted authority to retard their departure, or ;o oblige the captains to fell their cargoes againft their will. ART. II. When the captains or owners of neutral veflels are difpofed to fell their cargoes to the public, they ihall be paid for them according to the bargain which they make. ART. III. It is enjoined to all the commandants of naval ar- maments, fleets, divifions, and fquadrons of the Republic, to refpet, and to caufe to be refpeclied, upon their refponfibi- lity, ifi favour of the neutral and allied powers, the rights of nations and the ftipulations of treaties, conforming themfelves ftri&ly to the terms of the decree of the convention of the ayth f July, 1793- ART. IV. In confequence they are exprefsly prohibited from turning thefe veflels from their courfe ; taking from on board of them their captains, failors or paflengers, other than foldiers or failors actually in the fervice of an enemy power ; or of feizing the eflets or merchandize which fhall be found in them. ART. V. Are excepted from the prohibition contained in the preceding article. 1. Merchandizes belonging to the enemies of the Republic, until fuch enemy powers {hall have declared that the mer- chandizes of the French (hall be free on board neutral veflels. 2. Such merchandizes of the neutral powers alfo as are deemed contraband of war ; a.nd under which are compnfed ni^, nniruments and munitions of war, ar4 every kind, of merchandize and other effects deilinecl for an enemy's, port actually fcized or blockaded. [.ARTS. VI, 'VII, VIII and IX regulate the manner of pro- ceeding where neutral vefftls are brought in, upon a prefump- tion cf having enemy's goods on board.] ART. X. The commiifion of Marine mall prcfent without delay a (latement of the individuals, born fubjects of the pow- ers with whom the Republic is at war, who were taken be- fore the prefent day upon neutral vefTels, that particular arretes rnay b^ taken in each cafe. ART. XL The indemnities which are due to the captains of neutral powers who were detained by an embargo at Bor- deaux, mall be liquidated without delay by the cornmifiion of marine and colonies, conformable to an arrete of the commit- tee of public fafcty of the I7th of Germinal ; and this commif- fion fhali render an account in tjie courfe of ten days, of the actual date of thefe demands. ART. XII. The commiffion of mar.ine is fpecially charged to receive and adjuft the accounts which fhall be prefented to. it by an agent of the United States, for fuch fnpplies as the Americans have furnimed to the adminiilration of St. Domin- go ; and it mail take the neceflfary meafures to procure to the parties intcrefted the mod prompt juitice, and (hall alfo prefeut to the committees of public fafety, of finance, com- merce and fupplies, the refult of its operations in thefe refpeclts. ' ART. XIII. The commlffion of foreign relations is induct- ed to deliver a copy of this arrete to the minifler plenipoten- tiary of the United States of America, in anfwer to his me- morial of the pth of Fru&idor (September 3d) laft. (Signed) MERLIN, THURIOT, CAMBACERES, &V. No. VIII. FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATIC Paris, January 13^, 1795- I HAVE the pleafure to inform you, that upon the re- port of tile uaited cs>aimittees of publk fafety^ legi.0ation s [ 97 3 commerce and finances, a decree has pafTed the convention Cnce my laft, whereby it is reiblved to carry into ftricl: execu- tion, the treaty of amity and commerce between the United States and this Republic. I beg leave to congratulate you upon this event, and particularly the unanimity with which' ic palled the convention ; fince it demonftrates the good diipo- iition of that body, and of the nation generally, towards us. I was always fatisfied, as heretofore intimated, that if I could have brought the fubject, in the firfl initance, before the con- vention, I mould have fucceeded immediately in the object in view : But as the committee was the department organized for fuch bufmefs, this was impoilible, without commen-.. fpecies of warfare upon it, and which was equally impro- per, as it might tend to increafe their own diilentions, arid embark me afloat upon the fortune of thofe diiTentions. Hap- pily, by purfuing the objedt patiently with the committee, removing doubts, and obviating objections, aided by occa- iional changes of the members, this has not only been avoid- ed, but I have the additional pleafure to allure you, that ic was finally accomplished, without the leait difficulty, and . without exciting the animofity of any one. After my late communications to the committee of public fafety, in which were expofed freely the objecT: of Mr. Jay's miffion to England, and the real fituation of Jie United States with Britain and Spain, I had reafon to believe, that all ap- prehenfion on thofe points was done away, and that the ut- moft cordiality had now likewife taken place in that body towards us. I confidered the report above recited, and upon which the decree was founded, as the unequivocal proof of that change of fentiment, and flattered myfelf, that in every refpect we had now the beft profpect of the moil perfect and permanent harmony between the two Republics. I arn very forry, however, to add, that latterly this profpeft has beea fomewhat clouded by accounts from England, that Mr. Jay had not only adjufted the points in controverfy, but concluded a. treaty of commerce with that government : Some of thofc accounts ftate, that he had alfo concluded a treaty of alliance, .often five and defenfive. As I knew the baneful effect which thefe reports would produce, I deemed it my duty by repeat- fcig what I had faid before of his powers, to ufe my utmofb endeavours, informally, to difcredit them. This, however, did not arreft the progrefs of the report, nor remove the dif- qui etude it had created : For I was, finally, applied to direct- ly by the committee, in a letter, which dated what had been heard, and requefted information of what I knew in regard tQ :t. As 1 had juft before received one from Mr. Jay, announc- ing that he had concluded a treaty, and which contained a declaration, that our previous treaties Ihould not be affected by it, I thought fit to make this letter the bafis of my reply. And aa it is neceflary that you ihould be apprized of whatevef has pafled here on this fubject, I now tmnirnit to you copies of thefe feveral papers, and which comprize a full ftatement thereof, up to the prefent time. I cannot admit for a moment, that Mr. Jay has exceeded his powers, or that any thing has been done, which will give juft caufe of complaint to this Republic. I lament, however, that he has not thought himfelf at liberty to give me correct information on that fubject ; for until it is known that their intertlt has not been wounded, the report will certainly keep alive fufpicion, and which always Weakens the bonds of friend- Ihip. I truft, therefore, you will deem it expedient to adviie me on this head, as foon as poffible. I apprized you in my two laft letters, of an informal com- munication between the diplomatic members of the commit- tee and myfelf, upon an interrogatory of theirs, Whether it would be poliible for France to obtain aid from, or within, the United Sta-tss, for the purchafe of fupplies ; and of my ef- 'fort upon that occafion to intereft this government in fupport of our claims with Britain and Spain ; and to which I was fthnulated by intelligence that Mr. jay's negociation had fail- ed ; and that \Ve were on the point of war or actually engag- ed in it, with Britain ; as likewife by the knowledge that Spain was covertly feeking a feparate peace. I was fatisfied, that if France v/ould embark in our caufe, in the prefent ftate of things, arid which I found her well difpofed to do, and with- out the profpecT: of much aid in return, that the object in each inftance would be fecurc. I therefore thought it eligi- ble in that ftate of things, and with that view, to leave the door open for a communication on the fubject with you. But as foon as I under flood that Mr. Jay had adjufted the points in controverfy with that nation, the object on 'my part was at sn end, I was aware, that if the adjuftment was approved \vc cOuld render no fuch fervice : Indeed, I doubted whether in peace the government pofleiTed the power to render it. I called, therefore, immediately upon thofe members with whom the previous communication had been, and fuggefted the fame to them. They had anticipated the idea, and were prepared to anfwer it by a peremptory aflurance, that it was not their wifh to create embarramnent in this or any other re- fpeft ; On the contrary, that regard fhould be IheWn in aS C 99 3 ^f and .continue to make, furpafs what you have any idea of. I fin- cerely wifh that this was more generally known, that more .rnight be induced to embark in it, not only for the purpofe of -difruilng more generally the immediate emoluments, out for the more important one of gaming an mtereft in the commerce ,of this Republic, which .may be of lafting advantage to the United States. Before. the revolution, the Engiim pofTeiTed tins advantage, as tuey did ^n.rnotl pther countries : But new C io ] that interefi is annihilated; and if the Americans ftep in, aid- ed as they will be by the preference of the government and people in their favour, they may occupy the ground, and re- tain i: for ever afterwards. Permit me to add, that nothing will more efFentially forward this object, than an extenfive and numerous appointment of confute. In every port an agent fhoiild be placed : and I mould fuppofe the object of fufficient importance to induce our countrymen to accept of thofe offi- ces. If a prudent and creditable perfon, the appointment attaches to it confidence, and gives him the command of ca- pital. I am fatisfied that any young man of good character, having the appointment in any of the ports, might immedi- ately connect himfelf advantageoufly with the firfl houfe there, and gradually command elfewhere what capital he pleafed. I have Cammed into this fubject and have thought proper to give you the refult of my refearches into it. Nor has this wife and humane fyftem been limited to this object alone. It has already been extended to many branches of national policy, and promifes to embrace the whole. A decree was not long fince pafTed, by which the feventy-one members, formerly of the Briffbtine or Cirondine party, and who had been confined on that account, were fet at liberty, and called into the convention. And a few days afterwards our countryman, Mr. Paine, was likewife reftored to his feat in that body, with marks of the moft refpectful attention. Thefe events have given fatisfaction to the community at large. A decree alfo, which had excluded the nobles and foreigners (the Americans excepted) from Paris, and the feaports, has likewife been repealed. This latter aft, though compara- tively of apparent little importance, has, notwithstanding, produced an excellent effect : For as it breathes a fpirit oT humanity and on that account captivates all, fo it has contri- buted, by pa fling in review many members of the an- ' cient order of nobility (and who have not forgotten, and ne- ver will forget, old habits) to prefent before the public, and much to the credit of the revolution, the ftrong andintereft- ing contrail, between the manly character of the French na- tion at the prefent day, and the miferable effeminacy, fop- pery and decrepitude of former times-. A decree has likewife pafled, by which a general amnefty has been proclaimed in the Vendee ; and a report has been fin ce received from the deputies who were fent to carry it into effect, that all thofe to whom rt was announced, had lain clown their arms, and arranged themfelves under the ban- ner of the Republic j and that they were likewife fatisfied it would terminate the war ; a war heretofore, beyond example, bloody and deftructive, and whole origin, fupport and means of continuance, appear even yet to be but little underftood. Freed from this embarraflment, the Republic will acquire new vigor in all its enterprifes ; it will certainly have under its command, for other purpofes, a confiderable force which was heretofore employed there. But in retracing the ground, to repair in detail the inju- ries which the reign of terror had inflicted, it was impoflible to behold the havoc it had made, without feeling fome indig- nation for the authors of fuch great and complicated mifery. This propenfity, however, and which was equally incited by the obligations of juftice and humanity, was itrongly op- pofed from the period of Robefpierre's death to the prefent time, by a fentiment of extenfive impreiTion, that it were bo':ter to prevent the further effufikm of blood, and to cover with a veil the atrocities which had patted, fo far as they could be covered, than to punifh even thofe of greateft enormity. For fome time this fentiment prevailed, and though often irritated and difturbed by the remaining leaders of the oppo- fite party, who courted danger and provoked their own fate, yet it appeared probable it would finally preponderate and confirm the adminiftration within that limit. The trial> how- ever, of the Nantoisy a long train of refpectable citizens at Nantes, who were arrefted under the adminiftration of Car- rier, in his miffion there, and brought lately before the tribu- nal of Paris, opened the fcene again, and revived the fenfa- tion of horror, which had before in fome meafure fubfided. Such enormities were difclofed in the courfe of this trial, that it was impoflible otherwife to appeafe the public mind, than by fubmitting Carrier, and his accomplices, to the tribu- nal in their turn. Condemnation was the fure confequence of his trial-, and it was expected, fo clear was the cafe againft him, that all thofe formerly of that party, would now fepa- rate from and yield him to his fate. From fuch a line of conduct fome merit might have been arrogated, and the pub- lic cenfure thrown in a great meafure on him alone ; by whofe punimment too the public refentment might poflibly have been fatisfied. But Billaud de Varennes, Collot d'Her- bois, and even Barrere, a man heretofore noted for fkilful movements in critical conjunctures, acted otherwife. They ob- vioufly, andfrom the beginning, made Carrier's caufe their own; not only by fupporting him in the convention, as far as it was poflible, but by exciting the Jacobins to take part in his fa- vour j thereby attaching themfelves to the declining fortunes of . t that chib,and likewife making fomeunfeafonable motions which bore on their face the complexion of that party. The reparation required at bell a dextrous management ; but by thefe means th'i-y piefented themfelves out as an object, invited the pub- lic attention, and, in the degree, the public refentment. Whe- ther they will Anfcliy efcape is now doubtful. Lecointre, who had {hewn himfelf fuiRciently prone, upon a former occa- fioii to commence the attack, toe.-: advantage of one of thefe moments of indifcretion to renev/ it, and with better effect. His -motion wasfenttothe com ir.iiHon of twenty-one, hereto- fore organized to report, whether there wag juil ground of accufation, and there it now is. Another fignal vilory was obtained over the Spaniards fmce ray lafl, and in which the two commanding generals, many men, we're flain, and nine thoufand taken prifoners : And in the north, fmce the ice, nearer approaches are mr. . J e to He-Hand, which will, moil probably, foonbe taken. With- in a few days pail, deputies arrived from the Stadtholderian party, to negociate a feparate peace : But, at the fame time, others came from the patriotic party to oppafe it, and who preilod the committee to order forward the troops immedi- ately, to afiail and enter Amfterdam ; and to which effe& or- ders wer* accordingly iflucd. I am fatisfied that peace will noc be granted to the Netherlands, -although a revolution fhould take place there, on any other condition than that of their uniting in the war againft England. It is conceived, that a peace to that power, on other terms, would be more fa<- vourable to England than its continuance in the war ; for thereby the Britifii troops might be withdrawn, and great ad- vantage -gained in other refpects from its neutrality. This, it is thought, is the object of England in affenting to their peace ; but, in r?jec~r,mg the -offer, France opens a trait in her views thai \vi\l aJJ much to the weight of the miniiterial argument tor a continuation of the war. No argument is fo ftrong as that of neceility, and if France will not make peace it will be impombie for England to do it. In my judgment, it is the determination of this Republic to purfue the war, until the maritime ftrength of England is broken , and when the actual ftate of things is regarded, with that of the comparative po- pulation, force, and enterprize of the two nations, I do not fee how it can be prevented. A fmgle victory. at fca accomplilhes the object,. and the -rapidity with which {hips are built, and fleets equipped here, is inconceivable. With- in few v/eeks part, the -Brett fleet has been out twice (indeed it is now out) counting f thirty^fix {hips of the line, fifteen frigates^ fourteen (loops of war and cutters/ giving the defi- ance to iu antagonift, which continues cloie locked to the land. More latterly, however, ibme indications were feen, >n that eoaft, of a difpontion to take the fea, and hazard the fate of the illand on a battle, fo that it is probable fomtthing decifivc may take place foon. With reipecl to the other powers, nothing definitive has yet been none in regard to peace. Jt is certain that feveral wifh it, and particularly Spain and Pruilia ; but yet fovne difficul- ties have occurred in regulating the commencement and man- ner of the negociation. England oppofes it, becaule me knows flic will not be included -, and they, on that account, wifh it to be private, merely to avoid the imputations that would aril's if it were known , and this cannot well be accom- modated under the prefent organization of the French govern- ment. It is faid, that a mimiter from Pruilia is at Dalle, in Switzerland, with power to treat ; and that they all have agents the re for the fame purpofe is like wife probable. I will endeavour, if poffible, to forward by this opportunity a report rendered me by Mr. Skipwith, upon the fubjel of American claims. Be affured, that every poflible attention has been, and mail be paid to this fubjech P. S. I had omitted to mention the official communication, by the committee of public fafety, of the decree of the con- vention for carrying into effect the treaty of amity and com- merce between the United States and France : The polite terms, however, in which it is expreffed merit attention. fr-m tie Committee cf Public Safety, to the Minijlcr P. tertiary cf the United States cf America. Paris, 8^/6 Nivofe, ^d Tear of ile Republic. (December ?."]tk 9 1794.^ WE are informed, Citizen, that there was lately cai>- cluded at London a treaty of alliance and commerce -between the Britiih government -and Citizen Jay, envoy extraordinary ^f the United Staces. A vague report fpreads itfeif abroad, that, in this treaty, the Citizen Jay has forgotten thofc things, which our treaties with the American people, and the facrifices which the French s. to Mr. Monroe. London, November 2$th % 1794* IT gives me pleafure to inform you, that a treaty be- tween the United States and his Britannic Majefty, was fign- ed on the ipth inftant. This circumftance ought not to give any uneafmefs to the convention. The treaty exprefsly declares, that nothing con- tained in it (hall be conftrued or operate contrary to exifting treaties between the United States and other powers. I flatter myfelf that the United States, as well as all their minifters, will, upon every occafion, manifeft the moft fcru- pulous regard to good faith ; and that thofe nations who wifh us well, will be pleafed with our preferving peace and a good underftanding with others. From Mr. Jay> to Mr. Monroe, London , November 2$th, 1794. BY a letter written and fent a few days ago, I had the pleafure of informing you that on the 1 9th inftant, the prin- cipal bufmefs of my million was concluded, by a treaty figned on that day. It contains a declaration, that it mall not be conftrued, nor operate contrary to our exifting treaties ; as therefore our engagements with other nations remain unaf- fected by it, there is reafon to hope, that our preferving peace P and a good underftanding with this country, will not give un* cafmcfs to any other. As the treaty is not yet ratified, it would be improper to publifh it. It appears to me to be, up- on the whole, fair, and as equal as could be expected. In fome refpecls, both nations will probably be pleafed, and ir| ethers, difpleafed. From the Committee of Public Safety, to the Minifter Plenipotentiary of tit United States of Ameriua. Paris, I8//6 Nivofe, ^d Tear of the Republic. (January %th, 1795-^ CITIZEN MINISTER, BY the folicitude we mew to communicate to you our arrete of the i4th of this month, you will judge of our zeal to keep you conftantly inftrucled of our effort? to maintain the relations of a fmcere ftiendfhip between the United States and die French Republic. (Signed) CAMBACERES, BREARD, &c. ExtraR >f the Regijler of Arrets of the Committee of Public Safety, cf the I4//6 Nivofe, ^d year of the Republic. January, 1795.^ THE committee of public fafety, confidering that by the twenty-third article of the treaty of commerce, between France and the United States of America, bearing date on ike 6th of February, 1778, it is agreed : i. That the people of France and America may navigate reciprocally, in complete fafety, with their veflels, and with- out exception as to the owners of the merchandize charged upon fuch vefTels ; or as to the ports from whence they come, and although the power for which they be deftined be ac- tually at war, or become afterwards the enemy of the one cr the other contracting party : That they may equally navi- gate in full fafety with their veflels and merchandize, and frequent the places, ports, and harbours of the enemies of C 107 1 both nations, or of either, and carry on trade, not only from the port of an enemy to that of a neutral power, but alio from different ports of the fame enemy : 2. That iree^ {hall make free goods, and that any thing fhall be considered as free, which fhall be found on board the veiiels of either contracting nation, although it belong in whole or in part to the enemies of either the one or the oilier, contraband always excepted: 3. That the fame liberty fnall be extended to thcle who are found on board free vefTels, although they be the enemies of either the one or the other contracting nation ; and in confequence that fuch perfons fhall not be taken frcm fuch vefiels, unlefs they be foldiers in the actual fervice of the enemy : Confidering that the crimes of England, having given to the war of defpotifm againft liberty, a character of injuftice and atrocity without example in the annals of mankind; the national convention found itfelf obliged, in ufmg the right of reprifal, to decree on the pth of May, 1793, that the veflels of war and corfairs of the Republic, might take and conduct into the ports of France, fuch veflels of the neutral powers as they mould find charged in whole, or in part, with provifions belonging either to fuch powers or the ene- mies of France: Soon afterwards, however, and on the ift July, 1793, the convention reftored in full vigour the clifpo- fitions of the treaty above mentioned, of the 6th of February, 1778; but which were again revoked by a decree of the 27th of the fame month, in reipct to provifions and merchan- dizes belonging to an enemy ; upon which latter ground it has flood fince, leaving the provifions and merchandizes of neutral powers in fuch verlels free : In regard to which the French government has not to reproach itfelf with having waited to mew itfelf juft and loyal, that the cabinet of Lon- don might revoke, as it did a long time afterwa-'ls, the or- der by it given the preceding year, to feize all neutral veutis carrying provifions or merchandizes into France : Confidering that fince, and notwithstanding die notoriety with which this cabinet continues to infult and violate the rights of neutral nations, by caufmg their vcfTds charged with merchandize, deftined for the ports of France, to be feized ; yet the national convention has enjoined it by the feventh article of the law of the i5th of this month, upon all officers civil and military, ftriftly to obferve, in all their difpofitions, the treaties which unite France with the r.eutra! powers of the ancient continent, as likewife \vith the United States of America, declaring all articles of a contrary import in any other law to be abfolutely null and void : Fully therefore to carry into effect: the faid law, according to its true intent and meaning, it is hereby ordered ; ARTICLE I. The commiilion of marine and of the colonies, fhall notify, without delay, to all the commanders of armed vefTels, divifions and fquadrons, the article above mentioned of the law of the i3th of this month ; and in confequence that they are to confider the fifth article of the arrete of the 25th Brumaire laft, which authorized the feizure of mer- chandizes belonging to an enemy, on board neutral veffels, until fuch enemy {hall have declared French property on board fuch veffels free, as now null and void. ART. II. The merchandizes called contraband, though belonging to a neutral power, mail continue fubject to feizure. ART. III. All arms, inftrumetits, and munitions of war of every kind, horfes and their equipage, and all kind pf merchandizes and other effects deftined for an enemy's port actually blockaded or befieged, (hall be deemed contraband of war. (Signed) CAMBACERES, CHAZAL, CARNOT, , MAREC, PRIEUR, PELET. A. DUMONT, [ No. IX ] FROM Mr. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. Paris, February I/?, 1795-. I WAS lately informed by Mr. Jay, that it wa-s his in- tention to communicate to me the contents of his treaty with the Britim adminiflration, and as I knew the good effect which correct information upon that point would produce upon our affairs here (admitting it to be as heretofore represented) I thought it my duty to endeavour to avail myfelf of it as foon as poffible. But as the communication promifed, was to be in cypher, and Mr. Morris had taken his copy with him, I knew that I (hould not be able to comprehend it, in cafe it was received. I therefore deemed the acquisition of it an ob- ject of fufficient importance to authorife the expenfe of an cfpecial difpatch to London, to obtain it, and have, in confe- quence, committed that truit to Mr. Purviance ; of Baltimore, who left this immediately after the receipt of Mr. Jay's letter, and who was likewifc inftruded to bring me a copy of Mr. Pinckney's cypher, for future ufe. By his return I hope to be enabled to remove all uneafinefs upon that head, and in which I am the more confident, from a knowledge that the govern- ment here is well difpofed to view it with the utmoft liberality. I was alfo lately informed, by a letter from Mr. Fenwick, that he underftood from Mr. Mufcoe Livingfton, who had lately arrived from Lifbon, that Colonel Humphreys had failed thence for Algiers, upon the bufmefs, as was prefum- ed, intruded to him with that Regency *, and that, prior to his departure, he had committed to him a meiTage for me, to be communicated in perfon. Mr. Fenwick adds, that Mr. Li- vingfton was taken fick, and in confequence deprived of his fenfes, juil as he was about to fet out from Bordeaux for Paris; whereby he was not only rendered unable to proceed on his journey, but even to communicate to him the purport of his mefiage for me. Thus I am left in perfect ignorance, equally of Colonel Humphreys' wim.es, the time of his departure and plan of operation. I intimated to you before, that although I had written to Colonel Humphreys for information upon that point, and with the view of forwarding his wiflies to the utmoft of my power , yet I was fearful, in confideration of thofe ernbarraffments, which were infeparable from the war, ft would be difficult to concert any plan of harmonious opera- tion, which fhculd commence and proceed from fuch diftant points, whereby the aid of this Republic could be yielded us in that negociation. Under prefent circumftances, therefore, you will readily perceive, that it has become altogether im- poflible. The French troops have at length entered Arnfterdarn, whereby the whole of the province of Holland was brought immediately under the power of this Republic, as, indeed, the whole of the Seven United Provinces moft probably foon will be. This was announced a few days paft to tiie convention, by a letter from the deputies in that quarter; two of whom, it is faid, are on their way to render an account in detail of this very important acquifition. It is reported, that Breda and Bergen-op-zoom have furrendered : Indeed the general idea is, that no further oppofition will be made there to the French arms, and of courfe, that this Republic will b?corn? feiTed cf the fleet and immenfe ftores of every kind. The Prince of Orange, with his family, accompanied by feveral members of the States General, had made their efcape , but by what route, and whether for London or Berlin, is unknown. After the entry of the French into Amfterdam was certain, and, in confequence, the entire conqueii of the Seven Provin- ces more than probable, an effort was made by the States General to yield the fume thing, upon terms ; for the purpofe of putting the Republic in pofiemon of the country, by treaty inftead of conqueit -, and with this view an agent, who arriv-. cd here about a fortnight before that event, was difpatched j and who oiTered, as I am well affured, to furrender all the important fortifications of the country, and to provide at their own expenfe, and for the refidue of the war, quarters and provisions for fuch force as mould be deemed adequate to hold them : To yield immediately twenty-five fail of the line, and -likewife to pay at Rated times, convenient for both parties, the fum of three hundred millions of florins. But it was known by the committee, that without an accident as much might be gained, and perhaps more, by conqueft : Thac the latter mode, which knew of no condition, freed them from fetters, and of courfe from the pofiibility of any future im- putation of breach of treaty, and of violated faith. The agent, however, who was an ancient minifter of that government here," was fufrered to remain, and treated with refpecl:, whilft orders were iflued to the troops to advance, and which were obeyed. There arrived, about the fame time, a deputation from the patriots, who affociating with Mr. Van Staphorft, arid one or two others, of thofe who were banifhed from their country in 1787, endeavoured to counteract the movements of the agent from the States General, and to attract to the patriotic body the attention of the convention. Before the entry into Amilerdam, they wimed admittance to the bar, as well for that purpofe, as to found the dif^ofition of the convention in regard to the futurefate of Holland. But in that ftage it was eva- ded, perhaps from policy; perhaps from the real impropriety of exprefling any opinion upon that point, in the then (late of affairs ; or perhaps indeed from the impoflibility of forming on~. But, fince that event, they were admitted, and with an addrefs founded on it, though in other refpe&s adapted as was before intended. The anfwer of the President was re- fpecl ul, but cautious ; for whilft it breathed a fpirit of patri- otifm, and of particular regard for the ancient virtues of the lijlgic Confederacy, and of Courfe left them no caufe of com- L "I 3 plaint, it carefully avoided all compromitment of the govern- ment it felt*. What will be the future fate of thofe provinces is altogether uncertain, and muft be in a great meafure dependant on events. At prefent I am fatisfied there is no fettled plan on th,it head, nor indeed, is it pofftble there ihouki be, within fo ihort a fpace of time. Many members, and among them fome of diflinguifhed weight in the convention, feemed dif- pofed to extend the future boundary of the Republic to the Rhine ; and, of courfe, to comprehend within its limits all that part of thofe provinces lying on this fide of that river.. This idea was lately avowed by BoifTy d'Anglas, a member or the committee of public fafety, in a fpeech delivered appa- rently by authority of that body, and for the purpofe equally of founding the convention upon the conditions of peace, to afcertain what terms they would approve of ; as to announce in that informal, and of courfe not obligatory, manner, to the parties concerned, the ultimata upon which they might ex- peel: it. In this he prcpofes that the Republic (hall be here- after bounded only ; " by the ocean, the mountains and the great rivers." Be this however as it rnay, I think it certain, unlefs the fortune of the war ihould infpire other councils, that the whole of thefe provinces will be retained in the hands of this Republic until its termination, and be made, in the progrefs, as inftrumental to that event, in its favour, as cir- cumftances will admit of. But even in cafe they be not difmembered, a revolution in their government feems to be unavoidable. Their ibrorig pods, their harbours, perhaps their fleet, will be under the controul of France, and, of courfe, their councils likewife will be fo. Ancient forms may for awhile remain, but it is not pofliblcj under circumftances of this kind, that they mould be more than forms. Half the political regulations c- r the country, perhaps the whole, will proceed from the reprefentatives of this Republic with the army : Nor will any of its inhabi- tants, other than thofe of decided patriotifm, be employed by them, in any office of truft or profit. Thus the weight and authority of the government will be gradually transferred to the popular fcale. The people at large will foon take the admonition, and from that moment the ancient fabric, which was before tottering, will be levelled with the ground. The ordinary allurements of freedom are fttfficiently great to the mafs of mankind to require no additional recommen- dation in its favour, and the hand of power mull be ftrorig where it is net purfued with efFecl: ; but in the prefent in- itartce, the additional inducement will be great ; for as it is well known, that this Republic can repofe no confidence in ihe exifting government, and efpecially in the houfe of Orange, and which might not be the cafe and moft probably would not, with that which would fucceed a revolution -, fo it mull be equally obvious that its continuance will furnifh a ftrong argument here for the difmemberment. This confi- deration, therefore, will add a new ftimulus to all thofe who incline rather to preferve the independence of their country, than become reduced into a few departments of France. Before this great atchievemcnt, and which refembles more an exploit of the ancient Roman empire, than thofe of mo- dern princes, there was a collection of diplomatic characters, formal and informal, from feveral of the powers at war, and others friendly to fome of them, at Bafle in Switzerland, and who expected to be met there by fome agent or agents from this Republic, to commence negociations for peace. But as foon as they heard of this event, that profpecl: vanilh- ed, and it is faid that fome of them have retired home, and others arrived here to confer more directly with the govern- ment itfelf. Count Carletti, from Florence, and Baron Stael, from Sweden, men faid to be friendly to the French revolu- tion, are thofe only who are known, and the latter is fuppo- fed rather to expedr, than to have brought, his credentials with him. I herewith tranfmit to you fome communications received from Mr. Skipwith, and which will mew the (late of the Bordeaux and St. Domingo claims , and I beg of you to be affured of the uriremitted attention which I mail continue to pay to thefe concerns, and indeed to every other in which my countrymen are interefted. 5th February, P. S. Since the above was written, fome details have been received of the fuccefs of the French in the United Netherlands, and by which it appears that every thing which was predicted in that refpecl: has been verified. Wil- liamftadc, Breda, Gorcum, Bergen-op-zoom, and the fleet, held by the ice in the Texel, are all taken. I inclofe, however, the papers containing thofe accounts. I "3 3 From Mr. Jay, to Mr. Mtnroe* London, November 2 WITHIN this week paft I have written to you two- letters, to inform you that on the ipth inftant, a treaty between the United States and his Britannic maje'ty, was figned. The defign of this letter is chiefly to introduce to you Mr, Pleaiants of Philadelphia, whofe connections there are refpec- table. I have not the pleafure of beu> perfonally acquainted with this gentleman ; but as a lellow-citizen, I wifti to do him friendly offices, and I am perfuaded that a fimilar diipo- Gtion on your part will enfure to him fudi a degree o r atten- tion as circumftances may render proper. As Mr..Pmckney has a cypher with our other mini tiers in Europe, either he cr I will ihortly ufe it in communicating to you the principal heads of the treaty confidentially. You need nothefitate in the mean time to fay explicitly, that it contains nothing repug- nant to onr engagements with any other nation. from Mr. Monroe, to Mr. Jay, London. Paris, January l~th, 1795. EARLY in December laft, Englifh papers were receiv- ed here, containing fuch accounts of your adjuftment with the Britifli adminiftratian, as excited much uneafmefs in the councils of this government, and I had it in contemplation to difpatch a confidential perfon to you, for fuch information of what had been done, as would enable me to remove it. At that moment,. however, I was favoured with yours of the 25th November, intimating, that the contents of the treaty could not be made known until it was ratified ; but that I might fay it contained nothing derogatory to our exifting treaties with other powers. Thus advifed, I thought it improper to make the application ; becaufe I concluded the arrangement was mutual and not to be departed from. I proceeded, there- fore, to make the beft ufe in my power of the information al- ready given. To day, however, I was favoured with yours of 28th of the fame month, by which I find you confider your- O * Received oa the r 6th of January, or ^bout thattime, by Mr P!?aVits, felf at liberty to communicate to jme the contents of the treaty, and as it is of great importance to our affairs here, to remove all doubt upon this point, I have thought it proper to refume my original plan offending a perfon to you for the neceffary information, and have, in confequence, difpatched the bearer, Mr. John Purviance, for that purpofe. I have been the more induced to this from the further consideration, that in cafe I mould be favoured with the communication promifed in cypher, it would be impoflible for me to comprehend it, as Mr. Morris took his with him. Mr. Purviance is from Ma- ryland, a gentleman of integrity and merit, and to whom you may commit whatever you may think proper to confide with perfect fafety. It is neceffary, however, to obferve, that as nothing will fatisfy this government but a copy of the in- ih-ument itfelf, and which, as our ally, it thinks itfelf enti- tled to, fo it will be ufelefs for me ,to make to it any new communication fhort of that. I mention this, that you may know precifely the ftate of my engagements here, and how I deemi it my duty to act under them in relation to this object. I *beg leave to refer you to Mr. Purviance, for whatever other information you may with on this fubjecl, or the affairs more generally of this Republic. From the Secretary of Slate of the United States > to Mr. Philadelphia, December ind y 1794. Six, ON the 2yth inftant,* I had the honour of receiving the duplicate of your letter, No. 3, of the 1 5th of September laft, being the" firfi and only official notification of your having entered upon the duties of your million. Alexander Duve,rnet, who was appointed vice-conful of Paris, during the laft feffion of the Senate, loitered here fo long, without a fufpicion being entertained of his default, that the Frefident has fuperceded him by commiilioning Jo- feph Pitcairn, of New- York, who goes off for his refidcnce immediately. With the franknefs of my friendmip, I mutf difcharge the obligation of my office, by communicating to you the opinions which we .entertain here concerning the fpeech" which you made on -your introduction into the national cbnvention, * Injlani in thfe original, ultlmz ncndoubt intended. : .cn you iefc us, we all fuppofed, that your reception-,, as the minifter of the United States, would take place i:i th private chamber of .fome committee. Your letter of cre- dence contained the degree of proiemon, which the gc- ment was defirous of making -, and though the language of it would not have been cooled, even if its fubfcquc^i: pubii- !.ad been forefeen; ftill it was natural to expect, that the remarks, with which you might accompany its delivery, would be merely oral, and therefore not expofed to the ran- corous criticifm of nations at war with France. It feems, that upon your arrival the downfall of- Robef- pierre, and the fufpenfion of the ufual routine of bufmefs, combined perhaps with an anxiety to dernonftrate an affec- tion for the United States, had {hut up for a time the di- plomatic cabinet, and rendered the hall of the national con- vention the theatre of diplomatic civilities. We mould have fuppofed, that an introduction there woujd have brought to mind thefe ideas. " The United States are neutral : The al- lied powers jealous : With England we are now in treaty : By England we have been impeached for breaches' of faith in favor of France: Our citizens are notoriouily gallican in their hearts: It will be wife to hazard as little as poffible on the fcore of good humour : And therefore, in the difclofure of my feelings, fomething is due to the poffibility of foftering new fufpicions." Under the influence of thefe fentiments we (hould have hoped, that your addrefs to the national conven- tion would have been fo framed, as to leave heart-burning no- where. If private, affetion and opinions had been the only points to be confulted, it would have been immaterial where or how they were delivered. But the range of a public minif- ter's mind will go to all the relations pf our country with the whole world. We do not perceive, that your inftrucjions have impofed upon you the extreme glow of fome parts of your addrefs ; and my letter in behalf of the houfe of Reprefenta- tivesj which has been confidered by fome gentlemen as too ftrong, was not to be viewed in any other light, than as exe- cuting the talk affigned by that body. After thefe remarks, which are never to be interpreted into any dereliction of the French caufe, I muft obferve to you, that they are made principally to recommend caution ; left we mould be obliged, at fome time or other, to explain away or difavow an excefs of fervor, fo as to reduce it down to the cool fyftem of neutrality. You have it ftill in charge to cul- tivate the French Republic with zeal, but without any unne- ceflary eclat , becauff the dictates of &ncerity do nc: demand, [ ri 6 ] f&at T/C ihould render notorious ail our feelings in favour of that nation. In your letter you fay, that you have not been inftru&ed to defire a repeal of the decree, which violated the 23d and 24th articles of the treaty of commerce : That you did not know, but it had been tolerated from the foundeit motives of political expedience left the demand for the refcinding it might produce a call for the guarantee. Indeed you have gone farther ; having declared in your memorial, that you were un- der no inftruclions to complain of, or requeft the repeal of, the decree authorizing a departure from thofe articles ; and that if, upon reconfideration, after the experiment made, the com- mittee of public fafety mould be of opinion, that it produces any folid benefit to the French Republic, the American go- vernment, and your countrymen in general, would not only bear the departure with patience, but with pleafure. The fourth head of injury, dated in your letter, fhews that you were poiTeiTed of cafes, which turned entirely upon the impropriety of the decree ; and fuch too was certainly the fat. Now, without the abrogation of the decree, fo far as at refpedled thcfe cafes, the redrefs which you were inftrut- ed to demand, could not be obtained. In truth, there was no cauie or pretence for alking relief, but upon the ground of that decree having violated the treaty. Does not this view lead to the inevitable conclusion, that the decree, if operative in future inftances, would be no lefs difagreeable ; and confe- quently, that its operation in future inftances ought to be prevented; a circumftance, which could be accomplifhed only by a total repeal. The papers of the fhip Lauren,s, contained a reference to one or more reprefentations of Mr. Morris againft the decree; fo that the-bufmefs had been actually broken to the French government. Neither thefe reprefentations, nor yet your application, appears to have fuggefted a requifition of the guarantee. The omimon to demand its fulfilment up to this day, is a proof, that their policy did not approve of fuch meafure : And in this they were wife; fmce we mould have been lefs advanta- geous to them by anociating in the war, than we have been in our neutral character. If I am not miftaken, this fentiment has been delivered often by Mr. Fauchet. Befides, you might have very readily repelled any ferious allufion to the guarantee, by faying, as your inftru&ions indicate, that you were directed to fend that fubjecl: on this fide of the water. I muft add another observation; that I do not fee how, if you are to be deterred by the guarantee ; you can ever claim cornpenfatiory for an C -115 3 infra&ion of the treaty , fmce you will always be in danger of having it brought up to you. But, my good Sir, let thefe things be as they will, was it necefiary to intimate, that an indifference prevailed in our government as to thefe articles, by a declaration, that you were not inftrucled to complain of the decree ? I confefs, that I am unappriied of the data upon which fuch an opinion could be founded : And undoubtedly the Prefidcnt himfelf would not undertake, that the people cf the United States would bear with patience a departure from ftipulations, which are generally believed to be important to us. But if, from our friendlhip to the French Republic, we might : fuftain a miichief with pleafure -, ftiil we mould not choofe that the affumption of one of our rights, without confult- ing. us, mould become a precedent for the affumption of any other. Let me therefore intreat you, if my letter of July 3Oth, has not already (Simulated you to remonitrate againft the decree, to do fo without delay. We do not v/iih you to fv/erve from the line of conciliation, which -is marked out in the laft paragraph of your letter. On the contrary, concilia- tion which does not detract from the dignity of his govern- ment, its rights, and his own felf-refpect, is a valuable quali- ty in a minilter. We only hope, that the committee (if pub* lie fafety may not continue in the belief, that the Executive are of opinion, that it will be fatisfactory to difpenfe with the articles. I am extremely happy in afluring you, that many of Mr. Fauchet's difcontents have been removed. The documents concerning the failure to falute the Semillante, and the fup- pofed infult to the Favorite, are enclofed to you, that you may.be able to evince our folicitude to cement our good will on every occafion which is offered. Colonel Alexander Anderfon of this city, who has a claim for compenfation, and whofe age-nt will call upon you, rc- quefts me to forward the enclofed papers. I alfo tranfmit fome imperfect preparatory information in the cafe of Mr. A. Grade. A frefh collection of fpoliation papers is fent, according to the lift fu-bjoined. The newfpapers, b"V, accompany this letter. I am, &c. EDM. RANDOLPH, Secretary of State. C 8 3 French Spoliations* December 2d } ^794- 1. Ship Commerce, Enoch Preble, additional, 2. Schooner Polly, Price', additional. 3. Sloop Matfy, 4. Brig Nancy, Dunning. 5. Sloop Jenny. 0. Danifli ihip Krageroe. 7. Brig Heel or, .additional. .8. Britifn iliip Mary Ann, and. the (hip John and James. No. X. FROM MR. MOXRQE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. Paris i February 12th, 1795* SIR, I WAS honored with yours of. the 2nd December, three- days fince, and by which I rind that my third letter only had then reached you, although the two preceding, with duplicates, were forwarded according to their reipetive dates, and by opportunities which promifed fecurity and difpatch. I read, with equal furprize and concern, the ftritures you deemed it neceiTary to make upon fome particulars of my con- duct here ; becaufe I think it did not merit them, and truft, upon a further view of all circumstances, you will entertain the fame opinion. Of thefe, by this time, you will ppflefs a general view : A more particular detail, however, I think pro- per now to communicate. It is cbjeted, that I addreifed the convention with a glow of fentiment not warranted by my inftrutions. Secondly ; that I mads public what was intended, and policy' dictated, 1 be kept private. And thirdly ; that I compromised ,'vernme.nt, by faying, that it was willing to tolerate in-, paries, whicfi it was not difpofed to tolerate j whereby an im- portant intereft to our country was flighted or given up. "Whether my addrefs contains a Tingle fentiment or expref- fion different from what my inftrucTiions and the declarations of the legiflative branches contain, is to be. determined by comparing the one with the other. I had them before me at the time, and drew it by them ; of courfe I thought it did not, and 1 now thtnk fo. The force, however, of this objection is, I prefume, comprized in the fecond ; for if the communica- [ H9 1 tion had been in private and not in pubKc, the objection moft probably would not have been made. Upon this point, there- fore, a more thorough explanation is neceffary, and for this purpofe a full view of the circumftances and motives which influenced my conduct, equally fo, Upon my arrival here, I found our affairs, as it was known they were before I failed, in the word polllbie fituation. The treaty between the two Republics was viohied : Our commerce was harrafled in every quarter, and in every article, even that of tobacco not exceptsd. Our feamen taken* on board our vefiels were often abufed, generally imprifoned and treated in other refpe&s like the fubjects of the powers at war with them : Our former minifler was not only without the confidence of the government, but an object of particular jea- loufy and diftnift : In addition to which it was fufpecled, ttfiat we were about to abandon them for a connection with England, and for which purpofe principally it was believed that Mr. Jay had been fent there. The popular prepofleffion too in our favor had abated, and was in fome meafure at a ft and ; for.^the officers of die fleets from America had brought unfavourable accounts of our difpofitions towards them. Thus the connection between the two countries, hung as it were, by a thread; and I am convinced, that if fome peribn poiTeffinT their confidence had not been font, it would have been broken. My firft reception was marked with circumftances which fully demcnftrated thefe facts,- and (hewed how critical the ground was on which we ftood ; for it is unqueftionably true, that notwithstanding my political principles \vere fubfcribed to, the committee, or the governing party in it, were difpol- ed to delay my reception, throw me entirety cut of view, a::d deftroy altogether the effect, of my miflion. It was faid, that as my principles were with them, I ought on that account to be the more avoided; for if they confided in me, I mould only lull them afleep as to their true intereft, in regard to the movements on foot , and under this imprefiion, I was viewed with a jealous eye, and kept at the moft awful diilance. Thii deportment towards me was fo obfervable, that it attracted the attention of the reprefentatives of other powers here, and was moft probably communicated elfe where. Into what confequences this policy, which was hoftile to us, might lead, I could not readily perceive ; but I was alarm- ed on that head; for I well knew that an avowed enmky by this government, againft our executive adminiftration, and in which (hape it threatened to break out , purfued with paf- as I had reafon to apprehend it would be, would not - . _. fj only injure our national character, but likewife difturb our internal tranquility, and perhaps involve us in war. The interval between fuch a ilep and the exifting ftate of things was fmall, and in the tide of their fortunes, which were pro- fperous, I was fearful it would be taken. Thus circum- ftancecl, what courfe did policy dictate that I ihould purfue ? Did it become me to look on as a tranquil fpetator of ma- chinations that portended fo much miichief to my country ; or was it more wife, more coniiilent with the obligations of the truft I had accepted, to make a decisive effoxt to defeat them ? And, adopting the latter counfel, in what line fhould that effort be directed, or by what means enabled to fuc- cecd? The doors of the committee, as already mentioned, were clofed againft me: And had it been otherwife, knowing as I did the difpofition of that body towards us, would it have been prudent to have dcpoftted thofe documents under its care, fince they furnifhed the only means by which I could counteract its views ? Or was it to be prefumed, that the de- clarations of friendmip which they contained, would produce in the councils of that body any change of fentiment, advifed as it had been, and armed as it was, with a feries of contrary- evidence, and in which it would place a greater confidence ? I can aiTure you, and with great fincerity, that after taking in my mind, fo far as I was able, and with perfect calmnefs (for the imputations again It me were not of a nature to infpire zeal) that range of our affairs in their general relation to thofe of other powers, and in which you deem my conducl- defective^ that the meafure I adopted appeared to me not only the moft eligible one} but that, in the then juncture of affairs, I thought it my indifpenfable duty to adopt it. Nor was I difappointed in any of the confequences upon which I had calculated ; for by this public demonftration of our regard for this nation and its revolution (though indeed the word was not ufed) the people at large were fettled on the right fide : The abettors of a contrary do6trine were in a great meafure confqunded ; and as foon as the impreifion upon the public mind had time to react back upon the public councils, aided by the little incidents I caught at to infpire confidence, together with a change of the members of the committee, was the objet, even in that body, though flow- ]y, yet finally, completely accomplimed. But you intimate that I ought to have fhunned this publici- ty, from the fear it might injure our depending negociations with Britain and Spain. Had I feen cauie to apprehend that conference, I ihould certainly have been more aveiic to the meafure : But that there was none ; on the contrary, that It would produce the oppofite effecl, was in my opinion certain. In demonftrating this, permit me to develope, according to my idea of it, the object of Mr. Jay's miflion, and the con- tingencies upon which his fuccefs depended. This will (hew the relation which mine had to his, and more fatisfactorily than I can otherwife do, the motives in that refpeft of my con- duel. I underftood that the fole object of Mr. Jay's miflion was to demand the furrender of the ports, and comperifation for injuries, and was perfuaded that his fuccefs would depend up- on two primary confiderations ; the fuccefs of the French ar- mies and the continuance of a molt perfect good underftand- ing between the two Republics. If we \\ re difappointed in either of thefe evens, I concluded that his miflion would fail ; for we knew that a long and able negociation for the firft ob- ject hard already proved abortive, and we faw in the preceding year, when Toulon was taken, and fortune feemed to frown upon the arms of this Republic, that an order was ifiiied for thofe fpoliations of which we fo juftly complain. We iike- wife faw afterwards, when the fpirit of this nation was roufed and vytory attended its efforts, that that order was refcinded and fome refpecl: (hewn to the United States. Thus it ap- peared, that our fortune, at leafl fo far as depended upon Bri- tain, and of courfe the fuccefs of Mr. Jay's miflion, depended upon that of France. But the fuccefs of France could npt redound to our advan- tage, and efpecially in the negociation with Britain, without a good underftanding and concert with the French government: For without which, we could neither count upon fuccefs in negociation* nor in cafe it failed, upon the fortunate iflue of arms, if war mould be appealed to. By negociation we could not hope for fuccefs otherwise than from the apprehenfion in the Britifh cabinet, that if we were not accommodated, we would join in the war againft them : We could not accept it at the price of an equivalent, and thus pay again for what was already our due : Nor could we expect it from the affeclion, the juftice or the liberality of that court ; for we well knew that if it had polTefled thofe virtues, we fhoujd have had no caufe of complaint. But we could not join in the war, nor even avail ourfelves of that argument in negcciation, without a concert with France ; for without fuch concert, we might commence at the moment flie was about to conclude ; whereby we ihould be left alone to contend with that power; would probably be fupported by Spain. If then our good R undcfftanding with France was broken, or the necefTary concert between us incomplet-, Britain would only have to amufe us 'till the ciifis had parTed, and then defy us. If this doctrine is true, and it is admitted, that the fuccefs of Mr. Jay's million depended upon a good underftanding with the French Republic, it follows, that the more cordial it was, and the more generally known, the happier the effect would be ; and of courfe that, by exhibiting this public proof of it, infleadof retarding, I forwarded eflentially the object of that negociution : And fuch, indeed, was my idea at the timej for I knew that the movement would be ib underilood on the other Tide of the channel ; and in confequence, believed it would produce a g-ood effect, and in which I was the more con firmed by the information of feveral of my countrymen, who were in England when the embargo was impofed, and who allured me that if it had been continued, Mr. Jay's fuc- cefs would have been immediate. That the Englifh adminiftration would complain of this movement, and of me, was what I expected ; but I knew that I was fent here not to fubferve the views of that adminiftration, and trufted that whilft I refted on my inftructions, and per- formed my duty with integrity, although my judgment might occafionly err, as thofe of moil men fometimes do, that no conccffion would be made to my difcredit, in favour of that adminiftration : On the contrary, that I mould be firmly fupported againft its attacks by thofe who fent me here. I truit that this has been the cafe in the prefent inftance, and upon which point I am more Anxious, upon pmblic than private confederations , becaufe I well know, that if any fuch concerTion h?.s been made, it was immediately communica- ted by its inftruments here, and for the purpofe of weakening ilic confidence of thrs government in our own ; a practice fyihernatically purfued heretofore, and with the hope offepa- i\iting, or at leaft of preventing any kind of concert between the two countries. Had the fortunes of France been unprofperous upon my arrival here, the motive for greater caution would have been ilror.ger. But the cafe was in every refpect otherwife. Her fortunes were at the height of profperity, and thofe of her : ii-mies decifively on the decline. It was obvious that no- thing was. wanting to preferve tranquillity at home, and to en lure fucctfs in our foreign negociations, but the good wiihes and the good offices of this republic towards us. By the meafure, therefpre, I thought that every thing was to be gained and nothing to be loft. C "3.3 Upon the third point but little need be faid. I have feme time fince tranfmitted to you a decree which carried the treaty into effect, and yielded the point in question. Sa- tisfied I am, too, it was greatly forwarded, if net abfolute- ly obtained, by the manner in which it was urged : For a generous policy is better calculated to produce a good effect here, than a ftrict one: And other than in tins light my declaration cannot be confidered. Surely I did not concede the point, nor intimate an indifference upon it : On the con- trary, I laboured, with the greateft force of which I was ca- pable, to demonstrate the intereit we had in it as wcii as themfelves : Nor did I condefcend in that or any other tranfaction. In general I know I am more apt to err on the other fide ; and I am perfuaded, that in the pr.k fiance you will find, upon a perufal of the paper in qutition, that although it contains expreilions of friendihip, it certainly betrays none of condefcenfion. I have thus anfwered the objections contained in your ftridtures upon my conduct, by Hating the circumftances under which I ached, with my motives of action ; and I pre- fume fatisfied'you, that I did not merit them. But I cannot difmifs the fubjett without obferving ; that, when I review the fcenes through which 1 have patted, recollect the difficul- ties I had to encounter, the fource from whence they proceed- ed, and my efforts to infpire confidence in our adminiHration, without which nothing could be done, and much miichief was to be apprehended, I cannot but feel mortiiied to find, that, for Jthis very fervice, I am cenfured by that adminillra- tion. You have already feen by the courfe of my correfpondence, that however difficult it was to fucceed, -yet at certain times, we were completely pofiefled of the confidence of this go- vernment ; and that, at thefe times, I had the good fortune to accomplim fome objects of importance to us. But it is likcwife my duty to inform you, that I was at the fame time enabhd to penetrate more accurately into what would moft probably be its policy towards us, in cafe we continued to poflefs that confidence unimpaired : And I now declare, that I am of opinion, if we ftood firmly upon that ground, there is no fervice within the power of this republic to render, that it would not render us, and upon the flighteft intimation. In the interval between the period of thofe communications which were made by me to the committee, explanatory of our fituation with Britain, Spain, &c. and the arrival oi the C "4 ] intelligence of Mr. Jay's treaty, the indications of this difpc>- fition were extremely ftrong : For at that time I had reafon to believe, that it contemplated to take under its care, and to provide for, our protection againft Algiers ; for the expuU fion of the Britim from the weftern pofls, and the eftablifh- ment of our right with Spain to the free navigation of the Miflifippi, to be executed in the mode we fhould prefer, and upon terms perfectly eafy to us j terms, in fhort, which fought only the aid of our credit to obtain a loan from our own banks for an inconfiderable fum, to be laid out in the pur- chafe of provifions, within our own country, and to be re- imburfed, if poflible, by themfelves. But by that intelli- gence, this difpofition was checked, but not changed ; for it is with the courfe of opinions as with that of bodies, and which are not eafily to be forced in an oppofite direction, after they have decifively taken a particular one. I mention this for your information, not indeed, in relation to the paft, but future meafures of the executive ; for I am flill inclined to believe, that if the arrangement with England, or the nego- ciation with Spain mould fail, it is poflible, provided a fuita- ble attempt be made here before a peace is clofed with thofe powers refpe&ively, to accompliih the whole through the means of this government, and upon terms which would perhaps require no offenfive movement, or other aft which would rightfully fubjetl us to the imputation of a breach of neutrality. Well fatisfied I am, that the full weight of its fortunes might be thrown with decifion into our fcale, and in a manner that would enable us to turn thofe fortunes to the beft account in negociation. I am happy to inform you, that Mrs. La Fayfctte was lately fet at liberty , and although I could not make a formal appli- cation in her favor, yet it was done in accommodation with that which was informally made. She attended immediately at my houfe, to declare the obligation fhe owed to our coun- try, and of which fhe manifeiled the highefl fenfibility. Un- fortunately fhe is and has been for fome time paft deftitute of refource, and in confequence required aid, not only for prefent fupport, but to discharge the debts that were already due, and for which fhe applied to me; and was thereupon fur- nifhed with a fum in aflignats, equivalent to about one thou- fand dollars in fpecie. I made this advance upon the princi- ple it was my .duty to make it, as the 'reprefentative of the United States, and in the expectation that the like fum, which would be paid to my order by our bankers in Amfterdam, C '* 1 would be taken from the fund appropriated to the ufe of her hufband by the congrtfs in the courie of the I ail year. Is this approved, and may I upon that fund make future advances adequate to her fupport, and for which the intereit will per- haps iuffice? A treaty of peace, or rather of amity, with Tufcany, with the progrefs of a revolution in Holland, which has been more rapid than I expected it would be, are the only events wor- thy notice, that have taken place fmce my lait, and for more particular details refpecling which I beg leave to refer you to Mr. Adet, to whofe care the prefent is committed. P. S. I herewith inclofe you a report from Mr. Skipwith, upon fome cafes that were noticed in your laft difpatch ; as likewife upon fome others upon which application will moll probably be made to you, and whereby you will be enabled to give fatisfa&ory information to the parties concerned. From the Secretary cf State of the United States, to Mr. Mcuroe. Philadelphia) December $th, 1794. SIR, SINCE my letter of the 3cth ultimo, which will be conveyed by the fame veflel with this, I have had the honor of receiving your very interetting letters of Augufl i5th and 25th. They are the more acceptable, as affording an earned of your attention to the kind of intelligence, which is to us very important. We are fully fenfible of the importance of the friendmip of the French Republic. Cultivate it with zeal, proportioned to the value which we fet upon it. Remember to remove every fufpicion of our preferring a connection with Great Bri- tain, or in any manner weakening our old attachment to France. The caution fuggefted in my letter of the 3cth ul- timo arifes folely from an honorable wifh to fuftain our cha- rader of neutrality, in a ftyle which may be a pattern for the morality of nations. The Republic, while they approve of the purity of your conduct, cannot but be perfuaded of the puri- ty of our affe&ion. The Prefident approves your conduft as to the national houfe, offered for your refidence. Your interpretation of the conftitution is correct. But you are charged, to make known his fenfe of this evidence of refpedl. C w 1 conful I am, The affair of theconful is noticed in my letter of the 30th ultimo. EDM. RANDOLPH. Secretary of State. [ No. XI. ] FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. Paris, February i%th, 1795- SIR, I HAVE juft been honored -^rith your favor of the 5th December, and am much gratified by its contents. The pre- ceding one of the 2nd had given me great uneafmefs, but this has removed it. I fincerely wifh my two firft letters had reached you in the order they were written, as they would have prevented yours of the 2nd December, by preventing the imprcffion which gave birth to it. Be aflured I mall continue to forward, by all the means in my power, the oojefts of my mi.flion, and I amperfuaded with the fuccefs which might be expected from tnofe erforts, addreffed to the councils of a nation well difpofed favourably to receive them. The object of this is to acknowledge the receipt of your laft letter, and in the expectation that it will accompany, under the care of Mr. Adet, my lafb difpatch* which was in anfwer to the preceding one. [ No. XII ] FROM Mr. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. Paris, March 6th > 1795. I AVAIL myfelf of the opportunity by Mr. Adet, who leaves this to fucceed Mr. Fauchet, of tranfmitting herewith fome communications which have lately pafled between the committee of public fafety and myfelf, upon the fubject of our interfering claims with Spain ; and which will ferve not only ftill further to illuflrate my former difpatches upon that [ '127 3 point, but likewife to mew the precife ground upon which it now refts. 1 had thoughts of declining any further effort upon that head, until I was enabled to lay before the com- mittee the project of Mr. Jay's treaty with the Englifh go- vernment, and which was and dill is daily expected by the return of Mr. Purviance ; but from this I was fwerved by a report, that the outlines of a fteaty were nearly adjufled be- tween the reprefentatives of this Republic with the army, and fome agent of Spain on the frontier j from the fear thac the peace would be clofed with that power before our differ- ences were compromifed. Thus circumftanced, I deemed it my duty, in conformity with my inftruclicns (and the more efpecially, as they had no right to make any inference with refpe& to that project other than I had dated) to bring the fubjeft more fully before them than I had before done. Among the papers inclofed, which comprize the \vhole of whar. pafled between us upon this fubjecl:, you will obferve a note of Merlin de Douay, and which, though given by a fingle member, and in reply to an informal application, yet, as it marks a remaining folicitude upon the tranfalion to which it refers, I have thought it equally my duty to tranfmit for your information. No peace is yet made with Spain, nor indeed with any other power, Tufcany excepted, which was before commu- nicated j but it is dill probable that one will be made with that power and likewife with Pruffia. It is, however, well known, that England is againft it ; and that me exerts ail the addrefs which ingenuity, prompted by intereft, can fugged to pre- vent it 5 and it is poflible that thofe arguments which are ufed by the minifter in the houfe of commons, to forward the preparations for war, may have weight in the cabinets of other powers, and incline them to protract any definitive ar- rangement with this Republic, until jufl before the com- mencement of the campaign j in the hopes of profiting in the interim by fuch events as the chapter of accidents may throw in their way. But I cannot think, if the tranquillity which now reigns here, mould remain undifturbed, and the inci- dents of the interval, in other refpecb prove favourable to the revolution, that either of them, and efpeciaily Spain, will hazard the probable evils of another campaign, for any bene- fit the can poffibly expect from it. In truth, the objects of the war, fo far as they were ever underdood, are now entire- ly changed : If a difmemberment of the Republic was among them, that rnuft of courfe be conlidered as abandoned : Or if the reiteration of the ancient monarchy was the fole one, the [ 128 ] hope of accomplifhing it by arms muil now likevvife be confi- tiered as gone. Nations acting entirely on the defenfive, ne- ver dream of conquefts. The only remaining fource, from whence the coalefced powers can derive the leaft hope of fuc- cds, is founded in the poiTibiiity of fome internal commotion being excited by the fcarcity of provifion; the derangement of their finances, or the divifions of their councils : Calamities > it is true, or either of them fmgly, provided it attained to a certain height, which it is admitted would b.3 fuificient to detlroy any government. But whether France is threatened with real danger from this fource, in either of thofe views, is the problem to be folved. Upon the two firft points I do not pretend at prefent to be able to decide with certainty: In- deed the beft informed can only conjecture. Bread I know is fcarce in fome parts ; and it is pomble much diftrefs may be experienced in thofe quarters, if foreign fupplies are not obtained, and in great amount : But thefe are expected from the north and from America. It is. probable too, that this fcarcity has been encreafed by the fpecuiation of individu- als, and in which cafe it will diminilh as the exigency prefTes- . Nor am I (killed in their financial policy. When I arrived, the allignats were depreciated in comparifon with fpecie, as three to one, and now they have declined to about five and a half for one. The amount in circulation, and the fums occafionally emitted, are wonderfully great, and the depreci- ation muil follow as a thing of courfe. What meafures will be taken with the paper is yet doubtful. Formerly, it had depreciated in equal or greater degree, and then it was eleva- ted to par, by (Inking out of circulation all the bills of a certain defcription ; fecuring the payment of the liquidae$l amount by the mortgage of the national property, a-ided by the maximum law which regulated the price of every thing. Whether fome meafures of the like kind will be again adopt- ed, or whether any attempt will be nude to appreciate the paper, is equally uncertain. Many confider the appreciation as an evil to be avoided, preferring a gradual decline till it {hall finally expire, and adopting then a fcale fuited progref- fively to private contracts, and redeeming the whole at the rate it purled in the hit flage of circulation. I think if pro- bable this latter policy will finally prevail, as it is advocated with ability and zeal by fome who were tutored in our fchool. The fubje'ct, however, is dill under difcuflion, and nothing ablblutely decided on it. If this latter plan mould be pre- ferred, although no flep be taken to appreciate the paper, or eveu prevent its decline, a confiderable time will probably rTapfe, before the final fufpcnficn ; and a ACT this, the Re* public will ftand nearly upon the fame ground cr* v.v commenced. Its debt will be but irnall, and it v be&les the ordinary refource of taxati< i ::t:icn?.I tiurnsirss to an immenfe amount ; equal, by cftimsticr., to at ieait two hundred millions fleriing, in fpccie ; fuppcrt?cl in its credit by Holland (from whence too, other aids are to be expected) snd by the reputation of its arms. I will, howr more accurate furvey of this fubjct, and give yen the rcfuit as foon as poSble. And upon the fubjc-cl of vihofe dangers v/hich are prefu- med to menace the fafcty of this Republic from the divifiony ef its councils, I have but little to add at prdtnt to the de- tails already furnifned. The pzpers, herewith forwarded, coi:~ tain the report of the commifiion of twenty-one, upon the denunciation of Barrcrc, s~V. and which finds cauie of sc- cufation. As fcon as the report is printed, the denounced will be heard before the convection, who will decide, by what is called the appd nimln.i!) for their acquittii cf tri- al ; and in the latter cafe, they will, -nient time, be fent to the revolutionary tribunal, and in rny cpinion, finaK iy, to the guillotine, unlefs dicy (hxx.ild pitvicidly abfcond^ as one of them (Vadier) hns already t'one, and which it. is wrmed, even by thofe mod acTtive in the prcfjcution,, the/, all may do* This particular incident xvill net be new to yew* and in ether refpects the councils of the country bear th-s- fame afpecl: they have done from the tirrre of my aririval. In contemplating the pofSble cffel-5 of this profecutior^ er what may be called a divifccn of the public councils, the friends of the revolution have caufe to regret, that firrce a dc* cifion upon, the conduct of thfe members was to be taken,. it was not focner taken. If it had followed immediately lifter the execution of Robcfpierre, it would have occafo * y the Engh'fh lav/ z. fubjecl of that croru-n, he will not be re- cognized, or if recognized, not without great reluctance. Shall. I announce him then, withholding a communication of thefacl, Admitting it to be a fa 61 ? In cafe I do, and it is afterwards Ciicovered, what will be the impreiTipn of this government towards myfdf, and efpecially after what has pafied between. ViS-cn the fame fubjecl: ; finding that I had placed without their knowledge in office, and immediately in the prefence- of the public councils, a perfon of a defcription againit which they had particularly objedted ? And that it will be difcovered, a -.d immediately, is moil certain; for there are already letters for him here from England, and thefe will me ft probably be multiplied tenfold after his arrival : Befides, the character, &c. cf every foreign agent, and of every grade, being a.n ob- ject: of fyfternatic political enquiry, is always well known. But Admitting the acquiffcence of this government in his favour, in ether views this fubjecl merits attention. It is to be ob* ferved, that a great proportion of the buJmefs of our coun- tryrnen here is tranfacted-v/Uh the government : The adjuft- an en t frequently requires my official fuppprt : If then he does i}ct poife:f^ the, confidence qf the gqvernrnent, he will pot only h^ unable to render that fervire to our countrymen which n^ight be expected from one in hi* ilaticn ; but as, he will be brought officially into frequent and familiar communication tijith rne, it will follow, that precifely that portion of diftruft to which he i> fubjecl will attach itfelf to me and produce a, rcrrefpond^jit eft'sct, to a certain degree, upon every fu" f!^ri{iinghfrc ? in which we arc iiutrcltcd, I kavw f I ) that if my fourth letter had been received, I fhould not have- been placed in this dilemma : But how to at in cafe he ar- rives, I do not know. I confole rnyfelf under the hope lie will not arrive j but, by delaying his departure until that letter was Feceived, put it in your power to reconfider the appoint- ment. P. S. March 9. Since writing the above, I have been ex- plicitly afTured by Mr. Pelet, a member of tht diplomatic fec- tion of the- committee of public fafety ; that in confidence Mr. Jay's treaty contained nothing which would give uneafi- nefs here, they had exprefsly infbrufted their agent, now neggciating with Spain, to ufe his utmoit efforts to fecure for us the points in controverfy between the United States and that pov/er. In coniequence, I thought proper to fend in a fhort fupplementa! note, explanatory of the feveral ob- jects of that controverfy, and which I likewife inclofe with the report of Mr. Mouatflorence, by whom it was delivered. What the fuccefs of their endeavours in our behalf may be, is uncertain ; but we cannot expect the concluiion of their own treaty will be long delayed on that account. I had forgotten to notify you officially the prefent I had made to the convention of our flag. It was done in ccnfc- quence of the order of that body, for its fufpenfion in its hall, and an intimation from the Prefident himfejf, that they had none, and were ignorant of the model. I herewith fend you a copy of iny note to him accompanying it. tie Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of A rlca t to the Committee of Public Safety. Paris 9 January ^^th t 1795. I HAVE thought proper to prefent to your view, in the fnclofed paper, the fituation of the United States in relation tp tha river Miflifippi, and refpefting which a negocbtion is now depending with the court of Spain, This paper opens fully this interesting fubjedt in its relation to both republics, and which it is proper you ihould be correctly informed of, at the prefent time. France can only aflift in opening the ri- ver, by inviting tbe American minifter, Mr. Short, to atl: in concert with her, when me (hall conclude her treaty with that power, and which, by her permi&Qn, I can eafily accom- or by wjnpri&ig it iahi osya-tregty. ihave no po.w-. ( 134 ) ertoT treat upon this fubjetl, otherwife than by bringing it thus before you, for the purpofe of afcertaining what your difpofi- tion is upon it ; and which, with any comments you may be pleafed to make, I (hall be happy immediately to communi- cate to the American government. Notes re/peeing the River M't/ljjlppi ; communicated to the Com* mitteecf Public Safety. Paris, January 25^, 1795- TIIE river Miflifippi extends from about the forty-eighth degree of north latitude to the twenty-ninth, where it emp- ties into the gulph of Mexico, running nearly a north and fouth courfe. and through a tral of the moil feytile country in the world. It bounds the United States to the weft, from latitude thir- ty -one, "to its fource ; an extent, purfuing the courfe of the ri-. ver, of about two thoufand miles. Many rivers empty Into the MimTippi on the eaft ; the prin- cipal of which are the Illinois and the Ohio, and which, with their branches, fpread through the whole of the weft- ern interior of the United States, and make it a moil delightful region. Other rivers empty into it from the weft, of which the MifTouri is the moft important. This latter lias never been traced to its fource ; although voyagers have pafie.d up it above one thoufand five hundred miles : It is however believed, that it penetrates further into the bofom of the continent than the Miffifippi itfelf. The whole of that portion of the United States lying weft- ward of the Alleghany mountains, and which comprizes about one half the territory within the faid ftates, depends upon this river for the export of its productions to foreign markets. It comprehends a portion of the territory of feveral of the exifting frames: Perhaps one third of Pennfylvania, Virginia, North-Carolina, and Georgia ; the whole of Kentucky, and an immenfe trad of vacant territory, lying between the Ohio, nnd the MiiTifippi, which has already been laid out into five Separate ftates, and which are to be admitted into the Union xvith the fame rights as the old ftates, when they mall re- fpeHvely attain a certain number of inhabitants. Of thefe> it is propofed to fettle one only at a time, and of which the /Vft has already been commenced. When we examine the extent of this territory-, its fertility, iaperior to that, of tjae old ftates ; the felicity of its climate, ly- Hig all within the temperate zone ; the kind arul quality of its productions, fuch as hemp, flour, corn in, Ihcu every thing neceflary in human life ; protected in its infant fettle- mcnts by the government of the United States, and adn:i as foon as it {hall attain a certain degree of maturity to equal memberfhip with them, we are compelled to appreciate it more highly than any other vacant tract known upon the globe. Its fettlement is of importance to all thofe European coun- tries, whofe inhabitants are engaged in manufactures; becaufe it will furniih, in abundance, rude materials fer every fpecies of manufacture : To thofe which have occasion at times for the fupply of provifions j becaufe it will furnifh an exhauil- kfs fource of every fpecies of provifion : But it is of pecu- liar importance to thofe which have iilands in the Weil- Indies 5 becaufe it lies in the neighbourhood cf thofe iilands, the mouth of the Miflifippi being nearly in the fame latitude; and will furniih every tiling in demand there, fuch as lumber, provifions, CSV. But the commerce of this country, when fettled, will de- pend upon the navigation of the Miflifippi, and of courfe the fettlement itfelf will depend upon the fame caufe. This was fecured by a treaty of peace between tke United States and Great-Britain in 1783, but has hitherto been prevented by Spain, from motives equally unjufl and illiberal. A ne> gociation, the object: of which, on cur part, is to open it> is and has been depending with that power fince thac time. At the time our peace was made with England, the impor- tance of rhis country was little known in her councils : It is faid, that her negociators did not even know on which fide of the lakes, and of courfe within whofc jurifdiction 3 the forts which have fince been the fubject of contention, lay : But its importance was foon afterwards underftocd, and from which time it is certain, that Britain has regarded it with particular attention, fo hopes either of gaining it to herfelf, or otherwife making it fubtervient to her fchemes of policy > With this view {he refufed to furrender the pofts, excited the Indians to make war on our frontiers, encouraged Spain to refufe our right to the navigation of the Miflifippi, and did us other injuries of the fame kind. It is certain that the weftern people will fooner or later o~ pen this river, either by negociation or by force, and more than probable that England, retaining, as me (till does, her refent- ioi.the 9ld ftates, for their indepcnd^ice, suid againft France for the aid given in that war, --will watch the uneafj- neis of the Weftern people, on account of the obflfn&ed na- vigation of the river, and improve it into an opportunity of feparating the new from the old ftates, and connecting them With her intereft in Canada, by undertaking to open the M1& fifippi to both countries : And with which view it is faid that ftie has long had agents there to treat upon this fubje& \ and that nothing has prevented her fuccefs, but the attachment the people have to their brethren in the old ftates , their re- pugnance to become the fport of foreign politics, and which would follow their reparation-; and the particular enmity they bear to that power. Next to conqueft, feparation would be the moil advantageous arrangement for Britain , for in con- iequenccj and efpccially if opened under her aufpiccs, ihe would become the ally of the weftern dates, and play them off againfl the eafturn ; whereby their importance and weight iii the fcale of nations would be diminiihed, if not deftroy- ed. Many believe, and with this view, that fhe was at the bottom of the late infurreclion on the frontier, and which grew- out of the difcontents proceeding from the occlufion cf the river. But the fame mfctive which inclines England to promote the iepafation of the new from the old ftates, mould difpofe s to prevent it. As they now Hand, the whole are the allies and the friends of France, and whilft they remain unit* eJ they will continue fo: By the feparation, therefore, Britain might gain, but France could not. It is then the intereft of France to keep the whole of this territory under the fame government: But this cnnnot be done unlefs the intrigues of England be defeated, and the MiiTifip- pi be opened under the patronage of the United States. It is, therefore, the intereft cf France to yield her aid to her ally, to open this river, and which at the prefent crifis would moil probably produce a decifive effetl:. Nor would her retribu- tion be limited to thofe confiderations only, v/hich have been already mentioned, Experience has {hewn, that thofe allian- ces are not only the moft ^beneficial, but hkewife moil dii^ rable, which are founded equally in the affection and the in- tereft of the parties, and by this at of friendship, France would eftablifh a claim to the gratitude of the American peo- ple ; which by pervading every quarter would reach the heart of every citizen. It would be known to the prefent race and remembered by pofterity, that, by the aid of France, the old ftates were enabled to gain their independence, and that iike- wife by her aid tlie new ftites commenced their fettlemcnt^. C 137 ] grew up in the enjoyment of their rights, and attained their maturity. In the prefent ftate of the war with Spain, it is prefumed, that France may obtain what is here propofed -, and indeed, infinitely more, either in the iflands or even in South America, and without the leatt difficulty. Her iyftem is a iyilem of free- dom to the world, as well in refpeft to the rights of nations as of men : It is therefore hoped the will avail herfelf of the prjfent opportunity, not only to verify that fact ; but to ma^ nifeft, at the fame time, the pleafure with which me embraces every opportunity that occurs to promote the intereil of 'her ally. From the Committee of Public Safety, to the Minlfter Plenipotentiary of tte United States of America. Paris, i~jth Pluviofc, ^d Tear of 'the Republic. (February 8//;>, 1795.^ CITIZEN MINISTER, WE have received, with your letter of pth Pluviofe, a note explanatory of the fituation of the United States in re- gard to the river Mifnfippi. We acknowledge, by the folicitude which you mew in the negociation of this affair, that nothing which can tend to con- firm the bonds of friendfhip and harmony between the two firft republics in the world, is it range or indifferent to you. We thank you for the ideas you have communicated to us : We will examine them profoundly, and we will communicate to you without delay our obfervations upon your note. But we appreciate before hand the motives of this loyal commu- nication. (Signed) C AMB ACERES, INIERLIN, &V. PELET, from the Committee of Public Safety, to the Minifter Plenipo- tentiary of the United States of America. Paris, i6th Pluviofe, ^d Tear cf the Republic. (February $th, 1795>J CITIZEN MINISTER, THE citizen Bourgoin, formerly minider of France at Madrid, infprms us, that he hasaik.ed of you to tranimit into T [ 138 ] Spain, uiuler your cover, two letters which he wifhes. t> fend there upon his own affairs. He alfo informs us, that you are willing to render him this fervice, provided it is de- ilred by the committee of public fafety. We have in confe- quence examined the letters in queflion, and are fatisfied that they contain nothing contrary to the interefl either of the French or American people. It therefore appears to us, that you may .without difficulty tranfmit under your cover thefe letters of the "citizen Bourgoin, and which we now fend you. We undertake to forward them to the frontiers with your difpatches by the firfl courier extraordinary which we fhall expedite to the army of the Weftern Pyrenees. (Signed) CAMBACERES, PELET, fcV. MERLIN, Note. This was the commencement of the negociation between France and Spain. From the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- rica, to the Committee of Public Safety. Paris , February *]th, 1795. I ACCEPT with great pleafure the opportunity offered, of writing to the American minifter at Madrid, and with equal pleafure tranfmit the letters, inclofed me in your lak, to his care ; never doubting that whatever comes from you to me will equally promote the intereft of both republics. From Merlin de Douay, Reprefentative of the People, to Citizen Skipvuith, Conful of the United States of America. Paris, ^d Ventofe, ^d year of the Republic. (February 22ci, *795-/ I HAVE received, citizen, the obfervations you have addrefled to me, upon the navigation of the Miflifippi. The ideas which they prefent are not new. to me, nor the com-^ mittee of public fafety ; and I have reafon to think they will be taken into profound configuration, in fuitable time and I 139.] -place. I ought not to difiemble, however, that this may de- pend much upon the conduct which the American govern- ment will obferve in regard to the treaty, which its minifter, 'Jay, has concluded with England. You know, in effect, that there ought to be a reciprocity of fervices and of obliga- tions between nations, as between individuals. J fpeak, however, here as an individual. from Mr. Monroe ', to the Prefident of the National Convention. ^ Paris, September yth, 1 794. CITIZEN, THE convention having decreed, that the flag of the American and French Republics mould be united together, and fufpended in its own hall, in teftimony of eternal union and friendfhip between the two people ; I have thought I could not better evince the impreflion this a has made on my mind, or the grateful fenfe of my conftituents, than- by prefent- ing, in their behalf, that of the United States to the reprefenta- tives of the French people. Having caufed it, therefore, to be ex- ecuted, according to the model prefcribed by a late atof Con- grefs, I now commit it to the care of captain Barney, an officer of merit in our own revolution, and who will attend for the -purpofe of depofiting it wherever you will be pleafed to direcl:. I pray you, therefore, to accept it, as a proof of the fenfibility with which my country receives every a6l of friend- fhip from our ally, and of the pleafure with which it clieriflies every incident which tends to cement and confolidate the union between the two nations. No. XIII. FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECHET.-.RY OF STATE. Paris , March l^th, 1795. SIR, I HAVE juft received a letter from Mr. Jay, of the jth of February, in anfwer to mine of the 1 7th January pre- <:eding, and by which he declines to communicate to me the purport of his treaty with the Englifn government ; although hs had previoully promifed it. As he has explicitly declared C MO ] himfelf to this efFe&, I confider the bufmefs of C6urfe clofM between him and me >--nor fhould I make a further comment on it, were I not otherwife impelled by the ftyle of his reply j which is obvioufly addrefTed more for your confi.ieration than mine. To you, therefore, my comments upon that reply fhall alfo be fubmitted. Mr. Jay fays : That he has no right to communicate the treaty fmce it belongs exclufively to the governments which form them ; and by which I underftand that the minifies has no- difcrction on the iubjeft, being bound to communicate with his government only. If this propofition is true, which (ef- pecially if no latitude is given him by his inftrutions) I am willing to admit, it follows, that as the injunction of fecrecy applies to the whole inftrument, it muft of courfe to every part. It were abfurd to fay, that in the grofs or as an entire thing it muft be kept fecret, but yet in the detail it may be divulged. How then does his conduct correfpond with his own doctrine ; having in his three feveral letters communi- cated a particular article, and promifed in the fecond the whole. But he likewife fays, that the communication was intend- ed to be confidential^ or in other words to be fecret ; for fuch is the ordinary import of the word. But will his letters bear that conftruHon ? Does it appear as if the communication was intended merely to gratify, on my part, private curiofityj or for the benevolent purpofe only of announcing to me an event favourable to our country ? On the contrary ; does it not appear from each of his letters, that he had anticipated the difquietude of this government upon the fubjecl: of the treaty, and wifhed to remove it ; and that the communication pro- rrdfed was intended for me in a public capacity, and to be ufcd for public purpofes ? In (hort, had I been in a private flation, is it probable he would have written or communicated any thing to me on the fubjecT: ? Certain, however, it is, that in no view was it poflible for me to confider the commu- nication promifed, though termed a confidential one, as im- pofing on me any ether reftraint than that of caution ; whilft it exonerated him, and made me refponfible for the blame of a difclofure, in cafe it was made and produced any inconveni- ence. As I really believed, at the time I wrote to Mr. Jay, that he intended to make the communication in queftion, and likewife concluded from his own afTurances, , as well as from other circumfbmces, that the treaty comprized in it nothing that could give juft caufc of complaint here, I thought I not better forward his own views, or the intereft of OUT country (efpecially as Mr. Morris had taken his copy of the Cypher with him) than by fending a confidential peribn for it. You will, therefore, judge of my furprize, when inftead of the communication expected, I received his letter of the 51)1 of February, containing an abfolute refufal to make it. But in reviewing now his feveral letters, it is difficult to af- certain what he intended to do, or what his real obj eel: was in writing them : For he fnys in thefe, that he is not at liberty to difclofe the purport of his treaty, andyctpromifes it: That lie will give me the contents or principal heads, to enable n: j tu fatisfy this government ; but yet will give them only in con- fidence, and of courfe under an injunction, that will put it out of my power to give the fatisfattion intended : And, fi- nally, when application is made, upon the bafis of his own letters, for the information in queftion, and for the purpofe fey him contemplated, he not only refufes to comply with what he had promifed, but criminates this government for en- tertaining any uneafmefs or making any enquiry on the fub- When one party offers a thing upon the principle the other has a right to it, as was the cafe in the prefent inftance, the juftice of the demand, on the part of the latter, is of courfe admitted. There may, indeed, be fome merit in ottering it before the demand is made ; but to make the offer and then recede from it, fubjects the party thus acting to an additional proportional reproach. Had Mr. Jay, however, chofen to jplace himfelf in this dilemma, from me he would have heard nothing more on the fubjett : I fhould have lamented, it is true, as I now do, that I was not poflerTeJ of information that might be ufeful to our affairs here ; but there the bufinefs would have ended, for both his promife and my application were, and ilill are, unknown to this government. But to re- cede in the manner he has done, putting his refufal upon the ground of national dignity, &c. is neither confident with can- dour, nor the true ftate of things. Had Mr. Jay confided to me the information in queftion, and in due time, and which, it is obvious, he thought him- felf in duty bound to do, I fhould then have become refpon- fible for a proper ufe of it : And, I am fatisfied, admitting it to be as by him reprefented, good ufe might have been made of it: For I mould not only have been enabled thereby to quic: their fears, and whofe legitimacy he acknowledges by his efforts to remove them ; and filence a thoufand unfavoura- ble infmuations whifpered about by th? enemies of both countries ; but by the franknefs of the communication, have mod probably made the incident the means of conciliating, inftead of weakening, the friendly difpofition of this govern- ment towards us. I am likewife perfuaded, that if I had been authorifed to declare, generally, from my own know- ledge (being the minifter on the ground, and refponfible for the truth of the declaration) that the treaty did not interfere with our engagements with this republic, but that being a mere project, fubjecl: to rejection, &c. it ought not to be pub limed, it would have been fatisfac~lory. And had the communication been fent to me, even in this laft ftage, fuch would have been my conduct, and moil certainly fuch the effect : In any event, had I gone further againti his requeft, upon me and'not upon him, would the refponfibility have reft- ed. But this was not Mr. Jay's object : On the contrary, it is obvious, that he wiflied me to compromit my character, and through me that of the United States with this nation, upon the contents of this treaty, without letting me fee it ; or placing in this government or myfelf the leaft confidence in regard to it ; and which I would not do, nor,, in my opinion, ought I to have done. Whether this government acted with propriety, in afking for information upon the point in queftion, is a fubject with which I have nothing do. I am refponfible only for the anfwers given, and which you have. My application to Mr. Jay was certainly not founded upon theirs to me; for I had contemplated it before theirs was received. I had then gain- ed fuch an infight into their councils, as to fatisfy me ; that ail our great national objects, fo far as they were connected with this Republic, were more eafily to be fecured by a frank and liberal deportment, than a cool and referved one : That if we wifhed to preferve our neutrality with ftrict integrity, and avail ourfelves at the fame time of its fortunes, and with- out the leaft hazard on our part, in the negociation with Spain, as likewife in that with England (in cafe Mr. Jay's treaty was rejected) that this was the way to do it : In fliort, that if it was neceffary to gain the approbation of this govern- ment to any thing in that treaty, which it would otherwife difapprove, that this was the way to do it. Nor can I fee any eondefcenfion in fuch a line of conduct j on the contra- ry, between nations allied as we are, and efpecially, when pail and recent circumft|ricc8 are confidcred, I deem it the moil magnanimous as well as the founcleft policy. Mr.' Jay, however, is nsiv of a different opinion, and for the future I fiull ii'jt difturb him in the enjoyment of it. r 143 i You intimated to me in your laft, that Mr. Pinckney was cominiflioned as envoy extraordinary for Spain, upon the fubjeft of the MifTifippi ; and you have feen by my lad, how far I had fucceeded in calling the attention of this go- vernment to that object. It is probable Mr. Pinckney will pafs through France, and of courfe by Paris, on his million: In cafe he does, I will mofl certainly open to him every thing that has taken place here on that fubjed , and endeavour, ac- cording to the plan he mail prefcribe, to reuder him, in every refpecl:, all the fervices in my power. I have already intimated to Mr Short, by a confidential mefTenger from Lifb'on, the good underftanding , which fubfifts between this government and our own, upon that point; fo that there is in every view the moft favourable profpecl: of a fuccefsful ter- mination of this interefling bufinefs, the completion of which will reflect fo much honor upon the adminiftration by which it may be accomplifhed. The Vendee war is confidered as completed : Charette, the commanding general, has furrendered with ail the forces immediately under his command ;. and likewife undertaken to quell a fmall remaining body of about one thoufand, which yet holds out. It is laid, the liberty of religion grant- ed by a late decree, terminated this war. A ihort time, how- ever, will now difclofe whether this compromife, or the general favourable afpecl: of the prefent moment, is real or delufive ; fince, if there is a force in the nation oppofed to the revolution of fufficient ftrength to make head againft it, and which I do not think there is, I doubt not it will foon fhew itfelf. From Mr. Jay, to Mr. Monroe. London, February $th> 1795. I HAVE received the letter which you did me the honor te write on the jyth of laft month, by Mr. Purvyance. It is much to be regretted, that any unauthcrifed accounts in Englifh newfpapers, of my " Adjuftment with the Britifh adminiftration," mould have excited much uneafmefs in the councils of the French government : and the more fo, as it does not imply that confidence in the honor and good faith of the United States which they certainly merit. [ 144 ] You mui't be fenfible that the United States, as a free and independent nation, have an unqueilionable right to make any pacific arrangements with other powers, which mutual con- venient may dictate ; provided thofe arrangements do not contradict or oppugn their prior engagements with other ftates. "Whether this adjustment was confident with our treaty with France, {truck me as being the only queftion which could demand or receive the consideration of that Republic ; and I though: it due to the friendship fubfiiling between the two countries, that the French government mould have, without delay, the moft perfect fat isf act ion on that head. I there- fore, by three letters, viz. of the 24th, 25th and 28th of November, 1 794, gave you what I hoped would be very ac- ceptable and fatisfactory information on that point : I am happy in this opportunity of giving you an exact and literal extract from the treaty; it is in thefe words viz. " Nothing in this treaty contained, mall, however, be conftrued or operate contrary to former and exifting public treaties, with other fovereigns or ftates." Confidering that events favourable to our country could not fail to give you pleafure, I did intend to communicate to you concifely fome of the moft interefting particulars of this treaty, but in the &n&perfe3 confidence : As that instrument has not yet been ratified, nor received the ultimate forms ne- ceflary to give it validity , as further queftions refpecting parts of it may yet arife, and give occafion to further difcuf- iions and negotiations, fo that if finally concluded at all, it- may then be different from what it now is, the impropriety of making it public at prefent is palpable and obvious. Sucn a proceeding would be inconvenient and unprecedented : It does not belong to minifters who negociate treaties, to publifh them even when perfected, much kfs treaties not yet com- pleted, and remaining open to alteration or rejection : Such acts belong exclulively to the governments who form them. I cannot but ilatter myfelf, that the French government is too enlightened and reasonable to expect that any confidera- tion ought to induce me to overleap the bounds of my autho- rity, or to be negligent of the refpect which is due to the United States : That refpect, and my obligations to obfervc it, will not permit me to give, without the permifiion of their government, a copy of the inftrument in queltion to any per- foil, or for any purpofe ; and by no means for the purpofe of being fubmitted to the confideration and judgment of the councils of a foreign nation, however friendly. L MS J 1 will, Sir, take the carlieft opportunity of tranfmittlng c copy of your letter to me, and of this anfwer to it, to the fecretary of State ; and will immediately, and punctually, execute fuch orders and inftructions as I may receive on the fubject. [ No. XIV. ] FROM Mr. MONROS, To THE SECRETARY cr STATS. Paris, April l^tk, 179,5. SIR, I WAS lately favoured with a letter from Mr. Jay, of the tpth of February ; by which I was informed that the bearer^ Colonel Trumbull, who had copied and knew the contents of his treaty with the nglifh government, was inftructed to com- municate the fame to me, becaufe I xvas an American M:nifter 9 and in which character it might be tifeful to me; but that I muPt receive it injlrifi confidence, and under an injunction to impart it to no othef perfon whatever. As I had explicitly ftated to Mr. Jay, in my letter by Mr. Purv lance, the only terms up- on which I could receive the communication; and which I had done, as well for the purpofe of covering my engage- ment with the committee, formed after the receipt of his firft letter, and when I expected no further information from him on the fubject, as of preventing the tranfmifficn of it, in cafe it contained the flighted circumftance which might be objec- tionable here, I could not otherwife than be furprized by the contents of this letter. To withhold the communication at the moment when it was prefumable the report of the contents of that treaty would excite a ferment here, and offer it, af- ter the expiration of fome months, and when it was expected from America, and upon terms upon which I had afiured him I could not receive it, to fay nothing of the impoffibility of comprehending how it could be ufeful to me, if it Was to be kept a profound fecret, was unexpected : It was the more fo, fmce it was obvious, that whilft the condition' infifted, on precluded the poflibility of enabling me to promote thereby the public intereft , it would unavoidably tend, in fen^ refpect?, to fubjeft me to additional embarraflTment in my fituation here. U 3 I was likewise foon apprized, that Colonel Trumbull did not confider himfelf at liberty to make the communication in qucftion, unlefs Talked for it ; and by which it was under- itood, that I bound myfelf to accept it on the terms propofed, adding thereby to the injunctions of Mr. Jay, the additional obligation of private Itipubtion. The dilemma, therefore, with which I was threatened, was of a peculiar kind : For if I accepted and withheld the communication from the commit- tee, . I mould violate my engagement with that body ; and if I gave it, I fubjected myfeif not only to the probable imputa- tion of indifcretion, but likewife certainly to that of breach of promife. The line of propriety, however, appeared to me to be a plain one. I was bound to ufe fuch information as Mr. Jay might think fit to give me in the belt manner poffible, according to my difcretion, to promote the public intereft: But I was not bound to ufe any artifice in obtaining that informa- tion, or to violate any engagement by the ufe of it. My duty to the public did not require this of me, and I had no other ob- ject to an fwer. As foon, therefore, as I had made a decifion on the fubjecl:, I apprized Colonel Trumbull, that I could not receive the communication propofed, upon the terms ou which it was offered. l^ut the million of this gentleman here, though according to my information of him, a worthy and a prudent man, pro- duced an effecl: of a more ferious kind. I was foon advifed by a perfon friendly to the United States, and heretofore friendly and ufeful to me ; that his arrival had excited uneafmefs in the public councils, and would probably eventu- ally injure my Handing with the government, efpecially if I ihould be able to give the committee, in confequence, no ac- count of the contents of that treaty : For it would hardly be credited after this, considering the relation between Mr. Jay and myfelf, that, I knew nothing of thofe contents. Upon what other motive, it would be aflced, could the fecretary of Mr. Jay come here ; fincethe pretence of private bufinefs in Germany, which lay in another direction, would be deemed a fallacious one ? He added, that the wifeft precautions were neceffary on. my part, to guard me againft any unjuft impu- tation ,; fince through that the intereils of my country might at the preferit crifis be efientially wounded. As I had antici- pated in fome meafure the effecl:, I was mortified but not fur- prized by the intimation. It became me, however, to profit by it, and as well from the delicate regard which was clue to my private as my public character, to place the integrity of iny own conduct upon ground which could not be queftioned. There appeared to me to be but one mode by which this could be done, and which was by making known to the com- mittee what had patted between Mr. Jay and myfelf $ to (late the terms upon which he had offered the communication, and my refafal to accept it on thof j terms ; with my real" fuch refufal. This you will readily conceive was a painful tafk : But as I had no other alternative left, but that of ex- pofing myfelf to the fufpicion of having known from the be- ginning the purport of Mr. Jay's treaty, and uniting with him in withholding it from them, whilft I was ufmg all the means in my power to imprefs them with a contrary belief, ^-1 was forced to undertake it. In confequence I waited on the di- plomatic feclion of the committee, and made the reprefenta- tion as above, repeating Mr. Jay's motive for withholding the communication, as urged by himfelf : " That it belonged to the fovereign power alone to make it, &c.*' It was replied that it could not otherwife than excite uneafinefs in the councils of this government, when it was obferved that in the height of their war with the coalefced powers, and with England in particular, America had ftept forward and made a treaty with that power, the contents of which were fo carefully and ftrit- ]y withheld from this government : For if the treaty was not injurious to France, why was it withheld from her ? Was it prudent for one ally to at in fuch manner in regard to another, and efpecially under the prefent circumftances, and at the prefent time, as to excite fufpicions of the kind in queftion ? I affured them generally, as I had done before, that I was fa- tisfied the treaty contained in it nothing which could give them uneafinefs ; but if it did, and efpecially if it weakened our connection with France* it would certainly be difapprov- ed in America. They thanked me for the communication 5 allured me they wifhed me to put myfelf in no dilemma which would be embarrafling, and thus the conference ended. A few* days after this, I was favoured with a letter from Mr. Hitchborn, an American gentleman of character here ( from MaiTachufetts) of which I inclofe you a copy, ftating the contents or outlines of the treaty in queftion ; as commu- nicated to him by Colonel Trumball, and v/ith a view that he might communicate the fame to me, for the information of this government. I was furprized at the incident ; becaufe I could not fuppofe that Colonel Trumbull would take this ftep, or any other, without the inflruclions of Mr. Jay, and it feem- ed to me extraordinary, that Mr. Jay mould give fuch art inftruclion, or mark to him fuch a line of conduct. I was not furprized that Colonel Trumbull (hould confide the pur- I 148 1 port of the treaty to Mr. Hitchborn, for he merited the confi^ efence j but I was furprized that Mr Jay fhould write me it was to be communicated to me only as a public minift?r t &c. to be imparted to no one elfe, and that Colonel Trumbull, however deeply imprefTed he might be after his arrival here with the propriety of removing the doubts of this government upon that point, fhould confider hiftifelf at liberty to commu- Tiicate the fame to a third perfon, to be communicated to me, under no injunction whatever. I was, however, poflefled of the paper in queflion ; and it was my duty to turn it to the befr account for the public intereft, that circumflances would rjow admit of. It was, it is true, the moil informal of all in- formal communications, and one of courfe upon which no official meafure could be taken ; yet the character of the pas- ties entitled it to attention. Upon mature reflection there- fore, and the more efpecially as I did not wifh to meet the committee again on that point, until I heard from you, left I mould be queflioned why this new mode of diplomatic pro- ceeding was adopted, I thought it beft to fend the paper in by my fecretary, Mr. Gauvain (a young gentleman who a6led with me, fmce the provifional nomination of Mr. Skipwitl^ to the confulate) inftru&ing him to allure the members, on my part, that they might confide in the credibility of the parties. The paper was prefented to Merlin de Douay, with the com- ments fuggefted ; and fince which I have neither heard from the committee, Colonel Trumbull, nor Mr. Jay on the fub- I intimated to you in my laft, that I was perfuaded if there was a force here able and willing to make head again ft the re- volution, it would foon (hew itfelf ; but that I was of opinion none fuch exiiled. This prefage has been fmce verified by a great and interefting example. The florm which I thought I then faw gathering, after rifing to its height and expending its force, has paft, and without doing any mifchief. On the contrary, I am inclined to believe, from prefent appearances^ it will be productive of good. It was natural to expe6t, that the trial of Barrere, Collot d'Heibois, and Billaud de Varennes ; three men, who were in the early ilages, the aflcciates, and in the latter, in fome degree, the rivals of Robefpierre's power, and who were, af- ter his fall, unqueftionabJy at the head of the mountain par- ty, would excite; fome ferment. It was equally fo, to prefume, that if that party was not fo completely cruihed, as to pre- clude all hope of fuccefs, it would in feme ftage of the pro- eeeding, make an extraordinary effort to preferye them. The epoch of this trial was, therefore, deemed by all sn impor- tant one to France ; and its feveral ftages were marked by circumftances, which tended rather to encreafe, than diminifli, the general folicitude. Under the banner of this party, and apparently in favour of the acquittal of thefe members, the difcontented of every ddcription were feen rallying; forming in the whole an extra- ordinary afiemblage ; being gathered from the various, and heretofore oppofite, claiTes of fociety, but united now for the common purpofe of difturbing the public tranquillity. The prifons, which were filled in the time of Robefpierre, and opened under the more humane adminiflration of the prefent day, had difcharged upon the city an immenfe croud of the ancient ariilocracy, and who foon gave proofs, that the fevere difcipline they had undergone had not eradi- cated the propenfities that were acquired under the reign o*f the ancient court. As the prefent administration had refcucd them from the guillotine, and to which they were otherwife inevitably doomed, it was at leafl entitled to their gratitude. This flight tribute, however, was not paid for that important ervice. On the contrary, thefe were among the moft active ip fomenting the prefent difcontents. Another group, not lefs numerous, or turbulent ; compofed of the refufe of the lately disfranchifed, or rather routed, Jacobins and their ad- herents were feen marOialied by its fide, and ating in har- mony with it. Thefe two clafles of people, and who were heretofore at endlefs war with each other, now combined, formed a force of fome flrength, and excited in the minds of many well difpofed perfons, ferious apprehenfions for the public fafety. The increafing fcarcity of bread, and which menaced an unavoidable diminution of the ordinary allowance, contribu- ted much to increafe the apprehenfion of danger. A defici- ency in this article in Paris, under the ancient government, generally excited a tumult. It was, therefore, a primary ob- ject in every reign, and with every adminiftration, to guard againft fuch deficiency, as the greateft of public cala- mities. Abundant fcores were, in confequence, always pro- vided, when it was poflible to provide them; and let the fcarcity or price be what it might, in other quarters, the ordinary allowance, and nearly at the ordinary price, was dif- tributed, as in times of greateft plenty, among the inhabi- tants of this city. Such, likewife, had been the practice fince the change of the government ; fo that a ftate of affairs which announced the approach of a deficiency, announced- likewife C i* 3 that of a crifis extremely important in the hlftory of the re- volution. The moft firm knew it was an experiment yet to be made ; and from which, whilft they counted upon no pof- fible benefit, they had many reafons to apprehend fome real inconvenience. " It was forefeen, that if any movement was fet on foot, the deficiency of bread, if that was the fact, would be made the pretext ; and as the complaint, being addreffed to the wants of all, would excite a general fympathy, it was feared that finch deficiency would tend -much to encreafe the ftrength of trie infurgent party. In every view, therefore, the crifis which approached was an interefting one : It was, however, at hand, and no other alternative remained, for thofe whofe Uuty it was to fuftain it, than that of yielding under, or meeting it with firmnefs, and paiTmg through it as well as poffible. As fcon as it was known that a diminution of the ordinary allowance was unavoidable, it was refolved to make it known 3 ike wife to the people, that they might not be taken by fur- prife j and for this purpofe Boify d'Anglas, of the fection of iubfiilence in the committee of public fafety, appeared at the tribune, "fome days before it took e.Tecl. His difcourfe, which was fhort, but explicit, began by expo (ing freely the enormities and vicious arrangements of the ancient commit- tees j whereby, he faid, France had already been vifited with many great calamities, and was ftill threatened with others ; and concluded by obferving, that even famine was likewife one proceeding from that fource ; which neither the wifdom nor the induftry of the prefent councils had been able alto- gether to avert : That he was happy, however, to aflure the convention, that as the moft prudent meafures were long fince taken to correct the abufes of that adminiftration, the ftiftrefs of Paris vi^ould be for a fhort term only. The communication was received by Barrere, Billaud de Varennes, sV. and by the members of the mountain party in general, with a fmile of approbation. It was obvious they confidered Boify, as a welcome mefienger, announcing to them joyful ti- dings. A few days afterwards, the deficiency fo much dread- ed took place, and, at the fame time, the intrigues of the difcontented began more fully to unfold themfelves. The movement was commenced by about four hundred citizens, from a fedion heretofore noted forits turbulence ; and who, appearing without the hall, demanded admiflion to the bar of the convention. A deputation from the party, confiding of twenty piembers, was. admitted, :and who ad- C '5* 1 dreiTed tli.it body in a ftyie unufualj complaining of the want of bread, and declaring alfo, that they were upon the point of regretting the facrifkes they had made to the revolution. The anfwer of the Prefident (Thibeaudaut) was firm and decifive. To that part of the addrefs which complained of the fcarcity of brea-d, he replied, by dating the meafi ires of the government to remedy it : And to that which expofed the temper of the par- ty in regard to the revolution, he anfwered explicitly, that he knew the difaffecled were at work to excite trouble, but that their efforts would be fruitleis ; for, enlightened by ex- :\ce, and flrong in the power of the whole nation, the convention would be able to controul their movements ; and in clofmg, he addreffed himfelf more particularly to the me- morialifts, faying, that the efforts of the people to recover their liberty would not be loft, whilft gocd citizens feconded the labours of their reprefentatives ; that defpair belonged only to Haves ; freemen never regretted the facrifices they had made in fuch a caufe. The anfwer, which was received with general applaufe, checked for awhile the turbulent, fpirit of the difaffeclied. But this party had too much at flake, and its meafures were probably too far advanced, to be abandor.?d in this (lage. About a month after this, and which was on the ift of A- pril (12 Germinal) a more numerous body, confiding princi- pally of workmen from the Faubourg of St. Antoine, prefent- ed itfelf likewife before the hail, demanding admiffion to the bar of the convention 5 and upon fome pretext, and in viola- tion of the ufual forms, immediately forced its way into the hall of that affembly. The croud increafed, fo that in the courfe of a few hours, there were in the hall, perhaps, three or four thcufand; and in the vacant external fpace around it, as many more. The proceedings of the convention were fufpended : The Prefident, however, and the members kept their feats, declaring, that as their fitting was violated, they would do no bufinefs : Indeed it was now impoffibie to do any had they been fo difpofed; for the general and tumultuous cries that were raifed by the invaders for " bread" for " li- berty to the patriots," meaning fome of the accomplices of Robefpierre, could alone be heard. They continued thus in the hall about four hours, from two to fix in the evening, offering in the interim no violence to any of the members ; but behaving, in other refpech, with the utmoft poffible inde- corum. When they firft entered, fome circumftances were feen which caufed a fufpicion, that a good underftanding ful> between the leaders of the. mob and feme members of r is* 3 tlie mountain party : And it was likewife obferved, that their final retreat was made upon a fuggeftion from that quarter^ for as foon as an admonitioii to that effect was given from that quarter it was obeyed. Many believed it was intended ro lay violent hands upon all the leading members of the pre- ponderating party, and either murder them in their places, or iend them to prifon, to be murdered afterwards, under the form of a trial; as was tlie cafe in the time of Robefpierre; v/herebv the preponderating fcale would be (hifted to the other fide, nnd the reign of terror revived again for awhile. Be the plan, however, what it might, it was foon fruftrated ; for, as the movement was that of a mob againft the civil autho* rity, its operations were irregular and diforderly : It had no chief to lead it on. to acls of violence : The time was there- fore, v/hiied away infenfelefs uproar, till at length the putative authors of the movement were as uneafy about the iflue, and as anxious to get rid of it, as thofe at whom it was fuppofed to be pointed. In the interim too, the means that were adopt- ed without, tended not only to fecure the general tranquillity of the city ; but moft probably to influence in a great meafurc the proceedings within. By order of the committees the toe- fin was found;.*!, and the citizens in every fection called to arms; fo that the appeal was fairly made to the people of Pa- ris, whether they would fupport the Republic, or rally un^er the ftandard of thofe who were for a change. Nor was the queftion long undecided ; for as foon as the government acted in its various functions it was obeyed : The lapfe of a few hours gave it the preponderance, and the lapfe of a few more, not only freed the hall of the convention from the invafion with which it had been feized, but difperfed the croud from its vicinity. At fix in the evening the convention refumed its delibera- tions ; beginning by declaring its fitting permanent, and pro- grefling by a review of the movements of the day, which were well underftood and freely difcufTed. By this time too, it was fortified by accounts from every quarter, that the fenfe of the city was decifively pronounced in its favor, and againft the rioters, and that the inhabitants of thofe fections, whence the diforder proceeded, were returning to their duty. The fitting continued until fix in the morning ; in the courfc whereof a decree of banimment was paifed againft the accuf- ed members, and of arreftation againft eight or nine of the mountain party , which latter lift was afterwards increafed to about eighteen ; and both of which decrees have fince been carried into effect, by fending the former ft? the ilk of [ '53 1 Oleron , and the latter to the caftle of Ham, in the de- partment of Somme ; and thus ended the commotion which was fo long gathering and which menaced at one time, not to arreft the progrefs of the revolution (at lead fuch was my opinion) but to occafion much trouble and (lain its page with new atrocitirs. In the courfe of this day, the fervices of General Pichegru, vho happened to be in Paris, and was appointed command- ant of the national guard, were of great importance to his country. His activity was great, for he w.s always on horfe, and palFing from one quarter of the city to another ; and his arrangements in difpofing of the cannon and military force were wife : His name too was of great utility, for it tended equally to elevate the hopes of the friends, and deprefs tl-cfc of the enemies of the public tranquillity. I do not think if he had been abfent, the event would -have been different; but I am fatisfied, that his prefence contributed much to ha- ften the reiteration of order, and to preferve it afterwards. By this event, which is called the complement of the pth of Thermidor, and which forms the catafhrophe of the moun- tain party, tranquillity appears to be eflablimed, not only in this city, but throughout the Republic in general. The fear- city of bread,, it is true, itill continues, but yet, no mur- muring has been fince heard on that fubjech The mode- rate party, and which, in principle, I deem the fame with that which was overwhelmed on the 31 Pi of May, will there- fore commence its career under aufpices extremely favourable to its own reputation, and to the liberty and profperity of France. The fat-2 of its late antagonift, if there was no ether motive, and which was precipitated by the general wifh of France, and of all other nations, not in league againft the French Republic, mult furnifli a folemn and lading ad- monition to (hun its example. The oppotlte principles too, upon which it is founded, bsing the avowed patron of huma- nity, juftice and law, and equally at variance with the oppo- fite extremes of aiiftocracy and anarchy, whofe partifans were lately combined in an effort to cruih it, p'-ornifes to fccure in its meafures fome (lability in the observance of thofe juft and honourable principles which it profeiles. For fome time paft, the views of this party have been di- rected towards the eitablifnment of the conftitution, and fome motions to that effect are now depending before felect committees appointed to prepare the ieveral organic laws rseceffary to introduce it. An opinion is likcwife entertained by many, tbnt the conftitution in. queilion is very X ( '54 ) jine ought to be amended before it is put in force. A difcourie to this cffeft was lately delivered by Pelet, a reipe&able and veil informed member, and the fame fentiment was then ;-.vowed by others. But whether an attempt of this kind, (mould it be formally made, will fucceed) or whether the general folicitnde to put the cpnftitutkm in force, however defective it may be, in the hope of amending it afterwards, will prevail, is yet uncertain. Since the fortunate iffue of the late commotion, a treaty of peace' was concluded with Pruflia, at Bafle, in Switzerland, of which I inclofe you a copy. The import of the fourth and fifth articles, give caufe to fufpeft, that fome ftipulations cxifl which have not been communicated, and it is believed by many, that it is agreed between the parties, that France lhall retain the Pruffian territory on the left of the Rhine, in lieu whereof, fhe is to take and cede Hanover. Should this be the cafe, it is probable, if the war continues another cam- paign, that Pruilia will be feen arranged as a party on the fide of France. The latter confiders the old connection witrh Auftria as broken, and wifhes to fupply it by one with Pruflia ; and provided fatisfadtory arrangements are or {hall be hereafter formed for that purpofe, will become interefted in raifmg the latter power at the expence of the former, as well as that of England. The negociation with Spain is alfo faid to be far advanced, and will rnoft probably foon be clofcd. It is like wife reported, that a perfon, or more than one from England is now in Paris, upon the pretext of treat- ing for an exchange of prifoners, but in truth, for the more fubftantial one of treating, or at leaft of founding the difpo- fjtion of this government for peace. Upon this point, how- ever, I hope to be able to give you in the courfe of a few days more correct information than I now can. From Mr. Jay., to Mr. Monroe, London , February l()th> 1 795- SIR, ON the 5th of this month, I had the honor of writing to you a letter in anfvver to yours of the lyth ultimo, by Mr. Pmviance ; who is flill here waiting for an opportunity to re. turn, andwho will be the bearer of that letter. You will receive this by Colonel Trumbull, who, for fome time pad has been waiting lor an opportunity to go through c i - s " ^x^^V * ^ Paris'to Stutgard, on private bufinefs of his own. Ke unl me the favour to accompany me to this country as my fccrSs- .** tary. He has been privy to the negociation of the treaty be- tween the United States and Great Britain, which I have figned j and having copied it, is perfectly acquainted with its contents. He is a gentleman of honor, underftanding and accuracy, and able to give you fatifactory information rela- tive to it. I have thought it more advifeable to authorife and requeft him to give you this information perfonally, than to fend you written extracts from the treaty, which might not be fo Satisfactory. But he is to give you this information in perfect confidence, that you will not impart it to any perfon whatever ; for as the treaty is not yet ratified, and may not be finally concluded in its prefent form and tenor, the in- conveniences which a premature publication cf its contents might produce, can only be obviated by fecrecy in the mean time. I think myfelf juilifiable in giving you the informa- tion in queftion, becaufe you are an American miniiler, and becaufe it may not only be agreeable, but perhaps ufeful. From Mr. Benjamin Hicbborn, to the Minifter plenipotentiary cf tJ:s United States of America. Paris, March 3 ijl, 179-. to?, IN fome free converfation with Colonel Trumbull* on the fubjeft of the late treaty between Great Britain and Ame- rica, I could not avoid expreffing the uneafmefs I felt at the difagreeable ettefts, which had already (hewn themfelves, and the ftill more ferious confequences which might refult from that negociation. And I rnuft confeis, I experienced a very agreeable furprize, when he aflured me upon his honor, that the treaty had for its object, merely the adjuftmcnt of iome matters in difpute between the two nations, that it fe- cured to the Americans fome rights in commerce which might have been doubtful by the laws of nations, and by which their intercourfe with this country would be facilitated during the war, that it provided a compensation with thofe of either nation who had been injured, and finally fettled all con- troverfy refpeding the boundary line and the weftern pods. He further declared. That the treaty did not contain any feparate or reciprocal guarrantee, of any rights, privileges or territory, or an engagement on either part to afford aid or J f applies of any kind to the other, under any eircumftances whatever. The treaty, he fays, (imply declares, That the parties fhall remain at peace, and points out the mode, in which the matters of ccntroverfy between them (hall be final- ly fettled. If this information can be of any fervice to you in your public capacity, you may make ufe of it in any manner you may think fit. I prefume the authenticity of its contents will not be called in queftion. I am, sV. (Signed) BENJAMIN HIGHBORN* From the Secretary of State of the United States, to Mr. Monroe. Philadelphia, March %th, 1795-* ON the 1 5th ultimo, I had the honour of writing to you at large ; and on the 2oth of the fame month, I received your letters of October i6th; November 'jth and 2oth, 1794. Being uncertain whether 1 may not be required at the ext cut to clofe this letter, I fhall not undertake to anfwer your difpatches fully ; though I will proceed as far as the hur- ry of the opportunity will permit. I have the pleafure to inform you, that the Prefident much approves your attention to our commerce ; and the merchants v/ho are immediately interefted, and to whom I have com- municated your meafures, think them judicious. The temporary appointment of Mr. Skipwith, and his re- port have been alfo well received. But the circumftance of nis being your fecretary ; the want of emolument to our con- fulates, and an ignorance of what you had done, caufed a Mr. Pitcairn to be named conful for Paris, pretty early in the late feffion of the fenate. I fhall fend a general instruc- tion to the confv.ls to obey the directions of the minifters of the United States. Should fuch a power be neceflary before my general letter reaches them, you may ufe this as your au- thority upon the fubjecL Your cbfcrvations as to pafTports have for fome time oc- curred to me. Thofe which have been ifiued from this de- partment latdy, have been governed by flricl: rules ; and great rcpfoaeh and calumny have fallen upon the chief officer, from the moutJ" s of foreign ariftccrats, who are a kind of half- fledged citizens of the United States, by having refided there- in a few months. Your hiftory of the Jacobin Societies, was fo appropriate to the prefent times in our own country, that it was conceived proper to furnim the public with thole ufeful leflbns ; and extracts were publifhed as from a letter of a gentleman in Paris to his friend in this city. Laft night the treaty with Great Britain arrived. It will remain undivulged by the executive, until the 8th of June next 5 when the fenate will aflemble to deliberate on its rati- fication. I perceive that Mr. Fauchet is very uneafy ; but upon what grounds, which are juftifiable, I knov/ not. Th? pofts, and the fpoliations of commerce will never furely be mentioned, as requiring war inftead of negociation ; and if they do require war, we and no other naticn are the judges. Our trade may alfo be regulated by any treaties which we pleafe ; and no other government can find caufc of offence, unlefs we derogate from its rights. You are acquainted witli the reflections on Mr. Jay, againft the weakening of our en- gagements with France ; and as far as a curfory perufal of the treaty will enable me to fpeak, I have not difcovered any re?.- fonable ground for difTatisf action in the French Republic. For it cannot be fuppofed, that the French nation would be difpleafed that our difputes with other nations mould be con- cluded. But you will not judge from what I fay, that my opinion is formed, whether the treaty will or not be ratified. However, your idea as to Denmark and Sweden, though it was always attended to, grows of lefs importance. I mail no'; now anfwer your propofition, or rather intimation, relative to a certain concert^ until a future opportunity ; and after hear- ing farther from you concerning it. You will have conclud- ed from one of my late letters, that the flep is viewed here as a very ftrong one. Your obfervations on our commercial relation to France, and your conduct as to Mr. Guardoqui's letter, prove your judgment and afliduity. Nor are your meafures as to Mr. Paine, and the lady of our friend lefs approved. Colonel Humphreys is here arranging the affair of Algiers. Be fo good as to bring to the earliefl iffue the points, which you have preffed upon the French Republic ; and particularly the fifteen thoufand dollars, advanced to the people of St. Do- mingo. You have generally called them fifty thoufand by miftake. c t s r My nest letter will be devoted to die two important pafTa- ges in your letters, conveying intelligence of your movements refpecung Spain and Great Britain. The inelofed papers from Mr. Vincent, muft be fubmitted to your difcretion, to do with them what may be beft and pro- per. Thofe of Mr. King relative to the ihip Andrew, make a part of the bufmefs already in your hands. Mr. Taylor will prepare for this conveyance, your newfpa- pers, CSV. I am, *fY. EDM. RANDOLPH. Secretary of State. P. S. Since writing the above, I have received the inclofed letter of the, yth inftant, from Mr. Fitzfimons, which I beg leave to confign to your particular attention. [ No. XV. ] FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. Paris, May i*]th, 1795. I WAS ycflerday honoured with yours of the 8th of March, the only one received fmce that of the 5th of De- cember, and was at the fame moment favored with the com- pany of Mr. Pitcairn, who having juft arrived, had called to prefent his com million of vice-conful for this city, to be recognized as fuch. I informed you in my letter of the 6th of March, and for reafons that were in part before explained, that the arrival of this gentleman would fubjecl: me to an unpleafant dilemma, for if it was known that he was a Britim fubjecl:, although he had likcwifc become an American citizen, I doubted much whether he would be received : That in ftncl: propriety I ought to communicate the fact if it was fo, for after what had patted between us, upon ;i fubjecl: analogous to this, if I announced him withholding the fact, and it was difcovered afterwards, I mould cxpofe myfelf to the imputation of the want of can- dour, and that in any event, if he were eflablifhed, however correctly I might peribnalJy acl, the circumflance of his being a Bvitifli lubjecV, would not only leffen his weight anrl ro tl.e prejudice of our commercial affairs here, but to a certain de- gree, and from caufes that are obvious, leffen mine likc\vil>, the ill effects of which might be felt, and efpecially at the prefent moment upon concerns of more general importance. By his arrival, therefore, this embarrafsment \v:.s realized: The commiffion of the Prefident is the law to me, and upon every principle it is difagreeable to fufpend its force ; but yet the nature of the truft repofed in a public niniflcr, fcems to imply in him a difcretionary power, to ccntroul according to his judgment, incidents of this kind, wherever it appears that thereby he may promote the public intered, and which becomes of courfe the ftronger, when neccilary to prevent a public detriment. Upon mature confideraticn, therefore, I have thought it beft to with-hold the official communication of his appointment from the government, until I mould hear from you in reply to that letter ; and the more efpecially, as it might now be expected in the courfe of a few weeks. In confequence, I communicated this decifion to Mr. Pitcairn, with the motives upon which it was founded, and v/as pleafed to obferve, that he appeared to be perfectly fatisned with the propriety of it. I obferve by this letter, that the treaty concluded by Mr. Jay with Great-Britain, did not arrive before the 5th of March, and in confequence would not be fubmitted to the Senate before the 8th of June, and in the interim would be kept fecret. I regret equally this delay and fecrecy ; the delay becaufe if it is not approved, it may become more diffi- cult in the probable courfe of events on this fide the Atlantic, to obtain a remodification of it : and the fecrecy becaufe the jealoufy that was at firft imbibed by this government of its contents will of courfe remain for the fame fpace cf time, and which cannot otherwife than be fomewhat hurtful in the interim to our affairs depending here. Having too explained the object of that mifliori, whilft its iflue was uncertain, they think itftrange that the refult fliould be now withheld. Up- on this point, however, I have nothing new to add. I h:r, c already communicated to you whatever I had to communicate upon it, and waiting the iffue, I ftiall continue by my affu- rances to endeavour to infpire this government with a confi- dence, cither that the treaty in queinon contains in k nothing improper, or that it will not be ratified in cafe it does. Your laft letter gave me the iiift intelligence upon which I could rely, that Colonel Humphreys was in America. He will of courfe return fully poffriitd ef yovr .view? wfih ; r 1 60 ] to the piratical powers on the African coaft. I allured you long fince that it would be eafy to obtain from this government its aid upon that point, and it is certain that its aid with each, and efpscially Algiers, with which regency the republic is in the ftriteli amity, would be of good effect.. Thofe powers Ke?.r that France is at war againlt. Auflria, Spain, England, Portugal, c. and defeats them all, and in confequence con- clude that (he is more powerful than all united, and refpe& h^r accordingly. I have frequently been told in private con- verfation by the members of the committee, that they were ready to render us ail the fervice in their power in that refpel, r.nd I fhould long fince have requeiled the government to make our peace there in purfuit of the plan commenced by Mr. Morris, had I not been mftruled that the bufmefs was in the hands of Colonel Humphreys, and feared by fuch interference I fhould embarrafs the views and meafures of our government. I fhall be ready however, to aft in whatever line you may think proper to direct, and fhall endeavour, and without any par- ticular compromitmenton our part, to keep the committee in the fame ilate of preparation. In general our commercial affairs progrefs as well, all things confidered, as could be expected. Tranfaclions of old (land- ing, I have not lately formally prefled, becaufe I knew that the government was embarrafTed on the fcore of finance, and be- caufe I thought it would be better to wait the irTue of the bu- fmefs depending with you in June next. Mr. Skipwith, how- ever, does every thing in his power to forward thofe objects, and perhaps with as much t r7e6t> as would be polfible under any preflure that could now be made. But in the direct or current commerce,our countrymen enjoy all the privileges that the government can give them; and though delays are fome- times experienced, and efpecially in the payment of contracts, that were formed in America, yet the tranfations are gene- rally clofed in a manner fatisfa&ory to the parties. The pro- fits which fome of them have made, and continue to make, recording to report, are great, beyond example. In truth our countrymen are gradually planting themfelves in commercial houies throughout the Republic, and engaging in the com- merce of France to an extent which, whilft it promifes to be profitable to themfelves, will likewife be of great and perma- nent utility to both nations: for by means thereof not only per- fonal acquaintance and connections are formed by the citizens of each with thofe of the other refpeHvely, but their common wants afid common capacities will be better underftood. The claim of 15,000 dollars I mentioned long fmce would be admitted without a word, and that it ought to be fo under- ftood at the treifury. I omitted it in my more early appli- cations to this government, becaufe I wiihed to proofs with the greater objects firit, and more latterly ; for the rcafons above fuggeiled. I conferred, however, on the fubjetl with Mr. Adet, and prefume he will allow it as a thing of courfe > but if he does not, upon notification thereof to the; cemaiittse, and which I will immediately make when ib advifed by you, he will certainly be inftru&ed to do it. Since my laft, Park, and the Republic in general, have enjoy- ed a ftate of perfect tranquillity. Every little difturb.mce which enfaedforatimethe movement of the 2d April ( 1 2th Germinal) and there was one or two of the fmaller kind which did enfue, fubfiJed almoft of itielf, and in each inilance without force, and of courfe without blooclflied. Thus the authority of the convention prevails, although it is fupported by the common ienfe, and the common inrereft of the citizens of Paris only j .;g deemed heretofore imprafric.. ;T cxifting em- barraiTments. Certain it is, that if the government had been in the hands of a king, or any other defcription 01 ( rrfons than that of the people themfelves, we fliould have feen i;i the courfe of a few weeks paft, a fucceilion of many revolutions minifterial kind, and which woula have perhaps dethro. ventually any king that ever reigned here. The diftreis of die people on account of the fcarcky of bread, fince that time, has been like that of a befieged tovrn. They have been conilantly upon allowance, and which was irjtcrly reduced to two ounces and fometimes lefs per day. My family which coniifts of 14 perfons is allowed two pounds of br^ad per day. I mention this thut you rnay have a juit idea of the dilirefs of others, and particularly the poor; for at a great c: (nearly 40 dollars fpecie per barrel) I am fupplicd* The ac- counts which we have of the diftrefs of the aged, the intinn, and even of children are moll afflicting; yet calmnefs and fe-. renity are feen every where ; complaints diminifh, and that ferocity which was obfeivable on the I2th of Germinal, on the part of thofe v ho forcibly entered the convention, and which was excited by the animofity of contending parties, and molt probably cncreafed by foreign influence, has entirely dif- appeared* In this moment they ail look to America for bread, and moft fervently do I join them in prayer, that our country- men may fpeedily bring it to them. If they can make out for f x waeks they are fafe; for by that time the rye will ripen, and from preferit profpefts they may be in a better fituation in th C :i< ] 1 interim than they now are, and moft probably not in a worTe. In the line of negcciation, nothing has been concluded fmce the treaty wi*h Fruitta* and which was ratified by both panics foon after it was figned. Sir F. Eden came to Roche- fort, from whence he notified his arrival to the committee and requefted pcrmifuon to come to Paris. They had him con- ducted to Dieppe, where he was kept under guard until the arrival of an agent from the committee, who was inftru&ed to receive and report his propofitions to that body, provided they embraced any ether object than an exchange of prifon- ers , but in cafe they did not, to requeft his departure in twenty-four hours. The agent attended, afked his bufinefs, and v as anfwered, he came to treat for an exchange of pri- for.ers. Have you no other power ? Let us fettle this point iirit; we .{hall be together, and may afterwards talk on what we pleafe. But have you no other power ? Your anfwer to this cucftion may fettle this and every ether point in a word : If you have I will receive what you will be pleafed to commu- nicate-, if you have not, our bufinefs is at an end. Mr. Eden replied, 'he had none ; and thus they parted, the agent for Paris,, and Mr. Eden for London, the latter being appriz- ed what the wifh of the committee was in that refpecl:. It is.nud that a treaty is lately concluded with the commif- fioners from Holland, by which the independence of that country is acknowledged, and an alliance offenfive and defen- fjye formed, upon terms which promife to be fatisfa&ory to the parties- I will inclofe a fketch of thefe which hasbeen publifhed. General Pichegru has croiTed the Rhine and with a confi- 'e doubted. From the Secretary of State of the United States, to Mr. Monroe. Philadelphia, February 15/^,1705. DEAR SIR, THE lift date, which I have received from you is of the 15111 of September, 1794? and it has been duly acknow- ledged by duplicates. It occafioned no fmall anxiety as to the ifiue ol many points, which you had brought before the French republic. That anxiety has been confiderr-bly encreaftd, by .obien'ing in the newfpaper a decree rescinding the ftipulation between the United States and France, making goods free, which are found in free fhips. It has appeared only in a tranflation ; and there is ambiguity enough in its prelent drefs to lead us to hope, that the treaty, having been declared at the beginning of the decree to be in full force, may poflibly be ?m exception (till to the general provifion for condemning hof- tile property in neutral bottoms, "We do not dqubt, that we fhoukl have obtained the mod ample explanation of this and every other of our relations to France, had not the advice-boat, which was lately difpatch- cd from thence, been captured by a Britifh frigate. Acceptable aa Mr, Fauchet has hitherto been, we read with great fenfibility, that Mr. Oudard formerly, and Mr. Adet re- cently, have been appointed in his place. If this mould be true, ami Mr. Fauchet is, as we fuppofe, uncontaminated to- wards the French interefl, it is rather an unpleafant circum- ilance, that upon a change of party, v/e are to expect a change of minifter. However, the only thing which efientially concerns us, is, that the reprefentative of the French republic in the Uni- ted States, ihould Jay afide all intrigue, and imitate ourfelves in a courfe of plain and fair dealing. We confide, that you have loft no opportunity of fixing the friendship of the two countries upon folid grounds. On our part we really do all that we can j and as one inftance, I will mention the legillative acl, which has, within thefe few weeks, enabled Mr. Fauchet to ufe, by anticipation, the inftalments of the French deb*, due in September and November nextj C S J amounting to two millions and an half of livres. But I am af -id, that Mr. Fauchet, and probably the French nation, have b ur^ed to believe, that the treaty, fa'id to have been con- c. d by Mr. Jay with Great Britain, interferes with our en- ' s and attachments to France. It has not come to hand erefore I can deliver no decided opinion on it. But fo far is this from any instruction to Mr. Jay, that I am per- ul ! not think of a treaty, having fuch an object.. In the principal heads of the negociation; the furrender of the pods, the vexations and fppliations of our commerce, and the payment of Britifh debts, France can have no poflible concern. If we choofe to modify them ever fo capriciously, we are the true and only arbiters of the queftion. It is probable, indeed, that our commercial intercourfe has been alto regulated. Say, if you pleafe, that a treaty has been concluded for commerce alfo ; France will enjoy all the advantages of the moft fa- voured nation ; and we have been long ready to difcufs and fettle new commercial arrangements with France ; but none have been ever propofed during my connection with the ad- miniftration. It may well be fuppofed, that the accefs to the Weft Indies, with as fexv restrictions as poflible, muft be defira- ble to us. But let the pofleflion of them ultimately center in France or England, we (hall, I prefume, be unfettered by our contracts with the one, fo as to be at perfect liberty to contract with the other. I mail give you no comments u*^on the proceedings of con- grefs, until they rife., which will be in a fortnight hence. At prefent you will receive by the French fhip, which Mr. Fau- chet difpatches, your quota of newfpapers. The conduct of Spain towards us is unaccountable and in* jurious. Mr. Pinckney is by this time gone over to Madrid, as our envoy extraordinary, to bring matters to a conclufion fome way or other. But you will feize any favorable mo- ment to execute what has been intrufted to you, refpe&ing the Miflifippi. Colonel Humphreys, our minifter for Lifbon, being difap- pointed in the loan, which was to be opened for the relief of our captive brethren in Algiers, has come over to prefs the fub- jec~r.. He will return, in a few days, full handed; and although we have heard nothing of late concerning the friendly interpo- fition of France with the Dey, we beg that the influence of our ally may be exerted in this great caufe of humanity. EDM. RANDOLPH, Secretary of State. f [ 166 3 from tie Secretary ef State of the United States, to Mr. Monroe. Philadelphia) April jrt } 1795. S/Je, MY laft letter of March 8th, 1795* has been forward- ed to you by duplicates. It will have anticipated the fubjel of your private letter of December i8th, 1795 ; though it is by no means fo extenfive as one, which 'I ihould have con*- cluded before this time, but for a conilant round of interrup- tions, which I have not yet been able to repel. I am refolved, however, to feclude myfelf from all, except the moll indif- penfable bufinefs, that I may devote my attention to fuch a review of our relation to France, as may afccrtain the fact, which is fo firmly impvefled upon me, that we have behaved to her fairly and honorably. For the prefent I mail fay no more refpe&ing the fource of difcontent, the treaty made by Mr. Jay> than this : That, as far as I have any definite ideas of treaties ofFenfive and cefenfive, there is no ground for charging that treaty, es being ofFenfive or defenfive ; that the obligation of all prior treaties is exprefily faved ; that France, from the circumilance of being the moil favored nation, immediately inherits, upon equal terms, the conccffions, indulgences, or conditions made to other nations ; and that the confining of its contents to the Preh'dent and the Secretary of State, is not', from any thing fmifter to -yards France; but from the ufages in fuch cafes ; not from an unwillingnefs that the executive conduct fhould be canvaffed ; but from a certain fitnefs and expectation, arifing from fuch a diplomatic a&. The difpatches, which you are underftood to have intrud- ed to Mr. Smith of this city, not having yet arrived, our anxiety continues, to learn the ifiue of the concert^ which you have fuggefted. You will have been informed by my letter of the 8th ultimo, that " thejlep is viewed here, as a very Jirong u one-" and notwithstanding the rapid fucceiles, which have attended the arms of our ally, we Readily clirecl: our courfe to the character of neutrality, which we profefs, and therefore the more it is examined, the llronger it appears. You will hear from me fhortly, in a more particular manner concerning it, and the ilyle, which in our negociations at Paris ought, in our judgment, to be obferved. But I riuil be permitted to re- mark, that the invariable policy of the Prefident, is, to be as independent as poffible^ of every nation upon earth ; and this policy is not afi'umed now for the firft time, when perhaps it may be infidioully preached by Come, who lean to Great BrU [ .167 ] tain, to prevent a tendency to France; but it is wife at all times, and, if iteadily purfued, will protect our country from the ef- fects of commotioh in Europe. France is, at this day, in the eye of the Prefident, as ihe has always been, cordially embra- ced ; and no event could be more afflicting to him, than a fuf- picicn of the purity of our motives in regard to that republic. But without a fteady adherence to principles , no government can defend itfelf againft the animadverfions of the world, nor procure a permanent benefit to its own citizens. Cafes of fpoliation and injury, according to the lift fubjoin^ ed, will accompany this letter ; as fubjects, to which your attention and zeal are requeiled. The prints, which have not been hitherto fent, are alfo pre- pared by Mr. Taylor. Until a few days hence, I muft beg you to accept this letter, as the forerunner only of a more copious one, upon our affairs in France. I am, &c. EDM. RANDOLPH, Secretary of State. From the Minifler Plenipotentiary of the United Slaizs of ' Ame- rica t to the Committee of Public Safety. Paris, Ma$ 22nd, 1795- I HAVE to notify the committee of public fafety, that Mr. Pinckney, minifter plenipotentiary of the United States at London, and envoy extraordinary to the court of Spain, is now in. Paris, on his way to Madrid, upon a particular mif- fion from the United States to that court. He intends to pur- fuehis journey by land, and wilhes the paflport of the com- mittee, to fecure him that fafety and protection which is due to the minifter "of their ally, whilft within the jurifdidion of the French Republic. Mr. Pinckney will be happy to bear any commands which the committee may have for the quar- ter to which he is going. C From ike Commijary of Foreign Relations, to the Minifter pottntiary of the United States of America. Paris, 1 2th, Prairial ^d Tear of the Republic. (May 3 I/, 1795.; Six, You will find enclofed the paflport which you deliver- ed to Mr. Thomas Pinckney. It is certified by the commit- tee of public fafety this day. I haften to tranfmit it to you, re- peating the aflurances of my entire devotion. No. XVI. Fnoivi MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. Paris, June l^th, 1795. SIR, IT feemed probable, after the movement of the 1 2th Germinal (2nd of April) and which terminated in the baniih- ment or rather deportation (for the hand of government was never withdrawn from them) of Barrere, Billaud de Varennes and Collot d'Herbois, and the arreftation of feveral of the leading members in the mountain party, that the convention would be left at liberty to purfue for the future the great ob- ject: of the revolution, and without further moleitation j and the calm which enfued, for a confiderable time, tjhat move- ment, although the fcarcity of bread continued, gave ftrength to this prefumption. But a late event has fhewn that the vic- tory which was gained upon that occafion by the convention, over the enemies of the prefent fyftem, was not fo decifive as there was reafon to prefume it would be ; for within a few days after my laft, which was of the 1 7th of May, another attempt was made upon that body, and which menaced for a while at lead, in refpect to the perfonal fafety of the mem- bers, the moft alarming confequences. I am happy, how- ever, to be able now to afiure you, that this has likewife paff- ed, and without producing, according to prefent profpecl:s, and in regard to the main courfo of the revolution, any mate- rial effect. C '69 ] The circumllances which characterize this latter movement were in general the fame with thofe of that which preceded it; except that it was attended with greater violence and its views were more completely unfolded. On the aoth of May, a party from the Faubourgs of St. Antoine and St. Marceau, armed, and confiding of fome thoufands, approached the con- vention early in the morning, having previoufly circulated a paper that their object was a redrefs of grievances ; of which die fcarcity of bread was the principal, and which could only be accomplifhed by the eftablifhment of the conftitution of 1793, and the recall of Barrere and his colleagues; or, in other words, the revival of the reign of terror. As thefe meafures could not be carried into immediate effect, without the over- throw of the preponderating party, fo the movement appeared to be directed unequivocally to that object. The centincls of ihe convention were forced upon the firft approach, and in an inilant the party, preceded by a legion of women, entered and fpread itfelf throughout the hall of that affembly. The fitting was broken and every thing in the utmcfl confu- fion. In a conteft which took place between Ferraud, one of the deputies, a gallant and eftimable young man, and fome of the party, for the protection of the chair and perfon of the Prefident, which were threatened with violation. the former was flain, and foon afterwards his h?ad, fevered from his body, was borne on a pike by the perpetrators of this atrocious crime, in triumph, into the bofom of the convention itfelf. It really feemed for fome time, as if that body, or at lead the leading members in the preponderating party, were doomed to deftruction, or fafety to be fecured only by difguife and flight. During this conflict, however, the whole afiembiy behaved with the utmoft magnanimity : No fymptoms of fear were be- trayed : No difpofition to yield or otherwife difnonor the great theatre on which they flood -, and Boifly d' Angles, who hap- pened to prefide, not only kept his feat, but obferved in Jiis deportment a calmnefs and compofure which became the dignified and important ftation which he filled. This itate of confufion lafted until about twelve at night ; when it was ter- minated by the decisive effort of a body gathered from the neighbouring fedtions, planned by the united committees of public fafety, furete generate and militaire, and led on bv. fe- veral deputies, among whom were moil diftinguilhed, Ker- velegan, Anguis, Mathieu, Delmas, Freron and Legendre. They entered precipitately the hall, attacked the intruders, fa- bre and bayonet in hand ; nor did they ceafe the charge until t-hey had refcued it from the pf ofauation. A littl e afor Z [ 170 ] twelve the convention was re-eftablifned,and proceeded, as up- on the former occafion, to a review of what had paffed, in the courfe of the day. V/hilft the infurgents were in pofTeffion of the reins of government, and afjter Boiffy d'Anglas had retired, they placed the President Vernier,* in the chair by fofce, and be- gan an organization upon the principles that were firft avowed. They repealed in a mafs all the laws that were paffed fince the pth Thermidor : Recalled Barrere, Billaud de Varennes and Collot d'Heibois ; took pofTeffio'n of the tocfin and the telegraph ; ordered the barriers of the city to be clofed, and were upon the point of srrefting all the members of the com- mittees of the executive branch, having appointed a commif- fion of four deputies, to take their places and with full power to aft in their Head ; fo that in truth the reign of terror was nearly revived, and with accumulated force. At this mo- ment, however, the plan of the committees, who had conti- nued their fitting, was ripe for execution and fortunately the ftroke was given before the fyflem was completed. But the commotion was not ended by the expulfion of the infurgents from the hall of the Convention itfelf. They re- treated back to the faubourgs to which they belonged, and where, for a while, they oppofed its authority. In the courfe, ho-.vever, of the fucceeding day, a confiderable force was col- lected, under the authority of the Convention, from thofe fec- tions who voluntarily offered their fervice, amounting, perhaps, to fifteen thoufand ; and which being marched againft them in different directions, furrounding, in fome meafure, both fau- bourgs, reduced them immediately to order, and without the effufion of blood. On the fame day an infurrection took place at Toulon of the fame kind, and with the fame views, and which for fe- veral days wreftsd that port and its dependencies, the fleet ex- cepted, from the authority of the government. Upon that theatre too, fome outrages were committed, and fatal confe- qucnces in other refpects were apprehended. But this was iikewife lately fuppreffed by the efforts of good citizens, drawn by the representatives in miflion there, from Marfeilles and the neighbouring country ; a report to that effect: being yefterday prefented to the convention by the committee of public fafe- ty : So that order may be confidered as completely efta- blithed, the authority of the convention being triumphant every where. * '1 his is a miftake : Vernier relieved EcifTy d'Anglasupsm his own prcf- f.r.g kiicitiilian ; it appcarir.j tiut B. illy d'Anglas was exhauftecl. As foon as the Convention refumed its deliberations, the punifhment of thofe who had offended in the courfe of the commotion was the firft objel which engaged its attention. Whilft the infurgeuts were in pofieffion of the hall, and enact- ing their fhort but comprehenfive code of legislation, feveral members of the mountain party not only retained their feats, but joined in the work. Four were appointed to the corn- miflion, which was defigned to fupercede the executive admi- niftration, and who accepted the truft. Thefe circumfb.nces, with many others which occurred, created a belief that the movement was in harmony with that party. It was therefore concluded, that more decifive meafures ought to be taken with thofe members, and with .the party generally, than had been heretofore adopted; and in confequence, about thirty of them were arrefted on that and the fucceeding days, M ithin the courfe of a week, and who are to be tried according to a late decree, in common with others charged with oifences, faid to be committed in the courfe of the commotion, : by a military commifnon appointed at the time, and inveited with full power for that purpofe. It is to be cbferved, that the character of this movement was decifively anti-monarchical. Its fuccefs, if it had fucceed- ed, would have revived the reign of terror,- and moft probably carried all the ariftocrnts, with the leading members of the preponderating party, to the fcaffold. Bread and the Confti- tutkn cf 1793, were Britten upon the hats of many cf the infurgents ; and vhilft the hall and its vicinity refounded in favor of the patriots > meaning Barrere, C5V. the feeble voice cf one ariftocrat only was heard in favor of the conftitution of 1789. Indeed the aristocrats, who had before the iath Ger- minal contributed much to foment the difcontents which broke out on that day, in the hope that if a commotion took place and the Convention was overthrown, the ftandard cf royalty would be erected, and the monarchy re-eftablifhed, and who were in the interval, from the dubious character cf that movement, which was crufhed before it had fully unfold- ed itfelf, of neither fide, for nor again ft the Convention, were obferved in the commencement of tKis, to remain in the fame ftate of inactivity, greatly agitated, but taking no part. As foon, however, as the object of this latter movement was un- derftood, and it became obvious, that in c?.fe it fucceeded, ter- rorifm, and not royalty, would be re-sftabiiihed, the difpofi- tidri of this party towards the Convention changed. It no lon- ger mewed an indifference to its welfare ; on the contrarv, it became aftive in its fuppoit. But in truth, the force of this party in this city, and efpecially upon the late emergencies, did not appear great. The moil gallant of its members are either upon the frontiers, at war againft the republic, or have fallen -Ircady in the caufe of royalty. Thefe, too, confilt of thof \vho were of fufficient age to take their part in the com- mencement -, for the young men of Paris, who are deicend- ed from it, or from otners of the more wealthy inhabitants of the r:ity, and who have attained their maturity during the re- volution, or are now growing up, have imbibed the fpirit which it was natural to expect fuch fplendid examples of pa- triotifm would create upon young and generous minds, and are in general on the fide of the revolution. That there mould be a party of any force within the repub- lic, or rather of fulEcient force to difturb the government in the manner you have feen, clifpofed to fubvert the prefent fyf- tcm, and eftablifh that of terror, mufl excite your furprife. You will naturally be inclined to afk of what character of ci- tizens is it compofed; what their numbers and ultimate views; iince it is to be prefumed that a fyftem of terror, as a perma- nent fyftem of government, cannot be wifhed by any one ? You have ieen that the movements in quellion proceeded princi- pally from the two faubourgs of St. Antoine and St. Mar- ceau-, the enquiry, therefore, will be fatisfied by expofing the character of thofe two fections. In general, I am told, they are artifans, and among the moft induftrious in Paris. Many of them are faid to be foreigners, Germans, and which ex- plains the motive of their partiality for the conflitution of 1 793, which naturalizes them. That they are oppofed to mo- narchy is certain, for fuch has been their character from the epoch of the deftruction of the Baftille, in which they had a principal hand, to the prefent time. Indeed, upon this point, the late movements fpeak with peculiar force ; for if thofe movements were fpontaneous, and commenced by the people themfelves, it follows, as they cannot be fufpected of any deep political finefTe, and of aiming at royalty through the medium of terrorifm, that the latter, and not the former, was the object. And if they were fet on by foreign influence, as is believed by many, the conclufion mud be the fame ; for as royalty is unqueflionably the object of thofe perfons who are fufpeeted of fuch interference, it is to be prefumed, that, if practicable, they would have taken a more direct courfe to promote it, by an immediate declaration in its favor, fmce thereby they would rally under its fhandard all thofe who were the friends of that fyftem : Whereas, by declaring for terror- C t73 ] ifm, the oppofite effe& was produced , for the royalifts them- felves were thereby driven into the expedient of ufmg their ut- Tnoft endeavours to fave the Convention, as the only me?rs whereby they could fave themfelves. In every vie\v, there- fore, they muft be deemed enemies to royalty, and as fuch i? is natural to expect they will feel a great feniibility upon all thofe queftions, which, in their judgment, have a tendency to promote it. Whether any fuch have been agitated or contemp- lated is, perhaps, doubtful: I have thought otherwife, and (till think fo. But, that many circumftances have presented them- felves, in the courfe of the collifion of parties, that were fuffi- clent to create a fufpicion with' perfons of that portion of dif- cernment, which laborious artizans ufually poilefs, that the leading members of the preponderating partv were prepared to abandon the republican fcaie, and incline towards monarchy, is certain. The inhabitants of thefe faubourgs having fided always with the mountain party have, of courfe, brought up- on themfelves the particular enmity of the royalifts. They have, therefore, or rather their leaders have been, in their turn, perfecuted by the royaiif;?. But they have likewife thought themfelves perfecuted by the prefer, t prepondera- ting party, with whom they were engaged in uninterrupted warfare, before and fince the time of ^Robefpierre. In this refpecl, therefore, they faw the prefent preponderating par- ty snd the royalifts acting apparently in harmony together, and concluded that the former were likewife royaliils. They have likewife feen, under the adminiftration of this party, the royalifts enlarged from prifon, and other measures of that kind adopted, which have probably fortified them in this be- lief. ^A report, too, which has been circulated through the citv, that, under the name of organic laws, it is contemplated by the committee of eleven, to introduce fomeimportant changes fn the conftitution of 1793, has no doubt, tended in a great meafure to increafe their difquietude. In an attempt to ex- plain the caufe of theie movements, the above circumftances have' appeared to me to merit attention, and, with that view, I have prefented them. But that there was no real harmony of political views be-' tween the prefent preponderating party and the royalifts, even with refpea to the terrorifts, is a fact of which I have no doubt. The reign of terror continued until it could laft no longer : It was neceflary to fupprcfs it, and it was fuppreOed. That the royalifts \yiihed this event, and gave it all the aid they could, is certain ; but that their efforts were of any fervice in that re- fpeft is doubtful : Indeed, I was perfuaded that for fome time C '74 1 they produced an .cppofite effect, and for reafons that are ob- vious : For as the preponderating party fought the eftablifh- m^nt of the Republic, and knew that the mountain party Irad the fame objecl in view, it was reafonable to expect, that after the former had gained the afcendency it would be dif- pofed to excrcifs towards the latter forne degree of modera- tion and humanity ; and equally fo to prcfume, that the fame fpirit cf magnanimity which inculcated this difpofition to- wards its antagonist, and chiefly from a refpscfc for its politi- cal principles, would difpofe it to reject with difdain the aid of the royaiifts vriio were enemies to both. This fentiment is to be traced through all the meafures of the convention, from the pth Thermidor to the ift Prairial ; for we behold, through that interval, the preponderating party refcuing from the guillotine and prifon, the royalifts, whilft they reprobat- ed their principles*-, and -terminating in other refpecis the reign of terrof j whilft they avoided, as far as poiTible, the punifhment of thole who had been the principal authors and agents under that reign. Indeed ' this party has appeared to me to be, and fo I have often reprefented it to you, as equally the enemy of the oppofite extremes of royalty and anarchy j as refting upon the interell and the wiihes of the great mafs of the French people, and who I have concluded, and from thofe data the revolution itfelf has furnifhtd, as well as from my own obfervations fince my arrival (the latter of which, it is true, has been confined to a fmall circle) are defirous of a free republican government ; one which mould be fo orga- nized as to guard them againft the pernicious confluences that always attend a degeneracy into either of thefe ex- tremes. You will likewife afk ; what effe have thefe movements had upon the public mind, in regard to the prefent fyftem ? Is it not probable they have already wearied the people out, and in confequence inclined them to royalty merely from a dcfire of rcpofe ? That they are all wearied is moil certain, and what may be the courfe of events, in the progrcfs of time, I do not pretend to determine : Thefe lie beyond my reach, and indeed beyond the reach of all men. I only undertake to deduce immediate confequences from the fa&s which I witnefs; and when I fee that thefe movements have produced upon the royalifts themfelves the oppofite effect, and forced them, at leaft for the prefent, to renounce their creed and cling to the convention for their fafety, I cannot prefume that the moderatifts, who are republicans, will quit the fafe ground on which they reft, their own ground too, and C '75 ] become royafifts. Royalty, therefore, I confider at prefent as altogether out of the queftion. But that thefe convuliivc fhocks, and which proceed from the oppofite extreme, may produce fome effecT:, is probable. In my opinion they will produce a good one ; for I arn perfuaded they will occafton, and upon the report of the committee of eleven, feme very important changes in the conftitution of 1793 ; fuch as a di- vifion of the legiflature into two branches, with an orga- nization of the executive and judiciary upon more indepen- dent principles than that conftitution admits of: Upon thcfe principles indeed which exift in the American constitutions, and are well underftood there. Should this be the cafe, the republican fyftem will have a fair experiment here ; and that it may be the cafe, muft be the wifli of ail thofe who are the friends of humanity every where. On the day that this late commotion commenced, Mr. Pinckney arrived here on his way to Madrid, and was a fpec- tatorof the great fcene it exhibited to the clofe : A few days after which he ptfrfued his route, by the way of Bourdeaux, where before this he is probably arrived. Whilfc here, I prefented to his view what had paiTed between this govern- ment and myfelf, upon the fubjecl: of his million, alluring him from what I had heard and feen, that I was of opinion, in cafe he would explain himfelf to the committee on th.it fub- jecl:, and exprefs a wilh, they would give what aid they con- veniently could, in fupport of his negociation j fatisfying them, at the fame time, that they were not injured by Mr. Jay's treaty, they would do it. I likewife {hewed him a letter I had juft received from Mr. Short, written at the inflance of the Duke de la Alcudia ; to requeft that I would promote, by certain communications to this government, a negociation be- tween Spain and this Republic ; he having previoufly and po- fitively informed Mr. Short, that our demands fkould be yield- ed and adjufted at the fame time. Mr. Pinckney \vas fenfioleof the benefit which the aid of this Republic could yield in his negociation, and wifhed itj but, upon mature coniideration, was of opinion he could not requeil fuch aid without having previoufly expofed to its view Mr. jay's treaty, and which he did not chufe to do, for coafiderations delicacy forbade me to enquire into. It was, however, equally his and my wifh, that his journey through the country mould be marked with all thofe circumflances of reciprocal civility between the govern- ment and himfelf, -which are- always due, and generally paid, when the minifcer of a friendly power pafTes through the ter- ritory of. another ; and in confequence I annouuceu his [ i 7 5 ] arrival to the committee, and obtained for him "an amicable interview with the members of its diplomatic fec~Uon, and by whom he was receiyed with the moil refpcftful attention. You have already feen that England and Spain are each, and without the knowledge of the other, feeking a feparate peace with this republic. What the motive for fuch fecrecy on the part of the former is remains to be hereafter unfolded : But what it is on the part of the latter is cafily underitood ; for, as ihe apprehends, in cafe a peace is made with France, a de- claration of war from England, and, of courfe, in cafe the- attempt to obtain a peace is known, fome new preiTure frorrj, that power, it follows, that me muft wifh the arrangement to be complete, to guard her againft the ill confequences which might otherwife attend fuch an event, before any thing upon that head tranfpires. As foon, however, as it is known to Spain, that England feeks a feparate peace, her jealoufy of the views of England will be increafed ; as, likewife, will be the motive for an immediate accommodation with this Re- public. The period, therefore, when a good underftanding, embracing, perhaps, the ancient connection between the two nations, will be revived cannot be confidered as remote. Whether our claims upon Spain will be attended to, under exiftirig circumftances, in that adjuitment, is a point upon which ic is impollible for me to determine : for, as I was not pcfieffed of Mr. Jay's treaty, and could give no other informa- tion on that head, than I had before given, I have latterly for- borne all further communication wkh the committee upon that iubjec~h Mr. Pinckney will be able, foon after his arrival at Madrid, to afcertain the temper of the Spanifh court in regard to our demands, and the means by which his negociation may be forwarded ; and, as he likewife knows the itate of things here, he will be able alfo to point out the line in which, if in any, I may be ferviceable ; and, in the interim, I mail not only be prepared to co-operate with him in whatever move- ment he may fugged ; but to obey, with promptitude, any in- ftrucYions you may be pleafed to give me in this, or any other, refpea. Since my laft, the treaty with the United Provinces has been concluded and ratified, and the garrifon of Luxemburg, confiding of 12,000 men, with an immenfe amount in mili- tary (lores, cannon, &c. has furrendered. The achievement, of this poft, one of the flrongeft in Europe, has opened the campaign on the part of France with great brilliancy : As it was taken, too, after a long fiege, and when all poilible efforts tq r?.ife it had proved abortive^ it not only d^mouftrates the ( 177 ) iupsrbrity of the French arms in the prefent ibge of the w?.r, but furnifnes fatisfactcr . j, ac c crd- ing .to the ordinary courie of events, its uiii C i*3 3 ferve, proceeds from the apprehenfion of England.- This lie willies you to propofe to the French government, if you find it will be acceptable to them. This is the nature of his re- queft to me, and which I have not thought it proper, for fcveral reafons, to decline. Several of thefe reafons will naturally pre- fcnt themfelves to you. Having thus dated the requeft of the duke in the fimpleft form, it is for you to decide thereon what you may think ad- vifable to do ; and in which you will, of courfe, be guided by what you conceive to be for the intereft of the United States, and conformable to the wifhes of the government where you refide ; whofe interefts are co-incident with thofe of the United States. It may not be improper to fubjoin here fome incidental re- marks which took place between the minifter here and myfelf, on the above occafion. In Hating to me his wiih that this bu- finefs mould be concluded as foon as poffible, he obferved^ that if he had a perfon of confidence at Paris, he would give him the conditions on which the king wiihed this treaty to be grounded; but that he had no fuch perfon there, and that it would be impoffible for him to fend one without its being found out here or at Paris, by England. On my mentioning the probability of the fame difcovery being made, if the French government mould fend a perfon here, he faid there would be much lefs difficulty, if that perfon were charged not to dif- cover himfelf, or to pafs for an American ; and that the communications between him and the miniftry here might Eafs through my hands, fo as to remove all fufpicion of his be- ig a perfon charged with a negociation. Should you think it proper to communicate this defire of the' duke de la Alcudia to the French government, you will ob- ferve that nothing in writing has paffed between us, and that his requeft to me is made only verbally. Although I have not the fmalleft doubt myfelf of the full and unequivocal fin- ferity with which he has thus opened himfelf to me ; yet I would not chufe to induce the French government to adopt die ineafure propofed, without, at the fame time, ftating that the ground is as yet merely verbal. If, however, the Republic is willing, as I have no doubt, to enter into negociation for peace, and mould chufe to have fome written ground, I fup- pofe it probable the minifter would not refufe to communi- cate to me in confidence, in writing, his defire above menti- oned ; if he mould be affured of its being complied with by fending an agent here as ftated already. From the footing on which you ftand, of sourfe, wh& &$ Fre^sji government. ( 184 ) you will be able to judge what is the mode that would be mod agreeable to them in the conducting a negociation with this country, if they do not approve that' fuggefted by the duke ; and if they think it proper to communicate it to me, I will af- certain here the fentiments of the minitler refpecling the mode that fhall be propofed. - So mutfh for the mode of the negociation. It may not be improper to add fomething refpecting the fubitance of it. It would feem natural that the duke mould have given me fome intimr.tiDn of the conditions on which he wifhcd the peace to be fettled with the Republic ; but I did not chufe to prefs en -this head, becaufe it did not feem to be the proper time to be aiking for particulars, and alfo becaufe, as he knows my attachment to France in common with that of every other American, he might chufe not to put me further in pof- fdlion of his fentiments than might be abfolutely neceffary. - From our convcrfation, however, as well on this, as on pre- ceding occafions, I find his delire would be to avoid, if poffi- ble, contracting any article which might force this country in- to an immediate war with England. He is determined to rifle that event, however, if the firnple deviation from the conven- tion of May 25, 1793, and the treating feparately for peace with France, fhouid render it inevitable. He flatters himfelf, however, that Spain's making a feparate peace would not in- duce England to declare war againft her under prefent cir- cumftances. He^would defire, therefore, to conclude a peace as fimpie as polFible. He would chufe to avoid guarantying to France tne ifiand of Corfica, and fuch parts of the Eaft and Well Indies as England has taken during this war ; becaufe he conceives that would neceilitate an immediate war with England : But the defire of this country is, that France mould reconquer thofe places, as it is the real intereft of Spain that they fliould belong to France rather than to England. I mention thefe things, merely as the firil defire of the mini- fter. How far he might be induced to deviate therefrom, for the object of a pacification with the French Republic, will appear in the courfe of the negociation, if it fhoulcl be opened. The greateft difficulty will be as to the parts of Spain con- quered by France ; and I apprehend, as I have mentioned a- t>ove, that fome difficulty has already fhewn itlelf, as probable, as to the place of Figueras. It is the bufincfs of negociation, of courfe, to remove difficulties. Should the French government chufe to have fomething more certain fixed before fending an agent here, and will in- form you hpw-far they wiih previouily to be made acquaint- ed with the outlines of the fentiments of this court, it is pro- bable the minifter would communicate them. At the fame time, he would probably expect an equal mark of confi--' through you and my fell, of the fentiments, on the fame head, of the French government. This letter will be forwarded by the minifter through the frontiers by a flag ; you will therefore foon receive it. I Mall thank you immediately to acknowledge the receipt thereof, and to let me know, as focn as poflible, whether you have judged it proper to take any ftep in confequence thereof, and what ihall have been the refult thereof. Send your letters on this fubjecl by the fame way by which you fent that of the 6th cf February, the laft I have received from you. I have as yet no anfwer from the Prefident, as to the abfence from hence which I have alked. I hope ere long to have the pleafure of renew- ing to you, in perfon, the afiiirances of my being fmcerely your friend and fervant. The CommiJJary cf Foreign Relations, to the Minifter plenipo tentiary of the United States of America. Paris, lid Prziria!, ^d Tear cf the Republic. Six, commiiTion have had repeated opportunities of being convinced, that American confuls in France, and even fomedmes their agents, grant pallports or certificates, giving the qualification of citizen of the United States to the bearers of them, and by means of which thefe travel through France, and even go out into foreign countries. I cannot help obferving to you, that, according to our laws and the laws of nations, foreign minifters having alone the right to grant fuch paiTports, and tc atteft the political exiitence of the individuals born in their refpeclive countries, thoie gi- ven by the confuls or their agents are totally ufelefs -, fmce, to travel in the interior of the Republic, the pafTport of the municipality of the phce of landing is fumcient, a:^: to leave the territory, the only admifiible pafTport is that given by the minifter of their nation. I mufl add, that if the individual who wiflies to leave the territory of the Republic has come in coi^i'.'^'.icncc of ordina- ry commercial trcnfa&ionsj he does not need a paiTport for B b C iBtf ] that purpofe ; if, on the contrary, he lias been brought in by the iliips of the Republic, having been found in an enemy's vefll'1, in that cafj, his pofition, which is almoft always dubi- ous, deferves attention, and ought to be fubmitted to the ex- amination and determination of the minifler alone. Pcrfuaded, Sir, that you will find thcfe obfervations juft, and that you will pleafe to communicate them to the confuls of your nation, recommending it to them to conform to them, k io with the fulleft confidence that I fubmit them to you. From Mr. Monroe, to the Commiffary of Foreign Relations. Paris , June i$th, 1795. YOUR letter of the 22d Prairial communicates to me your obfervations relative to the paflports and certificates granted by different confuls of the United States, and their agents in the ports of the Republic ; and agreeable to your 6th MeJJldor^ ^d Tear of the Republic. (June Itfh, 1795.; THE commiflion knowing your readinefs to concur in whatever tends to preferve good order, propofe to you with C 189 ] confidence the meafures which may contribute to that objec:, They beg you confequently, to be fo good as to communicate to them, each decade, a certified lift of your fellow citizens ar- rived in Paris. It is important to the government to know the foreigners who reiide in this commune; and it n.uft be ad- vantageous to thernfelves, that their abode here be knc\vii. From the Mini/ier Plenipotentiary of the United States cf Ame- rica, to the Qqpimijary of Foreign Relations. Paris, June 21th, 1795. BEING extremely felicitous that the rights which my countrymen enjoy here ihould be ftriclly confined to them- felves alone, I mail be happy at all times to adopt fuch mea- fures as may be deemed necelFary to make known to your go- vernment thofe who are my countrymen. With this view- therefore, I fhall, with pleafure, caufc to be furnifhed yen every decade the lift cf thofe to whom paiipcrts or certificates are granted, according to your requeil. In guarding the wel- fare of the Republic, I pray you to propofe to me always, with freedom, thofe meafures in which my co-operation may be ufeful; fince you may always calculate upon my concurrence, in forwarding an object:, which it is upon all cccafions my moft earned wifh to forward. the CoTKtniJ/ton of Foreign Relations, ty the SllniZcr J'.V- nipottniuiry of the United States cf America. Paris, i-$th Mtflickr, -$d Tear cftke R.e$xb!:c, (July I/7/I79S-; SIR, THE cornmiflion has received your letter of the pth inftant ; by which you inform them, that, adopting the meafure they propofed to you by theirs of the 6th, you arc: willing to tranfmif to them each decade the lift of your fellow citizens who may have obtained paffports. They beg leave to obferve to you, that by means of the certificate which they annex to the paflports given by the foreign rainifters, they have full knowledge of thofe delivered , but that the rcqudt they have made you has for objecTt to know the Americans arrived at Paris, and who cannot -but prefent themfelves to you. They beg of you, therefore, to ,fend them a lift of thefe each decade. The commifiion has communicated to the committee of public fafety, the readinefs which you have fh^wn in what- ever tends to preferve good order. The committee fully con- vinced of your active attention in this refpecfc, has not doubt- ed but that you would favourably regard every means of con- curring in it. They confequently diret the commiffion, to invite you to communicate to them a lift of all your fellow citizens now in Paris. The government being thus made ac- quainted with the Americans that are within this commune, and with thofe who may arrive hereafter, will be better ena- bled to fccure to them ei'Scacioufly the protection which the American government extends to them. frcHi the Min'ijler Plenipotentiary of the United States of Amc- ricciy to the CommiJJary cf Foreign Relations. Paris, July 3^ 1795. I HAVE received yours of the i3th Meffidor in anfwer to mine of the 2yth of June, and to which I beg leave now to reply. The note which I wrote to you ought to have comprized thofe to whom certificates are granted, as well as paiTports ; ibr to many certificates are granted merely to authorize a refi- dencc in Paris, and its vicinity. This change will comprize all thofe of whofe arrival I have, or can have, any knowledge. It is true, that all the Americans who arrive in Paris ought to call immediately upon me and take the protection to which they are entitled from the miniffccr of their country. But the fact is other wife; for many never call until they are about to depart, fome of whom have thus remained for five, fix and eight months. In the interim they are protected by the pair- ports they have from the municipalities in the fea ports, and other authorities which they find adequate : For if they were not adequate, they would of courfe apply to me, for the protection they otherwife did not enjoy. You will readily perceive' that it is my bufinefs only to give protection to my countrymen entitled to it j beyond which my authority cannot extend: That it is the bufinefs of the government to fee that thofe who are not poflcifcd of that protection, fha!l not be a fuchj and of courfe b': treated accordingly. I fug- [ 19' 3 geft this idea for your confideration, that weighing it you may fhew what ftep I mall take to avoid the inconvenience complained of, if < pofiible on my part ; or propofe to the committee fuch meafure as v/ill remedy it en theirs. In cafe any new regulation is adopted, I beg of you to ap- prize me of it, that I may give the neceflary notice thereof to my countrymen, that they may fuftain no injury from a mea- fure which is calculated to iecure them the enjoyment of their juft rights, by preventing others from imppfmg themfelves upon this government as their compatriots, to the injury of France and the difhonor of America. I will fee that the lift of thofe in Paris be made and fur- nifhed you as foon as poflible. From the Committee of Public Safety, to the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. Paris, i$th MeJJidor, *$d Tear of the Republic. (July 7^,1795.; THE committee of public fafety requefts the minif- ter plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to tranf- mit to captain Michael Burke the enclofed letter. This tefti- mony of their gratitude towards that brave captain is a very agreeab le duty to fulfill. It is by fuch proofs of generofity and courage that the A- merican and French nations mould cemeni the perfect uni- on which ought ever to fubfift between them. (Signed) CAMBACERES, Prefident, F. AUBRY, BOISSY, DOULCET, J. B. LOUVET, GAMON. From the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- rica, to the Committee of Public Safety. Paris, July loth, 17^. I HAVE received with pleafure the notice you have been pleafed to take of the conduct of C?ptain Burke, an A- [ I 9 2 ] merican citizen, who has rendered an acceptable proof of his attachment to the French Republic. I will immediatcly tranfmit him your letter -acknowledging that fervicc j and doubt not he will deem the incident which furnifhed an op- portunity of rendering it, whereby ha has merited your ap- probation, the mod fortunate one of his life. It is by com- mending acts of patrictifm, that the generous fpirit of emu- la L-IO:I is excited ; and the example known and followed by others. Upon the fame principle, therefore, that you have been pleafed to notice his conduct, I {hall take care 'to make it likewife known to our government, and with whom, I doubt not, it will excite fimilar fenfations of pleafure. From tJ:e Mn::Jlcr Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- ricay to the Committee cf Public Safety. Paris, July $th, 1795, THE injuries which the piratical powers on the Afri- can coail have rendered and continue to render to our com- merce, are known to this Republic j bccaufe it takes an in- tereft in our welfare, and becaufe thofe injuries cannot other- wife than be eventually hurtful to the commerce of France like wife. It was forefeen, at the moment v/hen we became an inde- pendent nation, that we mould be expofed to the piracies of thofe powers ; and the fpirit of amity which difpofed the then councils of France, in obedience to the wiihes of the people, to aid us in that ftruggle, difpofed them likewife to aiTure us of their fupport in our negociaticns with each refpeclively. But unfortunately no treaty has yet been formed with any of thofc powers (Morocco excepted) and in confequence our com- merce has been interrupted by their cruizers and efpecially thofe of Algiers ; whereby many of our citizens were allb taken, and who are new detained in flavery. It is the wifli of the United States to make an effort, at this pvdeiit moment, to conclude a peace with thofe feveral pow- ers, and to purfue that objccl: in harmony with this Repub- lic, that its aid may be extended to them in their negotiations with each ; and for which purpofe I have now the pleafure to inform you, that Mr. Humphreys, minifter of the United !:'ratc:j at Lifoon, hasjuft arrived here with full power to com- mence and conclude fuch treaties. It may be neceiTary fur- ther to premife, that fuitablc provifion has been made for C 193 3 fe treaties, according to our idea of- what wouid be fuitabls, and fo fur as \ve were able to make it 5 and of courfe, thit the only aid which we wifli from this Republic is that or good offices and influence in the councils of thofe powers. If the committee is difpofcd to render us this aid, cur fu- ture meafures will be in conceri committee -, b-caufe it belt knows how it may be molt eiucjciouily rendered, and with ieaft inconvenience to itfeif. In that view we will b3 happy to open to the committee our funds, C3V. that by know* ing completely our real ntuation, the concert and harmony may be perfectly complete ; and in confequence die beil ar- rangeiTients taken, that circum (lances \vi!l admit of^ to enfure :s in the negotiations contemplated. As we have reafon to apprehend the interference of fome other powers, who would not be pieafed to fee us at peace with thofe regencies, permit me to fugged the propriety of great fccrecy in refpetl: to the piefent, and fuch future, com- munications as may take place between us, upon this ir.tcrefU ing fubject. [ No. XVIII. ] FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF Si Paris, J;;!y 6tJ:, 1795. SIR, ABOUT three cr four weeks pail, one of cur vcffds which touched at Havre from England, was taken in charge by the government, and the captain and paiTengers confined, upon a fufpicicn they had brought falfe aflignats with them, with a view of circulating them through the country, and thereby fubferving the views of its enemies. Complete fearch was made upon the veflel, but no aflignats were found. As I knew that the fufpicion which was entertained, ought not to be extended to three young men who were pailengers, I im- mediately applied to the commiiTary of foreign relations for their diicharge, and obtained an order for it, though fortu- nately they were releafed by the municipality at Havre before it reached them. But as I was net acquainted with the character of the captain, or any others belonging to the veflel, and was aware C c t 194 3 of the fight the government had to protect itfelf from injuries of every kind, and from every quarter, and of courfe to fearch the veHel, and as I alfo hoped in cafe the fufpicion proved to be groundless, it would prevent the like in future, and efpecially upon frivolous fuggeitions, I did not choofe, in that ftage, to apply likewiie in their behalf. After the fearch was made, and the government fatisfied it had fufpected without caufe, the captain was put at liberty, and the veffel offered back to him. But, being mortified in having been fufpected,and as his veflel and cargo were fomewhat injured by the fearch and neglect which eniued his arreitation, be feemed difpofed rather to throw the whole upon the government, and demand an indemnity for it, and with which view he lately came here to confer with me. I advifed him to gather up what he could of his own property, and purfue his voyage according to the original def- tination, limiting his claim merely to the damage fuftained, and leaving that to be purfued by the conful here under my direction. As yet he waits his proteil and other documents from Havre, referring to hirnfelf the liberty of acting after their receipt as he pleafes, and according as the light of pre- ceding examples of the like kind, and whofe details he will in the interim acquire, may admonilh him will be molt for his intereft. I mail endeavour to obtain juftice for him uport found principles, and have only mentioned the cafe, that you may know fuch a one has happened, and what the circumftan- ces of it are. The jealoufy which is entertained by this government, of the commerce carried on by our countrymen between the ports of this Republic and thofe of England has latterly (hewn it- felf in a more unpleafant form than heretofore, and I am fear- ful will yet produce fome more difagreeable effects. A Mr. Eldred was lately apprehended at Marfeilles, and fent here un- der guard, upon a charge of having given intelligence to the Britifh of fome movement in the French fleet. Upon enqui- ry I found he had my pafTport, granted too, upon the moft fub- ftantial documents, proving him to be an American citizen : But I likewife found that, in truth, he was not an American citizen; fdr, although born in America, yet he was not there in the courfe of our revolution, but in England ; nor had he been there fince. From what I hear of him, he is not ft per- fon of mifchievous difpofition, nor one who would be apt to commit the offence charged upon him. But I do not know how I can officially interfere in his behalf; for when once a principle i& departed from, it ceafes to be a principle- C '95 3 More latterly I was requefted by the commlfTary of foreign affairs, to prohibit our confute from granting paiTports, and which was immediately done. I was afterwards requefted by him, to furnifh a lift of the Americans actually in Paris, and to render a like lift every decade of thofe who fhould in the in- terim arrive, and which was promifed, and will be punctually executed. I herewith fend you a copy of my inftructions to the confuls, and correfpondence with the commiflary on this fubjea. You will readily perceive, that this jealoufy proceeds from the circumflance; that many of thofe, who are actually engaged in this trade, are of that defcription of perfons, who, having latterly become citizens of the United States, are likewife fub- jects of England ; nor can you be furprized when that cir- cumftance is conlidered, without any imputation on the cha- racter of the parties, that this jealoufy fhould exifl: They are Englifh themfelves, their connections are fo, and in England their profits will probably ultimately fettle. It is natural that a communication of this kind fnould draw after it fufpicion, or ra- ther it would be unnatural if it did not produce that effect* To the people of America this is an evil of ferious import : For by it, it is obvious, that the confidence which is due to our national character is daily diminifhed. Nor can the mortifi- cation which is incident to fuch a fituation, be otherwife than heightened, when it is confidered, that we are mo'ft a prey to this evil, at the moment when the government to which thefe perfons belong infults our national dignity, and tramples on our rights. Be afTured I mail do every thing in my pawer to guard us againft injuries of this kind, by excluding all who are not, and upon the principles agreed upon my firfl arrival here, ftrictly entitled to our protection ; and by which line of conduct I hope I fliall fucceed, in a great meafure if not al- together, in the accomplifhment of an object fo important to cur welfare. As connected with this fubject, permit me to mention ano- ther, which I deem equally important, and more remediable. We have at Hamburg, as conful for the United States, a Mr. Parifh, who has held that office for fome years pad. This gen- tleman is an Englifh fubject, and was, as I am allured, never in America. All the Americans who have been at Hamburg and who come here unite in reprefentiag him to be (comparatively with England) as unfriendly to America; as abfolutely un- friendly to France and the French revolution, and which traits are faid to be often difcernible in his public conduct. It is a Armed, that he ^ likewtfe an agent of England, and C 196 ] particular, the Pruflian fubfidy parTed through his hands. Up- fe facts you may rely (and efpechliy the latter, into which I have made more pointed enquiry) for they are agreed on by ;ili tn_ Americans, and, I am fure, have been to IMC by ;K kail fifty. Without obferving how v. i-.tj a door is h_r .- opened lor England to benefit herfelf, and injure Fr.^ce, inui through us, even wh'nft its ufe is confined to that raiipe, which, without any imputation on the morality of this gentleman, national prejudice alone would allow, there arc orher con fid era ti on &, v\hich. at the prefent moment, make this appointment worthy your attention. Since the commence- ment: of the prde;U war, a L r rjat proportion of t' ;*. cc- 1 .amerce oi me north, .uid from every quarter of the world, has center- ed at Hamburg, and will probably continue to center there, until its clofc ; from whence it iflues again in different direc- tu us, France. Holland, EngLind, &c. That this commerce is capable of a tenons impr- MUOII .y the public ag:nts of differ- ent countries then-, and efp jciaiiy by thofe of neutral powers, v/hofe connexion is fought with great avidity by the fubjecls of the powers at war, cannot be queftioned , nor can it be queitioned, wh ^ is confidwred who this gentleman is, that the imprefiion which he makes upon it is a Briiiih and not an American one. j.n Addition to which it may be obferved, tha 1 : as he refides in the dominions of an independent power, and whev \ - have no miniller, it is in fome meafure his du- ty to grant paf .ports to Americans travelling die where. This circumitance, therefore, and cfpecially at the prefent moment, increafes the importance and delicacy of the truft. In jultice, hrAvever, to this gentleman I muft add, that I do not know any inflance in which he has betrayed it in this rcfpedt, and that, in others, I only apply to him general principles, and bring to your view the complaints of our countrymen. Per- fcnaily, I never faw or had any comnvunication with him. There ST.i at prefent at Hamburg feveral Americans worthy of this truft, among whom are Joel Barlow arid Wm. A. St. John, fon of him who, by his writings, is well known ; but, in truth, fo profitable is the poll, that there are but few American xn-jrchants in Europe who would not accept it. In general, permit me to fugged: for your confidefation; whenever a va- cancy takes place, or whenever it becomes neceiTary to fuper- ccdc an exilling conful, whether it would not be advifeable to advert ife the facl, that candidates might offer for the poft ; for fure I am, that it would rarely happen that fuitable candi- dates, American citizens, did not offer. In Europe fuch ge- nerally nnybe found. C '97 : Since my laft, the French have fuftained a lofs at fca of three (hips, which arofe partly from accident not to be guard- ed a^ainit, and partly from mifconduft. It occafioned the immediate difmiflion of d'Albarade, minifter of marine, who cave \v.\y to a fuccefTor believed to be better qualified for the poll. The Britifh have likewife landed on the French coail near Nantes, about fix thoufand emigrants, and who being joined perhaps with fome of their own troops, and fince by fome fanatic priefls, are faid to make up a force of about ten thoufand men. It is fuppofed the Britiih govern- ment might hope, that by putting thefe people in the neighbour- hood of the Chouans or Vendeans, they might, by encourag- ing a rebellion there, combine a force capable of making fome impreffion : But a wiih to rid themfelves of thefe un- fortunate men, whofe fupport becomes daily more burden- fome, is believed to be the more influential motive. Ail par- ties unite here in the fentiment that they are facrificed, and confider the aft of landing them, as an act or barbarity, ex- celled only by thofe which were formerly perpetrated in the fame neighbourhood by the infatuated Carrier. It is believed that a treaty has taken place between England and Ruffia, in which the former has ftipulated not to take the fide of Poland againft the latter; in ccnfideration whereof, Ruffia is to furnilh England a certain number of mips during the refidue of the war. It is likewife believed, that England has announced to Spain, that in cafe the latter makes peace with France, the will commence immediate hoitilities upon her. This may poffibly keep Spain in a ftate of fufpencc fome time longer. On the other hand it is obvious, that the connection between France and Holland, Denmark and Swe- den becomes daily flronger ; whilft Auftria, paralizcd by the peace and movements of Pruffia, which threaten an en- tire change in the Germanic fyftem, and fuch an arrangement of its parts as will give an entire preponderance to Pruffia, fcarcely knows what part to take ; whether to make peace cr continue the war. It is the intereft of Pruffia that Auftri i fhould continue the war j for the prefTure of France upon the Empire, which is the confequence of it, tends to favour the views of Pruffia, by throwing the members of the Em- pire into her arms, with a view of fecuring their peace with France, through the interceflion of Pruffia. In converfation a few days paF with Baron Stael, Ambaf- fadcr from Sweden, he informed me of a communication formerly made by the court of Sweden to Mr. Pinckncy it r ij>8 ] London, for our government, and upon which no anfwer was given, although ir was much wifhcd. I defired his commu- nication in writing, that I might forward it to you, and which was accordingly given, and is herewith tranfmitted. 1 have no doubt that whatever he fays to me is known to the cora- m ttee, as I was informed by fome of its members in the be- gi ming of the winter, and before the Baron arrived, that fuch an application had been made to us from that quarter. It belongs to me only to forward this paper, and which I do, not doubting that I mall be inftrutcd, relative thereto, in the mod fuitable manner. id Humphreys has juft arrived, and, upon due confi- deration, I presented lad night a paper to the committee, opening, as fur as was expedient, the object of his vifit j and upon \vhich fubjec> generally I mall be more full in my next, when I hope to be poffeiled of an anfwer. From tie Committee of Public Safety, to the Mini/ler Plenipoten- tiary of the United States of America. Pans, zoth Mtjjldor, ^d year of tl:e Republic. (July S/A, 1795.; THE great number of foreigners who croud to Paris, determine us, Citizen, in taking meafures which, by fecuring the entire protection of the laws to thofe who- have rights to ths hofpkality of the French People, may at the fame time enable us to difcovcr and watch men, whofe fufpicious fituafion, or whole connection with enemy's countries, are calculated to direct towards them fufpicions as intriguers and fpies, which are too well juftified by many events in our revolution. Per- fuaded, Citizen, that, in your quality of miniiler of a neutral and friendly power, you will haflen to fecond the falutary viev/s of the government, we requeft you to tranfmit diredl to us a lift of all thofe that you recognize as belonging to your nation, and as refuting at Paris from legitimate motives, and to tranfmit to us likewife, from decade to decade, the the names of thofe of youf nation who (hall have arrived, and xvho (hall have afked paflports of you, during the interval. I ou \viil ihiib facilitate to the government of the Republic the f 199 1 means of watching over the internal and external fafety ofY.-e. ftate, and of giving to your real fel ow citizens a new guaran- tee of its protection and good will. Signed) J. B. LOUVET, of Lo'ret, TREILLARD, BOISSY, JEAN de BRY, JTrs.Tz tie Minifter Plenipotentiary tf the United Statss of ricay to the Committee of Public Safety* Purls ) j:.l\ lotl:, 1795. I HAVE received yours of the 2oth Meflldor, rcqueft-* ing that I would immediately caufe a lift to be rendered you f my countrymen in Paris, and lur^af:er a like lift, from de- cade to decade, of thofe who may arrive and demand paff- ports of me ; a meafure you deem it necefiary to adopt, to guard the Republic from danger, by an accurate difcrimina- tion of your friends from your enemies. I mull execute this requeft with pleafure; being extremely anxious, as well foi the credit of my countrymen as the welfare of this Republic, that the mod accurate line iliould be drawn between them and the fubjecls of the powers at war with France. The move accu- rate the line of diftinclion, and ftricl the execution, the more agreeable it will be to me. I have in confequence notified to my countrymen who are in Paris, and (hall caufe the fame to be made known to thofe who may hereafter arrive; that it is my wifh they immediately attend at my cilice to enrcgifler their names and receive pafTports, that I may be enabled e- qually to comply with your deiire and extend to them the pro- tection which is their due. I {hail, I prefume, have the plea- fure to fend you the lift of thofe who are actually in Paris, on Sextidi next, and mall afterwards furnifli a like lift en the feme day of evsry fuccecding decade. r 200 3 Frsm tie Minifcr Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame<* rice, to th^ Committee cf Public Safety, Purls, July I4/J, 1795. I SENT you yefterday a lift of my compatriots in Pa- ris, according to your requeit of the 2Gth inllant (Meffidor) and fhall continue to furniilia like lift every decade whilft you deem it neccfiary. In rendering this lift, it becomes neceflary for my future conduct, that I mould afk of the committee an explanation of a decree of the convention of the 23 d inllant (Meffidor) upon this fubject : For I obferve by that decree, that fuch citizens as are born within the jurifdiction of the powers in alliance raid friendmip with the French Republic, and who are ac- knowledged by the reprefentatives of fuch powers here, are dcfignated as entitled to protection, and by which it may be inferred, that all thofe who are not born there, are to be exclud- ed from fuch protection. Permit me to afk; whether fuch is the import of the decree? The following confederations incline me to believe that it is not. i ft. Becaufe it denies the right of expatriation, admitted by this Republic, and which cannot be denied without fup- pofmg a man attached to the foil where he was born and in- capable of changing his allegiance. 2d. Becaufe it denies the right to all governments to con- fer the privilege of citizenihip, and incorporate into its fociety any perfon who was born elfewhere, and which is admitted and praftifed every \vhers. 3d. Becaufe, as the firft member of the fourteenth article of that decree allows even the fubjels of the powers at war with the Republic, who came in before the i ft January 1792, to remain here, it would follow, if fuch were the conftruc- tion, that many of the fubjecls of thofe powers would be put on a better footing than many of the citizens of thofe who are your friends and allies. From thefe confiderations I am inclined to think, that fuch is not the import of the decree, and that the term was intend- ed to mean political as well as natural birth ; but as it is capa- ble ef a diirerent conftrution, I have thought it my duty to afk of you an explanation on that head : For, at the lame time that it is my wifti to extend protection to all thofe of my coun- { 201 ) trymen, who are deemed fuch by the laws of my country, it is likewife my wifh to do it in fuch mariner and upon fuch principles as will be fatisfactory to the French Republic. No. XIX. FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, Philadelphia, Augujl I/?, 1795. SIX, I WAS forry to find, fome days after my laft, that the difquietudc which I intimated exifted in the councils of this Republic, and to which the communication between its ports and thofe of England had given birth, afTumed a form Hill more unpleafant, in regard to us, than I then apprehended it would do ; for, whilft the fubj^tr. was under difcuffion between the commiflary and myfelf, and, as I thought, approaching to- wards a cloft, the committee interpofed, and taking the bufi- nefs cut of his hands, addrefled me on the fame fubjecr, and to the fame effect, laying, at the fame time, the drait of a de- cree before the Convention, the principal object of which was> to preclude all thofe, who were not born within the jurifdic- tion of the neutral powers, from the protection of the minif- ters of thofe powers here. The decree, you will obfcrve, was made general, as well as the letter which preceded it from the committee. I had, however, feen too much of the bufineis, not to know, that in regard to others it was formal only, whilib it was, in reality, pointed againft a particular defcription of our own citizens, and of Englimmen, who, by means of American paffports obtained elfewhere, and, no doubt, by fraud, fome- times patied for fuch. As I prefumed it was not the intention of the committee r convention, that the decree ihould be conftrued and exe- cuted ftrictly, becaufe I knew upon principle it could not be fupported, and becaufe I likewife knew, that many of thofe whom it would thereby comprehend, were refident, and valu- able members of our community, and had been, and now were, by their commerce, ufeful to France, I demanded immediate- ly an explanation from the committee, of the decree, and foon afterwards obtained an interview with that body; in which I was explicitly aiTured, that they did not mean to call in quef- taon any principle infifted on by us ; that their only wifh was Dd ( 202 ) to exclude Engliflimen ; and that, in regard to myfelf, they meai; . e on me no rcitraint, in granting paiTports, I had ir.,t alrc uly obierv, d. Thus, this bufmefs has happily terminated prtcifely where it ou^lit to do, without producing any real change here, or other eir'ec-t any where, which can be hurtful to us. I have the pieafure to inform you, that the full aid of this government will be given in fupport of our negotiation with Algiers, C5V. Upon this you may, I think, count with cer- tainty, as I have been afiured o f it by the committee, and am furnifhed with all the light which their paft negociations with that regency enable them to give us on that fubje&. Difficulties, however, of a new kind arife, and which may poflibly create fome ferious cmbarraiTment. The fund defti- ned for this bufmefs is, I underftand, in England, and the Englifh intercourie law prohibits, as I hear, and under the penalty of death, the payment of drafts from this country, in favor of any ptrfon in France, or who has been in France fince the commencement of the war between the two nations. Perhaps this law may not be deemed applicable to trn's cafe : Perhaps, if it does, the inconvenience may yet be remedied fomehow or other, fo as to prevent the failure of the treaty on thiit account. Colonel Humphreys is flill here upon this bufimifc ; and as we devote our uniemittcd attention to it, you nv..) be i: Lured that no meafure, neceflary to its fuccefs> wiii be emitted, that we are capable of. With in a few days pail, the emigrant army, which lately land- ed in the bay oi Quiberon, under the aufpices of Great Britain, has been completely defeated, and its whole force, amounting to about ten thcuiand men, either llain or taken prifoners ; of which about four thoufond were (lain. Many of thofe who com- that army are faid to have been raifed by compulfion, from among the French prifoners, and were of courfe immediately itt a i liberty. By the law, all the others are doomed to fuffer capital punilhmcnt ; but it is to be hoped, as many of them are w< '; and mif. uuled men, its rigor will be moderated, at lead in regard to them. Within a few days paft, alfo, a peace was concluded with Spain; whore by the whole of the illand of St. Domin- vl to France, the latter yielding her conquefts made in this quarter fince the war. That there are fome fecret arti- cles is more than probable. I herewith fend you a copy of the treaty, as likewife of the details which attended the de- and dcflrucTtion of the emigrant army, according to the- t 203 ] jreport thereof rendered by Tallien, who was in miffion with the republican army in that qunrter. You will perceive that our claims have not been provided for in this treaty with Spain ; relative to which claims 1 have heard nothing, fince mine to you of the i4th of June laft. 'Tis poflible I may foon hear fomething on that iubjVct,, either from this government or from Mr. Pinckney- in which cafe I will immediately advife you of it. It is likewli'c poinble, a war may foon take place, in confequence of that treaty, between England and Spain, and in which cafe it wiii, no doubt, be the wifh of the former to involve us in it on her fide : feut this, I hope, will not take effect 5 becaufe, under exifting cir- cumftances, it would not only produce many unhappy confe- quences; but Kcaufe I am of opinion, if Mr. P. finds difficul- ties, that the object may y--;t be attained, by the interceffion of this government, as foon as I am enabled to (hew, that Mr. Jay's treaty ftipulatcs nothing injurious to this Republic. Doubtlefs France will now have great weight in the councils of Spain j and, melt certainly, if we continue in friendfhip with France, and of which there can be no doubt, it will be poflible to avail ouriolves of it, in fupport of our claims there.* Thefe two great events mufl certainly produce die mod im- portant confequences, as well in fecuring tranquillity at home, as in cutting oif all remaining hope of fuccefs, on the part of the powers ftill at war with this Republic. Indeed th~ pro- bability is, that peace will foon be made with the Italian pow- ers, and even with Auftria : But with E.^lviud, lo peculiar is the relation between the two countries, that it i impouible to * The ftate of this bufinr*3 appears to me to ftaml thus W-ni't Spain adhered to England, ihe rrj^clcd cur prefenfiona to the !.. ffi ,>,', &x. i '! liftened to them only when ihe w?s -K>OU c ?:-m Ln^'.ai ., > ne<3t herfelf wuh [''ranee. As tills ia'rtr policy gained itrength in her councils, her difpofitiap to, accommodate us iikewife increafed, as appears by Mr. Short's letter, ;: mine of the i6-iiof Iu t, 1795. au nia ~ ny other circumftanc^s; : .t p.rio.: ih^ i-vj.jitsa our uia 10 promote her peace with France, . it our cl.ii be a^ju'Uxi < but from his (kill, the itrength and enterprize of his army, fuc- cefs is counted on as certain. No indication prefents itfelf of an approaching peace be- tween France and England, or even of a negociation for it. The only indication is to be found in an Englifh minifterial paper, which fpeaks of the convention in very refpectful terms, and of peace as a deiirable object. It is probable, however, when a negociation commences, it will be fhort : For as I prefume the overture will come from England j fo it is equally prefumable that none will be made 'till her adminif- tration is difpofed to accede to the terms of France. Thefe, I prefume, are in fome meafure known to England, at lead I expect fo ; a confideration which I particularly fugged at pre- fent, with a view of turning your attention to thofe fymptoms which may be difcovered on the other fide of the channel, as data by which you may edimate either remote or immediate approaches towards this important event. [ No. XXI. ] FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. Paris, September loth, 1795 A PRIVATE letter of the 3 ift of May, is the laft with which I have been honored from you, and as more than three months have fince elapfed, I am inclined to believe, that fome of your defpatches are carried into England, and treated with the fame violence that. mine were by the admiralty at Halifax. It was, doubtlefs, an objet of importance with the Britifh govern- ment to know what were the ulterior meafures of the Prefi- dent in regard to England, after the decifion of the fen ate up- C icp 1 n the treaty of Mr. Jay, and as I prcfurr.? you wrote rilfc fully upon that head, and immediately after the clccilion waft taken, ib I cannot ctherwife account \vhy your letters hsv not reached me. I fmcerely wifli to liear from you as foon as poffible upon that fubjedT: ; becaufe if in the further purfuit cf our claims upon England, it is wiihed to derive any aid from this Repub- lic, either by harmonious co-opertion or o&erwife, it is ob- vious from a variety of confiderations that the foor.er, an at- tempt is made to adjuft the mode whereby fuch aid is to be rendered, the better the profpect of fuccefs will be. You know that France viewed with anxiety die Jate negotiation with that power, and waited the refult not without unplea- fant apprehenfions of the confluences : and you liktwife know that the moment when th it anxiety ceafes, and efpe- cially if there is any thing mingled in the caufe producing the change, which argues an attachment for France, is the mo- ment to make a fuitable impreffion on her councils. Often- times incidents of this kind in private life encreafe the friend- fhip and cement the union between the parties ; and the principle is the fame with nations as with individuals, where the government is in the hands of the people. But the mo- ment muft be feized, other wife the profpccl diminifhes, r.nd e- very day becomes more remote ; for \vhen a coolnefs which has once taken place is fuffered to remain for any length of time, aft e> the caufe which gave birth to it ceafes, that circumftance ix> comes a new motive for chagrin, and which, efpecially if afterwards encieafed by mutual flights, often ends in mutual enmity. In addition to which, it may be obferved, that if fuch aid is wiflied from France, the ftate of the war is fuch as tp require, on our part, difpatch ; for it is always prefumabk, when its fubftantial objects are fecured on the one fide, and the hope of gain in a great meafure abandoned ori the other, as is actually now the cafe, that its clofe is not very diilant. I am ft ill of opinion, that if a timely and fuitable cticmp-*? be made to engage the aid of this government in fupport of our claims upon England, it may be accomplished, and upon fair and honorable terms. But under exifting circumftances, peculiar and extraordinary care becomes neceifary in the ar- rangement to be adopted ; otherwife the attempt will fail. Our negociation muft be in harmony, and poifefs the confi- dence of this government, or it will not fupport it ; for no government will fupport a negociation it fufpeCVs will termi- nate in a treaty injurious to itfelf. For this purpofe, then, the wesfon to whom we e-omnait the truft, (hould poiftfs th* [ 2tO ] dence of this government, and, in my opinion, the negociatiori fhould be earned on ?t the place where the French negotiation is carried on; either here or at Bru'le, at which latter place it is reported, Mr. Eden has latelyprefexited himfelf, the fame per- fon who was not long fince at Dieppe for ail exchange of pri- foners, as it \vasfaid. On the contrary, fuppofe any perfon was fent directly to England on this bufinefs, what would be its effect here ? It is admitted that fuch a perfon might be fent, as would create no alarm here, of injuries to this Re- public from the confequence of fuch negotiation ; but the manner would be deemed inharmonious, and would, of courfe, be confidered as declining all claim upon this government for its fupport. England would know this, and profit by it. In- deed, no co-operation, under fuch circumftances, would be prefumed. What can be the objections to fuch an arrange- ment ? I can fee none. If we were at war with England none would be urged by any one ; for fuch was the cafe when we were at war with her. If, then, remaining at peace, ano- ther country is, willing to give us the fortune of its arms, in fupport of our claims againfl a common enemy, ought we to decline an arrangement which would be adopted in war, efpe- cially when it is confidered, that peace is the lot we prefer, and that our fuccefs depends upon its fuccefs, unaided by any effort of our own ? "Would it excite difguft in England ? On. the contrary, it would command her refpecl. Without corhpul- fion we know we (hall not gain from her what w r e are entitled to ; and if this compulfion is to be procured from France, \vill it not be more efficacious, when fhe fees that our harmony with France is complete, and beyond her reach to difturb it ? But can we accomplifh what we wifh by the fortunes of France, by any kind of negociation we can fet on foot, without any effort of our own ; and if any fuch effort is to be made, of what kind muft it be ? To this I can give no anfwer, other than by referring you to my former letters on that head ; for latterly I have had no communication with this government on it. If it can be done, the above is the way to do it; but to fe- cure fuccefs, by embarking this government with full zeal in our behalf, and ftr iking terror into England, it will be neceffa- ry to lay hold of her property within the United States, take the ports, and even invade Canada. This would not only fe~ cure to us completely our claims upon Britain, and efpecially if we likewife cut up her trade by privateers ; but by making a decifive and powerful diverfion in favor of France, promote, and very effentially, a general peace. [ 211 ] ^ '795- from tie Ccmmijfion of tie Marine and of tie Colonies, to the Mincer plenipotentiary of tie United States of America, Paris, jt/j Fructichr, ^d Tear of tie Republic. (AuguJllVb, i 19 $.J CITIZEN, THE franknefs which has always been and (hall be the bafis of the political and commercial tranfa&ions between the French Republic and that which you reprefent, commands me to awaken your folicitude upon occurrences, which would tend infenfibly to loofen the bonds which unite the two na- tions, if, as I cannot believe, you fhould not concur with the agents of the French government in putting a ftop to the mul- tiplied abufes, of which the ports in the channel, and even the great ports for equipment, offer daily examples. Some captains, furnimed with American papers, frequent habitually thofe ports, and the mortnefs of the intervals which occur between their different trips give ground to ilrong fuf- picions againft them. Mod frequently they arrive in balluft, or with the femblance of a cargo, which they evade felling. Lately one arrived at Fecamp contradicted himfelf in his de- tlarations ; in fine, every circumftance induces a belief that the real end, that the only end of the conduct they purfue, is a communication kept up between the French and Englifh ports of the channel for the tranfportation of pafTengers, letters and perhaps even coin. While I tranfmit you thefe details, I cannot avoid inform- ing you of complaints of another kind, which have been made by French feamen, returned from the Englifh prifons : and who, deftitute, in confequence of a tedious imprifonment, of all means of fubfiftence, have been obliged to pay thefe fame captains from two to five guineas for a paflage from Dover to Calais. Such conduct adds, to the fufpicion of an under- ftanding with our enemies, the eertainty of a baft cupidity, nfks a ranfom from patriotifm, and fpeculates upon misfortune. You mutt be fenfible, Citizen, that the character of neu- trality, which renders a nation refpcclable in our view, ought not to ferve as an ^3Lgis to private defigns, nor to {hut our eyes upon thofe meafures which may commit the general welfare and fafety of the Republic ; it is therefore urgent, that you ihould co-operate in unveiling the individuals who ufurp the American colours in. order to betray our mutual interefts : and it is in the name of that friendship which unites two free na- tions that I now wifh to induce you to fecure the co-opera- tion of men cloathed with your confidence in our ports, to prevent fuch monitions abufes. Your well known character is a gurantee, that you will feccnd with alacrity the adoption of meafures which, without wounding the facred rights of hof- pitality, may frustrate the intrigues of individvals who,, under the cloak of that title, and through die means of conformity of manners, habits, language and cuftoms, receive with impu- nity from the treafures of England means of corruption, a thoufand times more dangerous to us than the chance of battles. I fubmit with confidence to your wifdom the means whicli would appear to me proper to attain this end. You could, Citizen, direct die confuls of the United States, to invite every captain of an American vefTei not to land either men or goods, when arriving in our ports, without firft calling on the maritime agent, to communicate to him ths intention of his voyage - y the nature and quantity of the mer- chandize on board his veflel, and their defoliation ; where {hipped, and the number of his pafiengers. Each captain might receive, from you or from the confular agents of your nation, the order to exhibit, upon demand, his journal and other fea-papers. From the nature of the facb I have laid before you, would you think, Citizen, that there would be any inconvenience, that the maritime agent, or an agent of adminiflration by him delegated, mould be authorized to go on board in order to af- eertain the faithfulnefs of the declarations, if they gave room for well founded fufpicions ? And would you not fay, in cafe their inaccuracy fhould b'i proved, that it would bs proper to keep the crew and paflengers on board, until a decifion from the committee of public fafety be had ? You muft be fenfible, that even in thele cafes, which, I delight in believing, would be very rare, I mould on my part hailen to caufe to be fur- niflied every necdTary fuccour and facility > and the C a7 J ty which might be due, in cafe of the definitive admifiion of the vefTels into our ports, would befides be fettled. At all events, you will no doubt deem it proper not to fuf- fer the landing of the paflengers calling themielvts Citizens of the United States, until their title to that citizenfhip be legally afcertained by the confuls of your nation. I beg you, Citizen, to weigh thefe ideas, and to tranfmit me yours on the preventive means to be uied, to avoid the repetition of the ats of which I have prefented you a picture. (Signed) REDON. From the Minijler Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- rica y to the CommiJJary of Marine. Paris, Augujl 30^, 1795. I OBSERVE by yours of the /th Fructidor (24th Auguft) that you complain of an intercourfe which is faid to be carri- ed on by fome Americans from the ports of this Republic, to thofe of England ; whereby a correlpondence by letters is kept up, money exported and Englifh people carried out of the country : You likewife complain, that the captains of thofe vefiels afk exhorbitant prices for the tranfpcrtation or paflage of French citizens from England here ; whereby they fubjecl: themfelves, in addition to the iufpicion of inteli with your enemies, to the charge likewife of extortion from the unfortunate ; and in remedy of thefe evils you requefl of me, ift. To inftrucr. the confuls to prohibit the captains of our veflels from landing either men or cargoes, until a return of both is given to the maritime agents of the ports where they touch; as likewife a declaration of the port from whence they came. 2d. That I will arrange it fo, that every captain (hall take from me or the confuls his regifter, or other adequate proof of his veflel being American ; by virf-w of which alone, (he fhall be deemed fuch, and he entitled to the privileges of an American citizen. Permit me to aflure you, that whatever regulations thisRe- public finds it for its intereft to adopt, and which allow to my countrymen the rights of nations and of treaties, in com- F f C- 218 3 mon with the citizens of other neutral powers, I (hall not only be fo.tisfied with j but endeavour, by juil and fuitable re- prefenta'ti -ns thereof to produce a fimilar impreffion upon the Ain<:ricaii government ; being perfuaded, that as well in die character of nations as republics, it is the mutual intereil of both to cultivate each the friendfhip of the other. With the fame view and upon the fame principle I (hall be always happy to adopt, fo far as depends on me, fuch regulations as may be calculated to promote that defirable end. The feveral particulars of your complaints are comprifadin that of the intercourfe between the two countries 5 if this were done away the others would ceafe ; no correfpondence of the kind could afterwards be kept up; no money could be export- ed, orEngiifh fubjecls carried out of the country, nor could any extortion be praeWed upon the unfortunate French citi- zens, who were impriibned there. Is it in my power to pre- vent this intercourfe ? If it is, and this government wifhes it to be prevented, then I mould think I merited cenfure if I did not. But you will admit, that this is a meafure to which I am not competent, and that it belongs to the French govern- ment alone to do it, as to regulate in all other refpets its commerce : Regulations of mine upon that point would be difregarded by our mariners, who would confider me as ufurp- ing a power I had no right to exercife ; they might likewife be cenfured by this government whofe intereft it might be to encourage fuch trade. If then I cannot prohibit this intercourfe, it follows, that I can fubjedt it to no reflricT.ion. The fame power which has the right to prohibit, has likewife the power otherwife to regulate it ; and this belongs of courfe to the French govern- ment, and to it alone. Nor have our confuls any fuch pow- tr ; their duties arc regulated by a convention between the two nations, and which excludes every authority of the kind : Indeed the exercife of fuch an authority by a conful of either nation, within the jurisdiction of the other, would be deemed a derogation from the fovereignty of fuch nation, and there- fere could not be tolerated. Our confuls are placed here, as yours are placed in America, for the advantage of our citi- tizens rclpecHvely ; to fee that they enjoy the benefit of trea- ties, and the rights of nations ; not to impofe on the citi- zens any new and opprdlive regulations* If it is the ' interest and wifh of this Republic to prevent fuch intercourfe, admiring that it does exiil, but of which I know nothing otherwii".' than by your letter and the public 'gazettes, which latter ipeak equally of the vefiels of other [ 219 3 neutral powers, as of thofe of the United States, and it does prohibit it, provided the prohibition be general I fhali never complain of it, however decifive the regulation, or fevcre the penalty for infract Ing it. Whatever laws this government makes upon that fubjtcl, it is the duty of my countrymen to obey, and if they violate them, they mull fubmit to the puniili- rnent iuch violation merits. With rjipect to the two regulations which ycu mention ; permit me to obferve, that I deem the firit proceeding from your government, by arrete of the committee or d jcree of the convention, to be publiiried and fent to all the ports, as a very fuitable one, whether the intercourfe is prohibited or not. Such a one exilts in all cafes wi'.h us : No veficl can land its cargo in the United States, without rendering an account thereof to the authority of the port; nor ought it to be done here, either in the cafe of cargo or psflengers. With refpecl: to the fecond, I have to add , that by the laws of the United States, it is already the duty of every captain of a veiTel, to have a regifter from the government of the United States, or fome conful, defcribing his veiTel, her burden, &c. and of courfethe object, which is herein fought, is already provided for : For you are not bound to confider any veflel as Ameri- can, unlefs me produces fome fuch adequate proof that (lie is fuch. I have thus anfwered, Citizen, the particulars of your letter, with the fame freedom with which it was written, and beg, likewife, to aflure you, that if any further explanations are deemed neceflary, I ihall be happy to give them. The Commi/Jion of the Marine and the Colonies, to the JL f \ Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. Paris, 2Q,th Frtiftidor, (i$th September ,, i-g$.J CITIZEN, THE committee of public fafety has juft remitted to me a material and unequivocal proof of the per rid y which the Engliin exercife, with the greater facility, fince they appear to derive many opportunities from the fictitious expeditions from America to our ports, under American colours. Being con- vinced of the deference of the French nation for the friends of liberty and our own, I think, citizen, I may confidentially communicate to you that evidence of the above fact, which I 220 ] has been forwarded to the government through the hands of a reprefcntative, by a trufty obferver. That falie manifeil jufti- fies the fuipicion, which 1 difclofed to you in my letter of the 24th ult. and urges me, while I denounce to you that new ma- noeuvre, to requeft, that you may fupport, with all your autho- rity, the meaiures which the Republic mall take, in concert with you, to fecure ourfelves ngainft the ill ule which the En- giifh make of our jult deference for our friends of the United States of America. I fhaJl receive with much gratitude, the communication of the plan which you may fuggeft, as proper to be adopted in this cafe, in order that I may be able, on my part, to give the orders required by circumftan- ces. I fliall likewife be obliged to you, citizen, if you will pleafe to fend back to me the piece herein enclofed. (Signed) REDON. From Mr. Monroe -, to the Ccmnnjfary of the Marine and Colonies. Paris, September I$th, 1795. I WAS favored with yours of the 2pth Fru&idor (i5th September) and the piece enclofed, which was taken on board an Englifh vefTel, and by which I underftand an attempt was made to impofe her on the ports of this Republic as an American one. I am by no means furprized, that fuch at- tempts are made by the Englifh ; for in the degree that they do fucceed in ufurping the ch.ir:i&ei of different nations (and in which ufurpation, in refpecl: to tht United States, they have, unfortunately, a facility from the ufe of our language) do they enjoy the privileges of thofe nations, and diminifh the embar- raffments of their own. I regret, extremely, that it is not as eafy for the citizens of France to diftinguim between the ci- tizens of the United States and the fubjects of England, as it is for ourfelves to do it : For, to us, fo obvious is the differ- ence in the phyfiognomy and manners of the two people, that it is as eafy to diftinguim an American from an Englifhman, as a Frenchman from a German. It will require time, howe- ver, for foreigners to become acquainted with thofe diftinguifh- ing. traits fo obfervable to ourfelves ; and, in' the interim, nei- ther you nor we have any other means whereby tc guard a- gainft fuch frauds, than by a vigilant fuperintendence of the police in our refpe&ive lines, and by fevere and exemplary pu- C 221 ] nifliment on your part, when you detect any-cf the Englifi in fuch fraudulent attempts. I (hall repeat my inftrutlions to our confuls in the different ports, to make known, in all cafes which fall within their knowledge, fuch vefTels and their manners as, being Englifh, wifh to be impofed on the officers of this Republic for Ame- ricans ; fo that fuch impoftors, being detected and puniihed as they ought to be, others may be deterred from like attempts. For other particulars upon this head, permit me to refer you to my -letter of the 13111 Fructidor. I have aifo been favored with yours of the 21 ft ultimo, and refpecSting which, permit me to afiure you, that I ihall with pleafure make to our confuls the communication intended for them, and like wife obfetve that they perform what it is wifhed they fhall perform. Circular to the Confuls of tke U Jilted States in France. Parity September 2o//->, 1795. I HAVE lately received a notice from the commiflary of the marine, that attempts are made by the Britiih to intro- -duce their veflels into the ports of this Republic, under colour of Talfe American papers, and requeuing me to ufe my en- deavors to counteract fuch abufes. If I miilake not, the or- ders tranfmitted to yc-u by our government recommend vigi- lance and crrcumfpe&on on this point, to prevent other na- tions availing themfelves of an undue advantage by the ufe of fuch means. But whether that be the cafe or not, permit me to call your attention particularly thereto, and to requeft you would employ every effort in your power to detect and make known to the proper authorities, all thofe perfons whom you may have ground to fufpecl: of fuch practices, which are as injurious to our national intereft and character, as they are to the intereft of our ally. I inclofe you a copy of certain propofitions adopted by the committee of public fafety, rela- tive to the perfons deport es from the colonies. The co-opera- tion of our confuls being deemed ufeful therein, I have to re- queft you would facilitate, as far as in your power, fuch mea- fures as the government finds it expedient to ufe in the bufinefs in queftion. [ 222 ] From tljc Committee of Public Safety , to the Mmijler Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. Par is > $th Thermldor^ %d Tear of the Republic. (July 23^ 1 795-; have received, Citizen, feveral complaints from French fr.imen at Charlellon. They complain of the acts of injustice they have experienced fince the beginning of the war ; of the proclamations published by order of congrefs, again it tae privateers in America ; of the prohibitions againlt the exportation of all kinds of warlike itoroo ; of the obftacl :s they meet with refpeStmg their prizes which are al- ways difputed, fcized and reflored to the v/a. j mies of the Re- public ; of the prediieh jn in favor of the Spaniards and Englifh. It is undoubtedly ufekfs to obferve, that thcfe com- plaints, if they are well founded, are contrary to the fpirit of the treaty of 1778. Full of confidence in the uprightnefs of your pr'nciples and your earnellnefs to prevent every thing tending to diuurb the harmony which fubiifts between the two Republics, we do not doubt, but that you will be willing to give us a candid explana- tion on the fubje& of thofe complaints, and will concur with us in fupporting, unimpaired, our mutual interells. JEAN de BRY, TREILLARD. [ No. XXII. ] FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. Paris, OcJobtr ^th y 1795. SlRy I HEREWITH inelofe you extracts from feveral let- ters from Mr. Cathalan, our conful at Marfeilles, and by which it appears, that a treaty in behalf of the United States is made with Algiers. I have likewife fince conferred with Jean de Bry, of the committee of public fafety,who is charged [ 223 3 with the American affairs, and by whom I am informed, that like intelligence is received from their conful at Algiers; fo that the verity of this report cannot be doubted. By thefe extracts, as by the communications of the confuls to the committee, as I am advifed, it is to be inferred, that the movements of Mr. Donaldfon were unconnected with the French conful, and, of courfe, that the aid of this Republic was not extended to us in that negociation. From what caufe this proceeded, if fuch is the fuel:, I cannot at prefent divine; but prefume it will be fully explained to you by colonel Humphreys from Lifbon; where he dcubtlefs is before this, having left Paris on his re- turn there about three weeks fince. It is, however, neceiTary for me to ftate to you what took place here in that refpect, in confequence of colonel Humphreys' arrival, prior to the receipt of the above intelligence ; as likewife what has been fince done in cor.fequcnce of that intelligence. I was informed by Colonel Humphreys upon his arrival, that you wifhed to obtain the aid of this government in fup- port of our negociations with the Barbary powers; for which purpofe, indeed, he had come, and that you wifhed me to afk for it in cafe I thought it attainable. From particular con- fideraticns, and which will oc cur to you, I felt fome embar- ralTment in making an application for aid of any kind at the prefent juncture ; but as I was perfuaded you had weighed them, and deemed them no obftacle, and knew that the ob- ject was equally preffed by intereft and humanity, I imme- diately wifhed to bring the fubject before the government, and afk for fuch aid ; itating it was not the aid of funds that we wanted, butfimply the aid of the amicable mediation and interference of this government, and which was promifed by our treaty of alliance, but never performed. Colonel Hum- phreys anc> myfelf were agreed, that as credit for the fervice was to be a principal motive on the part of France for embark- ing in it, fo it would be expedient on our part to make our ar- rangements fuch, as to give full force to that motive ; fince thereby fhe would engage in it with greater zeal, and, in confequence, with proportionably greater effect. It readily occurred, that the more direct our meafures were from this quarter, and the more united and harmonious our councils were in this refpect, with thofe of this government, the grea- ter its confidence in us would be, and of courfe, the better our profpect of fuccefs. Befides, to give full effect to the in- fluence of France in the councils of the Dey, and thereby obtain the peace at the cheapeft rate, it appeared advifable ; that our agent fhould be cloathed with a French paffport, and [ 22 4 3 if pofllble be a French citizen, and even appear to be an agent of France, exhibiting ultimately our power when neccflary to conclude. By this mode it would feem as if France interfer- ed as our friend and chiefly from motives of humanity in re- gard to our prifonersj whereby we mould avoid inculcating any idea of wealth on our part (for wealth and imbecility are with them ftrong temptations for war) and which would be fur- ther fupported by the long imprisonment of our people. In prefenting, therefore, the fubject before the government, I left the mode or manner of the negociation open for fubfe- quent andlefs formal difcuflion ; feeking in that ftep a deci- fion only upon the firft point of aid, and which I was expli- citly promifed by the committee and the commiflary. I foon found however, on touching on the other part, the execution, that our anticipation was correct, and that it was expected our agent would depart hence by the rout of Mar- feilles; fhunning the countries with which this Republic was at war, and at which place the government would have a vef- fel provided for him to proceed to Algiers. In furtherance of the object, I was furnifhed by the commiflary with a lift of fuch prefents as would be fuitable for Algiers, &c. a lite- ral copy of what they had laft prefented themfelves, with a fpecification of what fuited the Dey and his minifters in par- ticular, and which prefents, as introductory, he advifed us to commit to the agent, to be prefented in the commencement according to the ufage of the place, and as their conful mould advife. But Colonel Humphreys obferved to me, that he had left Mr. Donaldfon at Alicant, with power to correfpond with the French Conful at Algiers, and act in harmony with him ; being further authorized, in cafe he was invited over by the conful, to proceed to Algiers and conclude a treaty with that power. Here then an embarraflment occurred j for it was to be feared, and for the reafons above ftated, that a miflion from that quarter, under the circumftances attending it, would be lefs likely to fucceed, than if it proceeded directly hence ; and, on the other hand, it was likewife to be feared, that if we adopted the latter plan and defpatched a perfon hence, the two agents might interfere with, and embarrafs, each other. Upon mature reflection, therefore, and efpecially as Colonel Humphreys had inftructed Mr. Donaldfon not to act other- wife than in ftrict harmony with the French conful ; nor then without an aflurance of fuccefs, fince he, Colonel Hum- phreys was coming to Paris to fecure the aid of this govern- ment, it feemed as if the two modes might be incorporated *1 into orie ; or rather as if we might proceed with the bufinds 1 -re, counting upon no interference from Mr. Dc'nak'lbn ; providing however, in the arrangements, ii <. afc he acfccd be- fore Colonel Humphrey? returned, and which he coneiuded he would not do in faeh manner as to admit his failing in, incidentally, and harmonizing with the other agent ; and to admit Jikewife, let him act as lie would, provided he harm - niz:d with the French coni'ul, fu-ch an explanation r^vbuld be fai:isfacl:ory to this government. Upon this principle there- fore, and with the approbation add concurrence of Colonel Humphreys, I notified to the ccmmiiliiry of foreign relations, that we had committed the truit to Joel Barlow, who was a citizen of both Republics, and requeued the paiTport of the government in his behalf, and alfo mbchilf of Mr. Donald- ion, wno was eventually to be conful at Tunis and Ti and whom we mould ailjciate with Mr. i3 irlow, to gu - <1 againfl accidents in the negociation with Algiers ; reqiie likewife, that the committee would, in the mod fuitable man- ner, yield all the fupport in its power in favour of L-IO ^--go- ciation. I dated allb, that Mr. Barlow was here and would proceed by the moft direct rout in the dhchurge of his truit, with the prefents we h.id > vv.,.ic, vi i w :re buyi.i;^, according to the hit furnidird m *, for tne fn j. * ; ; ,ed, thac what I liquid be itr::1:iy complied v.v A id thus itood the bufmefs when the acco',:nt'3 aucve reilir.d to were receive.', and which I thou^.'it it my duty to comma- nicate, that you may be accurately informed of v. done herein relation thereto. Perhaps you v, why Mr. Birlow or fome other agent did not depart i: ace fooner, a.f-> ter the plan of fending one wa3 agre i 01: J'.e fad is, it was impoiTiDte j for, owing to the it ate of tilings here at ths time, aoout three or fou; ,veeks elapfed, after 1 aiplied to the governniint for the aid, before I obtained an anfwcr ; arid af- ter which, when it appeared expedient to purehafe introduc- tory prefents, and for which p^rpoie money was neeeilary, a d )ajt arofe, and for reifoas nerctofore explained, wliethsr Cjionel Humphreys' draft from Fr aid be anfwered, and which tt was thought adv. fable to remove in the iirit in- fiiiice T'iiis co-if i.iud abjjt three weeks more, arid fmce "A ucii, every poiTijie attention has been made to provide the prefents, and forward the buiiiiels, that circumilances would adm : t of. When the news above noticed arrived, Colonel Hum- phreys was at Havre, en his return to Lilbon; and the hrft .jpomt to be tiecidcd on, was whether Mr. Barlow's (houkl ceafe ; and fecondly, what fhould be dorie in that cafe, with the prefents already purchafed. We were both of opinion, and for many reafons, that it was advifable he mould notwithftanding, proceed, and take the prefents with him. If any errors had been committed at Algiers, and which it is poiiible to rectify, we knew lie would be able to do it; and we were alfo perfuaded, that in other refpecls, a trip to that coaft, whereby he would be enabled to gain an infight into the policy of thofe powers, could not otherwife than be of great advantage to the United States. Upon this principle I have afked his permiilion to intimate to you his willingnefs to accept the office of conful for Algiers, to which he has confented ; and which I now do in a confidence, that no perfcn can be found willing to accept that truft, in whom it can be fo happily veiled ; and in which opinion I doubt not Colonel Humphreys will readily unite. Mr. Barlow leaves this place upon the plan above ftated, in the courfe of a few days, and with the prefents in queftion ; and for further par- ticulars refpecling this interefting concern, 1 beg to refer you to Colonel Humphreys, who will, doubtlefs, be more particu- lar in his details. Since my laft Pichegru has alfo croffed the Rhine, and taken Manheim, and in confequence whereof, the fiege is more clofely prefled on Mayence. Since my laft too, the Bel- gic is united by a decree to this Republic ; in addition to which the miflion of Mr. Monneron to England, oftenfibly for an exchange of prifoners, but perhaps for other objects, is the only circumftance which merits attention. From the Mlnifter Plenipotentiary of tie United States of Ame* rica, to the Commlffary of Foreign Relations. Paris, September i/?, 1795. HAVING at length completed the arrangements which appeared to us neceilary, with refpecl: to funds, prefents, &c. for profecuting our treaties with Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, fo as to be in readinefs to difpatch the perfons to whom the negociation with each is intruded, I take the liberty to com- municate the fame to you, that the aid of this Republic may be yielded us in our efforts to accommodate this very impor- tant object. As foon, therefore, as your inftruclions are pre- pared for your agent, or agents with thofe regencies, with ne- them to treat with them on the" part of the United States, and * He declined, and Mr. Baric w was then appointed in his (lead. C of courfe your mediation and influence will be loft. It will therefore be adviLible to keep the United States as much out of view as pofiible ; for the purpofe of giving full weight to your i:ifiuence and the afiiitance of France there. I mention this riiat you may give a correfpondent inftruUon, if you ap- prove thereof, to your agent 5 and particularly inUrucl: him in : i..g us all poflible aid, to concert his meafures in ltrit Jiarmony \vith our agents. It will likewife be expedient for you to leave your agent ig- nonniL of the extent of our funds, referring him to our agents for information upon that point, and for reafons that were be- fore explained. One other difficulty only yet remains to be provided for. Our agent will proba; ly emoark from Alicant, r.nd oi eourfe muft carry the introductory prefents into Spain. It will be improper that thefe fcouM be fearched, or known to that government: Can you protect them by a paiTport or ptnerwife, from fuch fcarch ; as upon that, in fome meafure, will the difpatch, ii not the fuccefs, of the million depend. I have only to add, that as all the preparations on our part arc complete, we fhall be happy to have thofe on yours as foon ?s poflible. from Mr. Monroe > to Colonel Plumphreys. Paris , October ^d y 1795. BY the inclofed extracts, if what they ftate is correcl:, it f s ems as if Mr. Donaldfon had afted from himfelf, and- without the aid of the French cor-ful. If this be the cafe, he v il 1 doubtleft explain to you the caufe. The price is higher than I expected it would have been. I could not call on Jean d Bry , but Mr Purviance did, the day before yefterd ay, on this bufmefs in rny name, and was informed, that he had heard roth-Tig from H-rrcuhis on the fubjcct:, and that the only in- flections heretofore fent him (being, indeed, thofe only which they could ferd him) were, to ufe the influence of this Re- public with the Dcy, to obtain a fufpenfion of hoftilities, on his part, agate ft the United States. However, this you will undcrftand better when you arrive at Lifbon. I mail notify the event, or rather the report, to this government, that i ?t leaft for die preftnt, take no further meafure in it. i 1 C 229 3 from Mr. Monrse, to tks Charge d? Affaires of Malta. Par is> October 4?^, 1795. I HAVE juft received a letter from our conful at TvIV.r- f;illes, informing me that the United States had concluded a p -ace with the Regency of Algiers, and of whicJli } fend you an :b. I hear likewife, that the committee of public fafcrty has received the like intelligence from their conful at Algiers; fo that I conclude the communication is true ; efptcialiy as I know the United States have fought for feme years pail to mak which will < readily occur to you.' 'June \6th. With .refpedt to the particular objects of < commerce fufccptible of being placed on a better footing, 1 on which yau afk my ideas, they will mew themfelves by 1 .tjie enclofcd table of the fituation of our commerce with 6 France and England. That with France is ftatedas it flood 4 it the tiaie I left that country, when die only objefU r 235 3 whereon change was flill defirable, were thofe of faked pro* '< vifions, tobacco and tar, pitch and turpentine : The firft was < in negociation when I came away, and was purfued by Mr. Short with profpe6ts of fuccefs, till their general tariff fo un- ( expcttedly deranged our commerce with them as to ether articles. Our commerce with their Weil Indies had < admitted amelioration during my ilay in France. The tem- * per of that period did not allow even the ellay and it was as * much as we could do to hold the ground given us by the * marfhal de Caftries' arret, admitting us to their colonies with * falted provifions, &c. As to both thefe branches of com* * merce, to wit, with France and her colonies, we have hop- * ed they would purfue their own proportion of arranging them by treaty, and that we could draw that treaty to this ' place. There is no other where the dependence of thur * colonies on our ftates for their profperity is fo obvious as c here; nor where their negociator would feel it fo much. c But it would be imprudent to leave to the uncertain iff * fuch a treaty, the re-eltablifhment of our commerce with * France^ on the footing on which it was at the beginning of < their revolution. That treaty may be long on the anvil ; in * the mean time, we cannot fubmit to the late innovations * without taking menfures to do jultice to our own n;iv:;;-;-ition. ( This object,, therefore, is particularly re o you; * while you will alfo be availing yourfelf ci portunity, < which may arife of benefiting our comm-rcc ill . ny other 6 part. lam in hopes you will have found the moment fa- * vourable on your arrival in France, when Mr. Cin<.i*re \vr-s * in the miniftry, and the difpoiitions of t!ie national aiLmbly ( favourable to the minifters.' March I2//6, 1793. * Mutual good offices mutual 'lill-c- c tion and fimilar principles of government, iV,r.i * the two nations for the moft intimate communion : and I cannot too much prefs it on you to improve every opportu- nity which may occur in the changeable fcencs which are * paffing, and to feize them as they occur, for placing our < commerce with that nation and its dependencies ; on the * freed and moft encouraging footing polLble.' What were the correfponding eiforrs of our minifcer rela- tive to a treaty of commerce? In June 1792, he was in- treated by Dumourier, then miniiter, to defer it until he ihould return from the frontiers ; who intimated ac the fame time, that France flood in need of no alliance? ; and thai, he was againft all treaties other than thofe of commerce. In July, 1792, our minifter had < repeatedly called the r^i C itf 3 attention to the obnoxious a&s of the (then) late aflembly, and to their propofition of a new commercial treaty. The reply was, that forhimftlf he would be glad to fettle every thing to ourminiitcr's latisfaclion ; but that his mimfterial cxifi^nce was too precarious to undertake any extenfive plan; that the attention of government \vas turned too flrongly tovvirds itfelf (in the prefent moment) to think of its exterior iurerejls ; and that the ailembly, at open war with the exe- cutive, would certainly rejecl: whatever mould be now pre- fented to them.' The following extracts of our minifter's letter to Mr. Chambonas on the o,th of July, 1792, and of his anfwer on the 23d of the fame month, mew the meafures of our government' ir the improvement of the treaty. [ r RAN SLA rioN.~\ e I mould, however, fail in my duty towards my nation, Sir, < and 1 mould offer but a feeble tdtimony of the attachment, * which I have for fo many years vowed to yours, if I were to ( diiiimulate the difcontent, which the decrees of the confli- c tuent ailembly. infringing the fyftem of commerce efta- < biiiheu between France and the United States, before the year 1789, have excited in America. I forego all remarks on that iubjetr., becaufe I leave it to your wifdom and the fentiments of your nation ; and I dare believe, that even if it concerned merely its own interefts, the national aflembly would no longer fuffer regulations to exift, which fall flill harder upon the French ccnfumers, than they injure the American traders. There is another object, Sir, to which you will, no doubt, pay all the attention that its importance deferves. The conftituent alTembly exprefled ks defire, that the king mould negociate a new commercial treaty with America. It has been communicated to the Prefident of the United States, by the minifter plenipotentiary of his majefly. But this project has until now been without ef- * feel:. I am directed to affaire you, Sir, that the United * States are ready to receive with real pleafure any overtures * on that fubjec~r, which mall be made them, and that they ' wifh to eftablifh that treaty on bafes, juft, folid and recipro- cally ufeful to both nations. The minifter plenipotentiary of France at Philadelphia, has the beft opportunity of weigh- ing its advantages, and I dare afTurc you before hand, that if lie is charged by the king with that negociation, he will meet, on our part, the moft friendly difpofitions. You will give me very great pleafure, Sir, when you mail pleafe 3 * to authorife me to write that he is entrufled with that bufi- < nefs ' July 23^ 1792. I fhall li::ewife lay before them, the ddire which the American government exprefTes, to ce- r ment the union of the two people, by a new treaty of com- < merce, ami I fh.ill immediately take the orders of the king < for commencing that important negociation. I do not < doubt, but it will foon be brought to a happy conclufion, ' fince the two governments are equally defirous of eftablifti- ' ing the new treaty on the bafis of the ilriteft juilice, and ( confequently of the reciprocal advantage of both people/ On the 1 3th of February, 1793, we were informed by our minifter, that he having been mftruccl to transfer the negoci- ation of a new treaty of commerce to America, the thing wifh- ed was done ; and that we may treat in America. Mr. Genet's abovementioned letter of the ^d of May, 1 797, inclofing the decree of February I9th, 1793, concluded in thefe words. c The obftacles raited with intentions hoftile f to liberty, by the perfidious minirters of deipotifm ; the ob- * ftacles, whofe object was to (top the rapid progrefs cf the * commerce of the Americans, and the extenfion of their prin- ' ciples, exift no more. Tlie French Republic, feeing in them * but brothers, has opened to them, by the decrees now en- clofed, all her ports in the t\vo 'worlds-; has granted them < all the favors which her own citizens enjoy in her vaft pcf- c feilions ; has invited them to participate the benefits of her c navigation, in granting to their veflels the fame rights as to c her own, and has charged me to propofe to your gevern- < ment, to eftablifli in a true family compact, that is in a na- c tional compacl:, the liberal and fraternal bafis, on which ( me wiflies to fee raifed the commercial and political fyftern * of two people, all whofe interefts are confounded. c I am inverted, fir, with the powers neceflary to undertake this important negociation, of which the fad annals of hu- manity, offer no example before the brilliant era at length * opening on it.' I find no aniwer to this letter from Mr. JefFerfon ; and he notices the (leps which were taken in confequence of it only in his letter to Mr. Morris, on the 23d of Auguii, 1 793, thus : 4 The fenate being then (23d May, 1793) in recefs, and not * to meet again till the fall, I apprized Mr. Genet, that the c participate.*:, in matters of treaty, given by the confutation to ' that branch of our government, would, of ccurfe, delay any * definitive anfwer to his friendly proposition. As he was C 238 ] < fehfible of this circumftance, the matter has been underfoot < to lie over, till the meeting of the fenatc.' Upon this conduct of Mr. JefFerfon, many invidious com- ments have been circulated ; and it has been perverted into a teftimony of our evaiion, and of our diftirFedtion to France, with a defign to foment diflentions between the two Repub- lics. Your exertions will doubtlefs fruftrate the evil pur- pofe. Long had we been foliating from France a revifion of the treaty of commerce ; fulfcring, in the mean time, fcverities from her commercial regulations. Can any rational man be- lieve, when he reads the preceding confidential 1 jtters from the department of ftate to our minifter in Paris, that they were fabricated to deceive ? Deception muft have been gratuitous, without an ojj.ct and therefore too abfurd to be dwelt up- on. Upon the tuppbfition of fmcerity on our part, in the pro- feiiion of a defire to improve the treaty, what culpable caufe can be affigned for repelling an immediate negociution ? Were we looking for an adverfc itroke to the affairs of France, in or- der to fqueeze out greater commercial indulgencies ? We have been charged by Great Britain with too lively a fyrnpa- tby with her fuccefles. Were we diilruftful of the liTue of the co-.iteft ? There were few men, who were not divided in t'seir fpeculative opinions upon this occafion. But the prefident came to an infbritaneous clecifion, by receiving Mr. Genet in. the face of the war with Great Britain ; recognizing the treaties, continuing to pay our debt to France, and accommo- dating her with money by anticipation. Had the caufe of re- publicanifm any connection with a change in the treaty of commerce ? I cannot difcover it ; or if it had, whofoever {hall deny it to be efpoufed by our government, or mail infmuate a leaning towards England, is no lefs bafe, than unfounded in his calumnies. In fhon, it is abfolutely incomprehenfible, why the executive fhould, from a policy which it will not avow, put off a treaty, for the reforming of old commercial ftipula- tions, when every melioration of our trade was fo clofely alli- ed with the expectations of profit to the hufbandman and merchant, created by our neutrality. .There was no fuch evafion ; and the agreement or under- {landing between Mr. JefFerfon and Mr. Genet, cannot be wrought into fuch a fnape. Being without documents, con- taining the whole of their converfation, I have no other clue to it, than the letter of Augufl 23d, 1793, tne nature f ^ ie fubject, and the circumftances of the period, as explanatory of the poftponement of the negociation. [ 239 I It is of no confequence to enquire, \vhether it was or was not more agreeable to Mr. Genet, that the negociation fhould lie over ; when he heard, that a definitive anfwer muft be de- layed, until the meeting of the fenate. Notwithstanding it has the appearance of being the voluntary aft of both ; efpe- cially as Mr. Genet fuffered it to reft upon an oral difcourfe, and never had, nor alked, a written anfwer ; yet let ir be con- ceded to have been, on the part of Mr. Jefferfon, an act of the government, and on the part of Mr. Genet, a refpe&ful fub- miffion. What Mr. Jefferfon afTerted is true ; becaufe the prefident can make treaties, only with the advice and confent of the fe- nate. A definitive anfwer was therefore neceflarily deferred. He did not alledge, that intermediate difcufiions could not take place 5 nor indeed does it appear, that either of thofe gentle- men turned their attention to the preliminary negociation ; which might have been opened before the afTembling of 'the fenate. But if Mr. Genet had even prefled an immediate negocia- tion, weighty obftacles, very different from evafion^ or aliena- tion from France, flood in the way. i. * On the declaration of war between France and England, the United States be- ing at peace with both, their fituation was fo new and unex- perienced by themfelves/ that it was extremely defirable to exclude any bufmefs, which would abforb much time, and might be poftponed ; in order that the executive might be unembarrafTed in its fuperintendance of our neutrality. Al- though the labours of my predeceflbr, from the commence- ment of the war to the early part of September, 1 793, have been feen by the world, yet cannot they judge of the perplexi- ties and refearches which were the foundation of the docu- ments publifhed, and which hourly occupied not only the prefident himfelf, but thofe ofEcers alfo, who were around him. Hiftory had forewarned us, that, as a neutral nation, encompafled by the minifters of the belligerent powers, inflam- ed with a jealoufy of the public functionaries, not a day would pafs without a complaint, a demand, a fufpicion, and a thou- land temptations to irritability. Piles of papers, verifying thofe predictions, are now before my eyes. 2. It \vas not to be fuppofed, that a new treaty of commerce could be entered in- to without much reflection. In this view, every hour gained was beneficial. 3. The power of the prefident to authorize the fecretary of flate, or indeed any other perfon, to digefl the mat- ter of a treaty, has been recognized in practice in feveralformsfc me of which U barelv to nominate, with the advice and con-. C 240 ] fent of the fenate, and occafionally to confult them. The lafl was the courfe which was obferved, in the only treaty which has been negociated at the feat of government, the treaty with the Creek indians at New York, in 1790. The fenate being on the fpot, and therefore convenient to the negociation, were alked, as the fubjet was palling, whether they would ratify certain claufes, if infcrted in the treaty. In the re-ad- juftment of the treaty of commerce with France, it was pro- bably wifhed to repeat the fame meafure. What would have been gained by France, by precipitating the negociation ? The preliminary difcuflions might, perhaps, have been clofed a few months fooner on the fide of the prefi- dent ; but it is entirely uncertain, whether the affair would have been expedited by any ftep, fo much as by confulting the fenate upon points of particular magnitude, before the whole work was fubmitted to them. This is among the advantages which may be embraced in a negociation in the United States, and is unattainable in a negociation elfewhere. However, if a commencement had been made, I queftion whether from the time which is indifpenfable for 'fo grand a tranfaclion, and the unavoidable interruption incident to the new ftate of things, we fhould not have been obliged to interrupt the pro- grefs, upon a plea fimilar to that of the French miniftry, that we were too much employed in fleering clear of the war, to at- tend for the prefer. t to the remoulding of the treaty. Had the executive been indifpofed to the treaty, why did he in a manner pledge himfelf to negociate when the fenate ihould meet ? Why was our minifier in Paris inftruclied, on the 23d of Auguft, 1793, c To explain to the executive of France this delay ; which has prevented, as yet, our formal acceffion to their propofition to treat ; to ailure them, that the prefident will meet them, with the moft friendly difpofi- tions, on the grounds of treaty propofed by the national convention, as foon as he can do it in the forms of the con- ftitution ; and of courfe to fugged, for this purpofe, that the powers of Mr. Genet be renewed to his fuccefTor.' ' A formal acceffion to the propofition to treat/ and a negocia- tion < in the forms of the conllitution/ appear to be ftill preferred to informal difcuffions, for the reafons already af- figned. It is impoilible to look into this fubje6t, without remarking, that other principles may be conceived, upon which the executive might have refufed to treat imme- diately j but which do not appear to have influenced his de- cifion. C *4 1 ] His attention muft have been arrefted by the die} ion of Mr. Genet's overtures. The Prefidcnt and the French Re- public had hitherto agitated a change in led regulations only; when Mr. Genet announces a defire to modify the pa* Ihical conn action alfo. The precife meaning of the term po- litical, was not very obvious ; though the moil natural inter- pretation was, that the pJit'cal reLtioiij eftablifhed by the treaty of alliance, was propofed to be revifed. The movements which have been noticed cf Mr. Genet, before his arrival at Philadelphia from Charlcfton, were in perfect unifon with this interpretation. The very decree of the i pth of February, 1793, liberal as it was in its language, manifefted that the recent and exifting war was a chief caufe in dictating the coiiceflio* : For the French colonies couM not be fed without fupplies from the United States; and the Jufptnfton of the law of May I5th, 1791, which had inhibit- ed the Americans from .introducing, felling and arming their yeflels in France, and from enjoying ail the privileges allow- ed to thofe built in the (hip yards of the R.- public, was cal- culated to convert our fhips into French privateers. To confirm the real views of the executive council of Frar.ce in the regeneration of the treaty, recollect thefe paiuges in Mr. Genet's instructions. < That the executive council arc difpofed to fet on foot a * negcciation upon thofe foundations, and that they do not 4 know but that fuch a treaty admits a latitude Hill more ex- < tenfive, in becoming a national agreement, in wUcn iv 3 * great people fhall fufpend their commercial and political in- * terefts and eftablifh a mutual underftanding, to Befriend the * Empire of liberty, wherever it can be embraced; to g\ - ' anty the fovereignty of the people, and punifh thofe powers < who iliil keep up an exclufive colonial and con" mercial fyf- 4 tem, by declaring that their velTels fhall not be received in < the ports of the contracting parties. Such a pact, w-.^.i the people of France will fupporc with all the energy v. ..\ < diilinguifhes them, and of which they have already given ' 3 c many proofs, will quickly contribute to the general eman- f cipation of the new v/orld. However vaft this project may c be, it will not be difficult to execute, if the Americans de- * termine on it ; and it is to convince them of its practicabi- lity that Citizen Genet muft direcl ail his attention : For, < beiides the advantages which humanity in general will 1 draw from the fuccefs of fuch a negociation, we have at this c moment a particular intereit in taking fteps to acl: efficaci- oufly againft England and Spain ; if, a every thing an- I i ? *4i 7 * nounces, thefe powers attack us from hatred to our princi- r pies ; if the Engliih miniilers, in (lead of iharing in the glo- ry of France, inftead of confidering that our liberty, as well * as that of thofe people whofe chains we have broken, for- c ever eftablhlies that of their own country, fuffer themfelves * to be influenced by our enemies, and by thofe to the liber- * ty of mankind, and embark with every tyrant againil that caufe which we are defending. The military preparations < making in Great Britain become every day more and more c furious, and have an intimate connection with thofe of Spain. * The friendfhip which reigns between the minifters of the laft * power and thofe of St. James' proves it ; and in this fitua- tion of affairs we ought to excite, by all poflible means, the * zeal of the Americans, who are as much intereited as our- < felves, in difconcerting the deftruclive projects of George * the third ; in which they are probably an objeft. Their own fafety ilill depends on ours, and if we fail they will < fooner or later fall under the iron rod of Great Britain. The executive council has room to believe, that thefe rea- c foiis, in addition to the great commercial advantages which f we are difpofed to concede to the United States, will deter- mine their government to adhere to all that Citizen Genet * fhall propofe to them on our part. As it is poflible, how- * ever, that the falfe reprefentations which have been made to * congrefs of the fituation of our internal affairs ; of the * ftate of our maritime force ; of our finances, and efpecially < of the ftorms with which we are threatened, may make < her minifters, in the negociations which Citizen Genet is en- * trufted to open, adopt a timid and wavering conduct:, the * executive council charges him, in expectation that the A- < merican government will finally determine to make a com- 1 mon caufe with us, to take fuch Heps as will appear to him exigencies may require, to ferve the caufe of liberty and the freedom of the preople.' The project, therefore, of a treaty on the bafis of Mr. Ge- net's proportions, ought to have been well explored before the firft advance. To aflent to them, if it would not have been a departure from neutrality, would at lead have mag- nified the fufpicion of our faith, without a confidence in which that neutrality muft always be infecure : To reject them was to incur difcontent, pofhbly a breach with our ally. The touncils of nations ought to be fuperior to the paflions which drive individuals. Permanent good being the polar ftar of the former, they will often have to encounter the impetuo- C 213 ] fity of the latter, who fubfbtute occafional feelings for found policy. Admitting that the non-eftabliihment of a confdturion, and the rapid fucceffions in the adrniniftrative bodies, ccuUl not weaken an agreement, once fixed, even under the pref- fure of war, there was no probability that the party, whofe millionary Mr. Genet was, would much longer tread the ftage ; nor any fecurity, that his overtures would equally pleafe thofe who mould rife upon the ruins of his friends. We knew from letters; that as far back as Augufl, 1792, the movers of the revolution on the I oth of that month were fooner or later deftined to be victims: That in January, 1 793, they were confcious of the downfall which awaited them : That in March, 1793, an infurrection was brewing for the deftru&ion of the Gironde ; and that the revolutionary tribu- nal, vaft and unbounded in its domination, had been erected. Was this, then, a feafon for modifying the political connec- tion ;' when we might have drawn hoflility upon our headsg by betraying a fpirit not impartial, and by taking meafures, which amid the fluctuations in the leaders of the French poli- tics, might not have been fanClioned ? And what did actual- ly happen ? The conduct of the Robefpierrian facYion was di- rectly the reverfe of the BriiTotine : The one encouraged, the ether abolifhed, private trade. For the evidence of this fa cl, I refer you to your own knowledge; to the vexations of our commerce ; to the decrees which violated our treaty; and to^ the decree of October, 1793, which, took all trade into tli bands of government. Nor can I omit the demon ftration of a general inftability, as.it was delivered in a late report of the five committees. * Let us be perfuaded, and let us proclaim it openly ; it is to that perpetual change that all our evils are owing. Our republican annals do not yet include three years, and by the < multiplicity of events, twenty centuries appear required to * contain them. Revolutions have followed revolutions; men, * things, events and ideas, all have changed ; every thing changes yet, and in this continual ebb and. flow of oppofite * movements, in vain would the government pretend to thai ' confidence which can only be the refult of a fteady and wife ' conduct, and of a conftant attachment to principles. * Commerce neceflarily difappeared through this aftonifh- < ing fucceflion of contrarieties; and in a country, where in- < dividuals, incapacitated for making any fure calculations, fee. * around them nothing but a wide profpect of changes* t 244 ] * Credit is a tender plant which needs gentle and regular winds, and cannot grow in a tempeituous clime, or foil of- ren diiturbed. 4 It is time we mould put a period to the reign of uncertain- tics, and fix invariably the principles of juftice, equity and loyalty, which mould be the guides of our conduct. Let usknten to iubjecl the internal admimftration to a regular iyiltm : Let us efpecially take care that no meafure ever rifj to fears concerning the folidity of the mortgage of our allignats. f TV hen the government, flcady in its march, (ball have f fhewn the real end they aim at; when it ihall have render- f cd an account to itfdf and to others, of the fyftem it in- t j nds to adopt ; when the convention, difmiffing thofe un- < iortunate bickerings which have too often impeded their f progrefs, fhali attend folcly to the happinefs of the people ; when they mail not ccafe to reject with indignation all mea- ' fares which can infringe, in the lead degree, the principles of juilice and good faith which mould direct them ; then < all alarms will be at an end, and the reiteration of the fi- * nances, of credit and of commerce, may be undertaken * with aflurance of fuccefs. ? Why the fubject was not rcf timed with Mr. Genet, is well known to every body, who has heard of his excefTes, and our declaration to the French Republic, that we mould expect his fucceilbr to be charged with fimilar powers. His letter of the 3oth of September, 1793, wiiiten after the application for his recal was announced to him, was prevented, by the ma- lady of Philadelphia, from being received by this department, until the 5th of November, 1793. We were then counting upon a return of the veiTcl .fent to France on that errand. Congrefs met in December, 1793. Our minifter's letter, notifying his recal, came to hand January I4th, 1794; and Mr. Fauchet actually replaced him on the 2 1 it of February, 1794. Let me obfervc, however, in paffing from Mr. Genet to Mr. Fauchet ; that his threat to withdraw the privileges in the decree of March 26th, 1793, an ^ ^ e c ^ e - cree itfelf, are ftrong fymptoms of the defign of the negociation being more than one merely commercial. For the different altercations between him and Mr. Jefferfon I refer you to the printed cor- refpondcnce. Mr. Fauchet demanded thearreft of Mr. Genet, for punifh- mcnt. Our co-operation was refufed upon reafons of law and Magnanimity. C 245 3 A hi 1 .! paired, at his Inflance, for relief of the veflels which had taken refuge in the ports of the United States. We have advanced money fafler than was due ; and full as faft as prudence in refpeel: to our own wants would permit. The ftoppage of the Camilla, a provifion veflel of the French Republic, was the effect of the embargo, which ope- rated equally on all. Our minifter was recalled as he dcHred. Mr. Fauchet com- plained of Britifh veflels being differed to depart, during the embargo, with Frenchmen who meant to al againft their country in the Weft-Indies. Occafional relaxations of the em- bargo were made in favour of all nations ; French, Englifh, feV. In the particular cafe complained of, the pafTports were fuppofed to be granted to American bottoms , for the humane purpofe of returning to the lilands fome of the unhappy French fugitives from thence; and one of them, given to^a vef- fel at his in fiance, exported a large quantity of powder, doubtlefs without his privity. The government fupprefled the profecution againfl conful Juteau cf Bofton, as Mr Fauchet defired. Whatever irri- tation may have been occafioned by the attorney of the dif- tri& was owing to no inftruclion from the Prefident. The demand for difmantling Cooper's veflel was inevitable; as (he had been fitted out in our ports ; and where foe ver, in any cafe, reftitution of veflels was required from us, the rules of our neutrality fully jufhiried it. We reitored the (hip William of Glafgow, and the dama- ges during her detention have been allured to the agent of the captors. The fteps adopted, and promifed, for executing the confu- lar convention, in the apprehenfion of deferters, are as much as could be done or expedte'd. The government has, indeed, differed from Mr. Fauchet, in the conftruftion of the treaty ; not holding themfelves bound to exclude Britifh {hips of war, except when they came in with prizes. The general executive has given every inftru6lion in his power, to prevent French prizes to Britifh veflels coming into our ports. Mr. Fauchet has exprefsiy by letter approved our condudl in one inftance. But this fubjecl: is fully detailed in my letter of the 29th ultimo, a copy of which is now forward- ed to you. I prefurne, that the diflatisfa&ion at the arms taken from the. Favourite in New-York, and the omiflion to falute the French (hip of war, have been completely expiated, C 246 5 The tonnage duty was remitted to French veflels, which had been injured by the Britiih. It was impoffible to refcue .from the law William Talbot, \vlio was charged with being a citizen of the United States* uing a privateering commiifion from France. LJ are the moil material of Mr. Fauchet's tranfa6Hons with the government ; except, indeed, the abolition of the embargo ', the whole of which bufmels you witnefled your- fclf, and can ihew to have ari fen from very different motives, than thole of difregard to France. Although it was requcfted, that Mr. Genet's fucceflbr (liotild be charged with commercial powers ; yet is it not known or believed that he brought any. No writing from him announced it : Nor yet any convcrfation with me , unlefs, indeed, in November or December lait; when Macpherfon's blues were coming into town, and he and I were together looking out at them from his euftcrn window. He then made ioivie cafual obfervations refpetling Mr. Jay's negocia- tion, and faid foinething indefinite as to our treaty of com- merce. My anfwer was; that I mould be ready to receive his overtures. It would have been indelicate to afk him formally whether he had fuch powers ; but a diltant hint was given, by me to him, two or three months after his, arrival, upon the fubjecb , and from his reply, I did not infer, whether he had or had not them, I am rather difpofed to conclude, that he had them not ; becaufe he was appointed miniftcr during the reign of Robefpierre -, who, as we have feen, almofl extin- guiihed commerce ; and when a decree was. in force affuming into the hands of government all trade. If Mr. Fauchet had been ready, we iliould have proceeded fincercly and without procraftination. If then, in the circumftances attending the proportion of* commercial treaty from Mr. Genet, or in the conduct of the United States towards France fince, nothing improper can be found, we ought to conildcr, whether in thofe of the lute treaty with Great Britain a fource of blame can be detected. The mcrTage, in which the prefident nominated Mr. Jay as envoy extraordinary to his Britannic majefty, was dated on the 1 6th of April, 1794, and is the text, the examination of which will develope the total matter, previous to Mr. Jay's depar- ture. 4 The communications,' fays the mefTage, ( which I have made to you, during your prefent feflion, frpm the dif- patches of our miniiter in London, contain 'd ferious afpefc * of our affairs with Great Britain.' C The firft of theife communications was to congrefs on the 5th of December, 1793 ; in .which are the following paffages : ' The vexations and ipoliation, underftood to have been * committed on our veflels and commerce by the cruifers and officers of fome of the belligerent poweis, appeared to re- quire attention. The proofs of thefe, however, not having been brought forward, the defcription of citizens fuppofed to have fuffered, were notified 5 that, on furnifhing them to the executive, due meafurcs would be taken to obtain re- drefs of the pail, and more effectual provifions againit the future. Should fuch documents be f urnifhed, proper repre~ fentattcns will be made, with a juft reliance on a redrefs, * proportioned to the exigency of the cafe.' 4 The Britiih government having undertaken, by brder to * the commanders of their armed vefiels, to reftrain gene- rally our commerce in corn and other proviiions, to their < own ports and thofe of their friends, the in (true!: ions, now * communicated, were immediately forwarded to our minifter * at that court. In the mean time, fome difcuffions on the < fubject took place between him and them. Thefe are alfo * laid before you. and I may expect to' learn the refult of hi* < fpecial inftruclions, in time to make it known to the legif- * lature, during their prefent feilion.' Very early after the arrival of a Britim minifter here, mu- * tual explanations on the inexecution of the treaty of peace * were entered into with that minifter. Thefe are now laid ( before you, for your information/ From the documents accompanying this mefiage of Decem- ber 5th, 1793, thefe fubjects emerge, as depending for adjuft- ment between the United States and Great Britain : 1. The inexecution of the 7th article of the treaty of peace, in carrying away negroes and other property of American in- habitants, and the not withdrawing the garrifons from the pcfts within the United States. 2. Regulations on the part of the Britifli government, with refpect to the commerce of the two countries , which, if reciprocally adopted, would materially injure the interefts of the two nations ; and an overture from Mr. JerTerfon, as far back as November, 1791, to conclude or negociate arrangements, which might fix the commerce between the two countries on o principles of reciprocal advantage. 3. The afcertainment of the river intended by the treaty as the river St. Croix. 4. The additional inftruclions of the 8th of June, 1793, which rendered provifions to a certain degree contraband ; c 248 i and the letter to Mr. Pinckney from this department in con- fcquence thereof. 5. Other meafures of the Britifii government, in violation of neutral rights. 6. The expofure of American feamen to impreffment ; and, 7. The Britifh complaints of infraction of the fourth, fifth, and fixth articles of the treaty, relative to the omiflions of con- grefs to inforce them; the repealing of laws which exifted an- tecedent to the pacification ; the enacting of laws fubfequent to the peace, in contravention of the treaty, and the deciiions of the ftate courts upon quellions affecting the rights of Britiih fubjecls. The defpatches tranfmitted to congrefs from Mr. Pinckney, on the 22d of January, 1794, manifc.(l a continuation of th fame unfriendly fpirit in the Britifh Government. With the meflage of February 24, 17945 was fent to con- grefs a letter from Mr. Pinckney, forwarding his converfation with lord Grenville concerning )3ritifh agency, in fomenting the Indian war, and Algerine hoilility. On the 4th of April, 1794, was conveyed to congrefs, Mr. Pinckney's letter, enclofing the inftrudions of the 6th of November, 1793. In addition to this involved and injurious ftate of things be- tween us and Great Britain, it had been collected and report- ed to congrefs, from the papers refpecting fpoliation ; that the Britifh privateers plundered the American veflels ; threw them out of their courfe, by forcing them, upon groundlefs fufpicion, into ports, other than thofe to which they were dcitined j detained them even after the hope of a regular confifcation was abandoned ; by their negligence,, while they held the pofleffion, expofed the cargoes to damage, and the veflels to deilruction, and maltreated the crews :' That our occafional trade to the Britifii Weft Indies was burthened imneceHarily ; that our veflels were captured in going to the French Weit Indies , and that the proceedings in the Britifli vice-admiralcies were rigorous ; tranfgrefled ftricl: judicial purity, and heaped the molt intolerable and fruitlefs ex- pences upon our citizens, who defended their property before them. It makes no part of my object to compare the various fchemes which were circulating to face thofe public diftrefies ; nor to prove the fuperiority of the policy adopted by the execu- tive, to commercial reprifals, fequeftration, and the ftoppage of intercourfe. It is enough to fay, that his policy is affirmed to C 249 j be, to purfuc peace < with unremitted zeal, before the laft < resource, which had ib often been the fcouvge of nations, and ' could not fail to check the advanced profperity of the Uni- ted States, fhould be contemplated.' By what means did the prefident expect to execute the work of peace through the agency of Mr. Jay ? By < an-, * nouncing to the world our folicitude for a frie/u!- : ; adjuft- f went cf our complaints, and a_ reluctance to hoitiliiy : i3y * fending a man who, going directly from the United States, ' would carry with him a full knowledge of tl.e cxiftin^ tem- * per and fenfibility of our country ; and would thus be taught to vindicate our rights with nrmnefs, and to cuh'. < with fmcerity/ The fenate, therefore, did probably antici- pate what might be the objecls of this million, when they confirmed the nomination. For the prefident details no pow-? ers, and founds his nomination upon the information poileif- ed by themfelves. It has been or may be objected, i. That the fenate did not contemplate the making of any treaty whatsoever. 2. That a treaty of commerce, especially, was very diftant from their mind. 3. That the declarations to the rainiiter of the French Republic here, and the inftmctions to our own minifter at Paris induced a perfuafion, that the Prefident had not veiled in Mr. Jay, powers as extenfive as a treaty of commerce ; and, 4. That the treaty with Great Britain is juftly oirenfive to France. i. Recapitulate the feveral heads of intelligence in the power of the fenate, when the nomination was affented to. Scarcely one of them could, in the ordinary courfe of pro- ceeding, be accommodated without an agreement : Some ex- prefsly ftruck at the inexecution of the pad treaty. Upon, others, no treaty had ever exifted, though overtures fe purpofe had been repeated by the United States. T; treaty would fpring from fuch miffion, and the extinction of our differences, is too clear to be in need of further eluci- dation. And why mould not a treaty be concluded with Great Bri- tain ? Was it becaufe (he had defpciled us ? The objection would lie with equal ftrength againft even a treaty of peace. It would forbid a treaty of peace even with Algiers. The fac"r, is, that treaties are propoied by one nation, and accepted by another, only becaufe they can be mutually hurtful by pofi- tive enmity, or by the withholding of fome benefit. We are in no danger of being corrupted by importing foreign vices ^ Iv k C 2* 3 i'f treaties merely, and not our own propenfities, fhould fa- vor them. 2. A treaty of commerce with Great Britain has for many years been anxioufly puflied by the United States : Witnefs the powers given by the old congrefs to Mr. Adams, to nego- ciate it : Witnefs the clamors againft her for declining it: Witnefs the argument drawn from thence, for a more ener- getic government, which fhould infpire a dread of reprifal : Witnefs the bill which pafled the houfe of reprefentatives at an early feflion, difcriminating between nations having no commercial treaty with us, and thofe which had. What, too, was the report of the late fecretary of ftate, but a plan for forcing the Britifh government into a treaty of com- merce ? Has he not clearly unfolded this fentiment ? What were the commercial proportions, but emanations from the fame fyflem ? The want of a commercial treaty was the fin- gle circumftance, which propped up the feverity of the pro- pofed diftinclion of duties, and carried through one of the re- folutions. Exclufively of thefe various als, the facilities to our com- merce, both European and Weft Indian, which would flow from fuch a treaty, rendered it very defirable. Perhaps, for a treaty of commerce alone, an envoy would not have been thought of. But furely, to include in one ge- neral arrangement controverfies, as well as ufeful compacts, was the faving of one negociation at leaft. Some of our vex- ations on the water were owing to the non-exiftence of the cuflomary appendages to a commercial treaty. Paft fpolia- tions might have been compenfated without a treaty; but a trea- ty was the beft aflurance of the future. In a word, the fenate rauft have been fenfible of many particulars being compre- hended by the general outlines of the nomination. When the prefident nominates minifters, he may, if he pleafes, reftrift himfelf to the name, the grade, and the prince or (late. He might, for example, have nominated Mr. Jay thus : ( I nominate John Jay, as envoy extraordinary to his * Britannic majefty.' The fenate, in their turn, might have rejected him. But if they had approved him, the prefident would have been at liberty to employ him in any negociation with that king. Their power being ample on the completion of die treaty, they are not a neceiTary conftitutional party in the concoction of it; unlefs the prefident fhould find it expe- nieiit to requeft their intermediate advice. It would be fuper- tlucus to difcufs how far he might have limited himfelf by C 2J 1 the terms of the nomination ; as I again contend, and hope 1 have (hewn, that he did not limit himfelf. 3. We cannot forefee the reprefentations, which Mr. Fau- chet is underftood to be meditating, to the French Republic. But as the duties of nation towards nation did not compel us to divulge to the French minifler more in regard to the treaty with Great Britain, than that our treaties with France were forbidden, by the inftru&ions to the envoy, to be infringed, fo did die prefident approve, that the reftriction mould be communicated to him. This was conformable with the truth, and wears no deceptive countenance. Your own inftru&ions fpeak thus : * To remove all jealoufy * with refpecl: to Mr. Jay's minion to London, you may fay ; * that he is pofitively forbidden to weaken the engagements < between this country and France. It is not improbable, c that you will be obliged to encounter, on this head, fufpi- cions of various kinds. But you may declare the motive t of that miflion to be, to obtain immediate compenfation for our plundered property, and reftitution of the ports. You may intimate, by way of argument, but without afcribing it to the government; that if war mould be neceflary, the affec- tions of the people of the United States towards it would be better fecured, by a manifeflation, that every ftep had been taken to avoid it ; and that the Britifh nation would be divided, when they found that we had been forced into it. This may be briefly touched upon, as the path of pru- dence with refpecl: to ourfelves , and alfo with refpecl; to France, fmce we are unable to give her aids of men or mo-. ney. To this matter you cannot be too attentive ; and you * will be amply ju (lifted, in repelling with firmnefs any im- c putation of th? mod diftant intention to facrifice our con-. ' ne&ion with France to any connection with England/ When we exprefied a wifh to remove all jealoufy with re- * fpe& to Mr. Jay's miflion/ it could not have been intended to abandon felf dignity, by fubmitting to the pleafure or ani- madverfions of France, any part of his inftrucHons with which France had no concern. A contrary conduct would have been irreconcilable, alfo, with the independence of the United States, and would have put them into leading firings. It would have been little fhort of trepidation under a mailer, i . A treaty of commerce was altogether eventual : It was to be -kept out of fight, until the polls and depredations mould be fo adjufled as to promife a continuance of tranquillity, z. It was eventual in another fenfe : Being to be concluded or not, according to the degrees of advantage. 3. It was deem- t 252 } ed important, that Mr. Jay (liould communicate or not com- municate his commercial powers to the Britifh miniftry. 4. ry coimnierci.il privilege, which Great Britain fhould ac- quire, would devolve on France on like conditions. What \vouk! France fay, if we were to infill, that every embryo of her commercial treatif v poffibility of new commerci- al arrangements, ihould be laid before our government ? Certainly this ; that no iellowfhip between the two countries authorises an expectation, that one will throw itfelf upon the diicretion of the other to mar or not its negociations ; and that national honor is an ample guardian of our treaties. Among the numberlefs difguits, which nations have enter- tained againft each other, I do not remember that a treaty of commerce, which did not undermine the rights of fome par- ty, was ever magnified into complaint by foreigners. Let me cite only two : When Portugal, early in this century, fur- fendered many of her commercial advantages to Great Britain; and France, not ten years ago, contracted a difadvantageous treaty with the fame power; who remonflrated but their own fubjech and people ? If we are told that we ought not to draw our connection clofer with Great Britain, and that France will be jealous ; the anfwer is, that if we can multi- ply the markets for our great ftaples ; if we can purchafe our foreign goods cheaper, by having many manufacturing nations to refort to ; or if even in the maintenance of neutral pri- vileges, we can. by a flipulation, not derogatory from the rights of others, avert vexations; this is a connection unafTail- ablt by any reafonable oppofition. The romantic extent to which contrary ideas may be carried, would abolifh our trade with every nation, inr whofe inftitutions appeared falfe govern- ment, falle religion, falfe niorals, falfe policy, or any other political defect. Your infhuttions juftify you in affirming, that Mr. Jay * is pofitively forbidden to weaken the engagements between c this country and France.' After veiling a general latitude of powers in him, this cafe is declared to be an exception and ; immutable : That as the Britim miniftry will doubtlefs be c folicitous to detach us from France, and may probably make * fome overture of this kind, you will inform them, that the * government of the United States will not derogate from our ' treaties and engagements with France.' You intimate, however, .that your inftructions amount to- an exclufion from Mr. Jay's million of every object, except cbmpenfotion for plundered property, and reftitution of the pofts. For a moment let mo iiurcat you to call to mind the C 253 ] .different topics for negotiation, which were actually before the fenate at the time of Mr. Jay's nomination, and which were not included in either of thofe points. Were not Mr. Jeffe.foiAanimadV'erfions upon the reiufal of Great Britain to enter into a commercial treaty, and his plan for commercial reprifals, before you ? Would it not have been extraordinary to pafs by ib fair an opportunity of bringing forward all our difccntents? Was it not urged as an objection to the meafure, that the terms of the nomim.tion were fufTiciently broad for any purpofe of negociation ? But appeal to the words: * You < may declare the motives of that ncg'cciation to be' fb and fo. Thefe