vv * 
 

 LIBRARY 
 
 <>K T1IK 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 Received.- . 
 Accessions No^-^J 2 Shelf No. 
 
VIEW 
 
 OF T H K 
 
 Conduft of the 
 
 OF T H S 
 
 United States. 
 
ft 
 VIEW 
 
 07 THE 
 
 Conduft of the Executive, 
 
 I N T II E 
 
 FOREIGN AFFAIRS 
 
 United States^ 
 
 CONNECTED WITH THE*MISSION TO 
 
 FRENCH REPUBLIC, 
 
 DURING THE YEARS 1794, 5, & 6. 
 
 By James 
 
 Late Mini/let" Plenipotentiary to the fa'id 
 
 ILLUSTRATED BY HIS 
 
 Inftrulions and Correipondence 
 
 AND OTHER 
 
 AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS. 
 
 COPY R:GHT SECURED ACCORD^G ro LAW. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 inrcJ by and for BENJ. FRANKLIN BACH E, and to be kad at the 
 'e of the AURORA, No. 1.2, Market- (licet, 
 
f e>* 
 
 
Advertilement. 
 
 THE Editor conceives it incumbent on 
 to inform the Public, that the Author of the fol- 
 lowing Vh>\v is notconcerned in the emoluments 
 of the publication. The Editor holds the copy 
 right as a free aift, and .it is entirely at his expense 
 and for his benefit that the work is published. 
 
 One paragraph in Mr Monroe's Instructions 
 and likewise a part of the Le tiers No. 2 2 ai.d 
 09 (of the last only a few words) are, from mo- 
 tives of delicacy, omitted. The article of In- 
 struction applies to the case of an individual, 
 and the passages in those letters are likewise of a 
 personal nature, unconnected with the merits of 
 any general topic. 
 
 The absence of the Author has prevented his 
 superintendance over the publication, and is 
 the cause of a few errors, the most material of 
 which are noted in the next page. His distance 
 from this city, also, delayed the receipt of the 
 following note, until it was too late to give it its 
 proper place in the J^iew* It "is heie sub- 
 joined. 
 
 ridas 
 
 Note. I did not mention the intimation about the Florida 
 to the adminillration, becauie I thought it a fuby.ft with 
 which I had nothing to do feeking only to open the Mifli- 
 fippi and fettle the boundary, according to my inftrucHons ; 
 and becaufe, had the cafe been otherwiie, that ftate of things 
 was too tranfitory to admit any thing being done in it. I find 
 however, afterwards, when the French government began to 
 change its policy towards us, and were fuppcfed to be 
 treating for that territory with Spain, that in communicating 
 what I heard of the depending negotiation, I mention- 
 fo, its former difpofirion in that refpect, as a proof o/ that 
 change. See page 363. 
 
E R R A T A. 
 
 IN THE V I E W. 
 
 Page 
 
 10 4th Line, after the word administration iafert, and 
 to place tbe views of the administration* 
 
 IN THB DOCUMENTS. 
 Page 
 
 7 The letter fiiould bear date the nth not iot.b. 
 15 Line I4th read, succeeded for succeed* 
 19 The letter to the Prefident oi' the COB vent i on fhould be da* 
 
 led the itfb. 
 
 24 In the i ft line of the MinifterVlrtter, read representative for 
 representatives. 
 
 41 Line 8th from bottom, acid ^period afier the word solid. 
 
 42 Line 5th, alter observe add also. 
 
 75 Line 8th from bottom, re.'d occluding for secluding 
 80 Line i4th from bottom, $&& possesses for possess. 
 
 1 1 1 Line 8th, for seemed read seem. 
 
 119 Line 2ift, for dispositions read, disposition. 
 
 Ibid. Line i3th from bottom, for avoided read dreaded. 
 
 143 Line 1 8th, for completed read concluded. 
 
 273 Line 24th, for constitution read election. 
 
 274 Line 5th, for hundred read thousand. 
 
 276 Line 27th, after declaration add in favor. 
 
 277 Line 26th, for whatever read irA-z/. 
 296 Line izth, for conclude read presume. 
 
 374 Line i9th, before the word complain iufert & 
 
 375 Line 4th, fc received 
 
v i E w, 
 
 |_N the month of May, 1794, I was Invited 
 by the Prefident of the United States, through the Se- 
 cretary of State, to accept the office of Minifter Pleni- 
 potentiary to the French republic. The proportion was plain 
 and direct, Lnnouncing to me, for the iiril time, that the exe- 
 cutive thought of me for thit office ; aiid certain it is, I did 
 not folicit, defire or even think of it for myfelf. The fecre- 
 tary obferved that Mr. Morris was to be recalled , and itbe- 
 intf neceffary to appoint a fuccefibr, the prefident had requefl- 
 ed him to inform me, he {hould be glad I would take hi ; 
 place. I received the communication with a due degree 
 ienfibility ; but yet the propofal was fo new and unexpected, 
 that it was, from a variety of confederations, impoflible for me 
 to give an immediate anfwer to it. I requefted fome days to 
 deliberate on the fubjet, which were granted. 
 
 I was at this time a member of the fenate of the United 
 States, for the State of Virginia, which (lation I had held for 
 feveral years before. It had been too my fortune in the courfj 
 of my fervice, to differ from the adrniniftration, upon many 
 of OUT moil important public meafures. It is not necefla- 
 ry to fpecify here the feveral initances in which this variance 
 in political fentiment took place between the adminiftratioa 
 and myfelf : I think proper however to notice two examples 
 of it, fmce they ferve eflentially to illuftrate the principles up- 
 on which that variance was founded: and the light in which I 
 was known to the adminiftiation and my country before this 
 propofal was made to me. The firft took place when Mr. Mor- 
 lis was nominated minifter plenipotentiary to the French re- 
 public; which nomination I oppofed, becaufe I was perfuaded 
 from Mr. Morris's known political character and principles, that 
 his appointment, and efpecially at a period when the French 
 iJjf. a courfe o revolution, from an arbitrary to a 
 
Fr.ee government, would tend to difcountenance the repub- 
 lican caufe there and at home, and otherwife weaken, and 
 j.itly to our prejudice, the connexion fubfifting between 
 the two countries. The fccond took place when Mr. Jay was 
 nominated to Great Britain ; which nomination too I oppofed, 
 becaufe under all the well known circumitances of the mo- 
 ment, I was of opinion we could not adopt fuch a meafure, 
 confiftently cither with propriety, or any reafonable ppofpe6t 
 of adequate fuccefs; fince being a meafure without tone, and 
 one which fecured to that power time, which of all things it 
 wiflied to fecure, it feemed -better calculated to anfwer its 
 purpofe than ours ; moreover, becaufe I was of opinion, in 
 the then flate of European affairs, it would be made by the 
 enemies of the two Republics the means ot embroiling us 
 with France, the other party to the -juropcan war; and be- 
 caufe I thought it .was unconftitutional tq appoint a member 
 of the judiciary into an executive ofFcc : And laitly becaufe 
 I alfo rhou-ht, from ; a variety of confiderations, it would be 
 difficult to find within the limits of the United States, a per- 
 fon who was more likely to improve, to the greateit poilible 
 extent, the mifchicf to which the meafure naturally expoied 
 us. This laft example took place only a few weeks before 
 my own appointment, which was on the. 23th of May 1794. 
 "When I confidered thefe circumftanccs, I was furpriied 
 i this propofal fhoula be made me by the adminiitration, 
 and intimated the fame to the Secretary of State; who replied, 
 that my political principles, which were known to favor the 
 French revolution and to cherifh a friendly connection with 
 France, were a ftrong motive with the Prefident for offering 
 rne the miffion, fince he wirhcd to fatisfy the French govern- 
 ment what his own fentiments were upon thofe points. He 
 added, that in his opinion, the Prefident was as fincere a 
 friend to the French revolution and our alliance with France, 
 as I could be, and ofcourfe that nothing wcwjd be required 
 of me inconfiftent with my own principles ; on the contrary 
 that I mould be placed on a theatre where I might gratify my 
 feelings in thofc refpech, and at the fame time render a moft 
 uleful and acceptable fervice to my country; for that our af- 
 fairs with France had fallen into great derangement, and re- 
 quired an immediate and deci.fi ve effort to retrieve them. 
 Thus advifed I fubmitted the proportion to my friends, who 
 w.reof opinion 1 ought to accept it, and whereupon I did 
 accept it. 
 
 My inftru&ions were drawn in ftricl: conformity with thefe 
 fentiments, as will appear by a perufal of them. They enjoin- 
 
It <>n nie, ' " nMnofl: - .ir* (o IP/ 
 
 French 
 
 - 
 ef 
 
 s cf //: i ' 6 loejl'til re- 
 
 i -net 
 in the c'Ar--fc of our i\ : in explicit terms 
 
 ( :\\t\\r.\\*\\ neutrality was the Jot we prckrrcd, yet i;i cafe 
 :r tf ".vow-.- >*ne- 
 
 had 
 
 occurred in the ccurfc- ci cur aiTairs of a nature to i reatC in 
 France doubts of a t 
 
 cxpresliy adverted to, for : t:> riiiR- 
 
 pnteth;/ ;\ic- 
 
 cc fa ful .The ini'Iion of Mr. Jay to Lot>6c 
 ly noticed ; becaufe it was, I p:vfi: : to 
 
 .produce or folicr fuch doubts. IToon ' inftruc- 
 
 tio-is were 25 follows : fe It is no: -ill be o- 
 
 : on :;ter r- 
 
 But you m;iy declare tiie ::^j-:ves of th^ v-, tj ob- 
 
 tcli /'->:': , and re-* 
 
 uiioftbspL 
 
 Another incident ivas taken' atlvan li^ 2 cf by tiie r.dm'tnif- 
 trati?:i, vith n vievr ro fat-' nt of France th?.t 
 
 its profeflions were in ail rcf The fenate r.r.cl 
 
 hcuff of reprcf.ntativeG hr.d each pa(Ted a rciblution, ex- 
 preiTive of the i.ntereit they tcok, refpcclirely, intlie vveifure of 
 the French republic, with a requeft by each to the executive, 
 to tnmfmit the fame in its behaif to the French government. 
 In fuJfiiling this duty the executive availed itfelf of the oppor- 
 tunity furnimed, to declare its own fentiments on the fame 
 fubjet, which it clid in terirjs the rnoft ftrang and empha- 
 tic that could be tifecL In domoiunicating the refulution 
 of the fenate it .va's cbf^rvcd by the Secretary of Stare (thro 
 whcfe department the communication palled) " that in ex- 
 ecuting this duty, the liberal fuccours which the United Sr 
 received from the French nation, in their fcrii^gle for inde- 
 pendence, prefent themiVives warm to the recoficclidn. On 
 this bails was the friendikip between the two nations found*- 
 cfd : On this bafis and the continued interchange of regard 
 fince has it grown ; and fupportcd by thefe motives it will 
 J-emaiii firm and conftant. The Senate therefore tender tr> 
 the committee of public faftty, their zealous whiles for the 
 French republic , they learn with fenfibiitty every fuecefs 
 
 eh praraotss the happinefi of tl^s French nation ; 
 
"C vi ] 
 
 the full eP ablifhment of their pence and liberty will be ever 
 
 ned by the .Senate as a happinefs to the Umtcd States 
 V." And in communicating that of the houi? 
 of rty; rt was further added ; that in no manner 
 
 could tin's honorable and grateful fur, cHon be more properly 
 ' feizirigthc occafion of declaring to the al- 
 ly of tlvj United States, that the caufe of liberty, in the de- 
 fence of which fo much American blood and treafures have 
 
 i.uiflied, is chcrilhed by our republic with increafing 
 cnrhufuifm ; that under the itandard of liberty wherefoever 
 u iiiall be ditphycd, tlie a fled ion of the United States will 
 always rally ; and that the fuccelles of thofe who (land forth 
 avengers will be gloried in by the United States, and 
 will be felt as the fuccciTcs of themfclves and the other friends 
 of humanity. Yes, reprefcntatives of our ally, your com- 
 munication 'has been addrefied to thofe who fliare in your 
 fortunes, and who take a deep interefl in the happinefs and 
 prbfperity of the French republic." 
 
 Theie resolutions were public, being printed and pub- 
 lilhed on the journal of each houfe ; whence it was reafon- 
 ubic to infer, that the communication of the executive, which 
 announced them to the French government, was likcwife 
 of a public nature, especially when it was coniidcred that 
 the committee of public fafety might publilh the whole, if it 
 
 lit fit. No intimation was given me by the adminif- 
 tration that it was its wi(h they ihould be kept fecrct ; I 
 
 fort concluded that the publication thereof, was a cir- 
 cumflance, that mud have been contemplated by the execu- 
 tive. 
 
 Upon this bafis my miflion war, laid ; a bafis which. fa- 
 tisfied me, that whatever might be the fuccefs of our -ex- 
 
 inary million to England, its objects were fo few, and 
 
 its powers ib ftriHy limited and well defined, that nothing 
 
 pofiibly refult from it, that would leflen the confidence 
 
 of France in the friendship and affection profeffed towards her, 
 
 or call in queition the purity of my motives in accepting, un- 
 
 ; adminiitratfon, this million to the French republicr 
 ' rheprofpecl; before me therefore every way was an eligible one, 
 My connection with the adminiftration was formed upon my 
 
 . iiiciples j or rather ourprinciples appeared to be thefame 
 in all the points in o,ue(lion ; and the duties it was enjoined 
 upon me to perform, were thofe in which of all others I 
 v. idrjd to fuccccd : for nothing could be more delightful 
 to me, than by labouring to infpire the French government, 
 upon terms i;v r e u-nl honorable to myfclf, with a confidence 
 
E v,i i 
 
 in the fair and friendly views of our own, to contribute to re* 
 claim to the bonds of a clofc amity, two couiurks \vho f& 
 friendfliip was contracted in the war of our revolution, and 
 which ought to be eternal ; but who were now unhappily di- 
 verging from each other, and in danger of being thrc\v;i v/hol- 
 ly apart ; and, as I preiumeclj equally againil the intereii: and 
 inclination of both. Nor could any thing be more delightful 
 to me, than to be able, by means of that confidence, to recover 
 to our citizens a full indemnity for the injuries they had al- 
 ready iiiitainedby the lofs of it : And thcfc were the particu- 
 lar duties it was enjoined upon me to perform. I embarked 
 therefore immediately with a view to commence and purfuc 
 them with zeal. 
 
 Upon my arrival in Paris, which was on the 2(\ of Auguft 
 1794, I found that the work of alienation and difunioa had 
 been carried further than I had before even fuipected. The. 
 liaraiTment of our commerce had commenced, aiid gone to 
 fonie extent ; and a coolnefs and diitruit of our policy \ver^ 
 marked ftrongly in their proceedings. In fliort it was ap- 
 parent that things were in train for an entire feparation of the 
 two countries, as may be feen by reference to the docu- 
 ents which exhibit a correct view of the then Hate of our 
 affairs.* 
 
 I prefented my credentials to the commiiTary of foreign af- 
 fairs, foon after my arrival ; buc more than a week had elap- 
 fed, and I had obtained no anfwer, when or whether I ihouicl 
 be received. A delay beyond a few days lurprifed me, be^ 
 caufe I could difcern no adequate or rational motive for ir, 
 The ftate of things occafioned by the fall of Robefpierre, which 
 took place jufl before my arrival, might protract it for that 
 term, but not a longer one. Soon however intimations were 
 given me, that it proceeded from a very different caufe ; one 
 too which materially affected the honor of our adminiltratiou 
 as well as my own. It was intimated to me that the com- 
 mittee, or feveral at lead of its members, had imbibed an o- 
 pinion that Mr. Jay was fent to England with views unfriend- 
 ly to France, and that my million to France was adopted for 
 the purpofe of covering and fupportrng his to England ; that 
 the one was a meafure of iubftantial import, contemplating on our 
 part a clofe union with England ; and that the other was an act 
 of policy, intended to amuie and deceive. It was added that 
 
 * See a fummary in letter No. 10, pge 118 ; alfb my notes to the com- 
 mittee, of the jd. of Sept, page 30, andiSof Oil. page 63. As alfo Mr. 
 Skipwith's report tp m hcrctoibre prmtJ by orc^r of the licufc of rcv>r- 
 
L v ^ L 
 
 this in- my reception but 
 
 become the dupes .of 
 
 lent it, and in confcquence 
 
 . to f.:y \vheii I fhould be received. I 
 
 .-.! with this intelligence, be- 
 
 < i the committee had taken cf 
 
 ,iticn was unfounded ; and bccaufe 
 
 I : . vcundis it uould produce cftl els 
 
 v injurious to our uiT.iirs. And on my uv a part I felt a, 
 iv^nt towards the committee, for fufpeiing 
 .. become theinftrument of a policy ib oppofte to 
 rny o-., n pviiiciplct> ; or mother \vcrtls thi:t I would inihi un- 
 q :~v,r ci:;j purpcic of prcinciing the vlev/s^ 
 ih..; , ...I to it, by betraying thofc republican r/riu- 
 
 j n?:r to my heart, and to the advancement 
 v.'hercei my 4 ;nd fcrvices had Lern dedicated. Upon 
 
 ecu ' j circumiiiuices, and especially as I ccn- 
 
 cei'- . 'f ilr{;ii^ in th? procmd upon v, hich I ftocd, in 
 
 rcfpedt to the vic.v/:i . f ilie admiriiflration as well as my own, 
 I \. . .d to take the fubjcci: from the committee, and 
 
 it before another tiibunal. "With this vic\v I ad- 
 :i;rd a letter to the convention on the 1 4th of that month, 
 .,\ir it of my late arri-\il, :>nd ailcm^ to what 'department 
 nmciit 1 ihouid nrelent mylclf for recognition ; 
 r.nd I was luppy to find tliai: this expedient produced iinnic- 
 j cflecl, for 1 v/asin eonfeqiiL^iec thereof rc- 
 1 by the convention itici/ oa the day 
 
 * N'oJuof Mr. Sklpwith 
 
 \vcr t^your rrqusft of rry ftitlng to you fuch incidents as con- 
 cornet a:ul prcvccJal ,C.LI- iccc^i:;rn by u:c national ccjivention, I am en- 
 jktyieti to fy, i. .n,!);.:.c'j of tlic f:.dt, that from the 
 
 j.umiiite of public fafciy, who !i.iU il;c f.-.lc coiv- 
 .;ii,;iiN, foi;ij u.>ubts iia.i btfp.ia to circul^ie ui' ilio ul- 
 r.f your leapt ion ; and I we',! OecclUd n.at uf on an in'erview 
 
 .Ml wir'i actiu'n; iv.'.cman, who InJ before ft r 
 
 s LOW fill, ;>. tefpe-tUblc flatioA unoer ihij 
 rue to utidrrftandi tliai ;l;e^ tni^-iu be in the commitiea 
 * J P 1 !l0 ': orfcmeoupfi&tion to yo 
 
 ' 
 
 ! ' o yo en^ fvco^nzei, 
 
 rnmendcd the 'expediency -.n 1 pwpriciy cf:your 
 
 y to the ccr.ven-icn. The fuhflanceof tUi:' ccuver- 
 .-peaicd ioir.c l\v fiiii gcnllcman, and with ihd 
 
 particular ; ; ^ you. You may alfo ieco!lcd, as 
 
 1 think I il,., ihat s.- rJ:er peilon at that t'ii:C holding a cifice wiilc gave 
 
 raibn, did mak? 10 boih >ou and my- 
 . iic delay f the , ornn.ittceof ; ublic fj.cty at- 
 :r !/,i{fi,,;i ;n CAufin,: you to Ix; Jrci-.^nizca, was 
 
 tfl5Ct - , veiy fa-ions doubts of its final iilue. With 
 
 ..:jc citccui, 1 ;:.iu:ar Sir, vcur mtft obcdier,? ilrvar.t, 
 
 SKIP WITH, 
 
V'hen I delivered my addrefs to the convention, I thought 
 proper Jikc\vife to lay bclcrc it., the r_ - of the 
 
 .by i he admi- 
 
 , as \vei! as my c\v::, ;n Kiy.cctto France and the 
 French revolution upon clear, juit, u^d hcr:cr.u>ie ground, I 
 .lit f perceived ciiitmcliy that not only die temper 
 ten ih-.v.M by the ccrrmittee. but the general deiang- 
 nitiii .:'.*irs with France, \. 
 
 ii not >.li.octher, from i ife, J -a futpijion that \vc 
 
 ; feeling no motive to d 
 
 Rilna:. . ih'.T iv.utrd pov/crs, v. Lieh \vere 
 
 powers, and ;' '.tier/, they hud 
 
 com;.. wit'; r-^fpe^V co i. - 
 
 theixrji-e . he me ft lait-.sblc tinic to 
 
 an eiVort to ren ov re the molt 
 
 likely to accoiiioiiih it. Upon this princ^pi- th :i tint llep. 
 was taken and I i to find that it pioduccd intmedi* 
 
 r.tdy in the convention, /j-hout France, h-j ia\\:ii; r 
 
 ble-ffec^: I had cxv V/iih u how- 
 
 ever it did no!: produce au eirecl le* immediate^ nor ever hi 
 the f^Rie degree. ^ 
 
 Being recognize:', I now applied in yfc If ro th^ ')r 
 ties of my oiBeCj and \vhh all the zeal or whXii '. . 
 ble. The fiiil cbjcCl to which I turrj- 
 
 tlcranged (late of our commerce, and the iiril : v i. 
 
 made to the committee of public -faicty was for a, i 
 cf the ancient and legitimate order e: /, ith repr.raticn 
 
 to cur citizens for the injuries they had . by r. de- 
 
 parture from it. My firit note to the committee cf public 
 fafety en this fubjec"!, bears date ox tl:-e 3d cf S-:nien:ber, : 794 ; 
 * in \vhichU. diivuiled and combated copioully, and as al 
 I could, the conducb cf France in thus haralfin -; our corn- 
 ir.crce, againit the ftipulations cf certain articles in our SPG at y 
 \vith her ; and urged er.rneftly the immeiii-.te repeal ( 
 decrees v/hieh authorized that proceeding. I had 
 my note \vith this demand, when further ieiiellon., 11.:.. 
 ened by the apparent temper of the commit: ;e; fu^^eited a 
 doubt v/hether i had not tranfcend~ 1 tr.y hlttrsw^lions, and 
 n:ig!it not by fuch a demand, under fuch eirev. \ and 
 
 upon my own refponfibiiity, : .:ri:ig en my country the embar- 
 raiTmeRt of demands on I ; part, under ,::ticle 
 
 of the treaty. I examined again and again my io&rucYions; 
 and \vasiinallyof opinion they did net contc^ipiutc ihs dc- 
 
 * See o^? 
 
rv C X 3 
 
 But yet I was unwilling to futfer the impreflion v, hich 
 the manner of my reception by the convention had made up- 
 on the: community at large, to pals otf, without mi effort to 
 ,-e it to advantage j and v/ao pcrfuaded from what I wit- 
 d of the gcner f of the public councils, that the 
 
 I :t imprcfiicn to the bell account, was to make 
 jal, on our part, to b '-.-.' iru -lives on 
 Upon thij principle, therefore^ and upon dic 
 _ circumftanccsj the lalh chufe 
 ;, ]jy this however I do not wifli 
 
 to be undtTftcocl as having been guided by political mo- 
 rn exprenlng tiic Lauirncnl^ continued in that 
 chiuie. *, on x the contrary I admit they \vcre itridly my 
 . ming at the lame time that they would never have 
 been thus exprcilcd, had I not been fatusiied, they were iuch, 
 a3 it was honourable for the United States to exprefs, and 
 \vere likely alfo to promote tlieir intcrelh 
 
 The pail age in my indruclions applicable to this fubjecl 
 xvas as iGilowr. Alter ip.eaking of the Bordeaux embargo it 
 adds : u But you will go farther and iniift upon compenfa- 
 tton f'.;r the captures and fpoliations of our property, and in- 
 juries to the pcrfons of our citizens, by French cruilers.'" 
 ! appeared to me to be a nrateib! difference between a 
 power to demand com pen IV. tion for captures and ipcliaticns 
 already made,, or which might afterwards be made, and that 
 ef cailing fpccifically on the French government, to execute 
 certain articles of the treaty between the United States and 
 1'rance, which it v/ai known before I left America were fet 
 aiidcj and the "ivalbns for fo doing explained. I concluded 
 intended to demand an execution of thofe ar- 
 ticles of die treaty, I fhould have been fptei; liy iuilructed 
 ib to do, fince tiie objt-cl appeared to me to be too par- 
 '. mpcn'tant to have efeaped the attention of the ad- 
 n ; or, being attended to, to have been meant to be 
 hove article of iniirucliGii. And the cir- 
 which fu^gefled caution on my part, Icit I fhould. 
 expofe i^y country to injury and myfelf to cenfwre, was the 
 : in our treaty of alliance with France of 1770, by 
 bound c uriel ves, in return for her guarantee of 
 our indep, . to guarantee to her forever, her poilef- 
 
 I was IV-avi'iil if we preiled her to 
 
 articles in our treaty of commerce, which 
 
 to us, it might induce her to call upon us to 
 
 jiicntioru'J ii\ our trc-it of alii- 
 
My note was now before, the committee, and my ci 
 to obtain an early and full compliance with its lever::] r>! 
 . earneftand imceafmg. Six weefcyhov pic.! and 
 
 made no prcgrefo at ail. On the it:h o: 
 a fecond note in fupport of the former and with like erlecl:. 
 From the committee itfelf I could obtain no aniv/er, and to 
 my informal applications to forne cf its s,^ found 
 
 that the dilficulty of allowing our vcffcb to protect the pro- 
 perty of Engiifh fubjetts, v y> that cf 
 French citizens, againft the Engliih . \vith that of 
 diilinguiihing in our favor from the cafe of Denmark and 
 .Sweden, in which we were now involved, were objections of 
 great weight with the committee.-]' But yet I thought I 
 could difcern another motive which though withheld, or rath- 
 cr not avowed, was like wife a powerful one. . I thought I 
 perceived, ftill remaining in the councils of that body, a flrong 
 portion of that fafpieion of our views, in iegard to our mif- 
 ilon to England, fo impreifive upon my arrival ; but which "I 
 had hoped was eradicated ; and the more eanrellly I prefiect 
 an accommodation witTi my demands the more obvioufly did 
 this motive prefeiit itfelf to rtoy view. Thus our aitairs were 
 at a fraud and the profpect of making any prcgrcls in them 
 at bed a gloomy oner In the interim too our commerce 
 was harafled, and the fame fyftcm continued in other refpcfts, 
 which I was labouring to change. PofTelTmg then, as I 
 thought I did, the fpecific remedy, I was- refolved to apply 
 it to the cHfeafe. For this purpofe therefore I fought and 
 obtained aa interview with the diplomatic members of the 
 committee, commencing a converfation with defign to lead 
 them to that point, that I might explain in a fuitable manner 
 the objects of Mr. Jay's million to England, ancf in which I. 
 cafily fucceeded.J The Gazettes had teemed with reports for 
 
 * Sec page 6?. 
 I See page 82. 
 
 | Memorandum of a corivrrfation tfiat paflecl fomc time in No- 
 vember, in an inters'ic-AV between Mr. Monroe and two Diplomatic 
 members of the committee of Salui Public $ at which, by Lisdeure, 
 J was prefent* 
 
 The fubject was introduced by Mr. Monroe's obfcfving on the 
 neceffity that all powers at war mr.flfeelto bring their disputes to a 
 elofe That thi> was often efiedledby the interpolation or mediation 
 of a third power That, on the prefeiit occafion, the United States, 
 aftuated by the warmed vifhes for the tranquillity and happinefs 
 rf the Republic, would cheerfully contribute their good offices to- 
 s bringing abput a pacificth)u vv.it-k ilic allied powers; if their 
 
L & 3 
 
 fern:: time before this, that Mr. Jay '-.vns about to pals oV~r :,; 
 
 -.nfo a r.icdtatioii of pence, on il:cp:r 
 
 rica, at theiniu.ice of hngiand, v-hich rjportc! h-.id, .13 i V.TI- 
 
 i a-> the committee v/.is \vi:": bio fclirienl 
 
 inbuted co k-^p alive ,if net hur^fc, the i'ufpi- 
 
 fe>. i -: by raakir;: n kind 
 
 . .ror our fervices to th ic :j promote peace, by 
 
 of n4edifltio% according to a . tions; 
 
 tut. in a manner to create a belief that \vc neither \vilnecS :;or 
 
 :ts by felicitation ; r.c 
 
 exce r : ..;iiaiice ol ; .vidir.g that 1 waneed ::o 
 
 ,;iate aniv. - ucation, Irivin;^ m:;Je it cn- 
 
 te vie\7o of cur ndmlnidra- 
 
 tion t i .v.ncc. Sj i".ir r.iy chici'objcdl was to diicrcdit 
 
 that report witliout noticing it. The members however ad- 
 
 ir ~ i to tae Rcptil.'Ik ; r.' t!;e 
 
 citly, thcg v. jr.; cv no mca'.is clirpofod to 
 :o i;:rv < that rni'jbt bd made them br the other 
 
 4 -s nt war, ion- />, tacir nu-.tiation. 
 
 To this it v.'aS replied, t.Kii th.c ^ovenment rrccivcd tliofe oiTcrs 
 
 i of tho United 
 :ht cf th 111 : ' 
 lity for peaco, mufl irjakc 
 : . that the dignity of the Rt'v 
 
 fuecefs ,:l prorreis of its arms, rendered 
 this mode of treating 0:1: .le. 
 
 It v.-.is r.fkccl ; if JVlr. Monroe wss in correfpondence with Mr* 
 j . vl-.idi he rtrpiied, he was r.ot. And it was/tlirti funher 
 alke.l ; il' J.lr. Jay vas expected fj!.:i !n Pavii ? 
 
 Scir.e convcrfakion led txj Mr. Monroe's ohfervin^, that the o'> 
 ject c; V> miflien to Eugland \vas conf.iK-dfoi^iy tct'ie pro- 
 
 tprjnz CQinenlatin for the deredations commit 
 
 z CQinpenlatipn for the depredations committed on oui 
 and obtaining the fnrreiidsr of the \v/:!!c.r:i -.'oRs. 
 
 By the diplomatic n:crnbers. it was mentioned, that it was under-*- 
 ftcod, t!',e United States had declined acceding to feme prbpbfaig 
 made them hy Sweden rrd Dc-nr.ir.rk, for joining their armed neu- 
 trality to which Mr. Monroe obferved, that he was unucqviainted 
 with inch p nlttlngthey \vcre r.i:ulo. the refult could 
 
 i)-:t he knov,T.. until after the opening of the iVl'r.o;) of congrcis. 
 
 The offer of the mediation of the Uivte-1 States, made by Mr. 
 
 ?Jo::r .1 t(; r,ic to he- received with ccolnefs,thoug!i the ex- 
 
 - 'fusing tl-.cir fenfe of it were perfectly polite ; and 
 
 ; . Jay, a':o'. c eited, with others of 
 
 r.ior-j ' --.-r, thcvc r.pp.i red to be couched a degree Ov 
 
 ;i of the oh'eCl of i;i<5 million. 
 
 JOHN H, 
 P..-.V, ^ -79;. 
 
tcrted directly to it, a(king me whether it v/as frue, an - 
 which I replied, that it could not be true, fince Mr. Jay 
 fent to England upon fpecial bufinels only, " t 
 eompenfation for the depredations on our : 
 render of the weftern polls,"* to which his authority \vr.s 
 ftrictly limited. The members acknowledged, in terras L 
 ciently polite, the attention which was iliewn upon that oc- 
 c.ifion,by the adrmniftration, to the inter jft of France, as well 
 in the offer of fervice to the French republic by the United 
 States, as in the confidential communication I had made up- 
 on the fubject of our own affairs, and thus the conference 
 ended. 
 
 About this time I was applied to by Mr. Gardoqur, minil- 
 ter of finance in Spain, to obtain for him of the French go- 
 vernment permiffion to enter France, ojlenfibly to attend cer- 
 tain baths on account of ill health j but, as I fuppokd,to open 
 a negociation for peace with the French republic. At nri't 1 
 was averfe to comply with Ins demand-, becaufe I vras perfur.d- 
 ed, from what I faw of the jealous temper of the committee 
 towards us, that an agency in the affairs of the enemies of 
 France, however friendly the motive for it in regard to France 
 might be, was more likely to encreafe than diminifh their dif- 
 truft, and by means thereof injure our own affairs ; and be-* 
 caufe I did not like to repeat overtures of fri-rndly oinces, where 
 k was poffible the motive for fo doing migJbt be mifinterpre- 
 ted. The demand however being reiterated, and palling by 
 trumpet through the Spanim and French armies, I could no: 
 well avoid prefenting it to the view of the French government. 
 I refolved however, in fo doing, to exprefs myfdf in iuch 
 terms as to fhew my independence, equally of Spain and 
 France j upon which principle my note to the committee of 
 public fafety of the I3th of November 1794, inclofi.ig copies 
 of Mr. Gardoqui's letters to me, was drawn ; for by the 
 manner in which I delivered my fentiments of Mr. Gardcqui's- 
 views in writing thofe letters to me, it mud have been ob- 
 tious, that there was no political concert between him and me y 
 
 *" See Mr. Purviar.ce's no'.e of the con r erenc;, which inay be reHed on as 
 accurate; becaufe he interpreted bctr/c en the members 2nd myfcil, upon 
 that occalion ; firce at that time I could not fo much rely on my knowledge" 
 ef the French language, as to depend on mviclf inthat lefped. By his no:e 
 I am alfa reminded, that other iopics were touched en by thefe n-.e;nbers, 
 and in particular, that f wasaik-d, whether I corrcloonded with Mr. Jiy * 
 and rep;ied, that I did not (as was the facl at the lime) on po!ii:c~i rv- 
 pics, which wasdoubtleft the objett of the enquiry. I recoiled too, that 
 when the q-ieilion was propounded, it was done ina manner toimprefr me 
 with a belief it was fufpeded I made the proportion at the instance oi' Mr. 
 Jay, and in harmony with rue Brinfh government. 
 
 f 
 
C *iv ] 
 
 and by the manner in which I addreiTed the committes upow 
 that occalion, it mud have been tonally To, that although 1 
 wifhed fuccefs to the French republic, yet I had too high at 
 reipecl for the United States, and knew too well what was- 
 ttue to myfclf, to weary that body with profeffions or overture* 
 of friendly offices, which were not folicited. This incident I 
 ;.m fatisfied produced a good effeft in our favor, by drawing 
 towards me the confidence of the French government, and of 
 courfe to the communications which I made it an the part of 
 our own.* 
 
 jufl after this, I was a (Iced by the diplomatic members of 
 the committee of public fafety, whether I thought they could 
 obtain by loan, of the United States, or within the United 
 States, fume money to aid the French government in its ope- 
 rations. I underftood, about four or five millions of dollars 
 were wanted, to be laid out in the purchafe of provifions and 
 other fupplies in the United States. The inquiry was rather 
 an erribarrafling one, for many reafons. Upon a full view 
 however of all circumftanccs,! thought it beft to refer the com- 
 mittee for an anfwer to the administration ; availing myfelf of 
 the occafron it furnifhed, to unfold more fully the then fub- 
 fifting relations of the United States with Britain and Spain 
 refpedVively, with a view not only to dhTipate all remaining 
 doubt on thofe points, but to engage France to affift us in our 
 claims upon thofe powers in cafe it mould eventually be ne- 
 cefTary fo to do. Shortly after this I was informed by the di- 
 plomatic members of the committee of public fafety, that their 
 mini fter then about to depart for the United States would bein- 
 Rru&edto propofetoour government an arrangement, whereby 
 France fhould engage to fecure the attainment of all our claims 
 upon thofe powers, when fhe made her own treaties with them,, 
 as likewife to protect our commerce againft the Algerincs.f 
 
 By thcfe feveral communications and explanations, on my 
 part, which were much aided by the movements of General 
 Wayne on the Frontiers, (hewing that if we were not in a 
 <lat<; of aclual war with Great Britain, fo neither were we 
 in that of aclual peace ; as likewife, by fome changes in the 
 committee itfelf, it was foon to be feen, that the doubts which 
 that body had heretofore entertained of the fmcerity of our 
 profeflions, and rectitude of cur views began to wear away;, 
 for, from tins period, may be dated a change in its policy to- 
 wards the United States j a change which foon became fo vU 
 fibl'j sfter vvards. 
 
 ' .e iz^.. 
 
About this time, it is important to be remarked, that I re- 
 ceived a letter from the Secretary of State, of the 2jth Sep- 
 tember, 1794* which affured me, that in his judgment our 
 negociation with England was lively to fail in all its objt-cls, 
 and that that with Spain was at a ftand ; the courts of Ma- 
 drid and London being cordial in their hatred of the United 
 States, and a determination to harais them through the Indi- 
 ans. By this later too, I was advifed of the efforts made by 
 the French Minifter, Mr. Fauchet, through his Secretary Mr. 
 Le Blanc, to infpire the French government with a belief, that 
 certain members in our own had a BritiJ/j tendency; and admonifh- 
 ed of the means I had to confront that idea, Jmce I knew hoio 
 Mr. Jay 'was rtjlricied an object, to which my attention was 
 now particularly called, fince, under exifting circumftances, 
 it was deemed indifyeafikje for its tofiand ivell luiib the 1 
 Republic*. Thus advifed, I not only felt myfelf fortified in 
 the meafures I had already taken to cultivate a good under- 
 ftanding with the French government, as above itated ; but 
 Simulated to purfue the fame object by like means, with new 
 zeal. 
 
 By this time I had bscome perfonally acquainted with many 
 of the members of the committee, the referve heretofore 
 fliewn me being in a great meafure thrown off; nor did I ever 
 fail to avail myfelf of the opportunities thereby furniihed, to 
 urge as a man, what I had fo often before prcffed as a public 
 rninifter ; nor can it be doubted, that the erred: thereby pro- 
 duced, in regard to the objects in view, was a falutary 'one. 
 
 On the 1 8th of November 1794, the committees of pub- 
 lic fafety, commerce and fupplies united, paffed an arrete, by 
 which the commiffary of marine was ordered to adjnfl the 
 amount due to our citizens on account of the Bourdeaux em- 
 bargo ; as likewife for fupplies rendered to the government of 
 St. Domingo. By it, too, the embarraffments which impeded 
 our direct commerce with France, as alfo thofe which imped- 
 ed it with other countries, by the arbitrary rule cf contra- 
 band, in refpecl tojprovifions deitined for thofe countries, were 
 done away. Free paffage, in our veffels, was likewife allowed 
 to the fubjects of the powers at war with France, other than 
 foldiers and failors in the actual fervice of fuch powers. In 
 fhort, all the objects to which my note of the 3d of Septem- 
 ber extended, were yielded ; except that of allowing our vef- 
 fels to protect enemies' goods, which point was declared to be 
 withheld, until fuch powers iliouid agree, that the merchaa- 
 
 * Page 88. 
 
: citizens, in neutral veilc!?, fhould likev, . 
 * 
 
 v; the bufincfs of reform in our affairs with the Frcncw 
 
 happily commenced. i3 y the above arrete aa 
 
 ..as actually produced in the general temper 
 
 Is us; for by it many practices, very inju- 
 
 \::i\ even commendable, were 
 
 now !c criminal. And much like -wife was 
 
 which tiiis change in the public couru- 
 
 .:v;r;.l in our favour, produced in the exc- 
 
 t tolerated; for after this I do rot 
 
 ..n iiiftance, e.fpeciaUy in France, where a vefiel of 
 
 ours \ in uron the fufpicion of having enemies' 
 
 I' 1 .!- ^fs of reform did not end here.; on the con- 
 
 trary it was only commenced; for not long after this it was 
 jxropofed by the- above iiamed committees, united with that 
 of legiilatioij, in a report to the convention, as the part of a ge- 
 neral iyilcm, to put in execution like wife that article of our 
 . which itipuiatcs, that five linns. (hail make free goods, 
 -oGtion v/as adopted on the ^d of January, 1795, 
 ; iced to me by die cdfiW&i'ittfce of public fif-^ty imme- 
 Thust!- imony between the 
 
 tv. o c ,v rcftored by a repeal of the feve- 
 
 - winch had difturl>ed it. f 
 
 It is . , '. ance worthy of attention, that as, upon a former 
 
 .! States followed the fortune of the other 
 rcut:r; Donmark, iSwtden, &c. when the de- 
 
 reilriclive of their commerce paiTed,fo upon the prefent 
 one thole powers followed the fortune of the United States, 
 by participating with them in the benefit of the repeal of thofe 
 decree. In the former iiage, the United States had not fuffi- 
 cicnt weight to feparate thcmielves from the condition of thofe 
 powers, wlu'ch were royal powers, and unfriendly to the 
 French revolution ; in the latter diey had acquired fufficient 
 ;L to recover the ground they had loft, and even to im- 
 part the advantages of it to thofe powers alfo; for having been 
 heretofore connected, it was now difficult for the French 
 government to diftinpiiifh, in that refpecl, between thofe 
 ihates and thofe other powers. 
 
 OL. -itli France were now in a profpcrous ftate. 
 
 By the repeal of the decrees under \\hichour trade was har- 
 
 ., there was an end put to complaints from that caufe; 
 
 * Tage 9;. f Page ie6, 
 
.crifl, as orders were iiTued for the adjuftment of the accounts 
 of iuch of our citizens as had .claims upon the French Repub- 
 lic, with a view to their payment, the profptct of 
 for pail loflcs was like wife a good one. ^Soon too ou< G**n- 
 mcrce flourimed beyond wHat was ever known before; lor by 
 -virtue of our treaty with France of 1778, whole liipiihuicns 
 were now rcfpeckd in evtry article, we were becoming, and 
 .actually became, not only the carriers of our OV.TI bulky .i::d 
 valuable materials to England and her allies (with the exctpti- 
 ,on, in their cafe, of the ilricl: contraband of war c of 
 
 .courfe to every port of the fea, which gave us a friendly wel- 
 come; but were likewife, .on account cf the protection \v;.icli 
 our veflels gave to the property of the enemies of France, be- 
 coming alfo the carriers of England and her allies in the war. 
 Such, too, was the friendly bias of the people of France ^to- 
 wards us, that notwithstanding our veflels gave no protection 
 to French property againll Englifh cruizers, nor in certain 
 cafes to the productions of the French lilands become Ameri- 
 can property, yet we were become likewife the principal car- 
 riers of France. ) Even the privilege -of American citizenfhip 
 was an object of great value to the owner (I mean in a mer- 
 cantile view) for an American citizen could neutralize vefkrls, 
 funds, &c. and thus profit, in many ways, by the condition of 
 his country. Nor did France invite us to the war, or inar-ifeit 
 ,a wi(h that we fhould engage in it ; whilft fhe was difpofed to 
 afiiil us in fecuring our claims upon thofe powers, againft 
 whom we complained of injuries. In iliort, iuch was our fi- 
 tuation with the French Republic, and with other powers, ib 
 far as depended on the French Republic, that there was but 
 one point upon which wehadcaufe to feel or exprefs any fc- 
 licitude, w r hich was that it might not vary. 
 
 But unhappily this date of things, fo cor-refpondent with 
 -our ancient relations with that country, fo congenial with the 
 public fentiment, and necefiary to the public welfare, was not 
 doomed to be a permanent one ; for even whilil the propoft- 
 iion, laft above mentioned, was depending before the conven- 
 tion, accounts were received from England, that Mr. Jay had 
 -concluded a treaty with that power, of very different import 
 from what I had "been taught by my inilruclions to expect, 
 and had likewife taught the French government to expecl: 
 would refult from his million. Hitherto I had underftood, 
 and had fo ilated, that his powers were limited to the adjuft- 
 ment of the particular points in controverfy between the two 
 countries; but by thefe accounts it appeared, that a treaty was 
 formed, upon very different principles, whereby cur connw> 
 
[ xviii ] 
 
 -.\ with France war, efientially weakened, by a new and very 
 clole one with England. Here then began a new era in cur 
 fliKiirs, which will b^ perhaps forever memorable in the an- 
 nals of our country, the incidents attending which I will pro- 
 ceed tO 1'' 
 
 It will readily occur to every difpaffion^te mind, that this 
 report, though merely a report, mull have fubjettsd me to 
 
 :ic cmbarr aliment, which would continue 'till I was ena- 
 bljci completely to diiprove it. But I will net dwell on this 
 circu reliance. I will proceed to narrate facls which mew 
 .-how we left the ground we had gained as above, and ultimate- 
 ly reached the point where we now are. r 
 
 j\sfoon as this report reached Paris, it was obvious that it 
 produced in the committee a very difagreeable fenfation in rc- 
 
 .u to us; for immediately afterwards, I was applied to by 
 That body in a letter, which itated what they had heard of the 
 contents of -that treaty, and aiking in \vhat light they were to 
 confidcv it. 1 * It happened, that I had received on the lame 
 day a letter from Mr. Jay, of the 25th of November, fin- 
 forming me, that he had concluded on the ipth of the fame 
 month, a treaty with Great-Britain, which contained a decla- 
 tion " that it ihculd not be conflrued, or operate,, contrary to 
 our emitting treaties-," but, " as it was not ratilkd, it would 
 be improper to publifk it." I therefore made his letter the ba- 
 f;s cf my reply to the committee, inferring verbatim fo muc 
 of it as applied ; adding, that although I was ignorant of th 
 particular (lipulations of the treaty (which, however, for th 
 removal of all poffiblc anxiety on that fubje&, I would com- 
 municate as foon as I knew them) yet I took it for granted, 
 the report was a-Itogethcr without foundation. My anfwcr 
 v/as fo far fatisfaclory to the committee as to prevent, at the 
 time, any change in the policy recently adopted towards us ; 
 for the decree, which propofed to put into full execution our 
 treaty of commerce with France, then depending, as already 
 obfcrvcd, bd.orc the convention, was pafled without oppofi- 
 tion. 
 
 In promifing to communicate to the committee the con- 
 tents of this treaty as foon as I knew them, I did fo in the ex- 
 pectation of fulfilling my promifc, when I received a copy of 
 the treaty from the department of fhte, and not before; for 
 I cxpcded no further information upon that fubjecl: from 
 Mr. jay. I concluded, as he had already communicated to 
 jiic a pait of the treaty, and withheld the refidue, that he had 
 
 ,05. 
 
r *:* ] 
 
 rforre foupon mature deliberation, and meant to 
 o me no more of it;, and in this opinion I was the more con- 
 firmed, from t!iat pailiig^ in his letter, which Hated, that a* 
 the treaty was not ratified, it would be improper to pul>!fi icy 
 fince I could not underftand that pailage, othcrv/iie than as an 
 intimation, he ihouid withhold from me the other parts of the 
 treaty. And in making that promife to the committee, I ciid 
 it with a view to. prcfcrve the fame fpirit of candour in my 
 communications with that body, nofiv that tbe treaty i':c.s c:::~ 
 ehtdsd, that I had done whilft the Jie^xia^n was depending, a, 
 departure from which would doubtbfs have been immedh:- 1 - 
 Ly noticed. To the department cf ftatc therefore alone I new 
 looked for fuch information refpecting that tiMnfaction, as the- 
 public mtereft required I (hould pofieis;. always prefuming it 
 would place the rcfuit, upon a footing correfponcier.t with its- 
 previous communications to me, and mine to the French go- 
 vernment, with which they were fuificiently acquainted. 
 
 On the r6th January, 1795, I received another letter from 
 Mr. Jay of the 28th of November preceding, informing rr.e- 
 that lie propofed foon to communicate to me, in cypher, the 
 pr'uH-ipiil /.'jads-of the treaty ccrflc-i.':. This information 
 
 furprifed and embarrafled me. It furpri&d me, bccaufe it 
 promifed a rcfuit different from what I had expected from his 
 preceding letters; and it embarraiTed me becaufe, although 
 it was for many reafons an object, of great importance with 
 me to poiTefs the treaty, in cafe it were of the kind 1 1 had un- 
 derftood it would be, yet I was now very avcrfe to receive it v 
 in cafe it were otherwise, on account of the promife I had al- 
 ready made to the committee, to communicate to it the con- 
 tents, as foon as- 1 knew them, as abore frated. Thus circum- 
 ftanced I refolved to write to Mr. j ay, by a confidential perfon, 
 and inform him of my engagement with the committee, re- 
 quelling a copy of the treaty to enable mejfco_complv_vvith ir^ 
 urging as a motive for his fending one andTruly, the good 
 effect it would produce upon our affairs there; in the expecta- 
 tion of obtaining one, only in cafe the treaty v/as-of a par- 
 ticular import, in which cafe I could fee no motive whv Lc 
 fhouldrefufe that m,ark of confidence to the committee;' and 
 of preventing its. being fent, in cafe it was otherwife, or in cvfe 
 Mr. Jay did not wifh its contents to be known to the French 
 government \ for in either of thofe cafes, andefoccully if clog- 
 ged with any condition whatever, I did not v/iih to poifrfs it. 
 I committed this letter f to the care of Mr. Purviance, a very 
 
 * See page i i.j. * Ibid, 
 
e and defending citizen of Baltimore, who departed 
 with it a few days after the receipt of Mr. Jay's letter above 
 mentioned, ana returned with his anfwer, bearing date on the 
 $t:i of February, i/jmstime early in March k>i lowing. In his 
 Tvply he refufed to fend me a copy of the treaty as I had re- 
 '.1; urging as a motive for his rtfufal, that we were an 
 independent nation, fjV. bad a right to form treaties, sV. with- 
 ether found maxims which were never qucftioned.* 
 
 Hero again I concluded and hoped that the bufmefs be- 
 t \veen Mr. jay and myfelf was at an end, and of courfe, that 
 I ihoulil hear nothing further from him upon the fubjec~b of 
 his treaty. But here again I was disappointed , for fometime' 
 .rch I received another letter from him of the ipth of 
 February, by Colonel Trumbull ; which he informed me,, 
 he had authorifed that gentleman,- to communicate to me : 
 ^the contents of that treaty, in perfift confidence^ to be imparted 
 to no other perfon.f This lait letter was (till more extraor- 
 dinary than any which preceded it : For as he had refufed to- 
 fend me a copy of the treaty, according, to my requefr, by Mr,. 
 Purviance, snd omitted, not to fay refufed (though indeed I 
 underilcod his million in the light of a refufal) otherwife to 
 inform me of its contents, by that very fafe opportunity, I did? 
 not fee how the correfpondence coivld be continued on that 
 fubj.cct, on his part.- Nor was my furprife otherwife than 
 greatly increafed, after having informed him, that the only ac- 
 ceptable mode by which die contents of the treaty could be 
 conveyed was by the tranfmiffion of a copy of the kiftru- 
 ment itfelf, at the proportion which he now made, to com- 
 municate them to me verhill^ upon a prefumption that it 
 would be more fatisfaffory to me, to receive them thus, than 
 by written extracJs from the treaty , and upon condition that I 
 would communicate them to no ether perfon whatever. This- 
 proportion being altogether inadmiflible, was of courfe re-- 
 jeUd. 
 
 Soon after this^ Colonel Trumbull made a communication,, 
 upon the fubjed of this treaty, to Mr. Hichborn of Bofton,, 
 \vith defign that he mould communicate the fame to me un- 
 conditionally; and of courfe, in the expectation that I would 
 communicate it to the French government. In confequence 
 I received this communication in writing from Mr. Hichborn,, 
 with the attention which was due, to thofe two gentlemen, 
 \yhom I p-rfonally rcfpectcd ; and made of it, afterwards, all 
 the ufe which a paper ib informal would admit of \\ And thus 
 
 * Seepage i -. t Ta S e 151. " :J ; Pago 155, 
 
[ xxi J 
 
 WITS executed Mr. Jay's promiie to communicate ton 
 contents of his treaty with the Englilh government ; uponf 
 which topic I will now make a few observations only, and 
 then difmifs it. 
 
 My promife to communicate to the committee the contents- 
 of Mr. Jay's treaty, as foon. as I knew them, iufficiently ex- 
 plains the motive of that intimation to him ; but why de- 
 mand a copy of the inftrument for that purpofe ? Why not 
 make my reprefentations to that body, upon the faith of Mr. 
 Jay's to me, without further proof ? Ought this to be expect- 
 ed under like circumflances by any one ? Or, ought any per- 
 fon who refufes to repofe confidence in another, as was the 
 cafe in the prefent initance, by withholding the document in 
 queftion, to expect that that other would confide in him ? Is 
 not the very circumftance of withholding a document, whilft: 
 the party poffeffing it labours to imprefs you with a belief that 
 fuch are its contents, calculated to create at kaft a fufpicion 
 that the fact is otherwife ; and that the foiicitude {hewn pro- 
 ceeds from a defire to deceive ? And if fuch would be the ef- 
 fect of fuch conduct on the part of a man indifferent or un- 
 known to you, what ought to be expected from it when prac- 
 tifed by one in whofe political morality you had no confidence,, 
 and of whofe obnoxious political principles and views you 
 were already forewarned, by a long acquaintance with them ? 
 Thcfe confiderations will, 1 prefume, likewife fufliciently ex- 
 plain why I would make no reprefentation to the French go- 
 vernment of the contents of that treaty, for which I became 
 perfonally refponfible, upon the mere authority of Mr. Jay,. 
 or otherwife than upon a copy of the inftrument itfelf. 
 
 But I had another reafon of great weight in my mind for re- 
 quiring a copy of the treaty from Mr. Jay, or preventing fur- 
 ther communication with him on that fubject, in cafe he 
 would not fend one. My object, as already fiated, was by fair 
 and honeft means, to remove the fufpicions which the French 
 government entertained upon that fubjecF; and with a vie\v 
 to promote the intereit of my country. If then, Mr. Jay en- 
 abled me to accomplifhed the object, by a copy of the treaty, 
 he feconded my views. But if he did not, every communica- 
 tion from him fhort of that, only tended to weaken the ground 
 upon which I ftood ; whilft it perfonally embarrafied me. It 
 will be remembered, that by my instructions I ftood upon 
 ftrong ground ; fince by their authority I could declare what 
 I believed the treaty was, as I had before clone what I believ- 
 ed it would be. But this I could not do in the cafe of a dif- 
 ference of the treaty from my inftruclions, unlefs I remained 
 
 d 
 
[ xxii ] 
 
 nbfoliitcty ignorant of its contents : Nor would the "French go- 
 vernment believe me in cafe I did, unlefs the declaration was 
 fupported by circumltances the moft fatisfactory, of which 
 would be a belief, that there was no confidential underftand- 
 ing between Mr. Jay and myfelf ; for knowing, as was to be 
 prefumed, the footing upon which we flood before we. left 
 America, as well as the adminiflration knew it, or even we 
 ourfclves, and fufpecting (as the committee always did) the 
 object of his miflion to England, which fufpicion was now 
 revived, perhaps much increafed, it would not fail to conftrue 
 fiich intimacy into a proof of my npoflacy, and his and my 
 iniflion, on the part of the adminiflration, into an act of poJi- 
 tical intrigue, directed againft the caufe of liberty, of which 
 France was to be alike the dupe and the victim ; an imputa- 
 tion I not only did not merit, but to which I was refolved to 
 give no countenance or fanction whatever, by any part of my 
 conduct. This consideration, therefore, likewife fortified me 
 in the refolution I had already taken, to requefl a copy of the 
 treaty as the only document that could be ufeful to me, and 
 neither to accept from him that or any other, otherwife than 
 unconditionally. 
 
 Such was my conducl: upon the above occafion, and fuch 
 the motives of it. Such was, likewife, Mr. Jay's conduct 
 upon that occafion, on whofe motives I fhall forbear to com- 
 ment. What they were throughout, it is fubmitted to others 
 to determine, upon a view of the facts and circumftances 
 prefcntcd; which cannot otherwife than furnifh to the impar- 
 tial a fatisfactory guide. [ Henceforward, therefore, I looked 
 to the department of ft ate, for all further information refpect- 
 ing the contents of that treaty, and in the interim, upon the 
 faith of my inftructions and the claufe fent me by Mr. Jay, 
 continued to iflure the committee, that, in my opinion, it con- 
 tained nothing which ought to give them juft caufe of unea- 
 fmefs ; but if it did, that it would be difapproved in Ameri- 
 ca: ' Which aflurance was, moft certainly, not without effect; 
 fmce, by means thereof, the committee was preferved, if not 
 in a ftate of perfect confidence, yet in one of perfect tranquil- ) 
 
 Heretofore, the few letters I had received from the Secreta- 
 ry of State were written before he was apprized of my ar- 
 rival in France ; and, of courfe, referred to a ftate of things 
 which preceded that event : But about this period, being the 
 beginning of February 1795, I received a letter from him of 
 
 See page 147, 
 
[ xxiii ] 
 
 the 2d of December 1 794,* which was written after he knew 
 of my arrival, and upon the receipt of my third letter (of the 
 I5th'of September, of the fame year) the two preceding let- 
 ters having not yet reached him. In this he notices my ad- 
 drcfs to the convention ; as alfo my letter to the committee 
 of public lafcty of the third of September following j both of 
 which acts he cenfures in the molt unreferved and harm man- - 
 ncr. In the firft he charges me with having exprefled a ibli- 
 citude for the welfare of the French Republic, in a itije too 
 warm and afYcdionate ; much more fo than my inilrudions 
 warranted j which too he deemed the more reprehenfible, 
 from the confideraticn, that it was prefented to the conven- 
 tion in public and before the world, and not to a ccmmittee in a 
 private chamber ; fince thereby, he adds, we were likely to 
 t*ive offence to other countries, particularly England^ with 
 \ukom we were in treaty ; and fince, alfo, the dictates cffmcc- 
 r'ity do not require that we foould publtfb to the world all our /I\7- 
 ings in favor of France. For the future he inftrucls me, to 
 cultivate the French Republic with zeal, but without any un- 
 nectilary eclat, and by my letter to the committee, demanding 
 an indemnity for fpoliations, and a repeal of the decrees fui- 
 pending me execution of certain articles of our treaty of com- 
 merce with France, he objects that 1 had yielded an interefl 
 it was my duty to fecure. To fupport this charge, he feletU 
 out the laft claufe in that letter, and without entering into ths 
 fpirit of the paper, or its probable effect upon the committee, 
 veafons upon it as if it flood alone, and contained an abfolute 
 and formal furrender of the right in queition , for which acl 
 of indifcretion, or rather mifcondut, he intimates in pretry 
 itrong terms, that the adminiitration think a mere reprimand 
 inadequate. 
 
 To this letter I replied immediately, in one of the 1 2th of 
 February,! in which I anfwered, explicitly, his feveral char- 
 ges, and, I prefume, proved they were unfounded in every in- 
 ilance.J Upon this occafion I thought proper in reply to his 
 firft charge, to lay open more fully than I had before done, 
 fome truths, at which, indeed, I had before only glanced > 
 particularly the light in which our adminiitration was view- 
 ed by the committee upon my arrival ;$ a circumftance which 
 
 * Seepage 115. f PagenS. \ Ibid. 
 
 UTo convey an idea of the rife and progreft of the di Tear. tent 
 diftruft of the French government, it would be ueceflary to gtx 
 back to a period antecedent to my miflion. to the appointment of. 
 a man of the political principles and character ivhidi were . 
 
liad fubjecle-d me to fo many and painful embaraflinents at that 
 period, and for fome confiderable time afterwards, and fo much 
 to the injury of our affairs ; details I \vould never have given, 
 liad I not thus been called en to do it in my own defence : 
 For, in truth, as I thought after thofe embarrailments were fur- 
 mounted, that complete harmony was perpetually re-efta- 
 bliihed between the rwo countries, it was my wifh as well 
 from public confederations, as from motives of perfonal deli- 
 cacy towards the parties intereded, to bury them in oblivion. 
 in reply to his ftcond charge, I anfwered by informing 
 him, thrit fome time before the receipt of his letter I had 
 tranfmitted him a copy of a decree which carried into full 
 execution the violated articles of .our treaty of commerce 
 -with France *, whereby the very objec?t was obtained (as in 
 my judgment it had been much forwarded by the mode in 
 which it was preyed) the abandonment whereof he had laid 
 to my .charge. 
 
 I like wife thought proper, upon this occafion, to explain 
 fully the light in which I had underftood my million, as dat- 
 ed in my mihuctions; with the relation it bore to that of Mr. 
 Jay ; all doubts reflecting which, in the French government, 
 I was inftrucled to remove, by making explanations the moil 
 explicit, and upon thofe points upon which fuch doubts were 
 mod likely to arife. In diiculling urns fubjeci, and dating how I 
 had ac?ted, I plainly told our adminidration within what limits 
 I expedled the refult of that million would be found j inti- 
 mating, that I had a character not to be facrificed. To this 
 view I was led by the general tone of the Secretary's letter ; 
 which created a doubt, whether the ground upon which I was 
 -placed by the adnnniitnuion was a folid one j for I could not 
 
 to Mr. Morris, my predeceffor ; to his conduct during the 
 
 -early ihge of the French revolution, and w hi I II in office; which by 
 
 ./cly favoring the royal party, in oppolition to the republican 
 
 courfe of things, rendered him odious to the French government; 
 
 t^ his being continued in place, notwithstanding all this, till his 
 
 recall was absolutely demanded by the French government ; and 
 
 to the difcovery made by that government, that ours was not 
 
 Tied with his cnndiv o its demand, and not to a ciif- 
 
 appr'cbation of any part of MY. Morris's conduct was his recall o\v- 
 
 Jng ; which difcovery was made by an intercepted letter from the 
 
 Secretary of State, to Mr. Morris, expreisly alluring him.tliat i'ueh 
 
 -was the caie. It would be painful to go into details on this fubject; 
 
 hit the circurnftances here hinted will make it eafy to conceive 
 
 t.ho unfavorable inferences that mufl have been drawn refpecting the 
 
 temper and views cf our adminidration. 
 
t xxv ] 
 
 conceive, if Mr. Jay's million was limited to the objects fpe- 
 cified in my inftruCtions, and was otherwife of the .character 
 I was taught to believe it was, why fuch fenfibility, or rather 
 fuch difiatisfaction, fhould be fhewn on account of my pre- 
 fenting to the convention, publicly, thofe documents which 
 tended to prove how ftrong the feelings of the adminiftraiiou 
 were in favor of the French nation. To exprefs fentirnents in 
 private, which it was wifhed {hould not become public, ap- 
 peared to me a ftrange doctrine to be avowed by the acl- 
 miniftratio.n of a free people ; efpecially as it was known that 
 the fentiments, thus expreiled, were in harmony with thofe of 
 the people, and with thofe publicly and formally expreiled by 
 the reprefentatives of the people. Nor could I reconcii. 
 a folicitude for privacy to any idea of confident or rational po- 
 licy, in regard to the object of the million to England: 
 the object of that million was to prefs that government into a 
 compliance with ur juft demands, as I underftood it to be, 
 I could not conceive how that preilure could be weakened by 
 a knowledge, that we were upon a good footing with the 
 French Republic. On the contrary, I did fuppofe, that a 
 knowledge of that fact would produce the oppofite effect, by 
 giving us a more advantageous attitude in the negociation. 
 Thefe confiderations, therefore, fuggefted a train of reflection 
 which gave me much difquietude, from a fear that the admi- 
 niftration had dealt uncarrdidly with me from the commence- 
 ment. 
 
 Scarcely, however, had I difpatched this letter, when I 
 received another from the adminiftration of the 5th Decem- 
 ber 1794 (three days later only than the former one) bur of a 
 very different import from the former one. In this lail letter, 
 my two firft of the i ith and 25th of Auguft 1794, were ac- 
 knowledged and approved, and a kind of apology made for the 
 harm language ufed in the preceding one. In this alfo was 
 renewed, in general but very ftrong terms, the injunction for- 
 merly laid on me,"tocultivatewiththe utmoft zeal the friendship 
 of the French Republic, taking care to remove every fufpicion 
 of our prefering a connection with Great Britain or weakening 
 our old attachment to France." To this letter I likewife gave 
 an immediate anfwer, in which I afTured the Secretary that it 
 had removed the difquietude his former one had occasioned, 
 and that thus initrucl:ed I fhould continue to ufe my utmoft 
 efforts to forward the objects of my million, as I had done 
 before. 
 
 It will be remembered that before the accounts of Mr. Jay's 
 Treaty arrived I bad availed myfelf of forae incidents that 
 
occurred, to explain to die committee the actual fituation of 
 the United States in regard to Britain and Spain > with a vicv, , 
 among other objects, to obtain the aid of France in our depend- 
 ing negociations with each, in cafe it were deemed neceiiary 
 by our Executive ; and that the French government propofed 
 inrtru&irtg its miniiter, then about to depart for America, to 
 make feme propcfition to our admmiitration upon that fubjet. 
 But as foori as thole- accounts were received, that project was 
 of courie abandoned; for it was entertained only at a time, 
 \vh-jn it was fuppofed the million to England would fail. 
 JSiiii however I wiihed molt eaineftly to embark the committee 
 in fupport of our claims upon Spain, iince ibe\ formed a diftin<ft 
 iiitereit, as yet unprovided for, and now much expofed to dan- 
 ger by the appearance of an approaching peace between France 
 :<nd Spain ; for I thought it probable, if they \\ere not then 
 vd, much time might elapie before they would be. Nor 
 Uid I doubt, it would be eafy to accomplifh the object, efpe- 
 ciuHy if I could fatisfy the committee, beyond ail controverfy, 
 that the interclt of France was not injured by our Treaty with 
 England, without which indeed 1 felt a reluctance to afk that 
 aid ; and in order to enable me to do which, by an at of con- 
 iiujnce and candour (in cafe I found it neceflary) and not to 
 fatisfy any unwarrantable demands of the French government, 
 i.;r none fuch were made, w.\s a itrong motive why I had 
 icqucited of Mr. Jay a copy of his i: Jaty as above related. 
 
 Upon due consideration therefore of thefe circumftances 
 (although Mr. Purviance, to whom I intruded my letter for 
 Mr. Jay had not yet returned)! addrtfled the committee upon 
 that fubjecl, in a letter of the 2 5 th of January 1795,-}- in which 
 I explained, more fully than I had before done, the nature of 
 uur claims upon Spain ; and likewife endeavoured to prove 
 that independent of the motive of rendering an ufeful and 
 acceptable fervicc to the United States, which 1 prefumed 
 was a itrong one, fmce it would always draw after it its own 
 reward, from a jull and a gencroiu; people, there were other 
 oonBderations of intcreit, growing out of the relation which 
 i iun y, to be benefited by the fecurity of thofs rights, had 
 with the French iilands, which in themfelves were fulficient to 
 prompt the French government to yield us that aid. To this 
 letter I received an anfwer from the committee, of the 8th of 
 February following, addreifeci in very polite terms, promifmg 
 t'j cxamitu. with profound attention the obfervations I had 
 fubmitttid to it, and to give me the refuk \vithcut ckhy4 
 
 t Papist- 
 
xxvi 
 
 Thusthisaffaii refted till fometime in the beginningof March 
 following, when I was informed by Mr. Pelet of the diploma- 
 tic fecUon of the committee of public fafety.f and afterw.r 
 by Mr. Cainbacerrs, likewife of that fetVion, that in reliance 
 our treaty with England contained nothing injurious to France, 
 they hadexprefsly inftrucled their agent, then negociating wiri\ 
 Spain, to life his utmoft endeavours to fecure for the United 
 States the points in controverfy with that power. And fhorrjy 
 afterwards, as their negociation advanced, I was afked, as well 
 as I remember by thole members, as likewife by Boiiiy D'An- 
 gla> whether we \\ ifhed to pofleis the Floridas, fince it was 
 intimated it would be eafy for France to obtain them; byr 
 which fhe would not do otherwife than with a view to cede 
 them to the United States. I replied I had no power to an- 
 fwer fuch an interrogatory; but was well perfuaded we did not 
 wifh an extention of our territory. Well latisfied I am, that 
 France declined taking them in her treaty with Spain, which 
 foon followed, from a fear it might weaken her connection 
 with the United State?. 
 
 It merits attention, that the part which the French govern- 
 ment now took, with a view to fccure the claims of the United 
 States againil Spain, in its own treaty with that power, was 
 taken merely from motives of friendihip for thofe States, 
 without any claim to, or demand of retribution of, any kind 
 whatever. It equally merits attention, that it was taken at a 
 time when the contents of the Englifh treaty were unknown to 
 the French government, and not untufpetted by many to be 
 ef a nature injurious to France. Had that treaty then never 
 patfe-d, and had we alfo otherwife preferved the ground upon 
 which we ftood with that nation, in the commencement of its 
 revolution, what might we not have expected from its friend- 
 fni pl ? 
 
 About the middle of May I received a letter from Mr, 
 ShortJ at Madrid, written by the defire of the duke of Alcudia, 
 chief minifter of Spam, to requeft that I would, as minifterof 
 the United States, endeavour to open a new and more aUvc. 
 negociation between that power and France, he having previ- 
 ouily aflured Mr. Short, that the claims of the United States 
 ihould be adjufted to their fatisfacUon. The profpecr. there- 
 fore of fucceis in that important concern was now as fair as it 
 could be. 
 
 Shortly after this Mr. Pinckney, who \vas commiOicned to 
 
 T r - ; See the poftfcript to letter No.- 1 2. 
 | See Puge t8u 
 
!_ xxvni jf 
 
 r;CjTOCKitc and acljuil our interfering claims with Spain, arrived 
 in Paris 0:1 his way to Madrid. I informed him of what had 
 bctvv-een the committee of public fafety and myfelf 
 that fubjeft; alluring him I was of opinion, if he would 
 explain the object of his million to the committee and alk its 
 friendly cooperation, fatisfying it at the fame time, that the 
 interns of France were not injured by our treaty with En- 
 gland, that fuch aid would be granted. Mr. Pinckney was- 
 aware of the benefit which would be derived from fuch aid; 
 but yet did not confider himfelf at liberty to obtain it, by 
 flie wing a copy of Mr. Jay's treaty, which I intimated might 
 be neceflary completely to remove the doubts that were enter- 
 tained in that refpeSr., and therefore deemed it mod fuitable 
 to fay nothing to the committee upon the fubjecl: of his million. 
 I obtained for him, however, an interview with the diplomatic 
 members of the committee, by whom he was recei-ed with 
 refpeclful attention; after which he proceeded on his route to 
 Spain. From this period I never mentioned to the committee 
 the fubjedl: of our difpute with Spain ; becaufe all agency in 
 that bufmefs feemed now to be completely withdrawn from 
 it, and becaufe I could not well do it, under exifting circum- 
 ftances, without violating equally the rules of decorum to both 
 .'.ments. By the committee indeed, a further prefTureon 
 my part for its aid, would moft probably have been deemed an 
 adt of extreme impropriety ; and by our adminiftration it 
 might have been deemed an indelicate and ill-timed interfe- 
 rence with its meafures. Had the committee, however, fecured 
 for us thofe objects in its own treaty, without regarding our 
 million to Spain, it would have exhibited a novel fpetacle to 
 the world ; that of one government purfuing another with 
 good oiEces, apparently againft its wimes; nor would the fur- 
 prife, which that fpectacle mud have occafioned, have been 
 diminimed by a knowledge of the interior details which pro- 
 duced it. It would atleait have greatly embarrafled the adminif- 
 tration to explain the caufe of fuch a phenomenon to its cre- 
 dit 5 notwithstanding the advantage thereby gained to the 
 public. 
 
 Such was the Hate of things when Mr. Pinckney arrived, 
 in Spain ; who very wifely and very fortunately pufhed his 
 ncgociation to a clofe, whillt that ftate lafted. 
 
 Sometime in the beginning of May 17951 I received a 
 letter of the 8th March,* from the Secretary of State, and 
 Ihortly afterwards two others ; one of the I5th February-}- au<l 
 
 * Sc- pagr.- 156. | Puge 164. 
 
[ xxix 3 
 
 the other of the 7th of April * following. In that of thfe i5th 
 February, the Secretary informed me he had not then receiv- 
 ed Mr. jay's treaty, butobferves, u it is probable our commer- 
 cial intercourfe has alfo been Tegulated : Say, if you pieafe, 
 that a treaty has been concluded for commerce alfo, &c." 
 He adds, u that in the principal heads of the negociation, the 
 furrender of the pods, the vexations and fpoliations of our 
 commerce, and the payment of theTJritifh debts7~France can 
 have no poflible concern^" that by our treaty with her, fhe 
 enjoys all the advantages of the moft favoured nation, Sec. 
 and by that of the 8th of March, he acknowledged the receipt: 
 of the Britifh treaty on the 7th, but fays it will remain undi- 
 vulged by the Executive till the 8th of June, when the Senate 
 would convene to deliberate on it. In this he notices the un- 
 eafmefsof the French Minifter on account of that treaty, up^ 
 on which point he makes fome general obfevvationsjieclara- 
 tory of our right to regulate, by treaty, our affairs with Eng- 
 land, in regard to the ports, fpoliations and commerce, as we 
 pleafed, adding, that " fo far as a curlbry^peruikLpf the treaty- 
 enabled him to ipeak, he cliicovered no reafonable ground for 
 diflatisfacYion in the French republic." And in that of the 
 7th of April, the fame fentiments in general were exprefled, 
 with a remark, " that the confining of the contents of the 
 treaty to the Prefident and Secretary of State, was not 
 from any thing fmifterv to wards -France, but from the ufages 
 in fuch cafes ; not from an unwillingnefs that the executive 
 conduct fhould be canvafied, but from a certain fitnefs and 
 expectation arifmg from fuch a diplomatic acl." He adds 
 alfo, " that the invariable policy of the Prefident is, to be as 
 independent as poffible of every nation upon earth, &c." 
 
 By thefe letters it appeared that Mr. Jay had concluded a 
 treaty upon other principles than thofe to which his powers 
 were reftricted, as inferred from my inftru&ions, and of 
 courfe, that the nature and object of his miflion to England 
 h^rj frffn rpifrpprpfpntpH T throughjBe* ._to-4fe^xenrr"govern- 
 ment. VThis circumftance fubje&ed me to a degree of em- 
 barrafTment which mavbe eafily conceived ; nor was it leflen- 
 ed by the intimation oTlhe Secretary, that he faw ne reafon 
 able ground for ditfatisfa&ion in the French republic, efpeci- 
 ally as he admitted the uneafinefs of itsJMiniiter, and likewife 
 withheld from me the contents of the treaty j a referve I could, 
 not account for upon any confident principle on the part of 
 the adminiftration ; nor otherwife, but upon its belief that the 
 
 * See Page 1 66. 
 
treaty would be deemed injurious to France by the French 
 government. The more, therefore, I reflected upon this fub- 
 ject, the more uneafmefs it gave me. I was aware of the 
 r^rpach to which I was perfonally expofsd, let the commer- 
 cial part of the treaty be what it might. But this was not 
 the only confideration which gave me pain *, I was alfo fear- 
 ful that this tranfaction would bring on a crifis in our affairs, 
 which might be productive, in many refpects, of much harm. 
 Soon, however, Ijefolved upon the line of conduct, which, 
 in die then juncture of affairs, it became me to purfuc. 
 That the adrnjjiijtration had injured me, was a point upcni 
 whichjjiad no doubt ; that it had likewife corrmjomifed its 
 own credit, and with it that of the United States, was alfo a 
 truth equally obvious to my mind. But the regard due to 
 thefc con ii derations was the" point to be determined. What 
 did the honor and intereft of my country require from me in 
 the actualjlate of affairs ? What was my object in accepting 
 the miffion to the French republic, and how, under exifting 
 circumftances, could that object be bed promoted ? Thefe 
 were confiderations of primary importance which prefented 
 themfelves, and claimed a more early and difpaffionate deci- 
 fion. Upon mature reflection, therefore, it appeared that I 
 had but one alternative, which was to remain where I was, 
 and proceed in the functions of my office, notwithstanding 
 the embarraffments to which I rnight be perfonally fubjected, 
 or to retire, andJinjreTiring, tojip it tranquilly, without ex- 
 plaining my motives for it , or by explaining them, denounce 
 the adminiitration to_ the public. But by withdrawing tran- 
 quilly, I mould not only have admitted the mifconduct of the 
 administration, which 1 did not then wi(k to admit, but like- 
 wife my own, fmce it would have expofed me to the fufpicion 
 of having accepted the truft to ferve a particular purpofe, and 
 withdrawing after that was accomplimed. Befides, it ieem- 
 ed probable that my retreaT"at that moment, in either mode, 
 might have fomc influence in inducing the French govern- 
 ment to adopt a fyfhem of policy towards us, which it was 
 equally myjiuty and my wifh to prevent. I refolved, there- 
 fore, to (land firm at my poft, and let occurrences be what 
 they might, to continue as I had done before, to ufe my ut- 
 moil endeavours to preferve harmony between the two coun- 
 tries ; fmce that being an object invariable in my mind, I did 
 not fee how I could abandon it at a moment when it was me- 
 naced by a new danger, from whatever caufe or quarter pro- 
 ceeding. To this refolution too I was the more inclined, 
 from the confideration, that U \vaj[ npw probable, in, c^afe the 
 

 [ ** ] 
 
 treaty with England was in other refpects of a diiTerent import 
 from what I had been taught to expect it would be, and 
 fhould likewife be ratified that I fhould be recalled by the 
 adminiftration j which compiilfory mode of retreat I preferred 
 to a voluntary one, upon the principle, if the admimftration 
 took that meafure without fhewing a fufficient caufe for it, 
 confident too with its previous declaYaTioris7 that it would not 
 only furnifh to the world a new datum, whereby the better to 
 ellimate its general policy ; but likewife leave me completely 
 at liberty to explain, in every particular, the motives of my 
 owjx~0riduct. 
 
 Having then refolved to (land at my pod, or rather not 
 defert it by a voluntary retreat, the path before me, though 
 likely to be difficult, was neverthelefs a direct one. On the 
 one hand it was my duty, let the treaty be what it might, to 
 endeavour by all fuirable means to reconcile the French go- 
 vernment to it. And on the other, to flate faithfully to our 
 own fuch facts and circumftances as occurred, tending to mew 
 the impreflion which the treaty made on the French govern- 
 ment ; fc that the adminiftration, being correctly advifed, 
 t act accordingly. Upon this principle, therefore, I 
 replied to the Secretary, in anfwer to his letters above men- 
 tioned, that I regretted the decifion of the adminiftration to 
 keepjhf: treaty lecret for^ha^exoxiDecified i fince, jisJLhad 
 explained to the French government the object of Mr. Jay's 
 million whilit its iiTue was uncertain, it was thought ftrange 
 the refult mould be now withheld \ a circumitance too, I 
 added, which, by keeping alive the fufpicions that were at 
 firft imbibed of its contents, would not fail to prove hurtful 
 to our affairs in the jntejim. I allured him, however, that I 
 fhould continue to endeavour to infpire the French govern- 
 ment with a confidence, either that the treaty contained no- 
 thing improper, or would n6TB~e ratified in cafe it did.* j) 
 
 About the laft of June or beginning of July 1795, Colonel 
 Humphreys, then refident minifter of the United States at 
 Lifbon, arrived at Paris with a view to obtain of the French 
 government its aid, in fupport of our negotiations with the 
 Barbary powers. He brought no letter from the adminiftra- 
 tion to the French government, to authorize his treating with 
 it in perfon, and of courfe it became my duty to apply in his be- 
 half for the aid that was defired. Accordingly I addrefled a 
 letterf to the committee of public fafety on the 5th of July 
 1 795 opening the fubject to its view generally, and requeft- 
 ;ng its aid in fuch mode as Jhould be agreed between us. I 
 
 *59- t Page 19?, 
 
[ xxxii ] 
 
 own I made this application with reluctance, becauie under 
 exiiling circumftances I did not think it could be made with- 
 out compromitting in fome degree the credit of the United 
 States ; for between governments as between individuals I 
 de^m it undignified, however friendly their antecedent rela- 
 tion may have been, to folicit good offices, at a time when the 
 friendmip of the foliating party is doubted, as was the cafe 
 in the prefent inilance. B ut I own alfo that my reluctance was 
 diminiihcd by the knowledge that the adminillratien poffefTpd 
 the treaty with England, whilfl Colonel Humphreys was in 
 
 ica, and the prefumption thence arifing, that this ob- 
 >jeclion was weighed and overruled before his departure. Hav- 
 ing however made the application I was refolved to purfue 
 the objecl of it with the utmoft poUible zeal. In confe- 
 quence I fought and had many conferences with the members 
 of the diplomatic fection of the committee of public fafety, 
 and the commiffary of foreign affairs upon the fubje6t, in 
 which I was afTurcd the aid defired mould be given in the 
 moil efficacious manner that it could be. After fome delays 
 too, attributable atone time to us, on account of the fituation 
 of our funds, and at another, to the committee then much 
 occupied with their own affairs, arrangements were taken for 
 purfuing thofe negociations under the care of Joel Barlow, 
 and with the full aidofFran.ee. At the moment however 
 when Mr. Barlow was upon the point of embarking with our 
 prcfents, &c. intelligence was received that a Mr. Donaldfon, 
 whom Col Humphreys had left at Alicante with a conditional 
 power, but in the expectation that he would not proceed in the 
 bufinefs till he heard further from him, had paffed over to 
 Algiers and concluded a treaty with that regency, and of 
 
 2 without the aid of France ; and thus ended our appli- 
 ed on to the French government for its aid in fupport of our 
 negociations with thofe powers, and nearly in the fame man- 
 ner as that did, which I made for its aid in fupport of our 
 negociation with Spain. But as Mr. Barlow was like 
 impowered by Colonel Humphreys to treat with Tunis 
 and Tripoli, and the real ftate of the bufinefs with Algiers 
 was unknown 5 it was ftill thought advifable that he fhould 
 thither, in the hope by concentring in his hands bur 
 
 fi v e l u C Tf rnS WltH thol " e re endes > that not only any error 
 
 been committed, if fuchwere the cafe, might be 
 
 correded, but. that by his obfervations upon the chafer and 
 
 umftances of thole powers, fuch light might alfo be ob- 
 
 amed as would prove ufcful in the guidance of our affairs 
 
 ith them for the future. Accordingly Mr. Barlow depart- 
 
 1 foon after this w the difcharge of the duties of the truft 
 
repofed in him, and to whofe very important^ and extraordi- 
 nary fervices to his country, in the courfe o"f his million, I 
 with pleafure add here my teilimony to that of all thole who 
 are acquainted with his conduct in it. 
 
 (LFrom this period JE had but one object to attend to, the 
 prefervation of our actual footing with France, which was, as 
 already fhswn, as favorable as we could wiih it to be. Nor . 
 was there any caufe to apprehend a change. for the worfe, un- 
 lefs it was produced by the Engliih treaty. But the contents 
 of that treaty were unknown and of courfe there could be no 
 fair ground for a change of policy towards us on the part cr 
 France. And upon the fubject of it, but little was now iUiJ, 
 either by the committee or myfelf, in our occafional inter- 
 views. By the committee indeed it was never mentioned even 
 informally, except when forne occurrence brought to view 
 the fubiiiting relations between the United States and France, 
 fuch for example as the arrival of Colonel Trumbuil, Mr. 
 Jay's fecretary, of Mr. Pinckney on his route to Spain, and of 
 Colonel Humphreys, as above fiated ; or upon Corns preffure 
 for the fettlement of the claims of individuals , upon which 
 occafions it was eafy to perceive, it was a fubject not loft 
 fight of. And by me it was never introduced, for as I 
 had no new communication to make to the committee upen 
 it, whereby to remove the fufpicions that were entertained of 
 its contents, and any -dlufion to it in that itate could of courCe 
 only ferve to revive unpleafant fenfations to our difcd van- 
 tage, I thought it moil eligible to keep it out of view. I con- 
 tinued however to look with anxious expectation to the ad- 
 miniftration, in the hope of receiving from it foon fuch in- 
 formation, refpecting that treaty, and of the future views of 
 our government towards France, as might at leaft preferve 
 the fubfifting harmony between the two nations. 
 
 Early in June 1 795 accounts were received in Paris that the 
 Britilh government had revived its order for the feizure of 
 provifion vefTels deftined for France. At that period Paris, 
 and many other parts of France, were m the greatefl diftrefs 
 for provisions, in confequence whereof the attention of the go- 
 vernment was directed with great folicitude to thofe quarters 
 whence fupplies were expected, particularly to the United 
 States of America, where great fums had been expended in the 
 purchaCe of them. Unfortunately however but few of thofe 
 veflels reached their deftination, for in general they were tak- 
 en into port by the Britifh cruifers. It was foon obvious that 
 this aggreffion of Great Britain upon the rights of neutral na- 
 tions, being made with the intent to increafe the diftrefs of 
 famine which was then raging at Paris, and thereby promote 
 
[ xxxiv ] 
 
 the diforders which were in part attributable to that cauie, 
 excited a ferment in the French councils which was not point- 
 ed againft Great Britain alone. The neutral powers were 
 iikewife animadverted upon, particularly the United States^ 
 : t vj attention of the committee was, as I had reafon 
 t3 believe, in a more eipecial manner drawn, by the report of 
 ret agents from England, who fbted that he was 
 
 iied therethrough a channel to be relied on, that the i 
 
 '.ration had intimated the meafure v/ouid not bs 
 
 ifive to our government, fmcc it was a cafe provided for 
 l-ttwe~n the two governments. I was however happy to 
 iind that this report, which I treated with contempt, was at 
 the time not much attended toby the committee ; for it was 
 t!e:.Mied impoillble, that our government fhoukl give a fane- 
 lion to tiie fyftem of kings for ftarving France. Neverthelefs 
 
 r the treaty appeared, I thought it my duty to communi- 
 i :.: the purport of that report to the ridnimiflration, vvirh 
 comments that were made on that part of the treaty, 
 vhich was fuppofed to authorize the Britiih feizures ; in the 
 hope that fuch a conduct would be obferved in regard to that 
 proceeding of the Englifh government, as would exempt us 
 from the imputation of countenancing it.* 
 
 About the middle of Augiifl 17955 American gazettes wtrc 
 received at Paris containing copies of the Englifh treaty, 
 
 jreby its contents were made known to the committee of 
 public fafety without my aid. From this period therefore 
 all myftery upon that fubjecl: was at an end. The pcfieflion 
 ef the treaty enabled the French government to judge for 
 
 If upon all the points which it 1 involved. Nor was the 
 effect which it produced an equivocal one ; for there did not 
 appear to me to be a defcription of pevfons, not in the inter- 
 e;t of the coalefced powers who did not openly and feverely 
 cenfure it. True it is, it made its appearance at a time when 
 it was likely to produce the word effect, being when Paris 
 and many other parts of France were, as above mentioned, 
 iu the utmort diitrefs for provifions, and when the Britifh 
 were like wife feizing our provifion veflcls deilincd for. their 
 
 'ief. 
 
 It will readily occur, from a variety of confiderations, 
 that my fituation was now truly an embarraifing one. 1 had, 
 however, long before this fettled in my mind the part it be- 
 c ime me to ad during this crifis of our aflairs 5 which was to 
 do every thing in my power, confident with propriety, to re- 
 
 * Page zo;. 
 
toncile the French government to that treaty. I had 
 Iptenrw no new deciilon to make, but limply to puifiu 
 which I had already made. But as yet it was not known 
 that the treaty was ratified, nor certain that it would be, for 
 the fpontaneous and almoit univerfal difapprobation that was 
 bellowed upon it throughout the United States, as ibonas it 
 was feen, was fufficient at leail to infpire a doubt on that 
 point : Nor had I any letter from the department of ft ate of a 
 lateda:e, to intimate the courfe our ad mih HI ration was likely 
 to take. At this period, therefore, comprehending the months 
 of Auguft and September, 1795* I did not know how to 
 act. ;* for admitting that neither my previous well known pc- 
 Htical principles, nor the communications I had made to the 
 French government, which were in oppofition to the refult 
 now before it, impofed upon me any reflraint, tho' doubtlefs 
 in ill-Id propriety they ought fo to have done, yet until our 
 government took a part, it was impoflible for me to take one. 
 Had I for example, turned out in that llage as a partizan of 
 the trer.tv, a-i-l provoked a difcuiTion of its merits with the 
 French government} and a month afterwards received advice 
 from the adrniniftration that it was rejected, I mould not on- 
 ly have expofed myfelf to comempt, but like wife have deprived 
 the United States of the merit which the rejection would 
 have entitled them to with the French nation. Befides, what 
 advantage was to be gained by fuch a courfe of proceeding in 
 any ftage ? Was it not always in time to difcufs the merits of 
 that treaty, when the French government refolved to do it ? 
 and was it not my duty, feeking to preferve harmony between 
 the two countries, to labour rather to prevent a difcuffion 
 throughout, than to promote one ? A certain portion of re- 
 ferve, therefore, on my part, was now particularly neceflary ; 
 and fuch was the conduct which I obierved. At the fame 
 time I afrirm, that it was my invariable practice to avail myfelf 
 of every opportunity that occurred, to inculcate by all the 
 means in my power, as well by obviating fuch objections as 
 were made to the treaty, in the bell way I could, as by urging 
 confederations of a more general nature, the propriety andpc- 
 licyof preferving the fubfifling harmonybetween the two coun- 
 tries, and with what effect will be feen by the documents 
 which follow. 
 
 At this period I witnefied a very extraordinary political phe- 
 nomenon. The appearance of the treaty excited the general dif- 
 guft of France againft the American government, which \\\: 
 
 * S^c Pag? 206, 
 
[ xxxvi ] 
 
 now nirninifhed by the oppofition which the American people 
 made to the treaty : for as ibon as France faw that the Ameri- 
 cans took up the caufe as their own, and were indignant at a 
 meafure which they thought arranged them on the fide of Bri- 
 tain and of kings, againlt France and public liberty; from 
 thit moment did a friendly fentiment dilcover itfelf in her 
 councils and throughout the community towards us, which 
 by moderating the temper of the French government pro- 
 moted of courfc the views of the adminiftration. The con- 
 trary effect was charged upon that difplay of the public fen- 
 timent in America ; but the charge was dictated, more in the 
 fpirit of party than of true philofophy; for it was not warrant- 
 ed at the time by the principles of the human heart nor did 
 it correfpond with the fact. 
 
 But near the middle of September had now arrived and I 
 had heard nothing from the adminiftration of its decifion on 
 the Britifh treaty, or its views in that refpecl:, and in the in- 
 terim had the mortification to fee that we daily loft ground 
 which it would not be eafy to recover. In ihort it was ob- 
 vious not only that the French government no longer confided 
 in the amicable profeffions of our own, but that this treaty had 
 otherwife produced an effecT: fo unfavorable in the public 
 councils towards us, as to give caufe to apprehend in cafe it 
 were ratified confequences of a very ferious nature. 
 
 By my original inftrudion it appeared that in cafe our 
 negociation with England failed and meafures of fome tone 
 were in confequence taken towards her, that much reliance 
 would be put on France. It was in fact the plain import of 
 thofe inftructions ; that if war was reforted to, which in that 
 cafe feemed to be contemplated by the adminiftration, that 
 we mould be arranged again on the fame fide with France, 
 our firjl and natural ally (to ufe the words of the adminiftra- 
 tion) fince I was exprefsly inftructed to let thatbe feen by the 
 French government. And by fubfequent letters, particularly 
 ilv/t of the 25th of September i794> this idea was reitera- 
 ted and inforced. It was upon this principle that I touched x 
 upon that topic, in my communications with the committee 
 of public fafety at a certain period, the refult whereof was 
 always m^e known to the adminiftration immediately after- 
 wards. Nor can it be doubted, in cafe that negociation had 
 failed, or the treaty been rejected, that fuch would have been 
 the policy of our adminiftration. Having then at that period 
 intimated the reliance, which in that cafe might be placed 
 on France, it became my duty, now that it appeared proba- 
 ble the treaty would be rejected, and myfelf in confequence 
 
[ xxxvii ] 
 
 called on to verify the intimations I had given of the difpofitior* 
 of France to fupport our claim* again it that power, to (late 
 the arrangements it would be neceffary for us to adopt to fe- 
 cure that fupport. Accordingly I informed the admin iitration, 
 explicitly, that if the treaty was rejected, and it was wiihed 
 to command with effect the fortunes of France in any further 
 negociation with England we, remaining at peace and relying on 
 France for the fupport of thofe claims agairtfl that power uqithout 
 nn-j effort of our own, that under exifttng circumjlances it would 
 not only be neceffary for the adrmniltration to avail itfelf of 
 fome well known pronounced character in regard to the great 
 queition which now agitates the world, to whofe care the ne- 
 gociation fhould be committed, but that in other refpedts ex- 
 traordinary circumfpection mould be ufed in the profecutiou 
 of the negociation itfelf : -For otherwife it would not com- 
 mand the confidence of France, nor could her fupport without 
 it be counted on as fure or effectual.* If this was done I re- 
 peated to the administration my ailurance that I was fatisiied 
 the full aid of France might be obtained to fupport our claims 
 upon that power, and upon terms fair and honorable to us : 
 Nor have I a doubt that iuch fupport wifely managed in ne- 
 gociation would have been effectual* 
 
 About the lalt of September, or fiHt of October 1795, I 
 received feveral letters from the Secretary of State, of which, 
 thofe of June iftf July 2dJ, i4th[| and -2iitf[ alone merit at- 
 tention : All of which came to hand at or about the fame 
 time, and generally by the route of England*, the veffels by which 
 they were lent being taken into port there, under the order 
 of the Britifn government which hTued in the fpringfor feiz- 
 ing all veffels laden with provifions deftined for France. 
 
 The letter of June ift contained a justification ol the con- 
 duct of the adminiftration in forming a commercial treaty* 
 with Great Britain at ihat period , and Hkewife a vindica- 
 tion of the administration againft the charge of a want of 
 candor (which Teemed to be apprehended) in the explanations 
 that were given by it of the motives of that miffion-, in which, 
 the idea of a commercial power was 1 always withheld. The 
 Letter of Juty 2d contained advice, that the treaty was not- 
 ratified, and that the prefident was undecided upon the 
 point of ratification ; which uncertainty too as to the ratifica- 
 tion was encreafed by thofe of the i4th and 21 ft. A copy 
 f the treaty accompanied the letter of July 2d, and a copy 
 
 * See page 209. 
 
 t Pages 229. \ 256. H 257. 5 257. 
 
[ xxxviii ] 
 
 of the correfpondenee v/ith Mr. Adet, upon the fubjecT: of 
 the treaty, that of July I4th. 
 
 It was inferred from thefe letters, that, when that of June 
 jft was written, the executive had refolved to ratify the 
 treaty in cafe the fenate approved it, and that the hefitation 
 \vhich. afterwards took place proceeded more from the (hock 
 xvhich the general difapprobation of the treaty by the people 
 gave the adminiftration, tharTfrom any difiriclination on its 
 v.vvn part co the ratification. It was likewife inferred that 
 that letter was written with a view to lay the foundation for 
 luch an event, in the expectation the ratification would proba- 
 bly embroil us with France. In one particular the contents 
 of this letter aiTccled me perfonally, by affirming that my in- 
 ilrucYions hadnot warranted the confl ruction I had given them, 
 in explaining as I had done the motives cf Mr. Jay's million 
 to London. In this was opened a (ubjer, for difcuiTion be- 
 tween the executive and myfelf of a very delicate nature. 
 It was however ft ill my hope that our affairs with the French 
 republic would be fo managed, as to prevent any controver- 
 fy whatever, or even difcuilion of an unfriendly kind be- 
 tween rhe two governments, and, in any event, my firm rdb- 
 lution to engage in none of a perfonal nature, with either of 
 them, if to be avoided. Upon this principle I anfwered the 
 above letters of the Secretary, (imply by an acknowledg- 
 ment of their receipt , repeating to him at the fame time my 
 a durance that I had done and mould continue to do every 
 thing in my power, not only by a proper ufe of the documents 
 and lights derived from him, but of fuch others as my own 
 imperfect experience and erring judgment had fupplied, to 
 prderve harmony between the two countries.* 
 
 It happened that a few days after the receipt of the cor- 
 refpondehce between the fecretary of State and Mr. Adet, 
 which accompanied the lettter of the I4th of July above no- 
 ticed, I had occafion to ufe and accordingly did ufe it. I 
 had called upon Mr. Jean Debry, the member of the commit- 
 tee of public fafcty who was charged with American affairs, 
 to procure the paiFports, difpatches, &c. which werepromifed 
 by the French government for Mr. Barlow, who was upon the 
 pointof departing for Algiers to purfue the negociation of 
 our treaties with the Barbary powers. Scarcely however was 
 this topic clofed, when my attention was drawn by this mem- 
 ber to another, tint of our treaty with England, v/hich he 
 Lid was confidered by the committee as injurious to France. 
 
 * Page 2 
 
He added that he was then preparing a letter in behalf of the 
 committee, and by its order, to rne upon that fubj- cl. V r e 
 difcuflfed this point fomc time, till at length I afked him if the 
 committee had received the correfpondence of our Secretary 
 of Srate and Mr. Adet's upon it, to which he replied in the 
 : I then aiked permifiion to put into his hands a copy 
 of "that correfpondence-, requefting further that the letter fpok- 
 en of might be deferred until the committee hail examined 
 and weighed it, to which he readily aflerited: A copy of the cor- 
 refponde.ice was in cpnfequence lent him on the next day, or 
 very foon afterwards.* It was upon this ground that I ia- 
 
 * See Mr. Purviance's note 
 
 About the end of September, or perhaps the beginning of Oc\c- 
 ber lift, 1795 - 7 lonroe at a conference he had 
 
 with there-pr tentative, Jc*n Debry, then a member of the com- 
 .--{ ralat Public, and charged with the department of Ameri- 
 can . ..Thirs. 
 
 This conference v/as forthe pnrpofe of en^cinp: the good cftlces of 
 the rrench government in atdofoufoegocratrens then pending with 
 Algiers, &f. .'une I uojc-ct had fome time before 
 
 Been made to the .-. > and alYurances returned, that meafares 
 
 would be taken to promote oer withes. 
 
 crfation digrefliog fron> the above topic to others, turn- 
 -'lat oi" tiie treaty concladcxl between the United States and 
 ': ind, a copy of which, with the news of its ratification by the 
 : accompanied b) certain comments or flriftures fc hereon by a 
 French citizen, Jean Debry faidhad been jud received by the com- 
 mittee, and if Irecclledl right h? immediately after hinted atthedif- 
 fatiifaclion excited by this trea'.y in the mind of the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Being aiked by Mr. Monroe if they had received the correfpon- 
 dence which had paffed between their minifter, ^lr. Adet, and our 
 government on the fubjccl, he replied they had not; whereup- 
 on he waspromifed by Mr. Monroe a copy of that correfpomience, 
 and it was accordingly delivered to him the next day, or in a very 
 few days after. 
 
 Upon his intimating to Mr. Monroe the intention of the com- 
 mittee to addrefs him a letter upon the fubj eel of the treaty, it 
 was requeued this letter might be deferred until the correfpon- 
 dence juft fpuken of had been examined and weighed bv the com- 
 mittee. In this proportion heacqmefced,andprefumed they v.-culcl 
 likf-vife The topic being purfued, Mr. Monroe took occafion to 
 reprefent the great importance of cool and difpaffionate meafures 
 on the part of the French government in their relation v,*ith the 
 United States, alluring J. Debry, that the purfuit offuch n:: 
 could not fail to produce the happieft effecls, while from a differ- 
 ent policy might flow conferences highly gratifying to the enemies 
 of both republics. 
 
tlmated in my letter of the 2oth of O&ober my opinion, that 
 if the treaty was ratified, 1 Ihould hear from the French go- 
 vernment upon the fubjccl of it : Of the fymptoms cf dif- 
 content which I witnefled, I had before given frequent in- 
 
 timations. 
 
 On the 27th of October, 1795, the convention clofed its 
 career, by transferring its powers to the prefent government of 
 Prance, founded in a conftitution which had been regularly 
 fubmitted to the people, and adopted by them. To this new 
 government was Hkewife transferred the fubfifting relations 
 between France and other powers, comprehending, of courfe, 
 thufe with the United States of America, 
 
 Juft before this change of government in France, Mr. Fau- 
 diet arrived from the United States with an account, that 
 the treaty was ratified ; of whofe arrival, difiatisfation with t 
 the treaty, and apparent favorable reception by the commit- 
 tee of public fafety I informed our adminiilration in my 
 letter of the cti* of November, which immediately fol- 
 lowed.* 
 
 In the beginning of December, 1795, * rece ^ ec l two letters 
 from Mr. Pickering, who had been called by the prefident 
 provifionally to the department of State, upon the resignation 
 of Mr. Randolph ; the firft of which bore date on the I2th,f 
 ;and the fecond on the I4th of September of the fame year. By 
 that of the I2th I was informed officially, and for the firft 
 time, that the treaty was ratified, although near a month had 
 clapfed fince the ratification. And by that of the I4th 
 I was advifed of an attempt made by the Captain of a ritilh 
 
 Some particular expreflion ufed by Mr. Monroe, in urging this 
 point, provoked on the part of J. Debry a reply, in which be dwelt at 
 dome length, and with fome warmth too, upon the perfect compe- 
 tency of the pren :.n government to difcern and decide upon what 
 mealures were proper to be taken by it under particular circum- 
 flances ; upoH its uniform friendly difpofition towards the United 
 Staus and upon the evil effects that muft refult from a final adoption 
 of the treaty with Britain. 
 
 Some hints too were given by J. Debry of a projedt which had 
 beenfkeuhed for either extending or urengtheningthe cxiflingcon- 
 neclions between the two republics, which from its not being fuifi- 
 ciently matured,. and owing toCthe other great labours of the com- 
 juittee had not been hitherto intimated to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 J. H, PUHV1ANCE. 
 
 Paris, Apg. 1796. 
 
 284, f ag. 
 
C xli ] 
 
 .frigate, to feize Mr. Fauchet, the late French rrdnifter, with* 
 in the limits of the United States, on his return home, as 
 like wife of the meafures taken by our adminiilration to obtain 
 of the Britifh government adequate fatisfactien to the United 
 States for that violation of their rights. 
 
 The letter of the 1 2th of September, firft above mention- 
 ed, which announced the ratification of the treaty, was writ- 
 ten expresfly for the purpofe of defignating to me the conduct 
 I was to obferve for the future, and in confequence of the rati- 
 fication, in my deportment towards the French republic. It will 
 therefore be proper to prefcnt here, concifely, the fubitance of 
 that letter. 
 
 Mr. Pickering begins by obferving, that as the treaty with 
 Great Britain was ratified, and likely to become a compact: 
 between the two nations, it was proper I mould become pof* 
 fefied of the opinions of our government, efpecially as it appear- 
 ed probable from my letters and the movements of dife-ffeffed per- 
 Jons in the United States, that unfavorable impreflions upon the 
 government and people of France were to be apprehended. 
 Hs adds, that from motives of fnendfhip, and with a view to 
 produce tranquillity and fatisfa&ion, the administration hadac- 
 ted with the utmoil candor tov/ards the French government 
 in every ftage of the negociation ; of which he gives the expla- 
 nations that were made it of the motives of Mr. Jay's million 
 to London, whilft the negociation was depending, and the 
 communication of the treaty to Mr. Adet, after the advice 
 of the fenate, and before the ratification by the prefident, as 
 diftinguiihed examples : Affirming that by the treaty iifc-if 
 the rights of France, whether founded in the laws of nations 
 or treaties with Lie United States, remained unviolated and 
 unimpaired. He then adverts to the late feizures by order of 
 the Britiih government, of provifion vefTels dcftined to France, 
 as a circumftance likely to create inquietude, with a view to 
 explain the i8th article ; which he fays had been mifreprefent- 
 cd in America, as being unfriendly to France. The firil 
 paragraph of that article, he admits, had departed from the 
 fpirit of modern treaties, in allowing certain articles of mer- 
 chandize, made free by fuch treaties, to be deemed contra- 
 band of war ; but yet, he fays, we have not departed from the 
 fpirit of the old law of nations, by admitting any article to be 
 contraband which by that law was not. Britain he faid would 
 not relax j and therefore the bed that could be done in that 
 vafe, was to recite in the treaty the lid of contraband defignat- 
 ed by the old law by way of advertisement to our maritime and 
 wnmtrcial people ) to admwifh tjpem of a rifk ivhich exijled. And 
 
L xia 3 
 
 by the fecond paragraph cf that article, \vhich refers to tlie 
 doctrine inufted on by England, that provifions may be con- 
 traband u hen deftined to places net blockaded or inverted, he 
 fays that without acknowledging her doclrine, we have guard- 
 ed again!! its ill effects, by ftipulating that when provifions 
 :er art ; c!es, net generally contraband, {hall become iuch, 
 and for that reafon be feized, they (hall not be confiscated 
 but paid for : A ftipulation, he adds, it was evidently expedi- 
 ent for the United States to obtain, fince by it our commerce 
 is no longer left a prey to future fpoliatiovs without any definite 
 menus of liquidation or redrep : That, whether it was left to oppoff 
 this prevention of England by force, was aqtteftion which pertain- 
 ed to the proper authorities of the United States to decide, who alone 
 k-ul a right to determine in what manner it was bcft to 
 obviate an evil, and when it was proper to repel an injury : That 
 as an independent nation we were the exclufive judges, and 
 competent guardians of whatever concerned our intereft, po- 
 Jicy and honor -, upon which fubjeCts we would never aik the 
 advice, or be governed by the councils, of any foreign nation 
 whatever. Re then proceeds to animadvert upon the impoli- 
 cy of going to war with England ; fince thereby, he fays, our 
 commerce would be ruined, and thoufands of our citizens be 
 (hut up or die in jails and prifon-fhips ; our landed intereft 
 would fuller ; agriculture decline , the fources of revenue 
 fail, and other thoufands of our citizens dependant on it, be 
 involved in ruin , whence would follow the calamity of a di- 
 rect tax tofupport the war, and happy fhould we be if our 
 misfortunes ended there, or if we could contemplate only a 
 foreign war, in which all hands and hearts might unite. He 
 adds that by going to war, we (hould even hurt France, fince 
 our ports would be blocked up and our commerce at an end. 
 That afruitlefs diverfton on the fide of Canada would nearly 
 bound our efforts; whereas, whilflwe remained neutral, the aid 
 we give her was immenfe ; for as, by the claufe in queftion, 
 payment was ftipulated for our provifions deilined to France, 
 when taken, being contraband, it was prefumed our merchants 
 would find therein a new llimulus for puftiing their enterprizes 
 to that country. He affirms however, that the late order for 
 fei/incj did not proceed from that claufe in the treaty ; be- 
 caufe the Britifh had feized before the treaty, and becaufe al- 
 ib the order apniird to other neutral powers with whom there 
 was no fimilav ftipulation. Finally he proceeds to lay down 
 certain portions to which, he fays, I may give the folemnity of 
 truths ; fuch as, that the late negcciation did not proceed 
 from any predilection in our government towards England j 
 
[ xliii ] 
 
 that the remembrance of the lad war, from \vhich we j lift- 
 began to recover, made us deprecate \\hut-jver even fecined tu 
 like a renewal of it ; that there were i. .;cs of clil- 
 
 ferenc ...iand G. :!, the aa- 
 
 juitment whereof could not longer be delayed ; that the com- 
 mercial part of the treaty, though important, was a iubcrdiuate 
 one, and not a new meaiure \ that the government of the 
 United States was fmcerely friendly to the Trench nation. 
 
 My wiih was to conciliate the French government towards 
 the treaty which was now ratified, and moft anxiou/ly hud I 
 looked to the adminiftration for the means of doing it : 1'ut 
 no perfon will, 1 am perfuaded, be able to point out any trait 
 in the above letter that was likely to produce that <- 
 The'eulogium beftowed by it, in the beginning, upon the can- 
 dor of the adrniniilration, which it fays was {hewn tc 
 the French government in every ftage of the negotiation, and 
 t the treaty was depending, if admitted by that govern- 
 ment, was not a thing for me to dwell on. Acts of candor 
 when performed, if acknowledged by the party to whom 
 they are laid to be rendered, ought not to be boafted of bv 
 thole who perform them. But if they arc not acknowledged, 
 and efpecially if the a<ft upon which the pretenfion is founded 
 is viewed in a different light, as there was reafe-n to prefurne 
 was the cafe in the prefent in (lance, then the pretenfion, if 
 urged, is likely to produce an ill effecl. This, therefore, was 
 not a topic for me to open to the French government ; nor 
 did the commentary on the treaty which the letter contained, 
 furnifh one better adapted to die purpofe. Indeed itprofcfles 
 to notice, and in fact notices only one article, the 1 8th, and 
 in io doing, admits in etlecl all the objections that were urg- 
 ed again il it : For it agrees that we had thereby not only yield- 
 ed the modern rule of contraband, with refpecl to general 
 kinds cf merchandize, which by fpecial treaties were made 
 articles of free trade ; but that we had alfo made an arrange- 
 ment with England, whereby fhe was permitted to feize our 
 provifion veffels deftined to France, whenever a crifis arrived 
 which made it eligible for her fo to do, upon the condition 
 of paying us for ihe provifions thus feized a reafonable mer- 
 cantile profit, including freight and the expences incident to 
 detention. The explanation given of the fecond claufe which 
 reipe&s provifions is, it is true, at firft view, fomewhat ambi- 
 guous, yet the true import of that explanation is as above. In* 
 deed the difguife is fo thin as to make it doubtful whether it 
 was intended as a difguife ; or rather whether the explanation 
 \vas not given with a view to let it be feen, that fuch was the 
 realopject of that itipuhtion, Aiu^//, it fays, was thereby 
 
, which it was deemed better thus to adjnft than to rc,\ , 
 force. Of what nature then was that evil ? Did it coniiit in 
 thefeizurc of provision veflels deftined to a blockaded port? 
 Did any one ever complain of fuch a feizure as an injury? 
 Or did the adminiitration contemplate war in cafe that point 
 was not yielded to us ? Befides, a mode was adopted, where- 
 by the means of liquidation and rcdrefs were provided againft 
 future /pollution* , what fpoliations ? Such feizures as were 
 made of provifions deftined to a blockaded port ? Are fuch to 
 iv: called fpoliations ? What was the point in controverfy be- 
 tween the two countries, which it is faid was thus adjuited ? 
 Was it not. (imply whether the pretenfions of England, who 
 claimed a right to feize provifions, as contraband, at pleafure, 
 with a view to ftarve France, ( (hould be allowed ? And were 
 not thofe the fpoliations for whofe liquidation and redrefs> defi- 
 nite means were faid to be provided ? Or would the adminif- 
 tration, in a demand of payment for thofe feizurea, which took 
 place after the treaty was concluded, diftinguifh the cafes, and 
 con fine that demand to fuch veflels as were taken in their route 
 to a blockaded port, faying, for thefe only will we be paid, 
 but for the others, comprehending perhaps 99 out of I oo, 
 we will not and thus revive the controversy which it was 
 laid was thus amicab.ty clofed ? This, it is prefumed, would 
 not be done. This, therefore, was not a ground to conciliate 
 upon, nor did the other parts of the letter fumifh one that 
 was more fo j for the picture of the horrors of war which it 
 p: efented, a picture common to all wars, was either altoge- 
 ther inapplicable, or if applicable, was fo only by furnifhing 
 a reply to objections, which it was apprehended would be 
 vaifed againft the conduct of the aclminiftration -, as was the 
 declaration which the letter contained, that the late feizures 
 were not made in confequence of that treaty ; and as was like- 
 wife the; argument it furnifhed, that the ftipulation in the 
 i Mill anicle, which fecured payment in cafe of feizure, would, 
 by encouraging the enterprizes of our merchants to- France, 
 be for her benefit. Thefe two latter topics were indeed deli- 
 cate ones for me to touch on, efpecially as it was known 
 thr.t the other neutral powers complained that we had flight- 
 ed, if not injured, them ; and as it was likewife known by the 
 example of the feizures in the fpring, which enfued after the 
 treaty was concluded, that if the practice was permitted, let 
 the encouragement be what it might, Britain, preponderating 
 at fea, might take almoft every veflel that attempted to enter 
 the French ports. And withrefpect to the declaration, that 
 we were an independent pevpte and had a. rtgbt ty decide for utr<* 
 
C i 3 
 
 fefaeS) &c. fo often repeated, I did not perceive how it ap- 
 plied at the tim^ : t.K;u had been no qutrtton on that point 
 that I knew of. France hid attempted to impoie on us no 
 conditions ; had aiked of us no favours ; on the contrary had 
 (hewn a difpoiidon to render us many ; under which circum- 
 flances we had made a treaty with Britain, which it was ex- 
 1 by the adminiftration would produce an ill effect ia 
 France, but of which (he had not yet complained : To prevent 
 which and reconcile her to that treaty was the object, and to 
 accomplifh which required on our part wife and temperate 
 councils. It became us with that view to convince her judg- 
 ment, and to avail ourfeives of her antient and friendly difpo- 
 fition towards us, not to provoke and irritate her paffions. So 
 that upon the whole, I did not perceive a (ingle trait in this 
 letter, which was written after long delay, and doubtlefs with, 
 mature deliberation, to defignate the courfe I was to purfue 
 in confequence of the ratification of the treaty, which breath- 
 ed a fpirit of conciliation; not even in that part which contain- 
 ed what was called pofitions to which I was initruted to give 
 the folemnity of truths ; for thjy alfo were calculated only to> 
 meet objections, and were otherwife exprelTed in fuch a tone 
 of moderation, in point of friendly regard, as to have been 
 well adapted to a communication in a like cafe to Ruilia, Tur- 
 key, or any other power with whom we had no political con- 
 nection. On the contrary^that litter appeared to me, in its 
 general tenor, to be dictated in a fpirit of hoftility, and more: 
 with a view to promote a rupture than prevent one. 
 
 To reconcile France to that treaty, I expected to have beea 
 authorifed to explain to her government how long the com- 
 mercial part was to remain in force $ to (tare to it formal!)^ 
 that we were ready to enter into a new commercial treaty 
 \vith her, and upon what principles, to be commenced either 
 in Paris or Philadelphia : In which expectation, and with a. 
 view to the event of a ratification, I had told the admimrtra- 
 tion, when I advifed it of the ill-effect the treaty, whofe con- 
 tents were then known, had produced, that I fhculd await its 
 orders without any, the flighteft, compromitment either of it 
 or myfelf.* But nothing of this kind was to be found in that 
 letter, nor in any which preceded or followed it. For all 
 that the letters contained or attempted, which touched that 
 fubject, luas a j unification of the admi.-ift ration, againjl the 
 fharge 'which was either raifed or expeEled^ of having evaded tkf 
 ivertures of France to treat on commerce t at a tune when it 
 
 * See Page 206. 
 
L ivi J 
 
 ^ 
 
 admitted that an advance was mads by the attmin'ijlratwn to treat 
 en that fub/jcj) and a commercial treaty actually concluded by if, 
 u'ih Great Britain.* Still, however, my object was the 
 
 xvhich was to conciliate and prevent, if poiiible, a rup- 
 
 :t\ve-jn the two countries ; and I was refo!ved> if I could 
 derive no aid from the adminift ration to promote that end, at 
 leaftn.v co Income its inllrument in defeating it, if fuch was 
 its view, which now teemed probable. 
 
 But it was my duty to anfwer this letter, which .( did with- 
 out a comment ; for it was improper for mo to cenfure and 
 iifcl*fb to advifc. 1 {imply acknowledged its receipt with au af- 
 furance that due attention ihoui.l be paid to it, as occafion re- 
 quired -,f to which 1 likewife added the fact, that fymptoms 
 of difcontent were itiil feen, but whether they would allume 
 riore unfavorable I knew not : If they did I would 
 tviy communicate it. 
 
 : e was however one trait in that letter to which a more 
 
 explicit anfwer became necefTary. It had been intimated to 
 
 me in that of June the ift, that my inftructions had not 
 
 explanation I had given of the object of Mr. 
 
 i London ; which intimation was here repeat- 
 
 .1 manner it is true not fo direct, but yet in a tone not 
 leis pofitive. I had avoided anfwering that paflage in the for- 
 mer letter, from the confideration that, in the then ftate of 
 our affairs, the intereft of our country required cool and unit- 
 ed councils, to extricate us from the difficult fituation into 
 which we were thrown. But by reviving and prelnng this 
 point upon me, it feemed as if the adminiitration expected 
 an anfwer, with defign to ground on it fome meafure it was 
 mueh bent on, in which view it was my duty to give one. I 
 therefore anfwcred that paflage by obferving, that my former 
 communications had ihewn that I had underilood and acted 
 on that part of my inftructions differently from what it ap- 
 peared by thefe letters, it was intended I fhould underitand 
 and act on it ; whereby I was placed, by the courfe of events, 
 i n a very delicate and embarralfing dilemma, from which in- 
 
 was not then perhaps relieved, though I hoped and 
 thought I was. In my anfwer I dated the fact correctly, and 
 left it to adminiftration to purfue its policy. 
 
 e tone of the new government was cool and referved 
 towards me. But my conduct was the fame, becaufe my ob- 
 ject was the fame. I (hewed, it is true, no mark of undue 
 condefcention to that government, but yet I certainly omitted 
 
 * Page 238. t 296 
 
no opportunity that occurred to conciliate its good will .to- 
 wards us. Unhappily however 
 
 displayed itfelf in i :tion, whcie nieafures obvi- 
 
 oully tended to promote a rupture. 
 
 Soon after the new government was organized I rer 
 
 .jr from the miniiter of foreign affairs, co;: of the 
 
 mifeondut of Mr. Parifli, American ccnful at I : 
 in gran: ing pafTports to Englifh fubjedls as American citizens, 
 and in being the agent of England for the equipment of the 
 emigrants, defiring that I would comma ;ucate his note to our 
 .government with j -. Ir.Purifh be removed.* Some 
 
 confiderable time before this I had earneftly recommended 
 this meafure to our adminiftration, urging many coniidera- 
 tioas, fuggefted as well by fome particulars of his own con- 
 duct, as by the circumftance of his being a Britiih fubject, 
 why it was of importance to our intereil and character as a 
 feparate and neutral people, that his commiiTion fnculd be 
 revoked and committed to an American citizen.-}; Thofe 
 considerations appeared to me to be fo ftrong and pref- 
 fing, tliat I concluded, ?.s foon as they were brought ta 
 the view of die adminiftration, he would be removed, and 
 of courfe that the meaiure was already taken : In which ex- 
 pectation I anfwered the minifter politely, intimating that I 
 ihould communicate to our government the requeft of his in 
 that refpedt, not doubting that it would be readily complied 
 with. I ihould have ilated, that I had anticipated the de- 
 mand fometime before, and recommended the meafure of my 
 own accord j but I wifhed, now that it was aiked by the French 
 government, that it might appear to be granted at its requeft ^ 
 an accommodation which I was perfuaded would produce a 
 good effect at the time. But I was foon advifed by Mr. Pick- 
 ering;|: that this Britiih iubjedt mould not be compelled to 
 yield his pofl to an American citizen, at my requeil, fupport- 
 ed as it was by fuch weighty reafons. And the fubfequcnt 
 management of the affair upon the application of the French 
 government Ihewed that the incident became rather a caufe of 
 irritation, than of conciliation with that government ; not- 
 withstanding the evident impolicy of fuch a procedure at the 
 time, on account of the dills to which we were brought : For 
 although the adminiftration (not being able to refill the ob- 
 jections to his continuance) did remove him, yet it was done 
 in a manner fo as to {hew the French government, it \v. 
 done in compliance with its requcit.Jj 
 
 * Page SGI. f 195, t 319. |j 36$. 
 
[ xlviii ] 
 
 In January 1 796, Mr. Randolph's pamphlet was received 
 sn Paris, which contained feveral of the Prefident's letters, in 
 fome of which the French republic was fpoken of in terms by 
 no means refoectful, and the friends of the French revolution 
 in the United States reproached with being the friends " of 
 war and confufion ;" and ihortly after this, was received alfo, 
 the Prefident's addrefs to congrcfs. upon the opening of the 
 feffion, which in treating of the fiourilhing condition of the 
 United States, contracted it with the miferable, famifhed, and 
 diforganized (late of other powers. Much too was faid in 
 that addrefe of the advantage of cu.r accommodation with Bri- 
 tain, as likewife of the favourable difpofition of that power 
 towards us, without the flighted attention being fhewn to the 
 Trench republic ; unlefs indeed it was referred to in the 
 picture of diftrcfs above noticed, as was inferred by the 
 French government, as I underftood from good authority, at 
 the time. 
 
 In the courfe of the year 179^5 the French government 
 had repealed, as already {hewn, all the decrees which were 
 paffed during the million of Mr. Morris, under which our 
 trade had been harraffed, and had alfo, notwithstanding its 
 fufptcion of the contents of the Britim treaty, fhewn a diipo- 
 fjtion to aflift us in other cafes, and had actually taken meafures 
 to aflill us in thcfe of Spain and the Barbary powers ; yet none 
 of thofe acts orof the difpofition which prod need them were even 
 glanced at in the preficlent's addrefs to congrefs, although it 
 was to be inferred, fuch notice would have produced a good ef- 
 fect, and although it was then as juft as it was politic to no- 
 tice them. This conduct, in the adminiftration was the more 
 extraordinary, from the confideration that thofe decrees, by 
 whofe authority our trade was harrailed, with the harraffment. 
 itfelf, had been announced in former communications to the 
 congrefs, when the Britifh depredations were announced. It 
 ieemed natural therefore, now that fo much was faid upon the 
 fubje:t of our accommodation with England, that fomething 
 ihould alfo be faid of the repeal of thofe decrees by the French 
 government, as of the proofs of friendfhip it had fhewn us 
 in other refpecls. But this was not done. 
 
 Under fuch circumilances it was impoflible forme to fuc- 
 ceed in conciliating the French government towards the 
 Britifh treaty, fmce my efforts were not only not feconded 
 in that refpecl, by our adminiftration, but absolutely coun- 
 teracted by it. Neverthelefs I continued to purfue the fame 
 line of conduct that I haddonc before, being refolved not to 
 xehx in my efforts, however unfuccefsfuj I might be. 
 
C xlix ] 
 
 The fequel of mymiflion exhibits an intcrefling but~p 
 ful fpectacL-,the diitinguithing charactoriftics whereof are; the 
 avowed decifion of the French government to take forne mea- 
 fure towards us in confequence of cur treaty with England, 
 as illuftrated by many examples -, with my efforts to prevent 
 any fuch meafure taken effect ; and the attack made on me 
 by our adminiftration, upon pretexts equally unjuft, frivolous 
 and abfurd. This part therefore I {hall reduce to as frnall a 
 eompafs as poflible. 
 
 On the ijth of February 1796, I called on the rninifter of 
 foreign affairs to ft ate to him the diftrefs of many of our citi- 
 zens, merchants at Paris, on account of their claims upon the 
 French government, with a view to engage his aid for their 
 relief ; but was immediately diverted from that object by infor- 
 mation \vhich he gave me, that the directory had at length 
 made up its mind how to act in regard to our treaty with 
 England ; which it confidered as having annulled cur treaty 
 of alliance with France, from the period of its ratification ; 
 and had appointed or intended to appoint an Envoy extraor- 
 dinary, to repair to Philadelphia toremcnftrate again ft it ; ad- 
 ding that he was ordered to fend me an official note upon the 
 fubject, which he fhould accordingly do. I exprefled to him 
 my great furprife and concern at the communication, and was 
 difpofed to enter immediately fully upon the fubject, but was 
 prevented by obferving that he was upon the point of going 
 out, whereupon I left him for the time.* 
 
 I attended him pgain on the day following, and remonf- 
 trated moft earneftly againft the meafure, urging every argu- 
 ment that I could avail myfelf of to divert the government from 
 it ; offering to enter with him, whenever he thought fit, into 
 a difcuHion of his objections to our treaty, or any other act of 
 our government ; alluring him that I ihould not only be al- 
 ways ready to enter with him into fuch explanations, but in 
 the prefent inftance (hould do it with pleafure, fmce by being 
 poffeffed of our view of the fubject, they would be better 
 able to decide whether the complaint was well or ill founded, 
 and of courfe how far it merited to be confidered in that light. 
 Upon this occanon, as upon the preceding one, the minifter 
 declined dating any fpecific objections to the treaty, or any 
 other act of our government, and therefore I could make no 
 Specific defence. He admitted however that the objections I 
 had urged to the meafure had weight, and promifed to com- 
 municate them to the directory, from whom, he doubted not, 
 they would receive the attention they merited.f 
 
 * Page 3 10. t 3124 
 
r i 3 
 
 Thus I continued without interrmilion my efforts to break 
 this meafure, repeating in my conferences with the -minifter 
 of foreign affairs, who always heard me with attention, all the 
 objections that 1 could urge againft it ; affuring him that it 
 was not admitted by our government, that any deviation was 
 ir.ade by our treaty with England, from thofe with France i 
 and renewing my proportion to enter with him into a cliicuf- 
 -. "that poi.it.* Finally upon hearing from him that the 
 fubjecl was iliil before the directory, and fearing the com- 
 .1 promiied me might be deferred, till it would be too 
 late for me to produce an effect . upon the meafure itfelf (if 
 .1 it were poflible in any cafe) I aiked and obtained an 
 nee of the directory on the 8th of March, with a view 
 at k.aft to attempt it.f The refult of this audience was a pro- 
 inifw by the directory, that the order for fending an envoy ex- 
 traordinary to the United States fhould be refcinded, and the 
 miniiteroi" foreign affairs be inftru<5ied, to furnilh me a copy, 
 ;md difcufs with me its feveral complaints againft the conduct 
 of cur government, and that no meafure mould be taken upon 
 the fubject of thofe complaints, till after my anfwer was 
 received and fully weighed. J 
 
 Accordingly a fummary of thofe complaints was prefented 
 me by the minifter of foreign affairs in a paper bearing date 
 ; ipthcf March 1796. (ipth of Ventofe by the French 
 calendar)!} to which I replied in one of the 15th of the fame 
 month.f Copies of thcie communications were tranfmit- 
 tcd to the Department of State in my letter of the 2d of May 
 following. 
 
 About the 2oth of April I received from the Department 
 >f State a letter of the 7th of January., tranimitting the corref- 
 pondence which took place between the Prefident and the 
 minifter of France, when the flag of the French republic was 
 pr-jibited by the former to thcgovernment of the United States. 
 I received at the fame time, from the Secretary of State, a let- 
 ter to the directory of France, from the prefident cf the Unit- 
 ed States, upon the fame fubjecl: j which I was initrutted to 
 take the earliefc opportunity to deliver. Accordingly I de- 
 livered that letter to the minifUr of foreign affairs on the next 
 day, with a rcqueft that he would prefent the fame to the di- 
 rectory as foon as poffible. A few days after this I received 
 from the miniiler a ihort note, informing me that he had fub- 
 mitt'jd to the directory the difpatch which was addreffed to it, 
 by the prefident of the United States, in the name of the con- 
 grefs ; and that the French government could not but receive 
 
C K- 3 
 
 .'.-.tisfaction whatever tended to confirm the bonds of 
 friendmip between the two nations. 
 
 From the period of my audience by the directory, and 
 more efpecially after my communication with the minister of 
 foreign affairs was handed in, I had frequent conferences 
 with ieveral of the members of the directory, in which I labor- 
 ed to promote the fame object, and at one time, as I thought, 
 with complete fuccefs ; being informed by a member, upon 
 one of thofe occafions, that the directory had done nothing 
 towards us in regard to its complaints, and he prei 
 would not. The purport of this communication was im- 
 mediately made know to the department of State in my next 
 letrer of the I2th of June 1796. 
 
 But this profpect was foon changed ; for on the 2 5th of the 
 fame month I received a letter from the miniiler of foreign 
 affairs requeiting information, whether the intelligence which 
 the gazettes announced, of the houfe of reprefentatives having 
 agreed to carry the treaty into effect, was to be relied on, 
 and in cafe it was, aiVing further in what light they were to 
 view that event, before he called the attention of the direc- 
 tory to thofe confequences refulting from it, which fpecial- 
 ly interciled the French republic. I replied to the mmifter, 
 that withrefpect to his firft interrogatory,. whether the houfe 
 of reprefentatives had paired a law to carry the treaty into 
 effect, I could give him no authentic information, havin g no 
 official advice upon it. And with refpect to the fecond, that 
 as I had already anfwered, and as I fuppofed to his fatisfac- 
 tion, his feveral objections to that treaty, to which I had re- 
 ceived no reply, it was impoffible for me to enter again, un- 
 der fuch crrcumftances, into that fubject. But if there were 
 any points in the communication I had made him, upon which 
 he thought I had not been fufficiently explicit, and he uould 
 be pleafed to itate them to me, that I would immediately 
 notice them more particularly than I had done, and I hoped 
 fatisfactory.* 
 
 On the 7th of July following I received another, note from 
 die minifter, dating certain objections to the Britifh treaty, to 
 which I made a reply on the i4th of the fame month.j- 
 
 In the beginning of Auguft 1 796, the directory recalledMr. 
 Adet and appointed a gentleman to take his place, with the 
 grade of charge des affaires ; \v ho, I concluded, from particular 
 confiderations, could not be well received by our government. 
 As foon therefore as I heard of this appointment, I remon- 
 
 * Page 349. t 355-6- 
 
C Bi ] 
 
 ftrated ftrenucuily againft it, with the French government, 
 and with fuccefs \ for it was revoked.* 
 
 In the beginning of Auguft, I faw in the gazettes a commu- 
 nication from the rainiiter of foreign affairs to Mr. Barthek- 
 jny,the ambaffador of France to the Swifs Cantons, anounc- 
 ing an arrete of the directory, by which it was determined to 
 uct towards the commerce of neutral powers in the fame man- 
 ner as thofe powers permitted the Englim government to act 
 towards them. In conftquence I applied alfo to the minifter 
 for information relative to that arrete , from whom I received 
 a general anfwer only, correfponding in fentiment with his 
 leiter above mentioned, to the ambaffador of the republic at 
 Bafle. 
 
 About the laft of Auguft, I heard that Mr. Adet, (who had 
 heretofore been remit ated when the arretes for appointing an 
 envoy extraordinary, and charge des affaires were refpehvely 
 revoked) was now recalled and no iuccefibr appointed to him. 
 I was advifed, at the fame time, that any further application 
 from me to the French government would be improper ; fincc 
 it would not only prove fruitlefs, but moil probably produce 
 an ill effea.f 
 
 Near feven months had now elapfed fince the rninilter of 
 foreign affairs communicated to me the difcontent of the 
 directory, on account of our treaty with England, and its de- 
 cifion to make the fame known to our government, by an 
 envoy extraordinary, to be difpatched to the United States; 
 in the courfe of which time I had not received a fmgle line 
 from the Department of State (a letter of the 7th of January 
 txcepted, which applied to another fubje&} although I hud 
 regularly informed it of every incident that occurred ; and al- 
 though the crifis was a very important one, requiring the 
 profound attention of the adminiilration. In the courfe of 
 this time, therefore, I was left alone by the adminiftration, to 
 oppofe the difcontent of France, not only unaided, but like- 
 \vi:e under circumltances otherwife the moil unfavourable. 
 At this period however, which was in the beginning of Sep- 
 tember 1 796, I received a letter from the Secretary of State 
 of the 1 3th of June preceding, communicating to me the high 
 cliflatisfacHon of the prefident on account of my conduct re- 
 fpecting the Britifh treaty. To that letter I returned an an- 
 fwer of the loth' of the fame month.J 
 
 On the 1 2th of Oct. following I received a letter from the 
 minifter of foreign affairs, announcing the recall of Mr. 
 
 * See Page 361. f 363. J 365. 
 
C in; j 
 
 A u<_t, with the motive of it. To that letter I replied in one 
 of the 1 2th of October. 
 
 In the beginning of November 1706, I received a letter 
 from the Secretary of State of the 226. of Auguft, announcing 
 my recall by the p refute nt of the United States. In thi;-> letter 
 the Secretary refers me for the motives of that meafure, to 
 his former letter of the rjth ot June. He adds, however, in 
 this that the . prefident was further confirmed in the propriety 
 of that meafure by oitjxer concurring circumitances, but of 
 which he gave no detail. To this letter I made no reply un~ 
 rill after my return to Philadelphia, in July 1797. 
 
 About the loth of November 1796, General Pinckney ar- 
 rived in Paris with my letters of recall, by which my million, 
 to the French republic was terminated. I prefented him im- 
 mediately to the minifter of foreign affairs for recognition, and 
 at the fame time, delivered to the minilter a copy of my let- 
 ters of recall, requeuing that I might have a day affigned me 
 for taking leave of the French government as foori as con- 
 venient. 
 
 It gives me pleafurc. to remark here, that the conduct of 
 General Pinckney, upon that occafion, which was one of pe- 
 culiar delicacy to me, was in every refpect candid, manly, antl 
 honorable. 
 
 On the firft of January 1797, I took leave of the execu- 
 tive directory of France, in an audience fpecially ailigned me- 
 for the purpofe, and failed with my family for the United 
 States, as foon as the feafon would permit. 
 
 Upon leaving France I committed my letter-book and 
 ether public documents to the care of Mr. Prevoft who had 
 afted with me in the character of Secretary of Legation, a 
 young man of merit and talents, well quaiirkd to ferve hi* 
 country in a more important trull. 
 
 The above is a plain narrative of the facts and incidents at- 
 tending my miflion, from its commencement to the cioie ; up- 
 on which I will make a few comments. 
 
 The prefent fituation of America is under flood by every 
 one, becaufe almoil every one is fome way or other affected 
 by it. And what it has been in every preceding flage of this 
 European war, is equally well known, for the fame reafon. 
 The picture fhe has exhibited is an uniform one. Its cha- 
 racters are ftrong, but yet not diverfified. In her foreign re- 
 lations nothing is to be fecn but the wafte and pillage of her 
 commerce, fometimes by feveral powers , always by fome- 
 one power ; and little lefs than anarchy at home ; for th^ 
 feeds of difcontent, jealoufy and difun-ion have been fcacrerecfc 
 
 h 
 
'..-oughout thcfe States, in the courfe of a few years paff, 
 with a wafteful hand. By what means then was this ftate of 
 things produced, and why was it produced ? 
 
 It is well known, that the executive adminiftration has here- 
 tofore guided all our meafures j purfuing, in many inftances, 
 a courfe of policy equally contrary to the public feeling, and 
 the public judgment: And it was natural to exped that that ad- 
 inimitration Ihould now be held highly refponfible for the 
 embarraffments it has thus brought upon our country. But 
 by this attack on me, a new topic has been raifed for difcuf- 
 iion, which has drawn the public attention from the conduct 
 of the adminiftration itfelf 5 for in confequence the only quef- 
 tion now before the public feems to be, whether I have me- 
 rited the cenfure thus pronounced upon me, by the adminif- 
 tration, or have been dealt hardly by. But this was a mere 
 political manoeuvre intended doubdefs to produce that ef- 
 fect. 
 
 Whether I have preformed my duty to my country, as I 
 ought to have done, in the various, contradictory, and em- 
 barrafTmg fituations, in which I was placed by the adminif- 
 tration,. is a point upon which my country will determine, by 
 the facts and documents fubmittcd to it. Upon this point I 
 fear not the refult, becaufe 1 have the utrnoft confidence in the 
 wifdom and rectitude of a public decifion, when facts are be- 
 fore the public ; and becaufe, knowing what my conduct was, 
 I can always find a confolation in my own bread, if the con- 
 trary Ihould be the cafe. But whether the adminiftration has 
 performed its duty to the public, by a proper difcharge of 
 the great truft repofed in it, during this awful erifis of hu- 
 man affairs, is a queftion of much greater importance ; which 
 ought to be well underftood, I arn happy however in reflec- 
 ting that thefe two points are altogether unconnected with; 
 and, independent of each other ; fince the eftablifhment 
 of mifconduct on its or my part, is no proof of the good con- 
 duct of the other patty. To each a feparate duty \vas allot- 
 ted, and the queition is entirely a diftinft one, how each per- 
 formed that duty, in its appropriate fphere. 
 
 NoT-fkould I, inrefpecl tomyfelf, add a word to the light 
 which thofe documents contain, being willing fo far as the 
 propriety of my own conduct is involved, to fubmit the point 
 to the judgment of my countrymen, upon the documents a- 
 lorie. But the adminiftration has attempted by this attack 
 on me, to fhield itfelf from the cenfure it juftly apprehended, 
 In the hope of throwing the blame on others ; a fineffe 
 "*h:ch ought not to fucceed. It is proper therefore to ftrip 
 
the adminiuration of a mantle thus artfully drawn over it : 
 With which view I propofe to examine briefly the charge al- 
 ledged againfl me by the adminiftration, with the evidence 
 by which it fupports it : Not for the fake of {hewing, I repeat 
 again, that my conduct did not merit the attack, but that the 
 adminiftration knew it, at the time it made the attack. 
 
 The charge which the adminiftration alledged r.gainft me 
 is to be found in a letter from the Secretary of State, refer- 
 red to above, of the I3th of June 1 796 ,* the purport of which 
 is, that I with-held certain documents from the knowledge 
 of the French government, illuftrative of the views of ours, 
 refpe&ing the Britifh treaty, although I knew the French go- 
 vernment was diiTatisfied with that treaty, and had likewife 
 acknowledged the receipt of thofe documents : and the tefti- 
 mony adduced to fupport this charge confifts of the three 
 following circumftances: Firit the importance of the docu- 
 ments themfeives, which were deemed conclufivc, and fuffici- 
 ent to have filenced the French government had they been 
 thus applied : The fecond, the delay of that government to 
 cxprefs its difcontent, for fometime after I was poflcfied of 
 thofe documents ; notwithflanding fuch difcontent was known 
 to exift on account of the Britifh treaty, and was likewife 
 much aggravated by other caufes , and the third, the fuc- 
 cefs which attended my efforts to remove that difcontent, af- 
 ter the 1 5th of February 1796, when it was announced to 
 me by the miniftsr of foreign affairs, as heretofore fhewn ; 
 whence it was inferred, that had I begun in time, the affair 
 would have been fmothered in embrio. 
 
 This is the charge, and this the teftimony by which it is 
 fupported. The fecretary adds, it is true, in his letter of the 
 22 J of Auguil following, that there were ether concurring 
 circumft nces, which confirmed the prefident in the proprie- 
 ty of the meafure he had taken towards me ; but thefe he 
 did not then communicate, nor has he fincc, though called on 
 to do it ; nor has he communieated other teftimony to fup- 
 port the charge already raifed. To that charge therefore with 
 the teftimony adduced, I mail confine my comments. 
 
 It is proper to obferve here that the documents, the with- 
 holding which the fecretary lays to my charge, were two let- 
 ters, one from Mr. Randolph of the I4th of July, 1/95, com- 
 municating his correfpondence with Mr. Adet, upon the fub- 
 jecl: of the treaty, received about the beginning of October 
 following, and one from Mr. Pickering of the I2th of Sept. 
 
 * Page 364. 
 
received fomctime about the laft of November, or beginning 
 of December, of the fame year ; for thcfe were the only let- 
 ters which I received from the department of State on that fub- 
 ject, after the treaty was fubmitted to the fenate ; or indeed be- 
 fore, except fitch as (hewed the fluctuating ilate of the execu- 
 tive mind refpecHng the ratification ; which letters could not 
 be referred to as explaining the views of the executive, fince 
 then it had none. To thefe two letters therefore the charge 
 folely applied. 
 
 It is alfo proper to obferve here, that the firft of thefe let- 
 ters was (as heretofore dated) put into the hands of the com- 
 mittee of public fafety, as foon as it was received, a fuitnble 
 cccafion permitting it $ that the feooiul was not then received, 
 sndof co'urfe could notbe thusapplied; though indeed had itbeen 
 then received, I do not think I iliould have thus applied ir, for 
 rcafons heretofore given. It will however be ieen by a pe- 
 rufal of my difcuflion with the minifter of foreign affairs, that 
 I omitted nothing which either of thofe papers contained, 
 which could be turned to any account. The fir (I of thefc. 
 facts, it is true, was not then known to the fecretary ; for as 
 the object, at that time contemplated by the committee, was 
 not purfucd, on account I prefumc of the change of govern- 
 ment which took place immediately afterwards in France, and 
 might poinhly never be revived,! declined mentioning it to 
 our adminitt ration, from motives of delicacy to both govern- 
 ments ; wifiiing, if to be avoided, that no fuch evidence of 
 the difcontent of France, (herald appear in my correfpondenee. 
 The omiinon however to communicate it to the adminiftra- 
 tion, was no ground whereon to charge me with a contrary 
 line of conduct, againfl the force of fo many other facts and 
 circum Ranees as were at the time in its pofieflion. The 
 other fact could not then be known, becaufe the decifion re- 
 fpetting me was hurried, before a copy of that difcuflixm 
 was received. The caufe of fuch precipitation, at that pre- 
 cife time, and under the then exifting circumfrances, the ad- 
 miniitration ought to explain. 
 
 But I will proceed to examine the fecretary's charge with the 
 *efHmony by which he fupports it , the firft item of which 
 i.-,, the importance of the documents in queftion; which he fays 
 were fuffccient to have filenced the French government, had 
 they been thus applied, whence he infers that they were not 
 thus applied. In noticing this piece of teftimony, I do not 
 wi(h to be underftood as derogating from the merit of thofe 
 documents : I will admit, at leait for argument-fake, that the 
 letters referred to are well written. But I deny that the coa- 
 
C Ivii 3 
 
 clufion drawn from that circumftance is a juft one ; or in 
 other words that the continuance of the discontent of the 
 French government, after I received thofe documents, is u 
 proof that the light they contained was withheld. It is well 
 known, that every free government is the pr&per guardian of 
 whatever concerns its inter eft y policy, or ko?2sr, upo?i luhicbfitbjicfs 
 it takes its civn counfel, and purfues its CIJUH meafures ,-* no; 
 it often happen, that fuch government regards the counfcl 
 of any foreign nation whatever. I believe no inftance can 
 be adduced, by the adminiflration, of any counfcl being afk- 
 ed or attention fliewn on its part to' the counfels of the French 
 nation, from the commencement of the adminiilration to the 
 prefent day, nor to the ceunfels of a minifter of that nation ; 
 one inftance only excepted, in which his counfcl was afked, 
 but immediately rejected.. Why it was afked it v. ill be eaiy 
 to explain, as it likewife will be to mew, that it was deter- 
 mined to reject it before it was afked. This fentiment then, 
 which is a juft one, ought to be admitted as reciprocal j but 
 although the fecretary is firm and peremptory, when he applies 
 it in our favor, yet he denies its exiftence as applicable to the 
 French republic. He fuppofes after thofe letters were written, 
 that the affair with France was fettled ; that we were to hear 
 no more of her difcontent about the Britifh treaty, or if we 
 did, that I was to be refponfible for it. In {hort he feems to 
 have concluded, from the moment thofe letters were forwarded 
 to me, that he had put that nation under my care, and if I 
 clid not keep it in order, that I merited cenfure. This indeed 
 were an eafy way to fettle our controverfies with foreign pow- 
 ers, and fortunate fhould we be if we could thus adjuft them. 
 But how happens it, that none of our controverfies have been 
 thus adjufted ? Many letters have been written ; much la- 
 bour beftowed in that line by the fecretary himfelf, and ftill 
 \ve are involved in many controverfies ; none of which, even 
 of the old ones, feem yet to be finally fettled, though the op- 
 portunity for it was a moft favourable one ; whilft others 
 are accumulated. I think therefore it muft be admitted, that 
 the continuance of the difcontent of the French government, 
 after thofe documents were received, however important they 
 might be, was no proof that any light they contained was with- 
 held by me. 
 
 And with refpecl to the fecond circumftance relied on ; the 
 delay of the French government to bring forward its com- 
 plaintSj for fometime after I received the documents in quef- 
 
 * See Secretary's letter, page 287. 
 
iii 3 
 
 tton, not\* T ithfranding its difcontent, &c. I cannot conceive 
 how that can be urged in fupport of the charge. If that ar- 
 gument was found, it would follow that if that government 
 had brought forward its complaints fboner, my conduct would 
 have been correct ; whilfl on the other hand, if it had never 
 complained, there would have been a complete demonftration.- 
 of the charge. It is impollible to reafon on an argument fo 
 abfurd. I (hall only o 1 ferve upon it, that had I been called 
 on for a proof cf my activity and zeal, tQ preferve tranquilli- 
 ty between the two countries, I fhould have urged the delay 
 of the French government to complain, difcontented as it was, 
 as a moft fatisfactory one. Indeed I do not know, before 
 the goveinment did complain, how I could produce any 
 ether. 
 
 And the third circumflance relied on, to prove mifconduct 
 in me, feems to be equally abfurd. I believe it is the firfl 
 time that the fuccefs of exertions was ever urged as a proof 
 that none were made, or that they were not made in due time. 
 Such fuccefs, where the object was a defirable one, is generally 
 received by the party for whom, or under whofe aufpices, it is 
 rendered, with pleafure ; and obtains for the party rendering 
 it, fome degree of acknowledgment. But that it fhould be 
 adduced as a proof of previous mifconduct, and treated as 
 fiich, is an act of which I think there is no example. Ar- 
 dent muft have been the purfuit of fome political object there- 
 by counteracted, or keen and violent the paffions which other- 
 wife hurried the adminiftration on, or furely it would not 
 have uied fuch an argument. I will aik, and the queftion 
 ought to be attended to, whether thofc efforts, whofe details 
 were then before the adminiftration, contained the evidence 
 of a mind indifferent to the object in view ? Whether the 
 fujcefs which attended them, whereby the courfe of the 
 :h government was actually checked and fufpended, for 
 uven months, was a proof that that government thought 
 me infincere, or that the counfcll gave was unworthy its at- 
 tention ? 
 
 I might obferve, that for this argument to have Weight, my 
 fuccefs ought to have been complete. But unfortunately 
 feliis was not the cafe as is too well known. My efforts pro- 
 iluced an effect . for a certain term only : A fufficient one 
 However to have permitted the adminiftration to interpofc, 
 and ailift me. It did interpofe, it is true, but it was not' for 
 that purpofe. Had my fuccefs been complete w fhould have 
 witnefTcd an extraordinary political phenomenon, that of a 
 
E ifc 3 
 
 minifter furnifhing, by fuccefsfu! fervices to his 
 try, teftimony to an adininiitration hoftile to him, to prove 
 that he had rendered none, and was a delinquent. Such an 
 argument is too abfurd to be dwelt on. It requires only t* 
 be underilood, to be defpifed. 
 
 Whether I purfued the wife ft courfe that could have been 
 purfued, to prevent the complaints of that government and 
 to reconcile it to our treaty with England, I will not pretend 
 to fay. The courfe which I purfued was a plain one : Ie 
 was to prevent, by informal explanations, &c. the neceffity of 
 an official diicuffion ; a practice I had been long in the ha- 
 bit of, as was well known to the adminiltration. As foon 
 however as the French government took up the fubject of- 
 ficially) I was likewife prepared in that line to oppofe, and did 
 oppofe, its meafures ; nor did I relax in my efforts, till they 
 were evidently fruitlefs. 
 
 From the period when the treaty was concluded in Nov. 
 1794 till February 1796, when the French government firfl 
 took up the fubjecl: as above ftated, fourteen months had 
 clapfed ; and from that period to the time when the firft 
 act refpecting the commerce of the neutral powers was paf- 
 fed, near feven month? more had clapfed ; forming in the 
 whole about twenty one months, before any ftep was taken : 
 Nor did it take a fingle ftep until after the treaty was ratifi- 
 ed by the prefident and fenate, and the houfe of reprefenta- 
 taives had likewife given its fanction, by the pafiage of a law 
 to carry it into effect. Yet it was known that the French 
 government was jealous of the object of the million which 
 produced that treaty from the period of its nomination ; that 
 it fufpeted the treaty was founded upon principles injurious 
 to France before its contents were feen ; and that thofe fuf- 
 picions were confirmed when they were feen. 
 
 Whether I contributed in any degree to divert the French 
 government from oppofing the ratification of that treaty, or 
 taking its meafures after the treaty was ratified, I will not 
 pretend to fay. This is fubmitted for others to determine. If 
 I did, I am notboaftfui of it ; fince as our administration did 
 not take advantage of that delay to heal the breach in time, it 
 was of no real fcrvice to my country. Well however do I 
 know, after the French government had rejected my ccunf .1, 
 and taken a different courfe, that I was viewed by that govern- 
 ment for fometime in a queftionabk light : Nor were the mo- 
 tives of my conduct juiUy appreciated by iu, until after 1 was 
 eenfured by our own. 
 
C !x 3 
 
 Such -were the facts and documents in pofleffion of the ac!-* 
 miniiliMiion, when it pronounced a cenfure on ray conduct* 
 Can any one then believe, that the motive ailigned for it was 
 the true one ? And if it was not, what was the true one ( 
 
 To- determine this latter point fume attention is due to the 
 conduct of the adminillraiion through every ilage of this 
 European controverfy ; for the whole of its conduct forms a 
 fyftem, which ought to be taken together, to judge correct- 
 ly of its motives in any particular cafe. To do jullice to the 
 fubiccl, in this view, would require more time and attention 
 than 1 arn now able to bellow on it. I will however no- 
 tice fome facts and circumirances, which being duly appreci- 
 ated, cannot othsrwife than facilitate the labors of others, in 
 making a more accurate refearch. 
 
 The fir ft is, the appointment of a perfon as minifter ple- 
 nipotentiary to France, in the commencement of the French 
 revolution, who was known to be an enemy to that revolution, 
 and a partizan of royalty ^ whereby the name and weight of 
 America (no inconiiderable thing at that time in that re- 
 fpedl) was thrown into the fcaleof kings, againll that of the 
 people and of liberty. 
 
 Second, the continuance of that perfon in office, till everjr 
 misfortune predicted of his million, by thofe who oppofed it 
 in the fenate, and difapproved it throughout the community 
 at large (which latter description was a very numerous one) 
 was nearly verified , the connection between the two countries 
 having gradually diminifhed, as the French revolution ad- 
 vanced, till at the time of his recall it was reduced to a flight 
 Bond indeed : In the courfe of which time the embargo at 
 Bordeaux was impofed, and continued, till removed upon the. 
 application of Mr. Fenwick, conful at that port; for our minif- 
 ter was not attended to : Sundry articles of our treaty of com- 
 merce were like wife fet a fide by formal decrees and many fpo- 
 liations in confcquence made upon it. 
 
 Third, the final removal of that perfon, not from a regard 
 to the public intereft which was known thus to fuffer, but be- 
 caufe it was demanded by the French government. Upon 
 which occafion it was intimated to him, that his removal was 
 attributable to that caufe only ; which intimation became 
 known to the French government. 
 
 Fourth, my appointment to the French republic with the 
 circumftances attending it : It being known that, with other 
 members of the fenate, I had oppofed in many inftances the 
 meafurcs of the adminiftration, particularly in that of the mif- 
 fion.of Mr. Morris to France, and of Mr. Jay to London ^ 
 
C fei 3 
 
 ,tne apprehenfion thofe millions would produce, in our 
 eign relations, precifely the ill effect they did produce. 
 
 Fifth, the instructions that were given me to explain to 
 the French government the motives of Mr. Jay's million to 
 London, not as an act of condefcenfion on our part, at the 
 demand of the French government, but of policy, t* /-. 
 tranquillity, and give fatisfaftbn, whilrt the negotiation \vas de- 
 pending ; by which inftructions, if the exigence of a power 
 to form a commercial treaty was not pofitively denied, yet 
 it was withheld, and the contrary evidently implied.* 
 
 Sixth, the ftrong documents that wers put in my poffef- 
 fion at that period, by the adminiflration, of its attachment to 
 France and the French revolution j fo different from any' 
 thing before expreffed. 
 
 Seventh, the refentment (hewn by the adminiftration on 
 account of the publication of thofe documents ; it having been 
 intended they mould produce their effect, at the fame time, and 
 yet be kept^r^f 
 
 Eighth, the approbation beftowed on me by the adminif- 
 trarion when I made vehement preflures on the French go- 
 vernment for a repeal of its decrees, under which our com- 
 merce was harraffed, exhibiting a picture of its fpoliations, 
 &c. and the profound filence and inattention of the adrniniftra- 
 tion when thofe decrees were repealed, and a difpofition 
 (hewn by that government to affift us in other cafes J 
 
 Ninth, the power given to Mr. Jay to form a commercial 
 treaty with England, in the rnidft. of a war, by a fpscial inif- 
 (ion, at a time when no fuch advance was made to treat on 
 that fubjecl: with France, and her advances at belt coolly re- 
 ceived. 
 
 Tenth, The withholding from me the contents of that trea- 
 ty until after the meeting of the fenate ; notwithstanding the 
 embarraffment to which I was, in the interim, perfonally ex- 
 pofed, in confequence of the explanations I had before giv- 
 en to the French government, by order of the adminiftration, 
 of the motives of the miffion which produced it 5 which de- 
 portment proves clearly that the adminiftration did not deal 
 fairly with me from the commencement. 
 
 Eleventh, the fubmiffion of the treaty to Mr. Adet after 
 the advice of the fenate, before the ratification of the prefi- 
 dent , at a time when, as it appears by fatisfactory documents, 
 it was refolved to ratify it jjj which fubmiffion therefore was 
 
 * Page 2 and 86. f 115. \ 156. |l 157. Alfo Mr ..Randolph.* 
 pampKlct. 
 
f kli J 
 
 probably riot iv.ade to obtain the pad of Mr. Adct's counfe-i* 
 in v-'hLh ii 'ht it would have been improper, efpeeially as it 
 had been withheld from his government ; but to repel an 
 objection to the candor of the adminiiiration, in its conduct 
 in preceding itnges. , 
 
 Twelfth, the character of the treaty itfe.lf, by which (ac- 
 cording to the adminiftration) we have departed from the 
 modern -rule of contraband, with refpect to many articles 
 made free by modern treaties ; have alfo made an arrange- 
 ment, by which, whilfl it profefles not to have facrificed the 
 right, has actually and avowedly fanctioned the doclrine and 
 prndlice of England, in feizing provifions at pleafure, as con- 
 tr.iband of war j and have likewise yielded the principle, fo 
 important to America, that free (hips mall make free goods. 
 Thirteenth, the conduct of the adminiftration after the ra- 
 tification of the treaty, being in all cafes irritable towards 
 France i although it was apprehended the ratification would 
 embroil us with that power ; and although at a moment, when 
 it was propofed to decline the ratification, a moit foothing and 
 humiliating apology was drawn, to be prefented to the Englifh 
 government, for declining fo to do.* 
 
 Fourteenth, I mould not notice my recall, being in itfelf a 
 circumftance too trivial to merit attention, if it were not for 
 the date in which our affairs were in my hands, when my re- 
 call was decided ; being at a period when it appeared I had 
 fucceeded in quieting die French government for the time, 
 and was likely to do it efreclually.f To be left there tQ 
 that precife time, and then withdrawn and cenfured, feems 
 to authorife a prefumption, that I was left there in the firit 
 jnftance in the expectation I would not defend that treaty, 
 and;in confequence whereof a rupture would enfue, and re- 
 called afterwards, when it was known I had done my duty, 
 and way likely to prevent a rupture. 
 
 Du-i attention to the above facls and circumflances in> 
 connection with others that will readily occur, will, I am per- 
 fuaded, contribute cflentially to explain the views and policy 
 of the adminiftration, through the whole of this European 
 war ; the effecls whereof have been fo injurious to our na- 
 tional character, as likewife to the agricultural and commer* 
 cia! intereils of thefe States. 
 
 I have omitted to comprize in the above enumeration, 
 the nature of this great crifis itfelf, becaufe that being a ge- 
 neral topic, will be embraced in the mind of every one, wht 
 
 Sec again Mr, Randolph's 
 
f Ixffi ] 
 
 warn'mes with eare the incidents attending it, in its relation 
 to every country. It is known to have been produced by 
 a war undertaken on the part of all the kings of Europe u- 
 gainit France, with a view to prevent the fuccefs of a revo- 
 lution in that country, in favor of liberty. Whether the 
 nature of this crifis contributed in any degree to influence 
 our meafures, by repelling us from France and attracting ui 
 towards England, is fubmitted for others to determine. That 
 it ought to have done fo, will I prefume not be avowed pub- 
 licly by any one. 
 
 Whether the motives which governed the adminiftration 
 in its policy through this crifis are juftifiable, is a point 
 upon which the public and pofterity will decide. I am hap- 
 py however to obferve, that no imputation can be raifed a- 
 gainft the adminiftration, againft which it may not vindicate 
 itfelf, if its conduct admits of vindication. 
 
 Be this however as it may, it is neverthelefs obvious, that 
 the policy itfelf, was, at bcft, fhortfighted and bad. To fhiul 
 well with France through the whole of this European war, was 
 the true intereft of America ; fince great advantage was to be 
 derived from it in many views, and no injury in any. What 
 would have been the condition of thefe States had France 
 been conquered, and the coalefced powers triumphed, it is 
 eafy to perceive. Had the duke of Brunfwick, for example, 
 reached Paris, and the kings of Europe, after distributing a^ 
 mong themfelves fuch portions of that flouriihing country as 
 Anted each, dictated to the refrdue fuch form of government 
 as they pleafed (if indeed they had not annihilated the mini* 
 of France as they have done that of Poland) was it to be prc- 
 fumed that America, who, as the parent of liberty, was likc- 
 'v/ife the parent of the French revolution, would have efcapcd 
 their notice ? Or was it likely, that by a variance with France^ 
 preferring as we do, and I truft always {hall preferve, our 
 free elective government, that we mould have flood well with 
 them, hated as we know we are by one of the parties, who 
 cannot view us in any other light than that of rebels ? For*, 
 tunately the fuccelTesof France permitted us to have only a 
 glirhpfe of the danger which menaced us. But the exiftencc 
 of fuch a danger, or even the probability that it exiited, 
 was a fufncient motive why we mould preferve a good un- 
 derftanding with the power, by whofe fuccerTes it was fure 
 to be averted. 
 
 In many other views too, it was of importance for us ta 
 ftand well with France. We had claims to adjuft with 
 gowers, the favourable adjuftment whereof depended 
 
<>n ner fuccefs : For if me \vas conquered, it did not Icera 
 likely that we fhould accomplim any of our objects with thofe 
 powers ; nor could we profit of her fuccefs otherwife than 
 by preferving a good underftanding with her. 
 
 Befides our footing with France was in itfelf highly advan- 
 tageous to us. By our treaty of 1778, we enjoyed the privi- 
 lege of the modern law of nations in our intercourfe with 
 her enemies. By it our fhips gave protection to the goods of 
 her enemies, and to all kind of merchandize in our trade with 
 her enemies, ftrict contraband of war only excepted. The 
 beneiidal effects too cf this ftipulation, which was refpecled 
 by France at the time that treaty pafled, was moft fenfibly 
 f A: upon our navigation and commerce j for in confequence of 
 it, we were then become the principal carriers of the enemies 
 of France. It was therefore of importance to us to continue 
 this ftipulation m force, and the obligation upon the adminif- 
 tration, to be attentive to the means of preferving it, was the 
 flrong'er from the consideration, that by the mifconduft of 
 the administration, it had been already once loft in the courfe 
 of the prefent war ; as from the further one, that as Britain 
 oid not recognize the fame principle, the obfervance of it by 
 France could not otherwife than be hurtful to her. 
 
 And in contemplation of future and more beneficial com- 
 mercial arrangements, it was of great importance for us to 
 ftand well with France. The fertility and extent of her co- 
 lonial pofleffions, with the amount and value of their produc- 
 tions, furpafling by far thcfe of any other European power, 
 (to fay nothing of the importance of the commerce of France 
 herfelf) are facts well under flood by our commercial people. 
 It was highly for the intereft of America to improve our foot- 
 ing in that commerce, and eafy w*s it to have done fo, had 
 due attention been paid to the neceflary means of improv- 
 ing it. 
 
 Thefe were considerations which ought to have been attend- 
 ed to, and would have been attended to by the adminiftration, 
 if fome more powerful motive had not interpofed to prevent 
 
 1 Nor was it difficult to ftand well with France through the 
 whole of this crifis, and profit of her fortunes, without the 
 fmalleft poflible lofsor even hazard. The demonftration of 
 this pofition is complete j for we know that although our 
 ground was once loft by the adminiftration, in the courfe of 
 the prefent war, it was neverthelefs afterwards recovered " 9 
 although it is much eafier to preferve a friendfhip, whilft at 
 .* height, than to recover it' after it is gone. And how was 
 
r Ixv ] 
 
 it recovered ? Not by any addrefs on my part, for I pretend 
 to none : But (imply by prcfenting to the Frencli govern- 
 ment the documents that were committed to my care for tJ 
 puroofe ; illuftrative of the good wifhes of our adminiflratioii 
 for the French nation, and its revolution ; and likeuifeby 
 fupporting thofe documents by my own conducl. , by whicli 
 however I was known, as a fpectator only, not as a partizau 
 in their affairs ; for I do not recollect that I gave an opinion 
 upon a fmgle point, with which I had no concern, \vhilft I 
 was there ; nor did I ever aiTociare with their parties, cr v. 
 any defcription of perfyns as a party. All Frenchmen were 
 kindly received at my houfe : In fhort I did r>c:-hi:ig but 
 mind my own bufinefs in a plain and fimple way ; which 
 thoufands of my countrymen might have done equally \ve!!, 
 perhaps much better. And of her difpofition to extend to us 
 the aid of her fortunes, in every line where they could aid i;~, t 
 fufficient proof was likewife given. 
 
 Nor did we hazard any thing in any view by {landing veil 
 with France, whiiil much was to be gained. The admiihlira- 
 tion admits me did not wifh us to embark in the war. Per- 
 haps this was admitted to preclude the claim of merit for not 
 wifhing it. But the fact in my .opinion was fo. I fpeak with 
 confidence of the views of the French government, in that re - 
 fpetl, after I got there ; efpecially whilik our footing was moil: 
 cordial. Of the motive I fay nothing j but I think it not only 
 due to candor, but found policy, to admit in all cafes th- 
 rive to be good, when the effect was falutary. 
 
 Such was the fituation of America in the co: ! .ncnt 
 
 of this war ! Such our (landing with the French nation, il 
 advantageous in itfelf, fo eafy to preferve ! And ye-': all the'e 
 advantages have been thrown away, and inftead of that Tecure 
 and tranquil (late, which we might have enjoyed throughout, 
 we have been likewife plunged, fo far as th_ iftratiou 
 
 could plunge us, into a war with our ancient ally, and on the 
 iide of the kings of Europe contending again/ft litr for the fub- 
 verfion of liberty ! 
 
 Had France been conquered, to what objects that admiaif- 
 trafcion would have afpired, has fortunately, by her victories, 
 been left a fubjecl for conjecture only. Of its zeal to puih 
 things to a dangerous extremity we have many proofs : Of 
 its moderation, none. 
 
 We have heard much of intrigues, between the people of 
 thefe States and the government of France. But free peo- 
 ple feldom intrigue together; becaufe there is no motive for it. 
 Between the leaders hov/evcr of a free pecple ; azd-the neigh- 
 
[ kvi 3 
 
 monarchs, fuch intrigues have often taken placr* 
 and always will take place, whilft liberty is odious to mon- 
 archs, and men can be found bale enough to betray her. If 
 iveread the hiftory of the ancient Grecian republics, we mall 
 fee many examples of intrigues between the kings of Perfia 
 and the leaders of thofe republics ; whilil none are to be feen 
 of combinations between the people of any of thofe republics 
 and the free governments of another, except of the purpofe of 
 overthrowing their tyrants. But in America we have no ty- 
 rant except that of prejudice, which time and information a- 
 lone will overthrow. 
 
 The contrail between the fituation we might have held* 
 through the whole of this war, and that which we have held, 
 is a linking one. We might have flood well with France* 
 avoidii7g ;i)l the lofTes we have fuftained from her , enjoying 
 the benefit of the principles of free trade, and even appeared 
 us an advocate for thofe principles, and without going to any 
 extremity : We might have preferved our ancient renown ; 
 bought at a great expence of blood and treafure, in a long 
 war, in a contell for liberty, and even appeared as a defender 
 of liberty, and without fighting for her : We might too, in 
 my opinion, have commanded a better fortune in our negocia- 
 tion with Britain, and only by availing ourfelves, in a fuitabls? 
 manner, of the fortunes of France. And infleadof a fitu- 
 ation fo advantageous, fo honorable, fo fatisfadlory to our 
 country, what is that into which our government has conduct- 
 ed us ? Our navigation deftrcyed, commerce laid wafte and 
 a general bankruptcy threatening thofe engaged in it ; the 
 friendfhip of a nation loft, the molt powerful on earth, who 
 htid dcfcrved better things from us, and had offered to place 
 us, our vefiels, and commodities on the footing of its native 
 citizens in ail its dominions ; war hanging over us, and that 
 not on the fide of liberty and the juft afFecUons of our people s 
 but of mortar chy and our late nioit deadly fos; and we arc made, 
 fail, by treaty and by the fpirit of thofe at the helm, to a na- 
 tion bankrupt in its refources, and rapidly verging either to 
 arferchy or defpotifm. Nor is this all. Our national honor 
 is in the dud; we have been kicked, cuffed, and plundered all 
 over the ocean ; our reputation for faith fcouted j our govern- 
 ment and people branded as cowards, incapable of being pro- 
 voked to refill, and ready to receive again thofe chains we had 
 taught ethers to burfl. Long will it be before we mail be 
 able to forget what we are, nor will centuries fuffice to raifc 
 B to the j-.igh ground frgm which we have fallen* 
 
INSTRUCTIONS 
 
 A ND 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE, &C. 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 June lo/, 1794, 
 
 You have been nominated as the fucceiTor of Mr. 
 Gouverneur Morris, in the office of Miniiler Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States of America to the Republic of France, 
 from a confidence, that, while you keep fteadily in view the 
 necefiity of rendering yourfelf acceptable to that government, 
 you Will maintain the ielf-refpecl due to our own. In doing 
 the one and the other of thefe things, your own prudence 
 and underftanding mull be the guides ; after firfl pofLiIing 
 yourfelf of the real fentiments of the Executive relative to 
 the French nation. 
 
 The Prefident has been .an early and decided friend of 
 the French Revolution ; and whatever reafon there may have 
 been, under our ignorance of fads and policy, to fufp^nd an 
 opinion upon ibme of its important transactions ; yet is he 
 immutable in his wifhes for its accomplifhment ; incapable 
 of affentin-g to the right of any foreign prince to meddle 
 with its interior arrangements ; und perfuc.aed that fuccefs 
 will attend their efforts ; and particularly, that union r.mong 
 fhemfelves is an impregnable barrier againft external afTauiis- 
 
 B 
 
C a- ] 
 
 How the French government, when it mall be no longer 
 attacked by foreign arms, will ultimately fettle, ts a point, 
 not yet reduced to any abfolutely certain expectation. The 
 gradation of publick opinion from the beginning of the new 
 order of things to this day ; and the fluctuation and mutual 
 deftrucHon of parties, forbid a minrfter of a foreign country 
 to attach himfelf to any as fuch, and dictate to him not to 
 incline to any fet of men, further than they appear to go 
 with the fenfe of the nation. 
 
 When the executive provifory council recalled Mr. Genet, 
 they exprefled a determination to render it a matter of eclat, 
 as you have feen ; and at the fame time difavowed all his 
 offeniive acts. Nothing having been forwarded to us, rela- 
 tive to Mr. Morris, which requires a difavowal, you will, 
 if you mould be interrogated as to any particular feeling 
 prevailing with the Prefident upon the occafion, refer to the 
 letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Fauchet, as expla- 
 natory of the Prefident's promptnefs to comply with their de- 
 mand. 
 
 .From Mr. Genet and Fauchet we have uniformly learned, 
 that France did not defire us to depart from neutrality ; and 
 it would have been un-wife to have afked us to do otherwife : 
 For our ports are open to her prizes, while they are ihut 
 to thofe of Great Britain ; and fupplies of grain could not be 
 forwarded to France with fo much certainty, were we at war, 
 as they can even now, notwithftanding the Britifh inftruc- 
 ions ; and as they may be, if the demands to be made upon 
 Great Britain mould fucceed. We have, therefore, pur- 
 fued neutrality with faithfulnefs , we have paid more of our 
 debt to France than was abfolutely due ; as the Secretary 
 of the Treafury aflerts ; and we mould have paid more, if 
 the ftate of our affairs did not require us to be prepared 
 with funds for the poflible event of war. We mean to 
 continue the fame line of conduct in future j and to remove 
 ^all jealoufy with refpect to Mr. Jay's million to London, you 
 may fay, that he is pofitively forbidden to weaken the engage- 
 ments between this country and France. // is not improbable,, 
 that \oif will be obliged to encounter^ on this heady fufpicions of 
 various kinds. But you may declare the motives of that mi/Jion t9 
 be, to obtain immediate compenfation for our plundered property^ 
 and reftituiion of the pofls. You may intimate by way of 
 argument, but without afcribing it to the government, that 9 
 if war Jhould be neceffary> the affe&ions of the people of the United 
 States towards it y 'would be better fecured by a mani^ejlation^ that 
 every Jtep bad been taken to avoid it ; and that the Britijh nation 
 
[ 3 ] 
 
 would be divided, when they found that lue had been forced nit 9 
 it. This may be briefly touched upon as the path of pru- 
 dence with refpecVto ourfelves ; and alib with refpeet to 
 France, fince we are unable to give her aids of men or money. 
 To this matter you cannot be too attentive, and you will be 
 amply juftified in repelling with firmnefs any imputation 
 of the moft diftant intention to facrince our connection with. 
 France to any connection with England. You may back 
 your afiertions by a late determination of the Prefident to have 
 it fignified abroad that he is avevfe to admit into his public 
 room, which is free to all the world befides, any Frcnch- 
 *men, who are obnoxious to the French Republic ; although, 
 perhaps, it may again happen fometimes, as many go thither, 
 whofe names and characters are utterly unknown. 
 
 It is very probable that our country will become the afylum 
 for moil of the French who expatriate themfelves from 
 native land. Our laws have never yet made a diitinction of 
 perlbns, nor is fuch a diftinclion very esfy. Hence fome of 
 thofe who are perhaps attainted in France, have thrown 
 themfelves upon the protection of the United States. This 
 will not, as it furely ought not to be mifinterpreted into any 
 eftrangement from the French caufe. You will explain thu y 
 whenfoever it fiall be necejjary. 
 
 If we may judge from what has been at different times 
 uttered by Mr. Fauchet, he will reprefent the exiftence of 
 two parties here irreconcileabie to each other. One republi- 
 can, and friendly to the French revolution ; the other 
 monarchical, arirtocratic, Britannic, and anti-Gallican j 
 that a majority of the Houfe of Reprefentatives, the people, 
 and the Prefident, are in the firft clafs ; and a majority of 
 the Senate in the fecond. If this intelligence mould be ufed, 
 in order to infpire a diftvuft of our good will to France, you 
 will induftriouily obviate fuch an effect : and if a fair 
 occafion ihould prefent itfelf, you may hint, that the moft 
 effectual means of obtaining from the United States, what 
 is defired by France, will be by a plain and candid application 
 to the government, and not by thofe infidious operations on 
 the people, which Genet endeavoured to carry on. 
 
 The information, which we pofleis of France, before and in 
 the early itages of the revolution, muft be confiderably changed 
 at this day. You will, therefore, rranfmit to us, as foon as poi- 
 fible, an account of the navy, the agriculture, and the commerce 
 of France. It is defirable too to know, upon what footing reli- 
 gion really ftands. Thefe, however, are genera) objects. But 
 we are particularly concerned to underitand the true ftate of 
 
[ 4 ] 
 
 the different feels of politics. Are there any of the old friends 
 to the ancient regime remaining ? Are any ne\v friends created 
 by the courfe of things ? Are the BriiTotines extinguished ? 
 Are the Dantonilts overwhelmed ? Is Robefpierre's party 
 firmly fixed ? Is he capable from talents and pcrfonal fortitude 
 to direct the florin ? Is his character free from imputation, as 
 to money ? Is he friendly to the United States ? How is the 
 executive power adminiflered now ? What new acceffion of 
 authority may have lately accrued to the committee of public 
 fafety ? What relation do the twelve commiflions of admini- 
 ftration, which have been lately eflablifhed, bear to that 
 committee ? What is the true caufe of the various changes, 
 which have lately taken place, by one party rifing upon the 
 ruins of another ? What affurance can be had, that any party 
 can fo long maintain itfelf, as to promife {lability to the go- 
 vernment ? Are the people fincerely affectionate to their 
 prefent government; or are they reftrained by the terror 
 of the revolutionary tribunal, or by the danger of having- 
 their country difmembercd by the coalefced princes ? What 
 fpecies of executive will probably be at laft adopted ? What 
 characters bid fair to take the helm of affairs, after the great 
 destruction and banimment of able men ? Thefe and many 
 other queflions of the fame nature ought to be fclved, to 
 enable us to fee things in a true light. For without doubting 
 the folidity of the French caufe, we ought not to be unpre- 
 pared for any event. If, therefore, any very momentous 
 turn mould arife in French affairs, upon which the conduct of 
 our government may depend, you need not hefitate at the 
 cxpence'of an advice boat, if no other fatisfa&ory opportu- 
 nity mould occur. But it is the wifh of the Prefident, that 
 at the end of every week, you commit to a letter the tranf- 
 aclions of it, and embrace every proper conveyance, by 
 duplicates, and, in great cafes, even by triplicates. 
 
 Should you be interrogated about the treaty of commerce, 
 you may reply that it has never been propoled to us by Mr. 
 Fauchet. As to any thing elfc concerning it, you will exprefs 
 yourfelf not to be inilruled -, it being a fubje& to be ricgoci- 
 ated with the government here. 
 
 In like manner, if a treaty of alliance, or if the execution 
 of the guarantee of the French iflands, by force of arms, 
 {hould be propounded, you will refer the Republic of France 
 to this fide of the water. In fhort, it is expe&ed, with a fure 
 reliance on your difcretion, that you will not commit the 
 United States, by any fpcdlic 'declarations, except where 
 
C 5 ] 
 
 you are particularly inftru&ed, and except too in giving 
 teflimony of our attachment to their caufe. 
 
 There is reafon to believe, that the embargo, when it was 
 firft laid, excited fome uneafy fenfations in the breaft of the 
 French minifter. For it fo happened, that at the moment 
 before its operation, pretty confulerable fliipments of flour 
 were made to the Britim Weft-Indies, and a fnow, called 
 La Camille, laden with flour, for France, was arrefted near 
 New-Gallic, on the Delaware, after fhe had quitted the port 
 of Philadelphia. But you knew enough of the hiftory of 
 this bufinefs, to declare, that the embargo was levelled againft 
 Great Britain, and was made general, merely becaufe, if it 
 had been partial againft her, it would have amounted to a 
 caufe of war ; and alfo, that it was not continued, merely 
 becaufe it was reputed to be injurious to France. My letters 
 to Mr. Fauchet will explain the cafe of La Camillej and all 
 his complaints about the embargo. 
 
 Should our embargo be brought up, the way will be eafy 
 for our complaint againfl the embargo of Bourdeaux. At any 
 rate, you will rarionftrate againlt it, and urge fatisfacliou^ 
 for the fufferers. Ycu will receive all the papers, which have 
 come into the department of f:ate, relative to thofe matters ; 
 and you will befides open a correfpondence with the captains 
 and perfons interefled at Bourde^ux, in order to obtain more 
 accurate information. 
 
 But you will go farther and infill upon compenfatkm for ' 
 the captures and fpoliations of our property, and injuries 
 to the perfons of our citizens, by French cruifers. Mr. 
 Fuuchet has been applied to ; and prcrnifes to co-operate for 
 the obtaining of fatisfacUon. 
 
 The dilator inefs with which bufmefs is transacted in 
 France will, if not curtailed in the adjuftment of thefe cafes, 
 produce infinite mifchief to our merchants. This mud: be 
 firmly reprefented to the French Republic ; and you may find 
 a feafon for intimating, how unfortunate it would be, if fo 
 refpedlable a body, as that of our merchants (hould relax in 
 their zeal for the French caufe, from irritation at their lolTes. 
 The papers on this head are a ftatement of French cafes, Mr. 
 Fauchet's letters to me, and the documents thcmfelves. 
 
 You know the extreme diftrefs in which the inhabitants 
 of St. Domingo came hither after the difafters of trie Caps. 
 Private charity, and efpecially at Baltimore, m 
 contributed to their fupport. The Cong re ft at length ad- 
 vanced 15,000 dollars with a view of reiniLurfeir^at from 
 
C <5 ] 
 
 France. This fubjcct has been broken to Mr. Fauchet here, 
 and he appears to have been roufed at the idea of fupporting 
 by French money French ariftocrats and democrats indifcri- 
 minately. Both he and his nation ought to be fatisfied, that 
 in the caufe of humanity, opprefled by poverty, political 
 opinions have nothing to do. Add to this, that none but the 
 really indigent receive a farthing. It was the duty of the 
 French Republic to relieve their colonifts labouring under a 
 penury fo produced , and as it would have been too late to 
 wait for their approbation before the payments were decreed, 
 it will not be deemed an offenfive difpofal of French money, 
 that we now make a claim for repayment. If Mr. Fauchet 
 has power upon the fubject, an attempt will be made for a 
 fettlement with him here ; but that being very doubtful, it 
 will forward the retribution by difcuffing it in Europe. 
 
 You will be alfo charged with the demands of feveral 
 American citizens for bills of exchange drawn in the French 
 Weft-Indies on France. The report of a committee of them, 
 Mr. Fauchet's letter, and the vouchers, which you will carry, 
 leave no doubt of your fuccefs. But if there ihould be any 
 difficulty, do not fail to communicate it to the Secretary of 
 State inftantaneoufly. The fooner, therefore, the affair is 
 entered upon the better. 
 
 It is important, that no public character of the United 
 States mould be in France, which is not acceptable. You 
 will inquire into the confuls ; and inform, how they are 
 approved, and whether they be deferving. Although the 
 Prefident 'will avoid, as much as pojfflblc, to appoint any obnoxious 
 per/on Confuly it may happen otherivife^ and muft be confidered as 
 accidental. Mr. Alexander Duvernat goes for Paris in the 
 quality of Vice-Conful, and Mr. Fauchet faid that he had 
 nothing to object to him. 
 
 Consulates are eftablimed in every port of France, where 
 they are conceived ufeful. But perhaps you may find it ad- 
 vifeable to mark out fome other places for fuch offices. 
 
 It is recommended, that no bufinefs of confequence, be 
 carried on verbally or in writing, but in your-own language. 
 
 The miniiter of each nation has a right to ufe his national 
 tongue, and few men can confide in their exactnefs when 
 they do bufinefs in a foreign one. But great care is necefiary 
 tn the choice of interpreters, when they are to be reforted to. 
 
 It is a practice of great utility to note down every con- 
 verfation of ccnfequencie, which you hold, immediately 
 aftc'r retirement ; and the Executive will expect to receive 
 copies of what fhall be thus written. 
 
C 7 ] 
 
 A communication with our other minifters in Europe, under 
 proper caution, may be advantageous. 
 
 Let nothing depend upon verbal communication which 
 can be carried on in writing. 
 
 To conclude. You go, Sir, to France, to ftrengthen our 
 friendmip with that country , and you are well acquainted 
 with the line of freedom and eafe, to which you may advance, 
 without betraying the dignity of the United States. You 
 will mew our confidence in the French Republic, without 
 betraying the moft remote mark of undue complaifance. 
 TCou 'will let it be feeti) that in cafe of war, 'with any nation o?i 
 earthy ive (hall conftder France as our firp and natural a/Iy. 
 You may Qwell upon thefenfe 'which we entertain of paft fervices, 
 and for the more recent interpolation in our behalf with the 
 Dey of Algiers. Among the great events with which the 
 world is now teeming, there may be an opening for France to 
 become injlrumental in fecuring to us ths free navigation of the 
 Miffifippi. Spain may, perhaps, negociate a peace, feparate 
 from Great Britain , 'with France. If ihe does, the Mifffppi 
 may be acquired through this channel^ efpecially if you contrive 
 to have our mediation in any manner iblicited. 
 
 With every wifh for your welfare and aji honourable ifluc 
 to your miniftry, 
 
 I am, Sir, &c. 
 
 Signed, EDMUND RANDOLPH. 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE. 
 FROM Mr. MONROE TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, 
 
 PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Paris, Augujl io/, 1794, 
 Six, 
 
 ON the 3 i ft ultimo I arrived at Havre, and on the 
 fecond in ft ant at this place. Mr. Morris was, upon my 
 arrival, from town, but he came in as foon as advifed of it. 
 By him I was prefented to the commifFary of foreign affairs, 
 who a mured me that as foon as the form of my reception 
 mould be fettled, he would apprize me of it, but that this 
 would unavoidably create a delay of fome days, as well from 
 the prefent derangement - of their affairs on account of the 
 
late commotion of Robefpierre, as from the neceffity of ma- 
 king fome general regulation in that r^fpect, it being the firft 
 inftvmce in wMeh a miniflerhad been addreflea to the Repub- 
 lic. I allured ir>.i I fliould wait with pleafure the convenience 
 of thcfe w io:n it concerned, and nnce which I have not 
 -feen him, but he ir L-I u the fubject is under confideration of 
 the committee of public far sty, and will probably be conclu- 
 ded in a day or two. 
 
 I heard at Havre of the crimes and execution of Robefpierre, 
 St. Juft, Couthon and others of that party, and fhould have 
 written you on the fubjecl from that port, but that I knew I 
 could give only the current report, varying, perhaps, in every 
 fea-port town, and which might reach you before my letter. 
 I hailened, therefore, to i/aris, in the hope of acquiring 
 there immediately more correct information of facts, as well 
 as of the caufes which gave birth to them ; but even yet, I 
 fufpect, I am on the furface only, for it will take fome time 
 to become well acquainted with the true liate of things on a. 
 theatre fo extenfive and important. 
 
 That Robefpierre and his aflbciates merited their fate, is a 
 pofition to which every one ailents. It was proclaimed by 
 the countenances and voices of all whom I met and converted 
 with from Ha\!e to Paris. In the latter place, where the 
 oppreffion was heavieft, the people feem to be relieved from 
 a burden which had become infupportable. It is generally 
 agreed that, from the period of Danton's fall, Robefpierre 
 had amaffed in his own hands all the powers of the govern- 
 ment, and controuled every department in all its operations. 
 It was his fpirit which ruled the committee of public fafety, 
 the Convention, and the revolutionary tribunal. The Con- 
 vention was loon found, after the abrogation of the conftitu- 
 tion to be too unwieldy, and How in its deliberations, to di- 
 rect the great and complicated mafs of executive bufinefs -, 
 this had given birth to two committees, the one of faint 
 public, the other of furefe generate, into whofe hands the 
 whole was depofited. To the former was afligned the 
 management of foreign affairs, the direction of the armies^ 
 c. to the latter, the interior adminiftration, and they were 
 rcfpectively enjoined to render an account monthly of their 
 tranfadtions to the Convention. It was intended that thefe 
 committees {houlci be independent of each other, and both 
 under the immediate controul of the Convention ; but by the 
 diftribution of their powers, this defign was defeated, for fuch 
 sin afcendancy was thereby given to the committee of public 
 fafety, that the other became its inltrument, acting only 
 
C 9 ] 
 
 under its authority. The principal members of the Convention 
 were placed in thefe committees, and Robefpierre, who was 
 by far the moft influential one, was aiHgned to the committee 
 of public fafety. It foon happened in the courfe of the ad- 
 min iitration, from the very extenfive patronage, comparative 
 weight of character, and immenfe power, that this committee 
 gained likewife an entire afcendancy in the Convention, and 
 controuled all its meafures. Nor was the organization of the 
 revolutionary tribunal more favourable to the independence 
 of that branch, and of courfe to public and perfonal liberty. 
 It was equally dependent on, and the creature of, this com-* 
 mittee. Robefpierre therefore had become omnipotent. It was 
 his fpirit which dictated every movement, and particularly 
 the unceafing operation of the guillotine. Nor did a more 
 bloody and mercilefs tyrant ever wield the rod of power. 
 His acts of cruelty and cppreflion are perhaps without pa- 
 rallel in the annals of hiilcry. It is generally conceded, that 
 for fome months before his fall the lift of prifoners was fliewn 
 him every evening, by the Prefident of the revolutionary 
 tribunal, and that he marked thofe who were to be the vic- 
 tims of the fucceeding day, and which was invariably executed. 
 Many whole families, thofe under the age of fixteen excepted, 
 were cut off upon the imputation of confpiracies, &c. but 
 for the fole reafon that fome members had been more 
 friendly to Brifibt, Danton, &c. or had exprefTed a jealoufy 
 of his power. His oppreiTion had, in fact, gained to fuch 
 an height, that a convullion became unavoidable. The cir- 
 cumftances which immediately preceded and brought on the 
 crifis are differently recounted. Some make him the active 
 party and believe that he had arranged with the commune 
 and the guards of the city, the plan of a general mafTacre of 
 his enemies in the Convention. But I am of opinion, that 
 thefe projects, for they were certainly contemplated, pro- 
 ceeded from defpair, and were adopted at the moment only, 
 as the means of defence. The time and manner of the ex- 
 plofion which was in the Convention fupport this idea. It 
 had been intimated fome days before by him or SL Juft, that 
 other confpiracies threatened the fafety of the Republic and 
 which ought to be laid open. The communication was 
 given in fuch a manner as to fatisfy the audience, that he 
 meant Tallien and fome other members of the houfe. And, 
 in the moment of the explofion, St. Juft had commenced a 
 developernent of ' this pretended confpiracy, leading tp a 
 denunciation of thefe .members. If the power of Robeipierre 
 remained, it was well knowr that death and denunciation 
 
 C 
 
went hand in hand. To repel it by a counter one was the 
 only remaining hope. It could, in no event, produce a worie 
 eifecl. Tallinn therefore rofe and interrupted St. Juft, de- 
 manding : " How long lhall we be abufed with denunciations 
 of precended confpiracies ? 'Tis time to draw the veil from 
 perfidy fo flagrant." St. Juft was filenced and driven from 
 the tribune. Robefpierre afcended and made many efforts 
 to fpeak in vain. The whole Convention rofe and cried out 
 with one voice, " down with the tyrant." He flood like one 
 amazed and ftupified, (taring at the Convention with a coun- 
 tenance equally befpeaking indignation and terror ; deprived 
 of the power of utterance, but yet afraid to defcend. A* 
 foon as the convention faw its ftrength, he was arreiled and 
 fent a prifoner to the committee of public fafety ; but by this 
 time, his immediate coadjutors had taken the alarm, and 
 were endeavouring to excite commotions in the city in his 
 behalf. Ilenriot, the commander of the guard, with a few 
 followers, purfued and refcued him from the committee. He 
 then took his ftation with the commune, heretofore the 
 theatre of his power, and began to harangue the people, and 
 with fome efFecl ; whilft Ilenriot, in the character of general, 
 was buried in alTembling the guards in the place before the 
 Hall of the Convention, with intention to fire on it. There 
 was at this moment an awful paufe in the affairs of the Re- 
 public. Every thing was fufpended, and the public mind 
 greatly alarmed and agitated. The fituation of the Convention 
 was truly interefung. They knew that all the appointments 
 were conferred by Robefpierre, that he had been )ong deemed 
 a patriot, and ftiil poffeffed, by means of affection or terror, 
 a wonderful influence over the citizens at large ; and more 
 immediately in their prefence, they faw Henriot at the head 
 of a refpectable force menacing an attack. But that body 
 was not unmindful of its dignity or its duty upon that great 
 occafion : On the contrary, it difplayed a degree of fortitude 
 and magnanimity, worthy of thofe who afpire to the'exalted 
 character of defenders of their country. It calmly entered 
 upon the fubject of defence ; declared Rcbefpierre, St. Juft, 
 Couthon, Henriot, and the commune without the protection 
 of the law , appointed a commandant of the guard, and fent 
 deputies to the fections to admonim them of their danger, 
 and warn them to ftand at their pofts in defence of their 
 country. A moment's reflection fettled the public mind. 
 The people beheld on the one fide, the Convention labouring 
 to fave the Republic, and on the other, Robefpierre and his 
 *uwv,ites in c-pc;i rebellion. Hefitaticn was *t un end. The 
 
II 
 
 citizens rallied immediately to the ftandard of their fecHons, 
 and Robefpierre and his aflpciates were taken at the fame 
 time to prifon, and on the next day to execution, amidft the 
 rejoicing and acclamations of the people. 
 
 Many believe that Robefpierre aimed at defpotic power, 
 and fought to efhblifh himfelf upon the throne of the Capets, 
 in the character of protector, or fome fuch character j and, 
 in purfuit of this idea, fay, that he counted upon the iupport 
 of the armies, and particularly the army of the North, and 
 had othenvife arranged things in fuch order as to favour the 
 project. What his views of ambition and carnage were, I 
 know not : That they had been great was certain ; but that he 
 had concerted any plan of permanent eftablifhment for him- 
 felf, or been promifed fuch fuppcrt, even where his influence 
 was greateft, cannot be true, nor is it warranted by circum- 
 ftances. If he was not promifed the fuppcrt, it is net pro- 
 bable he had fuch a fcheme ; and that it was not promifed, 
 muft be obvious to thofe who take into view all the circum- 
 ftances which merit confideration. It will be ebferved, by 
 thofe who wifh to form a juft eftimate of the future courfe 
 and fortune of this revolution, that frorr? its commencement 
 to the prefent time, no perfon ever raifed himfelf to power 
 but by the proof he had furnimed cf his attachment to the 
 caufe, by his efforts to promote it ; and that from the moment 
 doubts were entertained of the folidity and purity of his 
 principles, did his influence begin to decline in equal degree. 
 This was feen in the initances of La Fayette, Dumourier, 
 Briflbt, Canton, and finally, Robefpierre himfelf; two cf 
 whom, though popular generals, were abandoned by the armies 
 they commanded ; the former compelled to feek retuge in a fo- 
 reign country, and the latter in the camp of the enemy ; and 
 the others, tho' eminent in the civil department, were, upon 
 like charges, condemned by the public voice to the fame fate. 
 In fact, the current of fentiment and principle has been fuch, 
 that no character or circumftance has been able to obftruft its 
 courfe : on the contrary, it has fwept every thing before it. 
 Can it be prefumccl then, and efpecially at this mcmerit, 
 v/hen the ardour of the nation, inflamed by conqueil, is at 
 thff height, that any refpe&able number of citizens, of anv 
 defcription, would turn afide from the great object of the 
 revolution, to countenance, in r.ny individual, fchemes of 
 ufurpation and tyranny ? Did not the late event, even in 
 Paris, difprove it, where Robefpierre had mod influence ? 
 There was no oppofing force but what depended on public 
 opinion, and every thing tended to favour his views. 
 
[ 12 -] 
 
 From due confideration of all circumftafices, I am led td 
 afcribe the fanguinary courfe of Robefpierre's proceedings to 
 a- different caufe. I confider the coiiteft between him and 
 Danton, as a coiiteft for power between rivals, having the 
 fame political objects in view. The former was jealous of 
 the latter, and having gained the afcendancy, and the defec- 
 tive organization of the government permitting it, by means 
 of his influence in the judiciary, he cut him off. But the 
 arreilaticn and condemnation were regular, according to the 
 forms prefer ibed by law, and were on that account fubmitted 
 to. The public, however, faw into the oppreflion, and 
 difapproved of it ; for at the moment when Danton was led 
 to execution, there was a general gloom upon the counte- 
 nances of the citizens. They all attended at the place in 
 hope of hearing the explanation : They heard none and retired 
 diflatisfied. Robefpierre faw this, and in it the foreboding 
 of his own ruin. " From that moment he faw nothing but 
 confpiracies, afiafiimitions, and the like. He was furrounded 
 by informers, and had fpies and emiflaries in every quarter. 
 By means of fsverity he fought his fafety, and therefore 
 ilruck at all his enemies in the hope of extirpating them. 
 But it happened in this as it always happens in like cafes, 
 every new execution encreafed them tenfold. It progrefled 
 thus till it couid be no longer borne, and terminated as I 
 have already Itated. 
 
 It may be afked : Is there any reafon to hope that the vici- 
 ous operation of the guillotine will be hereafter fufpended ? 
 JVlay not factions rife again, contend with and deftroy each 
 other as heretofore ? To this I can only anfwer, that the like 
 is not apprehended here, at leaft to the fame extent ; that 
 the country from Havre to Paris, and Paris itfelf, .appears to 
 enjoy perfect tranquility ; that die fame order is faid to pre- 
 vail in the armies, who have addrefTed the Convention, 
 applauding its conduct, and rejoicing at the downfal of the 
 laie conipirators. Some circumitances, it is true, have been 
 fcen indicating a fufpicion, that all Robefpierre's afibciates 
 had not fu fit-red the fate they merited, and ought not to 
 cfcape; but latterly this has abated, though it is poffible it 
 may revive again. In general it may be remarked that, until 
 peace and a well organized government (hall be eftabliflied, 
 no Hire calculation can be formed of what may happen in 
 this rt;fpec~t. I am happy, however, to obferve, that the 
 fubjecl of reform in the committees and revolutionary tribu- 
 nals (and which was taken up immediately after the late 
 commotion fubfidcd) is now under difcuflion, and that the 
 
"4 \ 
 
 c ';' ] %^ral 
 
 propofitions which are depending, are calculated to prefervc, 
 as far as poffible, the controul of the Convention over the 
 former, and promote the independence, and otherwife improve 
 the organization, of the latter. 
 
 But are not the people opprefled with taxes, worn out by 
 continual drafts to reinforce the armies ; do they difcover no 
 fymptoms of incr^afing difcontent with the reigning govern- 
 ment, and of a defive to relapfe again under their former 
 tyranny ? What will become of the army at the end of the 
 war ? Will it retire in peace, and enjoy, in tranquiiity, that 
 liberty it has fo nobly contended for; or will it not rather 
 turn its victorious arms againft the bofom of its country ? 
 Thefe are great and important queftions, and to which my 
 fhort refidence here will not permit me to give fatisfactory 
 anfwers. Hereafter I (hall be able to give you better informa- 
 tion in thefe refpe&s. At prefent I can only obferve, that I 
 have neither feen nor heard of any fymptom of difcontent 
 fhewing itfelf among the people at large. The oppreflion of 
 Robefpierre had indeed created an uneafinefs, but which dif- 
 appeared with the caufe. I never faw in the countenances 
 of men more apparent content with the lot they enjoy, than 
 has been (hewn every where fince my arrival. In the courfe 
 of the laft year the Convention recommended it to the people, 
 as the fureft means of fupport for their armies, to increafe 
 the fphere of cultivation, and from what I can learn, there 
 never was more land under cultivation, nor was the country 
 ever blefled with a more productive harveft. Many fathers of 
 families, and a great proportion of the young men, are fent 
 to the frontiers, and it v/as feared it would be difficult to reap 
 and fecure it ; but the women, the boys and the girls, even to 
 tender age, have fupplied their places. I favr this with amaze- 
 ment upon my route from Havre to this place, and am told 
 'tis generally the cafe. The victories of their armies are ce- 
 lebrated with joy and feftivity in every quarter, and fcarce a 
 day has latterly parTed without witneffing a deputation to the 
 convention, and often from the pooreft citizens, to throw in- 
 to its coffers fome voluntary contribution for the fupport of the 
 war. Thefe are not fymptoms of difguft with the reigning 
 government, and of a defire to change it ! 
 
 With refpecl: to the prefent difpofition of the army, or 
 what it may be at the end of the .war, I can fay lefs as I have 
 not feen it. At prefent the beft underftanding fubfifls be- 
 tween it and the Convention. It is poilible that in the courfe 
 of fervice, if the war mould laft long, many of its members 
 may acquire habits unfriendly to retirement , but in an army 
 
C '4 I 
 
 compofcd of the yeomanry of the country, as this is, that. 
 fentiment will be lefs apt to gain ground than, in any other. 
 Befides, is it not prefumable, that the fpirit which has 
 raifed and influenced this, will continue to produce fome 
 effect, even in its final difpofition. If, however, there fliould 
 (till remain a confiderable force on foot, which could not be 
 prevailed on to retire ; fond of conqueft, of rapine, and of 
 plunder, can it be fuppofed that its parent country will fur- 
 niih the only and moll grateful theatre to aft on ? Will no 
 other portion of Europe prefent before it a more productive 
 field, whereon to gratify ambition, avarice, or revenge ? 
 There mud always remain in the breads of the foldiers 
 fome fentiment in favour of their relatives ; and the fortunes 
 of the wealthy will be pretty well broken and diffipated here 
 by the courfe of the revolution. The example of the Ro- 
 man Empire is always before thofe, whofe apprehenfions are 
 greatefl upon this head : They fee there nothing but kindred 
 armies fighting agr.inft each other, and tearing the common- 
 wealth in pieces : But they make no allowance for the great 
 difference in the ftate of things. The armies of the Empire 
 were raifed in the conquered provinces, and compofed of 
 foreigners : They, therefore, had no attachment to Rome. 
 The State of the country, and the fpirit of the age, are 
 likewife different. The diffentions of Rome were the con- 
 vulfions of a corrupt and worn out monarchy, verging rapid- 
 ly to a decline. But here the cafe is different ; the armies 
 are otherwife compofed, and the fpirit of the age, that of a. 
 rational and philofophical reform, feeking to eftablifh the 
 public liberty, and fweeping before it old and corrupt infti- 
 tutions which were no longer tolerable. 
 
 I have thus gone into this interefting fubjeft from a defire 
 to give the beft view in my power of the late commotions, 
 and prefent ftate of the internal affairs of this country, 
 becaufe I well know its importance to my own. It will be 
 my object to improve my knowledge of it, and keep you cor- 
 rectly informed in every particular, and as regularly as oppor- 
 tunities offer. 
 
 With refpeft to the (late of the war, I can only fay, in 
 general, that the armies of France have prevailed over the 
 combined forces every where. The commencement of the 
 campaign was .favourable to them ; but the action which 
 took place in July, near Charleroy, on the plains of Fleurus, 
 between Cobourg, at the head cf about 100,000 men, and 
 Jourdan, with an inferior force ; and which terminated, after 
 the fevsrcft conflict and great flaughter on both fides, in favour 
 
C -J 3 
 
 of the French arms, has evidently given them the fuperiority 
 ever fince. This was certainly one of the moil important 
 and bloody actions which has been fought in the courfe of 
 the prefect war. Cobourg, unwilling to retire before the 
 republican troops, had gathered together all his forces, with 
 defign to hazard a general alion, and in the hope of regain- 
 ing Charleroy. He attacked them at every point, about five 
 in the morning, formed in the field and ready to receive 
 him. Three times he drove them back within their entrench- 
 ments, reluctant to yield the day : But they faliied out a, 
 fourth time, with {till greater impetuofity, mouting through 
 all their ranks, " vue will retreat r.o more/' and, fingin 
 Marfeillefe Hymn, and other patriotic fongs, advanced 
 an ardour which was irrefiftible. The attack fucceed. Co- 
 bourg, with his routed army, fled before them, leaving 0:1 
 the field, according to the French accounts, about 13,000 
 {Lin. The French, it is fuppofed, loft about 15,230 men. 
 They have taken in the courfe of the preterit campaign, 
 Oitend, Mons, Tournay, Narnur, Tirlemont, Landrccy, 
 Anvers, Ghent, Charleroy, BruiTells, Quefnoy, Louvain, 
 Liege, Nieuport, Cadfandt (at the moutE' of the Scheldt) 
 with fome other places lying in that quarter. Cobourg at 
 prefent occupies the ground in the neighbourhood of Maeft- 
 richt, and endeavours to cover the frontier of Holland. It 
 is, however, daily expected another action will take place, 
 which may fettle the fate of the low countries. Conde and 
 Valenciennes, you obferve, are left in the rear ; they are yet 
 p-ofTefled by the combined forces, but are inverted, and 'tis 
 thought will foon fall. 
 
 Their fucccfs in Spain has likewife been great. They are in 
 poflemon, at prefent, of the whole of the province of Guypuf- 
 coa, Bilbca excepted. Many prifoners and immenle parks of 
 artillery have been taken from the Spaniards. The detail I 
 cannot give you with any kind of accuracy, but will endea- 
 Tour to comprife it in my next. 
 
 There has been but one tea action, and whtch was between 
 the French and Englifh fleets, in the courfe of the prefent 
 fummer. The French had 16 fhips, and the Englifh 2%. 
 The Englim, having the wind, bore down on the French, 
 and feparated 7 mips from their main force. Of thefe 
 they took 6 and funk the other. It is faid there never was 
 a more bloody, or better fought action on both fides. It 
 lafted three days. On the fourth, the Britifh filed off with 
 the (hips they had taken, and failed into port. The French, 
 having cffcrcd 12 renew the combat, likewife retired after- 
 
C 16 ] 
 
 wards to Breit, whither they conduced the merchantmen 
 convoyed from America, and which was the object of the 
 ^conteft, fafe. 
 
 I ih ill write you again in a few days, and I hope to inform 
 you of my reception. For the prefent, therefore, I (hall 
 conclude, with aflurances of the great refpect and efteem 
 with which I am, 5*c. 
 
 FROM Mr. MONROE TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, 
 
 PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Paris, Augujl 25, 1794. 
 
 Szx, 
 
 IN my lad of the nth inflant, I mentioned to you 
 that I had been prefented to the commiiTary of foreign affairs, 
 for reception, nd was allured he would lay the copy of 
 my credentials, which I left with him, before the committee 
 of public fafety, under whom he ated, and to whom it 
 more particularly belonged to appoint the time and regulate 
 the mode. After this, I waited ei-^ht or ten days without 
 progreiling an iota ; and as I heard that a minifter from 
 Geneva had been here about fix weeks before me, and had 
 not yet been received, I was fearful I might remain as long, 
 and perhaps much longer, in the fame fituation. It was 
 obvious that the public boards had b^enfo much mocked by 
 the late difailer, that from a variety of confiderations, fome 
 public and others private, they could fcarcely move forward 
 upon any fubje6t. At the fame time, I had reafon to believe 
 it was the general defire that I (liquid be received as foon 
 as pofiible, and with every demonftration of refpect for the 
 country I reprefjnt.d. Upon the moft mature confideration, 
 therefore, I thought it incumbent on me to make an effort to 
 break through thefe difficulties, and expedite my reception. 
 The Convention, I knew, pofleflcd the ibvereign authority of 
 the nation ; and I prefumed, that by addrefling myfelf to that 
 body, and efpecially in the prefent ftate of things, I mould 
 not only avoid the cenfure of any fubordinate department, 
 but perhaps relieve it from an unpleafant dilemma, and at 
 the fame time, make an experiment of the real difpofition of 
 country towards my own. The latter confideration I 
 
C A 7 ] 
 
 fact win; 
 occafions. I 
 
 the Convention, ; . >fed No. i is a 
 
 and was happy to an J i: 
 
 ciiately taken, by a memb:r preient, to the comrrnitee of 
 public fafety, by whom a report was made in two hours 
 afterwards to the Convention, and a decree adopted by the 
 latter body, of which No. 2 is a copy, for my reception by 
 the Co:ivei-uio- > the foil- . I deemed it 
 
 my duty to avail rnyfeif of this opportunity to di.iir- t ;, if 
 pofhble, by the documents in my 
 which had been made md were itiil m.iiang, of the 
 ly difpjfitic'i of the American government towards the li- 
 berty and happinefs of the French nation. At the 
 time, therefore, that I preiented my credentials, I kid b 
 the Convention the declarations of the Senate and Houie of 
 Reprefentatives, as conveyed by the Prefident through the 
 Secretary of State, with an aflurance that I was authorifed 
 to declare, that the Prelident was actuated by llmilar lent'- 
 ments. The communication was received in a manner very 
 interefting, and waich furniihed, at the fame time, the ftrong- 
 eft proof of the affection entertained by the French nation 
 for the United States of America. The inclofed No. 3 is 
 a copy of my addrefs to the Convention and of the Prefident's 
 aniwer. Every department has fince fhcwn the ftrongeffc 
 difpofition to prove its attachment to their ally, by embracing 
 every opportunity which the flighted incident has offered. 
 A few (lores brought for the accommodation of my family, 
 in the ihip in which I failed, were arrefted in Havre, bee v.re 
 no declaration was rendered of them by the captain. This 
 was cafually heard by the committee of public iafety, and, 
 without any intimation from me, by their order, restored. 
 But being dciirous more formally to teitify their regard, 
 the commhTary of foreign affairs announced to me yellerday, 
 that he was inftru&edj in the name of the Republic, to 
 appropriate a houfe for my ufe, as minifter of the United 
 States, of fuch accommodations and in fuch part of the city as 
 I would defignate. The inclofed No. 4 is a copy of his 
 letter and of my reply. Thefe latter acls, it is true, may be 
 deemed in fome meafure a&s of ceremony. So far, however, 
 as they furnifh any indication of the difpofition of this country 
 towards our own, it is a favourable one. 
 
 I found here many of my countrymen, captains of vefTels, 
 who were taken at lea and brought in, in derogation of the 
 
I '8 ] 
 
 Treaty of Amity and Commerce. I intend immediately to 1 
 make an effort to have that order refunded, and compenfa- 
 tion r for the injury fuftained. I have written to Mr. 
 
 who is bed acquainted with the affair of the Bour- 
 deri.ix embargo, to requeft his attendance hers, or to forward 
 fuch documents as will enable me to purfue, with fuitable in- 
 formation, the interefl of thofe who were affected by it. 
 And I ihall likewife bring forward, at the fame time, the 
 claims of others of our citizens for fupplies rendered to the 
 government of St. Domingo. 
 
 The poiition of the armies is nearly the fame as when I 
 wrote you laft. No action has been fought, nor any other 
 material change taken place fmce. 
 
 A perfect tranquility too continues to reign throughout thc- 
 Republic. The execution of Robefpierre and his aflbciates, 
 has produced the fame effect every where. Every perfort 
 feems to be freed from an oppreffion which was really terri- 
 ble, and the more fo, becaufe it was fandtified by the autho- 
 rity of the people, and covered with the-mafk of patriotifm. 
 It is, however, laid, that others who have been equally guilty 
 (for Robefpierre, who was a timid man, could not have 
 made the majority of the committee vote againft their own 
 opinion) will probably yet be brought to juftice. Of this I 
 fliall be able to give you better information in my next. 
 
 The reform, which I fuggefted in my laft, contemplated in 
 the organization of the committees and revolutionary tribu- 
 nal, is now completed or nearly fo. I will enclofe you copies 
 of the decrees in my next. A great number of prifoners- 
 have been discharged, who were confined here ana in other 
 parts of the Republic, in confequence of a decree, that thofe 
 ihould be liberated who were committed upon fufpicion only. 
 It was, however, greatly unfortunate, that Robefpierre was 
 not cut off fooner ; for it is mod certain, that his lafl days 
 were itained with fome of the moil innocent blood of the 
 Republic. 
 
 The v'ice-conful has not yet arrived, and, to be candid, I 
 doubt, when he does, whether he will be received or not. A 
 native of this country is, at the prefent moment, unable to 
 render any ferviceto our own, although he may have always 
 redded litre, and his political principles been unqueftionable. 
 But one who has been abfent, is confidered, if not an emi- 
 grant, at bell indifferent, and perhaps unfriendly, to the revo- 
 lution, and therefore cdious. If this gentleman has arrived* 
 
[ IP 3 
 
 I think it probable he is confined at the port where lie landed. 
 I deem this unfortunate, for there is much bufmefs which 
 properly belongs to the confular department here; as all the 
 commercial affairs of the Republic are tranfadied here. 
 
 No. L 
 
 To the Prefident and Reprefentatives of the French People 
 in Convention aflembled. 
 
 Paris 9 Auguft 13^, 1794- 
 
 CITIZEN PRESIDENT^ 
 
 HAVING lately arrived here with authority from ths 
 Prefident of the United States of America to reprci r cat 
 thofe States, in quality of Miniiler Plenipotentiary with the 
 French Republic, and not knowing the competent department, 
 nor the forms tftablimed by law, for my reception, I have 
 thought it my duty to make known my million immediately 
 to the reprefentatives of the nation. To them it belongs to 
 fix the day, and prefcribe the mode, by which I fhali be 
 acknowledged as the reprefentative of their ally and lifter 
 Republic. They will, therefore, have the goodnefs to de- 
 fignate to me the department to which I mail prefent myfeif, 
 to be recognized in the character I bear. 
 
 I make to you this communication with the greater pleafure, 
 becaufe it gives me an opportunity, not only to teitify to the 
 reprefentatives of the free citizens of France, my own devo- 
 tion to the caufe of liberty, but of affuring them, at the fame 
 time, and in the molt folemn manner, of the profound in- 
 tereft, which the government and people of America take, 
 in the liberty, the fuccefs and profperity of the French 
 Republic, 
 
 No. II. 
 
 As foon as this letter was read hi the National Convention, 
 it was decreed that it mould be inferted in its procefs verbal, 
 and in the bulletin of correfpondence, and that a copy of it, 
 with one of the letter of credence which accompanied it, 
 ihould be fent to the committee of public fafety, with in- 
 ftructions to report thereon during the prefent fitting ; and 
 
afterwards, upon the report of the committee, the Convention 
 
 decreed as follows : 
 
 ART. I. The Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States 
 lhrJ.1 be introduced into the bofom of the Convention, to- 
 morrov/ ac two o'clock P. M. he mall then explain the 
 obi ret of his million ; and after which die Prefident fhall 
 faiute him fraternally, in teftimcny of the friendfhip 
 which unites the American and French people. 
 
 ART. II. The Prefident of the Convention fliall write a letter 
 to the Prefident of the United States^ and tranfmit to him 
 the prccefs verbal of this fitting.- 
 
 AT two the next day, Mr. Monroe was accordingly in- 
 tro.luced into the Convention, by the minifter of foreign 
 
 i, accompanied by feveral of the members of the com- 
 mittee of public fafcty, and upon which occafion he preferred 
 the following addrcfs in Engliih, with a trari^atiorl of it into 
 French, and which latter was read by a i^crc'cary. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 Citizens Prefident and Representatives of the French People* 
 
 MY ndmifiion into this affembly, in .prefence of the 
 French nation (for all the citizens of France are reprefented 
 here) to be recognized as the reprefentative of the American 
 Republic, irnprcfiec me with a degree of fenfibility which I 
 cannot expreis. I confider it a new proof of that friendfhip 
 and regard which the French nation has always fhewn to 
 their ally, the United States of America. 
 
 Republics ihould approach near to each other. In many 
 refpeAs they have ail the fame intereft ; but this is more 
 especially the cafe with the American and French Republics. 
 Their governments are fimilar ; they both cherifh the fame 
 principles, and reft on the fame bafis, the equal and unaiiena- 
 ble rights of man. The recollection too of common dangers 
 and difficulties will increafe their harmony and cement' their 
 union. America had her day of oppreilion, difficulty, and 
 war; but her fons were virtuous and brave, and the'ftorm 
 ': long clouded he political horizon, has patted, and left 
 them in the enjoyment of peace, liberty, and independence. 
 Franc ...id our friend, and who aided in the conteft, 
 
 has now embarked in the fame noble career ; and I am happy 
 to add, that whilft the fortitude, magnanimity, and heroic 
 
[ 21 ] 
 
 ralou* of her troops command the admiration and applaufc 
 of the aftonifhed world, the wifdom and firmnefs of her 
 councils unite equally in fecuring the happieft reiult. 
 
 America is not an unfeeling fpectator of your affairs at the 
 prefent crifis. I lay before you, in the declarations of tvery 
 department of our government, declarations which are found- 
 ed in the affections of the citizens at large, the moft decided 
 proof of her fincere attachment to the liberty, profperity, 
 and happinefs of the French Republic. Each branch'of the 
 Congrefs, according to the courfe of proceeding there, has 
 requeued the Prefident to make this known to you in its behalf; 
 and in fulfilling the defires of thofe branches, I am inflrucl- 
 ed to declare to you, that he has exprefled his own. 
 
 In difcharging the duties of the office which I am now 
 called to execute, I pro mile myfelf the higheft futisfadtion ; 
 becaufe I well know, that whilft I purfue the dictates of my 
 own heart, in wifhing the liberty and happinefs of the French 
 nr.rion, and which I mo ft fmcerely do, I fpeak the fentiments 
 of my own country ; and that, by doing every tiling in my 
 power to preferve and perpetuate the harmony fo happily 
 fubiifting between the two Republics, I mall promote the 
 interell of both. To this great object, therefore, all my 
 efforts will be directed. If I can be fo fortunate as to fuc- 
 ceed in fuch manner as to merit the approbation of both 
 Republics, I mall deem it the happieft event of my life, and 
 retire hereafter with a confolation which thole who mean 
 well and have ferved the caufe of liberty, alone can feel. 
 
 Mr. Monroe delivered, at the fame time, the following 
 communications from the department of ftate, with iimilar 
 tranilations, and which were read in like manner. 
 
 Tc the Committee of Public Safety of the French Republic. 
 Philadelphia, June IQ//J, 1794. 
 
 THE underfigned Secretary of State of the United 
 States of America has the honour of communicating to the 
 committee of public fafety for the French Republic, that on 
 the 24th day of April, 1 794, it was ordered by the Senate 
 of the United States, that the letter of that committee, 
 addrefled to Congrefs, be transmitted to the Prefident, and 
 that he be requefted to caufe the fame to be anfwered on 
 behalf of the Senate, in fuch manner as fhall manifeft their 
 fincere friendship and good will for the French Republic. 
 
[ 22 ] 
 
 In executing this duty, which has been allotted by the 
 Prefident to the department of State, the liberal fuccours 
 which the United States received from the French nation, 
 in their ftruggle for independence, prefent themfelves warm 
 to the recollection. On this baiis was the friendship between 
 the two nations founded ; on this bafis, and the continued 
 interchanges of regard fmce, has it grown ; and, iupported 
 by thele motives, it will remain firm and conftant. 
 
 The Senate, therefore, tender to the committee of public 
 fafety, their zealous wifhes for the French Republic ; they 
 learn with fenfibility every fuccefs which promotes the hap- 
 pinefs of the French nation ; and the full eflablimment of 
 their peace and liberty will be ever efteemed by the Senate 
 as a happinefs to the United States and to humanity. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 To the Committee of Public Safety of the French Republic. 
 Philadelphia, June loth, 1794. 
 
 THE underfigned Secretary of State for the United 
 States of America, has the honour of reprefenting to the 
 Committee of Public Safety for the French Republic, that, 
 on the 25th of April, in the prefent year, it was unanimoufly 
 refoived, by the Houfe of Reprefentatives, as follows : 
 
 " That the letter of the Committee of Public Safety of the 
 " French Republic, addrefled to Congrefs, be tranfmitted to 
 " the Prefident of the United States, and that he be requeft- 
 " ed to caufe the fame to be anfwered on behalf of this 
 " Houfe, in terms expreffive of their fenfibility for the friend- 
 " ly and affectionate manner, in which they have addrefled 
 the Congrefs of the United States ; with an unequivocal 
 " aflurance, that the Reprefentatives of the people of the 
 " United States, have much intereft in the happinefs and 
 c; profperity of the French Republic." 
 
 The Prefident of the United States has configned this 
 honourable and grateful function to the department of ftate. 
 In no manner can it be more properly difcharged, than by 
 icizing the occafion of declaring to the ally of the United 
 States, that the caufe of liberty, in the defence of which 
 fo much American blood and treafures have been lavifhed,. 
 
is cherifhed by our Republic with incrcafmg enthufiafm : 
 That under the ftandard of liberty, wherefoever it fhall be 
 difplayed, the affedtion of the United States will always 
 rally : And that the fucceffes of thofe who (land forth as her 
 avengers will be gloried in by the United States, and will 
 be felt as the fucceffes of themfelves and the other friends of 
 humanity. 
 
 Yes, Reprefentatives of our ally, your communication 
 has been addreffed to thofe who mare in your fortunes, and 
 who take a deep intereft in the happinefs and profperity of the 
 French Republic. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH. 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 Anfwer of Merlin de Dcuai t Prejident cf the Convention^ t& 
 Mr. Monroe. 
 
 THE French people have not forgotten that it is to the 
 American people they owe their initiation into the caufe 
 of liberty. It was in admiring the fublime infurrection of the 
 American people againft Britain, once fo haughty, but now 
 fo humbled ; it was in taking themfelves arms to fecond your 
 courageous efforts, and in cementing your independence by 
 the blood of our brave warriors, that the French people 
 learned in their turn to break the fceptre of tyranny, and to 
 elevate the ftatue of liberty on the wreck of a throne, fup- 
 ported, during fourteen centuries, only by crimes and by cor- 
 ruption. 
 
 How then mould it happen that we mould not be friends * 
 Why mould we not affociate the mutual means of profperity 
 that our commerce and navigation offer to two people freed 
 by each other ? But it is not merely a diplomatic alliance : It 
 is the fweeteft fraternity, and the meil frank at the fame 
 time, that muft unite us ; this it is that indeed unites us ; and 
 this union fhall be forever indiffoluble, as it will be forever 
 the dread of tyrants, the fafeguard of the liberty of the world, 
 and the preferver of all the focial and philanthropic virtues. 
 
 In bringing to us, citizen, the pledge of this union fo 
 dear to us, it could not fail to be received with the liveiieft 
 emotions. It is now five years fmce an ufurper of the fove- 
 reignty of the people, would have received you with the 
 pride which belongs alone to vice ; and he would have thought 
 it much to have given to the minifter of a free people, fome 
 
[ 24 3 
 
 tokens of an infclent protection, But to-day the fovereiga 
 people themfelves, by the '.rgan of their faithful reprefenta- 
 tives, receive you ; and you fee the tendernefs, the effufion of 
 foul, that accompanies this fimple and touching ceremony. I 
 am impatient to give you the fraternal embrace, which I am. 
 ordered to give in the name of the French people. Come 
 and receive it in the name of the American people, and iec 
 this fpecfcacie complete the annihilation of an impious coali- 
 tion of tyrants. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 The Commiffary of Foreign Affairs to the Minifter Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris , Afth Fruaidor, 2d Tear of the Republic* 
 
 ClTlZEX, 
 
 AFTER having received the Representatives of our 
 ally, with the mod diftinguifhed marks of affection, the 
 government of the Republic defires to do every thing which 
 depends on it to make his refidence in France agreeable to 
 him. With this view the Committee of Public Safety 
 authorifes me to offer you, in the name of the Republic, a 
 national houfe for your accommodation. I pray you, therefore, 
 to make known to me your intentions in this refpecl: *, as 
 likewife to defignate the quarter which will be moft agreeable 
 to you. 
 
 The Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of America 
 To the Commiffary cf Foreign Relations for the French 
 Republic. 
 
 Paris y Augvjl 22, 1794 
 
 CITIZEN, 
 
 I WAS favoured yefterday with yours of that date, 
 informing me, that the Committee of Public Safety had 
 authorifed you, in the name of the Republic, to appropriate 
 a houfe for my ufe, as minifter of their ally, the United 
 States of America, and in fuch part of the city, as I mould 
 defignate. I have received this communication with pe- 
 culiar fatisfation, becaufe. I confider it as a proof of 
 
the fincere regard which the committee entertain for their 
 ally, whofe fervant I am. But, upon this occafion, I am 
 not permitted to indulge, in any refpect, my own opinion or 
 feelings. The Conftitution of my country, an extract from 
 which is hereunto annexed, has prescribed a line of conduct 
 to me, and which it is my duty to follow. The Committee 
 of Public Safety, and you, Citizen, refpecl: too highly the 
 fundamental laws of your own country, not to approve my 
 reafon for declining the kind offer you have made me. I 
 fhall, howeverj immediately communicate it to our govern- 
 ment, and doubt not it will produce there the good effect it 
 merits. 
 
 Extract from the Conftitution of the United States. 
 
 ' No title of nobility fhall be granted by the United 
 " States, and no perfon holding any office of profit or truft 
 * under them, fhall, without the confent of Congrefs, accept 
 * of any prefent, emolument, office, or title of any kind 
 " whatfoever, from any king, prince, or foreign ftate." 
 
 [ No. III. ] 
 FROM Mr. MONROE TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, 
 
 PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Paris, i$th September, 1794. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 As foon as I could command a moment's leifure, I ap- 
 plied myfelf to the immediate duties of my ftation. I found 
 many of my countrymen here, labouring under embarrafl- 
 ments of a ferious kind, growing out of the war, and was 
 foon furniihed with like complaints from others in feveral of 
 the feaports. Correct information upon every point was my 
 firft object ; for unlefs I knew the nature and extent of the 
 evil I could not feek a remedy. I encouraged, therefore, by 
 my letters, thefe reprefentations, as the only means by which 
 I could acquire it. Nor was it difficult to be obtained ; for 
 the parties interefred had been too deeply affected, and long 
 delayed, to be remifs upon the prefent occafion. In the 
 courle of a few weeks, I believe moft of the complaints 
 which had been occafioned by the war, and efpecially where 
 the parties were prefent, either in perfon or by attorney, 
 
[ 26 ] 
 
 were laid before me. By analyzing them I found they might 
 he cl ailed under the following heads. 
 
 1. Thofe who were injured by the embargo at Bourdeaux. 
 
 2. Thole who had claims upon the Republic for fupplies 
 rendered to the government of St. Domingo. 
 
 3. Thoie who had brought cargoes in for fale and wers 
 ck Mined by delay of payment, or fome other caufe. 
 
 4. Thcfc who had been brought in by the fhips of the Re- 
 public, in derogation of the treaty of amity and com- 
 merce, and were fubjecled to like detention and delay. 
 
 5. Thoie who had been taken at fea, or elfewhere, and were 
 confined, in derogation of the treaty of amity and com- 
 merce, or rights of citizenfhip in the United States. 
 
 Upon the two firfc heads, and indeed upon the two next 
 following, fo far as compcnfation to the injured parties was in 
 queition, I had no difficulty how to ac\: Your inftruclions 
 had fully marked the courfe to be taken. I therefore required 
 that compenfation be made as foon as poffible,. and upon 
 in (I principles, according to the contract, where fuch was the 
 cafe, and the fair eftimated value, where it was not. But the 
 two latter * involved in them fomething more than the mere 
 adjuftment of cxifting claims, and which clofed the fcene 
 v/licn that was made. They grew out of meafures, which, 
 if fu r r!'red to <rontinue, might create like injuries every week, 
 and which would require a like interpofition on my part. I 
 therefore confidcred it my duly, not only to require a full in- 
 demnity to the claimants, as in the other inftances, but to 
 mount to the fource of the evil and feek a remedy commenfu- 
 rate therewith. 
 
 T found that the delays- above fpoken of did not proceed 
 from interefi: or defign on their part : From intereft they 
 could not , for they not only difgufted and often injured the 
 claimants, but like\vife expofed the government to confidera- 
 ble lofs, upon account of demurrage. And if there was no 
 motive- of intereft, there could be none for defign. They 
 proceeded, in fact, from the fyftem of trade adopted 
 here, by which the whole commerce of the country was ta- 
 ken into the hands of the Republic itfelf. The regulation 
 was fuch that none but the officers of government could pur- 
 chafe, nor could any contract be concluded and executed in 
 any of the fea-ports, or elfewhere, than in Paris. This 
 threw every cafe into the hands of a board of commiflaries 
 city, who were otherwife borne down with an im- 
 
 * TJu third and f.i:th -ire recant, 
 
E 27 ] 
 
 menfe weight of the moft extenfive and complicated duties. 
 The defect in our own arrangements too here, increafed the 
 embarraiTinent ; for, as we had no conful here, every captain 
 or fupercargo became his own negociator, and as they \veiv 
 generally ignorant of the city, the language and of the prices 
 iaft given, they were badly calculated for the purpofe. Every 
 new cargo formed^ di{tint negociation, and as there was no 
 fyftem on the part of the venders, who \viihed, as was na- 
 tural, to make the moft of their voyage, they ufually aikcci 
 an extravagant price for their merchandize in the firit ini : 
 This occafioned a kind ef trafic between the parties, anu 
 which frequently terminated in the difguft of both, and 
 particularly of the venders, who, after they were wearlc-.I 
 out with the clerks in the department, and whofe duty it wa$ 
 to receive them, generally afligned the bufmefs over to ionic 
 agent, and who, as he was not clothed with any public cha- 
 racter, could neither be much rcfpecled by the Frendi 
 government, nor pcffelTed in any high degree of the confi- 
 dence of his employers.* Such was the ilate of our trade in 
 this Republic, and fuch the caufe of the delay. As foon, 
 therefore, as I 'became fufficiently well acquainted with the 
 fubjedl, I thought it my duty to bring it before the govern- 
 ment, and defire on its part a fuitable remedy ; and if the 
 perfon lately appointed does not foon arrive, I fhall deem it 
 equally necefTary tornominate feme one as conful provisionally, 
 to take charge of the bufinefs on ours ; and if he does 
 arrive, I am by no means certain it will remedy the diiffciui.y, 
 for reafons I fhall hereafter explain. 
 
 I had more difficulty in determining how to r.l en the 
 fourth point*. I was not inftruclcd to delire a repeal of the' 
 decree, and did not know but that it had been tolerated from 
 the foundert motives of political expedience. This Republic 
 had declined calling on us to execute the guarantee, from a 
 fpirit of magnanimity and a (Irong attachment to cur welfare-. 
 This confederation intitledit to fome attention in return. An 
 attempt to prefs it within the pale of. the itipulation contain- 
 ed in the 23d and 24th articles of the treaty 'of arnLy snd 
 commerce, might give birth to fentimcnts of a different kind, 
 and create a difpofition to call on us to execute thai of die 
 treaty of alliance. The fubjecl was therefore of the utmoft 
 delicacy, and I faw that I could not enter on it without the 
 greateft care. But yet I was perfuaded that France gained 
 nothing by the departure, and had reafon to believe if it were 
 
 * Other wife than as related to compenfAtic^ to incJ 
 
[ a8 ] 
 
 otherxvife, that (he would at the prefent time, concede it for 
 our accommodation ; and I knew its importance to our com- 
 merce, and efpecklly as it would deprive the cabinet of St. 
 James of the fmalleft pretext for continuing the violation on 
 its part. Upon full confideration of all thefe circumftances 
 the paper prefentod, was drawn, and I truft, whatever may 
 be its etrect, it will have the approbation of the Preiident, 
 fince it may produce a beneficial one, and has in no refpeft 
 compromitted him. My note was prefented a few days fince, 
 and I expect an anfwer as ibon as circumftances will permit, 
 paying due regard to the immenfe weight of bufmefs before 
 that department. 
 
 Upon the article refpetting citizenfhip, I have as yet faid 
 nothing. I did not wifh to complicate the fubjec~ts which I 
 prefented before them too much at any one time. It is, how- 
 ever, an important one, and (hall be foon attended to, asfhall 
 likewife the claim for reimburfement of 50,000 dollars * ad- 
 vanced to the French emigrants from St Domingo. 
 
 Nothing of great importance has lately taken place in the 
 public councils. The remaining fpirit of ancient party has, it is 
 true, occafionally fhewn itfelf, but not with its former vigour ; 
 for it feems in a great meafure to have withdrawn, and to 
 lurk in the bofoms of the more inveterate only. Happily a 
 different fpirit more congenial with the temper of the nation, 
 and which inclines to humanity, to peace and concord, feems 
 to pervade the great mafs of the Convention. I think this 
 latter will loon prevail fo as not only to prevent, at leaft for 
 the prefent, further enormities, but to heal, in fome degree, 
 the wounds which have already been inflicted. Some latter 
 circumilances authcnfc this expectation. Barrere, Collot 
 d'Herbois and Billaud de Varennes, of the committee of 
 public fafety, and feveral of the committee of furete gcnerale, 
 were fufpedied by many of having countenanced and fup^ort- 
 ed the meafures of Robefpieire ; and it was apprehended, 
 that after tiie perfect and preternatural calm, which enfued his 
 execution, fliould fubfide, fome difcuffion on that fubject 
 would enfue. Accordingly they were laHy denounced by 
 Lccointre de YerOilles, who brought forward a long lift of 
 charges agaii;ft them. But it was immediately feen, that 
 the party in favour of the denunciation, though violent, was 
 weak. Th Lr mention heard the accufation with patience, 
 and rejccK-d it with difd:.m. and Lecointre himfelf was 
 eventually ccniured, as a diiturber of the public repofe, 
 
 * The amount was 15,900 only. 
 
[ 29 1 
 
 Many of this party were now in their titrn alike ?.git?ted 
 and alarmed, becaufe they thought they fiw in the rejection 
 of the motion the invincible ft .ngth of the other pjtfty, and 
 the certainty of their own fat.:. But they were fuperficial 
 obfervers of the courfe of the revolution, and of the theatre 
 on which they acted. They did not perceive, that there wa* 
 a force in the Convention actuated by more humane and dig- 
 nified principles ; able to controul both, and render their 
 extravagant and pernicious efforts abortive and harmlefs. This 
 latter fact was further demonftrated by an event \vhich fol- 
 lowed immediately after. Under the organization of the 
 committee of public fafety, it became necefTary to re- 
 elect its members ; and, if the influence of thofe lately 
 denounced had preponderated, they would of courfe have 
 been re-chofen. But the contrary wns the cafe, for they 
 were every one rejected, and others preferred in their (lead. 
 I have mentioned this incident, becaufe I deem it an impor- 
 tant one, in the character of the prefent moment ; tending 
 to prove the certainty with which the revolution progreiTes 
 towards a happy ciofe ; fmce the preponderance of thofe 
 councils which are equally diftinguifhed for their wifdom, 
 temperance and humanity continues to ir.creafe*. 
 
 Nor is fortune lefs propitious to the affairs of this Republic 
 in the field, than in the cabinet. Within a few days paR, 
 Conde and Valenciennes have furrendered to its victorious 
 arms. About 6000 troops were taken in thefe garrifons, 
 with 1 1 oo emigrants, and which latter were immediately 
 put to the fword. The rigour with which the emigrants have 
 been purfued continues nearly the fame, and feenis Hill to 
 be dictated equally by the fentiment of the public councils 
 and the people at large : It will not, therefore, be eafily or 
 foon removed. 
 
 . The furrender of thefe garrifons has relieved from a (late 
 of inactivity about 50,000 men, who were immediately 
 added to the armies upon the Meufe and on the frontier of 
 Holland. Thefe armies are at prefent of great ftrength, and 
 certainly, upon the ordinary rules of calculation, not to be 
 refilled by the force now embodied againfl them. In point 
 of numbers they are by far fuperior, and they poflefs the 
 means by which this fuperiority mav be increafeci at pleafure, 
 and to any amount. Their ciifcipiine too is exact, their 
 fpirits high, and enterprife aitonimingly great. Wliilit on the 
 
 * This is to beconfidered as comparing the p^efent Rate of things, with 
 <hat \Vfeich exiftcit beiare the tall ot Robefpierre. 
 
[ 3 ] 
 
 ether' fide, every thing wears a more gloomy afpeh Their 
 troops are difpirited, and daily wafting away by the events of 
 war, and reinforcements have been for a long time paft, with 
 difficulty obtained, and feem now to be exhaufted, or at lead 
 at a fraud. And to encreafe the embarrafTment on their part, 
 'tis laid a difpute has taken place between Cobourg and 
 York for the command, in cafe they mould unite their for- 
 ces : The latter having fet up a claim in confequence of the 
 great force of Prufiians, &c. in Britifh pay. 
 
 Cobuurg occupies at prefent a pofition near Maeftricht, 
 and York one in the neighbourhood of Bergen-op-zoom. It 
 is thought the French will diret their principal force towards 
 thole polls, fince their conqueft will not only lay open the 
 whole country to the Rhine, but likewife deprive Holland of 
 its chief barrier. They are ftrong and well provided, but 
 deemed by no means impregnable to the ardor and enterprife 
 of the French troops. It is therefore probable fome fevere 
 rencounters may foon take place in each quarter ; for furely 
 nothing but abfolute defpair will induce the combined powers 
 to abandon them, and which they muft otherwife do, in cafe 
 the French-- continue to exert themfelves with their ufual 
 
 To the Committee of Public Safety. 
 
 Paris, September 3, 1794. 
 
 THERE are fome fubjecls to which I wifh to call your 
 attention and which I deem of equal importance to both 
 Republics. They have grown out of the occurrences of the 
 prefent war, have prefled particularly hard upon the United 
 States, and will, I doubt not, be immediately rectified, in a 
 manner becoming the character of the French nation, and of 
 rourfe fatisfaclonly to us. 
 
 The fir 11 refpe&s the departure, on the part of France, from 
 the 23d and 24th articles of the treaty of commerce fub- 
 fifting between the two Republics. 
 
 The fecond, the embargo of our veflels at Bourdeaux, and 
 the injuries arifmg from it to thofe whom it concerns. 
 
 The third refpects the claims of fome of our citizens for 
 fupplies furnifncd to the government of St Domingo, 
 authenticated by bills upon the Minifter of the Republic 
 in Philadelphia ; by bills upon France, and by mandates 
 and other inflrurnents ufual in fuch cafes. 
 
C 31 ] 
 
 By the 23d article of the treat/ of amity and^comn; 
 it is ftipulated, that free fhips fhall make free goods, and that 
 all goods fhall be free except thofe which are termed contra- 
 band ; and that no difputc might arife as to contraband, all 
 trrofe which mould be deemed fitch, on the one hand, and 
 which mould be deemed free on the other, are particularly 
 fpecified in the 24th. 
 
 It is neceiTary for me, in bringing this fubjeCb to your view, 
 briefly to obferve, that thefe articles have been difpenfcd 
 with on your part : That our veflels laden with merchandize, 
 not only the property of your enemies, made free by theie 
 articles, but likewife of our own citizens, the latter of which 
 was always free, have been brought into your ports, detained 
 for a great length of time, their cargoes taken, and the 
 captains and proprietors otherwife fubjecled to great embar- 
 raffments, lofTes and injuries. But 1 will not dwell upon this 
 fubjecl: in this view ; becaufe, I frankly own to you, it is pain- 
 ful for me thus to contemplate it. I wifh to referve my free 
 comments for the other fide of the picture, when I fhall 
 favourably explain the motives of the aft, in communicating 
 to my country, what I hope you will enable me to communi- 
 cate, and upon this friendly intimation only, the ready 
 acquiefcence with which the decree was refcinded. 
 
 It may be faid, that Great Britain has rendered us the 
 fame injury, and that when me mall change her condufc in 
 that refpeci, France will likewife follow her example. But 
 the cafe is widely different. Britain may difpute the law of 
 nations, however clear its doctrine even with refpect to con- 
 traband ; but with France it is in both refpects regulated by 
 treaty. Befides we are the allies, and what is more intereft- 
 ing, the friends of France. Thefe confiderations naturally 
 infpire in the councils of the two countries, different ienti- 
 ments in regard to us ; and if Britain proves true to thofe 
 which belong to her fituation, (hall we, on the other hand, 
 find France reluctant to cherifh fuch as are friendly to us, 
 and correfpondent with hers ? Will me fay, that the injuries of 
 Britain furnifh a juftificatory example for her to render us like 
 injuries ? Will our ally contend with tjiat nation in rivalihip, 
 which fhall harrafs our commerce molt, and do us the great- 
 eft detriment ? This is furely rTot a relation for the two 
 Republics to bear towards each other. Other fentimcnts 
 will, I hope, infpire their common councils ; fentiments more 
 congenial with their mutual interefts and conformant to the 
 difpofitions of the citizens of both countries. 
 
If the French Republic gained the fmalleft benefit from 
 the regulation, there might be fome motive for adhering to it. 
 But this cannot, it is prefumed, be the cafe. The moft to 
 be derived from it, is the cccaiional feizure of a ftraggling 
 veflel deftined for the ports of Spain and Portugal ; for they 
 are excluded from the ports of England, except under par- 
 ticular circumftances and which rarely happen. It muft be 
 obvious, if the price was higher here, this would be their 
 tlellination , add to which the charges attending the feizurc 
 and conducting of veflels from their courfe, muft be great, 
 and make it not only an uncertain but unprofitable mode of 
 fupply. 
 
 It may be apprehended, that if this decree mould be re- 
 fcinded, it will open a door, through which, under the pro- 
 tection of our flag, the commerce of Britain may be carried 
 on with advantage to her, and detriment to France. But a 
 moment's reflection will demonftrate, that this apprehenfion 
 cannot, in any. degree, be well founded ; for the navigation 
 act of England, whofe great principles have been wifely 
 adopted here, forbids almoft altogether any fuch commerce. 
 By this act the manufactures of the metropolis cannot be 
 carried to the colonies, nor can the productions of the colo- 
 nies, nor the productions or manufactures of any other 
 country, be carried in our bottoms to Great Britain. This 
 reftriction mud in a great degree inhibit the ufe of our veflels 
 in any but the direct trade betwee/i the two nations ; for it is 
 not probable that Great Britain will ufe the American veflel* 
 to export her cargoes to other countries, to any amount if at 
 all; iince, not being able to return, they would generally be left 
 there empty and idle. On the contrary, we know that her 
 practice, in fuch cafes, has been, not to countenance the navi- 
 gation of any other country at the expence of her own ; but 
 to protect the latter by convoys. But if this were otherwife, it 
 is to be prefumed that the fortune of the prefent war, in the 
 triumphant fuccefs of the French arms, will have decifively fet- 
 tled itfelf, before that could have produced any material effect. 
 
 It muft be obvious that the conduct of Great Britain, and 
 efpecially in regard to the articles of contraband, muft de- 
 pend in a great meafure upon that of France in this particular. 
 For if France declines to refcind this decree, Great Britain 
 moft probably will, unlefs indeed me mould make a merit of 
 receding at the expence of France ; but if France mould, 
 comply in the firft inftance, me will put Great Britain in an, 
 ernbarrafling dilemma ; for, if me refutes afterwards, it will 
 not only tend to cement our union with France, but combine 
 
E 33 : 
 
 .ca iii the ( -i3 of Britain : 
 
 And if they mould then comply, to Francs will the credit be 
 given, of having forced her into it. 
 
 At _ time I exprefs to you a dcfire that this decree 
 
 be refcinJed, ana the parties heretofore atf^cled by it-coinpen- 
 fated for the injuries they have received, I coniider it like- 
 w ife my duty to add feme obiervations upon the it ate of our 
 trade in general in the Republic. When an American veilel 
 arrives in any port of France, it is immediately in the hands 
 of the government. The captain or fupercarq;o cannot fell 
 the cargo to any other perfon, nor can he get more tor it than 
 the public agents will give, nor fail elfewriere without pcrrnil- 
 fion. Oftentimes it happens, that great delays take place, 
 from the neceffity c i-iicating from the fea ports with 
 
 the metropolis, and other inconvemencies detrimental to the 
 parties. A regulation of this kind in its fulled extent, muft 
 prove very injurious to both countries, and efpecully to i/i 
 Trade cannot exiil under it. It will foon happen that not a 
 iingle adventurer will feek the French port? : No mer 
 will enter them but by conftraint. The corifequeiice mud 
 bs, that the commerce of America fo extensive and produc- 
 tive, and efpecialiy in thofe articles in greateit demand here, 
 will be either exterminated, thrown into other channels, or 
 forced here by public funds, and under the direction of pub- 
 lic agents : a refource which, however productive, ihould 
 not be the fole one, for many reafons ; bat more efpecialiy 
 fascaufs the produce of our country, having thus become the 
 property cf France, will be liable, by the law of natio is, 
 equally in yours and in our vsiTcis, to f ;izure and condemna- 
 tion by your enemies ; and, becaufe if we fucceed in iccur- 
 ing the refpect which is due to our flag by other nations, and 
 which would enable our citizens in their own bottoms to fup- 
 piy in abundance your markets (and in which I truit we ihail 
 fucceed) it would be of no ufe to you ; and laitiy, becaufe 
 the competition of private adventurers would thus be deitvoy- 
 ed, a competition which, with fuitabie encouragement, 
 would not only fupply the defet of thefe agents and fatisfy 
 the demand of the market 5 but, by making known constantly 
 ^nd regularly the prices in America, form a check on their 
 conducl: and furniih the beft teft of their innegrity. 
 
 You will cbferve I do not complain that the public are the 
 fole purchafers and regulate at pieafure what (hall be export- 
 ed, provided the venders are paid for their cargoes in fome 
 commodity or fpeeie, at their option *, or that agents of the 
 public- are appointed in the United Stages, and as many as 
 
 F 
 
C 34 3 
 
 /flay be thought neceflary, to purchafe our productions on 
 public account and fend them here. Thefe are fubjeU- 
 which the legiflatorj of the Republic, will regulate, accord* 
 ing as public exigencies may in their judgment require. What 
 I wifn is, that the ports of France may be opened freely to 
 the enterprizes of my countrymen, and which will be the 
 cafe, provided they be permitted to leave them immediately, 
 if they do not like the market, and difpatched without delay 
 in cafe they do. To accomplim the firft point a general order 
 only will be requifite, to the officers of the cuftoms or other 
 perfons in authority in the feveral poits ; and the latter, a re- 
 gulation of the prices to be immediately given by thefe 
 officers upon all occafions, when a veflel ftiould arrive, and 
 which might be furnifhed as often as any change fhould be 
 deemed neceflary. This would, I am fatisfied, banifh every 
 caufe of complaint, greatly increafe the competition, and of 
 courfe the fupply of the marke-:, and at a much lefs expence. 
 
 Upon the fecond fubjecl;, the Bourdeaux embargo* I find 
 the committee has already pafled an arret, which fecures tt> 
 the perfons interefted an indemnity for the delay and other in- 
 juries fuftajned ; it only remains, therefore, to adjuft the 
 amount of the claims and pay the parties entitled to it. 
 
 The third which refpe&s the claims for fupplies rendered 
 by our citizens to the government of St. Domingo, is like- 
 wife a matter of account, and which it is earneitly hoped 
 will be immediately adjufted and paid. A perfon authorifed 
 will appear in fupport of the claims, with the evidence, be- 
 fore any board or tribunal which {hall b$ appointed for that 
 purpofe. 
 
 I have to obferve, that I (hall be happy to give every aid. 
 in my power to facilitate the adjuftment and fubfequent 
 payment of thefe feveral clafles of claims. So far as they 
 are well founded I doubt not they will be allowed by the 
 French Republic, and where this is not the cafe, they will 
 not be fupported by me. In an aggregate view they refpet 
 the great mafs of American merchants. If is of importance 
 for France to cultivate that intereft, and the prefent is, for 
 many reafons, a critical moment to make an impreffion on it. 
 I hope, therefore, it will not be negle&ed. 
 
 It is my duty to obferve to you,, that I am under no in- 
 ftniction to complain of, or requeft the repeal of, the decree 
 author ifing a departure from the 23d and 24th articles of the 
 treaty of amity and commerce ; on the contrary I well know 
 that if, upon confideration, after the experiment made, you 
 ftould be of opinion that it produces any folid benefit to the 
 
[ 35 ] 
 
 Republic, the American government and my countrymen in | 
 general will not only bear the departure with patience, but 
 with pleafure. It is from the confidence alone which I en- 
 tertain, that this departure cannot be materially beneficial to 
 you, and that the repeal would produce the happieft effect, 
 in removing every poilible caufe of uneafinefs, and concili- 
 ating ftill more and more towards each other, the affections 
 of the citizens of both Republics, and thereby cementing 
 more clofely their union, that I have taken the liberty, as 
 connected with the other concerns, to bring the fubjecl: before 
 you. To cement that union, in other fituations, has long 
 been the object of my efforts : for I have been well fatis- 
 fied, that the clofer and more intimate it was, the happier 
 it would be for both countries. America and France thus 
 united, the one the greateft power in the European world, 
 and the other rapidly repairing the waftes of war and 
 rifing to the firft rank in the fcale of nations ; both bound- 
 ed by, and meafuring an immenfe fpace along, the At- 
 lantic ; abundant in pfodu&ions fu-ning the demand of 
 each other ; and, above all, both Republics, have nothing to 
 fear from foreign danger, and every thing to hope from the 
 happieft and moft beneficial domeftic intercouvfe. By u 
 generous and liberal policy, France has it at the prelent 
 moment much in her power, to promote this more intimate 
 union, and in the hope fhe will avail herfelf of it, I have 
 thought proper thus to develop the fubje&s which I 
 Submitted to your confideration 
 
 [ No. IV. ] 
 FROM Mr. MONROE TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE 
 
 -Paris, October 16, 1794. 
 S/J?, 
 
 I GAVE you in my laft a fketch of the embarraffments 
 under which our commerce laboured in the ports of the Re- 
 public, and of my efforts to emancipate it, as fhewn by my 
 letter to the committee of public fafety, a copy of which 
 was like wife forwarded. To this I have as yet received no 
 anfwer, although I have requefted it more than once. To 
 ir-y applications, hov/evcr, which were informal I was 
 
C 3<5 ] 
 
 informally anfvvered, that the fubject was under 
 and wcuiJ be decided on as foon as pcifible. 
 
 i>ui . s thefe propcfitions were of extenfive import, and 
 connected with the iyftem of commerce and fupply, which 
 had been adopted here, 'tia probable 1 {hall not be favoured 
 with an anfwcT until the fubject is generally reviewed. Nor 
 lhall t. be furprifed to find extraordinary efforts to protract a 
 decision, and even defeat the objeit in view. But as the 
 oppoiiticn will not be warranted by the intereft, fo I am well 
 fitisfted it wiii n t be fupported by the fenfe of the French 
 nation, when the fubjecl: is well understood. To make it fo, 
 will be the object of my future, and I trull not ineffectual, 
 endeavours. 
 
 You were, I doubt not, furprifed to hear, that the whole 
 com :;j-ce of France, to the abfolute exciufion of individuals,. 
 v/,*s carried en by the government itfeif. An inilitution of 
 this kind would be deemed extraordinary, even in a fmajl. 
 ftate -, but when applied to the French Republic it muft ap- 
 pear infinitely more fo. Nor were the cireumfhmces which 
 gave bi Li to it, more a proof of the calamities, with which 
 the fociety was inwardly convulfed, than of the zeal and 
 energy with which it purfued its object. Through the channel 
 of trade it was found, or fufpecled, that the principles of 
 the revolution were chiefly impaired ; that through it, not. 
 only the property of the emigrants and the wealth of the 
 country were exported, but that foreign money was likewife; 
 thrown in, whereby the internal diffentions were fomented,, 
 and in other refpects the intrigues of the coalefced power* 
 promoted. For a confiderable time it was believed., that moft 
 of the evils to which France was a prey, proceeded from 
 this fource. Many remedies were in confequence applied, 
 but itill the difeafe continued. Finally an effort was made to 
 eradicate the caufe, by exterminating private trade altogether, 
 and taking the whole commerce of the country into the hands 
 of the government. A decree to this effect accordingly 
 paffed on the day of October 1793, and which has fmce 
 continued in force. 
 
 But now many circumftances incline to a change of this 
 fyftem. The act itfeif was confidered as a confummation 
 of thofe meafures which completed the ruin of the Girondist 
 party, whofe principal leaders had already fallen under the 
 guillotine. By it, the commercial intereft, as difiinct from 
 the landed, and dividing in certain refpects, with oppofite 
 views, the councils of the country, was totally deftroycd.. 
 All private mercantile interccurfc with, foreign nations was 
 
E 37 ] 
 
 cut off, and fo fevere were the meafures, and great the 
 odium on the mercantile character, that none were pleafed 
 to have it attached to them. But when the apprehcniion of 
 danger from that fource was done away, the motive for the 
 a& itfelf was greatly diminished. Accordingly the public 
 mind was foon feen vibrating back to its former itntion j and 
 in which it was greatly aided by the fortune of the late domi- 
 nant party, whole principal leaders had now, likewife in 
 their turn, fettled their account "with the Republic, at the 
 receipt of the guillotine. Thus we find, and tfp~cully in 
 great commotions, that extraordinary meafures not only bear 
 in general the ft rong character of their author, but frequent- 
 ly fhare his fate. The fall of the BriiTotine party extirpated 
 private trade ; the fall of R.obefpierre's may probably foon 
 reftore it. 
 
 At prefent many fymptoms indicate that a change is not 
 diftant, though none ieern willing, fo prominently to 
 take the lead, as to make th*:mielves refponilble for the 
 quences. The only active intereit that I can perceive 
 againit it, confifts of thofe who have managed the public 
 trade and been intruded with the public monies for that pur- 
 pofe. They readily fore fee that a change will not only take 
 from them the public cafli, but likewife lead to an adjuti 
 of their accounts for paft tranfattions. 'Tis however generally 
 the fortune of an oppofition of this kind, to precipitate the 
 adoption of the meaiure it wifiies to avert ; for as every one 
 fufpeds that its motive is not found, and which is propor- 
 tionally increafed by the degree of zeal fhev/n, fo every one 
 feels an Intersil in defeating it. 
 
 I have endeavoured in my proportions to coniirie th?m en- 
 tirely to external objects, by fuggeiting fuch remedies as might 
 be adopted without any interference with the interior general 
 fyltem of France. By fo doing I hoped, that the injuries of 
 which we complain might be iooner redreifed and not 
 dependant on the great events which happen here. 
 
 I foon found, that the extraordinary expedient to which 
 this Republic had had recourfe, of excluding individuals from 
 trade and conducting it thernfelvcs, would require, in a .^reat 
 meafure, a correfpondent regulation on our part : For if the 
 oonduct of the public fervants, on the on- fide, \vas not in 
 ibme meafure fupervifed, and which it could, net be, bat by 
 public agents on die other, the impoutions which might be 
 pratifed on our improvident countrymen would be endlefs. 
 in every contcft between a public officer here, raid the citi- 
 ?f another country irr the purchafe of iupplics for the 
 
L 38 ] 
 
 Republic, or execution of a contract, the bias of the go- 
 vernment and of the people would be in favour of the for- 
 mer. The cenfulate, under the fuperintendance of the mi- 
 nifter, forms their natural bulwark, in the commercial line 
 ygainft impofitions of every kind. Indeed it is the only one 
 which can be provided for them. But to guard them againfl 
 thofe proceeding from the fource above defcribed, it mould 
 be organized with peculiar care. I was forry, therefore, 
 upon infpecting into our eftablifoment, to find, that whatever 
 might be its merits in other fituations, it was by no means 
 in general endowed with fufficient ftrength or vigour for the 
 prcfcnt crifis. American citizens alone can furnifh an ade- 
 quate protection to their countrymen. In the hands of a 
 Frenchman, or other foreigner, the confular functions lie 
 dormant. In every litigated cafe the former {brinks into the 
 citizen and trembles before the authority of his country ; and 
 the latter, especially if the fubject of one of the coalefced 
 powers, finds our commiflion only of fufficient force to 
 exempt him from the decree which would otherwife doom 
 him to a prifon. I annex, at the foet of this, a lift of our 
 confuls and confular agents, with a note of thofe who have 
 been actually under arreftation and confincm-ent, and by 
 which you will be better enabled to comprehend the juftice o 
 thefe remarks. 
 
 My fituation was, therefore, in every view, beyond meafure 
 nn erabarrafling one. But as there was no conful or agent of any 
 kind or country here, where the whole bufinefs was con- 
 centred, and every tranfaction clofed, it became on that 
 account infinitely more fo ; for I was in confequence not only 
 daily furrounded by many of my countrymen, complaining 
 of delays and injuries, and intreating my interceffion for 
 redrefs, but applied to by them from every quarter and upon 
 every difficulty. I could not fettle their accounts with the 
 departments, nor could I interfere in any other refpect hi 
 particular cafes, where there were more of the feme defcrip- 
 tion. I could not even go through the forms in the offices 
 which were neceflary to verify facts, and which, if true, 
 iurnifhed ground for complaint j nor could I demand redrefs 
 of the government upon any fuppofititious cafe, and which 
 every one muft be until verified. I remained thus for fomc 
 time in expectation of the arrival of Mr. Duvernat ; although 
 I was apprehenfive fuch an event, in confequence of the 
 general objection above dated, and the decree which applied 
 particularly to his cafe, inftead of affording relief, would 
 plunge me into a new embarralmicnt. But finding that he 
 
E 39 1 
 
 not arrived, and that I could make no progrefs In the 
 public bufmefs here, without the aid of a conful, I finally 
 nominated my fecretary, Mr. Skipwith, provifionally conful 
 
 for this cky, on the day of , and notified it to this 
 
 government, a copy of which and of the anfwer of the 
 commifTary of foreign affairs I herewith inclofe you. To him 
 I have fince affigned the interefting duty of developing and 
 demonftrating the caufe of thefe difficulties, by an appeal to 
 authentic fats ; and the better to enable him to perform 
 this fervice, I have inftrufted our confuls and agents ir?. 
 the feveral ports, to render him a ftatement of thofe within 
 their particular jurifdi&ions. Thus enlightened, he will 
 make a report upon the whole fubjecl: to me, and which I will 
 immediately lay before the committee of public fafety, in 
 illuftration of my former comments, and with fuch others as 
 may be found necefiary. 
 
 At prefent I can fay nothing decisively upon the fubjecl 
 of a general arrangement of the confulate. What I have faid 
 may furnifh fome hints that may be ufeful. But I wifh be- 
 fore any thing is definitively done in that refpecl:, to give you 
 the refult of my further remarks on it. Mr. Fenwick will be 
 here in a few days, and from whom I doubt not I mail derive 
 much ufeful information. In the interim Mr. Skipwith will 
 perform the duties of the office in which I have placed him, 
 But as he undertook it without the profpecl: of emolument in 
 the official line (for in truth the duties required of him are 
 not ftriclly confular, but novel and growing out of the emer- 
 gence of the time) and more from a regard for the public inte- 
 reft, and to accommodate me, than himfelf, although I was 
 thereby deprived of his fervices in the immediate ftation in 
 which he had accompanied me, yet I could net bereave him 
 of the appointment I had perfonally conferred, nor divert from 
 him the falary belonging to it. By permitting things to 
 ftand where they are for a few weeks longer, the public will 
 derive no detriment, and I {hall be able to acquire, and give, 
 fiich information as will enable you. to proceed with more pro- 
 priety afterwards -, a confideration which will induce me to 
 bear the inconvenience to which I (hall be perfonally fubjecl:- 
 ed, with pleafurc. 
 
 I found, upon my firft arrival, that I mould have much dif- 
 ficulty upon the fubjecl: of paflports. The jealoufy of this 
 government was immediately difcovered, withrefpecl to thofe 
 who, being fubjects of England, or any other of the coalefced 
 powers, had patted over to America fince our revolution, be- 
 come citizens of feme one of the ftates, and returned to their 
 
t 43 3 
 
 proper country, where they now refided. T t was fuggefled 
 to me, by the commifTary of foreign affairs, that if theie peo- 
 ple were covered by my paflports, I ihould immediately 
 fpreacl through France, in the armies, and in prefence of the 
 public councils, a holt of fpies, who would report the cir- 
 cum fiances of tha country to their enemies. It was iikewife 
 urged, that I had no right to do it; for although this defcrip- 
 tioii of perfons had acquired, for the time, the right of citizen- 
 iliip with us, yet they were more attached to other countries, 
 iiatc they refided, and had their property, there. I was Iike- 
 wife told of inftances wherein this privilege had been abufeel 
 by fuch perfons, two of whom were faid to be then confined 
 at Dunkirk, as fpies. The fubjecr, was, in point of principle, 
 cilHcult, and I was really embarrafTed how to .at in it, fo as 
 to fatisfy this government, and dojuftics to the parties con- 
 cerned , for, if citizens of America, it feemed difficult to dif- 
 tinguifh between fuch and any other citizens. And yet the 
 argument was equally ftrong on the other fide ; for, if the fub- 
 jecl: of another power, it was equally difficult to diflinguifh 
 between fuch and any other fubjecl; of the fame power, efpeci- 
 ally in this region, where the right of expatriation is gene- 
 rally denied. But in point of expedience, there was lefe 
 difficulty in the cafe. Citizenfhip is, in its nature, a local pri- 
 vilege. It implies a right within the government conferring 
 it. And if confiderations of this kind are to be regarded, I 
 can fee no reafon why it fhould not, in the prefcnt inflahee, 
 be conftrued flrictly : For, if a temporary emigrant, after avail- 
 ing himfelf of this benefit for a few years, and for the purpofes 
 of trade, in our indulgent country, chufes to abandon us, and 
 return from whence he came, why fhould we follow him on 
 this fide the Atlantic, to fuppbrt in his behalf a privilege 
 which can now only be claimed, at beft, for private, and per- 
 haps difhonourable purpofes ? Can any motive be urged of 
 fuffic'ient force to induce us to embark here in this kind of 
 controvery, at the hazard of our national character, and the 
 good will of the nation, believing itfelf injured by it ? Will 
 the refufal to grant paflports to fuch perfons check emigration 
 to our country? I am fatisfied it will not, of the kind that 
 merits encouragement ; for it will rarely happen that a fingle 
 member of that refpe&able lift of philofophers, artifts and 
 yeomen, who feek an afylum with us, from the troubled go- 
 vernments on this fide the Atlantic, will ever re-crofs it. 
 Thefe obfervations apply only to thofe who fettled with, and 
 abandoned, us fince the peace; for I confider thofe, be they of 
 oimtry they may, and fpeeially if of the Eritifh 
 
[ 4' 3 
 
 (who were, of courfc, in the common character of 
 Bridfh fubjec~b, equally members of our revolution) who 
 threw their fortunes into our fcale, as being as much Ame- 
 ricans as if they were born with us. After fome difcumou 
 with the commhTary on th fubjeft, it terminated by an ailur- 
 ance n my part, that I fhould be particularly cautius as to 
 fuch characters, and refufe my paffports to all of that defcrip- 
 tion (except in particular cafes of hardmip, and upon which 
 he mould be previoufly confulted) who were not actually 
 refident within the United States. This arrangement was 
 fatisfa&ory to the government, as you will perceive by the 
 commifTary's letters to me, copies of which are herewith 
 tranfmitted. I (hall, however, be happy to be infiructed by 
 you on that head. 
 
 The councils of this Republic ft ill continue to prefent to 
 view an interefting, but by no means an alarming, fpedlacle. 
 Inftances of animated debate, fevere crimination, and even of 
 vehement denunciation, fometimes take place ; but they have 
 hitherto evaporated without producing any ferious effecl. It 
 is obvious, that what is called the mountain party is rapidly 
 on the decline, and, equally fo, that if the oppoiite one acts 
 with wifdom and moderation, at the prefent crifis, it will not 
 only complete its overthrow, but deftroy the evidence (if pof- 
 fible in fociety) of all party whatever. The agitation which 
 now occafionally mews itfelf, proceeds from the prerTure of 
 this latter party on the mountaineers, and who in their de- 
 fence, fometiines make a kind of incurfive or offenfive warfare 
 upon their enemy; for having fince the fall of the Brifibtines, 
 wielded the councils of the nation, and been accuitomed to 
 a pretty liberal ufe of their authority over the remaining 
 members of that party, they bear, with pain, and not with- 
 out apprehenfion of danger, their prefent decline. The tone 
 of the difcuffion, therefore, frequently exhibits to view the 
 external of a violent controverfy between two rival parties, 
 nearly equally balanced, and which muft terminate, under 
 the preponderance of either, in the extirpation of the other. 
 $ut this I deem only the external afper., and upon confider- 
 ations, in my judgment the moil folid, I have obferved ge- 
 nerally, that the firft indications of warmth have proceeded 
 from the weaker party^ and from its lefs important members, 
 who occafionally break through the reftraint impofed on 
 them by their leaders; (if, when a force is broken and routed, 
 there can be any leader) and fally forth into extravagancies, 
 which provoke refentment, where they mould only endea- 
 -our to excite pity ; and whilft a different conduct is obferv- 
 
 G 
 
C 42 ]' 
 
 ed by the leaders themfelves: For neither Barrere, Billaue 
 c!e Varennes, nor Collet d'Hcrbois, ever take part in thefe 
 difcuflions, otherwife than to explain forne fevere perfonal 
 attack, and to which they confine their comments ftri&ly, 
 and with all iuitable refpecl: for their opponents. I obferve 
 it rarely happens, that any very diftinguifhed member in the 
 preponderating party takes fhare in thefe difcuflions , though 
 the field invites, and much might be faid with truth, and of 
 courfe with effect From thefe confederations I infer, not 
 only that the party of the plain has already acquired the 
 complete preponderancy; but.alfo, that its motive is rather 
 to fave the Republic, than to perfecute its enemies. There is, 
 likewife, fomething in the origin and fpirit of thefe debates, 
 \vliich authorizes a belief they portend nothing alarming; for 
 they generally proceed from a review of paft enormities, 
 which moil deny, and few jullify. But the fcene through 
 which they have paft, cannot always be covered with a veil; 
 on the contrary, it frequently breaks in upon their difcuflions, 
 and always excites, like the Ghoft of Hamlet, whenever it 
 appears, the horror of the innocent, and the terror of the 
 guilty, fp ecliators. The debates, therefore, which enfue, 
 though violent, are more of the exculpatory, than of the aflail- 
 ing and fanguinary, kind. Each party endeavours to vindi- 
 cate itlelf from the charges alledged againft it ; fometimes 
 by absolute denial, and at others, by a counter crimination of 
 its adverfary. Hitherto, the bufmefs has ended by a general 
 Reference of the depending motions to the committee of pub- 
 lic iafety, folely ; or to it, afibciated with the two other com- 
 mittees of general furety and legislation, and who have had 
 fufficient wifdom, either to keep up the fubjecl: 'till it-was for- 
 gotten, or to report fuch a general eifay upon the flate of 
 . the views of the coalefced powers, trade, finance and 
 the file, as always to obfcure, and fometimes to throw it en- 
 tirely out of view. 
 
 By this, however, I do not wifh to be underftood as inti- 
 mating, that in my opinion none of the members of the 
 Qonvention will in future be cut off. On the contrary I think 
 otherwife ; for it cannot be poflible that fome of thofe who 
 have perpetrated fuch enormities in their miflions in the fe- 
 'veral parts of the Republic, and particularly at Nantes, mould 
 efcape the juft-ice of their country. 
 
 In the movements of the prefent day, the Jacobin fociety 
 has, as heretofore, borne its part. The hiftory of this fo- 
 ciety, from its origin to the prefent time, is of importance to 
 mankind, and efpecially that portion upon which providence 
 
-C 43 3 
 
 .feas beftowed the blefnng of free government. It furniihes a 
 'leflbn equally inftructive to public functionaries and to private 
 citizens. I am not yet fully porTeflcd of the details, although 
 1 have endeavoured to acquire themj but the outline I think 
 I now underftand. In its hiftory, as in that of the revolu- 
 tion itfelf, there are obvioufiy two great eras^ The firft 
 commenced with the revolution and ended with the de- 
 pofition of the king. The fecond fills the fpace between that 
 event and the prefent day. The former- of thefe is flill fur- 
 .ther divifible into two parts, upon each of which diftmct 
 charafters are marked. The firft commenced with the revo- 
 lution and ended with the conftituent afiembly, or adoption 
 .of the conftitution. The fecond comprifes the adminiftra- 
 tion under the conftitution. During the firft cf thefe, the 
 Jacobin fociety was ccmpofed of almoft all the enemies to the 
 ancient defpotifm , for in general thofe who were friends or 
 the public liberty, and wifhed its eftabliihment under any 
 poilible modification, became at this tune members, and 
 attended the debates, of this fociety. But with the adoption 
 of the conftitution, many were fatisfied and left it. Alter 
 this, and during the fecond part of this era, it was compoiecl 
 only of the enemies to hereditary monarchy, comprifing the 
 members of the three fucce: ding parties, of Briilct, Danton 
 and Robefpierre. During the whole of the firit era, there- 
 fore, or until the depofition of the king, this fociety may be 
 considered as the cradle of the revolution, for moft certainly 
 the Republic would not have been eftablifhed without it. It 
 was the organ of the public fentiment and, by means of dii*- 
 cuffion and free criticifrn upon men and meafures, contributed 
 greatly to forward that important event. 
 
 But from that period and through the whole of the fecond 
 era, this fociety has ated a different part anJ merited a dif- 
 ferent character. The clergy, the nobility, and the royalty- 
 were gone ; the whole government was in the hands of the 
 people, and its whole force exerted againft the enemy. There 
 was, in fhort, nothing exifting in that hue which merit t d 
 reprehenfion, or with which the popular fentiment, virtuouily 
 inclined, could take offence. But it had already gained a weight 
 in the government, and which it had now neither fuificient 
 virtue nor inclination to abandon. From this period, therefore, 
 its movements were counter-revolutionary, and we behok) 
 the fame fociety, which was heretofore ib formidable to the 
 defpotifm, now brandiihing the fame weapon againft the le- 
 gitimate reprefentation of the people. 
 
C 44 3 
 
 Its fubfequertt ftaiy is neither complicated ncVr rariouis. As 
 the revolution was complete, fo far as depended on the interior 
 order of things, it had no fervice of that kind to render, nor 
 pretext to colour its movements. It was reduced to the 
 alternative of either withdrawing from the ftage, or taking 
 part in the ordinary internal adminiftraticn, and which it 
 could not do otherwife than by becoming an inftrurnent in 
 the hands of fome one of the parties again il the other. This 
 itation, therefore, it immediately occupied and has fmce field 
 it to the prefent time. It became the creature of Robefpierre 
 and under his direction the principal agent in all thofe atro- 
 cities which have ftained this ftage of the revolution. It was 
 by means of this fociety that he fucceeded in cutting off the 
 members of the two fucceeding parties of Brifibt and Dan- 
 ton, and had finally well nigh ruined the Republic itfelf. 
 
 It is an interefting fact, and very deferving of attention, 
 that in the more early and latter ftages of this fociety, the 
 beft men of France were feeking an admittance into it, but 
 from very different motives. In the commencement and un- 
 til the eftablifhment of the Republic, it was reforted to by 
 them for the purpofe of promoting that great event. But in 
 the latter ftage and until the fall of Robefpierre, it was 
 rdcrted to by them merely as a (belter from danger. Vir- 
 tue and talents, with every other great and noble endowment, 
 were odious in the fight of that monfter, and were of courfe 
 the object of his perfecution. Nor was any man of indepen- 
 dent ipirit, polTelfmg them, fecure from his wrath. The 
 Jacobin fociety could alone furnim any kind of protection, 
 and to this circumftance it was owing, that many deferving 
 characters were feen there, apparently countenancing mea- 
 fures which in their fouls they abhorred. It is therefore only 
 juflice, that the prefent preponderating party in France, and 
 the world at large, fhculd now look with indulgence, srrd rrt- 
 decd with forgivenefs, upon the conduct of many of thofe 
 who feemed at the time to abet his enormities. Unfortunate- 
 ly for them and for their country, their prefence fecured only 
 a perfonal exemption from danger : The preponderating in- 
 fluence had long been in the hands of thofe of a different 
 description. 
 
 In he kft fcene which was acted by Robefpierre, arid in 
 which he placed himfelf at the ccmmune in open rebellion 
 againft th- Convention, 'tis faid that this fociety arranged 
 itfelf under his banner againft that aflembly. But after his 
 fall, and which was inftantaneous, it immediately endeavour*, 
 ed to repair die error of this flep, by charging it upon fomc, 
 
2JI7BR 
 
 I 45 ] 
 
 were admitted to be bad members, and others who were 
 faid to have forced themfelves, at that tumultuous moment, 
 tinlicenfed into the fociety, and who were not members at all, 
 It even went into high crimination of Robefpierre himfelf. 
 But the principles of the controverfy were too deeply rooted 
 in the minds of all to be fofuddenly eradicated. It was obvious 
 that a crifis had arrived which mult eventually fettle the point, 
 whether the Convention or this fociety fhould govern France, 
 and equally fo, that the public mind was, and perhaps long 
 had been, decifively fettled in favor of the former. As the 
 cataftrophe was approaching, this fociety, as heretofore, ufeJ, 
 fit one time, an elevated or commanding tone, and at others, 
 an humilating one. But the convention acted with equal 
 dignity throughout. Whether it contemplated to ftrike at 
 its exiftence, by an overt act, or to feek its overthrow by 
 contrafting the wifdom, the juftice and magnanimity of its 
 own preferrt conduct, with the paft and recent enormities of 
 this fcciety, is uncertain. The leading members of the pre- 
 ponderating party feemed doubtful upon this point. But, 
 finally, the rafh and outrageous extremities of the fociety, 
 which was fecretly exciting commotions through the country, 
 forced the convention into more deciiive meafures. By its 
 order, the fecretary of the fociety at Paris was arrefled, and 
 all the deputies from thofe aflbciated v/ith it through France, 
 and who had arrived to deliberate upon the ftate of their 
 affairs, were driven from the city, under a decree which ex- 
 empted none, not inhabitants of Paris, except our country- 
 men. Of all France, Marfeilles was the only diftrict, m 
 which its efforts produced any effect. A fmall commotion, 
 excited there, was immediately quelled by the ordinary police, 
 and who, after making an example of the leaders, reported 
 it to the convention. 
 
 What further meafures may be adopted by the convention, 
 in regard to this fociety, is uncertain : The fubject is now un- 
 der difcuffion, and I mall, I prefume, be able in my next, to 
 give you the refult. 
 
 The fame fuccefs continues to attend the arms of the Re- 
 public, and in every quarter. They have taken, fmce my 
 laft, m the north, Julieis, Aix-la-chapelle, Cologne and 
 Bois-le-duc-, and in the fo'uth, Bellegarde, with immenfe ft ores 
 of cannon, provifion, &c. in each, and particularly in Julierr, 
 and Bois-le-duc ; at both of which latter places, a general 
 action was hazarded by the oppofite generals, and in which 
 they were routed with great lofs. It is faid, indeed, that 
 the action which atchieved Juliers, was among the moft im- 
 
,$crtant of the prefent campaign, fince they confider it as de- 
 ciding, eventually, the fate of Maeftricht, Bergen-op-zoom, 
 and of Holland itfelf. Maeftricht is now clofely inverted, and 
 muft fall in the courfe of a few weeks, fmce the Auftrian 
 general has obvioufly abandoned it to its fate. Holland muft 
 fall immediately afterwards ; for there is, in truth, nothing to 
 prevent it. Indeed I think it probable, they will, previ- 
 oully, detach twenty or thirty thoufand men, to take poflet- 
 fion of it ; for it. is generally believed, it may be eafily accom- 
 .plifhed. 
 
 What effect thefe events may produce in England, k is 
 difficult for me to fay. That AuRria, Pruffia and Spain have 
 been for feme time paft wearied with the war, and have 
 wifhed to withdraw from it, is certain. That they will with- 
 draw from it foon., is more than probable, and upon the 
 beft terms they can get. England, therefore, will have tp 
 maintain the conteft alone; for Holland will be conquered and 
 fubjecl: to the will of the conquer ors. This, however, is not 
 the only danger which impends ever her. Denmark and 
 Sweden,* offended at the unlawful restraint impofed by her 
 on their trade, in the arbitrary rule of contraband, have, for 
 near three months paft, united their fleet, to the amount of 
 about thirty fail, for the purpofe of vindicating their rights,: 
 and Spain, equally unfriendly, and irritated with that power, 
 has, I have reafon to believe, ferious thoughts, not only of 
 abandoning the war, but of acceding to this combination. 
 The lapfe of a' few weeks, however, will, no doubt, unfol^ 
 thefe fubjecls more fully to view. 
 
 Parif, 2oth Fruftidir, 2d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (September 6th> 1794.^ 
 
 ^The ComimJJary of Foreign Affairs to the Minifter Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States of America. 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 I HAVE received the letter which you a 
 -me, concerning the demand which has been made to you by 
 r the family of Bingham, to obtain paflports, in quality ol* 
 -American citizens. 
 
 * It is a fad), tint thsfs potvers cor.fi.iere'.l themfclves is forfaken bf 
 America. 
 
C 47 J 
 
 I applaud the more the cireumfpeclion which you- think it 
 your duty to obferve, in regard to thole travellers, \vho have 
 the' twofold character of American citizens and Englifh fub- 
 jcts; becaufe I recollect, that feveral of them have abufec?: 
 the regard which the republic has for its allies, and have en- 
 tertained, with the Englifh government, connections the molt 
 reprehenfible. Convinced that the United States are far 
 from wifhing to protect fuch citizens, I think they will equally, 
 approve, with ourfelves, the repugnance which you mew to 
 grant them pafTports. 
 
 ' As for the relt, the laws of your country, have, without 
 doubt, determined this queftion, fo important in the actual 
 ftate of affairs. To confider it on.ly under the general rela- 
 tion of the rights of nations, it appears, that, with the excep- 
 tion of merchants, and political and commercial agents, the 
 'dbmicil and not the property of feme land, ought to decide the 
 quality of an American citizen. It is known, that a great 
 number of Englifh, Dutch and French people have purchafed 
 lands in America, without redding there, and it would pro- 
 duce a great inconvenience, if, on that account alone, they 
 were confidered as citizens of the United States. 
 
 The family of Bingham, having refided five years in 
 France, it ought to be fufficiently known, in its municipality, 
 to obtain paflports in the ordinary way. The law does not 
 permit me to grant them to any but the exterior agents of 
 the Republic, and to the envoys of foreign powers.* 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 BUCHOt. 
 
 * Mr. Bir.gham had been an officer in lord Rawdcn's corps, in the courfe 
 ftf our war, b:;t had, after its dole, as appeared by the declaration of an 
 American, refi led forfbme fhort time in Jerfey, of which ft te this Ame- 
 rjc.<n thought him a citizen. For the five laft years paft, he had -d welt ia 
 Frj'.i-ce lender thefe circumflances, and efpec'ally as the prcot of hip 
 being a citizen of the United States, was not ptfitive, th'oueli ftror,ly pre- 
 lumptive, Mr. Monroe wilhed Mr Ringham to obtain a pjfTport from tlie 
 French gcvcrrnric:::, and not from himfelf, and lor liiat PL: ^ofe add reflect 
 the miniftcr a fliort note oil the fubject, to which this, ana ihc - tbllowing, 
 *etter wereanfwers. 
 
E 4* 3 
 
 Paris * 28/7; Fruftidor, ind Tear of the Repx\jfcc 9 
 
 (September iqth, 1794.^ 
 
 The Commiffary of Foreign Affairs, to the Minifter Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States of America. 
 
 THOUGH the teftimony of friendmip and attachment whjcjjt, 
 the government and citizens of the United States have con- 
 ftantly given to the French Republic will not permit us 
 to doubt of their difpofition towards us, yet there is reafon to 
 fear, that fome individuals have abufed the confidence whicfr 
 fp happily fubfifts between the two nations, by entertaining^ 
 with our moil inveterate enemies, connections very injurious 
 to the fuccefs of the Republic. The twofold character of 
 American citizen and Englifh fubjet, with which many tra- 
 vellers are clothed, will be, above all, and probably has been, 
 very favourable to the treafons which the minifter of Great 
 Britain endeavours to multiply in France. I have caufe to 
 believe, after this, that you will obferve, with the utmoft 
 ftri&nefs, not to grant paflports or certificates of American: 
 citizenfhjp, but to thofe who have their domicil in America, 
 and who, by their civifm, appear to you worthy of belonging 
 to the United States. You will, doubtlefs, concur with us 
 in opinion, that an American cannot confpire againft liberty, 
 without confpiring againft his own country, which was its 
 cradle. 
 
 The referve, with which American paflports are expedited, 
 will become a new motive for granting to thofe who fhall ob- 
 tain them, the high degree of protection which is their due* 
 
 I take this occafion to inform you, that by an arrete of the 
 committee of public fafety, all paflports for foreign countries 
 muft be prefented to that committee, before they can be legal- 
 ized by the commiflion of foreign affairs. I pray you, there- 
 fore, to addrefs to that committee the bearer of fuch paflportSj 
 in all cafes, before application is made for this legalization to 
 my department. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 BUCHOT. 
 
4 } 
 
 Mmijter Plenipotentiary of tfo United St'atss c 
 to the fymrmfary ?f F^ign -Relations. 
 
 ify September 22W, 1794. 
 
 I HAVE this moment received the inclofed memorial from, 
 die mafters of two American venels ; the Mary, commanded 
 by Henry Preble, and the Severn, by Jared Goodrich, who 
 tfere boarded at fea by the Proferpine, frigate of the Repub- 
 lic-, and all the parfengers taken from the one veiTel, and the 
 other, with her cargo and pafTengers, brought into Breft, 
 wftere they are how detained. As theie cafes form like de- 
 partures from the treaty of amity and commerce, between the 
 two Republics, and are, in that refpet, analogous with 
 tshafe complained of in my note, lately prefented to the com- 
 mittee of public fafety, I have thought it rny duty, as con- 
 nected with that fubje<t, to bring them immediately before 
 the fame depaYtment. Independently cf the propriety of ac- - 
 commodating the principle to the wiihes of my country, and 
 which I earneflly hope, for the common interefts of both 
 Republics, will be foon dene, I preiume the embarraiiment 
 pf virtuous men, and good patriots, as is the cafe in the pre- 
 fent inftance, will be an additional motive for their immedi- 
 ate enlargement. 
 
 I^r. l&$nrit Sq iks GfjfijniJJary cf Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris, September* J 794- 
 
 Mr predecefibr Mr. Morris, finding it impoffible to pro- 
 cure- a- veffel to embark his baggage and fail for fome weeks 
 yet to come, wiihes to employ that time in an excurfion into 
 Switzerland, and has requefted me to obtain, for him, a 
 
 tfFport-for that purpofe. The better, however, to explain to 
 u his wrfhes, I have enclofed a copy of his letter to me on 
 it fubjec!^ Perhaps, it may be more conformable to the 
 courfe of proceeding in fuch cafes, that it mould be granted, 
 in the prefent inftance, by the committee of public fafety. But; 
 in either cafe, Iprefume, it will be more agreeable to him, 
 as it likewife would be to me, that their approbation of the 
 rrreafure fhould be previoufly obtained. I have, therefore, 
 to requeft, citizen, that you will be ib obliging, as to make 
 fenown to.thatbpdy his wifhes, and obtain their fanction, 
 
 H 
 
I 5 j 
 
 The Gvmmijfary of' Foreign Affairs, to the Minifter P<fenipatenti*~ 
 ary of tbs. United States of America. 
 
 Paris y ifl Vendemiaire^ yd Tear of the Republic. 
 
 ( 'September 23^, 1794.^ 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 I HAVE tranfmitted to the committee of public fafety, 
 the letter by which your predeceflbr demands a paflport, for 
 a journey into Switzerland. In any other ftate of affairs, 
 the journey which he propofes to make before his departure 
 for America* would not be an objet of the leaft difcuflion \ 
 but, at this time, many important confiderations occur, which 
 make this voyage inconvenient, and it were to be wifhed, 
 that the citizen Morris would poflpone it to another epoch. 
 I know not, however, what will be the decifion of the com- 
 mittee of public fafety, upon this fubject. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 BUCHOTV 
 
 From Mr. Monroe, to the Commiffary of Exterior Relations 
 
 Paris, September *794 
 
 COMMISSARY, 
 
 A SHORT experience has already demonftrated the in- 
 tereft which my country has in the appointment of fome per- 
 fon here, known to your government and refponfible to ours,. 
 to take charge of the affairs of its citizens in the commercial 
 line. This confideration has induced me to appoint, provi- 
 fionally, Fulwar Skipwith, heretofore fecretary of legation, to 
 the office of conful for the department of Paris, and who 
 will take on himfelf, and difcharge the duties properly be- 
 longing thereto, until the fenfe of our government {hall be 
 known on the fubjeft. I have, therefore, to requeft you 
 will be fo obliging as to caufe this to be communicated to,. 
 the feveral departments of your government, in fuch manner- 
 that he may be known and refpedled as fuch. 
 
C 5' 3 
 
 Commiffary of Foreign Relations, to the Minj/ler Plenipo- 
 tentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, ift Vendemiaire> %d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (September 23^, 1794.^ 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 I HAVE received the letter by which you inform 
 me, that you have nominated Mr. Skipwith, provifionally, to 
 the office of conful for the department of Paris, and I have 
 written, in confequence, to the committee of public fafety, 
 to requeft, that the exequatur of his commiffion may be grant- 
 ed. The political principles and talents of Mr. Skipwith are 
 fo favourably known here, that the choice you have made 
 cannot otherwife than be a very agreeable ene to the govern- 
 ment of this Republic. Befides, the numerous affairs which 
 your countrymen have .to difcufs at Paris have proved, for a 
 long time paft, the necefEty of confiding their interefts to a 
 commercial agent, who fhould be.fpeciaUy charged with this 
 detail. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 BUCHOT. 
 
 Commiffary of Foreign Affair^ to ihe Minifler -Plenipoten- 
 tiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, ind Vendetmaire, ^d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (September 24^, 1794.^ 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 AFTER an explanation which the Secretary of your 
 predeceflbr has given to me, it appears, that the citizen Mor- 
 ris propofes to return to America by the way of Switzerland, 
 and that he has renounced the project of returning to France, 
 to embark at Havre. As he ought to be entirely free to take, 
 in his return to America, the rout which he prefers, there 
 can be no further difcuffion upon die paflport which he de- 
 mands. I am ready, therefore, to legalize that which you 
 think proper to grant him, 
 
[ * 3 
 
 As to the e&fe&s which your preckfcdfor dcfires to embark 
 ?,t Havre, I invite you to fend a detailed account of them to 
 the co-mrrriiTion of commerce, which will give aH the facili- 
 ties neceffary for. their exportation. 
 
 (Signed). 
 
 BUCHOT. 
 
 The Ccmmiffary sf Fcreiga Rtltitidrts.y to tkt M&afikr Plenipd* 
 
 tenliary 'of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, 6th Vendcvziairey $d Tear of the Republic* 
 (September. 
 
 Ml.NIST.ES, 
 
 I HAVE received 'your letter of the firft inftafttj t^' 
 which you fend me the memorial of t wo American captains;, 
 whofe veffels were feized by a frigate of the Republic. 1 
 tranfmitted, immediately, their reclarnations.to the committee 
 't)f public fafety, whofe decifion will, I doubt not, be equal- 
 ly fatisfa&ory; to your government, and the parties, interefted. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 BUCHOT. 
 
 The doihmiffciry of- "Foreign Rtfotwis, to the Mimjler Pknrp&~ 
 tentiary of 'the United States of A-mcrita. 
 
 Parts y i6th encUmaire y %d Tear cf the Republic. 
 
 (Qfiober %th, 1794.^ 
 
 I HAVE received an unfwer frjom the commiflion of 
 marine and colonies, to the demand you made, and which I 
 tranfmitted them, concerning the reftitution of the American 
 ihip, the Severn, the enlargement of the paffengers who were 
 embarked on that iriip, as, likewife, thofe who were on board 
 the ihip Mary. ,You will perceive, by the copy of this an- 
 L\. jr, which I haften to communicate to you, that your dc^ 
 nvand upon thefe objeds. is fent to the committee of public 
 
 for its decifion. 
 
 .'Signed) BUCHOT. 
 
L & J 
 
 Gommiffton of Marine end Cibaies, to the Cwmijfary sf 
 Foreign Relations. 
 
 Paris, l-$tk Vwtdtmifirej ^d Tear of it? 
 
 CITIZEN, 
 
 I HAVE received your letter cf the third of this rn 
 with a copy of one from the mimftcr plenipotentiary of the 
 United States, by which he demands the releafe of the Ameri- 
 can fhip, The Severn, taken by the Proferpine, frigate of the 
 Republic, and likewife the difcharge of paffengers, who were 
 on board that (hip, as well as of thofe who were on board the 
 "(hip Mary, another American veifel, taken by the fame fri- 
 gate, but which was releaftd. 
 
 The commrffio.n haitens to do every thing in its power, to 
 increafe the gcod underftand ing which ought to reign betweea 
 two friendly nations, by fubmittiug this affair to the commit- 
 tee of public fa'fety, and it engages to communicate the re- 
 'fult to die minifter plenipotentiary of the United States, as 
 foon as obtained. 
 
 From the'Sweteryof Si ate to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 hij, July $Qth, 1704, 
 
 I HAVE applied to Mr. Fauchct for the adjuflmentcf 
 the fifteen thoufand dollars, voted by Congrel^, for the re- 
 lief of the St. Dcmingo people. His anfwer is not yet receiv- 
 ed, although I can be at no lets to anticipate -it-: For I recol- 
 kcfc, when htf fir ft came, he felt uneafy, that Congrefs Ciould 
 be granting (as he called it) French money, againft tlie will 
 of the Republic ; and even after I had preiled upon hrai the 
 obligation of his' government to iupport its indigent citizens;- 
 the heavy -tax which thefe unhappy fugitives had been upon 
 us, and the impoilibiiity of feeing them ftaryein cur country, 
 no other impreifion \vaimadeupon him, than to narrow his 
 objection to the diiburfenient of French money for die fup- 
 port of ariitocrats as well as democrats. You will, there- 
 fore, proceed to bring this article immediately into view; and & 
 it is fhort in its principle, fo will it be fufficient for us to obtain 
 fhort decree, that fuch parts of the fifteen thoufand dollars 
 
t <T4 J 
 
 as may have been expended upon the fuccour of the indigent 
 inhabitants pf St. Domingo, who took refuge here after the 
 difailers of the Cape, be credited to the United States, in 
 their account 'with the French Republic. 
 
 We have heard with regret, that feveral or" our citizens 
 have been thrown into prifon in France, from 3 fufpicion of 
 criminal attempts againil the government. If they are guilty, 
 we are extremely forry for it ; if innocent, we muft protect 
 them. It is the defire, therefore, of the Prefident, that you 
 $iould, without delay, collecl: intelligence of every Ameri* 
 can citizen under confinement, and of his cafe; and whatlbever 
 ought and can be done, to do promptly and decifively ; taking 
 care to fee that your path is clear, and affording no pretext 
 for being charged with demands againft the law of nations. 
 Among thefe perfons, are Archibald Hunter and Shubael 
 Allen ; concerning both of whom papers are enclofed, and 
 who ought to be immediately affifted, as far as may be right ; 
 ilnce their fuff^rings are known. I confign them to your ear- 
 licit attention and warmed activity* 
 
 Mr. Macarty, whofe letter is enclofed, has been lately 
 appointed conful for the United States, in the Ifle of France, 
 from whence he dates. The circumliances which he relates 
 are ferious and important; and it is wifhed, that you lofe no 
 time in having every thing rectified and compenfated, as to 
 pafl inftances, and to prevent a repetition of future. 
 
 The enclofed letter, from one Binard, of Brefl, fpeaks of his 
 having been appointed vice conful of the United States there, 
 by Mr. Burrall Carnes, our late eonful at Nantes. In this he 
 is miflaken, as Mr. Carnes had no right to appoint a vice 
 conful under himfelf, and probably went no farther than to 
 conftitute hiirran agent, as confuls may lawfully do. Mr. 
 Dobree, having fucceeded Mr. Carnes, will probably take 
 fimilar meafures with refpeft to an agent ; but it is defirable, 
 that you fhould immediately examine this matter well, and 
 caufe to be done, what (hall appear beneficial to our trade. 
 
 If a vice conful mould appear to be really neceflary, you 
 will inform me by the firft opportunity. 
 
 Mv.'-G. Morris having recommended Mr. Francis CorTyn, 
 to be our conful at Dunkirk, a temporary commiflion is fent 
 to him, and will be fubmitted to the fenate for renewal ; un- 
 lefs from a view of all circumftances relative to his fituation 
 (he being underftood to be now in confinement for fome caufe 
 er other) you fliould think it improper, that he fhould be 
 employed in the fervice of the United States. 
 
C 55 J 
 
 Mr. G. Morris, will have probably communicated to 
 you the fteps which he has lately taken, to accomplilh a peace 
 with Algiers, and the liberation of our fellow-citizens in cap- 
 tivity. But left he may have accidentally omitted to mentiou 
 them, I forward a copy of his letter, which defcribes his mea- 
 fures. As he had received no particular powers upon this 
 head, and is not minute in that letter, as to the inftruclions 
 whicn he has given, we are left to conjecture what courfe 
 has been purfued. You will, therefore, inform the proper 
 authority, that the Prefident learns with great fatisfacfcion, 
 the new teftimony given by the French Republic of attach- 
 ment to the interefts of the United States , not doubting, at 
 the fame time, that it muft prove beneficial to the fupplies of 
 France, from hence : That the powers, derived from . Mr. 
 Morris, to the agent who was to accompany, on our part, the 
 French commiilioner, though they are as yet unknown to us* 
 have, no doubt, been judicious, and the ats in conformity 
 with thofe powers will be confirmed, if they mall be found to 
 come within the fpirit of the plan hitherto adopted : That Co- 
 lonel Humphreys, our minifler at Lifbon, has been long ago 
 fpecially appointed to this bufmefs ; poflefles a full knowledge 
 of our views and our means, and has been particularly con- 
 verfant in our attempts for peace with Algiers : That he will, 
 if he mould think it neceflary, inftrucl: the agent appointed 
 by Mr. Morris : That we truft the aufpices of the French Re- 
 public will be continued to the efforts under the guidance of 
 Colonel Humphreys j and that as an evidence of our confi-* 
 dence in the French government, you are empowered, if you 
 conceive it to be advifeable, to impart the terms upon which 
 we expect to buy peace ; but the circumflances .and confe-r 
 quences of fuch communication are to be well weighed be- 
 fore it be made. 
 
 The cafes of fpoliation and vexation from the French cruif- 
 crs on our trade I again moft earneftly recommend to your 
 anxious attention. Mr. Fauchet has promifed to forward a 
 recommendation of them to his government. You will do 
 well to prefs the principle without delay ; and, if doubts are 
 entertained as to fab, put the fubjeb into a train for the 
 moft early decifion. The French Republic will furely nevt r 
 fuffer us to be plundered by their citizens ; and that we have 
 greatly fuffered by their plundering the papers accompanying 
 Uiis letter, if they be true, manifeft. We are no lefs difturb- 
 <jd at the conduct concerning the embargo at Bourdeaux. If 
 the account brought hither lately by one of the captains who. 
 were detained there, be genuine, the promife of compenfa- 
 
C S J 
 
 teon has been illufory only. You are, therefore, again charg- 
 ed, to make this alfo your fpecial and immediate bufmefs ; 
 and to prefs the rights of our citizens in a manner which in- 
 dicates, that" we cannot wave the juftice due to us. In fhort, 
 Sir, it is the exprefs inftruction of the Prefident, that 
 you diligently enquire into every inconvenience, to which 
 our trade has beevi fubje&ed ; and to remonftrate ftrongly 
 upon them, and reprefent the fa&s to us fully and minutely. 
 Had not Mr. Morris fo ftrenuoufly prerTed the affair of the 
 ihip Laurens of Charleflon, which is committed to your 
 care, I \vould here repeat all the eircumftances. But thefe 
 may be obtained as well from, Mr. Morris as from the French 
 archives. The decrees upon which the conduct of the French 
 Republic was founded, in this cafe, which I note particularly 
 on account of thofe decrees, have alfo been remonftrated 
 againft by Mr. Morris ; and I queftion whether much mat- 
 ter can be added to his obfervations. But fuch of thofe de- 
 crees as tend to the condemnation of the Laurens are grofs 
 violations of our rights. You, no doubt, will have refumed; 
 .-his fubjeft, immediately on your arrival ; and you are at. 
 liberty to fpeak in a firm and decifive tone, taking care to 
 avoid offence, or in any degree to weaken the frrendfhip be- 
 tween the two countries. As you carried with you a ftate- 
 nient from this department/relative to the fpoliations of our 
 trade, and copies of Mr. Fauchet's letters refpe&ing them, -I 
 do not repeat them here. But thefe will affiit you in the de- 
 mands which you are to make on the French government. 
 
 I am, sV. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 [ No. V. 5 
 FROM Mr. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STA-TE. 
 
 Paris, Novemb&r jth y 1794. 
 
 I HAVE been favoured with yours of the 3<>th July, 
 origialaad duplicate, and had the pieatfure to receive then*. 
 unopc* 
 
( 57 J 
 
 In my two laft letters, which were of the i5th September^ 
 
 d 1 6th O&ober, I informed you of the feveral fubje&s 
 which I .had brought before the committee of public fafety, as. 
 alfo of the ill-fuccefs which had attended my efforts to obtain 
 an anfwer upon any one ; and I am forry to be under the ne- 
 ceflity now to add, that although I have preffed a decifion 
 with the utmoft poflibJe zeal, yet } have not been able to ac- 
 cofriplim the object. 
 
 Being wearied with the delay, I notified to the committee 
 foon after the date of my laft letter to you, that I fliould be 
 glad to confer \vith them, or feme few members, on the fub- 
 jecl: ; provided it comported with their rules in fuch cafes, 
 and would otherwife be agreeable. The proportion was im- 
 mediately affented to, and the evening of the fame day ap- 
 pointed for the interview. I attended in their chamber \ we 
 had fome difcufiion, and which ended in a requeft, on their 
 part, that I would prefeut in writing the fum of what I had 
 laid, or wimed to fay, either on the points depending, or any 
 others I might find neceffary to bring before them, and which 
 I readily pTromifed to do. 
 
 By this time I had obtained from Mr, Skipwith a ccmpre- 
 Jienfive ftatement of the embarraffments attending our trade 
 here ; as well thofe which proceeded from the cruizers of the 
 Republic, and applied to what was deftined or cleared out for 
 foreign countries, as thofe which proceeded from the com- 
 mercial fyftem of France and applied to the direct commerce 
 }>etween the two Republics. As his report to me fpecified 
 pot only each particular caufe of complaint, but likewife fur- 
 nifhed fas to fupport them, I thought it beft to make that 
 jfeport the bafis of this my fecond communication on that 
 head. I accordingly laid it before the committee, with fuch 
 comments as appeared to me fuitable : and I now tranfmit to 
 you a copy of it, that you may be apprized how fully the 
 iubjecl is before them. I was affured that it exhibited a pic- 
 ture which mocked them ; for thefe evils, progrefling with the 
 courfe of their own affairs, were long accumulating, and 
 had probably attained a height of which they had no concep- 
 tion. 
 
 As I had reafqn to fufpect, that the chief oppofition pro- 
 ceeded from thofe who conducted the public trade, and who 
 were attached to that mode, from motives not the moft pa- 
 triotic, I thought it proper to examine the question ; whether 
 it were beft for the Republic to encourage the competition 
 of individuals in neutral countries, for the fupply of its mar-: 
 Vets or depend on agencies employed in or fent to thofe 
 
( 5$ ) 
 
 countries for that purpofe. This fubjeft had been incidental- 
 ly touched in my firft note; but I thought feme benefit might* 
 be derived from a more thorough developement of it. With 
 this view I fent in, at the fame time, the paper entitled, 
 " Supplemental obicrvations on. the American commerce." 
 
 I felt extremely embarr ailed how to touch again their in- 
 fringment of the treaty of commerce-, whetlfer to call on them 
 to execute it, or leave that queftipn on the ground on which 
 I had firil placed it. You defired me in your laft, to conteft 
 with them the principle, but yet this did not amount to an 
 inlhruclion, nor even convey your idea, that it would be ad- 
 vifable to demand of them the execution of thofe articles^ 
 Upon full confid'eration, therefore, I concluded that it was 
 the moil fafe and found policy to leave this point where it was 
 before, and in which I was the more confirmed by fome cir- 
 cumftances that were afterwards difclofed. 
 
 The day after this laft communication was prefented, I re- 
 ceived a letter from the committee a Muring me, that the fub- 
 jeft engroiTed their entire attention, and that an anfwer fhould 
 be given me as foon as pomble ; and a few days after this, I 
 was favoured with another, inviting me to a conference at 
 12, the next day. I attended and found only the three mem- 
 bers of the diplomatic branch of the committee prefent, Mer- 
 lin de Douay, Thuriot and Treilhard. I Merlin commenced 
 by obferving, that I had advifed and preffed them to execute 
 the 23d and 24th articles of the treaty of amity and com- 
 merce : That they were perfuaded their compliance would 
 be ufeful to us, but very detrimental to them : It-would like- 
 wife be djffreffing for Frenchmen to fee Britiih goods pro- 
 tecled by our flag, whiifl it gave no protection to theirs; and> 
 after making other comments, he finally came to this point r 
 " Do you iniift upon our executing the treaty ?" I replied, I 
 had nothing new to add to what I had already faid on that 
 head. Treilhard feemed furprifed at the reply, and exprefled 
 a \viih that I would declare myfelf frankly on the fubje6l. I 
 told him I was furprized at his remark, fince I had not only 
 declared myfelf frankly, but liberally. We then pafled from 
 the point of demand to a more general difcuflion of the poli- 
 cy in France to execute the treaty, and in which I urged, that 
 if (lie confidered her own intereft only, fhe ought not to hefi- 
 tatc, fince it gave her the command of neutral bottoms, and, 
 under the protection of their own flag, to fupply her wants ; 
 with other confiderations which had been before prefTed in 
 my notes that were before them. I was, however, brought 
 back twice again to the queition : *f Do you infill upon or 
 
( 5-9 ) 
 
 Demand it ?" I found that a pofitive and formal declaration GW 
 this point was the fole objec~l of the interview , and as I per- 
 ceived that fomefching was intended to be founded on it, either 
 now or hereafter, if given in the affirmative, I was the more 
 refolved to avoid it, and to adhere to the ground I had alrea- 
 dy taken. I therefore repeated my declaration, and in the 
 mofl explicit terms, that I was not tnftrucled by the Prefi- 
 tlent to infill on it, nor did I infill on it ; that their compli- 
 ance would certainly be highly beneficial to my country, but 
 that in my obfervations I had confidered the propofition mere- 
 -Jy in relation to Franoe, and wifhed-them to do the fame, 
 iince 1 was fatisfied that the true intereft of France dictated 
 the meafure. They all exprefled an attachment to us, fpoke 
 much of the difficulty of their fituation, and of the peculiar 
 delicacy in adopting, in the prefent ilate of the public mind, 
 any meafure which might be conilrued as eventually favouring 
 .England ; and thus the conference ended. 
 
 In revolving the fubjecl: over fince, I have been doubtful 
 whether the folicitude (hewn to draw from me a decifive 
 anfwer to the qu eft ion : " Whether I infifled, or demanded 
 of them to execute the articles of the treaty," was merely 
 intended as the balls of their own at, complying with it, and a 
 juftification for themfelves in fo doing, or as a ground to call 
 on us hereafter, in the profecution of the war againft En- 
 gland, to fulfil the guarantee. I was, at the moment of the 
 difcuffion in the committee, of the latter opinion ; but I muft 
 confefs, upon a more general view of all eircumflances that 
 have panned under my obfervation fince my arrival, that I am 
 at prefent inclined to be of the former. ' I rather think, as 
 there is an oppofition to the meafure, and it would commence 
 an important change in their fyilem, and might aifo be con- 
 ilrued into a partiality for England ( a nation by no means in 
 favour here) that the dread of -denunciation in the courfe 
 of events fuggefted it. Be this as it mav, I am perfectly fa- 
 tisfied it would be impolitic to demand it ; fince the refuiai 
 would weaken the connection between the two countries, and 
 the compliance, upon that motive, might perhaps not only pro- 
 duce the fame effect:, but likewife excite a difpofition to prefs 
 us on other points, upon which it were better to avoid any 
 difcuffion. I hope, however, foon to obtain an anfwer, and 
 a favourable one. If the fubject was before the convention in 
 the light it (lands before the committee, I am convinced it 
 would long fince have been the cafe: But it is difficult to 
 get it there; for if I carried it there myfclf, it would be deem- 
 ed a kind of denunciation of the committee. Yeftenfoy there 
 
a change of feveral of the members of that 
 which I deem, from my knowledge of thofe elected, Favour- 
 able to our views. Be aflured, that I fhall continue to prefs 
 this bufinefs with all fuitable energy, and in the mode that 
 (hall appear to me moft eligible ; and, in the interim, that I 
 will do every thing in my power to prevent abufes under the 
 exifting fyftem. 
 
 Upon the fubject of the fifteen thoufand dollars, advanced 
 for the emigrants from St. Domingo, I have made no formal 
 'demand, becaufe I wifhed the other points, which were de- 
 pending, fettled firil ; from an apprehenfion that if they 
 granted feveral little matters, it would fortify them in a dif- 
 pofition to reject thofe that were important. I have, how- 
 ever, conferred informally upon it, and have no doubt it wiH 
 ,be peremptorily allowed. I think, therefore, this fhouM 
 be calculated on by the department of the treafury. I fhall 
 'certainly bring it before them fhortly, as I mall immediately 
 "the affair of the conful in the Ifle of France ; upon which 
 latter point, however, permit me refpedtfully to add, that 
 the appointment of a perfon, not an American-, perhaps an 
 Englifhman, to the office of conful, has not only been the 
 V:auie of the difrefpecl: (hewn to our authority, but even of 
 'the embarraflTments to. which our countrymen were expofed 
 ttiere. ; 
 
 With re'fpe<3 to the bufinefs with Algiers, I have not 
 fcnown how to at. It will be difficult for France, in thepre- 
 fjnt ftate of affairs, to fupport the meafures of our refident in 
 Portugal, or for them to concert any plan of co-operation. 
 It feems, however, in every view, proper to rid ourfelves of 
 the perfon in Switzerland, who I understand has been in rea- 
 dinefs to prcfccute the bufinefs for fomc time pait. I have, 
 in confluence, written him a letter in conformity to your 
 idea, of which I enclofe yo'u a copy, and which I prefume, 
 he'will confider as a refpe&ful diicharge. I am inclined to 
 think France will co-operate with us upon this point, and if 
 any plan can be adopted by which 'me may forward the mea- 
 fure of Colonel Humphrey's, I will endeavor to avail him of 
 it. But 'certainly if it is expected that her aid will be effica- 
 'cious, or that ihe will embark with zeal in the bufinefs, the 
 Vholt ihould be concerted and executed from this quarter. 
 Perhaps, as I have heard 'nothing from Colonel Humphreys, 
 the bufinefs 'is now'done, or he is purfuing it without calcu- 
 lating upon any aid from France. A letter which was pre- 
 Tented me by Mr. Cathalan, our conful at Marfeilles (and wh6 
 %'now.here, as arc Mr. Fcmvick, Dobree and Ccffyn, a fon cf 
 
61 
 
 you 
 
 I fkali be happy to re:uiermy country any fervke iathis dii- 
 treiung bufinefs, i my power-, even by vifiting Algiers if it 
 were neceflary. 
 
 I have enquired into the chara&er 'of our confuis at the 
 feveral ports : I mean thole who are Frenchmen ; for Mr. 
 Fenwick is well known, viz. La Motte at Havre j Dobree at 
 Nantes; Coffynat Dunkirk and Cathalan at Marfeilks, and find 
 them likewiie all men of undemanding and of excellent repu- 
 tation, attached to ourcountry and grateful for the confidence 
 repofed m them. If difplaced, it will fubjeer. them to feme cen- 
 fure : I do not, therefoie, wiih it-; though I moft eameftly 
 advife -that in future none but Americans be appointed. 
 
 I was extremely concerned, upon my arrival here, to find 
 tkat our 'countryman Mr. Paine, as likewife -Madame La Fa- 
 y^ette were in priibij ; the former of whom had bc.r.n confined 
 near m'iie months an4 'the latter about two. I was iinmedi- 
 
 ately entreated by both to endeavour to obtain tksir enlarge- 
 ment. I aflured them of the hiter/'ft v/hich Amlrica had in 
 tkeir welfare ; of the regard entertained fcr them by the Fi\-~ 
 lident, and of the pkafure with which I fliould embrace 
 opportunity to ferve 'them ; but obferved, at the fame time, 
 'that they muft be fenfible it would be difficult for n;e to tdcc 
 any ftep ofEcially, in behalf of either, and altogether impd?^ 
 tie in behalf of 2 Fayettc. This v/as ?/.imitted by 
 
 lier friend, who afnired me, her only wiih way, tlr/.t I \vcukl 
 have her fituation in view, and render her, informally, what 
 fervices I might be able, without compromitting the credit of 
 cur government with this. I allured him ihe might confide 
 in this with certr.i:/. ', and further, that in caie any extr-. 
 w.as threatened, that I would go beyond that line and do ev> 
 ry thing in my power, -let the coiifequeace be what it ml 
 myfeif, to fave her ; with this ihe was fatisned. SJie ftiJ-i 
 continues confined, nor do I tli-ink it probable flie wiii be foo:i 
 r-deafed. I have afTured her, that I would iupply her with 
 money and with 'whatever (he wanted ; but as yet, none ha-i 
 feeeai accepted, diough I think flic will fooh be compd! 
 avail herfelf of tliis refource. 
 
 The cafe was different with Mr. Paine. He was actually 
 a citizen of the United States, and of the United States only; 
 for the revolution, which p>.:ttd us from Great Britain, broke 
 the allegiance, which was before due to the crown, of ail thoi ; ; 
 'who took our fide. lie v, r ;.i-, of ccv.rf. j ; net 2 Eritiih f. 
 
"nor was he ilridly a citizen of France ; for he came by invi- 
 tation, for the temporary purpofe of aflifting in the formation 
 of their government only, and meant to withdraw to Ame- 
 rica when that mould be completed : And what confirms this, 
 is the acl: of convention itfelf arreiling him, by which he is de- 
 clared to be a foreigner. Mr. Paine prefled my interference. 
 I told him I had hopes of getting him enlarged without it } but 
 if I did interfere, it could only be by requefting that he be tried 
 in cafe there \vas any charge againft him, and liberated in 
 cafe there was none. This was admitted. His correfpon- 
 dence with me is lengthy and interefting, and I may proba- 
 bly be .able hereafter to fend you a copy of it. After fome 
 time had elapfed without producing any change in his favour, 
 as he was preffing and in ill-health, I finally refolved to ad- 
 drefs the committee of general furety in his behalf, refting 
 my application on the above principle. My letter was deli- 
 vtred by my fecretary, in the committee, to the Prefident ; 
 who aflured him he would communicate its contents imme- 
 diately to the committee of public fafety, and give me an an- 
 fwer as foon as poflible. The conference took place accord- 
 ingly betwecli the two committees, and, as I prefume, on that 
 night, or the fuccecding day ; for on the morning of the day 
 after, which was yefterday, I was prefented by the fecretary 
 of the committee of general furety, with an order for his 
 enlargement. I forwarded it immediately to the Luxembourg 
 and had it carried into effecT:, and have the pleafure now to 
 add, that he is not only reftored to the enjoyment of his liber- 
 ty, but in good fpirits. I fend you a copy of my letter to 
 the committee of general furety, and of their reply. 
 
 Since my laft the French have taken Cobleutz, and fome 
 other poft in its neighbourhood ; they have likewife taken 
 Pampeluna, and broken the whole of the Spanifh line through 
 a confiderable extent of country. About twenty ftandards, 
 taken from the routed Spaniards, were prefented to the con- 
 vention a few days paft. 
 
 I likewife fend in the enclofed papers, a decree refpe&ing 
 the Jacobins ; by which all correfpondence between the dif- 
 ferent focieties is prohibited, as likewife is the prefenting a 
 petition to the convention in their character as fuch, with 
 fome other reftraints I do not at prefent recoiled. 
 
( 63 ) 
 From Mr. Mwroe, to the Commit tcecf Public 
 
 Pan's, OElober iStk, 1794.' 
 
 UPON the feveral fubjeh on which I addrefled you on 
 die i yth Fructidor (September 3d) viz. The embargo of Bour- 
 deauxj the fupplies rendered to the government of St. Do- 
 mingo, and the departure by France from the 2.3d and 24th 
 -articles of the treaty of amity and commerce fubfifting be- 
 tween the two Republics, I have but little to add at prefent. 
 The two former were matters of account only, and could of 
 courfe involve no topic for difcuflion between the committee 
 and myfelf. I had only to aik for fuch difpatch in the adjuft- 
 ment and payment, as the exigence of the parties and the cir- 
 cumftances of the Republic would admit of. Nor mall I add 
 any thing upon the third point to change the principle upon 
 which I refted it. The committee will, therefore, be pleafed 
 to decide upon each, under the confiderations which have 
 been already urged. 
 
 I likewife ftated in that note, generally, the embarraflment 
 tinder which our commerce laboured in the ports of the Re- 
 public. A general view was all I could then give : But the 
 appointment of a conful for this city has fince enabled me to 
 obtain a more circumftantial and accurate ftatement on this 
 head. This officer has already examined it with great atten- 
 tion, and reported the refult to me, a copy of which I now 
 lay before you. It prefents to view a frightful picture of dif- 
 ficulties and loiTes, equally injurious to both countries, and 
 which, if fufrered to continue, will unavoidably interrupt, for 
 the time, the commercial intercourfe between them. I truft, 
 therefore, the caufes will be immediately removed, and fui- 
 table remedies adopted ; and in this I am the more confident, 
 becaufe thofe which would be deemed adequate will not, in 
 any degree, interfere with the internal police or regulations of 
 the country. 
 
 I alfo fuggefted in my former note, that however neceflary 
 it might be for France to avail herfelf of agents in America at 
 the prefent crifis., for the purchafe and fhipiramt cf fupplies 
 thence here, it mould not be relied on as a principal refource. 
 The more attention I have fince paid to this fubject, the bet- 
 ter fatisfied I have been of the juftice of ther remark. I have, 
 therefore, thought it my duty to add feme further cbferva- 
 tions on it, and which I now beg leave to fubmit to your con-^ 
 ^deration in the annexed paper. 
 
( 4 T 
 
 Yon will ebferve, the con fill has likewife corrt^riaetf in his 
 Deport the cafes of many teamen arid other perfons, citizens of 
 the United State?, taken at tea or clfcwhere, and who are now 
 held as prifoners in confinement. I hope an order will be 
 ifTued for their immediate enlargement ; and, as it is poffiblc 
 inr.ny others may l>e in like fitu'tion, that it may be ftiade tb. 
 comprehend all the citizens of the Uriited States, Hot charged 
 ^ntli any criminal offence againft the laws of France, and of 
 v.-hich latter d:fcription I hope there are fton'e. The Com- 
 mittee will, I doubt not, defignate fuch fpecies of evidence 
 neceffary to eftabltrh the right of citizenfhip irt doubtful da-fesj 
 as it will be practicable for the parties to farriiftf. 
 
 Permit me to requefl an early deciiion upon thefe fubje&S* 
 that I may immediately communicate it to otir governrtietrt. 
 The Congrefc will eommence its feffion in a few Week^ dffil 
 It is the duty of the Frendent to lay before that bo'dy, a"rtd at 
 fhat time, the (late of public affairs , cdntprizing, as the molt 
 interefling particular, the ccndul and difpofition of oth^r na- 
 tions towards the United States. Information upon the$ 
 points will of courfe be expected from me^ and I mould be 
 piortified not to be able to give fuch as would be deerttsd 
 iaclory. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 JAMES MONROE, 
 
 &jppleinsn8d Gbfervatwns to the note of the -$d of September > upon 
 the American Commerce. 
 
 THAT France will have occaMon, whatever may bs 
 the crop for the prefent year, fot fuppliea of provifion from 
 foreign countries for the next, is certain. Thefe rnuft be 
 ', btained from the neutral countries, and chiefly from the 
 1 Tnited States of America. It is important for her to afcer- 
 t tin how they (hall be obtained, and brought into her ports 
 Y ith greaieft certainty and leaft expenfe. 
 
 There are but two poffible ways or modes by which thefe 
 /applies or any others can be brought here, which are : Firft j by 
 ; u'olic exertion, o: by agents in thofe countries, whofe duty 
 .v b topurchafe the articles in demand, and fend them here 
 v.'i public account: And fecondly 5 by the enterprize ofindi- 
 v -.Uifllfi. Both fliall be impartially 
 
C 6; ] 
 
 Firft, as to the certainty ; and which \vill depend upon 
 prompt purchafes, fafe carriage and integrity of the agents. 
 
 As foon as agents arrive in America, it will be known to 
 the commercial intereit in every quarter. When ever they ap- 
 pdint fub-agents, this will likewife be known. When it is 
 intended to make purchafes and fhipments, this will be known. 
 The movement of veflels to take in cargoes will be obferved. 
 Immediately a combination will be formed among the mer- 
 chants of the place, who will buy up all the flour, &c. with 
 a view of taking an advantage of the emergence, and this 
 will raife the price and create delay. A monopoly naturally 
 revolts the fociety againft it, and this will add a new ftimuliis 
 to the otherwife fufficiently active one of private intereit, to 
 fpeculate and prey upon thefe agents, and of courfe upon the 
 cmbarrafTments of their country. 
 
 But the purchafe is finally made and fnipped for France ; 
 the (hips are at fea ; the property belongs to France, and the 
 fWps, though American, give no protection, by the ancient 
 Jaw of nations, which is in force where net otherwife regu- 
 lated by treaty, and of courfe with England. The cargo of 
 every veflel which (hall be taken will be condemned ; ancl 
 will not many be taken ? The movements of this agency will 
 be well known to the Britifh adminilt ration, and it will be 
 employed to counteract it in the purchafe and upon the fea. 
 It will be apprized of the ports from whence fhipments will be 
 made, and have veflels of war ftationed to feize them. 
 
 It is the niture of an agency to be at war with every other 
 mode of fupply. The amount .of its profits will depend upon 
 the exclufion of every other ; for every cargo which mall ar- 
 rive from another fource, will take from it fo much. It 
 will, therefore, feawith jealoufy the commencement of en- 
 terprizes of this kind, and deem each in the degree a robbery 
 of its own refources. It will fear that not only the amount 
 of its profits will be diminifhed, but that the funds upon 
 which any are to be made, will be exhaufted. It will, there- 
 fore, difcourage thefe enterprifes, by hinting that the Repub- 
 lic does not want them ; that it has no money to pay for 
 them j that the captains and fupercargoes are ill-treated in 
 France by delay, 6v. It will be the intereft of the agency to 
 crufh every other mode of fupply, and it will accomplifh it, 
 unlefs the wifeft precautions are ufed to prevent it. 
 
 Thefe latter obfervations apply to the motive of intereft 
 only, fuppofing the agency difpofed to discharge the truft as 
 faithfully as it could, making, at the fame time, the greatefc 
 profit fc^r itfelf and whigh would generally be djpae. Buf let 
 
 K 
 
r 66 
 
 if he fuppofctl that it was capable cf <k-frauding the public as 
 mirjh rs pcfiible, without being detected. In that cafe it 
 would have additional motives for difcouraging private adven- 
 turers 5 becaufe as thefe would flock to the market and bid 
 one againfl the other, they would keep the price at its proper 
 level, and thus check its conduct, for if it charged more 
 than they (allowing for the difference of the commifiion). it 
 would of ccurie be convicted cf fraud. And if capable of 
 fraud, other and numerous temptations to feduclion might be 
 counted. The chief agent would be known to the Britifli ad- 
 miniftration. Suppofe France in great diftrefs for bread and 
 without any other refource. The withholding it might bring 
 en a cilfis in her affairs, and -which might terminate in an 
 arrangement that would applaud the agent for his perfidy. 
 Would he not be an object for^the Britim adminiftradon to. 
 suTail, and would it be' proper that France and the French 
 Revolution mould be thus made dependant on agents in 
 foreign countries. 
 
 As to the comparative e::penfe, there can be no qucftion 
 upon that point. The commiflion itfelf will be a confulcra- 
 ble thing, in addition to .which the freight will be increafed; 
 for if American veflels are employed, the owners will charge 
 more on account of the hazard, than if there was none, and 
 which would be the cafe if the property was their own : Not 
 to repeat the increafed price which would be demanded by 
 the agents, in confequence of the. combination among the, 
 merchants, to take advantage cf circumilances which would 
 be known to them ; nor to fuggtfb that, under any probable 
 modification, it would be the interefl of the agents to give 
 the higheft price peffible. 
 
 Befides, funds muil be raifed fomewhcrc to anfwer the drafts 
 of thefe agents: Will it be in the fea ports, in Pans, Ham- 
 burgh, or fome other neutral town ? The former, as hereto- 
 fore, will probably be in a great meafure declined ; and if the 
 latter is adopted, how will they be raifed there ? By the ex- 
 portation of the productions or ether commodities of the coun- 
 try 5 incurring thereby the expenfe of double commiflicns, 
 ftorage, the hazard of the fea and of the enemy, together with 
 the further inconvenience of cveiftocking the market, and 
 railing, at the fame time, fuch town to grandeur, by making 
 it the entrepot of French provifions, whilil her own were 
 
 crimed ? .. 
 
 Every thing that has been faid or can be faid againfl a chief 
 dependence on agencies, forms an argument in favour of en- 
 couraging the ordinary private trade by individuals, and 
 
L 6; ] 
 
 ftiews that die fupply by that mode might be made more fure 
 and chea.*. If France would regulate things fo that the par- 
 ties bringing provifions into her ports were paid immediate- 
 ly and difpatched, ihe might command, if nccdlary, the 
 whole produce of America. Nor would it be neceflavy that 
 the payment bj always" in fpeci- : (Xi the contrary, return 
 cargoes would more frequently be taken of productions, mu- 
 nufactures and of prize goods. 
 
 The above is a ihort (ketch of the conveniencies and incon- 
 -ncies which attend the two modes cf fupply.. The one 
 which commences in a monopoly will be attended with a 
 inec-nveniencies which belong to monoplies in genera], grea- 
 ter expenfe, difguil to all parties affected by it, sV. C5V. 
 with others which are peculiar to it : For other monopolies cf 
 foreign trade, are confined to luxuries of little importance, and 
 of countries whole citizens cannot fend them to market ^ 
 whereas the preient one is a monopoly cf the necciiarics of 
 life in great demand here ; to be obtained from countries 
 whofe citizens can bell fupply them, and at a crifis of a 
 when the failure may hazard every thing valuable to France, 
 and when of courfe it mould be moil avoided. Whilll on the 
 other hand, the latter, which is a fyftem of free trade, will not 
 only be free from thefe objections, but enjoy forne benefits 
 which are peculiar to it. It will leave commerce in the hand,, 
 of individuals and under the protection cf the flags of both 
 countries. If it was made known that France would protect 
 the neutral commerce, the merchants would have a new en- 
 couragement to enterprize, and the neutral powers would be 
 more decifive in vindicating their own rights. The French 
 flag would be deemed the guardian of trade and the afferter 
 cf the freedom cf the feas. The American merchants would 
 behold it with pleafure, becaufe they would find under its 
 banner, not only the friendly welcome of their ally, but like- 
 wife a fafety from the pirates of the ocean. I, ; the demand in 
 France was great, it would be known in the United States, 
 whois merchants would immediately fupply the demand. And 
 if it was interrupted on the fea by the veiTels of another power ; 
 what would be the obvious effect of fuch interruption ? '^i^liL 
 not France oppoie it, and conduct the veflels fafe to he , v ^ls, 
 and would it not roui'e the nation injured to vindic;/ 
 rights and protect its own commerce ? 
 
 Unhappily, France has adopted a different policy towards 
 
 us heretofore. Initead of encouraging individuals to fupply 
 
 .-.arket, (he has given them every poffible difcouragt- 
 
 tfieri: which cculd be d-viied, Infteud of protecting our com- 
 
merce at fea, and leaving us to feck reparation for the injuries 
 which were rendered us by other powers, flie has rendered 
 us like injuries, and thus embarraffed our councils. But it is 
 not too late to change this fyftem of policy. The Americans 
 have lamented it not more on their own account than that of 
 France. It haSj ^s yet, left no unkind impreflion behind it, 
 and, if the neceffary regulations are made, commerce will 
 fcou refume its ordinary courfe. 
 
 I do not, by this, objedt to the plan of fupplying by agency 
 altogether: On the contrary, I deem it neceflary; becaufe I 
 think it proper for France to avail herfelf at the prefent crifis, 
 of every refource within her reach. I only wim, that it be 
 not relied on as the fole one, and which it will certainly be 
 if the wifeft meafures are not adopted at home, to encourage 
 the ordinary private trade, and to reftricl: and otherwife guard 
 againft any mifconducl: in the agency abroad. 
 
 The Committee of Public Safety to the Minifter Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, 3o/ Fend&niaire, -$d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (OcJober 2i/, 1794.^ 
 
 WE have received your letter of the 27th of this month, 
 with the pieces annexed. They merit our profound atten- 
 tion. We will haften to examine the complaints which are 
 therein expofed, and we hope that the refult of our delibera- 
 tions will be as fatisfaclory to your fellow citizens, as con- 
 formable to the principles of fraternity and attachment which 
 have always guided the meafures of the government of the 
 French Republic towards its good and faithful allies the Unit* 
 ed States of America. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 MERLIN, TREILLARD, 
 
 RICHARD, DELMAS. 
 
 From Mr. Monroe, to the Committee ofSurete Generale. 
 
 Paris, November I/?, 1794. 
 
 IN all cafes where the citizens of the United States com- 
 mit themfelves to the jurifdiaion of the French Republic, k 
 
C 69 } 
 
 is their duty to obey the law, in confideration of the protec- 
 tion which it gives, or otherwife fubmit to its penalty. This 
 principle is unqueftionable ; it belongs to the nature of fove- 
 reignty, and can never be feparated from it. All that my 
 countrymen thus circumftanced have a right to claim of me 
 as their reprefentative, is to fee that they have juftice render- 
 ed them, according to the nature of the charge, and their of- 
 fence, if they have committed any, by the tribunals whofe 
 duty it is to take cognizance of it. 
 
 I hope that few cafes will ever happen where the conduct of 
 MI American citizen will become the fubjetf of difcuflion here, 
 before a criminal tribunal. In thofe cafes which may hap- 
 pen, if any do, I {hall repofe entire confidence in the juftice 
 of the tribunal, being well fatisfied, that if any bias exiiled in 
 the bofom of the judge, it would be in favour of my country- 
 men. To haften their trial before the judge, where one was 
 deemed neceffary, is, I am perfuaded, the only point upon 
 which I mail ever feel or exprefs any folicitude. 
 
 I fhould not, at this prefent crifis, call your attention to any 
 cafe of the kind, if I were not impelled by confiderations of 
 peculiar weight : Confiderations wliich I know you will re- 
 fpecl: ; becaufe every fucceeding day more fully demonftrates 
 how thoroughly the whole French nation is devoted to the 
 caufe which gives birth to them. The great efforts which it 
 has already made and is now making in favour of the public 
 liberty, fufficiently mews how highly it eftimates that blefling, 
 and gratitude to thofe who have ferved that caufe is deemed 
 by you infeparable from a veneration for the caufe itfelf. 
 
 The citizens of the United States can never look back to 
 the era of their own revolution, without remembering, with 
 thofe of other diftinguifhed patriots, the name of Thomas 
 Paine. The fervices he rendered them in their ftruggle for 
 liberty have made an impreflion of gratitude which will never 
 be erafed, whilft they continue to merit the character of a juft 
 and a generous people. He is now in prifon, languiming un- 
 der a difeafe, and which muft be increafed by his confine- 
 ment. Permit me then, to call your attention to his fituation, 
 and to require that you will haften his trial in cafe there be 
 any charge againft him, and if there be none, that you will 
 caufe him to be fet at liberty. 
 
[ 7 3 
 From Air. Msnroe 9 to Mr. CLaumwt* 
 
 Psris, Qtlcber 132^ 1 794, 
 
 I WAS lately advifcd by the Secretary of State, tha.:. 
 the negociatio'n of. a treaty with Algiers had been committed 
 to Colonel Humphreys, our miniit_ i r at Lifoonj and that of 
 courfe every movement having that object in view, muit be 
 conducted under his care. Your agency, if carried into effect, 
 rnuil of courfe be hi that line. I give you this information, 
 that in cafe yo~u willi to render your fervices in that refpedfc 
 to the United States, you may communicate the fame to Co- 
 lone! Humphreys j who will, I doubt not, pay every attention 
 to it, than a fenfe of your merit and exiiting arrangements 
 will allow of. I have alfo the pleafure to inform you, that 
 the Prehde^: has approved of the meafures taken by Mr. 
 Morris, and of the confidence repofed in you by him, in re*- 
 latibn to tst cbjedt. 
 
 [ No. VI. ] 
 
 FROM Mr. MONHOE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATJE. 
 Pc.ris, Nzvsriibsr 2O^, 1 794. 
 
 I WAS Favoured about five weeks pail with a letter from 
 Mr. Gardcqui, rninilter of finance in Spain, inclofing one for 
 Mr. Otto, formerly in America, and at prefent chief of a 
 Bureau in the department of foreign itfFair;; ; mentioning the 
 decline cf his health, and refuelling my co-operation witli 
 Mr. Oito, in iblicking of this government, perrnifiion for- 
 him to vifit cert;iin baths within the Republic. This appli- 
 cation iurnrized rne. The feafon I knew was too far advanc- 
 ed for him to derive any benefit from the waters, and I was- 
 hot a, that thofe fuggelted were better than others 
 
 within h ; ^ rcacli : Belides, Mr. Gardoqui and myfelf were, in 
 confequence of a collifion on the. mueh litigated queftion of 
 the Milliiippi, not on the bed terms while in America , cer- 
 tainly not on fuch as to authorize an application of this kind 
 to n:e. The difguiie was therefore too thin to hide from me 
 the true object , I immediately inferred, that it was the body 
 politic of Spain tha: vras diforder.ed, and not the aniiuxl one 
 
of Mr. Gardoqui. As I did not wifh to become the mftrument 
 
 ruin in this buftncis, or incur the flighted fufpicion of the 
 
 U.i.i, f w it would benefit Spain at the expend 
 
 I declined delivering his loiter to Mr. 
 
 Otto, cr anfwering, for the time, that of Mr. Gardoqui to 
 me. About three weeks afterwards, I received a, fcccnd 
 i-.tter, which confirmed me in the opinion firft taken up, that 
 i the door, through me, to the com- 
 : :ement of a negociation for peace. I found, therefore, 
 .came my duty ibine flop in regard to this bu- 
 
 i a was, in confcquence, refolved to fiiape my courfe 
 in fuch mr.rr.icr as to make the incident, if poi'Lble, produc- 
 ed to the United States, if oi in. 
 "NY hen I reflected that we had interfering claims with Spain, 
 ell in refpect to the boundaries as the Miilifjppi, and 
 that we liad a minifter there negociating upon thoie points ; 
 the negociation was clofed without a ialisfa fiery adjuil- 
 it, and that Spain was probably in concert with England, 
 ling the Indians againil us, I was from thefe ccnhdera- 
 5 inclined to deem this movement of Mr. Gardoqui an 
 infidious one. I was the more fo from the further confider- 
 .: ; that he had made this application to me \vithcut the 
 vledge of Mr. Short ; through whom it ought to have been 
 laade, had the propofition been a candid one, and founded 
 ..iiy claim of Spain upon the United States. I was, there- 
 fpre, the more refolved to fuffer myfelf to be reitrained by no 
 .ry and falfe motives ef delicacy towards Mr. Gardo- 
 qui, in the manner in which I mould treat the fubject. 
 
 I was perfuaded that a peac- between France and Spain, at 
 the prefent moment, whilit our claims were unfettied, mult 
 be prejudicial to the United States. Such a peace would free 
 Spain "from a prefiure, which at prefent {hakes her monarchy 
 to the foundation. By continuing the war, it enables the 
 United States, in cafe they friould take olecifive meafurss, to 
 do what they pleafe with that power. For it. is not reafona- 
 ble to fuppofe, when the French troops are over-runnii;;; 
 great part of Spain, and her whole force is exerted for her 
 protection at home, that ihe would be able to make a rc- 
 fpeclable oppofition to any effort we might make on the other 
 fide of the Atlantic. But a peace \vithFrancewould remove 
 fuch prefTure, and leave the Spaniih government at liberty to 
 act. with its whole force againfi us. 
 
 I was likcwife perfuaded, it. was the interefl of France to 
 have our accommodation in view, and to give her aid in for- 
 ding our arrangement with. Sruin at the fame time that fl 
 
C 72 ] 
 
 adj ufted her own ; for if (he mould clofe a peace with that 
 power whereby (he left it at liberty to aft againft us fingly, or 
 jointly with England, in cafe of a war with the latter, {he 
 would not only expofe us to great and unnecefiary detriment^ 
 but likewife hazard the probability of being drawn into it 
 again, in cafe it fhould take an adverfe courfe in regard to us. 
 
 Upon full confideration of all thefe circumftances, I thought 
 it belt to lay the letters of Mr. Gardoqui before the com- 
 mittee, with my free comments upon them. I did fo, and 
 told them explicitly, that, in my opinion, it was the wim of 
 the Spanifh court to commence a negociation, and that it had 
 addrefled itfelf threugh me, to infpire a diftruft in me, by 
 creating a belief, that the United States were more friendly 
 to Spain and Britain, than to France. I explained fully our 
 fituation with both thofe powers, afiuring them that we were 
 threatened with a war from both. I alfo mentioned the in- 
 delicacy and artifice of Mr. Gardoqui, in applying to me with- 
 out the knowledge of our minifter at that court ; and retting it 
 upon a ground of ancient friendfhip, which never exifted to 
 any great degree. I affured them, at the fame time, that if I 
 could be of any fervice in forwarding their wifhes in regard 
 to peace, in the prefent or any other inftance, it was the with 
 of the United States I mould be, and would perfonally give 
 me great pleafure to render it. I intimated alfo the danger 
 which would attend a peace between the Republic and Spain, 
 unlefs our differences mould be compromifed at the fame time. 
 The communication was well received, and the bufinefs ter- 
 minated in an arrangement by which I was to anfwer Mr. 
 Gardoqui's letters, declining any agency in the bufinefs myfelf j 
 advifing him, at the fame time, to make his application direcHy 
 (in cafe he continued indifpofed) to the committee, and from 
 whom I was perfuaded, he would obtain a fatisfa&ory anfwer. 
 This was accordingly done in a letter which was forwarded 
 about five days paft. 
 
 In the clofe of this affair, I was invited by the diplomatic 
 members of the committee of public fafety, to a conference 
 upon a new topic. I was informed it was their intention to 
 prefs the war againft England in particular , but that they 
 were diftreffed for funds, and was afked, could any aid be 
 obtained from the United States ? I told them I was fatisfied if 
 it was in their power, it would be rendered ; that I pofiefied 
 no power on the fubjeft, and could only advife of the proba- 
 bility, &c. that, with their permiffion, I would put on paper 
 fuch ideas as occurred to me in refpet to that point, and up- 
 on which I would afterwards more fully confer. This inci- 
 
[ 73 3 
 
 4ent furnimed me with a new opportunity of prefiing more 
 forcibly the propriety of their fecuring for us the points in dif- 
 cuflion with England and Spain, at the time their own peace 
 fliould be made with thofe powers. I fend you a copy of the 
 paper delivered to them to-day, and to which I have as yet re- 
 ceived no anfwer. 
 
 Whether France will make any arrangement upon this 
 point with us, I cannot tell. When I mentioned in the 
 committee the danger which menaced us, of a war with 
 Britain and Spain, and afked what reliance we might have on 
 France in fuch event, I was anfwered, they fhould confider 
 ours as their own caufe. No other arrangement can well be 
 made, than that of lending money to Fiance, if in our power; 
 it being underftood that {he will fecure at the time of 
 her own peace, the complete recognition of our rights from 
 Britain and Spain, and which me may eafily do in my judg- 
 ment, Jind without prolonging the war a moment, on that ac- 
 count. 
 
 On the other hand, if the United States ever mean to affert 
 thofe rights, the prefent is, of all others, the mod fuitable 
 moment. The fortune of France has rifen to the utmcft. 
 height of fplendor; whilft that of her enemies has declined 
 to the loweit {late of depreffion. Her armies are every where 
 triumphant, whilft theirs are every where routed and broken. 
 Spain makes no head againft her ; but is trying, as already 
 fhewn, to fteal a peace in obfcurity. And Britain is, perhaps, 
 in nearly as bad actuation. Maeftricht has lately furrendered; 
 whereby eight thoufand troops were yielded with about three 
 hundred pieces of cannon, two hundred and fifty-feven of 
 which were brafs ; with other warlike {lores and in great 
 abundance. Nimeghen was likewife taken a few days after- 
 wards, with confiderable amount in {lores; and, it is faid> that 
 commotions are taking place in five of the provinces, who 
 have formally refolved to difmifs the Stadtholder ; reform the 
 government by the republican ftandard, and ally with France. 
 This muft be felt in England and will probably excite diftur- 
 bance there. In any event it will produce fuch effe6t, that if 
 America ftrikes the blow her own intereft dictates, and which 
 every other confideration prompts, it muft be decifive, and 
 if not ruinous to the fortunes of that proud and infolent na- 
 tion, will certainly fecure us the objects we have in view. 
 
 If I hear further from the committee about the proportion 
 for a loan, CJ/Y. I will advife you of it by the French minifter 
 who leaves this in about five days. By the paper which I fend, 
 you will underftand how far the point has been difcufied, gf 
 
 L 
 
74 1 
 
 die propriety in France to fupport our claims agairifi Bfitaifr 
 ana Spain j the opportunity for which wa's furnimed by my 
 friend Mr. Gardocpii, and you \vill foon be able to afcertain. 
 from the minKler, what his powers on that head are. 
 
 Within a few days pad, two deputies were appointed by 
 the committee of public fafety, by confent of the convention, 
 to fdme Importaht truft, but whofe names and office are un- 
 known. It is fuppofed, they are ccmnliffioned to treat on, 
 peace with feme one of the powers, and which is moft proba-. 
 ble , but with which of the powers, or whether this is the 
 object are only matters of conjecture. 
 
 I apprized you in a late letter, that I had written to Colo- 
 nel Humphreys, and was endeavouring to concert with him, 
 ifpoiTible, the mode by which the aid of this government, if 
 difpofed to grant it (and which I prefume to be the cafe) may 
 be given him in the negotiation with Algiers. As yet, I 
 have not heard from him. As foon as I do, provided I find it 
 necefiary, I will apply for the fupport contemplated. Previ- 
 ous to this it will be improper. Touching this.fuhjecl:, I fend 
 you a proportion from the government of Malta, prefented 
 by its charge d'affaires here, to be forwarded for your confi- 
 deration. You will give me, for that government, fuch a::~ 
 fwer as fhall be deemed fu it able. 
 
 Within a few days pail, the hall of the Jacobins was fhut 
 up by order of the convention. That body was conftantly at 
 work to undermine and impair the regular and conftituted 
 authority of the government. Moderate meafures to check 
 i*-> enormities were found only a ftiniulus to greater exceffes. 
 This laft ftep was therefore taken, and there is feafon to fear 
 its (Jifperfed members will Mill continue to provoke, by fomc 
 raih mtafure, the indignation of the convention to fuch a 
 height, as to bring upon them a degree of feverity it were bet- 
 ter to avoid. Within a few days pail alfo, the commiffioh to 
 whom was referred the charge againft Carrier, formerly re- 
 prefent,'tive at Nantes, has reported there was ground for 
 .(Ccuiation ; and to-d?.y, it is believed, the convention will 
 approve the report, and confign him over to the revolutionary 
 tribunal, who will, with equal certainty, and with the 
 rn! plaudit of the natron, doom him to the guillotine. 
 
E :7S ] 
 from Mr. JMtfirv/, to the Committee of Public 
 
 Paris > November 13^, 1794. 
 
 I RECEIVED fome weeks pad, a letter from Mr. Gar- 
 doqui, minifterof the Spanifh finances, inclofing oiie to rny 
 care for Mr. Otto, then in the department of -foreign nfluird, 
 requeuing me to prefent it to him. As I did net wiiu to be 
 the channel of communication from Mr. .Gardcqui to any ci- 
 tijeen of France, whatever might be its object, and wljcih.; 
 of a private or public nature, I refolv.cd, neither to deliver 
 the letter, nor give an anfwer for the time, to that which \ 
 addrefTed to me. And I was the more inclined to this, from 
 the perfuafion, that, if of a private nature, the delay cculd be 
 of no great importance, and, if of a public one, and cip-echiiy 
 upon an interefting fubject, that \\hen it was found I at- 
 .tended only to the concerns of my own country, and did not 
 chufc to interfere in thofe of Spain, that he would take i\ 
 courfe more .direct for the attainment of the object in view. 
 As fome weeks had now elapfed, I tpok it for granted, that 
 this was the cafe. In this, however, 1 have been difappchic- 
 ed ; for I was favoured within a few clays pad with 2 fecond 
 letter from Mr. Gardoqui, in which he er.ters more fully into 
 the objecl: of the firft communication. Finding, thei\:iore, 
 that he (till addrefTed himieif to ras, iict-ritiiftanciiiig the clii- 
 couragement already given, I deemed it necciTary, not onl] 
 examine more attentively the objecl of this 
 but likewife to adopt, definitively, fome plan in regard to it, 
 Nor had I much difficulty in either reipecl .j for when I re- 
 collected that he was a miniller of Spain, and obfervcil that 
 his letters, as well that to Mr, Otto, and which I have fince 
 examined, as thofc tome, expreffed only a wiih to be admit- 
 ted within the government of France, to attend fome bath:, 
 I could not but conclude, that this was the oftcnfible mo- 
 tive' whiift fome ether in reality e:ch'ied. And in this I am the 
 more confirmed from a recollection of the relation in which 
 Mr. Gardoqui and rnyidf formerly fcood in America/ to cr.cli 
 other, and which, ofi account ci my ili'ong oppofition in the 
 Congrefs to his proportion for fecluding the Mi8ifi.p.pi, i 
 not the molr amicable one. From that ccriklerr^lon, I do 
 not tliink he would foiicit a correrpondence with me for 2 
 trifling object. What other then jiv.iir bs the motive ? In 
 judgment, there c.m be none other than the hope of the r 
 ning the door for thp- ccmineacgaaent of a uegociation for 
 
t it ] 
 
 peace, and that the Spanifh court has availed itfelf of this 
 mode of making that wim known to you. 
 
 Prefuming then that this was in truth the object, it re- 
 mained for me only to decide what courfe I mould take in 
 r --^rd to Mr. Gardoqui's communications , nor could I 
 hefitate long upon this point ; for I well knew it was of im- 
 portance to you to become acquainted with the difpofition 
 of other powers towards the French Republic. I have 
 therefore deemed it confident with that fmcere friendfhip 
 which the United States bear towards you, and the intereft 
 they take as your ally in whatever concerns your welfare, as 
 well as with that candour which I mean to obferve in all my 
 tranfa&ions, to lay the letters before you ; knowing their 
 contents you will be enabled to determine how to at in re- 
 gard to them. As it refpefts the United States whom I 
 ferve, or myfelf perfonally, it can be of no importance to me 
 to be acquainted with the refult; fince I doubt not, that under 
 the v,-ife councils of the Republic, the revolution will progrefs 
 to a happy clofe : But permit me to allure you, that if I can be 
 of any fervice to the French Republic, in regard to the an- 
 iwer to be given to this communication, it will give me the 
 higheft fatisfadion to render it. 
 
 From Mr. De Gardoqtti, to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Madrid, September $th } 1 794. 
 
 Mr DEAR SIR, 
 
 BEING informed of your arrival at Paris, with the 
 character of minifler from the United States, I beg leave to 
 renew you our old friendfhip in America, and congratulate 
 you on your fafe arrival, where I fincerely wifh you all man- 
 ner of happinefs. Permit me, dear fir, to trouble you with 
 the enclofed letter for my friend Mr. John Otto, whom we 
 knew in New- York, as charge d'affaires from France ; for I 
 learn by Mr. Short, that he is in Paris, and it regards me 
 particularly that it comes to his hands fafely. Should he, 
 however, be abfent, I mould be glad you would open it, 
 and fhould be extremely obliged to you, if you could procure 
 me the contents, which I hope w r ill be the means of re-efla- 
 blifhing my health. 
 
 Excufe me, Dear Sir, the liberty I take in giving you 
 this trouble, and if in my public or private character I can 
 
t 77 J 
 
 tender you any fervice, you^may freely command. My belt 
 refpscb to your worthy Mrs. Monroe, and to Mr. jiy, if 
 with you. 
 
 Yours> sV. 
 
 (Signed) JAMES DE GARBOQUr. 
 
 From Mr. De Gardoqui, ,'9 Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Madrid, ~]th OSibsr, 1794- 
 
 $lr DEAR SjR, 
 
 ON the pth ultimo, I did myfelf the honour of wri- 
 ting you, inciofmg a letter for our friend Mr. John Otto, in 
 which I begged he would procure me a permifficn from the 
 French government, to drink the waters of Bagneres de 
 Luzon, for a fortnight, my health being very much impaired 
 by the conflant attention of my miniftry of finances. This let- 
 ter went through the hands of the commander of the French 
 army, on the frontiers of Catalogue; but am uncertain whe- 
 ther it came to your hands, and am forry for it, as my health 
 declines, and would be extremely obliged if you could help 
 me to get fuch a permifiion. 
 
 I have a further favour to a(!: of you, my dear Sir ; it is, 
 that you would endeavour to procure the reieafe of a parti- 
 cular friend. of mine, Colonel of the militia regiment of Ecija, 
 whcfe name is Don Antonio Alcala Galiano, who v/as made 
 prifoner in the garrifon of Bellegarde ; he is a man of honour, 
 land will by no means forfeit his word ; fhculd you therefore 
 be able to get his reieafe, en parote, or in a way that he 
 may agree to, I mall eileem it in the higheft degree; if at the 
 fame time he fnould require any money afiiftance, I beg you 
 would deliver him, afiured of his receipt being punctually 
 paid by me with any expence that you may be at on account 
 of thofe troubles. 
 
 Pardon me the liberty I have taken, and believe me, that I 
 mall think myfelf happy whenever I receive any of ycur 
 friendly commands; being with fincere regard 2nd efteeuij 
 
 Yours, CSV. 
 (Signed) JAMES GARDOQUI. 
 
 Pray, endeavour to get my permifiion ; for you knew m 
 too well not to afTure the government that I am not a man to 
 be fufpeded of. 
 
[ 73 3 
 
 From Mr, Monrse, to Mr. G 
 Paris, 
 
 I HAVE been favoured with your two letters lately, 
 and can ail are you that the pleafure I fhould otherwife have 
 derived from a renewal of our former acquaintance, was fen- 
 fibly diminiihed by the information they contained of the 
 decline of your health : And I am forry to add,- that corifider- 
 ations of peculiar delicacy render it impofiible for me to 
 take that part, in the means neceffary rn your judgment for 
 its refloration, you have been pleafed to defire. You will 
 naturally infer what thefe are, without my entering into them, 
 and afcribe to thefe, and thefe only, my not aiding you in 
 that rcqueft. I beg of you, however, to make your applica- 
 tion to the committee of public fafety, diredYiy, and from 
 whom I doubt not you will readily obtain an anfwer, which 
 will be fatisfaclory to you ; for I am well convinced, that the 
 circumftance of an exilling war will form no obitacle te 
 your admifhon into the country, upon an occafion fo intereflr- 
 ing to yourfelf. Be allured, if the officer, your friend, whom 
 you fpeak of, falls within my reach, I will be happy to ren- 
 der him any fervice in my power, being well fatisfied of his 
 merit from your recommendation. 
 
 From Mr. Monroe, to Colonel Humphreys,, Lifbon. 
 
 Paris , November jj, 1794. 
 
 I HAVE lately received a letter from the Secretary of 
 State, mentioning that the power to treat with the regency 
 of Algiers was committed to you, and that the aid of this 
 Republic if attainable muft be thrown into th&t line. I was 
 likewife appriied by Mr. Morris, of fome meafures tak^n by 
 him in concert with the government here, relative to that 
 object, but which were unconnected with you. As I have 
 reafon to think you poiTefs powers, flowing from the lait 
 fefRon of Congrefs, I think it poflible you have already pro- 
 greffed in the bufmefs, and therefore that the aid of this 
 government will be ufelefs. But if you have not, how mall 
 a co-operation be concerted, fuppofing this government difpo- 
 icd to enter into it? Will it net be neceffary for you to 
 come into foms part of France, and depart thence with 
 ibme agent from her ? Your thoughts upon this head will be 
 ufefuls but until i know the ftate of the bufmefs in your 
 
[ 79 3 
 
 bands, it will be ufelefs and improper for me to occupy the 
 councils of this Republic on the fabjecr. I therefore hope 
 to hear from you on it as foon as poihble. 
 
 From Mr. Citwn, Charge <? Affaires of Malta, to Mr. Msnm . 
 
 Paris, October 26th, 1794- 
 
 THE Charge d' Affaires of Malta, has the honour to 
 communicate to Mr. Monroe, minifter plenipotentiary cf the 
 United States of America, the ar.ne::?d reflections, and to 
 requeft that he will be pleafed to weigh them in his mind, and 
 give him frankly the refult. 
 
 Mr. Gibon feizes this qccafion to renew to Mr. Monroe an 
 affurance of the refpe^l and attachment with which he 
 is, &c. 
 
 If there are nations who by their pofition, their induftry, 
 and their courage, become naturally cppofed to, and rivals. 
 of, each other -, fo there are other nations, who with as much 
 courage and induftry, feel a motive to titeem, approach, 
 and unite together, to increafe trreir mutual profperity, and 
 to render tbernfelves reciprocally happy, by a continual ex- 
 change of attentions, regards, and fervices. 
 
 The United States of America and the ifhnd cf Malta, 
 notwithstanding the diftance which feparates them, do not 
 appear to be lefs bound to cultivate a clofe and friendly union 
 between them, by motives of intereft, than they are by thofe 
 of a benevolent amity. 
 
 It is principally towards the Mediterranean, that the Ame- 
 rican failors, gtrided by their induftry, prefent thcmfelves in 
 great numbers, forgetting the danger to which they are ex- 
 pofed, of becoming a prey to the Algerine cor fairs who cover 
 that fea. 
 
 The iiland of Malta, placed in the centre ef the Mediter- 
 ranean, between Africa and Sicily, offers by its pofition to, 
 all navigators, an afylum, provificns and fuccour cf every 
 kind. Of what importance would it not be for the American 
 commerce to find upon this itormy fea, fine ports, prcviiions, 
 and even protection againil the Aljerine pirates. 
 
 In exchange fo-r thefe fuccpurs and protection, by means 
 whereof the American veflels might navigate the Mediterra- 
 nean freely and without inquietude, would the United 
 States content to grant, in full right, to the order of Malta, 
 forne lands in America, in fuch quantity as might be agreed 
 on between the two governments, placing fuch lands under the 
 
C 80 ] 
 
 immediate protection and fafeguard of the American loyalty? 
 Thus the commerce of the United States would find in 
 the Mediterranean ports to fecure it from dorms, and vef- 
 fels of war to protect it againft the pirates of Algiers -, in 
 exchange for which, Malta would poilefs in America pro- 
 perty granted forever, protected by the United States, and 
 guaranteed by them in a manner the mod folid. 
 
 From Mr. Monroe^ to the Charge d'affaires of Malta. 
 Paris ) 22nd November y 1794- 
 
 I HAVE received with great pleafure the confidera- 
 tions you were pleafed to prefent to me ; pointing out the 
 mode by which the United States of America and the iile of 
 Malta may be ferviceable to each other. It is the duty of 
 nations to cultivate, by every means in their power, thofe 
 relations fubfiding between them, which admit of reciprocal 
 good offices, and I am perfuaded the United States will 
 omit no opportunity which may occur to teftify that difpo- 
 (ition towards the ifland of Malta, 
 
 The Americans have, it is true, received already great 
 Injury from the Algerines, and it is their intention to adopt 
 fuch meafures as ihall prevent the like in future. The 
 ifland of Malta, by its fituation and maritime ftrength, poflefs 
 the means of yielding that protection, and your fuggeftion 
 on that fubjecl: merits, in my opinion, the ferious confideration 
 of our government, to whom I have already tranfmitted it. 
 
 The United States poflefs at prefent extenfive and very 
 valuable vacant territory. It is their intention to difpofe of it by 
 fale ; by which, however, the right of foil only will be con- 
 veyed; the jurifdi&ion dill remaining with them. The go- 
 vernment; too of fuch territory is already prefcribed: It mud 
 be elective or republican, and forming a part of the exiding 
 national fydem. I have thought proper to add this informa- 
 tion, that you may know the powers of our government in 
 relation to this object. Permit me to allure you, that as 
 foon as I ihall be indrucled thereon, I will immediately 
 communicate the fame to you. 
 
From the Minifter of the Republic of Geneva, to the Minifter Pie* 
 niprtentiary oj the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, 2$th Fruclidor, id Tear of the Republic. 
 (September l$th, 170,4.^ 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 I HAVE the honor to inform you, that the government 
 of Geneva, upon receiving intelligence fo flattering to our 
 republic, of what paiied in the fitting of the National Con- 
 vention, of the 6th of Fructidor, has fufpended in its own 
 municipal houfe, in fign of joy and harmony three colours 
 fimilar to thofe which float together in the hail of this con- 
 vention 5 and that thefe united emblems of three Republics 
 have excited with us univerfal applaufe. 
 
 The Republic of Geneva, will hear with fmcere pleafure, 
 that the United States of America, inftrucr.ed by you' of this 
 event, have received favourably this teftimony of fraternity. 
 
 I am happy on my own part, citizen minifter, to have 
 been the organ of thefe fentiments to you. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 REYBAZ, 
 
 Frtm Mr. Monroe t to the Minifter of the Republic of Geneva^ 
 at Paris. 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 I HAVE received, with great fatisfa&ion, the account 
 you have been pleafed to render me of the generous impref- 
 fion which the fufpenfion of the flags of the three Republics 
 of America, France and Geneva, in the hall of the national 
 convention, has excited in the breafts of your countrymen. 
 The ftandards of Republics fhould always be ranged toge- 
 ther ; and I am perfectly fatisfied, that this event will be re- 
 ceived with equal joy by the government and citizens of the 
 United States, to whom I (hall communicate it. I beg of 
 you, citizen minifter, to be aflured of the folieitude which 
 the government and people of America feel for the freedom, 
 profperity and happinefs of the Republic of Geneva, and of 
 the pleafure with which I mall at all times become the inftru- 
 ment of the moft intimate and friendly communications be- 
 tween them, 
 
 M 
 
'Olfo-vationsfultnitied to tie confederation of the Diplomatic Mem* 
 bsrs of the Committee of Public Safety. 
 
 Ir is the wifh of the French Republic to obtain by 
 loan, a fum of money from the United States of America, 
 to enable it to profecute the war. 
 
 This is to be expected from three fources ; the genera! gc- 
 'vernment, the ftate governments, and from individuals. 
 
 The French caufe and the French nation are greatly regard- 
 ed in America, and I am perfuaded fome money may be ob- 
 tained, and perhaps a very refpectable fum, from the three 
 fources above mentioned. For this purpofe the minifter mould 
 poflefs power to make loans from either of the above parties, 
 and to give fuch fecurity as the republic mall deem fuitable. 
 
 The committee, however, mould advert to the fituation of 
 the United States in regard to England and Spain. Both 
 thofe countries have encroached upon our rights-, the one 
 holding the weftern polls, in violation of the treaty of peace 
 of 1/83, whereby me harrafles our frontiers, by means of 
 the Indians , and the other, by fhutting the Miinfippi, and 
 likewife exciting the Indians againfc us to the ibuth : So that 
 the United States are ia a kind of hcftility with both powers. 
 There is likewife reafon to believe, that a convention fubfifts 
 between Britain and Spain, defenfive and probably oflcnfive 
 sgalnft us, in fupport of their rdpeHve claims. 
 
 In thi. fituation would it be proper for France to make 
 peace with either of thoft powers, whilft our claims were 
 unfettled with cither, and whilft both encroach on our terri- 
 tory ? Would it not leave thofe powers free to attack us u- 
 nitcd, and, in that fituation, would not France be forced again 
 to embark in the war, or tamely look on and fee our difmem- 
 berment ? Could the republic, in iliort, deem its own peace 
 fee lire or durable whilft thefe points remained unfettled bet- 
 ween the United States and thofe powers, and mould it not 
 therefore feek an adj uftment of the whole at the fame time ? 
 
 1 have fuggefted thefe confiderations in the hope that the 
 committee will give the minifter about to depart for America, 
 full power in relation thereto, and in the confidence that a fa- 
 tisfaclory aiTurance on that head would greatly facilitate the 
 object of the loan ; for iT the United States were aflured that 
 they would have no occafion for their own refources to fupport 
 a war againft thofe powers, it would of courfe be more in their 
 power to lend them to the French republic. 
 
 It muft be obvious that France may not only fecure thefe 
 points for us and without any difficulty, but with Spain what* 
 
ever elfe (lie pleafed ; for I am perfuaded thattlie Spsnifh mo* 
 narchy would even agree to open the iflands to the world and 
 perhaps even South America to end a war, which endangers 
 the crown itfelf. 
 
 The mode would be by infinuating to both thole powers, 
 when France commenced her negcciation, that they muft alfo 
 adjuiL at the fame time their differences with the United 
 States. 
 
 The fum which might be raifed in America from the diffe- 
 rent fources above mentioned, upon an afiurance of this kind, 
 would, in my judgment, be considerable. In any event, how- 
 ever, I mall be happy to give the minifter about to depart e- 
 very information and aid in my power, in forwarding the ob- 
 ject in view. 
 
 I fubmit to you, however, whether it would not be proper 
 to enable me in my letters on that fubjecl, to declare what 
 your fenfe is upon thefe points. 
 
 From the Secretary of State cf the United States, to Mr. Jvlv.rx, 
 Philadelphia^ September 25, 1794. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 MY letter of the 30th July laft, having been repeated 
 by duplicate, I mail only recommend to your particular and 
 immediate attention the fubjects of it. 
 
 The fpoliations and vexations which are imputable to the 
 French cruifers, and among them the injuries to our rights 
 by treaty, in the cafe of the fliip Laurens, together with the 
 lev ere effects of the embargo at Bourdeaux, have excited, in 
 the individuals interefted, a flame, which now and then burfts 
 forth in violent expreffions, and which you therefore cannot 
 quiet too foon by a proper adjuftment. You will find in the 
 enclofed copy of Mr. Fauchet's letter to me, of the i ft Au- 
 guft, the ftrong affurances which he has : given on this head. 
 
 Another collection of depredation papers, conformable with 
 the lift which accompanies them, is placed- under the care 
 of Mr. Boland, who goes to feek ccmpenfation on account 
 of the fhip Fame. It is a ftrong cafe, and v/ill back your 
 remonftrances, howfoever pointed they may be. I ck> not 
 ftate the minutiae, as his documents fpeak explicitly, and 
 he himfelf will be on the fpot, ready for further explanation. 
 There is*nothing in which you can render yourfelf fo accep- 
 table to an important part of our community as on thefe 
 occajQons. Indeed I flatter myfelf with die expectation of 
 
{ 84 ) 
 
 tearing fhortly of confiderable advances towards final fuccefs 
 on your part. 
 
 Mr. James A^cei-fori has been highly recommended, and 
 his letters have ihcwn him to dderve fome degree of notice 
 from our government* He was not fuggefted to the Prefi- 
 dent in the late appointment of French confuls ; becaufe it 
 tvas pK fumed from fome information, which was receded, 
 that the phices for which confuls were defignated at the laft 
 fdficn, were not iuitable to his views. You will therefore 
 take the e.;rlivft opportunity cf inquiring into his character 
 and refpe&abiUty, and inform us. 
 
 A claim cf Mr. Cruger is alfo forwarded to you, in order 
 that you may purfue the lame meafures relative to it, as in 
 the others of a iinular kind. 
 
 Mr. Boiand has promiied to deliver to yoti your quota of 
 newfpapeis. From the beginning of Auguft to this day, 
 they contain the late interefting tranfactions of the four 
 weilern counties of Pennfylvania. Thefe would have been 
 communicated to you, as they arofe, if conveyances to 
 France were not of all others the molt difficult to be obtain- 
 ed. You will recollect the murmurs which have long pre- 
 vailed there againfl the excife. At length, the houfe of Ge- 
 lieral Neville, the infpeclor, was attacked by a large party of 
 armed men in the day, and burnt to the ground, together 
 with moft, if not all, the out-houfes. Forefeeing that go- 
 vernment could not be inattentive, and mixing perhaps fome 
 prepoilercus views of ambition and perfonal aggrandizement, 
 the leaders, to render themfelves formidable, contrived to 
 give an appearance of an univerfal commotion, and aflbcia- 
 tion of fentiment. A large body appeared in arms on Brad- 
 dock's field, and appointed the i4th of Auguft for the meet- 
 ing of deputies from all the townmips at Parkinfon's ferry, 
 inviting the Virginia counties to fend deputies alfo. The 
 Prefident difpatched fenator Rofs, judge Yates, and our at- 
 torney-general Bradford, as commiffioners; having firit re- 
 quired 12500 militia to be held in readinefs, in certain pro- 
 portions, in New-Jerfey, Pennfylvania, Maryland and Vir- 
 ginia. A committee of the infurgents were nominated to 
 confer with them, and to report to a fecond meeting, to be 
 held at Redftone at a later day. Our commiflioners unani- 
 moufly prevailed upon thofe with whom they conferred, to 
 agree to urge the people to peace. But the Redflone opinions 
 were not fo propitious as thofe of Parkinfon's Ferry. The 
 people there afiembled were difTatisfied with the conduct of 
 the former committee of conference, and appointed another, 
 
which, like tlie former, were unanimous for acquiefcence; 
 Still the people themfelves were to be confulted, and the i ith 
 September fixed for the taking of their votes. The refult has 
 been, jhat every leading man has fubfcribed to the terms 
 required by the commiflioners ; that near three thoufand men 
 above the age of fixteen have fubmitted ; that there is no 
 real danger of an oppofition in the field. However, the mi- 
 iitia having been on their march for fome time, and it being 
 certain, that although open refiftance will not be found, 
 the laws cannot be executed unlefs fome degree of military 
 force be at hand to fupport the officers, their movements 
 have not been countermanded. The command is intended 
 for governor Lee of Virginia ; but the Prefident goes on 
 towards Carlifle on Monday; where, after every proper ar- 
 rangement of the troops deftined to that place of rendez- 
 vous, he will decide whether to proceed or return. The 
 principal information, which is to be procured from the newf- 
 papers, will be the firft and fecond proclamation, the repre- 
 fentation of the Secreta-ry of the Treafury to the Prefident, 
 and the proceedings of the commiflioners. In a day or two 
 their report will be concluded ; which will condenfe the whole 
 date of this bufmefs into a fmall compafs. I have not adverted 
 to judge M'Kean and general Irvine, two ftate commifiioners, 
 who went upon the fame expedition ; becaufe their functions 
 were neceffarily limited to the mere act of pardon, the great 
 offences being againft the United States, not the individual 
 ftate of Pennfylvania. However, you may be affured, that 
 the infurrection will very quickly be fubdued ; and you can- 
 not err in any political calculation built on this event. 
 
 The fpirit which the dates have manifefted is aftonifhing, 
 Throughout Virginia, to % favour the infurgents would be dif- 
 grace, and actual perfonal danger. Some of their emiflaries 
 produced a momentary difturbance in Fredericktown, in Ma- 
 ryland, but it was foon hufhed by the rapid approach cf the 
 militia. In Pennfylvania, from fome mifmanagement, the 
 call of the militia was not haftily obeyed. But fuch an en- 
 thufiafm has now grown up and been raging for a confidera- 
 ble time, that the very Quakers have entered the ranks and 
 marched to Pittfburg. New-Jerfey feems to be a nurfery of 
 warriors, determined to fupport the conftitution. Even the 
 Democratic focieties have launched out into a reprobation of 
 the infurgents. All thefe circumftances combined, while 
 they afford an ample range for fpeculation on the remote confe- 
 quences, furnifh a conviction, that the energy of the govern- 
 ment is, and will be, greatly engreafed. 
 
. ( 8<S ) 
 
 I fufpect, that Europe will refound with the idle clamours 
 which circulate here , that the yellow fever has again appear- 
 ed in Philadelphia, Baltimore and New- York ; and that qua- 
 rantine will be again inflicted on our veflels. But the general 
 and fincere opinion is, that if there be any examples of it with- 
 in the city, they are too paltry to alarm even the old women 
 or children. 
 
 My anxiety to hear from you is multiplied tenfold by m)T 
 knowledge, that all the fentiments of Mr. Fauchet were de- 
 pofited in the memory of Mr. Le Blanc, and not committed 
 to writing. That which could not be hazarded upon the 
 poflibility of detection muft be of an important caft. One 
 thing only is certain , that he fuppofes a Britiih tendency to 
 prevail in fome members of our government, and that the 
 iuppofition is a copious theme with him. You are poflefied 
 of all the means of confronting this idea. You know hoiv Mr. 
 Jay is reftritled : And I muft acknowledge to you, that not- 
 with (landing all the pompous expectations, announced in the 
 gazettes, of compeniation to the merchants, the profpccl: of 
 it is, in my judgment, illufory ; and I do not entertain the 
 moft diilant hope of the furrender of the Weflern Pofts. Thus 
 the old exalperations continue j and new ones are daily added. 
 Judge then how indifpenfible it is, that you fhould keep the 
 French Republic in good humour with us. 
 
 Spain has, by a conduct fmiilar to that of Great Britain to- 
 wards us, impofed the neceffity of fending an envoy extraor- 
 dinary thither alfo : For the negociation is at a ftand, on the 
 moft unaccountable pretexts. My conviction is firm, that 
 the courts of Madrid and London are cordial in nothing but 
 a hatred againft the United States, and a determination to haf- 
 rafs them through the Indians. 
 
 If, however, a report, which has come many ways, be true, 
 that General Wayne, on the 2oth Auguft, left between one 
 hundred and fifty and three hundred Indians dead, on the 
 field near the Rapids of the Miami, their exultation might 
 have fallen, and they will foon be fick of war. 
 
 I am, fcrV. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
[ No. VII. ] 
 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 PariSj December id^ : 794. 
 
 I HAVE at length obtained an anfvver from th'e com- 
 mittee of public fafety, to the feveral proportions heretofore 
 prefented before it, in an arrete of the 1 8th ultimo ; and 
 which I now tranfmit to you. By this arrete the commiiiion 
 of marine is ordered to adjuit the amount due to fuch of our 
 citizens as were injured by the embargo of Bordeaux, and 
 likewife to fuch others as have claims for fupplies rendered 
 to the government of St. Domingo. By it alfo many ernbur- 
 rafirnents which impeded the direct trade between the two 
 countries are removed: The arbitrary rule of contraband > 
 which authorized the feizure of our veflels laden with provi- 
 fions deftined for other countries, is do v neaway ; and the (li- 
 pulation of the treaty of commerce which gives free paifcge 
 under our flag to the fubjects of any of the powers at war with 
 the Republic, is likewife inforced. In fhort, every thing has 
 been conceded that was defired, except the execution of that 
 part of the treaty which gave freedom to goods in {hips that 
 were fo. 
 
 I have, in confequence, notified to the cornrniflion of ma- 
 rine, that I-had empowered Mr. Skipwith to take charge of 
 thefs claims, and attend their adjuilment on the part of 
 our citizens, and I (hall continue to give every aid in my 
 power to obtain for them the juflice to which they are intitled. 
 In refpet to the* liquidation, unlefs, indeed, forne difficulty 
 fhould arife, as to the mode of payment, whether in afUgnats, 
 or fpecie, I prefume all difficulty is at an end. But in re- 
 gard to the payment, I think it probable, unlefs affignats are 
 taken, and which are now depreciated, further delay will be 
 defired, owing to the great expenditures of the government 
 at this very important crifis of its affairs. Upon this, how- 
 ever, I fhall be able to give you more correct information in 
 my next. 
 
 If the treaty could have been carried into effect, by general 
 agreement, I mould have deemed it a fortunate thing ; be- 
 caufe it would have fecured our commerce hereafter from the 
 poflibility of vexation, and upon any pretext whatever, by the 
 French cruifeis j and becaufe i; would fove ranged the 
 
( S3 ) 
 
 French Republic, at an important period of its affairs, on the 
 fide of a principle founded in benevolence and neceflary to the 
 freedom of the high feas.* But as connected with other con- 
 fiderations more immediately applicable to ourfelves ; and ef- 
 pecially, if the hope of forcing it upon other nations, as a law, 
 is abandoned, I have deemed it of but little confequence. It 
 certainly precludes the probability of our being called on hereaf- 
 ter to fulfil any ftipulation whatever, and will of courfe gain 
 us greater credit for any fervices we may render them, in cafe 
 it mould fuit us to render them any. I am likewife perfuaded, 
 from the refponfibility the arrete impofes, and the increafing 
 partiality pervading all France towards us, and which is felt 
 by the Americans and obferved by the fubjects of other neu- 
 tral powers, that the execution will not vary much from the 
 import of the treaty itfelf ; for I cannot think that many of our 
 veffels will hereafter be brought in upon the fufpicion of hav- 
 ing enemy's goods on board. 
 
 I informed you fome time fmce, that I was perfuaded, if 
 the fubject was before the convention, it would readily be 
 granted ; and in this 1 have not only been fmce confirmed, 
 but in the further belief, that a majority of the feveral com- 
 mittees was favourable to the object. The dread, however, of 
 denunciation in the courfe of events, deterred them from 
 adopting it. It was oppofed, as was likewife every other 
 change, by a party who would not fail to take advantage of it, 
 ihould a favourable opportunity occur. The fordid fpoilers of 
 the public wealth never forgive thofe who detect and expofe 
 to view their iniquities. And this was the moft vulnerable 
 point upon which recrimination could hereafter act : Eor, as 
 it is contemplated, when the other powers are withdrawn, to 
 profecute the war againft England, with the collected force 
 of the Republic, and this might be condrued into a partiality 
 for that nation, it was deemed too hazardous a meafure, in 
 refpect to the perfonal fafety of the members, to be encoun- 
 tered. In this decifion too, it is probable they were the more 
 confirmed, by the neceflity of cultivating Denmark and 
 Sweden at the prefent moment, from whence great refour- 
 ces are drawn in fupport of the war ; whofe councils are 
 wielded by Bernftorf, a man believed to be well difpofed 
 to a reform in the exifting governments of Europe,f and 
 whofe fleets are combined with no friendly difpofition to- 
 
 * Little war, it fufpcded at this time, that we fhouM be ranged on the 
 3de of England to fupport the oppu Ike principle. 
 
 t Thii, however, is not certain. 
 
C 89 ] 
 
 England. They would mod probably have preffcd to t/e- 
 put on the fame footing, and the preflure could not eaiiiy have 
 been refilled, after the example was given. As a proof, how- 
 ever, of the difpofidon of the committee, upon the fubjecl: ge- 
 nerally, I herewith tranfanit to you a copy of a report drawn 
 upon my notes by Merlin de Douay, to whom they were 
 referred, and which was informally given me by its diplo- 
 matic members. 
 
 I apprized you in my lail of the 2oth inftant, of Mr. Gar- 
 doqui's attempt to obtain permiffion to attend certain baths 
 within the Republic *, oftenfibly upon account of his ill-health, 
 but in my judgment to commence a negociation for peace (a 
 fineiTe too often practiced by a certain grade of politicians) 
 and at die fame timeleffen any weight the United States might 
 have upon that fubjecl:, in refpecl: to their own affairs, by in- 
 fpiring a diflruit in me in the outfet. I likewife iiated to you 
 in what manner I had ated upon that occafion, paying his 
 original letters before the committee, with my free and can- 
 did comments upon them : As alfo the further difcuffion 
 which took place between the committee and myfelf in regard 
 to Spain, and to which an incident of a different kind gave 1 
 birth ; in which I expofed, as far as the nature of the cafe 
 would admit of, the real fituation of the United States with 
 refpecl; to Spain and Britain, menaced with war by both ; 
 {hewing how France would be affected by that event, and of 
 courfe the part (he fhould take in cur affairs at the prefent: 
 moment. To that communication, I have now nothing nev/ 
 to add, having fince heard neither frc^i Mr. Gardoqui en 
 the fubjecl: of "his proportion, nor the committee upon that, 
 or die one which afterwards occurred. I omitted, however, 
 at tliat time, to tranfmit to you a copy of my letter accompa- 
 nying Mr. Gardoqui's to the committee, and v/hich I no-w 
 inclofe for the purpofe of prefenting that bufincfe more fully 
 before you. 
 
 I am convinced that this expofition of our fituadon witu 
 Britain and Spain, and to which the incident of Mr. Gardo- 
 qui iuxniihed the firft opening, has been ufeful : For before 
 that expofition, I had reafon to believe, that it was not only 
 unknown, but that a very erroneous opinion was entertained 
 by many in the committee upon that fubjecl. I thought I 
 had felt the effec> of that opinion, created no doubt in the 
 manner you fuggeft ; but as it was not communicated in a way 
 to enable me to take official notice of it, I was cmbar raffed how 
 to acfc, or what meafure to adopt in regard to i:. For a- 
 wiile, as it was circulated only in private, I thought it beil' 
 
C 9" I 
 
 fo counteract it, by making the necefiary explanation only tit- 
 thofe who mentioned it to me. Finally, as I knew the cam- 
 paign was progre fling towards a clofe, and that the winter 
 was the feafon for negociation ; and more efpecially as I fear- 
 ed its commencement with either of thofe powers, with fuch 
 improper opinion of our fituation with each, becaufe I well 
 knew they would improve it with great dexterity to their ad- 
 vantage j I deemed it my duty to make an extraordinary ef- 
 fort to remove it. With this view I appointed a rendezvous 
 with the diplomatic members of the committee, and which 
 took place accordingly. I was refolved, however, not to meet 
 the imputation as a charge fuppofed to exift, or which I was 
 bound to anfwcr in cafe it did. A denial of a charge might 
 beget a fufpicion where there was none. I took different 
 ground, by informing the committee, that the war in which 
 they were engaged, like all other wars, mufl have a termina- 
 tion : That moft were concluded by the friendly mediation of 
 third powers : That I was well convinced the United States 
 would be happy to render the French Republic any fervicc 
 in their power, in that refpeft, to bring the prefent war to a 
 happy clofe : That it was not their intereft to interfere, even by 
 mediation, nor, in my judgment, would they, otherwife than 
 at the inftance and by the requeft of the P'rench Republic, in 
 the hope of promoting thereby the fuccefs of their revolution. 
 I obferved further, that I wanted no anfwer to this, and had 
 onW given the information, that they might retain it in memo- 
 ry for the purpofe of availing themfelves of it hereafter, in cafe 
 it mould be found expedient. It was received refpe&fully, 
 but calmly. By one of the members it was obferved : " That 
 having beaten their enemies completely, it belonged to thofe 
 enemies to determine whether they wifhed peace or not ; and 
 if they did, they would, no doubt, be able to find a way where- 
 by to make it known to the Republic." By another, I was 
 aiked : " Whether Mr. Jay v/us ftill in London, and whether 
 he intended to come over to Paris, as had been publifhed in an 
 Englim paper.'* This was the very fufpicion I wifhed to 
 combat and remove; though indeed, I did not expect it would 
 have been avowed in fo abrupt a manner. I replied, I could 
 not tdl whether he had returned or not j but that it was im- 
 pomble the paragraph in the Englim paper mould be true, as 
 he was fcnc to England upon an efpecial bufinefs only j to 
 demand reparation for injuries, and to which his authority 
 was ilriclly limited. I then repeated what I had before faid 
 of the friendly difpofition of the United States towards the 
 trench Republic, in all cafes, and of the pleafure with which 
 they would, in my judgment, ferve it upon, the prefent one. 
 
if in their power. That I was perfuaded they would liften to 
 no propofition upon the fubjecT: of mediation from any other 
 power ; for as it was a bufmefs which could' not poilibly be- 
 nefit them, they would, of courfe, embark in it only upon ac- 
 count of their ally. I like wife added, that I knew nothing of 
 the difpofition of any power upon the febject of peace ; but 
 prefumed the fuccefs of their armies had difpofed them all 
 well towards it ; and thus I left them to reflect afleifure up- 
 on what I had faid ; in the belief, however, that the commu- 
 nication mufl produce a good effect. As this took place 
 prior to the affair of Mr. Gardoqui, and which was more 
 particularly detailed in my laft, I have thought proper to 
 communicate it to you, that you may be pofTefled of every, the 
 minuteft, circumftance relative to our affairs upon this very 
 important theatre. 
 
 If the fubjeft of a loan is mentioned again here, or in Ame- 
 rica, that of fecuring for us the points in queftion, muft like- 
 wife be ; but as I have faid every thing on that head that I 
 can fay, having only a right to conjecture, I am not anxious 
 to revive it here. I am, however, perfuaded it will be re- 
 vived with you ; for fo vaft are their armies, and extenfive 
 their operations, that they muft be diilreifrd for money, and 
 forced to gain it from whence they can. And I fmcerely 
 wim we may affift them, if poffible, and which I prefume it 
 will be, efpecially if not comprifed in the war, and which 
 I think cannot be, although we mould immediately wreft 
 from Britain and Spain the rights they have ufurped from 
 us. The credit of the United States is fuch in Europe and 
 America, and their means of reimbnrfem-jnt fo unquciiion- 
 able, efpeciaily in the particular of the weftern territory (an 
 objecl: viewed at prefent with great cupidity on this fide of the 
 Atlantic) that I am perfuaded the amount expected might be 
 obtained by loan j and I am equally fo, that the people would 
 chearfully bear a tax, the product of which was to be applied 
 in aid of the French Republic. Upon thefe topics, however, 
 I have only a right to conjecture, and as fuch you will be 
 pleafed to confider what I have faid.* 
 
 The day after my remarks upon the fubjec~t of a loan were 
 handed in, I was favored with yours of the 25th uf Septem- 
 ber, and which I beg leave now to acknowledge. Finding 
 that my idea of our fituation with Britain and Spain \vas 
 correct, I was extremely happy that I had given that rcpre- 
 
 * The fum the French Republic wanted f> om us was about fi/e millions 
 f dollars ; to be borrowed under the guarantee or the United States, but 
 tcured by a mortgage of an adequat- portion of their national d<rnuins. 
 
fentation of it. The motive for ftrong union here, on our 
 part, is the greater, and nothing tends fo effectually to pro- 
 mote that object as the belief that we are not cordial with 
 England. In confequence, I waited on the committee again, 
 and told 'them I had received a difpatch from you fince our 
 laii conference, and that our dilemma with thofe two power* 
 was even more critical than I had before intimated. Fa&s of 
 this kind* go further in removing doubts, than any afiurances 
 I could otherwife give them. Thefe difcuilions have enabled 
 me to examine attentively whether it was their real wilh that 
 x we mould embark with them in the war, and I can affure 
 you, that whatever it "may have been at any previous ftage, 
 upon which ! can give no opinion, that at prefent, I am per- 
 fuaded they would rather we would not ; from an idea it 
 might diminiih their fupplies from America : But fuch is their 
 difpofition towards us, that I am inclined to think, if the 
 point depended on them, they would leave us to acl: in that 
 refpecl: according to. our own wifhes. And I am likewife 
 perfuaded, if we do embark in the war, that they will fee us 
 through it ; and have fome hope if we do not, and especially 
 if we aid them in the article of money, that they will fupport, 
 as far as they v/ill be able, our demands upon Spain and 
 England. 
 
 I intimated in myfaft, that we could net have afked from 
 fortune a more feafonable opportunity for poiTeffing ourfelves 
 'of thofe .rights, which have been long ufurped by Britain and 
 Spain, and that if it was the fenfe of America ever to pcf- 
 feis them, it mould not be pretermitted. Britain is certainly 
 not in a condition to embark in a war againft us, though we 
 fhould difpoflefs her of Canada : She would of courfe be lefs 
 apt tQ do it, if we only placed her troops beyond the lakes. 
 Her own land force was fcarcely felt in the prefent war againft 
 France : Nor has me been otherwife regarded than on account 
 of her fleet and pecuniary refqurces, by which me fubfidiz- 
 ed PruiTia and other powers. 'But that fores, fmall as it was, 
 is greatly diminifhed, and the combination in which me has 
 been aflbciated appears, not only to be completely foiled, but 
 In a great meafure broken. The ^rofpeft now before her is, 
 that Pnima, Auitria, and all the other powers will extricate 
 themfelves from the war, upon- the beft terms they can and 
 leave her'fingly to fupport it againft France ; and that the lat- 
 ter will be aiiied by Spain unlefs a particular combination 
 Nigainit us fliould prevent it ; and likewife by Denmark 'and 
 
 * Meaaiflg Wayne's movement en the fj on tier. 
 
C 93 3 
 
 'Sweden, if not directly, yet in a. manner to produce a feriou* 
 effect. The preponderance of her fleet, and the wanton and 
 licentious ufe inade of it, hare excked the difguft of all na- 
 tion? ; \vho would be pleafed to fee it reduced, and the p;c~ 
 fent is considered as a favourable time to reduce it. She like- 
 wife knows or confidently believes, that it is the intention of 
 France to profecute the war againft her, for the purpcfe of 
 breaking her maritime (Irength, and riding the ocean from 
 fuch a tyrant. At home too me cannot be free from clifnui- 
 etude. The total failure of her operations in this quarter 
 {what they are in the Weft Indies : is better known to you) has 
 excited fome uneafmefs in the pubfic mind, and proportional- 
 ly leflened the weight of the court. This was lately (hewn in 
 a profecution againft a Mr. Hardy, and in which a verdlcl 
 was given fer the -defendant. And ftiould the French take 
 Holland (which nothing but an inundation already comrr.cnc- 
 ed -can prevent, if even that can) this fenfation v/iil cf courfs 
 "be increafecl.. Thus circumstanced, what lijive vre to fear 
 from her ? Will fhe, in her decline, bring upon her fell another 
 enemy, who can wound her fo vitally ; for let her merchants 
 and politicians boaft as they will of her refources, y^t it is 
 well knov/n, if the American demand was cutdr7, upon which 
 ihe thrives fo much-, that it would greatly dim i mill h;r revenue 
 and impair her ftrength, How is the enabled to fuppon her 
 'engagements and carry on her operations, but by commerce; 
 arid leiTened as this already is by the war, how could fhe fuf- 
 'tain fuch a ftroke at the prcicut crifis ? From her fricnilfnip 
 we have nothing to hope : The order of the 6th November, 
 was war \i~\fc:ct y and tliat has fmce been modified according 
 to circumftances. Se aflured fhe is infinitely lefs difpofed 
 for fuch an event at the prefent, than at any preceding, period. 
 On the contrary, if we only took poflHiion cf what v, r e are 
 entitled to., me will readily join with us in reprehending the 
 'conducl; of her own officers for having tranfceuded their or- 
 ders.* With refpect to Spain, I have nothing new to add, 
 fince my lad, except that in two days' fucceffive aclions,'two 
 complete victories v/ere -cbtained over her troops by thcfe of 
 
 * My opinian was, thar we ihoukl t.<lt"a fj;o:iqr pcfition in refpei'Vto En- 
 f^laml, and which woaMnot oniy ha"eput us at e^fencriruuiently *., \.li I 
 avoidiag in confsquenoe, aH ti^e variance and mirunderMandiug wl ich 
 have flnce ; taken place, \vi;h that Republic; but, b* r obtaining f i - 
 the aU of her lortunes againft ngJai;d, havs commanded from the 
 "power, and without any lianger of war, our own tcim;. Nor \voultt ! 'i in 
 f\ach an event have enquired u>^ ftricliy into tl.e propriety of our re 
 a Ai.zJ.to France th# oHiiVition we owed her, by guarantying " 
 f bar or live millions of dollars," to be Lud out here in the piuclufs of nuvi- 
 
C 94 3 
 
 this Republic , imlefs, indeed, fome ingenious f&phift, jea- 
 lous of the honor of Spain mould contend, that' as they were 
 completely routed on the firft, and maintained only a ftrag- 
 gling battle en the fecond, it ought to be called but one. Cer- 
 tain it is, that in the two days' conflict, feveral thoufands were 
 flam, and upwards of two thoufand taken prifoners, with their 
 camp on each day, and on one, tents for fifty thoufand men. 
 I promifed you, fome time fmce, my comments upon the 
 fubjecl: of a confular arrangement, for the ports of this re- 
 public. The confuls have been here to confer with me upon 
 the fubje& of trade, and I have obtained from them their 
 ideas on that of the arrangement which I now inclofe you. 
 I will add my own comments on it in my next, and will fub- 
 join the names of fome Americans now here, that may be 
 deemed worthy your attention. I think proper, however, 
 now to mention, that Mr. Skipwith will accept the office of 
 conful for this city, and that I think him worthy of it. He 
 is, in my opinion, a fenfible of man, of ftricl: integrity, and 
 well acquainted with the duties of the office. The duties of 
 conful here, will be thofe of conful general, and in ftri&nefs 
 the commiffion mould be correfpondent. They may, howe- 
 ver, be performed under that of conful only , for I pre- 
 fume thofe in the ports will refped him equally in either cha* 
 racier. 
 
 From the Copimiffion of Foreign Relations, to ike JMinifter Pleni- 
 potentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, ^d Frimaire, 3 d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (November 24^, 1794-^ 
 
 You will find within, Citizen Minifter, the copy of an 
 arrete, taken on the 25th Brumaire laft, (i8th November) by 
 the committee of public fafety, relative to the conduct which 
 fhall hereafter be obferved in the ports, and by the veflels of 
 the Republic towa-rds neutral veiTels and their cargoes. This 
 arrete furnimes an anfwer to the memoir which you prefented 
 on the 1 7th of Fru&idor (September 3d.) You will doubt- 
 lefs be fully fatisfied with the difpofitions which are there an- 
 nounced. You will confider them as a new proof of the de- 
 fire of our government to maintain and ftrengthen the good 
 
C 95 ] 
 
 intelligence which now fo happily reigns between our two 
 Republics. 
 
 Si " ed MIOT. 
 
 ExtraEl of the Regifter of Ar rets of the Committees of Public 
 Safety, Finance and Supplies. 
 
 1.$th Brumaire, ^d Tear cf the Republic, 
 
 (November \$th y 1794.} 
 
 ( THE COMMITTEES OF PUBLIC SAFETY, COMMERCE AND 
 SUPPLIES, ORDER AS FOLLOWS T 
 
 * 
 
 ARTICLE I. The veflels of the United States of Ame- 
 rica, and thofe of other neutral powers, mall be permitted to 
 enter freely into the ports of the Republic, and retire from 
 them when they pteafe : Nor fhall it be permitted to any con- 
 ftituted authority to retard their departure, or ;o oblige the 
 captains to fell their cargoes againft their will. 
 
 ART. II. When the captains or owners of neutral veflels 
 are difpofed to fell their cargoes to the public, they ihall be 
 paid for them according to the bargain which they make. 
 
 ART. III. It is enjoined to all the commandants of naval ar- 
 maments, fleets, divifions, and fquadrons of the Republic, 
 to refpet, and to caufe to be refpeclied, upon their refponfibi- 
 lity, ifi favour of the neutral and allied powers, the rights of 
 nations and the ftipulations of treaties, conforming themfelves 
 ftri&ly to the terms of the decree of the convention of the ayth 
 
 f July, 1793- 
 
 ART. IV. In confequence they are exprefsly prohibited 
 from turning thefe veflels from their courfe ; taking from on 
 board of them their captains, failors or paflengers, other 
 than foldiers or failors actually in the fervice of an enemy 
 power ; or of feizing the eflets or merchandize which fhall 
 be found in them. 
 
 ART. V. Are excepted from the prohibition contained in 
 the preceding article. 
 
 1. Merchandizes belonging to the enemies of the Republic, 
 until fuch enemy powers {hall have declared that the mer- 
 chandizes of the French (hall be free on board neutral 
 veflels. 
 
 2. Such merchandizes of the neutral powers alfo as are 
 deemed contraband of war ; a.nd under which are compnfed 
 
ni^, nniruments and munitions of war, ar4 every kind, 
 of merchandize and other effects deilinecl for an enemy's, 
 port actually fcized or blockaded. 
 
 [.ARTS. VI, 'VII, VIII and IX regulate the manner of pro- 
 ceeding where neutral vefftls are brought in, upon a prefump- 
 tion cf having enemy's goods on board.] 
 
 ART. X. The commiifion of Marine mall prcfent without 
 delay a (latement of the individuals, born fubjects of the pow- 
 ers with whom the Republic is at war, who were taken be- 
 fore the prefent day upon neutral vefTels, that particular arretes 
 rnay b^ taken in each cafe. 
 
 ART. XL The indemnities which are due to the captains 
 of neutral powers who were detained by an embargo at Bor- 
 deaux, mall be liquidated without delay by the cornmifiion of 
 marine and colonies, conformable to an arrete of the commit- 
 tee of public fafcty of the I7th of Germinal ; and this commif- 
 fion fhali render an account in tjie courfe of ten days, of the 
 actual date of thefe demands. 
 
 ART. XII. The commiffion of mar.ine is fpecially charged 
 to receive and adjuft the accounts which fhall be prefented to. 
 it by an agent of the United States, for fuch fnpplies as the 
 Americans have furnimed to the adminiilration of St. Domin- 
 go ; and it mail take the neceflfary meafures to procure to 
 the parties intcrefted the mod prompt juitice, and (hall alfo 
 prefeut to the committees of public fafety, of finance, com- 
 merce and fupplies, the refult of its operations in thefe refpeclts. ' 
 
 ART. XIII. The commlffion of foreign relations is induct- 
 ed to deliver a copy of this arrete to the minifler plenipoten- 
 tiary of the United States of America, in anfwer to his me- 
 morial of the pth of Fru&idor (September 3d) laft. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 MERLIN, THURIOT, 
 
 CAMBACERES, &V. 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATIC 
 
 Paris, January 13^, 1795- 
 
 I HAVE the pleafure to inform you, that upon the re- 
 port of tile uaited cs>aimittees of publk fafety^ legi.0ation s 
 
[ 97 3 
 
 commerce and finances, a decree has pafTed the convention 
 Cnce my laft, whereby it is reiblved to carry into ftricl: execu- 
 tion, the treaty of amity and commerce between the United 
 States and this Republic. I beg leave to congratulate you 
 upon this event, and particularly the unanimity with which' ic 
 palled the convention ; fince it demonftrates the good diipo- 
 iition of that body, and of the nation generally, towards us. I 
 was always fatisfied, as heretofore intimated, that if I could 
 have brought the fubject, in the firfl initance, before the con- 
 vention, I mould have fucceeded immediately in the object in 
 view : But as the committee was the department organized 
 for fuch bufmefs, this was impoilible, without commen-.. 
 fpecies of warfare upon it, and which was equally impro- 
 per, as it might tend to increafe their own diilentions, arid 
 embark me afloat upon the fortune of thofe diiTentions. Hap- 
 pily, by purfuing the objedt patiently with the committee, 
 removing doubts, and obviating objections, aided by occa- 
 iional changes of the members, this has not only been avoid- 
 ed, but I have the additional pleafure to allure you, that ic 
 was finally accomplished, without the leait difficulty, and . 
 without exciting the animofity of any one. 
 
 After my late communications to the committee of public 
 fafety, in which were expofed freely the objecT: of Mr. Jay's 
 miffion to England, and the real fituation of Jie United States 
 with Britain and Spain, I had reafon to believe, that all ap- 
 prehenfion on thofe points was done away, and that the ut- 
 moft cordiality had now likewife taken place in that body 
 towards us. I confidered the report above recited, and upon 
 which the decree was founded, as the unequivocal proof of 
 that change of fentiment, and flattered myfelf, that in every 
 refpect we had now the beft profpect of the moil perfect and 
 permanent harmony between the two Republics. I arn very 
 forry, however, to add, that latterly this profpeft has beea 
 fomewhat clouded by accounts from England, that Mr. Jay had 
 not only adjufted the points in controverfy, but concluded a. 
 treaty of commerce with that government : Some of thofc 
 accounts ftate, that he had alfo concluded a treaty of alliance, 
 .often five and defenfive. As I knew the baneful effect which 
 thefe reports would produce, I deemed it my duty by repeat- 
 fcig what I had faid before of his powers, to ufe my utmofb 
 endeavours, informally, to difcredit them. This, however, 
 did not arreft the progrefs of the report, nor remove the dif- 
 qui etude it had created : For I was, finally, applied to direct- 
 ly by the committee, in a letter, which dated what had been 
 heard, and requefted information of what I knew in regard tQ 
 
:t. As 1 had juft before received one from Mr. Jay, announc- 
 ing that he had concluded a treaty, and which contained a 
 declaration, that our previous treaties Ihould not be affected 
 by it, I thought fit to make this letter the bafis of my reply. 
 And aa it is neceflary that you ihould be apprized of whatevef 
 has pafled here on this fubject, I now tmnirnit to you copies 
 of thefe feveral papers, and which comprize a full ftatement 
 thereof, up to the prefent time. 
 
 I cannot admit for a moment, that Mr. Jay has exceeded 
 his powers, or that any thing has been done, which will give 
 juft caufe of complaint to this Republic. I lament, however, 
 that he has not thought himfelf at liberty to give me correct 
 information on that fubject ; for until it is known that their 
 intertlt has not been wounded, the report will certainly keep 
 alive fufpicion, and which always Weakens the bonds of friend- 
 Ihip. I truft, therefore, you will deem it expedient to adviie 
 me on this head, as foon as poffible. 
 
 I apprized you in my two laft letters, of an informal com- 
 munication between the diplomatic members of the commit- 
 tee and myfelf, upon an interrogatory of theirs, Whether it 
 would be poliible for France to obtain aid from, or within, the 
 United Sta-tss, for the purchafe of fupplies ; and of my ef- 
 'fort upon that occafion to intereft this government in fupport 
 of our claims with Britain and Spain ; and to which I was 
 fthnulated by intelligence that Mr. jay's negociation had fail- 
 ed ; and that \Ve were on the point of war or actually engag- 
 ed in it, with Britain ; as likewife by the knowledge that Spain 
 was covertly feeking a feparate peace. I was fatisfied, that if 
 France v/ould embark in our caufe, in the prefent ftate of 
 things, arid which I found her well difpofed to do, and with- 
 out the profpecT: of much aid in return, that the object in 
 each inftance would be fecurc. I therefore thought it eligi- 
 ble in that ftate of things, and with that view, to leave the 
 door open for a communication on the fubject with you. But 
 as foon as I under flood that Mr. Jay had adjufted the points 
 in controverfy with that nation, the object on 'my part was at 
 sn end, I was aware, that if the adjuftment was approved \vc 
 cOuld render no fuch fervice : Indeed, I doubted whether in 
 peace the government pofleiTed the power to render it. I 
 called, therefore, immediately upon thofe members with 
 whom the previous communication had been, and fuggefted 
 the fame to them. They had anticipated the idea, and were 
 prepared to anfwer it by a peremptory aflurance, that it was 
 not their wifh to create embarramnent in this or any other re- 
 fpeft ; On the contrary, that regard fhould be IheWn in aS 
 
C 99 3 
 
 ^f<?s to our actual Ctuation -, and with refpecl to the point in 
 queftion, that the niinifter about to depart, mould be in- 
 ftruled not even to mention it if you forbade it. So that 
 this bufmefs (lands upon a footing, as indeed it always did, 
 whereby, under a particular ftate of tilings, fome beeilt may- 
 be derived from it, and no detriment under any. 
 
 The operations of this government continue to progrefs in 
 the fame courfe they have done for fome time pa(t. During 
 the time of Robefpierre, a period of the administration which 
 is emphatically called the reign of terror, much havoc was 
 made, not only on the rights of humanity, but great confu- 
 fion was likewile introduced, in other refpects, in the affairs of 
 the government. It has been the fy Hematic effort of the ad- 
 rriiiiiihration to repair tfris wade, and heal the bleeding 
 wounds of the country, and, in this, great progrefs ^s been 
 made. By the fame report which propofed the execution of 
 the violated articles of the treaty of amity and commerce with 
 the United States, it was iikewife propofed to open wide the 
 door of commerce to every citizen (excluding them from na- 
 vigation only) and which was adopted: So that, at prefent, any 
 perfon bringing productions into the ports of this Republic, 
 may fell them to whom he pleafes, and generally with afto- 
 niming profit. The .agents of the Republic fland upon the 
 grpund of other perfons : They are preferred only by out-bid- 
 ding them. In my judgment, no region of the world pre- 
 fents fuch an opening to the enterprises of our countrymen, 
 as this does. The reftraints upon their own navigation, ope- 
 ,rate in the degree as a bounty to ours ; and the government 
 and citizens of France feem equally phafed to fee purs pre- 
 ferred to that of any other nation. The reftraints, likewife,, 
 which are impofed in other countries, en account of the war, 
 upon a commerce with the French citizens, produce, in other 
 refpects, the fame effect. It is the interefl of the latter to em- 
 ploy our countrymen in ordinary mercantile tranfactions, and 
 .especially with foreign .nations; whereby they get into their 
 hands a .great proportion qf . the whole trade of the Republic. 
 f he jarofits which thofe on this, theatre have already made> and 
 .continue to make, furpafs what you have any idea of. I fin- 
 cerely wifh that this was more generally known, that more 
 .rnight be induced to embark in it, not only for the purpofe of 
 -difruilng more generally the immediate emoluments, out for 
 the more important one of gaming an mtereft in the commerce 
 ,of this Republic, which .may be of lafting advantage to the 
 United States. Before. the revolution, the Engiim pofTeiTed 
 tins advantage, as tuey did ^n.rnotl pther countries : But new 
 
C io ] 
 
 that interefi is annihilated; and if the Americans ftep in, aid- 
 ed as they will be by the preference of the government and 
 people in their favour, they may occupy the ground, and re- 
 tain i: for ever afterwards. Permit me to add, that nothing 
 will more efFentially forward this object, than an extenfive and 
 numerous appointment of confute. In every port an agent 
 fhoiild be placed : and I mould fuppofe the object of fufficient 
 importance to induce our countrymen to accept of thofe offi- 
 ces. If a prudent and creditable perfon, the appointment 
 attaches to it confidence, and gives him the command of ca- 
 pital. I am fatisfied that any young man of good character, 
 having the appointment in any of the ports, might immedi- 
 ately connect himfelf advantageoufly with the firfl houfe there, 
 and gradually command elfewhere what capital he pleafed. 
 I have Cammed into this fubject and have thought proper to 
 give you the refult of my refearches into it. 
 
 Nor has this wife and humane fyftem been limited to this 
 object alone. It has already been extended to many branches 
 of national policy, and promifes to embrace the whole. A 
 decree was not long fince pafTed, by which the feventy-one 
 members, formerly of the Briffbtine or Cirondine party, and 
 who had been confined on that account, were fet at liberty, 
 and called into the convention. And a few days afterwards 
 our countryman, Mr. Paine, was likewife reftored to his feat 
 in that body, with marks of the moft refpectful attention. 
 Thefe events have given fatisfaction to the community at large. 
 A decree alfo, which had excluded the nobles and foreigners 
 (the Americans excepted) from Paris, and the feaports, has 
 likewife been repealed. This latter aft, though compara- 
 tively of apparent little importance, has, notwithstanding, 
 produced an excellent effect : For as it breathes a fpirit oT 
 humanity and on that account captivates all, fo it has contri- 
 buted, by pa fling in review many members of the an- 
 ' cient order of nobility (and who have not forgotten, and ne- 
 ver will forget, old habits) to prefent before the public, and 
 much to the credit of the revolution, the ftrong andintereft- 
 ing contrail, between the manly character of the French na- 
 tion at the prefent day, and the miferable effeminacy, fop- 
 pery and decrepitude of former times-. 
 
 A decree has likewife pafled, by which a general amnefty 
 has been proclaimed in the Vendee ; and a report has been 
 fin ce received from the deputies who were fent to carry it 
 into effect, that all thofe to whom rt was announced, had 
 lain clown their arms, and arranged themfelves under the ban- 
 ner of the Republic j and that they were likewife fatisfied it 
 
would terminate the war ; a war heretofore, beyond example, 
 bloody and deftructive, and whole origin, fupport and means 
 of continuance, appear even yet to be but little underftood. 
 Freed from this embarraflment, the Republic will acquire 
 new vigor in all its enterprifes ; it will certainly have under 
 its command, for other purpofes, a confiderable force which 
 was heretofore employed there. 
 
 But in retracing the ground, to repair in detail the inju- 
 ries which the reign of terror had inflicted, it was impoflible 
 to behold the havoc it had made, without feeling fome indig- 
 nation for the authors of fuch great and complicated mifery. 
 This propenfity, however, and which was equally incited 
 by the obligations of juftice and humanity, was itrongly op- 
 pofed from the period of Robefpierre's death to the prefent 
 time, by a fentiment of extenfive impreiTion, that it were 
 bo':ter to prevent the further effufikm of blood, and to cover 
 with a veil the atrocities which had patted, fo far as they could 
 be covered, than to punifh even thofe of greateft enormity. 
 For fome time this fentiment prevailed, and though often 
 irritated and difturbed by the remaining leaders of the oppo- 
 fite party, who courted danger and provoked their own fate, 
 yet it appeared probable it would finally preponderate and 
 confirm the adminiftration within that limit. The trial> how- 
 ever, of the Nantoisy a long train of refpectable citizens at 
 Nantes, who were arrefted under the adminiftration of Car- 
 rier, in his miffion there, and brought lately before the tribu- 
 nal of Paris, opened the fcene again, and revived the fenfa- 
 tion of horror, which had before in fome meafure fubfided. 
 Such enormities were difclofed in the courfe of this trial, 
 that it was impoflible otherwife to appeafe the public mind, 
 than by fubmitting Carrier, and his accomplices, to the tribu- 
 nal in their turn. Condemnation was the fure confequence 
 of his trial-, and it was expected, fo clear was the cafe againft 
 him, that all thofe formerly of that party, would now fepa- 
 rate from and yield him to his fate. From fuch a line of 
 conduct fome merit might have been arrogated, and the pub- 
 lic cenfure thrown in a great meafure on him alone ; by 
 whofe punimment too the public refentment might poflibly 
 have been fatisfied. But Billaud de Varennes, Collot d'Her- 
 bois, and even Barrere, a man heretofore noted for fkilful 
 movements in critical conjunctures, acted otherwife. They ob- 
 vioufly, andfrom the beginning, made Carrier's caufe their own; 
 not only by fupporting him in the convention, as far as it 
 was poflible, but by exciting the Jacobins to take part in his fa- 
 vour j thereby attaching themfelves to the declining fortunes of 
 
. t 
 
 that chib,and likewife making fomeunfeafonable motions which 
 bore on their face the complexion of that party. The reparation 
 required at bell a dextrous management ; but by thefe means 
 th'i-y piefented themfelves out as an object, invited the pub- 
 lic attention, and, in the degree, the public refentment. Whe- 
 ther they will Anfcliy efcape is now doubtful. Lecointre, 
 who had {hewn himfelf fuiRciently prone, upon a former occa- 
 fioii to commence the attack, toe.-: advantage of one of thefe 
 moments of indifcretion to renev/ it, and with better effect. 
 His -motion wasfenttothe com ir.iiHon of twenty-one, hereto- 
 fore organized to report, whether there wag juil ground of 
 accufation, and there it now is. 
 
 Another fignal vilory was obtained over the Spaniards 
 fmce ray lafl, and in which the two commanding generals, 
 many men, we're flain, and nine thoufand taken prifoners : 
 And in the north, fmce the ice, nearer approaches are mr. . J e 
 to He-Hand, which will, moil probably, foonbe taken. With- 
 in a few days pail, deputies arrived from the Stadtholderian 
 party, to negociate a feparate peace : But, at the fame time, 
 others came from the patriotic party to oppafe it, and who 
 preilod the committee to order forward the troops immedi- 
 ately, to afiail and enter Amfterdam ; and to which effe& or- 
 ders wer* accordingly iflucd. I am fatisfied that peace will 
 noc be granted to the Netherlands, -although a revolution 
 fhould take place there, on any other condition than that of 
 their uniting in the war againft England. It is conceived, 
 that a peace to that power, on other terms, would be more fa<- 
 vourable to England than its continuance in the war ; for 
 thereby the Britifii troops might be withdrawn, and great ad- 
 vantage -gained in other refpects from its neutrality. This, it 
 is thought, is the object of England in affenting to their peace ; 
 but, in r?jec~r,mg the -offer, France opens a trait in her views 
 thai \vi\l aJJ much to the weight of the miniiterial argument 
 tor a continuation of the war. No argument is fo ftrong as 
 that of neceility, and if France will not make peace it will be 
 impombie for England to do it. In my judgment, it is the 
 determination of this Republic to purfue the war, until the 
 maritime ftrength of England is broken , and when the actual 
 ftate of things is regarded, with that of the comparative po- 
 pulation, force, and enterprize of the two nations, I do 
 not fee how it can be prevented. A fmgle victory. at fca 
 accomplilhes the object,. and the -rapidity with which {hips 
 are built, and fleets equipped here, is inconceivable. With- 
 in few v/eeks part, the -Brett fleet has been out twice (indeed 
 it is now out) counting f thirty^fix {hips of the line, fifteen 
 
frigates^ fourteen (loops of war and cutters/ giving the defi- 
 ance to iu antagonift, which continues cloie locked to the 
 land. More latterly, however, ibme indications were feen, 
 >n that eoaft, of a difpontion to take the fea, and hazard the 
 fate of the illand on a battle, fo that it is probable fomtthing 
 decifivc may take place foon. 
 
 With reipecl to the other powers, nothing definitive has 
 yet been none in regard to peace. Jt is certain that feveral wifh 
 it, and particularly Spain and Pruilia ; but yet fovne difficul- 
 ties have occurred in regulating the commencement and man- 
 ner of the negociation. England oppofes it, becaule me 
 knows flic will not be included -, and they, on that account, 
 wifh it to be private, merely to avoid the imputations that 
 would aril's if it were known , and this cannot well be accom- 
 modated under the prefent organization of the French govern- 
 ment. It is faid, that a mimiter from Pruilia is at Dalle, in 
 Switzerland, with power to treat ; and that they all have 
 agents the re for the fame purpofe is like wife probable. 
 
 I will endeavour, if poffible, to forward by this opportunity 
 a report rendered me by Mr. Skipwith, upon the fubjel of 
 American claims. Be affured, that every poflible attention 
 has been, and mail be paid to this fubjech 
 
 P. S. I had omitted to mention the official communication, 
 by the committee of public fafety, of the decree of the con- 
 vention for carrying into effect the treaty of amity and com- 
 merce between the United States and France : The polite 
 terms, however, in which it is expreffed merit attention. 
 
 fr-m tie Committee cf Public Safety, to the Minijlcr P. 
 tertiary cf the United States cf America. 
 
 Paris, 8^/6 Nivofe, ^d Tear of ile Republic. 
 
 (December ?."]tk 9 1794.^ 
 
 WE are informed, Citizen, that there was lately cai>- 
 cluded at London a treaty of alliance and commerce -between 
 the Britiih government -and Citizen Jay, envoy extraordinary 
 ^f the United Staces. 
 
 A vague report fpreads itfeif abroad, that, in this treaty, the 
 Citizen Jay has forgotten thofc things, which our treaties 
 with the American people, and the facrifices which the French 
 
 s. <i Tight to ei 
 
on the part of a rrrinifler of a nation, which we have fo ma- 
 ny moti\ r es to confider as friendly. 
 
 It is important that we know pofitively, in what light we 
 are to hold this affair. There ought not to fubfift, between 
 two free people, the diflimulation which belongs to courts ; 
 and it gives us pleafure to declare, that we confider you as 
 much oppofed perfonally to that kind of policy, as we are 
 ourfelves. 
 
 We invite you then, to communicate to us as foon as pof- 
 fible the treaty whereof there is queftion. It is the only means 
 whereby you can enable the French nation juftly to -appreci- 
 ate thofe reports fo injurious to the American government, 
 and to which that treaty gave birth. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 MERLIN, CARNOT. 
 
 FOURCROY, CAMBACERES, 
 A. DUMONT, &c. 
 
 From the Minifler Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- 
 rica y to the Committee of Public Safety. 
 
 Paris., December 2Jth, 1794* 
 
 favoured this morning with yours of yefterday, 
 intimating that the report of a treaty, faid to be concluded by 
 Mr. Jay, envoy of the United States of America, to England, 
 with that nation, derogatory to the treaties of alliance and 
 commerce fubfifling between thofe States and this Republic, 
 had given you fome difquietude, and requelling information. 
 from me upon that point. I obey the invitation with plea- 
 fure, becaufe I well know that a candid policy is that alone 
 which becomes Republics, and becaufe it is likewife moft cor- 
 refpondent with the wimes of the American government, and 
 my own feelings. 
 
 Having already communicated to you the limited object of 
 Mr. Jay's miflion, it only remains for me to inform you what 
 1 know of the refult. All that I know, upon this fubjecl:, is 
 comprized in a letter received yellerday from Mr. Jay, of No- 
 vember 25th ; in which he fays, that he had fulfilled the prin- 
 cipal object of his miflion, by concluding a treaty, figned on 
 the ipth of the fame month, which contains a declaration^ 
 
rt That it (hould not be conftrued, nor operate, contrary to 
 our exifting treaties, and that, therefore, our engagements 
 with other nations were not affected by it." He adds, that 
 as the treaty is not yet ratified, it would be improper to pub- 
 lifh it. I am altogether ignorant of the particular ftipulations 
 of the treaty, but beg leave to afiure you, that as ibon as I 
 (hall be informed thereof, I will communicate the fame to 
 you. 
 
 I take it, however, for granted, that the report is without 
 foundation ; for I cannot believe that an American minifter 
 would ever forget the connections between the United States 
 and France, which every day's experience demonftrates to be 
 the intereft of both Republics ftill further to cement. 
 
 From Mr. Jay> to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 London, November 2$th % 1794* 
 
 IT gives me pleafure to inform you, that a treaty be- 
 tween the United States and his Britannic Majefty, was fign- 
 ed on the ipth inftant. 
 
 This circumftance ought not to give any uneafmefs to the 
 convention. The treaty exprefsly declares, that nothing con- 
 tained in it (hall be conftrued or operate contrary to exifting 
 treaties between the United States and other powers. 
 
 I flatter myfelf that the United States, as well as all their 
 minifters, will, upon every occafion, manifeft the moft fcru- 
 pulous regard to good faith ; and that thofe nations who wifh 
 us well, will be pleafed with our preferving peace and a 
 good underftanding with others. 
 
 From Mr. Jay> to Mr. Monroe, 
 
 London , November 2$th, 1794. 
 
 BY a letter written and fent a few days ago, I had the 
 pleafure of informing you that on the 1 9th inftant, the prin- 
 cipal bufmefs of my million was concluded, by a treaty figned 
 on that day. It contains a declaration, that it mall not be 
 conftrued, nor operate contrary to our exifting treaties ; as 
 therefore our engagements with other nations remain unaf- 
 fected by it, there is reafon to hope, that our preferving peace 
 
 P 
 
and a good underftanding with this country, will not give un* 
 cafmcfs to any other. As the treaty is not yet ratified, it 
 would be improper to publifh it. It appears to me to be, up- 
 on the whole, fair, and as equal as could be expected. In 
 fome refpecls, both nations will probably be pleafed, and ir| 
 ethers, difpleafed. 
 
 From the Committee of Public Safety, to the Minifter Plenipotentiary 
 of tit United States of Ameriua. 
 
 Paris, I8//6 Nivofe, ^d Tear of the Republic. 
 (January %th, 1795-^ 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 BY the folicitude we mew to communicate to you our 
 arrete of the i4th of this month, you will judge of our zeal 
 to keep you conftantly inftrucled of our effort? to maintain 
 the relations of a fmcere ftiendfhip between the United States 
 and die French Republic. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CAMBACERES, BREARD, &c. 
 
 ExtraR >f the Regijler of Arrets of the Committee of Public 
 
 Safety, cf the 
 
 I4//6 Nivofe, ^d year of the Republic. 
 
 January, 1795.^ 
 
 THE committee of public fafety, confidering that by 
 the twenty-third article of the treaty of commerce, between 
 France and the United States of America, bearing date on 
 ike 6th of February, 1778, it is agreed : 
 
 i. That the people of France and America may navigate 
 reciprocally, in complete fafety, with their veflels, and with- 
 out exception as to the owners of the merchandize charged 
 upon fuch vefTels ; or as to the ports from whence they come, 
 and although the power for which they be deftined be ac- 
 tually at war, or become afterwards the enemy of the one 
 cr the other contracting party : That they may equally navi- 
 gate in full fafety with their veflels and merchandize, and 
 frequent the places, ports, and harbours of the enemies of 
 
C 107 1 
 
 both nations, or of either, and carry on trade, not only from 
 the port of an enemy to that of a neutral power, but alio 
 from different ports of the fame enemy : 2. That iree^ 
 {hall make free goods, and that any thing fhall be considered 
 as free, which fhall be found on board the veiiels of either 
 contracting nation, although it belong in whole or in part to 
 the enemies of either the one or the oilier, contraband always 
 excepted: 3. That the fame liberty fnall be extended to thcle 
 who are found on board free vefTels, although they be the 
 enemies of either the one or the other contracting nation ; 
 and in confequence that fuch perfons fhall not be taken frcm 
 fuch vefiels, unlefs they be foldiers in the actual fervice of 
 the enemy : 
 
 Confidering that the crimes of England, having given to 
 the war of defpotifm againft liberty, a character of injuftice 
 and atrocity without example in the annals of mankind; 
 the national convention found itfelf obliged, in ufmg the 
 right of reprifal, to decree on the pth of May, 1793, that the 
 veflels of war and corfairs of the Republic, might take and 
 conduct into the ports of France, fuch veflels of the neutral 
 powers as they mould find charged in whole, or in part, 
 with provifions belonging either to fuch powers or the ene- 
 mies of France: Soon afterwards, however, and on the ift 
 July, 1793, the convention reftored in full vigour the clifpo- 
 fitions of the treaty above mentioned, of the 6th of February, 
 1778; but which were again revoked by a decree of the 27th 
 of the fame month, in reipct to provifions and merchan- 
 dizes belonging to an enemy ; upon which latter ground it 
 has flood fince, leaving the provifions and merchandizes of 
 neutral powers in fuch verlels free : In regard to which the 
 French government has not to reproach itfelf with having 
 waited to mew itfelf juft and loyal, that the cabinet of Lon- 
 don might revoke, as it did a long time afterwa-'ls, the or- 
 der by it given the preceding year, to feize all neutral veutis 
 carrying provifions or merchandizes into France : 
 
 Confidering that fince, and notwithstanding die notoriety 
 with which this cabinet continues to infult and violate the 
 rights of neutral nations, by caufmg their vcfTds charged 
 with merchandize, deftined for the ports of France, to be 
 feized ; yet the national convention has enjoined it by the 
 feventh article of the law of the i5th of this month, upon 
 all officers civil and military, ftriftly to obferve, in all their 
 difpofitions, the treaties which unite France with the r.eutra! 
 powers of the ancient continent, as likewife \vith the United 
 
States of America, declaring all articles of a contrary import 
 in any other law to be abfolutely null and void : 
 
 Fully therefore to carry into effect: the faid law, according to 
 its true intent and meaning, it is hereby ordered ; 
 
 ARTICLE I. The commiilion of marine and of the colonies, 
 fhall notify, without delay, to all the commanders of armed 
 vefTels, divifions and fquadrons, the article above mentioned 
 of the law of the i3th of this month ; and in confequence 
 that they are to confider the fifth article of the arrete of the 
 25th Brumaire laft, which authorized the feizure of mer- 
 chandizes belonging to an enemy, on board neutral veffels, 
 until fuch enemy {hall have declared French property on 
 board fuch veffels free, as now null and void. 
 
 ART. II. The merchandizes called contraband, though 
 belonging to a neutral power, mail continue fubject to 
 feizure. 
 
 ART. III. All arms, inftrumetits, and munitions of war 
 of every kind, horfes and their equipage, and all kind pf 
 merchandizes and other effects deftined for an enemy's port 
 actually blockaded or befieged, (hall be deemed contraband 
 of war. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CAMBACERES, CHAZAL, 
 
 CARNOT, , MAREC, 
 PRIEUR, PELET. 
 
 A. DUMONT, 
 
 [ No. IX ] 
 
 FROM Mr. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, February I/?, 1795-. 
 
 I WAS lately informed by Mr. Jay, that it wa-s his in- 
 tention to communicate to me the contents of his treaty with 
 the Britim adminiflration, and as I knew the good effect which 
 correct information upon that point would produce upon 
 our affairs here (admitting it to be as heretofore represented) 
 I thought it my duty to endeavour to avail myfelf of it as foon 
 as poffible. But as the communication promifed, was to be 
 in cypher, and Mr. Morris had taken his copy with him, I 
 knew that I (hould not be able to comprehend it, in cafe it 
 
was received. I therefore deemed the acquisition of it an ob- 
 ject of fufficient importance to authorife the expenfe of an 
 cfpecial difpatch to London, to obtain it, and have, in confe- 
 quence, committed that truit to Mr. Purviance ; of Baltimore, 
 who left this immediately after the receipt of Mr. Jay's letter, 
 and who was likewifc inftruded to bring me a copy of Mr. 
 Pinckney's cypher, for future ufe. By his return I hope to be 
 enabled to remove all uneafinefs upon that head, and in which 
 I am the more confident, from a knowledge that the govern- 
 ment here is well difpofed to view it with the utmoft liberality. 
 
 I was alfo lately informed, by a letter from Mr. Fenwick, 
 that he underftood from Mr. Mufcoe Livingfton, who had 
 lately arrived from Lifbon, that Colonel Humphreys had 
 failed thence for Algiers, upon the bufmefs, as was prefum- 
 ed, intruded to him with that Regency *, and that, prior to his 
 departure, he had committed to him a meiTage for me, to be 
 communicated in perfon. Mr. Fenwick adds, that Mr. Li- 
 vingfton was taken fick, and in confequence deprived of his 
 fenfes, juil as he was about to fet out from Bordeaux for Paris; 
 whereby he was not only rendered unable to proceed on his 
 journey, but even to communicate to him the purport of his 
 mefiage for me. Thus I am left in perfect ignorance, equally 
 of Colonel Humphreys' wim.es, the time of his departure and 
 plan of operation. I intimated to you before, that although 
 I had written to Colonel Humphreys for information upon 
 that point, and with the view of forwarding his wiflies to the 
 utmoft of my power , yet I was fearful, in confideration of 
 thofe ernbarraffments, which were infeparable from the war, 
 ft would be difficult to concert any plan of harmonious opera- 
 tion, which fhculd commence and proceed from fuch diftant 
 points, whereby the aid of this Republic could be yielded us 
 in that negociation. Under prefent circumftances, therefore, 
 you will readily perceive, that it has become altogether im- 
 poflible. 
 
 The French troops have at length entered Arnfterdarn, 
 whereby the whole of the province of Holland was brought 
 immediately under the power of this Republic, as, indeed, 
 the whole of the Seven United Provinces moft probably foon 
 will be. This was announced a few days paft to tiie convention, 
 by a letter from the deputies in that quarter; two of whom, it 
 is faid, are on their way to render an account in detail of this 
 very important acquifition. It is reported, that Breda and 
 Bergen-op-zoom have furrendered : Indeed the general idea 
 is, that no further oppofition will be made there to the French 
 arms, and of courfe, that this Republic will b?corn? 
 
feiTed cf the fleet and immenfe ftores of every kind. The 
 Prince of Orange, with his family, accompanied by feveral 
 members of the States General, had made their efcape , but 
 by what route, and whether for London or Berlin, is unknown. 
 
 After the entry of the French into Amfterdam was certain, 
 and, in confequence, the entire conqueii of the Seven Provin- 
 ces more than probable, an effort was made by the States 
 General to yield the fume thing, upon terms ; for the purpofe 
 of putting the Republic in pofiemon of the country, by treaty 
 inftead of conqueit -, and with this view an agent, who arriv-. 
 cd here about a fortnight before that event, was difpatched j 
 and who oiTered, as I am well affured, to furrender all the 
 important fortifications of the country, and to provide at their 
 own expenfe, and for the refidue of the war, quarters and 
 provisions for fuch force as mould be deemed adequate to hold 
 them : To yield immediately twenty-five fail of the line, and 
 -likewife to pay at Rated times, convenient for both parties, 
 the fum of three hundred millions of florins. But it was 
 known by the committee, that without an accident as much 
 might be gained, and perhaps more, by conqueft : Thac the 
 latter mode, which knew of no condition, freed them from 
 fetters, and of courfe from the pofiibility of any future im- 
 putation of breach of treaty, and of violated faith. The agent, 
 however, who was an ancient minifter of that government 
 here," was fufrered to remain, and treated with refpecl:, whilft 
 orders were iflued to the troops to advance, and which were 
 obeyed. 
 
 There arrived, about the fame time, a deputation from the 
 patriots, who affociating with Mr. Van Staphorft, arid one or 
 two others, of thofe who were banifhed from their country 
 in 1787, endeavoured to counteract the movements of the 
 agent from the States General, and to attract to the patriotic 
 body the attention of the convention. Before the entry into 
 Amilerdam, they wimed admittance to the bar, as well for 
 that purpofe, as to found the dif^ofition of the convention in 
 regard to the futurefate of Holland. But in that ftage it was eva- 
 ded, perhaps from policy; perhaps from the real impropriety of 
 exprefling any opinion upon that point, in the then (late of 
 affairs ; or perhaps indeed from the impoflibility of forming 
 on~. But, fince that event, they were admitted, and with an 
 addrefs founded on it, though in other refpe&s adapted as 
 was before intended. The anfwer of the President was re- 
 fpecl ul, but cautious ; for whilft it breathed a fpirit of patri- 
 otifm, and of particular regard for the ancient virtues of the 
 lijlgic Confederacy, and of Courfe left them no caufe of com- 
 
L "I 3 
 
 plaint, it carefully avoided all compromitment of the govern- 
 ment it felt*. 
 
 What will be the future fate of thofe provinces is altogether 
 uncertain, and muft be in a great meafure dependant on 
 events. At prefent I am fatisfied there is no fettled plan on 
 th,it head, nor indeed, is it pofftble there ihouki be, within 
 fo ihort a fpace of time. Many members, and among them 
 fome of diflinguifhed weight in the convention, feemed dif- 
 pofed to extend the future boundary of the Republic to the 
 Rhine ; and, of courfe, to comprehend within its limits all 
 that part of thofe provinces lying on this fide of that river.. 
 This idea was lately avowed by BoifTy d'Anglas, a member or 
 the committee of public fafety, in a fpeech delivered appa- 
 rently by authority of that body, and for the purpofe equally 
 of founding the convention upon the conditions of peace, to 
 afcertain what terms they would approve of ; as to announce 
 in that informal, and of courfe not obligatory, manner, to the 
 parties concerned, the ultimata upon which they might ex- 
 peel: it. In this he prcpofes that the Republic (hall be here- 
 after bounded only ; " by the ocean, the mountains and the 
 great rivers." Be this however as it rnay, I think it certain, 
 unlefs the fortune of the war ihould infpire other councils, 
 that the whole of thefe provinces will be retained in the hands 
 of this Republic until its termination, and be made, in the 
 progrefs, as inftrumental to that event, in its favour, as cir- 
 cumftances will admit of. 
 
 But even in cafe they be not difmembered, a revolution in 
 their government feems to be unavoidable. Their ibrorig pods, 
 their harbours, perhaps their fleet, will be under the controul 
 of France, and, of courfe, their councils likewife will be fo. 
 Ancient forms may for awhile remain, but it is not pofliblcj 
 under circumftances of this kind, that they mould be more 
 than forms. Half the political regulations c- r the country, 
 perhaps the whole, will proceed from the reprefentatives of 
 this Republic with the army : Nor will any of its inhabi- 
 tants, other than thofe of decided patriotifm, be employed 
 by them, in any office of truft or profit. Thus the weight 
 and authority of the government will be gradually transferred 
 to the popular fcale. The people at large will foon take the 
 admonition, and from that moment the ancient fabric, 
 which was before tottering, will be levelled with the ground. 
 The ordinary allurements of freedom are fttfficiently great 
 to the mafs of mankind to require no additional recommen- 
 dation in its favour, and the hand of power mull be ftrorig 
 where it is net purfued with efFecl: ; but in the prefent in- 
 
itartce, the additional inducement will be great ; for as it is 
 well known, that this Republic can repofe no confidence in 
 ihe exifting government, and efpecially in the houfe of 
 Orange, and which might not be the cafe and moft probably 
 would not, with that which would fucceed a revolution -, fo it 
 mull be equally obvious that its continuance will furnifh a 
 ftrong argument here for the difmemberment. This confi- 
 deration, therefore, will add a new ftimulus to all thofe who 
 incline rather to preferve the independence of their country, 
 than become reduced into a few departments of France. 
 
 Before this great atchievemcnt, and which refembles more 
 an exploit of the ancient Roman empire, than thofe of mo- 
 dern princes, there was a collection of diplomatic characters, 
 formal and informal, from feveral of the powers at war, and 
 others friendly to fome of them, at Bafle in Switzerland, 
 and who expected to be met there by fome agent or agents 
 from this Republic, to commence negociations for peace. 
 But as foon as they heard of this event, that profpecl: vanilh- 
 ed, and it is faid that fome of them have retired home, and 
 others arrived here to confer more directly with the govern- 
 ment itfelf. Count Carletti, from Florence, and Baron Stael, 
 from Sweden, men faid to be friendly to the French revolu- 
 tion, are thofe only who are known, and the latter is fuppo- 
 fed rather to expedr, than to have brought, his credentials 
 with him. 
 
 I herewith tranfmit to you fome communications received 
 from Mr. Skipwith, and which will mew the (late of the 
 Bordeaux and St. Domingo claims , and I beg of you to be 
 affured of the uriremitted attention which I mail continue to 
 pay to thefe concerns, and indeed to every other in which 
 my countrymen are interefted. 
 
 5th February, P. S. Since the above was written, fome 
 details have been received of the fuccefs of the French in the 
 United Netherlands, and by which it appears that every thing 
 which was predicted in that refpecl: has been verified. Wil- 
 liamftadc, Breda, Gorcum, Bergen-op-zoom, and the fleet, held 
 by the ice in the Texel, are all taken. I inclofe, however, 
 the papers containing thofe accounts. 
 
I "3 3 
 
 From Mr. Jay, to Mr. Mtnroe* 
 London, November 2 
 
 WITHIN this week paft I have written to you two- 
 letters, to inform you that on the ipth inftant, a treaty between 
 the United States and his Britannic maje'ty, was figned. 
 The defign of this letter is chiefly to introduce to you Mr, 
 Pleaiants of Philadelphia, whofe connections there are refpec- 
 table. I have not the pleafure of beu> perfonally acquainted 
 with this gentleman ; but as a lellow-citizen, I wifti to do 
 him friendly offices, and I am perfuaded that a fimilar diipo- 
 Gtion on your part will enfure to him fudi a degree o r atten- 
 tion as circumftances may render proper. As Mr..Pmckney 
 has a cypher with our other mini tiers in Europe, either he cr 
 I will ihortly ufe it in communicating to you the principal 
 heads of the treaty confidentially. You need nothefitate in the 
 mean time to fay explicitly, that it contains nothing repug- 
 nant to onr engagements with any other nation. 
 
 from Mr. Monroe, to Mr. Jay, London. 
 
 Paris, January l~th, 1795. 
 
 EARLY in December laft, Englifh papers were receiv- 
 ed here, containing fuch accounts of your adjuftment with 
 the Britifli adminiftratian, as excited much uneafmefs in the 
 councils of this government, and I had it in contemplation to 
 difpatch a confidential perfon to you, for fuch information of 
 what had been done, as would enable me to remove it. At 
 that moment,. however, I was favoured with yours of the 25th 
 November, intimating, that the contents of the treaty could 
 not be made known until it was ratified ; but that I might 
 fay it contained nothing derogatory to our exifting treaties 
 with other powers. Thus advifed, I thought it improper to 
 make the application ; becaufe I concluded the arrangement 
 was mutual and not to be departed from. I proceeded, there- 
 fore, to make the beft ufe in my power of the information al- 
 ready given. 
 
 To day, however, I was favoured with yours of 28th 
 of the fame month, by which I find you confider your- 
 
 O 
 
 * Received oa the r 6th of January, or ^bout thattime, by Mr P!?aVits, 
 
felf at liberty to communicate to jme the contents of the treaty, 
 and as it is of great importance to our affairs here, to remove 
 all doubt upon this point, I have thought it proper to refume 
 my original plan offending a perfon to you for the neceffary 
 information, and have, in confequence, difpatched the bearer, 
 Mr. John Purviance, for that purpofe. I have been the more 
 induced to this from the further consideration, that in cafe 
 I mould be favoured with the communication promifed in 
 cypher, it would be impoflible for me to comprehend it, as 
 Mr. Morris took his with him. Mr. Purviance is from Ma- 
 ryland, a gentleman of integrity and merit, and to whom 
 you may commit whatever you may think proper to confide 
 with perfect fafety. It is neceffary, however, to obferve, that 
 as nothing will fatisfy this government but a copy of the in- 
 ih-ument itfelf, and which, as our ally, it thinks itfelf enti- 
 tled to, fo it will be ufelefs for me ,to make to it any new 
 communication fhort of that. I mention this, that you may 
 know precifely the ftate of my engagements here, and how I 
 deemi it my duty to act under them in relation to this object. 
 I *beg leave to refer you to Mr. Purviance, for whatever 
 other information you may with on this fubjecl, or the affairs 
 more generally of this Republic. 
 
 From the Secretary of Slate of the United States > to Mr. 
 
 Philadelphia, December ind y 1794. 
 Six, 
 
 ON the 2yth inftant,* I had the honour of receiving the 
 duplicate of your letter, No. 3, of the 1 5th of September laft, 
 being the" firfi and only official notification of your having 
 entered upon the duties of your million. 
 
 Alexander Duve,rnet, who was appointed vice-conful of 
 Paris, during the laft feffion of the Senate, loitered here fo 
 long, without a fufpicion being entertained of his default, 
 that the Frefident has fuperceded him by commiilioning Jo- 
 feph Pitcairn, of New- York, who goes off for his refidcnce 
 immediately. 
 
 With the franknefs of my friendmip, I mutf difcharge the 
 obligation of my office, by communicating to you the opinions 
 which we .entertain here concerning the fpeech" which you 
 made on -your introduction into the national cbnvention, 
 
 * Injlani in thfe original, ultlmz ncndoubt intended. 
 
: .cn you iefc us, we all fuppofed, that your reception-,, 
 as the minifter of the United States, would take place i:i th 
 private chamber of .fome committee. Your letter of cre- 
 dence contained the degree of proiemon, which the gc- 
 ment was defirous of making -, and though the language of 
 it would not have been cooled, even if its fubfcquc^i: pubii- 
 !.ad been forefeen; ftill it was natural to expect, that the 
 remarks, with which you might accompany its delivery, 
 would be merely oral, and therefore not expofed to the ran- 
 corous criticifm of nations at war with France. 
 
 It feems, that upon your arrival the downfall of- Robef- 
 pierre, and the fufpenfion of the ufual routine of bufmefs, 
 combined perhaps with an anxiety to dernonftrate an affec- 
 tion for the United States, had {hut up for a time the di- 
 plomatic cabinet, and rendered the hall of the national con- 
 vention the theatre of diplomatic civilities. We mould have 
 fuppofed, that an introduction there woujd have brought to 
 mind thefe ideas. " The United States are neutral : The al- 
 lied powers jealous : With England we are now in treaty : 
 By England we have been impeached for breaches' of faith in 
 favor of France: Our citizens are notoriouily gallican in their 
 hearts: It will be wife to hazard as little as poffible on the fcore 
 of good humour : And therefore, in the difclofure of my 
 feelings, fomething is due to the poffibility of foftering new 
 fufpicions." Under the influence of thefe fentiments we 
 (hould have hoped, that your addrefs to the national conven- 
 tion would have been fo framed, as to leave heart-burning no- 
 where. If private, affetion and opinions had been the only 
 points to be confulted, it would have been immaterial where 
 or how they were delivered. But the range of a public minif- 
 ter's mind will go to all the relations pf our country with the 
 whole world. We do not perceive, that your inftrucjions 
 have impofed upon you the extreme glow of fome parts of your 
 addrefs ; and my letter in behalf of the houfe of Reprefenta- 
 tivesj which has been confidered by fome gentlemen as too 
 ftrong, was not to be viewed in any other light, than as exe- 
 cuting the talk affigned by that body. 
 
 After thefe remarks, which are never to be interpreted into 
 any dereliction of the French caufe, I muft obferve to you, 
 that they are made principally to recommend caution ; left we 
 mould be obliged, at fome time or other, to explain away or 
 difavow an excefs of fervor, fo as to reduce it down to the 
 cool fyftem of neutrality. You have it ftill in charge to cul- 
 tivate the French Republic with zeal, but without any unne- 
 ceflary eclat , becauff the dictates of &ncerity do nc: demand, 
 
[ ri 6 ] 
 
 f&at T/C ihould render notorious ail our feelings in favour of 
 that nation. 
 
 In your letter you fay, that you have not been inftru&ed 
 to defire a repeal of the decree, which violated the 23d and 
 24th articles of the treaty of commerce : That you did not 
 know, but it had been tolerated from the foundeit motives of 
 political expedience left the demand for the refcinding it 
 might produce a call for the guarantee. Indeed you have gone 
 farther ; having declared in your memorial, that you were un- 
 der no inftruclions to complain of, or requeft the repeal of, the 
 decree authorizing a departure from thofe articles ; and that 
 if, upon reconfideration, after the experiment made, the com- 
 mittee of public fafety mould be of opinion, that it produces 
 any folid benefit to the French Republic, the American go- 
 vernment, and your countrymen in general, would not only 
 bear the departure with patience, but with pleafure. 
 
 The fourth head of injury, dated in your letter, fhews that 
 you were poiTeiTed of cafes, which turned entirely upon the 
 impropriety of the decree ; and fuch too was certainly the 
 fat. Now, without the abrogation of the decree, fo far as 
 at refpedled thcfe cafes, the redrefs which you were inftrut- 
 ed to demand, could not be obtained. In truth, there was 
 no cauie or pretence for alking relief, but upon the ground 
 of that decree having violated the treaty. Does not this view 
 lead to the inevitable conclusion, that the decree, if operative 
 in future inftances, would be no lefs difagreeable ; and confe- 
 quently, that its operation in future inftances ought to be 
 prevented; a circumftance, which could be accomplifhed 
 only by a total repeal. The papers of the fhip Lauren,s, 
 contained a reference to one or more reprefentations of Mr. 
 Morris againft the decree; fo that the-bufmefs had been 
 actually broken to the French government. 
 
 Neither thefe reprefentations, nor yet your application, 
 appears to have fuggefted a requifition of the guarantee. The 
 omimon to demand its fulfilment up to this day, is a proof, 
 that their policy did not approve of fuch meafure : And in 
 this they were wife; fmce we mould have been lefs advanta- 
 geous to them by anociating in the war, than we have been 
 in our neutral character. If I am not miftaken, this fentiment 
 has been delivered often by Mr. Fauchet. Befides, you might 
 have very readily repelled any ferious allufion to the guarantee, 
 by faying, as your inftru&ions indicate, that you were directed 
 to fend that fubjecl: on this fide of the water. I muft add another 
 observation; that I do not fee how, if you are to be deterred 
 by the guarantee ; you can ever claim cornpenfatiory for an 
 
C -115 3 
 
 infra&ion of the treaty , fmce you will always be in danger 
 of having it brought up to you. 
 
 But, my good Sir, let thefe things be as they will, was 
 it necefiary to intimate, that an indifference prevailed in our 
 government as to thefe articles, by a declaration, that you 
 were not inftrucled to complain of the decree ? I confefs, 
 that I am unappriied of the data upon which fuch an opinion 
 could be founded : And undoubtedly the Prefidcnt himfelf 
 would not undertake, that the people cf the United States 
 would bear with patience a departure from ftipulations, 
 which are generally believed to be important to us. But 
 if, from our friendlhip to the French Republic, we might 
 : fuftain a miichief with pleafure -, ftiil we mould not choofe 
 that the affumption of one of our rights, without confult- 
 ing. us, mould become a precedent for the affumption of any 
 other. 
 
 Let me therefore intreat you, if my letter of July 3Oth, 
 has not already (Simulated you to remonitrate againft the 
 decree, to do fo without delay. We do not v/iih you to 
 fv/erve from the line of conciliation, which -is marked out in 
 the laft paragraph of your letter. On the contrary, concilia- 
 tion which does not detract from the dignity of his govern- 
 ment, its rights, and his own felf-refpect, is a valuable quali- 
 ty in a minilter. We only hope, that the committee (if pub* 
 lie fafety may not continue in the belief, that the Executive 
 are of opinion, that it will be fatisfactory to difpenfe with 
 the articles. 
 
 I am extremely happy in afluring you, that many of Mr. 
 Fauchet's difcontents have been removed. The documents 
 concerning the failure to falute the Semillante, and the fup- 
 pofed infult to the Favorite, are enclofed to you, that you 
 may.be able to evince our folicitude to cement our good will 
 on every occafion which is offered. 
 
 Colonel Alexander Anderfon of this city, who has a claim 
 for compenfation, and whofe age-nt will call upon you, rc- 
 quefts me to forward the enclofed papers. I alfo tranfmit 
 fome imperfect preparatory information in the cafe of Mr. 
 A. Grade. 
 
 A frefh collection of fpoliation papers is fent, according to 
 the lift fu-bjoined. The newfpapers, b"V, accompany this 
 letter. 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
C 8 3 
 
 French Spoliations* December 2d } ^794- 
 
 1. Ship Commerce, Enoch Preble, additional, 
 
 2. Schooner Polly, Price', additional. 
 
 3. Sloop Matfy, 
 
 4. Brig Nancy, Dunning. 
 
 5. Sloop Jenny. 
 
 0. Danifli ihip Krageroe. 
 
 7. Brig Heel or, .additional. 
 
 .8. Britifn iliip Mary Ann, and. the (hip John and James. 
 
 No. X. 
 
 FROM MR. MOXRQE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris i February 12th, 1795* 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I WAS honored with yours of. the 2nd December, three- 
 days fince, and by which I rind that my third letter only had 
 then reached you, although the two preceding, with duplicates, 
 were forwarded according to their reipetive dates, and by 
 opportunities which promifed fecurity and difpatch. 
 
 I read, with equal furprize and concern, the ftritures you 
 deemed it neceiTary to make upon fome particulars of my con- 
 duct here ; becaufe I think it did not merit them, and truft, 
 upon a further view of all circumstances, you will entertain 
 the fame opinion. Of thefe, by this time, you will ppflefs a 
 general view : A more particular detail, however, I think pro- 
 per now to communicate. 
 
 It is cbjeted, that I addreifed the convention with a glow 
 of fentiment not warranted by my inftrutions. Secondly ; 
 that I mads public what was intended, and policy' dictated, 
 1 be kept private. And thirdly ; that I compromised 
 ,'vernme.nt, by faying, that it was willing to tolerate in-, 
 paries, whicfi it was not difpofed to tolerate j whereby an im- 
 portant intereft to our country was flighted or given up. 
 
 "Whether my addrefs contains a Tingle fentiment or expref- 
 fion different from what my inftrucTiions and the declarations 
 of the legiflative branches contain, is to be. determined by 
 comparing the one with the other. I had them before me at the 
 time, and drew it by them ; of courfe I thought it did not, and 
 1 now thtnk fo. The force, however, of this objection is, 
 I prefume, comprized in the fecond ; for if the communica- 
 
[ H9 1 
 
 tion had been in private and not in pubKc, the objection moft 
 probably would not have been made. Upon this point, there- 
 fore, a more thorough explanation is neceffary, and for this 
 purpofe a full view of the circumftances and motives which 
 influenced my conduct, equally fo, 
 
 Upon my arrival here, I found our affairs, as it was known 
 they were before I failed, in the word polllbie fituation. 
 The treaty between the two Republics was viohied : Our 
 commerce was harrafled in every quarter, and in every article, 
 even that of tobacco not exceptsd. Our feamen taken* on 
 board our vefiels were often abufed, generally imprifoned and 
 treated in other refpe&s like the fubjects of the powers at war 
 with them : Our former minifler was not only without the 
 confidence of the government, but an object of particular jea- 
 loufy and diftnift : In addition to which it was fufpecled, 
 ttfiat we were about to abandon them for a connection with 
 England, and for which purpofe principally it was believed 
 that Mr. Jay had been fent there. The popular prepofleffion 
 too in our favor had abated, and was in fome meafure at a 
 ft and ; for.^the officers of die fleets from America had brought 
 unfavourable accounts of our difpofitions towards them. Thus 
 the connection between the two countries, hung as it were, by 
 a thread; and I am convinced, that if fome peribn poiTeffinT 
 their confidence had not been font, it would have been broken. 
 
 My firft reception was marked with circumftances which 
 fully demcnftrated thefe facts,- and (hewed how critical the 
 ground was on which we ftood ; for it is unqueftionably true, 
 that notwithstanding my political principles \vere fubfcribed 
 to, the committee, or the governing party in it, were difpol- 
 ed to delay my reception, throw me entirety cut of view, a::d 
 deftroy altogether the effect, of my miflion. It was faid, that 
 as my principles were with them, I ought on that account 
 to be the more avoided; for if they confided in me, I mould 
 only lull them afleep as to their true intereft, in regard to the 
 movements on foot , and under this imprefiion, I was viewed 
 with a jealous eye, and kept at the moft awful diilance. Thii 
 deportment towards me was fo obfervable, that it attracted the 
 attention of the reprefentatives of other powers here, and was 
 moft probably communicated elfe where. 
 
 Into what confequences this policy, which was hoftile to 
 us, might lead, I could not readily perceive ; but I was alarm- 
 ed on that head; for I well knew that an avowed enmky by 
 this government, againft our executive adminiftration, and 
 in which (hape it threatened to break out , purfued with paf- 
 as I had reafon to apprehend it would be, would not 
 
 - . _. fj 
 
only injure our national character, but likewife difturb our 
 internal tranquility, and perhaps involve us in war. The 
 interval between fuch a ilep and the exifting ftate of things 
 was fmall, and in the tide of their fortunes, which were pro- 
 fperous, I was fearful it would be taken. Thus circum- 
 ftancecl, what courfe did policy dictate that I ihould purfue ? 
 Did it become me to look on as a tranquil fpetator of ma- 
 chinations that portended fo much miichief to my country ; 
 or was it more wife, more coniiilent with the obligations of 
 the truft I had accepted, to make a decisive effoxt to defeat 
 them ? And, adopting the latter counfel, in what line fhould 
 that effort be directed, or by what means enabled to fuc- 
 cecd? The doors of the committee, as already mentioned, 
 were clofed againft me: And had it been otherwife, knowing as 
 I did the difpofition of that body towards us, would it 
 have been prudent to have dcpoftted thofe documents under 
 its care, fince they furnifhed the only means by which I could 
 counteract its views ? Or was it to be prefumed, that the de- 
 clarations of friendmip which they contained, would produce 
 in the councils of that body any change of fentiment, advifed 
 as it had been, and armed as it was, with a feries of contrary- 
 evidence, and in which it would place a greater confidence ? 
 I can aiTure you, and with great fincerity, that after taking 
 in my mind, fo far as I was able, and with perfect calmnefs 
 (for the imputations again It me were not of a nature to infpire 
 zeal) that range of our affairs in their general relation to 
 thofe of other powers, and in which you deem my conducl- 
 defective^ that the meafure I adopted appeared to me 
 not only the moft eligible one} but that, in the then juncture 
 of affairs, I thought it my indifpenfable duty to adopt it. 
 Nor was I difappointed in any of the confequences upon 
 which I had calculated ; for by this public demonftration of 
 our regard for this nation and its revolution (though indeed the 
 word was not ufed) the people at large were fettled on the 
 right fide : The abettors of a contrary do6trine were in a great 
 meafure confqunded ; and as foon as the impreifion upon 
 the public mind had time to react back upon the public 
 councils, aided by the little incidents I caught at to infpire 
 confidence, together with a change of the members of the 
 committee, was the objet, even in that body, though flow- 
 ]y, yet finally, completely accomplimed. 
 
 But you intimate that I ought to have fhunned this publici- 
 ty, from the fear it might injure our depending negociations 
 with Britain and Spain. Had I feen cauie to apprehend that 
 conference, I ihould certainly have been more aveiic to the 
 
meafure : But that there was none ; on the contrary, that It 
 would produce the oppofite effecl, was in my opinion certain. 
 In demonftrating this, permit me to develope, according to 
 my idea of it, the object of Mr. Jay's miflion, and the con- 
 tingencies upon which his fuccefs depended. This will (hew 
 the relation which mine had to his, and more fatisfactorily 
 than I can otherwife do, the motives in that refpeft of my con- 
 duel. 
 
 I underftood that the fole object of Mr. Jay's miflion was 
 to demand the furrender of the ports, and comperifation for 
 injuries, and was perfuaded that his fuccefs would depend up- 
 on two primary confiderations ; the fuccefs of the French ar- 
 mies and the continuance of a molt perfect good underftand- 
 ing between the two Republics. If we \\ re difappointed in 
 either of thefe evens, I concluded that his miflion would fail ; 
 for we knew that a long and able negociation for the firft ob- 
 ject hard already proved abortive, and we faw in the preceding 
 year, when Toulon was taken, and fortune feemed to frown 
 upon the arms of this Republic, that an order was ifiiied for 
 thofe fpoliations of which we fo juftly complain. We iike- 
 wife faw afterwards, when the fpirit of this nation was roufed 
 and vytory attended its efforts, that that order was refcinded 
 and fome refpecl: (hewn to the United States. Thus it ap- 
 peared, that our fortune, at leafl fo far as depended upon Bri- 
 tain, and of courfe the fuccefs of Mr. Jay's miflion, depended 
 upon that of France. 
 
 But the fuccefs of France could npt redound to our advan- 
 tage, and efpecially in the negociation with Britain, without a 
 good underftanding and concert with the French government: 
 For without which, we could neither count upon fuccefs in 
 negociation* nor in cafe it failed, upon the fortunate iflue of 
 arms, if war mould be appealed to. By negociation we could 
 not hope for fuccefs otherwise than from the apprehenfion in 
 the Britifh cabinet, that if we were not accommodated, we 
 would join in the war againft them : We could not accept it 
 at the price of an equivalent, and thus pay again for what was 
 already our due : Nor could we expect it from the affeclion, the 
 juftice or the liberality of that court ; for we well knew that 
 if it had polTefled thofe virtues, we fhoujd have had no caufe 
 of complaint. But we could not join in the war, nor even 
 avail ourfelves of that argument in negcciation, without a 
 concert with France ; for without fuch concert, we might 
 commence at the moment flie was about to conclude ; 
 whereby we ihould be left alone to contend with that power; 
 would probably be fupported by Spain. If then our good 
 R 
 
undcfftanding with France was broken, or the necefTary concert 
 between us incomplet-, Britain would only have to amufe us 
 'till the ciifis had parTed, and then defy us. 
 
 If this doctrine is true, and it is admitted, that the fuccefs 
 of Mr. Jay's million depended upon a good underftanding with 
 the French Republic, it follows, that the more cordial it was, 
 and the more generally known, the happier the effect would 
 be ; and of courfe that, by exhibiting this public proof of it, 
 infleadof retarding, I forwarded eflentially the object of that 
 negociution : And fuch, indeed, was my idea at the timej for 
 I knew that the movement would be ib underilood on the 
 other Tide of the channel ; and in confequence, believed it 
 would produce a g-ood effect, and in which I was the more 
 con firmed by the information of feveral of my countrymen, 
 who were in England when the embargo was impofed, and 
 who allured me that if it had been continued, Mr. Jay's fuc- 
 cefs would have been immediate. 
 
 That the Englifh adminiftration would complain of this 
 movement, and of me, was what I expected ; but I knew that I 
 was fent here not to fubferve the views of that adminiftration, 
 and trufted that whilft I refted on my inftructions, and per- 
 formed my duty with integrity, although my judgment might 
 occafionly err, as thofe of moil men fometimes do, that no 
 conccffion would be made to my difcredit, in favour of that 
 adminiftration : On the contrary, that I mould be firmly 
 fupported againft its attacks by thofe who fent me here. 
 I truit that this has been the cafe in the prefent inftance, 
 and upon which point I am more Anxious, upon pmblic than 
 private confederations , becaufe I well know, that if any fuch 
 concerTion h?.s been made, it was immediately communica- 
 ted by its inftruments here, and for the purpofe of weakening 
 ilic confidence of thrs government in our own ; a practice 
 fyihernatically purfued heretofore, and with the hope offepa- 
 i\iting, or at leaft of preventing any kind of concert between 
 the two countries. 
 
 Had the fortunes of France been unprofperous upon my 
 arrival here, the motive for greater caution would have been 
 ilror.ger. But the cafe was in every refpect otherwife. Her 
 fortunes were at the height of profperity, and thofe of her 
 : ii-mies decifively on the decline. It was obvious that no- 
 thing was. wanting to preferve tranquillity at home, and to 
 en lure fucctfs in our foreign negociations, but the good 
 wiihes and the good offices of this republic towards us. 
 By the meafure, therefpre, I thought that every thing was 
 to be gained and nothing to be loft. 
 
C "3.3 
 
 Upon the third point but little need be faid. I have 
 feme time fince tranfmitted to you a decree which carried 
 the treaty into effect, and yielded the point in question. Sa- 
 tisfied I am, too, it was greatly forwarded, if net abfolute- 
 ly obtained, by the manner in which it was urged : For a 
 generous policy is better calculated to produce a good effect 
 here, than a ftrict one: And other than in tins light my 
 declaration cannot be confidered. Surely I did not concede 
 the point, nor intimate an indifference upon it : On the con- 
 trary, I laboured, with the greateft force of which I was ca- 
 pable, to demonstrate the intereit we had in it as wcii as 
 themfelves : Nor did I condefcend in that or any other 
 tranfaction. In general I know I am more apt to err on 
 the other fide ; and I am perfuaded, that in the pr.k 
 fiance you will find, upon a perufal of the paper in qutition, 
 that although it contains expreilions of friendihip, it certainly 
 betrays none of condefcenfion. 
 
 I have thus anfwered the objections contained in your 
 ftridtures upon my conduct, by Hating the circumftances 
 under which I ached, with my motives of action ; and I pre- 
 fume fatisfied'you, that I did not merit them. But I cannot 
 difmifs the fubjett without obferving ; that, when I review 
 the fcenes through which 1 have patted, recollect the difficul- 
 ties I had to encounter, the fource from whence they proceed- 
 ed, and my efforts to infpire confidence in our adminiHration, 
 without which nothing could be done, and much miichief 
 was to be apprehended, I cannot but feel mortiiied to find, 
 that, for Jthis very fervice, I am cenfured by that adminillra- 
 tion. 
 
 You have already feen by the courfe of my correfpondence, 
 that however difficult it was to fucceed, -yet at certain times, 
 we were completely pofiefled of the confidence of this go- 
 vernment ; and that, at thefe times, I had the good fortune to 
 accomplim fome objects of importance to us. But it is likcwife 
 my duty to inform you, that I was at the fame time enabhd 
 to penetrate more accurately into what would moft probably 
 be its policy towards us, in cafe we continued to poflefs that 
 confidence unimpaired : And I now declare, that I am of 
 opinion, if we ftood firmly upon that ground, there is no 
 fervice within the power of this republic to render, that it 
 would not render us, and upon the flighteft intimation. In 
 the interval between the period of thofe communications 
 which were made by me to the committee, explanatory of 
 our fituation with Britain, Spain, &c. and the arrival oi the 
 
C "4 ] 
 
 intelligence of Mr. Jay's treaty, the indications of this difpc>- 
 fition were extremely ftrong : For at that time I had reafon 
 to believe, that it contemplated to take under its care, and 
 to provide for, our protection againft Algiers ; for the expuU 
 fion of the Britim from the weftern pofls, and the eftablifh- 
 ment of our right with Spain to the free navigation of the 
 Miflifippi, to be executed in the mode we fhould prefer, and 
 upon terms perfectly eafy to us j terms, in fhort, which fought 
 only the aid of our credit to obtain a loan from our own 
 banks for an inconfiderable fum, to be laid out in the pur- 
 chafe of provifions, within our own country, and to be re- 
 imburfed, if poflible, by themfelves. But by that intelli- 
 gence, this difpofition was checked, but not changed ; for 
 it is with the courfe of opinions as with that of bodies, and 
 which are not eafily to be forced in an oppofite direction, 
 after they have decifively taken a particular one. I mention 
 this for your information, not indeed, in relation to the paft, 
 but future meafures of the executive ; for I am flill inclined to 
 believe, that if the arrangement with England, or the nego- 
 ciation with Spain mould fail, it is poflible, provided a fuita- 
 ble attempt be made here before a peace is clofed with thofe 
 powers refpe&ively, to accompliih the whole through the 
 means of this government, and upon terms which would 
 perhaps require no offenfive movement, or other aft which 
 would rightfully fubjetl us to the imputation of a breach of 
 neutrality. Well fatisfied I am, that the full weight of its 
 fortunes might be thrown with decifion into our fcale, and 
 in a manner that would enable us to turn thofe fortunes to 
 the beft account in negociation. 
 
 I am happy to inform you, that Mrs. La Fayfctte was lately 
 fet at liberty , and although I could not make a formal appli- 
 cation in her favor, yet it was done in accommodation with 
 that which was informally made. She attended immediately 
 at my houfe, to declare the obligation fhe owed to our coun- 
 try, and of which fhe manifeiled the highefl fenfibility. Un- 
 fortunately fhe is and has been for fome time paft deftitute 
 of refource, and in confequence required aid, not only for 
 prefent fupport, but to discharge the debts that were already 
 due, and for which fhe applied to me; and was thereupon fur- 
 nifhed with a fum in aflignats, equivalent to about one thou- 
 fand dollars in fpecie. I made this advance upon the princi- 
 ple it was my .duty to make it, as the 'reprefentative of the 
 United States, and in the expectation that the like fum, which 
 would be paid to my order by our bankers in Amfterdam, 
 
C '* 1 
 
 would be taken from the fund appropriated to the ufe of her 
 hufband by the congrtfs in the courie of the I ail year. Is 
 this approved, and may I upon that fund make future advances 
 adequate to her fupport, and for which the intereit will per- 
 haps iuffice? 
 
 A treaty of peace, or rather of amity, with Tufcany, with 
 the progrefs of a revolution in Holland, which has been more 
 rapid than I expected it would be, are the only events wor- 
 thy notice, that have taken place fmce my lait, and for more 
 particular details refpecling which I beg leave to refer you to 
 Mr. Adet, to whofe care the prefent is committed. 
 
 P. S. I herewith inclofe you a report from Mr. Skipwith, 
 upon fome cafes that were noticed in your laft difpatch ; as 
 likewife upon fome others upon which application will moll 
 probably be made to you, and whereby you will be enabled to 
 give fatisfa&ory information to the parties concerned. 
 
 From the Secretary cf State of the United States, to Mr. Mcuroe. 
 Philadelphia) December $th, 1794. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 SINCE my letter of the 3cth ultimo, which will be 
 conveyed by the fame veflel with this, I have had the honor 
 of receiving your very interetting letters of Augufl i5th and 
 25th. They are the more acceptable, as affording an earned 
 of your attention to the kind of intelligence, which is to us 
 very important. 
 
 We are fully fenfible of the importance of the friendmip of 
 the French Republic. Cultivate it with zeal, proportioned 
 to the value which we fet upon it. Remember to remove 
 every fufpicion of our preferring a connection with Great Bri- 
 tain, or in any manner weakening our old attachment to 
 France. The caution fuggefted in my letter of the 3cth ul- 
 timo arifes folely from an honorable wifh to fuftain our cha- 
 rader of neutrality, in a ftyle which may be a pattern for the 
 morality of nations. The Republic, while they approve of the 
 purity of your conduct, cannot but be perfuaded of the puri- 
 ty of our affe&ion. 
 
 The Prefident approves your conduft as to the national 
 houfe, offered for your refidence. Your interpretation of the 
 conftitution is correct. But you are charged, to make known 
 his fenfe of this evidence of refpedl. 
 
C w 1 
 
 conful 
 I am, 
 
 The affair of theconful is noticed in my letter of the 30th 
 ultimo. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH. 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 [ No. XI. ] 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, February i%th, 1795- 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE juft been honored -^rith your favor of the 5th 
 December, and am much gratified by its contents. The pre- 
 ceding one of the 2nd had given me great uneafmefs, but 
 this has removed it. I fincerely wifh my two firft letters had 
 reached you in the order they were written, as they would 
 have prevented yours of the 2nd December, by preventing 
 the imprcffion which gave birth to it. 
 
 Be aflured I mall continue to forward, by all the means in 
 my power, the oojefts of my mi.flion, and I amperfuaded 
 with the fuccefs which might be expected from tnofe erforts, 
 addreffed to the councils of a nation well difpofed favourably 
 to receive them. The object of this is to acknowledge the 
 receipt of your laft letter, and in the expectation that it will 
 accompany, under the care of Mr. Adet, my lafb difpatch* 
 which was in anfwer to the preceding one. 
 
 [ No. XII ] 
 
 FROM Mr. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, March 6th > 1795. 
 
 I AVAIL myfelf of the opportunity by Mr. Adet, who 
 leaves this to fucceed Mr. Fauchet, of tranfmitting herewith 
 fome communications which have lately pafled between the 
 committee of public fafety and myfelf, upon the fubject of 
 our interfering claims with Spain ; and which will ferve not 
 only ftill further to illuflrate my former difpatches upon that 
 
[ '127 3 
 
 point, but likewife to mew the precife ground upon which 
 it now refts. 1 had thoughts of declining any further effort 
 upon that head, until I was enabled to lay before the com- 
 mittee the project of Mr. Jay's treaty with the Englifh go- 
 vernment, and which was and dill is daily expected by the 
 return of Mr. Purviance ; but from this I was fwerved by a 
 report, that the outlines of a fteaty were nearly adjufled be- 
 tween the reprefentatives of this Republic with the army, 
 and fome agent of Spain on the frontier j from the fear thac 
 the peace would be clofed with that power before our differ- 
 ences were compromifed. Thus circumftanced, I deemed 
 it my duty, in conformity with my inftruclicns (and the more 
 efpecially, as they had no right to make any inference with 
 refpe& to that project other than I had dated) to bring 
 the fubjeft more fully before them than I had before done. 
 Among the papers inclofed, which comprize the \vhole of whar. 
 pafled between us upon this fubjecl:, you will obferve a note 
 of Merlin de Douay, and which, though given by a fingle 
 member, and in reply to an informal application, yet, as it 
 marks a remaining folicitude upon the tranfalion to which it 
 refers, I have thought it equally my duty to tranfmit for your 
 information. 
 
 No peace is yet made with Spain, nor indeed with any 
 other power, Tufcany excepted, which was before commu- 
 nicated j but it is dill probable that one will be made with that 
 power and likewife with Pruffia. It is, however, well known, 
 that England is againft it ; and that me exerts ail the addrefs 
 which ingenuity, prompted by intereft, can fugged to pre- 
 vent it 5 and it is poflible that thofe arguments which are ufed 
 by the minifter in the houfe of commons, to forward the 
 preparations for war, may have weight in the cabinets of 
 other powers, and incline them to protract any definitive ar- 
 rangement with this Republic, until jufl before the com- 
 mencement of the campaign j in the hopes of profiting in the 
 interim by fuch events as the chapter of accidents may throw 
 in their way. But I cannot think, if the tranquillity which 
 now reigns here, mould remain undifturbed, and the inci- 
 dents of the interval, in other refpecb prove favourable to 
 the revolution, that either of them, and efpeciaily Spain, will 
 hazard the probable evils of another campaign, for any bene- 
 fit the can poffibly expect from it. In truth, the objects of 
 the war, fo far as they were ever underdood, are now entire- 
 ly changed : If a difmemberment of the Republic was among 
 them, that rnuft of courfe be conlidered as abandoned : Or if 
 the reiteration of the ancient monarchy was the fole one, the 
 
[ 128 ] 
 
 hope of accomplifhing it by arms muil now likevvife be confi- 
 tiered as gone. Nations acting entirely on the defenfive, ne- 
 ver dream of conquefts. The only remaining fource, from 
 whence the coalefced powers can derive the leaft hope of fuc- 
 cds, is founded in the poiTibiiity of fome internal commotion 
 being excited by the fcarcity of provifion; the derangement of 
 their finances, or the divifions of their councils : Calamities > 
 it is true, or either of them fmgly, provided it attained to a 
 certain height, which it is admitted would b.3 fuificient to 
 detlroy any government. But whether France is threatened 
 with real danger from this fource, in either of thofe views, is 
 the problem to be folved. Upon the two firft points I do 
 not pretend at prefent to be able to decide with certainty: In- 
 deed the beft informed can only conjecture. Bread I know 
 is fcarce in fome parts ; and it is pomble much diftrefs 
 may be experienced in thofe quarters, if foreign fupplies are 
 not obtained, and in great amount : But thefe are expected 
 from the north and from America. It is. probable too, that 
 this fcarcity has been encreafed by the fpecuiation of individu- 
 als, and in which cafe it will diminilh as the exigency prefTes- 
 . Nor am I (killed in their financial policy. When I arrived, 
 the allignats were depreciated in comparifon with fpecie, as 
 three to one, and now they have declined to about five and 
 a half for one. The amount in circulation, and the fums 
 occafionally emitted, are wonderfully great, and the depreci- 
 ation muil follow as a thing of courfe. What meafures will 
 be taken with the paper is yet doubtful. Formerly, it had 
 depreciated in equal or greater degree, and then it was eleva- 
 ted to par, by (Inking out of circulation all the bills of a 
 certain defcription ; fecuring the payment of the liquidae$l 
 amount by the mortgage of the national property, a-ided by 
 the maximum law which regulated the price of every thing. 
 Whether fome meafures of the like kind will be again adopt- 
 ed, or whether any attempt will be nude to appreciate the 
 paper, is equally uncertain. Many confider the appreciation 
 as an evil to be avoided, preferring a gradual decline till it 
 {hall finally expire, and adopting then a fcale fuited progref- 
 fively to private contracts, and redeeming the whole at the 
 rate it purled in the hit flage of circulation. I think if pro- 
 bable this latter policy will finally prevail, as it is advocated 
 with ability and zeal by fome who were tutored in our fchool. 
 The fubje'ct, however, is dill under difcuflion, and nothing 
 ablblutely decided on it. If this latter plan mould be pre- 
 ferred, although no flep be taken to appreciate the paper, or 
 eveu prevent its decline, a confiderable time will probably 
 
rTapfe, before the final fufpcnficn ; and a ACT this, the Re* 
 public will ftand nearly upon the fame ground cr* v.v 
 commenced. Its debt will be but irnall, and it v 
 be&les the ordinary refource of taxati< i ::t:icn?.I tiurnsirss 
 
 to an immenfe amount ; equal, by cftimsticr., to at ieait two 
 hundred millions fleriing, in fpccie ; fuppcrt?cl in its credit 
 by Holland (from whence too, other aids are to be expected) 
 snd by the reputation of its arms. I will, howr 
 more accurate furvey of this fubjct, and give yen the rcfuit 
 as foon as poSble. 
 
 And upon the fubjc-cl of vihofe dangers v/hich are prefu- 
 med to menace the fafcty of this Republic from the divifiony 
 ef its councils, I have but little to add at prdtnt to the de- 
 tails already furnifned. The pzpers, herewith forwarded, coi:~ 
 tain the report of the commifiion of twenty-one, upon the 
 denunciation of Barrcrc, s~V. and which finds cauie of sc- 
 cufation. As fcon as the report is printed, the denounced 
 will be heard before the convection, who will decide, by 
 what is called the appd nimln.i!) for their acquittii cf tri- 
 al ; and in the latter cafe, they will, -nient time, be 
 fent to the revolutionary tribunal, and in rny cpinion, finaK 
 iy, to the guillotine, unlefs dicy (hxx.ild pitvicidly abfcond^ 
 as one of them (Vadier) hns already t'one, and which it. is 
 wrmed, even by thofe mod acTtive in the prcfjcution,, the/, 
 all may do* This particular incident xvill net be new to yew* 
 and in ether refpects the councils of the country bear th-s- 
 fame afpecl: they have done from the tirrre of my aririval. 
 
 In contemplating the pofSble cffel-5 of this profecutior^ 
 er what may be called a divifccn of the public councils, the 
 friends of the revolution have caufe to regret, that firrce a dc* 
 cifion upon, the conduct of thfe members was to be taken,. 
 it was not focner taken. If it had followed immediately 
 lifter the execution of Robcfpierre, it would have occafo * 
 <sd lefs noife, and borne lefs the afpccl: of party coliifion. Its 
 protraction too has expoled the government to dartgers which 
 would not otherwife have exiiled : For by the delay, the two* 
 fold criiis of the trial, and of famine, or rather the fcarcitr 
 of provifions, will taks pla,ce preclfely at trs fame moment; 
 than which there certainly could not be a coincidence of 
 events mote favorable to the views of the caafcfced powers, . 
 or unfavourable to thofe of the Republic. But you hare al* 
 ready feeii by the courfe of this tranlattion^ that although 
 the preponderating party has denounced, and may finally ex* 
 ecute, thefe members, it hai^ norwithft^nding, a&ed rathcf 
 upon the defienfivc than otherwise, Jii 
 
undertaken with that degree of zeal and vigor, of which 
 fo decided a majority is always capable, they muft long fince 
 have been earned to the fcaffold. On this fide, then, there 
 was obvioufly no plan ; nor indeed is it probable there was 
 any on the other : For I am convinced, that the real objedl of 
 at leaft four out of rive, on both fides, has been to complete 
 the revolution. The coincidence, therefore, muft be deem- 
 ed one of thofe unlucky, but fortuitous arrangements, forced 
 by the courfe of events, not to be controuled, and under 
 which the friends of republican government muft confole 
 tfoemfelves with the reflection, that although, in a pofiible 
 view, it may prove injurious to their caufe, yet if it glides 
 fmoothly by, it will produce a correfpondent benefit, by de- 
 mon it rating to the world, how deeply rooted the principles 
 of the revolution are in the hearts of the people. 
 
 But does no danger threaten the Republic from this fource? 
 In my opinion (I fpeakof the prefent moment more particu- 
 larly) none: For, from all thofe circumftances which have pail- 
 cd under my view fmce my arrival, I am fatisfied that whilft 
 the majority of the convention is on the fide of the revolution 
 it will be fupported by the people, and I am even perfuaded, 
 that if the majority was againft it, although, in confequence, it 
 would be able to occafion great confufion and do in other re- 
 fpecls much injury ; yet it would not be able to reftore the 
 ancient monarchy. In advancing this pofition, I reafon not 
 only from recent incidents, but from paft events ; and by 
 which ! fee that the great mafs of the French nation, through 
 all the viciflitudes of the war, and fuceeflion of parties, was 
 always on the fide of the revolution *, fupporting the conven- 
 tion with an undeviating perfeverancej notbecaufe it pofleiTed 
 their unbounded confidence, but bccaufe they believed it to 
 be true to the main object, and v/as, of courfe, the only folid 
 rock upon which they could reft with fafety. A variety of 
 circumftances, marked in ftrc:ig characters and by great events 
 in the courfe of the revolution (heretofore communicated 
 and which on that account 1 forbear to repeat) tend to de- 
 monftrate the truth of this pofition. Nor have the citizens 
 of this Republic merited, in other refpefts, the reputation 
 for turbulence and licentioufne(s, often afcribed to them in 
 foreign countries : For it is unqueftionably true, that the great 
 atrocities which have framed the different ftages of the revo- 
 lution, and particularly the maflacres of the 2nd and 3d Sep- 
 tember, 1 792, -and tke invafion of the convention on the 3 ift 
 May, 1/93, which terminated in the arrcftation and deftruc- 
 tion of the Girondine party, did net proceed from a liceuu* 
 
C '3' 1 
 
 *us commotion of the people. On the contrary, k is b 
 ed, that many of the immediate agents in the firft were not 
 inhabitants of Paris ; but brought from a confidernble dif* 
 tance, and ibme even from Italy, put in motion by fome fecret 
 caufe not yet fully underftood; It is alfo affirmed, that the 
 great mafs of the people of Paris were ignorant of what w^ 
 perpetrating at the time of the tranfaclion, aifd that thofe wha 
 knew of it were (truck with the fame horror that we were 
 when we heard of it on the other fide of the Atlantic. And 
 fche movement of the 3 1 ft of May, when they were embodied 
 and arranged againft the convention, was a movement en their 
 part, in obedience to the law, and for which they were regu- 
 larly fummoned, and commanded by the ordinary officers. Ir 
 is faid that the great mafs knew nothing of the object to which 
 they were to be made initrumental : That the fecret wns de*- 
 pofited with a few only in the convention ; fuch as Robef- 
 pierre, Danton, &c. who governed the operation, and the 
 Mayor of the city j the general and fome principal officers of 
 the guards, and who marflialled the citizens out as upon an 
 ordinary parade. The party in the houfe, which controuled 
 the movement, knew how to turn it to good account. The 
 Mayor, a partizan of Robefpierre, f*fc. had a few days be- 
 fore prefented a petition, demanding the arreftation of the 
 twenty-two members, and it was now urged in the houfe by 
 Couthon, a leading member of the fame party, that the pre- 
 ient difcontents, and which he faid occaiiorved the movement 
 in queftion, and threatened the annihilation of the convention,^ 
 could not be fatisfied, unlefs thofe cbnoxious members were ar- 
 refled. And as the Girondine party did not controul the 
 movement, or know any thing about it, otherwife than as ap- 
 pearances announced, and which were tremendous; for Hen- 
 riot was then alfo at the head of the guards, the declarations 
 of the other party were believed to be true, and the members 
 in confequence arrefted. Thus by mere fmefle, and under 
 a dexterous management, the Girondine party was completely 
 overwhelmed, and the mountain party as completely efta- 
 bliflied on its ruins, and by means of the people 5 who bein'g 
 exhibited in dumb-fhew by the latter were the object of 
 terror, and the caufe of the overthrow of the former, notwith- 
 Handing it was, at the time, the preponderating party in the 
 convention, and equally fo in the public eftimation. 
 
 Thefe latter details may perhaps appear inapplicable to th? 
 fubjeft : But as I confider them of fome importance, as wefi 
 to enable you to judge of the future fortune of the revolution, 
 as of thofe dangers which are fuppofed by many, more irume^ 
 
E '3 2 3 
 
 lately t$ ihrMtn the welfare cj'thc Republic, I have thought 
 proper to com:. th :m to you. The fuccefs of the re- 
 
 VQiution depends upon the people : Whatever, therefore, uii-* 
 folds the character and difpciition of the people, and cfpecii 
 ally in relation to that object, mull of courfe be ufeful. 
 
 L *.vss sdvifsd by your favor of the and December, that Mr. 
 J. Fitcsirn of New-York was appointed conful for this city^ 
 $nd iipcn v/hich appointment feme considerations have occur-? 
 rt:d which I have thought it my duty to fuggeil. Permit m$ 
 to afk*. Is he *n American citizen, and if fp, whether by 
 birth or naturalization , and, in the latter cafe, whether he be-. 
 came fuch fince the revolution ? If of the laft defcripticn, hisr 
 Arrival will fubjet me to great embarrafTment, and for rca- 
 fors given in my fourth letter of the 1 8th October laft; and to 
 which, with thofe from the ccmmiflary of foreign affairs to me, 
 tr&nfmitted at the lame time, I beg leave to refer you. I can- 
 didly think, if his fituation 3 known, being a perfon deemed 
 \>y the Engh'fh lav/ z. fubjecl of that croru-n, he will not be re- 
 cognized, or if recognized, not without great reluctance. Shall. 
 I announce him then, withholding a communication of thefacl, 
 Admitting it to be a fa 61 ? In cafe I do, and it is afterwards 
 Ciicovered, what will be the impreiTipn of this government 
 towards myfdf, and efpecially after what has pafied between. 
 ViS-cn the fame fubjecl: ; finding that I had placed without 
 their knowledge in office, and immediately in the prefence- 
 of the public councils, a perfon of a defcription againit which 
 they had particularly objedted ? And that it will be difcovered, 
 a -.d immediately, is moil certain; for there are already letters 
 for him here from England, and thefe will me ft probably be 
 multiplied tenfold after his arrival : Befides, the character, 
 &c. cf every foreign agent, and of every grade, being a.n ob- 
 ject: of fyfternatic political enquiry, is always well known. But 
 Admitting the acquiffcence of this government in his favour, 
 in ether views this fubjecl merits attention. It is to be ob* 
 ferved, that a great proportion of the buJmefs of our coun- 
 tryrnen here is tranfacted-v/Uh the government : The adjuft- 
 an en t frequently requires my official fuppprt : If then he does 
 i}ct poife:f^ the, confidence qf the gqvernrnent, he will pot only 
 h^ unable to render that fervire to our countrymen which 
 n^ight be expected from one in hi* ilaticn ; but as, he will be 
 brought officially into frequent and familiar communication 
 tijith rne, it will follow, that precifely that portion of diftruft 
 to which he i> fubjecl will attach itfelf to me and produce a, 
 rcrrefpond^jit eft'sct, to a certain degree, upon every fu" 
 f!^ri{iinghfrc ? in which we arc iiutrcltcd, I kavw 
 
f I ) 
 
 that if my fourth letter had been received, I fhould not have- 
 been placed in this dilemma : But how to at in cafe he ar- 
 rives, I do not know. I confole rnyfelf under the hope lie 
 will not arrive j but, by delaying his departure until that letter 
 was Feceived, put it in your power to reconfider the appoint- 
 ment. 
 
 P. S. March 9. Since writing the above, I have been ex- 
 plicitly afTured by Mr. Pelet, a member of tht diplomatic fec- 
 tion of the- committee of public fafety ; that in confidence 
 Mr. Jay's treaty contained nothing which would give uneafi- 
 nefs here, they had exprefsly infbrufted their agent, now 
 neggciating with Spain, to ufe his utmoit efforts to fecure 
 for us the points in controverfy between the United States 
 and that pov/er. In coniequence, I thought proper to fend 
 in a fhort fupplementa! note, explanatory of the feveral ob- 
 jects of that controverfy, and which I likewife inclofe with 
 the report of Mr. Mouatflorence, by whom it was delivered. 
 What the fuccefs of their endeavours in our behalf may be, is 
 uncertain ; but we cannot expect the concluiion of their own 
 treaty will be long delayed on that account. 
 
 I had forgotten to notify you officially the prefent I had 
 made to the convention of our flag. It was done in ccnfc- 
 quence of the order of that body, for its fufpenfion in its hall, 
 and an intimation from the Prefident himfejf, that they had 
 none, and were ignorant of the model. I herewith fend you 
 a copy of iny note to him accompanying it. 
 
 tie Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of A 
 rlca t to the Committee of Public Safety. 
 
 Paris 9 January ^^th t 1795. 
 
 I HAVE thought proper to prefent to your view, in the 
 fnclofed paper, the fituation of the United States in relation 
 tp tha river Miflifippi, and refpefting which a negocbtion 
 is now depending with the court of Spain, This paper opens 
 fully this interesting fubjedt in its relation to both republics, 
 and which it is proper you ihould be correctly informed of, 
 at the prefent time. France can only aflift in opening the ri- 
 ver, by inviting tbe American minifter, Mr. Short, to atl: in 
 concert with her, when me (hall conclude her treaty with 
 that power, and which, by her permi&Qn, I can eafily accom- 
 
 or by wjnpri&ig it iahi osya-tregty. ihave no po.w-. 
 
( 134 ) 
 
 ertoT treat upon this fubjetl, otherwife than by bringing it thus 
 before you, for the purpofe of afcertaining what your difpofi- 
 tion is upon it ; and which, with any comments you may be 
 pleafed to make, I (hall be happy immediately to communi- 
 cate to the American government. 
 
 Notes re/peeing the River M't/ljjlppi ; communicated to the Com* 
 
 mitteecf Public Safety. 
 
 Paris, January 25^, 1795- 
 
 TIIE river Miflifippi extends from about the forty-eighth 
 degree of north latitude to the twenty-ninth, where it emp- 
 ties into the gulph of Mexico, running nearly a north and 
 fouth courfe. and through a tral of the moil feytile country 
 in the world. 
 
 It bounds the United States to the weft, from latitude thir- 
 ty -one, "to its fource ; an extent, purfuing the courfe of the ri-. 
 ver, of about two thoufand miles. 
 
 Many rivers empty Into the MimTippi on the eaft ; the prin- 
 cipal of which are the Illinois and the Ohio, and which, 
 with their branches, fpread through the whole of the weft- 
 ern interior of the United States, and make it a moil 
 delightful region. Other rivers empty into it from the weft, 
 of which the MifTouri is the moft important. This latter 
 lias never been traced to its fource ; although voyagers have 
 pafie.d up it above one thoufand five hundred miles : It is 
 however believed, that it penetrates further into the bofom 
 of the continent than the Miffifippi itfelf. 
 The whole of that portion of the United States lying weft- 
 ward of the Alleghany mountains, and which comprizes about 
 one half the territory within the faid ftates, depends upon 
 this river for the export of its productions to foreign markets. 
 It comprehends a portion of the territory of feveral of the 
 exifting frames: Perhaps one third of Pennfylvania, Virginia, 
 North-Carolina, and Georgia ; the whole of Kentucky, and 
 an immenfe trad of vacant territory, lying between the Ohio, 
 nnd the MiiTifippi, which has already been laid out into five 
 Separate ftates, and which are to be admitted into the Union 
 xvith the fame rights as the old ftates, when they mall re- 
 fpeHvely attain a certain number of inhabitants. Of thefe> 
 it is propofed to fettle one only at a time, and of which the 
 /Vft has already been commenced. 
 
 When we examine the extent of this territory-, its fertility, 
 iaperior to that, of tjae old ftates ; the felicity of its climate, ly- 
 
Hig all within the temperate zone ; the kind arul quality of 
 its productions, fuch as hemp, flour, corn in, Ihcu every 
 thing neceflary in human life ; protected in its infant fettle- 
 mcnts by the government of the United States, and adn:i 
 as foon as it {hall attain a certain degree of maturity to equal 
 memberfhip with them, we are compelled to appreciate it 
 more highly than any other vacant tract known upon the 
 globe. 
 
 Its fettlement is of importance to all thofe European coun- 
 tries, whofe inhabitants are engaged in manufactures; becaufe 
 it will furniih, in abundance, rude materials fer every fpecies 
 of manufacture : To thofe which have occasion at times for 
 the fupply of provifions j becaufe it will furnifh an exhauil- 
 kfs fource of every fpecies of provifion : But it is of pecu- 
 liar importance to thofe which have iilands in the Weil- 
 Indies 5 becaufe it lies in the neighbourhood cf thofe iilands, 
 the mouth of the Miflifippi being nearly in the fame latitude; 
 and will furniih every tiling in demand there, fuch as lumber, 
 provifions, CSV. 
 
 But the commerce of this country, when fettled, will de- 
 pend upon the navigation of the Miflifippi, and of courfe 
 the fettlement itfelf will depend upon the fame caufe. This 
 was fecured by a treaty of peace between tke United States 
 and Great-Britain in 1783, but has hitherto been prevented 
 by Spain, from motives equally unjufl and illiberal. A ne> 
 gociation, the object: of which, on cur part, is to open it> 
 is and has been depending with that power fince thac 
 time. 
 
 At the time our peace was made with England, the impor- 
 tance of rhis country was little known in her councils : It is 
 faid, that her negociators did not even know on which fide of 
 the lakes, and of courfe within whofc jurifdiction 3 the forts 
 which have fince been the fubject of contention, lay : But 
 its importance was foon afterwards underftocd, and from 
 which time it is certain, that Britain has regarded it with 
 particular attention, fo hopes either of gaining it to herfelf, 
 or otherwife making it fubtervient to her fchemes of policy > 
 With this view {he refufed to furrender the pofts, excited the 
 Indians to make war on our frontiers, encouraged Spain to 
 refufe our right to the navigation of the Miflifippi, and did 
 us other injuries of the fame kind. 
 
 It is certain that the weftern people will fooner or later o~ 
 pen this river, either by negociation or by force, and more than 
 probable that England, retaining, as me (till does, her refent- 
 ioi.the 9ld ftates, for their indepcnd^ice, suid againft 
 
France for the aid given in that war, --will watch the uneafj- 
 neis of the Weftern people, on account of the obflfn&ed na- 
 vigation of the river, and improve it into an opportunity of 
 feparating the new from the old ftates, and connecting them 
 With her intereft in Canada, by undertaking to open the M1& 
 fifippi to both countries : And with which view it is faid that 
 ftie has long had agents there to treat upon this fubje& \ and 
 that nothing has prevented her fuccefs, but the attachment 
 the people have to their brethren in the old ftates , their re- 
 pugnance to become the fport of foreign politics, and which 
 would follow their reparation-; and the particular enmity they 
 bear to that power. Next to conqueft, feparation would be 
 the moil advantageous arrangement for Britain , for in con- 
 iequenccj and efpccially if opened under her aufpiccs, ihe 
 would become the ally of the weftern dates, and play them 
 off againfl the eafturn ; whereby their importance and weight 
 iii the fcale of nations would be diminiihed, if not deftroy- 
 ed. Many believe, and with this view, that fhe was at the 
 bottom of the late infurreclion on the frontier, and which 
 grew- out of the difcontents proceeding from the occlufion cf 
 the river. 
 
 But the fame mfctive which inclines England to promote the 
 iepafation of the new from the old ftates, mould difpofe 
 s to prevent it. As they now Hand, the whole are the 
 allies and the friends of France, and whilft they remain unit* 
 eJ they will continue fo: By the feparation, therefore, Britain 
 might gain, but France could not. 
 
 It is then the intereft of France to keep the whole of this 
 territory under the fame government: But this cnnnot be done 
 unlefs the intrigues of England be defeated, and the MiiTifip- 
 pi be opened under the patronage of the United States. It is, 
 therefore, the intereft cf France to yield her aid to her ally, 
 to open this river, and which at the prefent crifis would moil 
 probably produce a decifive effetl:. Nor would her retribu- 
 tion be limited to thofe confiderations only, v/hich have been 
 already mentioned, Experience has {hewn, that thofe allian- 
 ces are not only the moft ^beneficial, but hkewife moil dii^ 
 rable, which are founded equally in the affection and the in- 
 tereft of the parties, and by this at of friendship, France 
 would eftablifh a claim to the gratitude of the American peo- 
 ple ; which by pervading every quarter would reach the heart 
 of every citizen. It would be known to the prefent race and 
 remembered by pofterity, that, by the aid of France, the old 
 ftates were enabled to gain their independence, and that iike- 
 wife by her aid tlie new ftites commenced their fettlemcnt^. 
 
C 137 ] 
 
 grew up in the enjoyment of their rights, and attained their 
 maturity. 
 
 In the prefent ftate of the war with Spain, it is prefumed, 
 that France may obtain what is here propofed -, and indeed, 
 infinitely more, either in the iflands or even in South America, 
 and without the leatt difficulty. Her iyftem is a iyilem of free- 
 dom to the world, as well in refpeft to the rights of nations 
 as of men : It is therefore hoped the will avail herfelf of the 
 prjfent opportunity, not only to verify that fact ; but to ma^ 
 nifeft, at the fame time, the pleafure with which me embraces 
 every opportunity that occurs to promote the intereil of 'her ally. 
 
 From the Committee of Public Safety, to the Minlfter Plenipotentiary 
 of tte United States of America. 
 
 Paris, i~jth Pluviofc, ^d Tear of 'the Republic. 
 
 (February 8//;>, 1795.^ 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 WE have received, with your letter of pth Pluviofe, a 
 note explanatory of the fituation of the United States in re- 
 gard to the river Mifnfippi. 
 
 We acknowledge, by the folicitude which you mew in the 
 negociation of this affair, that nothing which can tend to con- 
 firm the bonds of friendfhip and harmony between the two firft 
 republics in the world, is it range or indifferent to you. 
 
 We thank you for the ideas you have communicated to us : 
 We will examine them profoundly, and we will communicate 
 to you without delay our obfervations upon your note. But 
 we appreciate before hand the motives of this loyal commu- 
 nication. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 C AMB ACERES, INIERLIN, &V. 
 PELET, 
 
 from the Committee of Public Safety, to the Minifter Plenipo- 
 tentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, i6th Pluviofe, ^d Tear cf the Republic. 
 
 (February $th, 1795>J 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 THE citizen Bourgoin, formerly minider of France at 
 Madrid, infprms us, that he hasaik.ed of you to tranimit into 
 
 T 
 
[ 138 ] 
 
 Spain, uiuler your cover, two letters which he wifhes. t> 
 fend there upon his own affairs. He alfo informs us, that 
 you are willing to render him this fervice, provided it is de- 
 ilred by the committee of public fafety. We have in confe- 
 quence examined the letters in queflion, and are fatisfied that 
 they contain nothing contrary to the interefl either of the 
 French or American people. It therefore appears to us, that 
 you may .without difficulty tranfmit under your cover thefe 
 letters of the "citizen Bourgoin, and which we now fend you. 
 We undertake to forward them to the frontiers with your 
 difpatches by the firfl courier extraordinary which we fhall 
 expedite to the army of the Weftern Pyrenees. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CAMBACERES, PELET, fcV. 
 
 MERLIN, 
 
 Note. This was the commencement of the negociation 
 between France and Spain. 
 
 From the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- 
 rica, to the Committee of Public Safety. 
 
 Paris , February *]th, 1795. 
 
 I ACCEPT with great pleafure the opportunity offered, 
 of writing to the American minifter at Madrid, and with 
 equal pleafure tranfmit the letters, inclofed me in your lak, to 
 his care ; never doubting that whatever comes from you to 
 me will equally promote the intereft of both republics. 
 
 From Merlin de Douay, Reprefentative of the People, to Citizen 
 Skipvuith, Conful of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, ^d Ventofe, ^d year of the Republic. 
 
 (February 22ci, *795-/ 
 
 I HAVE received, citizen, the obfervations you have 
 addrefled to me, upon the navigation of the Miflifippi. The 
 ideas which they prefent are not new. to me, nor the com-^ 
 mittee of public fafety ; and I have reafon to think they will 
 be taken into profound configuration, in fuitable time and 
 
I 139.] 
 
 -place. I ought not to difiemble, however, that this may de- 
 pend much upon the conduct which the American govern- 
 ment will obferve in regard to the treaty, which its minifter, 
 'Jay, has concluded with England. You know, in effect, 
 that there ought to be a reciprocity of fervices and of obliga- 
 tions between nations, as between individuals. J fpeak, 
 however, here as an individual. 
 
 from Mr. Monroe ', to the Prefident of the National Convention. 
 ^ Paris, September yth, 1 794. 
 
 CITIZEN, 
 
 THE convention having decreed, that the flag of the 
 American and French Republics mould be united together, 
 and fufpended in its own hall, in teftimony of eternal union 
 and friendfhip between the two people ; I have thought I 
 could not better evince the impreflion this a has made on my 
 mind, or the grateful fenfe of my conftituents, than- by prefent- 
 ing, in their behalf, that of the United States to the reprefenta- 
 tives of the French people. Having caufed it, therefore, to be ex- 
 ecuted, according to the model prefcribed by a late atof Con- 
 grefs, I now commit it to the care of captain Barney, an officer 
 of merit in our own revolution, and who will attend for the 
 -purpofe of depofiting it wherever you will be pleafed to 
 direcl:. I pray you, therefore, to accept it, as a proof of the 
 fenfibility with which my country receives every a6l of friend- 
 fhip from our ally, and of the pleafure with which it clieriflies 
 every incident which tends to cement and confolidate the 
 union between the two nations. 
 
 No. XIII. 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECHET.-.RY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris , March l^th, 1795. 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE juft received a letter from Mr. Jay, of the 
 jth of February, in anfwer to mine of the 1 7th January pre- 
 <:eding, and by which he declines to communicate to me the 
 purport of his treaty with the Englifn government ; although 
 hs had previoully promifed it. As he has explicitly declared 
 
C MO ] 
 
 himfelf to this efFe&, I confider the bufmefs of C6urfe clofM 
 between him and me >--nor fhould I make a further comment 
 on it, were I not otherwife impelled by the ftyle of his reply j 
 which is obvioufly addrefTed more for your confi.ieration than 
 mine. To you, therefore, my comments upon that reply 
 fhall alfo be fubmitted. 
 
 Mr. Jay fays : That he has no right to communicate the 
 treaty fmce it belongs exclufively to the governments which 
 form them ; and by which I underftand that the minifies has no- 
 difcrction on the iubjeft, being bound to communicate with 
 his government only. If this propofition is true, which (ef- 
 pecially if no latitude is given him by his inftrutions) I am 
 willing to admit, it follows, that as the injunction of fecrecy 
 applies to the whole inftrument, it muft of courfe to every 
 part. It were abfurd to fay, that in the grofs or as an entire 
 thing it muft be kept fecret, but yet in the detail it may be 
 divulged. How then does his conduct correfpond with his 
 own doctrine ; having in his three feveral letters communi- 
 cated a particular article, and promifed in the fecond the 
 whole. 
 
 But he likewife fays, that the communication was intend- 
 ed to be confidential^ or in other words to be fecret ; for fuch 
 is the ordinary import of the word. But will his letters bear 
 that conftruHon ? Does it appear as if the communication 
 was intended merely to gratify, on my part, private curiofityj 
 or for the benevolent purpofe only of announcing to me an 
 event favourable to our country ? On the contrary ; does it 
 not appear from each of his letters, that he had anticipated the 
 difquietude of this government upon the fubjecl: of the treaty, 
 and wifhed to remove it ; and that the communication pro- 
 rrdfed was intended for me in a public capacity, and to be 
 ufcd for public purpofes ? In (hort, had I been in a private 
 flation, is it probable he would have written or communicated 
 any thing to me on the fubjecT: ? Certain, however, it is, 
 that in no view was it poflible for me to confider the commu- 
 nication promifed, though termed a confidential one, as im- 
 pofing on me any ether reftraint than that of caution ; whilft 
 it exonerated him, and made me refponfible for the blame of a 
 difclofure, in cafe it was made and produced any inconveni- 
 ence. 
 
 As I really believed, at the time I wrote to Mr. Jay, that 
 he intended to make the communication in queftion, and 
 likewife concluded from his own afTurances, , as well as from 
 other circumfbmces, that the treaty comprized in it nothing 
 that could give juft caufc of complaint here, I thought I 
 
not better forward his own views, or the intereft of OUT 
 country (efpecially as Mr. Morris had taken his copy of the 
 Cypher with him) than by fending a confidential peribn for it. 
 You will, therefore, judge of my furprize, when inftead of 
 the communication expected, I received his letter of the 51)1 
 of February, containing an abfolute refufal to make it. 
 
 But in reviewing now his feveral letters, it is difficult to af- 
 certain what he intended to do, or what his real obj eel: was in 
 writing them : For he fnys in thefe, that he is not at liberty to 
 difclofe the purport of his treaty, andyctpromifes it: That lie 
 will give me the contents or principal heads, to enable n: j tu 
 fatisfy this government ; but yet will give them only in con- 
 fidence, and of courfe under an injunction, that will put it 
 out of my power to give the fatisfattion intended : And, fi- 
 nally, when application is made, upon the bafis of his own 
 letters, for the information in queftion, and for the purpofe 
 fey him contemplated, he not only refufes to comply with 
 what he had promifed, but criminates this government for en- 
 tertaining any uneafmefs or making any enquiry on the fub- 
 
 When one party offers a thing upon the principle the other 
 has a right to it, as was the cafe in the prefent inftance, the 
 juftice of the demand, on the part of the latter, is of courfe 
 admitted. There may, indeed, be fome merit in ottering it 
 before the demand is made ; but to make the offer and then 
 recede from it, fubjects the party thus acting to an additional 
 proportional reproach. Had Mr. Jay, however, chofen to 
 jplace himfelf in this dilemma, from me he would have heard 
 nothing more on the fubjett : I fhould have lamented, it is 
 true, as I now do, that I was not poflerTeJ of information that 
 might be ufeful to our affairs here ; but there the bufinefs 
 would have ended, for both his promife and my application 
 were, and ilill are, unknown to this government. But to re- 
 cede in the manner he has done, putting his refufal upon the 
 ground of national dignity, &c. is neither confident with can- 
 dour, nor the true ftate of things. 
 
 Had Mr. Jay confided to me the information in queftion, 
 and in due time, and which, it is obvious, he thought him- 
 felf in duty bound to do, I fhould then have become refpon- 
 fible for a proper ufe of it : And, I am fatisfied, admitting it 
 to be as by him reprefented, good ufe might have been made 
 of it: For I mould not only have been enabled thereby to 
 quic: their fears, and whofe legitimacy he acknowledges by 
 his efforts to remove them ; and filence a thoufand unfavoura- 
 ble infmuations whifpered about by th? enemies of both 
 
countries ; but by the franknefs of the communication, have 
 mod probably made the incident the means of conciliating, 
 inftead of weakening, the friendly difpofition of this govern- 
 ment towards us. I am likewife perfuaded, that if I had 
 been authorifed to declare, generally, from my own know- 
 ledge (being the minifter on the ground, and refponfible for 
 the truth of the declaration) that the treaty did not interfere 
 with our engagements with this republic, but that being a 
 mere project, fubjecl: to rejection, &c. it ought not to be 
 pub limed, it would have been fatisfac~lory. And had the 
 communication been fent to me, even in this laft ftage, fuch 
 would have been my conduct, and moil certainly fuch the 
 effect : In any event, had I gone further againti his requeft, 
 upon me and'not upon him, would the refponfibility have reft- 
 ed. But this was not Mr. Jay's object : On the contrary, it 
 is obvious, that he wiflied me to compromit my character, 
 and through me that of the United States with this nation, 
 upon the contents of this treaty, without letting me fee it ; 
 or placing in this government or myfelf the leaft confidence 
 in regard to it ; and which I would not do, nor,, in my opinion, 
 ought I to have done. 
 
 Whether this government acted with propriety, in afking 
 for information upon the point in queftion, is a fubject with 
 which I have nothing do. I am refponfible only for the 
 anfwers given, and which you have. My application to Mr. 
 Jay was certainly not founded upon theirs to me; for I had 
 contemplated it before theirs was received. I had then gain- 
 ed fuch an infight into their councils, as to fatisfy me ; that 
 ail our great national objects, fo far as they were connected 
 with this Republic, were more eafily to be fecured by a frank 
 and liberal deportment, than a cool and referved one : That 
 if we wifhed to preferve our neutrality with ftrict integrity, 
 and avail ourfelves at the fame time of its fortunes, and with- 
 out the leaft hazard on our part, in the negociation with 
 Spain, as likewife in that with England (in cafe Mr. Jay's 
 treaty was rejected) that this was the way to do it : In fliort, 
 that if it was neceffary to gain the approbation of this govern- 
 ment to any thing in that treaty, which it would otherwife 
 difapprove, that this was the way to do it. Nor can I fee 
 any eondefcenfion in fuch a line of conduct j on the contra- 
 ry, between nations allied as we are, and efpecially, when 
 pail and recent circumft|ricc8 are confidcred, I deem it the 
 moil magnanimous as well as the founcleft policy. Mr.' Jay, 
 however, is nsiv of a different opinion, and for the future 
 I fiull ii'jt difturb him in the enjoyment of it. 
 
r 143 i 
 
 You intimated to me in your laft, that Mr. Pinckney 
 was cominiflioned as envoy extraordinary for Spain, upon 
 the fubjeft of the MifTifippi ; and you have feen by my lad, 
 how far I had fucceeded in calling the attention of this go- 
 vernment to that object. It is probable Mr. Pinckney will 
 pafs through France, and of courfe by Paris, on his million: 
 In cafe he does, I will mofl certainly open to him every thing 
 that has taken place here on that fubjed , and endeavour, ac- 
 cording to the plan he mail prefcribe, to reuder him, in 
 every refpecl:, all the fervices in my power. I have already 
 intimated to Mr Short, by a confidential mefTenger from 
 Lifb'on, the good underftanding , which fubfifts between this 
 government and our own, upon that point; fo that there is in 
 every view the moft favourable profpecl: of a fuccefsful ter- 
 mination of this interefling bufinefs, the completion of which 
 will reflect fo much honor upon the adminiftration by which 
 it may be accomplifhed. 
 
 The Vendee war is confidered as completed : Charette, the 
 commanding general, has furrendered with ail the forces 
 immediately under his command ;. and likewife undertaken 
 to quell a fmall remaining body of about one thoufand, 
 which yet holds out. It is laid, the liberty of religion grant- 
 ed by a late decree, terminated this war. A ihort time, how- 
 ever, will now difclofe whether this compromife, or the 
 general favourable afpecl: of the prefent moment, is real or 
 delufive ; fince, if there is a force in the nation oppofed to the 
 revolution of fufficient ftrength to make head againft it, and 
 which I do not think there is, I doubt not it will foon fhew 
 itfelf. 
 
 From Mr. Jay, to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 London, February $th> 1795. 
 
 I HAVE received the letter which you did me the honor te 
 write on the jyth of laft month, by Mr. Purvyance. 
 
 It is much to be regretted, that any unauthcrifed accounts 
 in Englifh newfpapers, of my " Adjuftment with the Britifh 
 adminiftration," mould have excited much uneafmefs in the 
 councils of the French government : and the more fo, as it 
 does not imply that confidence in the honor and good faith 
 of the United States which they certainly merit. 
 
[ 144 ] 
 
 You mui't be fenfible that the United States, as a free and 
 independent nation, have an unqueilionable right to make any 
 pacific arrangements with other powers, which mutual con- 
 venient may dictate ; provided thofe arrangements do not 
 contradict or oppugn their prior engagements with other 
 ftates. 
 
 "Whether this adjustment was confident with our treaty 
 with France, {truck me as being the only queftion which could 
 demand or receive the consideration of that Republic ; and I 
 though: it due to the friendship fubfiiling between the two 
 countries, that the French government mould have, without 
 delay, the moft perfect fat isf act ion on that head. I there- 
 fore, by three letters, viz. of the 24th, 25th and 28th of 
 November, 1 794, gave you what I hoped would be very ac- 
 ceptable and fatisfactory information on that point : I am 
 happy in this opportunity of giving you an exact and literal 
 extract from the treaty; it is in thefe words viz. 
 
 " Nothing in this treaty contained, mall, however, be 
 conftrued or operate contrary to former and exifting public 
 treaties, with other fovereigns or ftates." 
 
 Confidering that events favourable to our country could not 
 fail to give you pleafure, I did intend to communicate to 
 you concifely fome of the moft interefting particulars of this 
 treaty, but in the &n&perfe3 confidence : As that instrument 
 has not yet been ratified, nor received the ultimate forms ne- 
 ceflary to give it validity , as further queftions refpecting 
 parts of it may yet arife, and give occafion to further difcuf- 
 iions and negotiations, fo that if finally concluded at all, it- 
 may then be different from what it now is, the impropriety of 
 making it public at prefent is palpable and obvious. Sucn 
 a proceeding would be inconvenient and unprecedented : It 
 does not belong to minifters who negociate treaties, to publifh 
 them even when perfected, much kfs treaties not yet com- 
 pleted, and remaining open to alteration or rejection : Such 
 acts belong exclulively to the governments who form them. 
 
 I cannot but ilatter myfelf, that the French government is 
 too enlightened and reasonable to expect that any confidera- 
 tion ought to induce me to overleap the bounds of my autho- 
 rity, or to be negligent of the refpect which is due to the 
 United States : That refpect, and my obligations to obfervc 
 it, will not permit me to give, without the permifiion of their 
 government, a copy of the inftrument in queltion to any per- 
 foil, or for any purpofe ; and by no means for the purpofe of 
 being fubmitted to the confideration and judgment of the 
 councils of a foreign nation, however friendly. 
 
L MS J 
 
 1 will, Sir, take the carlieft opportunity of tranfmittlng 
 c copy of your letter to me, and of this anfwer to it, to the 
 fecretary of State ; and will immediately, and punctually, 
 execute fuch orders and inftructions as I may receive on the 
 fubject. 
 
 [ No. XIV. ] 
 
 FROM Mr. MONROS, To THE SECRETARY cr STATS. 
 
 Paris, April l^tk, 179,5. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I WAS lately favoured with a letter from Mr. Jay, of the 
 tpth of February ; by which I was informed that the bearer^ 
 Colonel Trumbull, who had copied and knew the contents of 
 his treaty with the nglifh government, was inftructed to com- 
 municate the fame to me, becaufe I xvas an American M:nifter 9 
 and in which character it might be tifeful to me; but that I muPt 
 receive it injlrifi confidence, and under an injunction to impart 
 it to no othef perfon whatever. As I had explicitly ftated to 
 Mr. Jay, in my letter by Mr. Purv lance, the only terms up- 
 on which I could receive the communication; and which I 
 had done, as well for the purpofe of covering my engage- 
 ment with the committee, formed after the receipt of his firft 
 letter, and when I expected no further information from him 
 on the fubject, as of preventing the tranfmifficn of it, in cafe 
 it contained the flighted circumftance which might be objec- 
 tionable here, I could not otherwife than be furprized by the 
 contents of this letter. To withhold the communication at 
 the moment when it was prefumable the report of the contents 
 of that treaty would excite a ferment here, and offer it, af- 
 ter the expiration of fome months, and when it was expected 
 from America, and upon terms upon which I had afiured 
 him I could not receive it, to fay nothing of the impoffibility 
 of comprehending how it could be ufeful to me, if it Was to 
 be kept a profound fecret, was unexpected : It was the more 
 fo, fmce it was obvious, that whilft the condition' infifted, on 
 precluded the poflibility of enabling me to promote thereby the 
 public intereft , it would unavoidably tend, in fen^ refpect?, 
 to fubjeft me to additional embarraflTment in my fituation 
 here. 
 
 U 
 
3 
 
 I was likewise foon apprized, that Colonel Trumbull did 
 not confider himfelf at liberty to make the communication in 
 qucftion, unlefs Talked for it ; and by which it was under- 
 itood, that I bound myfelf to accept it on the terms propofed, 
 adding thereby to the injunctions of Mr. Jay, the additional 
 obligation of private Itipubtion. The dilemma, therefore, 
 with which I was threatened, was of a peculiar kind : For if 
 I accepted and withheld the communication from the commit- 
 tee, . I mould violate my engagement with that body ; and if I 
 gave it, I fubjected myfeif not only to the probable imputa- 
 tion of indifcretion, but likewife certainly to that of breach of 
 promife. The line of propriety, however, appeared to me 
 to be a plain one. I was bound to ufe fuch information as 
 Mr. Jay might think fit to give me in the belt manner poffible, 
 according to my difcretion, to promote the public intereft: But 
 I was not bound to ufe any artifice in obtaining that informa- 
 tion, or to violate any engagement by the ufe of it. My duty to 
 the public did not require this of me, and I had no other ob- 
 ject to an fwer. As foon, therefore, as I had made a decifion 
 on the fubjecl:, I apprized Colonel Trumbull, that I could not 
 receive the communication propofed, upon the terms ou 
 which it was offered. 
 
 l^ut the million of this gentleman here, though according 
 to my information of him, a worthy and a prudent man, pro- 
 duced an effecl: of a more ferious kind. I was foon advifed 
 by a perfon friendly to the United States, and heretofore 
 friendly and ufeful to me ; that his arrival had excited 
 uneafmefs in the public councils, and would probably eventu- 
 ally injure my Handing with the government, efpecially if I 
 ihould be able to give the committee, in confequence, no ac- 
 count of the contents of that treaty : For it would hardly be 
 credited after this, considering the relation between Mr. Jay 
 and myfelf, that, I knew nothing of thofe contents. Upon 
 what other motive, it would be aflced, could the fecretary of 
 Mr. Jay come here ; fincethe pretence of private bufinefs in 
 Germany, which lay in another direction, would be deemed 
 a fallacious one ? He added, that the wifeft precautions were 
 neceffary on. my part, to guard me againft any unjuft impu- 
 tation ,; fince through that the intereils of my country might 
 at the preferit crifis be efientially wounded. As I had antici- 
 pated in fome meafure the effecl:, I was mortified but not fur- 
 prized by the intimation. It became me, however, to profit 
 by it, and as well from the delicate regard which was clue to 
 my private as my public character, to place the integrity of 
 iny own conduct upon ground which could not be queftioned. 
 
There appeared to me to be but one mode by which this 
 could be done, and which was by making known to the com- 
 mittee what had patted between Mr. Jay and myfelf $ to (late 
 the terms upon which he had offered the communication, 
 and my refafal to accept it on thof j terms ; with my real" 
 fuch refufal. This you will readily conceive was a painful 
 tafk : But as I had no other alternative left, but that of ex- 
 pofing myfelf to the fufpicion of having known from the be- 
 ginning the purport of Mr. Jay's treaty, and uniting with him 
 in withholding it from them, whilft I was ufmg all the means 
 in my power to imprefs them with a contrary belief, ^-1 was 
 forced to undertake it. In confequence I waited on the di- 
 plomatic feclion of the committee, and made the reprefenta- 
 tion as above, repeating Mr. Jay's motive for withholding the 
 communication, as urged by himfelf : " That it belonged to 
 the fovereign power alone to make it, &c.*' It was replied that 
 it could not otherwife than excite uneafinefs in the councils 
 of this government, when it was obferved that in the height 
 of their war with the coalefced powers, and with England in 
 particular, America had ftept forward and made a treaty with 
 that power, the contents of which were fo carefully and ftrit- 
 ]y withheld from this government : For if the treaty was not 
 injurious to France, why was it withheld from her ? Was it 
 prudent for one ally to at in fuch manner in regard to another, 
 and efpecially under the prefent circumftances, and at the 
 prefent time, as to excite fufpicions of the kind in queftion ? 
 I affured them generally, as I had done before, that I was fa- 
 tisfied the treaty contained in it nothing which could give 
 them uneafinefs ; but if it did, and efpecially if it weakened 
 our connection with France* it would certainly be difapprov- 
 ed in America. They thanked me for the communication 5 
 allured me they wifhed me to put myfelf in no dilemma which 
 would be embarrafling, and thus the conference ended. 
 
 A few* days after this, I was favoured with a letter from 
 Mr. Hitchborn, an American gentleman of character here 
 ( from MaiTachufetts) of which I inclofe you a copy, ftating 
 the contents or outlines of the treaty in queftion ; as commu- 
 nicated to him by Colonel Trumball, and v/ith a view that he 
 might communicate the fame to me, for the information of 
 this government. I was furprized at the incident ; becaufe I 
 could not fuppofe that Colonel Trumbull would take this ftep, 
 or any other, without the inflruclions of Mr. Jay, and it feem- 
 ed to me extraordinary, that Mr. Jay mould give fuch art 
 inftruclion, or mark to him fuch a line of conduct. I was 
 not furprized that Colonel Trumbull (hould confide the pur- 
 
I 148 1 
 
 port of the treaty to Mr. Hitchborn, for he merited the confi^ 
 efence j but I was furprized that Mr Jay fhould write me it 
 was to be communicated to me only as a public minift?r t &c. 
 to be imparted to no one elfe, and that Colonel Trumbull, 
 however deeply imprefTed he might be after his arrival here 
 with the propriety of removing the doubts of this government 
 upon that point, fhould confider hiftifelf at liberty to commu- 
 Tiicate the fame to a third perfon, to be communicated to me, 
 under no injunction whatever. I was, however, poflefled of 
 the paper in queflion ; and it was my duty to turn it to the 
 befr account for the public intereft, that circumflances would 
 rjow admit of. It was, it is true, the moil informal of all in- 
 formal communications, and one of courfe upon which no 
 official meafure could be taken ; yet the character of the pas- 
 ties entitled it to attention. Upon mature reflection there- 
 fore, and the more efpecially as I did not wifh to meet the 
 committee again on that point, until I heard from you, left I 
 mould be queflioned why this new mode of diplomatic pro- 
 ceeding was adopted, I thought it beft to fend the paper in 
 by my fecretary, Mr. Gauvain (a young gentleman who a6led 
 with me, fmce the provifional nomination of Mr. Skipwitl^ 
 to the confulate) inftru&ing him to allure the members, on my 
 part, that they might confide in the credibility of the parties. 
 The paper was prefented to Merlin de Douay, with the com- 
 ments fuggefted ; and fince which I have neither heard from 
 the committee, Colonel Trumbull, nor Mr. Jay on the fub- 
 
 I intimated to you in my laft, that I was perfuaded if there 
 was a force here able and willing to make head again ft the re- 
 volution, it would foon (hew itfelf ; but that I was of opinion 
 none fuch exiiled. This prefage has been fmce verified by a 
 great and interefting example. The florm which I thought I 
 then faw gathering, after rifing to its height and expending 
 its force, has paft, and without doing any mifchief. On the 
 contrary, I am inclined to believe, from prefent appearances^ 
 it will be productive of good. 
 
 It was natural to expe6t, that the trial of Barrere, Collot 
 d'Heibois, and Billaud de Varennes ; three men, who were 
 in the early ilages, the aflcciates, and in the latter, in fome 
 degree, the rivals of Robefpierre's power, and who were, af- 
 ter his fall, unqueftionabJy at the head of the mountain par- 
 ty, would excite; fome ferment. It was equally fo, to prefume, 
 that if that party was not fo completely cruihed, as to pre- 
 clude all hope of fuccefs, it would in feme ftage of the pro- 
 eeeding, make an extraordinary effort to preferye them. The 
 
epoch of this trial was, therefore, deemed by all sn impor- 
 tant one to France ; and its feveral ftages were marked by 
 circumftances, which tended rather to encreafe, than diminifli, 
 the general folicitude. 
 
 Under the banner of this party, and apparently in favour 
 of the acquittal of thefe members, the difcontented of every 
 ddcription were feen rallying; forming in the whole an extra- 
 ordinary afiemblage ; being gathered from the various, and 
 heretofore oppofite, claiTes of fociety, but united now for 
 the common purpofe of difturbing the public tranquillity. 
 The prifons, which were filled in the time of Robefpierre, 
 and opened under the more humane adminiflration of the 
 prefent day, had difcharged upon the city an immenfe 
 croud of the ancient ariilocracy, and who foon gave proofs, 
 that the fevere difcipline they had undergone had not eradi- 
 cated the propenfities that were acquired under the reign o*f 
 the ancient court. As the prefent administration had refcucd 
 them from the guillotine, and to which they were otherwife 
 inevitably doomed, it was at leafl entitled to their gratitude. 
 This flight tribute, however, was not paid for that important 
 ervice. On the contrary, thefe were among the moft active 
 ip fomenting the prefent difcontents. Another group, not 
 lefs numerous, or turbulent ; compofed of the refufe of the 
 lately disfranchifed, or rather routed, Jacobins and their ad- 
 herents were feen marOialied by its fide, and ating in har- 
 mony with it. Thefe two clafles of people, and who were 
 heretofore at endlefs war with each other, now combined, 
 formed a force of fome flrength, and excited in the minds of 
 many well difpofed perfons, ferious apprehenfions for the 
 public fafety. 
 
 The increafing fcarcity of bread, and which menaced an 
 unavoidable diminution of the ordinary allowance, contribu- 
 ted much to increafe the apprehenfion of danger. A defici- 
 ency in this article in Paris, under the ancient government, 
 generally excited a tumult. It was, therefore, a primary ob- 
 ject in every reign, and with every adminiftration, to 
 guard againft fuch deficiency, as the greateft of public cala- 
 mities. Abundant fcores were, in confequence, always pro- 
 vided, when it was poflible to provide them; and let the 
 fcarcity or price be what it might, in other quarters, the 
 ordinary allowance, and nearly at the ordinary price, was dif- 
 tributed, as in times of greateft plenty, among the inhabi- 
 tants of this city. Such, likewife, had been the practice fince 
 the change of the government ; fo that a ftate of affairs which 
 announced the approach of a deficiency, announced- likewife 
 
C i* 3 
 
 that of a crifis extremely important in the hlftory of the re- 
 volution. The moft firm knew it was an experiment yet to 
 be made ; and from which, whilft they counted upon no pof- 
 fible benefit, they had many reafons to apprehend fome real 
 inconvenience. 
 
 " It was forefeen, that if any movement was fet on foot, the 
 deficiency of bread, if that was the fact, would be made the 
 pretext ; and as the complaint, being addreffed to the wants 
 of all, would excite a general fympathy, it was feared that 
 finch deficiency would tend -much to encreafe the ftrength of 
 trie infurgent party. In every view, therefore, the crifis 
 which approached was an interefting one : It was, however, 
 at hand, and no other alternative remained, for thofe whofe 
 Uuty it was to fuftain it, than that of yielding under, or 
 meeting it with firmnefs, and paiTmg through it as well as 
 poffible. 
 
 As fcon as it was known that a diminution of the ordinary 
 allowance was unavoidable, it was refolved to make it known 
 3 ike wife to the people, that they might not be taken by fur- 
 prife j and for this purpofe Boify d'Anglas, of the fection of 
 iubfiilence in the committee of public fafety, appeared at 
 the tribune, "fome days before it took e.Tecl. His difcourfe, 
 which was fhort, but explicit, began by expo (ing freely the 
 enormities and vicious arrangements of the ancient commit- 
 tees j whereby, he faid, France had already been vifited with 
 many great calamities, and was ftill threatened with others ; 
 and concluded by obferving, that even famine was likewife 
 one proceeding from that fource ; which neither the wifdom 
 nor the induftry of the prefent councils had been able alto- 
 gether to avert : That he was happy, however, to aflure the 
 convention, that as the moft prudent meafures were long 
 fince taken to correct the abufes of that adminiftration, the 
 ftiftrefs of Paris vi^ould be for a fhort term only. The 
 communication was received by Barrere, Billaud de Varennes, 
 sV. and by the members of the mountain party in general, 
 with a fmile of approbation. It was obvious they confidered 
 Boify, as a welcome mefienger, announcing to them joyful ti- 
 dings. A few days afterwards, the deficiency fo much dread- 
 ed took place, and, at the fame time, the intrigues of the 
 difcontented began more fully to unfold themfelves. 
 
 The movement was commenced by about four hundred 
 citizens, from a fedion heretofore noted forits turbulence ; 
 and who, appearing without the hall, demanded admiflion to 
 the bar of the convention. A deputation from the party, 
 confiding of twenty piembers, was. admitted, :and who ad- 
 
C '5* 1 
 
 dreiTed tli.it body in a ftyie unufualj complaining of the want 
 of bread, and declaring alfo, that they were upon the point of 
 regretting the facrifkes they had made to the revolution. The 
 anfwer of the Prefident (Thibeaudaut) was firm and decifive. 
 To that part of the addrefs which complained of the fcarcity of 
 brea-d, he replied, by dating the meafi ires of the government to 
 remedy it : And to that which expofed the temper of the par- 
 ty in regard to the revolution, he anfwered explicitly, that he 
 knew the difaffecled were at work to excite trouble, but 
 that their efforts would be fruitleis ; for, enlightened by ex- 
 :\ce, and flrong in the power of the whole nation, the 
 convention would be able to controul their movements ; and 
 in clofmg, he addreffed himfelf more particularly to the me- 
 morialifts, faying, that the efforts of the people to recover 
 their liberty would not be loft, whilft gocd citizens feconded 
 the labours of their reprefentatives ; that defpair belonged 
 only to Haves ; freemen never regretted the facrifices they 
 had made in fuch a caufe. The anfwer, which was received 
 with general applaufe, checked for awhile the turbulent, 
 fpirit of the difaffeclied. 
 
 But this party had too much at flake, and its meafures 
 were probably too far advanced, to be abandor.?d in this (lage. 
 About a month after this, and which was on the ift of A- 
 pril (12 Germinal) a more numerous body, confiding princi- 
 pally of workmen from the Faubourg of St. Antoine, prefent- 
 ed itfelf likewife before the hail, demanding admiffion to the 
 bar of the convention 5 and upon fome pretext, and in viola- 
 tion of the ufual forms, immediately forced its way into the 
 hall of that affembly. The croud increafed, fo that in the 
 courfe of a few hours, there were in the hall, perhaps, three 
 or four thcufand; and in the vacant external fpace around 
 it, as many more. The proceedings of the convention were 
 fufpended : The Prefident, however, and the members kept 
 their feats, declaring, that as their fitting was violated, they 
 would do no bufinefs : Indeed it was now impoffibie to do 
 any had they been fo difpofed; for the general and tumultuous 
 cries that were raifed by the invaders for " bread" for " li- 
 berty to the patriots," meaning fome of the accomplices of 
 Robefpierre, could alone be heard. They continued thus in 
 the hall about four hours, from two to fix in the evening, 
 offering in the interim no violence to any of the members ; 
 but behaving, in other refpech, with the utmoft poffible inde- 
 corum. When they firft entered, fome circumftances were 
 feen which caufed a fufpicion, that a good underftanding ful> 
 between the leaders of the. mob and feme members of 
 
r is* 3 
 
 tlie mountain party : And it was likewife obferved, that their 
 final retreat was made upon a fuggeftion from that quarter^ 
 for as foon as an admonitioii to that effect was given from 
 that quarter it was obeyed. Many believed it was intended 
 ro lay violent hands upon all the leading members of the pre- 
 ponderating party, and either murder them in their places, or 
 iend them to prifon, to be murdered afterwards, under the 
 form of a trial; as was tlie cafe in the time of Robefpierre; 
 v/herebv the preponderating fcale would be (hifted to the 
 other fide, nnd the reign of terror revived again for awhile. 
 Be the plan, however, what it might, it was foon fruftrated ; 
 for, as the movement was that of a mob againft the civil autho* 
 rity, its operations were irregular and diforderly : It had no 
 chief to lead it on. to acls of violence : The time was there- 
 fore, v/hiied away infenfelefs uproar, till at length the putative 
 authors of the movement were as uneafy about the iflue, and 
 as anxious to get rid of it, as thofe at whom it was fuppofed 
 to be pointed. In the interim too, the means that were adopt- 
 ed without, tended not only to fecure the general tranquillity 
 of the city ; but moft probably to influence in a great meafurc 
 the proceedings within. By order of the committees the toe- 
 fin was found;.*!, and the citizens in every fection called to 
 arms; fo that the appeal was fairly made to the people of Pa- 
 ris, whether they would fupport the Republic, or rally un^er 
 the ftandard of thofe who were for a change. Nor was the 
 queftion long undecided ; for as foon as the government acted 
 in its various functions it was obeyed : The lapfe of a few 
 hours gave it the preponderance, and the lapfe of a few more, 
 not only freed the hall of the convention from the invafion 
 with which it had been feized, but difperfed the croud from 
 its vicinity. 
 
 At fix in the evening the convention refumed its delibera- 
 tions ; beginning by declaring its fitting permanent, and pro- 
 grefling by a review of the movements of the day, which were 
 well underftood and freely difcufTed. By this time too, it 
 was fortified by accounts from every quarter, that the fenfe of 
 the city was decifively pronounced in its favor, and againft 
 the rioters, and that the inhabitants of thofe fections, whence 
 the diforder proceeded, were returning to their duty. The 
 fitting continued until fix in the morning ; in the courfc 
 whereof a decree of banimment was paifed againft the accuf- 
 ed members, and of arreftation againft eight or nine of the 
 mountain party , which latter lift was afterwards increafed to 
 about eighteen ; and both of which decrees have fince been 
 carried into effect, by fending the former ft? the ilk of 
 
[ '53 1 
 
 Oleron , and the latter to the caftle of Ham, in the de- 
 partment of Somme ; and thus ended the commotion which 
 was fo long gathering and which menaced at one time, not to 
 arreft the progrefs of the revolution (at lead fuch was my 
 opinion) but to occafion much trouble and (lain its page with 
 new atrocitirs. 
 
 In the courfe of this day, the fervices of General Pichegru, 
 vho happened to be in Paris, and was appointed command- 
 ant of the national guard, were of great importance to his 
 country. His activity was great, for he w.s always on horfe, 
 and palFing from one quarter of the city to another ; and his 
 arrangements in difpofing of the cannon and military force 
 were wife : His name too was of great utility, for it tended 
 equally to elevate the hopes of the friends, and deprefs tl-cfc 
 of the enemies of the public tranquillity. I do not think if 
 he had been abfent, the event would -have been different; 
 but I am fatisfied, that his prefence contributed much to ha- 
 ften the reiteration of order, and to preferve it afterwards. 
 
 By this event, which is called the complement of the pth 
 of Thermidor, and which forms the catafhrophe of the moun- 
 tain party, tranquillity appears to be eflablimed, not only in 
 this city, but throughout the Republic in general. The fear- 
 city of bread,, it is true, itill continues, but yet, no mur- 
 muring has been fince heard on that fubjech The mode- 
 rate party, and which, in principle, I deem the fame with 
 that which was overwhelmed on the 31 Pi of May, will there- 
 fore commence its career under aufpices extremely favourable 
 to its own reputation, and to the liberty and profperity of 
 France. The fat-2 of its late antagonift, if there was no 
 ether motive, and which was precipitated by the general 
 wifh of France, and of all other nations, not in league againft 
 the French Republic, mult furnifli a folemn and lading ad- 
 monition to (hun its example. The oppotlte principles too, 
 upon which it is founded, bsing the avowed patron of huma- 
 nity, juftice and law, and equally at variance with the oppo- 
 fite extremes of aiiftocracy and anarchy, whofe partifans 
 were lately combined in an effort to cruih it, p'-ornifes to 
 fccure in its meafures fome (lability in the observance of thofe 
 juft and honourable principles which it profeiles. 
 
 For fome time paft, the views of this party have been di- 
 rected towards the eitablifnment of the conftitution, and 
 fome motions to that effect are now depending before felect 
 committees appointed to prepare the ieveral organic laws 
 rseceffary to introduce it. An opinion is likcwife entertained 
 by many, tbnt the conftitution in. queilion is very 
 
 X 
 
( '54 ) 
 
 jine ought to be amended before it is put in force. A difcourie 
 to this cffeft was lately delivered by Pelet, a reipe&able and 
 veil informed member, and the fame fentiment was then 
 ;-.vowed by others. But whether an attempt of this kind, 
 (mould it be formally made, will fucceed) or whether the 
 general folicitnde to put the cpnftitutkm in force, however 
 defective it may be, in the hope of amending it afterwards, 
 will prevail, is yet uncertain. 
 
 Since the fortunate iffue of the late commotion, a treaty of 
 peace' was concluded with Pruflia, at Bafle, in Switzerland, 
 of which I inclofe you a copy. The import of the fourth and 
 fifth articles, give caufe to fufpeft, that fome ftipulations 
 cxifl which have not been communicated, and it is believed 
 by many, that it is agreed between the parties, that France 
 lhall retain the Pruffian territory on the left of the Rhine, in 
 lieu whereof, fhe is to take and cede Hanover. Should this 
 be the cafe, it is probable, if the war continues another cam- 
 paign, that Pruilia will be feen arranged as a party on the 
 fide of France. The latter confiders the old connection 
 witrh Auftria as broken, and wifhes to fupply it by one with 
 Pruflia ; and provided fatisfadtory arrangements are or {hall 
 be hereafter formed for that purpofe, will become interefted 
 in raifmg the latter power at the expence of the former, as 
 well as that of England. The negociation with Spain is alfo 
 faid to be far advanced, and will rnoft probably foon be 
 clofcd. It is like wife reported, that a perfon, or more than 
 one from England is now in Paris, upon the pretext of treat- 
 ing for an exchange of prifoners, but in truth, for the more 
 fubftantial one of treating, or at leaft of founding the difpo- 
 fjtion of this government for peace. Upon this point, how- 
 ever, I hope to be able to give you in the courfe of a few 
 days more correct information than I now can. 
 
 From Mr. Jay., to Mr. Monroe, 
 
 London , February l()th> 1 795- 
 SIR, 
 
 ON the 5th of this month, I had the honor of writing 
 to you a letter in anfvver to yours of the lyth ultimo, by Mr. 
 Pmviance ; who is flill here waiting for an opportunity to re. 
 turn, andwho will be the bearer of that letter. 
 
 You will receive this by Colonel Trumbull, who, for fome 
 time pad has been waiting lor an opportunity to go through 
 
c i - s " 
 
 ^x^^V * ^ 
 
 Paris'to Stutgard, on private bufinefs of his own. Ke unl 
 me the favour to accompany me to this country as my fccrSs- .** 
 tary. He has been privy to the negociation of the treaty be- 
 tween the United States and Great Britain, which I have 
 figned j and having copied it, is perfectly acquainted with 
 its contents. He is a gentleman of honor, underftanding and 
 accuracy, and able to give you fatifactory information rela- 
 tive to it. I have thought it more advifeable to authorife and 
 requeft him to give you this information perfonally, than to 
 fend you written extracts from the treaty, which might not 
 be fo Satisfactory. But he is to give you this information in 
 perfect confidence, that you will not impart it to any perfon 
 whatever ; for as the treaty is not yet ratified, and may not 
 be finally concluded in its prefent form and tenor, the in- 
 conveniences which a premature publication cf its contents 
 might produce, can only be obviated by fecrecy in the mean 
 time. I think myfelf juilifiable in giving you the informa- 
 tion in queftion, becaufe you are an American miniiler, and 
 becaufe it may not only be agreeable, but perhaps ufeful. 
 
 From Mr. Benjamin Hicbborn, to the Minifter plenipotentiary 
 cf tJ:s United States of America. 
 
 Paris, March 3 ijl, 179-. 
 
 to?, 
 
 IN fome free converfation with Colonel Trumbull* on 
 the fubjeft of the late treaty between Great Britain and Ame- 
 rica, I could not avoid expreffing the uneafmefs I felt at the 
 difagreeable ettefts, which had already (hewn themfelves, 
 and the ftill more ferious confequences which might refult 
 from that negociation. And I rnuft confeis, I experienced a 
 very agreeable furprize, when he aflured me upon his honor, 
 that the treaty had for its object, merely the adjuftmcnt of 
 
 iome matters in difpute between the two nations, that it fe- 
 
 cured to the Americans fome rights in commerce which might 
 have been doubtful by the laws of nations, and by which their 
 intercourfe with this country would be facilitated during the 
 war, that it provided a compensation with thofe of either 
 nation who had been injured, and finally fettled all con- 
 troverfy refpeding the boundary line and the weftern pods. 
 He further declared. That the treaty did not contain any 
 feparate or reciprocal guarrantee, of any rights, privileges or 
 territory, or an engagement on either part to afford aid or 
 
J 
 
 f applies of any kind to the other, under any eircumftances 
 whatever. The treaty, he fays, (imply declares, That the 
 parties fhall remain at peace, and points out the mode, in 
 which the matters of ccntroverfy between them (hall be final- 
 ly fettled. 
 
 If this information can be of any fervice to you in your 
 public capacity, you may make ufe of it in any manner you 
 may think fit. I prefume the authenticity of its contents will 
 not be called in queftion. 
 
 I am, sV. 
 (Signed) 
 
 BENJAMIN HIGHBORN* 
 
 From the Secretary of State of the United States, to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Philadelphia, March %th, 1795-* 
 
 ON the 1 5th ultimo, I had the honour of writing to 
 you at large ; and on the 2oth of the fame month, I received 
 your letters of October i6th; November 'jth and 2oth, 1794. 
 
 Being uncertain whether 1 may not be required at the ext 
 cut to clofe this letter, I fhall not undertake to anfwer 
 your difpatches fully ; though I will proceed as far as the hur- 
 ry of the opportunity will permit. 
 
 I have the pleafure to inform you, that the Prefident much 
 approves your attention to our commerce ; and the merchants 
 v/ho are immediately interefted, and to whom I have com- 
 municated your meafures, think them judicious. 
 
 The temporary appointment of Mr. Skipwith, and his re- 
 port have been alfo well received. But the circumftance of 
 nis being your fecretary ; the want of emolument to our con- 
 fulates, and an ignorance of what you had done, caufed a 
 Mr. Pitcairn to be named conful for Paris, pretty early in 
 the late feffion of the fenate. I fhall fend a general instruc- 
 tion to the confv.ls to obey the directions of the minifters of 
 the United States. Should fuch a power be neceflary before 
 my general letter reaches them, you may ufe this as your au- 
 thority upon the fubjecL 
 
 Your cbfcrvations as to pafTports have for fome time oc- 
 curred to me. Thofe which have been ifiued from this de- 
 partment latdy, have been governed by flricl: rules ; and great 
 rcpfoaeh and calumny have fallen upon the chief officer, from 
 the moutJ" s of foreign ariftccrats, who are a kind of half- 
 
fledged citizens of the United States, by having refided there- 
 in a few months. 
 
 Your hiftory of the Jacobin Societies, was fo appropriate 
 to the prefent times in our own country, that it was conceived 
 proper to furnim the public with thole ufeful leflbns ; and 
 extracts were publifhed as from a letter of a gentleman in 
 Paris to his friend in this city. 
 
 Laft night the treaty with Great Britain arrived. It will 
 remain undivulged by the executive, until the 8th of June 
 next 5 when the fenate will aflemble to deliberate on its rati- 
 fication. I perceive that Mr. Fauchet is very uneafy ; but 
 upon what grounds, which are juftifiable, I knov/ not. Th? 
 pofts, and the fpoliations of commerce will never furely be 
 mentioned, as requiring war inftead of negociation ; and if 
 they do require war, we and no other naticn are the judges. 
 Our trade may alfo be regulated by any treaties which we 
 pleafe ; and no other government can find caufc of offence, 
 unlefs we derogate from its rights. You are acquainted witli 
 the reflections on Mr. Jay, againft the weakening of our en- 
 gagements with France ; and as far as a curfory perufal of the 
 treaty will enable me to fpeak, I have not difcovered any re?.- 
 fonable ground for difTatisf action in the French Republic. 
 For it cannot be fuppofed, that the French nation would be 
 difpleafed that our difputes with other nations mould be con- 
 cluded. But you will not judge from what I fay, that my 
 opinion is formed, whether the treaty will or not be ratified. 
 However, your idea as to Denmark and Sweden, though it 
 was always attended to, grows of lefs importance. I mail no'; 
 now anfwer your propofition, or rather intimation, relative to 
 a certain concert^ until a future opportunity ; and after hear- 
 ing farther from you concerning it. You will have conclud- 
 ed from one of my late letters, that the flep is viewed here as 
 a very ftrong one. 
 
 Your obfervations on our commercial relation to France, 
 and your conduct as to Mr. Guardoqui's letter, prove your 
 judgment and afliduity. Nor are your meafures as to Mr. 
 Paine, and the lady of our friend lefs approved. 
 
 Colonel Humphreys is here arranging the affair of Algiers. 
 Be fo good as to bring to the earliefl iffue the points, which 
 you have preffed upon the French Republic ; and particularly 
 the fifteen thoufand dollars, advanced to the people of St. Do- 
 mingo. You have generally called them fifty thoufand by 
 miftake. 
 
c t s r 
 
 My nest letter will be devoted to die two important pafTa- 
 ges in your letters, conveying intelligence of your movements 
 refpecung Spain and Great Britain. 
 
 The inelofed papers from Mr. Vincent, muft be fubmitted 
 to your difcretion, to do with them what may be beft and pro- 
 per. Thofe of Mr. King relative to the ihip Andrew, make 
 a part of the bufmefs already in your hands. 
 
 Mr. Taylor will prepare for this conveyance, your newfpa- 
 pers, CSV. 
 
 I am, *fY. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH. 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 P. S. Since writing the above, I have received the inclofed 
 letter of the, yth inftant, from Mr. Fitzfimons, which I beg 
 leave to confign to your particular attention. 
 
 [ No. XV. ] 
 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, May i*]th, 1795. 
 
 I WAS ycflerday honoured with yours of the 8th of 
 March, the only one received fmce that of the 5th of De- 
 cember, and was at the fame moment favored with the com- 
 pany of Mr. Pitcairn, who having juft arrived, had called 
 to prefent his com million of vice-conful for this city, to be 
 recognized as fuch. 
 
 I informed you in my letter of the 6th of March, and for 
 reafons that were in part before explained, that the arrival of 
 this gentleman would fubjecl: me to an unpleafant dilemma, 
 for if it was known that he was a Britim fubjecl:, although he 
 had likcwifc become an American citizen, I doubted much 
 whether he would be received : That in ftncl: propriety I ought 
 to communicate the fact if it was fo, for after what had patted 
 between us, upon ;i fubjecl: analogous to this, if I announced 
 him withholding the fact, and it was difcovered afterwards, 
 I mould cxpofe myfelf to the imputation of the want of can- 
 dour, and that in any event, if he were eflablifhed, however 
 correctly I might peribnalJy acl, the circumflance of his being 
 
a Bvitifli lubjecV, would not only leffen his weight anrl ro tl.e 
 prejudice of our commercial affairs here, but to a certain de- 
 gree, and from caufes that are obvious, leffen mine likc\vil>, 
 the ill effects of which might be felt, and efpecially at the 
 prefent moment upon concerns of more general importance. 
 By his arrival, therefore, this embarrafsment \v:.s realized: 
 The commiffion of the Prefident is the law to me, and upon 
 every principle it is difagreeable to fufpend its force ; but 
 yet the nature of the truft repofed in a public niniflcr, fcems 
 to imply in him a difcretionary power, to ccntroul according 
 to his judgment, incidents of this kind, wherever it appears 
 that thereby he may promote the public intered, and which 
 becomes of courfe the ftronger, when neccilary to prevent a 
 public detriment. Upon mature confideraticn, therefore, 
 I have thought it beft to with-hold the official communication 
 of his appointment from the government, until I mould hear 
 from you in reply to that letter ; and the more efpecially, as 
 it might now be expected in the courfe of a few weeks. In 
 confequence, I communicated this decifion to Mr. Pitcairn, 
 with the motives upon which it was founded, and v/as pleafed 
 to obferve, that he appeared to be perfectly fatisned with 
 the propriety of it. 
 
 I obferve by this letter, that the treaty concluded by Mr. 
 Jay with Great-Britain, did not arrive before the 5th of 
 March, and in confequence would not be fubmitted to the 
 Senate before the 8th of June, and in the interim would 
 be kept fecret. I regret equally this delay and fecrecy ; the 
 delay becaufe if it is not approved, it may become more diffi- 
 cult in the probable courfe of events on this fide the Atlantic, 
 to obtain a remodification of it : and the fecrecy becaufe the 
 jealoufy that was at firft imbibed by this government of its 
 contents will of courfe remain for the fame fpace cf time, 
 and which cannot otherwife than be fomewhat hurtful in the 
 interim to our affairs depending here. Having too explained 
 the object of that mifliori, whilft its iflue was uncertain, they 
 think itftrange that the refult fliould be now withheld. Up- 
 on this point, however, I have nothing new to add. I h:r, c 
 already communicated to you whatever I had to communicate 
 upon it, and waiting the iffue, I ftiall continue by my affu- 
 rances to endeavour to infpire this government with a confi- 
 dence, cither that the treaty in queinon contains in k nothing 
 improper, or that it will not be ratified in cafe it does. 
 
 Your laft letter gave me the iiift intelligence upon which I 
 could rely, that Colonel Humphreys was in America. He 
 will of courfe return fully poffriitd ef yovr .view? wfih ; 
 
r 
 
 1 60 ] 
 
 to the piratical powers on the African coaft. I allured you 
 long fince that it would be eafy to obtain from this government 
 its aid upon that point, and it is certain that its aid with each, 
 and efpscially Algiers, with which regency the republic is in 
 the ftriteli amity, would be of good effect.. Thofe powers 
 Ke?.r that France is at war againlt. Auflria, Spain, England, 
 Portugal, c. and defeats them all, and in confequence con- 
 clude that (he is more powerful than all united, and refpe& 
 h^r accordingly. I have frequently been told in private con- 
 verfation by the members of the committee, that they were 
 ready to render us ail the fervice in their power in that refpel, 
 r.nd I fhould long fince have requeiled the government to make 
 our peace there in purfuit of the plan commenced by Mr. 
 Morris, had I not been mftruled that the bufmefs was in the 
 hands of Colonel Humphreys, and feared by fuch interference 
 I fhould embarrafs the views and meafures of our government. 
 I fhall be ready however, to aft in whatever line you may think 
 proper to direct, and fhall endeavour, and without any par- 
 ticular compromitmenton our part, to keep the committee in 
 the fame ilate of preparation. 
 
 In general our commercial affairs progrefs as well, all things 
 confidered, as could be expected. Tranfaclions of old (land- 
 ing, I have not lately formally prefled, becaufe I knew that the 
 government was embarrafTed on the fcore of finance, and be- 
 caufe I thought it would be better to wait the irTue of the bu- 
 fmefs depending with you in June next. Mr. Skipwith, how- 
 ever, does every thing in his power to forward thofe objects, 
 and perhaps with as much t r7e6t> as would be polfible under 
 any preflure that could now be made. But in the direct or 
 current commerce,our countrymen enjoy all the privileges that 
 the government can give them; and though delays are fome- 
 times experienced, and efpecially in the payment of contracts, 
 that were formed in America, yet the tranfations are gene- 
 rally clofed in a manner fatisfa&ory to the parties. The pro- 
 fits which fome of them have made, and continue to make, 
 recording to report, are great, beyond example. In truth our 
 countrymen are gradually planting themfelves in commercial 
 houies throughout the Republic, and engaging in the com- 
 merce of France to an extent which, whilft it promifes to be 
 profitable to themfelves, will likewife be of great and perma- 
 nent utility to both nations: for by means thereof not only per- 
 fonal acquaintance and connections are formed by the citizens 
 of each with thofe of the other refpeHvely, but their common 
 wants afid common capacities will be better underftood. 
 
The claim of 15,000 dollars I mentioned long fmce would 
 be admitted without a word, and that it ought to be fo under- 
 ftood at the treifury. I omitted it in my more early appli- 
 cations to this government, becaufe I wiihed to proofs with 
 the greater objects firit, and more latterly ; for the rcafons 
 above fuggeiled. I conferred, however, on the fubjetl with 
 Mr. Adet, and prefume he will allow it as a thing of courfe > 
 but if he does not, upon notification thereof to the; cemaiittse, 
 and which I will immediately make when ib advifed by you, 
 he will certainly be inftru&ed to do it. 
 
 Since my laft, Park, and the Republic in general, have enjoy- 
 ed a ftate of perfect tranquillity. Every little difturb.mce which 
 enfaedforatimethe movement of the 2d April ( 1 2th Germinal) 
 and there was one or two of the fmaller kind which did enfue, 
 fubfiJed almoft of itielf, and in each inilance without force, 
 and of courfe without blooclflied. Thus the authority of the 
 convention prevails, although it is fupported by the common 
 ienfe, and the common inrereft of the citizens of Paris only j 
 .;g deemed heretofore imprafric.. ;T cxifting em- 
 
 barraiTments. Certain it is, that if the government had been 
 in the hands of a king, or any other defcription 01 ( rrfons than 
 that of the people themfelves, we fliould have feen i;i the courfe 
 of a few weeks paft, a fucceilion of many revolutions 
 minifterial kind, and which woula have perhaps dethro. 
 ventually any king that ever reigned here. The diftreis of 
 die people on account of the fcarcky of bread, fince that 
 time, has been like that of a befieged tovrn. They have been 
 conilantly upon allowance, and which was irjtcrly reduced to 
 two ounces and fometimes lefs per day. My family which 
 coniifts of 14 perfons is allowed two pounds of br^ad per day. 
 I mention this thut you rnay have a juit idea of the dilirefs of 
 others, and particularly the poor; for at a great c: 
 (nearly 40 dollars fpecie per barrel) I am fupplicd* The ac- 
 counts which we have of the diftrefs of the aged, the intinn, 
 and even of children are moll afflicting; yet calmnefs and fe-. 
 renity are feen every where ; complaints diminifh, and that 
 ferocity which was obfeivable on the I2th of Germinal, on 
 the part of thofe v ho forcibly entered the convention, and 
 which was excited by the animofity of contending parties, and 
 molt probably cncreafed by foreign influence, has entirely dif- 
 appeared* In this moment they ail look to America for bread, 
 and moft fervently do I join them in prayer, that our country- 
 men may fpeedily bring it to them. If they can make out for 
 f x waeks they are fafe; for by that time the rye will ripen, and 
 from preferit profpefts they may be in a better fituation in th 
 
C :i< ] 1 
 
 interim than they now are, and moft probably not in a worTe. 
 
 In the line of negcciation, nothing has been concluded 
 fmce the treaty wi*h Fruitta* and which was ratified by both 
 panics foon after it was figned. Sir F. Eden came to Roche- 
 fort, from whence he notified his arrival to the committee and 
 requefted pcrmifuon to come to Paris. They had him con- 
 ducted to Dieppe, where he was kept under guard until the 
 arrival of an agent from the committee, who was inftru&ed 
 to receive and report his propofitions to that body, provided 
 they embraced any ether object than an exchange of prifon- 
 ers , but in cafe they did not, to requeft his departure in 
 twenty-four hours. The agent attended, afked his bufinefs, 
 and v as anfwered, he came to treat for an exchange of pri- 
 for.ers. Have you no other power ? Let us fettle this point 
 iirit; we .{hall be together, and may afterwards talk on what 
 we pleafe. But have you no other power ? Your anfwer to 
 this cucftion may fettle this and every ether point in a word : 
 If you have I will receive what you will be pleafed to commu- 
 nicate-, if you have not, our bufinefs is at an end. Mr. 
 Eden replied, 'he had none ; and thus they parted, the agent 
 for Paris,, and Mr. Eden for London, the latter being appriz- 
 ed what the wifh of the committee was in that refpecl:. 
 
 It is.nud that a treaty is lately concluded with the commif- 
 fioners from Holland, by which the independence of that 
 country is acknowledged, and an alliance offenfive and defen- 
 fjye formed, upon terms which promife to be fatisfa&ory to the 
 parties- I will inclofe a fketch of thefe which hasbeen publifhed. 
 
 General Pichegru has croiTed the Rhine and with a confi- 
 '<ler able force; but probably at prefent for the purpofe only of 
 "quartering his army in the enemies' country. He is now in 
 the neighbourhood of Mayence, which is ftill befieged. The 
 campaign, however, cannot be confidered as fairly opened : 
 Perhaps it is not definitively fettled, againft whom in the Em- 
 pire, the forces of the Republic will be directed; for the 
 door which was opened to receive propofitions from the prin- 
 ces of the Germanic bcdy, through the king of Pruffia, was 
 not an idle provifion. Advantage, I am told, has already 
 been taken of it, and that it will moft probably prove the 
 means, and to the credit and intereft of the king of Pruflia, 
 of promoting in the Empire the views of France. 
 The negociation with Spain is ftill at a ftand. The Spanifh 
 court is ftrongly inclined to connect itfelf with this Republic; 
 but in fo doing it forefees the neceflity of an accommodation 
 with us in refnecl: to the boundaries and the Mimfippi ; and 
 againft which it thinks itfelf fecure by adhering to England, 
 
who it is believed gives afiurances to that eiTecr. Of tlie vie\rs 
 of England, however, Spain is and always was jealous, ib 
 that it is not improbable an accommodation may icon take 
 place. It is faid that the king of Spain makes a provifion for 
 the children of the htc king, the object of his care : That lie 
 withes to have them delivered up to him, with the view of 
 giving them an eftablifhment in property fomewhere i:i his 
 dominions, with the title of duke to the boy, and that this 
 point in fome form or other will probably be agreed. 
 
 At fea, in tfye excurfions which were made in the courfe 
 of the winter, by tempefl ~reat lofs was fuftaincd, and con- 
 fidering that the war will hereafter be directed principally a- 
 gainft England, lefs attention was for fome time paid to the 
 navy than ought to have been expected. At prefent, howe- 
 ver, the attention of the executive branch feems to be turned 
 more towards that object than heretofore ; fo that it is proba- 
 ble the wade of the winter will foon be repaired. 
 
 The afiignats continue to depreciate, and the fre- 
 quent difcuflions which take place upon the various propofl- 
 tions made to raife their credit, always produce the cppoiitc 
 effect of depreffing them. Many think, however, the de- 
 preciation a blefling to the counrry, and that their total fall 
 would be among the happieil of political events ; efpccially if 
 they can be kept up through the fummer. At prefent their 
 depreciation is by the ftandard of gold, or foreign exchange, 
 as fourteen to one. 
 
 The mafs of wealth in national domains, is affirmed by 
 thofe who ought to know, more than double what I funpofed; 
 being, after reftoring the property of thofe who were illegal- 
 ly condemned, according to a late decree, about four hun- 
 dred millions fterling. A deputation was lately fent to Hol r 
 and, of Sieyes and Reubell, to prefs for money, and it is 
 expected they will fuccecd, at leaft in fuch degree as to an- 
 fwer prefent exigencies. 
 
 I am happy to hear that the Prefident approves my conduct 
 in the initance mentioned, and I beg you to allure him that 
 for the future I (hail continue to be neither lefs attentive nor 
 affiduous in the difcharge of the duties of the trufl repofed in 
 ine, to all its objects, than I have heretofore been. 
 
 P. S. Since writing the above, I was informed perfonally 
 by one of the agents who attended Mr. Eden at Dieppe (for 
 there were two) that he (Mr. Zden) had power to treat 0:1 
 fcther fubjects than that of an exchange of prifoners, and that 
 he net only comnuiiVkated this, but like wife 
 
and which v/ere fent to the committee and peremptorily re- 
 jer.ecl. That the treatment given Mr. Eden, was polite and 
 rcfpeclful, and with which he appeared to be perfectly fatis- 
 fi . :, What the proportions were I know not ; but that they 
 contemplated peace cannot l>e doubted. 
 
 From the Secretary of State of the United States, to Mr. Monroe. 
 Philadelphia, February 15/^,1705. 
 
 DEAR SIR, 
 
 THE lift date, which I have received from you is of 
 the 15111 of September, 1794? and it has been duly acknow- 
 ledged by duplicates. It occafioned no fmall anxiety as to the 
 ifiue ol many points, which you had brought before the French 
 republic. That anxiety has been confiderr-bly encreaftd, by 
 .obien'ing in the newfpaper a decree rescinding the ftipulation 
 between the United States and France, making goods free, 
 which are found in free fhips. It has appeared only in a 
 tranflation ; and there is ambiguity enough in its prelent drefs 
 to lead us to hope, that the treaty, having been declared at 
 the beginning of the decree to be in full force, may poflibly be 
 ?m exception (till to the general provifion for condemning hof- 
 tile property in neutral bottoms, 
 
 "We do not dqubt, that we fhoukl have obtained the mod 
 ample explanation of this and every other of our relations to 
 France, had not the advice-boat, which was lately difpatch- 
 cd from thence, been captured by a Britifh frigate. 
 
 Acceptable aa Mr, Fauchet has hitherto been, we read with 
 great fenfibility, that Mr. Oudard formerly, and Mr. Adet re- 
 cently, have been appointed in his place. If this mould be 
 true, ami Mr. Fauchet is, as we fuppofe, uncontaminated to- 
 wards the French interefl, it is rather an unpleafant circum- 
 ilance, that upon a change of party, v/e are to expect a change of 
 minifter. However, the only thing which efientially concerns 
 us, is, that the reprefentative of the French republic in the Uni- 
 ted States, ihould Jay afide all intrigue, and imitate ourfelves in 
 a courfe of plain and fair dealing. 
 
 We confide, that you have loft no opportunity of fixing the 
 friendship of the two countries upon folid grounds. On our 
 part we really do all that we can j and as one inftance, I will 
 mention the legillative acl, which has, within thefe few weeks, 
 enabled Mr. Fauchet to ufe, by anticipation, the inftalments of 
 the French deb*, due in September and November nextj 
 
C S J 
 
 amounting to two millions and an half of livres. But I am 
 
 af -id, that Mr. Fauchet, and probably the French nation, have 
 
 b ur^ed to believe, that the treaty, fa'id to have been con- 
 
 c. d by Mr. Jay with Great Britain, interferes with our en- 
 
 ' s and attachments to France. It has not come to hand 
 
 erefore I can deliver no decided opinion on it. But 
 
 fo far is this from any instruction to Mr. Jay, that I am per- 
 
 ul ! not think of a treaty, having fuch an object.. 
 
 In the principal heads of the negociation; the furrender of the 
 
 pods, the vexations and fppliations of our commerce, and the 
 
 payment of Britifh debts, France can have no poflible concern. 
 
 If we choofe to modify them ever fo capriciously, we are the 
 
 true and only arbiters of the queftion. It is probable, indeed, 
 
 that our commercial intercourfe has been alto regulated. Say, 
 
 if you pleafe, that a treaty has been concluded for commerce 
 
 alfo ; France will enjoy all the advantages of the moft fa- 
 
 voured nation ; and we have been long ready to difcufs and 
 
 fettle new commercial arrangements with France ; but none 
 
 have been ever propofed during my connection with the ad- 
 
 miniftration. It may well be fuppofed, that the accefs to the 
 
 Weft Indies, with as fexv restrictions as poflible, muft be defira- 
 
 ble to us. But let the pofleflion of them ultimately center in 
 
 France or England, we (hall, I prefume, be unfettered by our 
 
 contracts with the one, fo as to be at perfect liberty to contract 
 
 with the other. 
 
 I mail give you no comments u*^on the proceedings of con- 
 grefs, until they rife., which will be in a fortnight hence. At 
 prefent you will receive by the French fhip, which Mr. Fau- 
 chet difpatches, your quota of newfpapers. 
 
 The conduct of Spain towards us is unaccountable and in* 
 jurious. Mr. Pinckney is by this time gone over to Madrid, 
 as our envoy extraordinary, to bring matters to a conclufion 
 fome way or other. But you will feize any favorable mo- 
 ment to execute what has been intrufted to you, refpe&ing the 
 Miflifippi. 
 
 Colonel Humphreys, our minifter for Lifbon, being difap- 
 pointed in the loan, which was to be opened for the relief of 
 our captive brethren in Algiers, has come over to prefs the fub- 
 jec~r.. He will return, in a few days, full handed; and although 
 we have heard nothing of late concerning the friendly interpo- 
 fition of France with the Dey, we beg that the influence of 
 our ally may be exerted in this great caufe of humanity. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 f 
 
[ 166 3 
 
 from tie Secretary ef State of the United States, to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Philadelphia) April jrt } 1795. 
 S/Je, 
 
 MY laft letter of March 8th, 1795* has been forward- 
 ed to you by duplicates. It will have anticipated the fubjel 
 of your private letter of December i8th, 1795 ; though it is 
 by no means fo extenfive as one, which 'I ihould have con*- 
 cluded before this time, but for a conilant round of interrup- 
 tions, which I have not yet been able to repel. I am refolved, 
 however, to feclude myfelf from all, except the moll indif- 
 penfable bufinefs, that I may devote my attention to fuch a 
 review of our relation to France, as may afccrtain the fact, 
 which is fo firmly impvefled upon me, that we have behaved to 
 her fairly and honorably. For the prefent I mail fay no 
 more refpe&ing the fource of difcontent, the treaty made by 
 Mr. Jay> than this : That, as far as I have any definite ideas of 
 treaties ofFenfive and cefenfive, there is no ground for charging 
 that treaty, es being ofFenfive or defenfive ; that the obligation 
 of all prior treaties is exprefily faved ; that France, from the 
 circumilance of being the moil favored nation, immediately 
 inherits, upon equal terms, the conccffions, indulgences, or 
 conditions made to other nations ; and that the confining of 
 its contents to the Preh'dent and the Secretary of State, is not', 
 from any thing fmifter to -yards France; but from the ufages 
 in fuch cafes ; not from an unwillingnefs that the executive 
 conduct fhould be canvaffed ; but from a certain fitnefs and 
 expectation, arifing from fuch a diplomatic a&. 
 
 The difpatches, which you are underftood to have intrud- 
 ed to Mr. Smith of this city, not having yet arrived, our 
 anxiety continues, to learn the ifiue of the concert^ which you 
 have fuggefted. You will have been informed by my letter of 
 the 8th ultimo, that " thejlep is viewed here, as a very Jirong 
 u one-" and notwithstanding the rapid fucceiles, which have 
 attended the arms of our ally, we Readily clirecl: our courfe to 
 the character of neutrality, which we profefs, and therefore 
 the more it is examined, the llronger it appears. You will hear 
 from me fhortly, in a more particular manner concerning it, 
 and the ilyle, which in our negociations at Paris ought, in our 
 judgment, to be obferved. But I riuil be permitted to re- 
 mark, that the invariable policy of the Prefident, is, to be as 
 independent as poffible^ of every nation upon earth ; and this 
 policy is not afi'umed now for the firft time, when perhaps it 
 may be infidioully preached by Come, who lean to Great BrU 
 
[ .167 ] 
 
 tain, to prevent a tendency to France; but it is wife at all times, 
 and, if iteadily purfued, will protect our country from the ef- 
 fects of commotioh in Europe. France is, at this day, in the 
 eye of the Prefident, as ihe has always been, cordially embra- 
 ced ; and no event could be more afflicting to him, than a fuf- 
 picicn of the purity of our motives in regard to that republic. 
 But without a fteady adherence to principles , no government 
 can defend itfelf againft the animadverfions of the world, nor 
 procure a permanent benefit to its own citizens. 
 
 Cafes of fpoliation and injury, according to the lift fubjoin^ 
 ed, will accompany this letter ; as fubjects, to which your 
 attention and zeal are requeiled. 
 
 The prints, which have not been hitherto fent, are alfo pre- 
 pared by Mr. Taylor. 
 
 Until a few days hence, I muft beg you to accept this letter, 
 as the forerunner only of a more copious one, upon our affairs 
 in France. 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 From the Minifler Plenipotentiary of the United Slaizs of ' Ame- 
 rica t to the Committee of Public Safety. 
 
 Paris, Ma$ 22nd, 1795- 
 
 I HAVE to notify the committee of public fafety, that 
 Mr. Pinckney, minifter plenipotentiary of the United States 
 at London, and envoy extraordinary to the court of Spain, is 
 now in. Paris, on his way to Madrid, upon a particular mif- 
 fion from the United States to that court. He intends to pur- 
 fuehis journey by land, and wilhes the paflport of the com- 
 mittee, to fecure him that fafety and protection which is due 
 to the minifter "of their ally, whilft within the jurifdidion of 
 the French Republic. Mr. Pinckney will be happy to bear 
 any commands which the committee may have for the quar- 
 ter to which he is going. 
 
C 
 
 From ike Commijary of Foreign Relations, to the Minifter 
 pottntiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, 1 2th, Prairial ^d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (May 3 I/, 1795.; 
 
 Six, 
 
 You will find enclofed the paflport which you deliver- 
 ed to Mr. Thomas Pinckney. It is certified by the commit- 
 tee of public fafety this day. I haften to tranfmit it to you, re- 
 peating the aflurances of my entire devotion. 
 
 No. XVI. 
 Fnoivi MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, June l^th, 1795. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 IT feemed probable, after the movement of the 1 2th 
 Germinal (2nd of April) and which terminated in the baniih- 
 ment or rather deportation (for the hand of government was 
 never withdrawn from them) of Barrere, Billaud de Varennes 
 and Collot d'Herbois, and the arreftation of feveral of the 
 leading members in the mountain party, that the convention 
 would be left at liberty to purfue for the future the great ob- 
 ject: of the revolution, and without further moleitation j and 
 the calm which enfued, for a confiderable time, tjhat move- 
 ment, although the fcarcity of bread continued, gave ftrength 
 to this prefumption. But a late event has fhewn that the vic- 
 tory which was gained upon that occafion by the convention, 
 over the enemies of the prefent fyftem, was not fo decifive as 
 there was reafon to prefume it would be ; for within a few 
 days after my laft, which was of the 1 7th of May, another 
 attempt was made upon that body, and which menaced for a 
 while at lead, in refpect to the perfonal fafety of the mem- 
 bers, the moft alarming confequences. I am happy, how- 
 ever, to be able now to afiure you, that this has likewife paff- 
 ed, and without producing, according to prefent profpecl:s, 
 and in regard to the main courfo of the revolution, any mate- 
 rial effect. 
 
C '69 ] 
 
 The circumllances which characterize this latter movement 
 were in general the fame with thofe of that which preceded it; 
 except that it was attended with greater violence and its views 
 were more completely unfolded. On the aoth of May, a 
 party from the Faubourgs of St. Antoine and St. Marceau, 
 armed, and confiding of fome thoufands, approached the con- 
 vention early in the morning, having previoufly circulated a 
 paper that their object was a redrefs of grievances ; of which 
 die fcarcity of bread was the principal, and which could only 
 be accomplifhed by the eftablifhment of the conftitution of 
 1793, and the recall of Barrere and his colleagues; or, in other 
 words, the revival of the reign of terror. As thefe meafures 
 could not be carried into immediate effect, without the over- 
 throw of the preponderating party, fo the movement appeared 
 to be directed unequivocally to that object. The centincls of 
 ihe convention were forced upon the firft approach, and 
 in an inilant the party, preceded by a legion of women, 
 entered and fpread itfelf throughout the hall of that affembly. 
 The fitting was broken and every thing in the utmcfl confu- 
 fion. In a conteft which took place between Ferraud, one of 
 the deputies, a gallant and eftimable young man, and fome of 
 the party, for the protection of the chair and perfon of the 
 Prefident, which were threatened with violation. the former 
 was flain, and foon afterwards his h?ad, fevered from his body, 
 was borne on a pike by the perpetrators of this atrocious 
 crime, in triumph, into the bofom of the convention itfelf. 
 It really feemed for fome time, as if that body, or at lead the 
 leading members in the preponderating party, were doomed to 
 deftruction, or fafety to be fecured only by difguife and flight. 
 During this conflict, however, the whole afiembiy behaved 
 with the utmoft magnanimity : No fymptoms of fear were be- 
 trayed : No difpofition to yield or otherwife difnonor the great 
 theatre on which they flood -, and Boifly d' Angles, who hap- 
 pened to prefide, not only kept his feat, but obferved in Jiis 
 deportment a calmnefs and compofure which became the 
 dignified and important ftation which he filled. This itate of 
 confufion lafted until about twelve at night ; when it was ter- 
 minated by the decisive effort of a body gathered from the 
 neighbouring fedtions, planned by the united committees of 
 public fafety, furete generate and militaire, and led on bv. fe- 
 veral deputies, among whom were moil diftinguilhed, Ker- 
 velegan, Anguis, Mathieu, Delmas, Freron and Legendre. 
 They entered precipitately the hall, attacked the intruders, fa- 
 bre and bayonet in hand ; nor did they ceafe the charge until 
 t-hey had refcued it from the pf ofauation. A littl e afor 
 
 Z 
 
[ 170 ] 
 
 twelve the convention was re-eftablifned,and proceeded, as up- 
 on the former occafion, to a review of what had paffed, in 
 the courfe of the day. 
 
 V/hilft the infurgents were in pofTeffion of the reins of 
 government, and afjter Boiffy d'Anglas had retired, they 
 placed the President Vernier,* in the chair by fofce, and be- 
 gan an organization upon the principles that were firft avowed. 
 
 They repealed in a mafs all the laws that were paffed fince 
 the pth Thermidor : Recalled Barrere, Billaud de Varennes 
 and Collot d'Heibois ; took pofTeffio'n of the tocfin and the 
 telegraph ; ordered the barriers of the city to be clofed, and 
 were upon the point of srrefting all the members of the com- 
 mittees of the executive branch, having appointed a commif- 
 fion of four deputies, to take their places and with full power 
 to aft in their Head ; fo that in truth the reign of terror was 
 nearly revived, and with accumulated force. At this mo- 
 ment, however, the plan of the committees, who had conti- 
 nued their fitting, was ripe for execution and fortunately the 
 ftroke was given before the fyflem was completed. 
 
 But the commotion was not ended by the expulfion of the 
 infurgents from the hall of the Convention itfelf. They re- 
 treated back to the faubourgs to which they belonged, and 
 where, for a while, they oppofed its authority. In the courfe, 
 ho-.vever, of the fucceeding day, a confiderable force was col- 
 lected, under the authority of the Convention, from thofe fec- 
 tions who voluntarily offered their fervice, amounting, perhaps, 
 to fifteen thoufand ; and which being marched againft them in 
 different directions, furrounding, in fome meafure, both fau- 
 bourgs, reduced them immediately to order, and without the 
 effufion of blood. 
 
 On the fame day an infurrection took place at Toulon of 
 the fame kind, and with the fame views, and which for fe- 
 veral days wreftsd that port and its dependencies, the fleet ex- 
 cepted, from the authority of the government. Upon that 
 theatre too, fome outrages were committed, and fatal confe- 
 qucnces in other refpects were apprehended. But this was 
 iikewife lately fuppreffed by the efforts of good citizens, drawn 
 by the representatives in miflion there, from Marfeilles and the 
 neighbouring country ; a report to that effect: being yefterday 
 prefented to the convention by the committee of public fafe- 
 ty : So that order may be confidered as completely efta- 
 blithed, the authority of the convention being triumphant 
 every where. 
 
 * '1 his is a miftake : Vernier relieved EcifTy d'Anglasupsm his own prcf- 
 f.r.g kiicitiilian ; it appcarir.j tiut B. illy d'Anglas was exhauftecl. 
 
As foon as the Convention refumed its deliberations, the 
 punifhment of thofe who had offended in the courfe of the 
 commotion was the firft objel which engaged its attention. 
 Whilft the infurgeuts were in pofieffion of the hall, and enact- 
 ing their fhort but comprehenfive code of legislation, feveral 
 members of the mountain party not only retained their feats, 
 but joined in the work. Four were appointed to the corn- 
 miflion, which was defigned to fupercede the executive admi- 
 niftration, and who accepted the truft. Thefe circumfb.nces, 
 with many others which occurred, created a belief that the 
 movement was in harmony with that party. It was therefore 
 concluded, that more decifive meafures ought to be taken 
 with thofe members, and with .the party generally, than had 
 been heretofore adopted; and in confequence, about thirty of 
 them were arrefted on that and the fucceeding days, M ithin 
 the courfe of a week, and who are to be tried according to a 
 late decree, in common with others charged with oifences, 
 faid to be committed in the courfe of the commotion, : by a 
 military commifnon appointed at the time, and inveited with 
 full power for that purpofe. 
 
 It is to be cbferved, that the character of this movement 
 was decifively anti-monarchical. Its fuccefs, if it had fucceed- 
 ed, would have revived the reign of terror,- and moft probably 
 carried all the ariftocrnts, with the leading members of the 
 preponderating party, to the fcaffold. Bread and the Confti- 
 tutkn cf 1793, were Britten upon the hats of many cf the 
 infurgents ; and vhilft the hall and its vicinity refounded in 
 favor of the patriots > meaning Barrere, C5V. the feeble voice cf 
 one ariftocrat only was heard in favor of the conftitution of 
 1789. Indeed the aristocrats, who had before the iath Ger- 
 minal contributed much to foment the difcontents which 
 broke out on that day, in the hope that if a commotion took 
 place and the Convention was overthrown, the ftandard cf 
 royalty would be erected, and the monarchy re-eftablifhed, 
 and who were in the interval, from the dubious character cf 
 that movement, which was crufhed before it had fully unfold- 
 ed itfelf, of neither fide, for nor again ft the Convention, were 
 obferved in the commencement of tKis, to remain in the fame 
 ftate of inactivity, greatly agitated, but taking no part. As 
 foon, however, as the object of this latter movement was un- 
 derftood, and it became obvious, that in c?.fe it fucceeded, ter- 
 rorifm, and not royalty, would be re-sftabiiihed, the difpofi- 
 tidri of this party towards the Convention changed. It no lon- 
 ger mewed an indifference to its welfare ; on the contrarv, it 
 became aftive in its fuppoit. But in truth, the force of this 
 
party in this city, and efpecially upon the late emergencies, 
 did not appear great. The moil gallant of its members are 
 either upon the frontiers, at war againft the republic, or have 
 fallen -Ircady in the caufe of royalty. Thefe, too, confilt of 
 thof \vho were of fufficient age to take their part in the com- 
 mencement -, for the young men of Paris, who are deicend- 
 ed from it, or from otners of the more wealthy inhabitants of 
 the r:ity, and who have attained their maturity during the re- 
 volution, or are now growing up, have imbibed the fpirit 
 which it was natural to expect fuch fplendid examples of pa- 
 triotifm would create upon young and generous minds, and 
 are in general on the fide of the revolution. 
 
 That there mould be a party of any force within the repub- 
 lic, or rather of fulEcient force to difturb the government in 
 the manner you have feen, clifpofed to fubvert the prefent fyf- 
 tcm, and eftablifh that of terror, mufl excite your furprife. 
 You will naturally be inclined to afk of what character of ci- 
 tizens is it compofed; what their numbers and ultimate views; 
 iince it is to be prefumed that a fyftem of terror, as a perma- 
 nent fyftem of government, cannot be wifhed by any one ? You 
 have ieen that the movements in quellion proceeded princi- 
 pally from the two faubourgs of St. Antoine and St. Mar- 
 ceau-, the enquiry, therefore, will be fatisfied by expofing the 
 character of thofe two fections. In general, I am told, they 
 are artifans, and among the moft induftrious in Paris. Many 
 of them are faid to be foreigners, Germans, and which ex- 
 plains the motive of their partiality for the conflitution of 
 1 793, which naturalizes them. That they are oppofed to mo- 
 narchy is certain, for fuch has been their character from the 
 epoch of the deftruction of the Baftille, in which they had a 
 principal hand, to the prefent time. Indeed, upon this point, 
 the late movements fpeak with peculiar force ; for if thofe 
 movements were fpontaneous, and commenced by the people 
 themfelves, it follows, as they cannot be fufpected of any 
 deep political finefTe, and of aiming at royalty through the 
 medium of terrorifm, that the latter, and not the former, was 
 the object. And if they were fet on by foreign influence, as 
 is believed by many, the conclufion mud be the fame ; for as 
 royalty is unqueflionably the object of thofe perfons who are 
 fufpeeted of fuch interference, it is to be prefumed, that, if 
 practicable, they would have taken a more direct courfe to 
 promote it, by an immediate declaration in its favor, fmce 
 thereby they would rally under its fhandard all thofe who were 
 the friends of that fyftem : Whereas, by declaring for terror- 
 
C t73 ] 
 
 ifm, the oppofite effe& was produced , for the royalifts them- 
 felves were thereby driven into the expedient of ufmg their ut- 
 Tnoft endeavours to fave the Convention, as the only me?rs 
 whereby they could fave themfelves. In every vie\v, there- 
 fore, they muft be deemed enemies to royalty, and as fuch i? 
 is natural to expect they will feel a great feniibility upon all 
 thofe queftions, which, in their judgment, have a tendency to 
 promote it. Whether any fuch have been agitated or contemp- 
 lated is, perhaps, doubtful: I have thought otherwife, and (till 
 think fo. But, that many circumftances have presented them- 
 felves, in the courfe of the collifion of parties, that were fuffi- 
 clent to create a fufpicion with' perfons of that portion of dif- 
 cernment, which laborious artizans ufually poilefs, that the 
 leading members of the preponderating partv were prepared to 
 abandon the republican fcaie, and incline towards monarchy, 
 is certain. The inhabitants of thefe faubourgs having fided 
 always with the mountain party have, of courfe, brought up- 
 on themfelves the particular enmity of the royalifts. They 
 have, therefore, or rather their leaders have been, in their 
 turn, perfecuted by the royaiif;?. But they have likewife 
 thought themfelves perfecuted by the prefer, t prepondera- 
 ting party, with whom they were engaged in uninterrupted 
 warfare, before and fince the time of ^Robefpierre. In this 
 refpecl, therefore, they faw the prefent preponderating par- 
 ty snd the royalifts acting apparently in harmony together, and 
 concluded that the former were likewife royaliils. They 
 have likewife feen, under the adminiftration of this party, the 
 royalifts enlarged from prifon, and other measures of that 
 kind adopted, which have probably fortified them in this be- 
 lief. ^A report, too, which has been circulated through the 
 citv, that, under the name of organic laws, it is contemplated 
 by the committee of eleven, to introduce fomeimportant changes 
 fn the conftitution of 1793, has no doubt, tended in a great 
 meafure to increafe their difquietude. In an attempt to ex- 
 plain the caufe of theie movements, the above circumftances 
 have' appeared to me to merit attention, and, with that view, 
 I have prefented them. 
 
 But that there was no real harmony of political views be-' 
 tween the prefent preponderating party and the royalifts, even 
 with refpea to the terrorifts, is a fact of which I have no doubt. 
 The reign of terror continued until it could laft no longer : It 
 was neceflary to fupprcfs it, and it was fuppreOed. That the 
 royalifts \yiihed this event, and gave it all the aid they could, 
 is certain ; but that their efforts were of any fervice in that re- 
 fpeft is doubtful : Indeed, I was perfuaded that for fome time 
 
C '74 1 
 
 they produced an .cppofite effect, and for reafons that are ob- 
 vious : For as the preponderating party fought the eftablifh- 
 m^nt of the Republic, and knew that the mountain party 
 Irad the fame objecl in view, it was reafonable to expect, that 
 after the former had gained the afcendency it would be dif- 
 pofed to excrcifs towards the latter forne degree of modera- 
 tion and humanity ; and equally fo to prcfume, that the fame 
 fpirit cf magnanimity which inculcated this difpofition to- 
 wards its antagonist, and chiefly from a refpscfc for its politi- 
 cal principles, would difpofe it to reject with difdain the aid 
 of the royaiifts vriio were enemies to both. This fentiment 
 is to be traced through all the meafures of the convention, 
 from the pth Thermidor to the ift Prairial ; for we behold, 
 through that interval, the preponderating party refcuing from 
 the guillotine and prifon, the royalifts, whilft they reprobat- 
 ed their principles*-, and -terminating in other refpecis the 
 reign of terrof j whilft they avoided, as far as poiTible, the 
 punifhment of thole who had been the principal authors and 
 agents under that reign. Indeed ' this party has appeared to 
 me to be, and fo I have often reprefented it to you, as equally 
 the enemy of the oppofite extremes of royalty and anarchy j 
 as refting upon the interell and the wiihes of the great mafs 
 of the French people, and who I have concluded, and from 
 thofe data the revolution itfelf has furnifhtd, as well as from 
 my own obfervations fince my arrival (the latter of which, it 
 is true, has been confined to a fmall circle) are defirous of a 
 free republican government ; one which mould be fo orga- 
 nized as to guard them againft the pernicious confluences 
 that always attend a degeneracy into either of thefe ex- 
 tremes. 
 
 You will likewife afk ; what effe have thefe movements 
 had upon the public mind, in regard to the prefent fyftem ? 
 Is it not probable they have already wearied the people out, 
 and in confequence inclined them to royalty merely from a 
 dcfire of rcpofe ? That they are all wearied is moil certain, 
 and what may be the courfe of events, in the progrcfs of 
 time, I do not pretend to determine : Thefe lie beyond my 
 reach, and indeed beyond the reach of all men. I only 
 undertake to deduce immediate confequences from the fa&s 
 which I witnefs; and when I fee that thefe movements have 
 produced upon the royalifts themfelves the oppofite effect, 
 and forced them, at leaft for the prefent, to renounce their 
 creed and cling to the convention for their fafety, I cannot 
 prefume that the moderatifts, who are republicans, will quit 
 the fafe ground on which they reft, their own ground too, and 
 
C '75 ] 
 
 become royafifts. Royalty, therefore, I confider at prefent 
 as altogether out of the queftion. But that thefe convuliivc 
 fhocks, and which proceed from the oppofite extreme, may 
 produce fome effecT:, is probable. In my opinion they will 
 produce a good one ; for I arn perfuaded they will occafton, 
 and upon the report of the committee of eleven, feme very 
 important changes in the conftitution of 1793 ; fuch as a di- 
 vifion of the legiflature into two branches, with an orga- 
 nization of the executive and judiciary upon more indepen- 
 dent principles than that conftitution admits of: Upon thcfe 
 principles indeed which exift in the American constitutions, 
 and are well underftood there. Should this be the cafe, the 
 republican fyftem will have a fair experiment here ; and that 
 it may be the cafe, muft be the wifli of ail thofe who are the 
 friends of humanity every where. 
 
 On the day that this late commotion commenced, Mr. 
 Pinckney arrived here on his way to Madrid, and was a fpec- 
 tatorof the great fcene it exhibited to the clofe : A few days 
 after which he ptfrfued his route, by the way of Bourdeaux, 
 where before this he is probably arrived. Whilfc here, I 
 prefented to his view what had paiTed between this govern- 
 ment and myfelf, upon the fubjecl: of his million, alluring 
 him from what I had heard and feen, that I was of opinion, 
 in cafe he would explain himfelf to the committee on th.it fub- 
 jecl:, and exprefs a wilh, they would give what aid they con- 
 veniently could, in fupport of his negociation j fatisfying them, 
 at the fame time, that they were not injured by Mr. Jay's 
 treaty, they would do it. I likewife {hewed him a letter I 
 had juft received from Mr. Short, written at the inflance of 
 the Duke de la Alcudia ; to requeft that I would promote, by 
 certain communications to this government, a negociation be- 
 tween Spain and this Republic ; he having previoufly and po- 
 fitively informed Mr. Short, that our demands fkould be yield- 
 ed and adjufted at the fame time. Mr. Pinckney \vas fenfioleof 
 the benefit which the aid of this Republic could yield in his 
 negociation, and wifhed itj but, upon mature coniideration, 
 was of opinion he could not requeil fuch aid without having 
 previoufly expofed to its view Mr. jay's treaty, and which he 
 did not chufe to do, for coafiderations delicacy forbade me to 
 enquire into. It was, however, equally his and my wifh, that 
 his journey through the country mould be marked with all 
 thofe circumflances of reciprocal civility between the govern- 
 ment and himfelf, -which are- always due, and generally paid, 
 when the minifcer of a friendly power pafTes through the ter- 
 ritory of. another ; and in confequence I annouuceu his 
 
[ i 7 5 ] 
 
 arrival to the committee, and obtained for him "an amicable 
 interview with the members of its diplomatic fec~Uon, and 
 by whom he was receiyed with the moil refpcftful attention. 
 
 You have already feen that England and Spain are each, and 
 without the knowledge of the other, feeking a feparate peace 
 with this republic. What the motive for fuch fecrecy on the 
 part of the former is remains to be hereafter unfolded : But 
 what it is on the part of the latter is cafily underitood ; for, 
 as ihe apprehends, in cafe a peace is made with France, a de- 
 claration of war from England, and, of courfe, in cafe the- 
 attempt to obtain a peace is known, fome new preiTure frorrj, 
 that power, it follows, that me muft wifh the arrangement 
 to be complete, to guard her againft the ill confequences 
 which might otherwife attend fuch an event, before any thing 
 upon that head tranfpires. As foon, however, as it is known 
 to Spain, that England feeks a feparate peace, her jealoufy of 
 the views of England will be increafed ; as, likewife, will be 
 the motive for an immediate accommodation with this Re- 
 public. The period, therefore, when a good underftanding, 
 embracing, perhaps, the ancient connection between the two 
 nations, will be revived cannot be confidered as remote. 
 Whether our claims upon Spain will be attended to, under 
 exiftirig circumftances, in that adjuitment, is a point upon 
 which ic is impollible for me to determine : for, as I was not 
 pcfieffed of Mr. Jay's treaty, and could give no other informa- 
 tion on that head, than I had before given, I have latterly for- 
 borne all further communication wkh the committee upon that 
 iubjec~h Mr. Pinckney will be able, foon after his arrival at 
 Madrid, to afcertain the temper of the Spanifh court in regard 
 to our demands, and the means by which his negociation may 
 be forwarded ; and, as he likewife knows the itate of things 
 here, he will be able alfo to point out the line in which, if 
 in any, I may be ferviceable ; and, in the interim, I mail not 
 only be prepared to co-operate with him in whatever move- 
 ment he may fugged ; but to obey, with promptitude, any in- 
 ftrucYions you may be pleafed to give me in this, or any other, 
 refpea. 
 
 Since my laft, the treaty with the United Provinces has 
 been concluded and ratified, and the garrifon of Luxemburg, 
 confiding of 12,000 men, with an immenfe amount in mili- 
 tary (lores, cannon, &c. has furrendered. The achievement, 
 of this poft, one of the flrongeft in Europe, has opened the 
 campaign on the part of France with great brilliancy : As it 
 was taken, too, after a long fiege, and when all poilible efforts 
 tq r?.ife it had proved abortive^ it not only d^mouftrates the 
 
( 177 ) 
 
 iupsrbrity of the French arms in the prefent ibge of the w?.r, 
 but furnifnes fatisfactcr . j, ac c crd- 
 
 ing .to the ordinary courie of events, its uiii<nate i: 
 
 You will, perhaps, have heard bell- 
 have recommenced the kizure of our \eiicb prc- 
 viiiono, deltinsd for the ports of this republic. An American, 
 Vail from Hamburg, charged with cth. .-, inforn:-. 
 the other day, that he was boarded on his way by two i'rl- 
 ^ates, whofe officers informed him, they were ordered to take 
 in all veflels thus laden. 
 
 Within a few d::ys pail, the foil of the late king departed 
 this life. A minute report will be publiflied by the govern- 
 ment of his decline, having lingered for feme time pa ft, and 
 of the care that was taken to preferve him. They are awyre 
 of the criticifms.to which thi-j pole them, and fuf- 
 
 fer, on that account, an additional mortification. His con- 
 cellion to Spain, as was contemplated, made his life, with the 
 government, an object of inter eit , iince it would, have for- 
 warded, in feme refpecls, its views in the depending negocia- 
 tion. 
 
 I have juft been honored v.-iih yours of April 7th, and fnall 
 pay due attention to its contents. 
 
 P. S. I am forry to inform you of the death of Mr. Ccf- 
 fyn, conful for the port of Dunkirk. His lofs is to be regret- 
 ted, as he was able, diligent and faithful in the difcharge of 
 the duties of his. office. His fon is very dcGrous of fucceedi:-g 
 him, and certainly if any one, not an American, is appointed, 
 it will be impoilible to find for it a more fuitable perfon. In 
 my opinion, however, Americans only mould be appc : 
 In any event, I think the merits of the father, who was < 
 .guiihed for his fervices and attachment to our country, entitle 
 his memory to fome attention, and doubt not your letter of 
 acknowledgment, addrefTed to his fpn on that head, tL: 
 rae, will be gratefully received. 
 
 [ No. XVII. ] 
 
 FROM Mr. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, Juxe z6ti, 179^. 
 
 SINCE my lau, it is reduced to a certainty, that the 
 government has revived its order o'f the Cnh November, 
 A* 
 
. C 178 3 
 
 1793, and commenced, on this fide the Atlantic, the fame 
 fyftem of warfare and pillage upon our commerce, that was 
 practifed on it by that government, at that very calamitous e- 
 ra. Between thirty and forty fail deftined for the ports of this 
 Republic, charged with provifions, have been already taken 
 from their deftination, i^id carried into thofe of that ifland : 
 and, as the period has arrived, when the invitation which the 
 diftreffes of this country gave to our merchants hfre and at 
 home^ to embark their fortunes in this fupply, is likely to pro- 
 duce its effect, it is more than probable that other veffels, and 
 to a great amount, will {hare the like fate. Among thofe of 
 our merchants who are here, this rneafure has created a kind of 
 panic j for they think they fee in its confequences little lefs than 
 the ruin of their trade , and under which impreffion many are 
 about to abandon it for the prefent, and fend their veflels 
 home in ballalt, 
 
 What effect this meafure will produce upon this govern- 
 ment, under exifting circumftances, I cannot pretend to de- 
 termine. Formerly it adopted the fame meafure, for the pur- 
 pofe of counteracting its enemy 5 but the impolicy of that pro- 
 cedure was afterwards difcufled and demonftrated, and the 
 meafure iifelf, in confequence, abandoned. At prefent, the 
 diftrefs of the country is great, and the government will, no 
 doubt, be mortified to find, that, whilft our flag gives no pro- 
 tection to its goods, nor even to our goods, deitined for the 
 ports of this Republic, the whole of which become the fpoil 
 of its enemy j that it does protect not only our goods deftined 
 for the Englifh ports, but likewise Britifh goods deftined e- 
 qually for thofe, and the ports of other countries. The mea- 
 fure has obvioufly excited a kind of ferment in their councils ; 
 but which, I prefume, will be directed againft their enemies 
 only. Be aflured I (hall do every thing in my power to give it 
 that direction, and to enforce thofe arguments which were 
 ufed upon the former occafion : But, mould they fail in pro- 
 ducing the defired effect, and a lefs amicable policy be adopt^ 
 ed, which, however, I think will not be the cafe, I mall deem 
 it my duty immediately to advife you of it, by a vefiel (in cafe 
 none other offers) to be defpatched for the purpofe. 
 
 It will obvioufly attract your attention, that this meafure wa? 
 fo timed by the Britifh cabinet, that it might have no influence 
 in the decifion of the fenate upon the treaty of Mr. Jay ; nor 
 can the motive for fuch an accommodation be lefs doubtful ; 
 for, in cafe it be rejected, they will deem the ftroke a lucky 
 one ; fince thereby, they will fay, they had fortunately gained 
 fo much time 5 and if it be adopted, they will probably pre- 
 
C '79 3 
 
 flame, that fo much time will be confumed in convening the 
 Congrefs, fhould that meafure be deemed expedient, that ths 
 courfe of events here may render it impoffible for our efforts 
 to produce a favourable effecl: ; and which confideration, they 
 will likewife infer, will be an argument againfl convening the 
 Congrefs. This kind of policy, however, fhews not only the 
 profligacy, but the defperation of the government, and will 
 probably precipitate the crifis, which, notwithftanding all its 
 follies and enormities, might yet have been poftponed for fome 
 time to come. I think the meafure will give new vigor to 
 the French councils, and will probably bring immediately up- 
 on its authors, Denmark and Sweden : Upon this latter point, 
 however, I am authorifed to fay nothing ; for, as I was not 
 inftrutted to confer with the reprefentatives of thofe powers 
 here, I have carefully avoided feveral conferences, that were 
 fought of me by Baron Stael from Sweden, foon after his arri- 
 val 5 becaufe I knew nothing could refult from them, and 
 was fearful, as I prefumed the refult would be known to 
 the committee, it might produce an ill efFecl: there. 
 
 Your meafures will, no doubt, be greatly influenced by the 
 probability of the early termination or continuation of the 
 war with this Republic, and upon which fome information 
 will of courfe be expected from me. You will, however, 
 perceive the difadvantage under which I muft give any opi- 
 nion upon that point, and eflimate it accordingly j for as I am 
 authorifed to fay nothing to this government of what you 
 will probably do, in cafe the war continues (for the revival of 
 the order of the 6th November could nor be forefeen) you will 
 of courfe conclude it is impoffible for me to found it upon 
 that topic. Indeed I was fearful that, by my communications 
 upon a former occafion, flight and informal as they were, I 
 might embarrafs you, and was therefore extremely uneafy 
 on that account, after I heard of Mr. Jay's treaty, and until I 
 had a conference with the committee on the fubjet. My 
 judgment muft, therefore, be formed upon general and ex- 
 ternal circumftances, and by which I perceive no profpecl: of 
 an early accommodation of the war between France and Eng- 
 land. On the contrary, the preparations on both fides feem 
 to go on with all poflible activity, for its continuance. The 
 fleet of England is faid to be raifed to a height beyond what 
 it ever attained before, and efforts are ftill making to keep it 
 there, if not to encreafe it : And France is exerting her ut- 
 muft endeavours to increafe hers, and which arec the more 
 neceffary, in confequence of the improvident excurfions of 
 She ^ft winter, by which it was greatly injured in the Atlan- 
 
C 180 1 
 
 tic, as wdl as trie Mediterranean feas. 'Tis expeled, th.it 
 by a continuance of thofe endeavors,, the Breft fleet will be 
 ready to take the fea by the fall : The Mediterranean oe, is 
 frld now to be at fea, aim in good order. It is likcv/ifc expected 
 that the Dutch .fleet, at leail to the amount fripulated, will be in 
 rcadincfs in time to co-operate with th;;t from Breft \ for great 
 efforts were latterly made, <nd are 11111 making, by that govern- 
 ment, to ec ( iiip it. Add tc thefe the facl: (and I am allured by 
 . .-tlionable authority that it is one) that the overtures 
 rrndc by Sir Frederic Eden were repulfed, and in a manner 
 which immediately clcfed, under the powers pofiefTed by the 
 parties respectively, all further conference on the fubjetr, 
 From con ii derati on, therefore, of thefe circum fiances, I am 
 led to conclude that the war between thefe powers will be con- 
 tinued for feme time to come, and moil probably until fome 
 change,, by battle or otherwife, is wrought in the fortunes of 
 one or both, fo as to difpofe them for peace. 
 
 If Denmark and Sweden, and cfpecially if they are joined 
 by Spain, unite with France and Holland, they will probably 
 have the preponderance and muft bear hard upon England. 
 In any event, the enormous expenfe to which me is unprofi- 
 tably expofed, if continued for any time, rnuft not only ex- 
 hcvj;:her rcfoarces, but excite great difcontents among the 
 people. They have been allayed latterly, by the afiurances of 
 the minifler, that the people cf France would be ftarved, and 
 that the government mud in confeo^ence accommodate, and 
 which were countenanced by the movements which took 
 place here fome time after thofe afTuiances were given. But 
 wiJtn it is fcen that the crifis is palled, and that the people 
 after bearing unexampled diilrefs, and upon the whole with 
 unexampled patience, are quiet and in the pofleffion of the 
 fruits of a plentiful harveft, as promifes foon to be the cafe, - 
 jt is dsubtfui whether a change will not foon take place in the 
 tamper of the- '-2 on the other fide of the channel. 
 
 What part ii becomes our country to take at this crifis, be- 
 longs not to me to fay. Peace is a bleiTing which ought not 
 to be wantonly thrown away. But whether fufficient facri- 
 ficeshave not been already made to preferve it, and the time 
 arrived, when the duty we owe to ourfelvcs. and the refpet 
 which is due to the opinion of the vrr.id, admonifh us that 
 .the infults and injuries of Britain are to be no longer borne, 
 and that we ought to feek redrefs by again appealing to arms, 
 and putting the iflue of our caufe upon the event of war, is 
 a point which will ro doubt be wifely decided by thofe who 
 have a right tc decide it. Permit me, however, to exprefs a 
 
C 18* ] 
 
 wifn, drat in cafe any active meafure is taken, or likely to be 
 taken, in confequenceof thefe aggreflions, that you will imrne- 
 
 ly apprife me of it-; that^Imay, whliout delay, begin to 
 make' a ccrrefpcr-tent iinjreflion upon the councils of this 
 government. 
 
 I emitted in my la (I to tranfmit to you a copy of the letter 
 
 Mr. Short, which I mentioned was fhewn to Mr. Pinck- 
 ney ; and which, as it dcrnonftnites how completely we may 
 
 -.and fuccefs in our demands upon Spain, provided France 
 aids us in that rcfpect, ought not to be withheld, and eip. 
 i;: the prefon (late of our aiiairs. I make the communication 
 with greater pleafure; becaufe-at the fame time that it furniflies 
 a document of importance for you to poiTeis, it will reflect 
 honor on Mr. Short, upon account of the able and compre- 
 henfive view he has taken of the fubjecc. 
 
 I have the pleafure to inform you, that the committee of 
 eleven have at length reported a plan of government, of . 
 I herewith inclofe you a copy. The difcuflion upon the me- 
 rits will commence in a few days, and as foon as the queitic-n 
 is finally decided I will tranfmit to you the refult. 
 
 FfQm Mr. Short , to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Aranjucz, M-j ^, 1795. 
 
 DEAR to, 
 
 J SHOULD have waited for your anfwer to my Lite let-, 
 ters, and particularly that of the i ith of April, before writing 
 to you again, if it had not been for the particular circumstance 
 which makes the fubject of this. I have already mentioned 
 to you the defire of this government to open the way to a pa- 
 cification with the French commonwealth, and aiio ray per- 
 fuafion that fome kind of negociation, although perhaps an 
 unofficial one, was on foot. I am confirmed in that opinion, 
 and you may confider as certain, that overtures have pafied 
 between one of the perfons here to whom you fent me a let- 
 ter inclofed in yours of the 6th of February laft, and the pcr- 
 fon by whom thofe letters were wriiten. I have good reafon 
 to believe that this bufinefs has met with fome kind of delay as 
 to the articles of pacification, or at lealt, that it is conceived 
 here there would be fome delay when thefe articlesfhouldcome 
 to be difcuiTed. You will readily conceive from the fituatiou 
 of this country in refpecl to England, that they would bs 
 afraid to enter openly on negotiation without being previouf- 
 
!y fure cf its fucccfs, left they mould find themfelves between 
 two fires. The apprehenfion of England has certainly rt- 
 tained them lately, and not any averfion to peace with the 
 French commonwealth ; which, on the contrary, they defire 
 mod fincerely and ardently. Under thefe circumftances the, 
 friendly interference of the United States has been wifhed for 
 by this government. I have already explained to you the dif- 
 ficulties which prefented themfelves to me, from the points in 
 litigation between the United States and this country having 
 not been yet fettkd, and from the circumftances of Mr. 
 Pinckney's appointment for that purpofe rendering it necef- 
 fary that they mould be -delayed for his arrival here. -Although 
 I have the fulleft afTurances from this government, that all 
 matters (hall be fettled tq the fatisfaciion of the United States ; 
 and although prefent circumftances infure whatever the 
 United States may now defire here ; yet under my circum- 
 ftances I fliould have chofen not taking an active interference, 
 until I fhculd have conferred with Mr. Pinckney, and he 
 with this government. For a long time I had no doubt Mr. 
 Pinckney vrould have been here long ere this. I fuppofe he 
 muft be, at prefent, fomewhere in France on his way hither ; 
 but I have received no letter from him fince that of the 6th 
 of March. Tilings would have probably gene on in this way 
 until his arrival, viz. this government contenting themfelvea 
 with the pourparlers on foot between the two perfons men^ 
 tioned above, and perhaps alfo between the generals of the 
 two armies, if nothing had occurred to make them more anxious 
 to accelerate.the bufmefs. But this has taken place in confe- 
 quence of the treaty concluded between the French com- 
 monwealth and the king of Pruflia. 
 
 The duke de la Alcudia has now mentioned to me his 
 defire that no further time mould be loft, and that an active 
 negociation mould be immediately opened ; declaring to me 
 confidentially and authorizing me to mention to you, his real 
 and fincere wifh to conclude immediately a treaty with the 
 French commonwealth ; defiring, however, that it may be 
 fo conducted, that there mould be no fufpicion of it on the 
 part of England, or the leaft poflible ground for fufpicion, 
 until the conclusion and ratification of the treaty. He has, 
 therefore, requefted me* to communicate this to the Minifter 
 of the United States at Paris, and to add his defire to receive 
 here, for the purpofe of concluding fuch a treaty, any perfon 
 whom the French government might fend for that purpofe, 
 and remain here in a fecret way, until the bufmefs mould be 
 co;:cludtd and rutified. The defire of fecrccy as you will ol> 
 
C i*3 3 
 
 ferve, proceeds from the apprehenfion of England.- This lie 
 willies you to propofe to the French government, if you find 
 it will be acceptable to them. This is the nature of his re- 
 queft to me, and which I have not thought it proper, for fcveral 
 reafons, to decline. Several of thefe reafons will naturally pre- 
 fcnt themfelves to you. 
 
 Having thus dated the requeft of the duke in the fimpleft 
 form, it is for you to decide thereon what you may think ad- 
 vifable to do ; and in which you will, of courfe, be guided by 
 what you conceive to be for the intereft of the United States, 
 and conformable to the wifhes of the government where you 
 refide ; whofe interefts are co-incident with thofe of the 
 United States. 
 
 It may not be improper to fubjoin here fome incidental re- 
 marks which took place between the minifter here and myfelf, 
 on the above occafion. In Hating to me his wiih that this bu- 
 finefs mould be concluded as foon as poffible, he obferved^ 
 that if he had a perfon of confidence at Paris, he would give 
 him the conditions on which the king wiihed this treaty to be 
 grounded; but that he had no fuch perfon there, and that it 
 would be impoffible for him to fend one without its being 
 found out here or at Paris, by England. On my mentioning 
 the probability of the fame difcovery being made, if the French 
 government mould fend a perfon here, he faid there would 
 be much lefs difficulty, if that perfon were charged not to dif- 
 cover himfelf, or to pafs for an American ; and that the 
 communications between him and the miniftry here might 
 
 Eafs through my hands, fo as to remove all fufpicion of his be- 
 ig a perfon charged with a negociation. 
 
 Should you think it proper to communicate this defire of the' 
 duke de la Alcudia to the French government, you will ob- 
 ferve that nothing in writing has paffed between us, and that 
 his requeft to me is made only verbally. Although I have 
 not the fmalleft doubt myfelf of the full and unequivocal fin- 
 ferity with which he has thus opened himfelf to me ; yet I 
 would not chufe to induce the French government to adopt die 
 ineafure propofed, without, at the fame time, ftating that the 
 ground is as yet merely verbal. If, however, the Republic 
 is willing, as I have no doubt, to enter into negociation for 
 peace, and mould chufe to have fome written ground, I fup- 
 pofe it probable the minifter would not refufe to communi- 
 cate to me in confidence, in writing, his defire above menti- 
 oned ; if he mould be affured of its being complied with by 
 fending an agent here as ftated already. From the footing 
 on which you ftand, of sourfe, wh& &$ Fre^sji government. 
 
( 184 ) 
 
 you will be able to judge what is the mode that would be mod 
 agreeable to them in the conducting a negociation with this 
 country, if they do not approve that' fuggefted by the duke ; 
 and if they think it proper to communicate it to me, I will af- 
 certain here the fentiments of the minitler refpecling the mode 
 that fhall be propofed. 
 
 - So mutfh for the mode of the negociation. It may not be 
 improper to add fomething refpecting the fubitance of it. It 
 would feem natural that the duke mould have given me fome 
 intimr.tiDn of the conditions on which he wifhcd the peace to 
 be fettled with the Republic ; but I did not chufe to prefs 
 en -this head, becaufe it did not feem to be the proper 
 time to be aiking for particulars, and alfo becaufe, as he 
 knows my attachment to France in common with that of every 
 other American, he might chufe not to put me further in pof- 
 fdlion of his fentiments than might be abfolutely neceffary. - 
 From our convcrfation, however, as well on this, as on pre- 
 ceding occafions, I find his delire would be to avoid, if poffi- 
 ble, contracting any article which might force this country in- 
 to an immediate war with England. He is determined to rifle 
 that event, however, if the firnple deviation from the conven- 
 tion of May 25, 1793, and the treating feparately for peace 
 with France, fhouid render it inevitable. He flatters himfelf, 
 however, that Spain's making a feparate peace would not in- 
 duce England to declare war againft her under prefent cir- 
 cumftances. He^would defire, therefore, to conclude a peace 
 as fimpie as polFible. He would chufe to avoid guarantying 
 to France tne ifiand of Corfica, and fuch parts of the Eaft and 
 Well Indies as England has taken during this war ; becaufe 
 he conceives that would neceilitate an immediate war with 
 England : But the defire of this country is, that France mould 
 reconquer thofe places, as it is the real intereft of Spain that 
 they fliould belong to France rather than to England. I 
 mention thefe things, merely as the firil defire of the mini- 
 fter. How far he might be induced to deviate therefrom, for 
 the object of a pacification with the French Republic, will 
 appear in the courfe of the negociation, if it fhoulcl be opened. 
 The greateft difficulty will be as to the parts of Spain con- 
 quered by France ; and I apprehend, as I have mentioned a- 
 t>ove, that fome difficulty has already fhewn itlelf, as probable, 
 as to the place of Figueras. It is the bufincfs of negociation, 
 of courfe, to remove difficulties. 
 
 Should the French government chufe to have fomething 
 more certain fixed before fending an agent here, and will in- 
 form you hpw-far they wiih previouily to be made acquaint- 
 
ed with the outlines of the fentiments of this court, it is pro- 
 bable the minifter would communicate them. At the fame 
 time, he would probably expect an equal mark of confi--' 
 through you and my fell, of the fentiments, on the fame head, 
 of the French government. 
 
 This letter will be forwarded by the minifter through the 
 frontiers by a flag ; you will therefore foon receive it. I Mall 
 thank you immediately to acknowledge the receipt thereof, and 
 to let me know, as focn as poflible, whether you have judged 
 it proper to take any ftep in confequence thereof, and what 
 ihall have been the refult thereof. Send your letters on this 
 fubjecl by the fame way by which you fent that of the 6th cf 
 February, the laft I have received from you. I have as yet no 
 anfwer from the Prefident, as to the abfence from hence which 
 I have alked. I hope ere long to have the pleafure of renew- 
 ing to you, in perfon, the afiiirances of my being fmcerely 
 your friend and fervant. 
 
 The CommiJJary cf Foreign Relations, to the Minifter plenipo 
 tentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, lid Prziria!, ^d Tear cf the Republic. 
 
 Six, 
 
 commiiTion have had repeated opportunities of 
 being convinced, that American confuls in France, and even 
 fomedmes their agents, grant pallports or certificates, giving 
 the qualification of citizen of the United States to the bearers 
 of them, and by means of which thefe travel through France, 
 and even go out into foreign countries. 
 
 I cannot help obferving to you, that, according to our laws 
 and the laws of nations, foreign minifters having alone the 
 right to grant fuch paiTports, and tc atteft the political exiitence 
 of the individuals born in their refpeclive countries, thoie gi- 
 ven by the confuls or their agents are totally ufelefs -, fmce, 
 to travel in the interior of the Republic, the pafTport of 
 the municipality of the phce of landing is fumcient, a:^: 
 to leave the territory, the only admifiible pafTport is that given 
 by the minifter of their nation. 
 
 I mufl add, that if the individual who wiflies to leave the 
 territory of the Republic has come in coi^i'.'^'.icncc of ordina- 
 ry commercial trcnfa&ionsj he does not need a paiTport for 
 
 B b 
 
C iBtf ] 
 
 that purpofe ; if, on the contrary, he lias been brought in by 
 the iliips of the Republic, having been found in an enemy's 
 vefll'1, in that cafj, his pofition, which is almoft always dubi- 
 ous, deferves attention, and ought to be fubmitted to the ex- 
 amination and determination of the minifler alone. 
 
 Pcrfuaded, Sir, that you will find thcfe obfervations juft, 
 and that you will pleafe to communicate them to the confuls of 
 your nation, recommending it to them to conform to them, k 
 io with the fulleft confidence that I fubmit them to you. 
 
 From Mr. Monroe, to the Commiffary of Foreign Relations. 
 
 Paris , June i$th, 1795. 
 
 YOUR letter of the 22d Prairial communicates to me 
 your obfervations relative to the paflports and certificates 
 granted by different confuls of the United States, and their 
 agents in the ports of the Republic ; and agreeable to your 
 <lefire,.I have informed them thereof in my circular letter of 
 the 1 8th inilant, of which I inclofe you a copy. I beg you 
 to be perfuaded, citizen, of my fincere defire to adopt all fuch 
 meafures as may be deemed neceilary to the welfare of this 
 Republic j confident that in fo doing, I mall always have the 
 approbation of the government of the United States. 
 
 Circular to the Confuls of the United States In France. 
 Paris, "June i8/, 1795. 
 
 COMPLAINT has been made to me by the commif- 
 fary of foreign relations, that our confuls, and in fome cafes 
 their agents, have granted paflports and certificates, under 
 the aiUYicrity of which, the bearers are permitted to travel 
 h the interior of France, and likewife into foreign coun- 
 He obferves,tliat by the law of France, and of nations, 
 no 'perfon, other than the minifler of a foreign power, has a 
 right to grant fuch paflports ; and that it is likewife unnecef- 
 nce, for the interior pafTage, the pafiport of the munici- 
 of the port where fuch perfons land is fufficient, and for 
 <r, or to go without the Republic, that of the mi- 
 ought to be granted : For, if the party defirous of 
 .rawing enters the ports of the Republic in the ordina- 
 ry courfe cf trr.de, none is neceiiary to enable him to with- 
 
C 187 ] 
 
 <<Iraw from it ; and if he was brought in by the (hips of the 
 Republic, taken on board thcfe of ito enemies, then his cafe 3 
 which is always doubtful, merits attention, -u-i ilicul-J he ex- 
 amined, and determined upon the evidence furnii 1 
 minifter alone, who is more immediately rt. 
 government in that rcfpedt. Thefe obfervations appear to 
 me to be juft, and according to the hw of nations : I h-'ve 
 therefore thought it my duty to make known to you the de- 
 fire of this government upon that lubjedt, and to requeft 
 your punctual obfervance of it. 
 
 In thcfe cafes where our fellow-citizens are permitted to de- 
 part from the Republic, by exifting decrees, in the ordinary 
 courfe of trade as above-mentioned, but are inproptrl 
 peded by fome circumftance cr other, you will of coin f 
 ierve, by application to the munici. . other fui table 
 
 authority, that the -benefit of thole be extended to 
 
 them ; and in all thofe cafes v/h^re my p::i:por:s are nee, 
 and the parties are not able to attend herein perfcn", YOU vi'll 
 be pleafed to rcprefent to me their prctenfion?, provided you 
 think them well founded, with the evidence to iuppcrt th'ofe 
 of each applicant. In fuch cafes it will not be neceilary in 
 tranfmit copies of each certificate or ether document laid be- 
 fore you : It will be fufficient that you flats in a certificate, 
 under the feal of the confuhte, the purport of each item of 
 teftimony ; by \vhom furniih'.'d, and whether by Arru. 
 or foreigners : The former of which are always to be prefer- 
 red ; bccaufe, as the citizens of the United States have an in- 
 rereft in the character of their country, Ib it is to be prefum- 
 'ed they will always be on their guard not to injure .hat charac- 
 ter, by impomig on its reprefen native here. 
 
 In describing the pretenlions of thofe who ail: for paffpcrts, 
 you will be pleafed to ftate how they came into the Rev 
 and what their occupation is : You will likewife obf^rve that 
 as there are two deicriptions of perfons whofe claims are 
 deemed inadmifiible by the government here, fo it will in ge- 
 neral be unneceflafy to bring them forward. The fir ft of thele 
 confifts of thofe, who having become citizens of fome ihite 
 imce our revolution, have laft us, and now refide in the coun- 
 try from whence they emigvated j for fuch perfons, being 
 likewife fubjetts of the power where they were born, ougltt 
 to be deemed here citizens of that country onlv, to which th.v 
 have given the preference by rcfiu^iKv. The ieeo-.J ccnfills 
 of thofe who were refugees in the courfe of our revolution, -ai.l 
 who having never returned, or acquired the right of citizenihip 
 frnce, cannot be deemed citizens, whether born In America 
 
C 188 } 
 
 Or e If j where. In all doubtful cafes, however, you will be 
 pleafed to fubmit the pretenfions of the parties to me, that, 
 regarding principles, I may pay all ppffible atrention to them, 
 that circum fiances will admit of. 
 
 Your ordinary commercial concerns, in which my fupport 
 may be deemed neceflary , I will thank you to communicate with 
 me as heretofore, through Mr. Skipwith the conful in this ci- 
 ty : For as he is charged with thofe concerns, and obtains re-r 
 drcls if poilible, with out my intervention, he is thereby ena-* 
 bled orHcially to report to me correctly thofe cafes in which 
 he e-mnot fucceed, and of courfe, in which my interference 
 may be ufei'ul ; which report forms generally the bafis of my 
 application. 
 
 The Cornmiflion of Foreign Affairs, to the Mint/ley PlenipGten~ 
 tiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, %d Meffidor, %d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (June lift, 1795.; 
 
 THE cornmiffion has received with your letter of the 
 I ft of this month, the copy of the circular you have been 
 pleafed to addrefs to the confuls of the United States in the 
 ports of the Republic. I muft beg you to accept my thanks 
 for the attention you have paid to the obfervations which I 
 thought it my duty to prefent to you. The manner in which 
 you develop in that circular the principles concerning the pre- 
 fervation of good order, are a new fecurity of your care to 
 maintain it. I could only have wifhed, that in eftablrfhing, as 
 you do, that perfons arrived in the ports of the Republic in 
 the common courfe of commercial tranfa6Hons, and who 
 wifh to leave it, need no pafTport for that purpofe, 
 you had added this reftri&ion, if they are not at a diftanc e 
 from the ports where they landed. 
 
 Prom the Comwiflion of Foreign Affairs, to the Minifter Ple- 
 nipotentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris > 6th MeJJldor^ ^d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (June Itfh, 1795.; 
 
 THE commiflion knowing your readinefs to concur in 
 whatever tends to preferve good order, propofe to you with 
 
C 189 ] 
 
 confidence the meafures which may contribute to that objec:, 
 They beg you confequently, to be fo good as to communicate 
 to them, each decade, a certified lift of your fellow citizens ar- 
 rived in Paris. It is important to the government to know 
 the foreigners who reiide in this commune; and it n.uft be ad- 
 vantageous to thernfelves, that their abode here be knc\vii. 
 
 
 From the Mini/ier Plenipotentiary of the United States cf Ame- 
 rica, to the Qqpimijary of Foreign Relations. 
 
 Paris, June 21th, 1795. 
 
 BEING extremely felicitous that the rights which my 
 countrymen enjoy here ihould be ftriclly confined to them- 
 felves alone, I mail be happy at all times to adopt fuch mea- 
 fures as may be deemed necelFary to make known to your go- 
 vernment thofe who are my countrymen. With this view- 
 therefore, I fhall, with pleafure, caufc to be furnifhed yen 
 every decade the lift cf thofe to whom paiipcrts or certificates 
 are granted, according to your requeil. In guarding the wel- 
 fare of the Republic, I pray you to propofe to me always, with 
 freedom, thofe meafures in which my co-operation may be 
 ufeful; fince you may always calculate upon my concurrence, 
 in forwarding an object:, which it is upon all cccafions my 
 moft earned wifh to forward. 
 
 the CoTKtniJ/ton of Foreign Relations, ty the SllniZcr J'.V- 
 nipottniuiry of the United States cf America. 
 
 Paris, i-$th Mtflickr, -$d Tear cftke R.e$xb!:c, 
 
 (July I/7/I79S-; 
 SIR, 
 
 THE cornmiflion has received your letter of the pth 
 inftant ; by which you inform them, that, adopting the 
 meafure they propofed to you by theirs of the 6th, you arc: 
 willing to tranfmif to them each decade the lift of your fellow 
 citizens who may have obtained paffports. They beg leave to 
 obferve to you, that by means of the certificate which they 
 annex to the paflports given by the foreign rainifters, they 
 have full knowledge of thofe delivered , but that the rcqudt 
 they have made you has for objecTt to know the Americans 
 
arrived at Paris, and who cannot -but prefent themfelves to 
 you. They beg of you, therefore, to ,fend them a lift of 
 thefe each decade. 
 
 The commifiion has communicated to the committee of 
 public fafety, the readinefs which you have fh^wn in what- 
 ever tends to preferve good order. The committee fully con- 
 vinced of your active attention in this refpecfc, has not doubt- 
 ed but that you would favourably regard every means of con- 
 curring in it. They confequently diret the commiffion, to 
 invite you to communicate to them a lift of all your fellow 
 citizens now in Paris. The government being thus made ac- 
 quainted with the Americans that are within this commune, 
 and with thofe who may arrive hereafter, will be better ena- 
 bled to fccure to them ei'Scacioufly the protection which the 
 American government extends to them. 
 
 frcHi the Min'ijler Plenipotentiary of the United States of Amc- 
 ricciy to the CommiJJary cf Foreign Relations. 
 
 Paris, July 3^ 1795. 
 
 I HAVE received yours of the i3th Meffidor in anfwer 
 to mine of the 2yth of June, and to which I beg leave now 
 to reply. 
 
 The note which I wrote to you ought to have comprized 
 thofe to whom certificates are granted, as well as paiTports ; 
 ibr to many certificates are granted merely to authorize a refi- 
 dencc in Paris, and its vicinity. This change will comprize 
 all thofe of whofe arrival I have, or can have, any knowledge. 
 
 It is true, that all the Americans who arrive in Paris ought 
 to call immediately upon me and take the protection to which 
 they are entitled from the miniffccr of their country. But the 
 fact is other wife; for many never call until they are about to 
 depart, fome of whom have thus remained for five, fix and 
 eight months. In the interim they are protected by the pair- 
 ports they have from the municipalities in the fea ports, and 
 other authorities which they find adequate : For if they were 
 not adequate, they would of courfe apply to me, for the 
 protection they otherwife did not enjoy. You will readily 
 perceive' that it is my bufinefs only to give protection to my 
 countrymen entitled to it j beyond which my authority cannot 
 extend: That it is the bufinefs of the government to fee that 
 thofe who are not poflcifcd of that protection, fha!l not be 
 a fuchj and of courfe b': treated accordingly. I fug- 
 
[ 19' 3 
 
 geft this idea for your confideration, that weighing it you 
 may fhew what ftep I mall take to avoid the inconvenience 
 complained of, if < pofiible on my part ; or propofe to the 
 committee fuch meafure as v/ill remedy it en theirs. 
 
 In cafe any new regulation is adopted, I beg of you to ap- 
 prize me of it, that I may give the neceflary notice thereof to 
 my countrymen, that they may fuftain no injury from a mea- 
 fure which is calculated to iecure them the enjoyment of their 
 juft rights, by preventing others from imppfmg themfelves 
 upon this government as their compatriots, to the injury of 
 France and the difhonor of America. 
 
 I will fee that the lift of thofe in Paris be made and fur- 
 nifhed you as foon as poflible. 
 
 From the Committee of Public Safety, to the Minifter Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, i$th MeJJidor, *$d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (July 7^,1795.; 
 
 THE committee of public fafety requefts the minif- 
 ter plenipotentiary of the United States of America, to tranf- 
 mit to captain Michael Burke the enclofed letter. This tefti- 
 mony of their gratitude towards that brave captain is a very 
 agreeab le duty to fulfill. 
 
 It is by fuch proofs of generofity and courage that the A- 
 merican and French nations mould cemeni the perfect uni- 
 on which ought ever to fubfift between them. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CAMBACERES, Prefident, F. AUBRY, 
 
 BOISSY, DOULCET, 
 
 J. B. LOUVET, GAMON. 
 
 From the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- 
 rica, to the Committee of Public Safety. 
 
 Paris, July loth, 17^. 
 
 I HAVE received with pleafure the notice you have 
 been pleafed to take of the conduct of C?ptain Burke, an A- 
 
[ I 9 2 ] 
 
 merican citizen, who has rendered an acceptable proof of his 
 attachment to the French Republic. I will immediatcly 
 tranfmit him your letter -acknowledging that fervicc j and 
 doubt not he will deem the incident which furnifhed an op- 
 portunity of rendering it, whereby ha has merited your ap- 
 probation, the mod fortunate one of his life. It is by com- 
 mending acts of patrictifm, that the generous fpirit of emu- 
 la L-IO:I is excited ; and the example known and followed by 
 others. Upon the fame principle, therefore, that you have 
 been pleafed to notice his conduct, I {hall take care 'to make 
 it likewife known to our government, and with whom, I 
 doubt not, it will excite fimilar fenfations of pleafure. 
 
 From tJ:e Mn::Jlcr Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- 
 ricay to the Committee cf Public Safety. 
 
 Paris, July $th, 1795, 
 
 THE injuries which the piratical powers on the Afri- 
 can coail have rendered and continue to render to our com- 
 merce, are known to this Republic j bccaufe it takes an in- 
 tereft in our welfare, and becaufe thofe injuries cannot other- 
 wife than be eventually hurtful to the commerce of France 
 like wife. 
 
 It was forefeen, at the moment v/hen we became an inde- 
 pendent nation, that we mould be expofed to the piracies of 
 thofe powers ; and the fpirit of amity which difpofed the then 
 councils of France, in obedience to the wiihes of the people, 
 to aid us in that ftruggle, difpofed them likewife to aiTure us 
 of their fupport in our negociaticns with each refpeclively. 
 But unfortunately no treaty has yet been formed with any of 
 thofc powers (Morocco excepted) and in confequence our com- 
 merce has been interrupted by their cruizers and efpecially 
 thofe of Algiers ; whereby many of our citizens were allb 
 taken, and who are new detained in flavery. 
 
 It is the wifli of the United States to make an effort, at this 
 pvdeiit moment, to conclude a peace with thofe feveral pow- 
 ers, and to purfue that objccl: in harmony with this Repub- 
 lic, that its aid may be extended to them in their negotiations 
 with each ; and for which purpofe I have now the pleafure to 
 inform you, that Mr. Humphreys, minifter of the United 
 !:'ratc:j at Lifoon, hasjuft arrived here with full power to com- 
 mence and conclude fuch treaties. It may be neceiTary fur- 
 ther to premife, that fuitablc provifion has been made for 
 
C 193 3 
 
 fe treaties, according to our idea of- what wouid be fuitabls, 
 and fo fur as \ve were able to make it 5 and of courfe, thit 
 the only aid which we wifli from this Republic is that or 
 good offices and influence in the councils of thofe powers. 
 
 If the committee is difpofcd to render us this aid, cur fu- 
 ture meafures will be in conceri committee -, b-caufe 
 it belt knows how it may be molt eiucjciouily rendered, and 
 with ieaft inconvenience to itfeif. In that view we will b3 
 happy to open to the committee our funds, C3V. that by know* 
 ing completely our real ntuation, the concert and harmony 
 may be perfectly complete ; and in confequence die beil ar- 
 rangeiTients taken, that circum (lances \vi!l admit of^ to enfure 
 :s in the negotiations contemplated. 
 
 As we have reafon to apprehend the interference of fome 
 other powers, who would not be pieafed to fee us at peace 
 with thofe regencies, permit me to fugged the propriety of 
 great fccrecy in refpetl: to the piefent, and fuch future, com- 
 munications as may take place between us, upon this ir.tcrefU 
 ing fubject. 
 
 [ No. XVIII. ] 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF Si 
 
 Paris, J;;!y 6tJ:, 1795. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 ABOUT three cr four weeks pail, one of cur vcffds 
 which touched at Havre from England, was taken in charge 
 by the government, and the captain and paiTengers confined, 
 upon a fufpicicn they had brought falfe aflignats with them, 
 with a view of circulating them through the country, and 
 thereby fubferving the views of its enemies. Complete fearch 
 was made upon the veflel, but no aflignats were found. As I 
 knew that the fufpicion which was entertained, ought not to 
 be extended to three young men who were pailengers, I im- 
 mediately applied to the commiiTary of foreign relations for 
 their diicharge, and obtained an order for it, though fortu- 
 nately they were releafed by the municipality at Havre before it 
 reached them. But as I was net acquainted with the character of 
 the captain, or any others belonging to the veflel, and was aware 
 
 C c 
 
t 194 3 
 
 of the fight the government had to protect itfelf from injuries 
 of every kind, and from every quarter, and of courfe to fearch 
 the veHel, and as I alfo hoped in cafe the fufpicion proved to be 
 groundless, it would prevent the like in future, and efpecially 
 upon frivolous fuggeitions, I did not choofe, in that ftage, to 
 apply likewiie in their behalf. After the fearch was made, and 
 the government fatisfied it had fufpected without caufe, the 
 captain was put at liberty, and the veffel offered back to him. 
 But, being mortified in having been fufpected,and as his veflel 
 and cargo were fomewhat injured by the fearch and neglect which 
 eniued his arreitation, be feemed difpofed rather to throw the 
 whole upon the government, and demand an indemnity for 
 it, and with which view he lately came here to confer with 
 me. I advifed him to gather up what he could of his own 
 property, and purfue his voyage according to the original def- 
 tination, limiting his claim merely to the damage fuftained, 
 and leaving that to be purfued by the conful here under my 
 direction. As yet he waits his proteil and other documents 
 from Havre, referring to hirnfelf the liberty of acting after 
 their receipt as he pleafes, and according as the light of pre- 
 ceding examples of the like kind, and whofe details he will in 
 the interim acquire, may admonilh him will be molt for his 
 intereft. I mail endeavour to obtain juftice for him uport 
 found principles, and have only mentioned the cafe, that you 
 may know fuch a one has happened, and what the circumftan- 
 ces of it are. 
 
 The jealoufy which is entertained by this government, of 
 the commerce carried on by our countrymen between the ports 
 of this Republic and thofe of England has latterly (hewn it- 
 felf in a more unpleafant form than heretofore, and I am fear- 
 ful will yet produce fome more difagreeable effects. A Mr. 
 Eldred was lately apprehended at Marfeilles, and fent here un- 
 der guard, upon a charge of having given intelligence to the 
 Britifh of fome movement in the French fleet. Upon enqui- 
 ry I found he had my pafTport, granted too, upon the moft fub- 
 ftantial documents, proving him to be an American citizen : 
 But I likewife found that, in truth, he was not an American 
 citizen; fdr, although born in America, yet he was not there 
 in the courfe of our revolution, but in England ; nor had he 
 been there fince. From what I hear of him, he is not ft per- 
 fon of mifchievous difpofition, nor one who would be apt to 
 commit the offence charged upon him. But I do not know how I 
 can officially interfere in his behalf; for when once a principle i& 
 departed from, it ceafes to be a principle- 
 
C '95 3 
 
 More latterly I was requefted by the commlfTary of foreign 
 affairs, to prohibit our confute from granting paiTports, and 
 which was immediately done. I was afterwards requefted by 
 him, to furnifh a lift of the Americans actually in Paris, and 
 to render a like lift every decade of thofe who fhould in the in- 
 terim arrive, and which was promifed, and will be punctually 
 executed. I herewith fend you a copy of my inftructions to 
 the confuls, and correfpondence with the commiflary on this 
 fubjea. 
 
 You will readily perceive, that this jealoufy proceeds from 
 the circumflance; that many of thofe, who are actually engaged 
 in this trade, are of that defcription of perfons, who, having 
 latterly become citizens of the United States, are likewife fub- 
 jects of England ; nor can you be furprized when that cir- 
 cumftance is conlidered, without any imputation on the cha- 
 racter of the parties, that this jealoufy fhould exifl: They are 
 Englifh themfelves, their connections are fo, and in England 
 their profits will probably ultimately fettle. It is natural that a 
 communication of this kind fnould draw after it fufpicion, or ra- 
 ther it would be unnatural if it did not produce that effect* 
 To the people of America this is an evil of ferious import : 
 For by it, it is obvious, that the confidence which is due to our 
 national character is daily diminifhed. Nor can the mortifi- 
 cation which is incident to fuch a fituation, be otherwife than 
 heightened, when it is confidered, that we are mo'ft a prey to 
 this evil, at the moment when the government to which thefe 
 perfons belong infults our national dignity, and tramples on 
 our rights. Be afTured I mail do every thing in my pawer to 
 guard us againft injuries of this kind, by excluding all who are 
 not, and upon the principles agreed upon my firfl arrival 
 here, ftrictly entitled to our protection ; and by which line 
 of conduct I hope I fliall fucceed, in a great meafure if not al- 
 together, in the accomplifhment of an object fo important to 
 cur welfare. 
 
 As connected with this fubject, permit me to mention ano- 
 ther, which I deem equally important, and more remediable. 
 We have at Hamburg, as conful for the United States, a Mr. 
 Parifh, who has held that office for fome years pad. This gen- 
 tleman is an Englifh fubject, and was, as I am allured, never in 
 America. All the Americans who have been at Hamburg and 
 who come here unite in reprefentiag him to be (comparatively 
 with England) as unfriendly to America; as abfolutely un- 
 friendly to France and the French revolution, and which traits 
 are faid to be often difcernible in his public conduct. It is a 
 Armed, that he ^ likewtfe an agent of England, and 
 
C 196 ] 
 
 particular, the Pruflian fubfidy parTed through his hands. Up- 
 fe facts you may rely (and efpechliy the latter, into 
 which I have made more pointed enquiry) for they are agreed 
 on by ;ili tn_ Americans, and, I am fure, have been 
 to IMC by ;K kail fifty. Without obferving how 
 v. i-.tj a door is h_r .- opened lor England to benefit herfelf, and 
 injure Fr.^ce, inui through us, even wh'nft its ufe is confined to 
 that raiipe, which, without any imputation on the morality 
 of this gentleman, national prejudice alone would allow, there 
 arc orher con fid era ti on &, v\hich. at the prefent moment, make 
 this appointment worthy your attention. Since the commence- 
 ment: of the prde;U war, a L r rjat proportion of t' ;*. cc- 1 .amerce 
 oi me north, .uid from every quarter of the world, has center- 
 ed at Hamburg, and will probably continue to center there, 
 until its clofc ; from whence it iflues again in different direc- 
 tu us, France. Holland, EngLind, &c. That this commerce is 
 capable of a tenons impr- MUOII .y the public ag:nts of differ- 
 ent countries then-, and efp jciaiiy by thofe of neutral powers, 
 v/hofe connexion is fought with great avidity by the fubjecls 
 of the powers at war, cannot be queftioned , nor can it be 
 queitioned, wh ^ is confidwred who this gentleman is, that 
 the imprefiion which he makes upon it is a Briiiih and not an 
 American one. j.n Addition to which it may be obferved, 
 tha 1 : as he refides in the dominions of an independent power, 
 and whev \ - have no miniller, it is in fome meafure his du- 
 ty to grant paf .ports to Americans travelling die where. This 
 circumitance, therefore, and cfpecially at the prefent moment, 
 increafes the importance and delicacy of the truft. In jultice, 
 hrAvever, to this gentleman I muft add, that I do not know 
 any inflance in which he has betrayed it in this rcfpedt, and 
 that, in others, I only apply to him general principles, and 
 bring to your view the complaints of our countrymen. Per- 
 fcnaily, I never faw or had any comnvunication with him. There 
 ST.i at prefent at Hamburg feveral Americans worthy of this 
 truft, among whom are Joel Barlow arid Wm. A. St. John, 
 fon of him who, by his writings, is well known ; but, in truth, 
 fo profitable is the poll, that there are but few American 
 xn-jrchants in Europe who would not accept it. In general, 
 permit me to fugged: for your confidefation; whenever a va- 
 cancy takes place, or whenever it becomes neceiTary to fuper- 
 ccdc an exilling conful, whether it would not be advifeable 
 to advert ife the facl, that candidates might offer for the poft ; 
 for fure I am, that it would rarely happen that fuitable candi- 
 dates, American citizens, did not offer. In Europe fuch ge- 
 nerally nnybe found. 
 
C '97 : 
 
 Since my laft, the French have fuftained a lofs at fca of 
 three (hips, which arofe partly from accident not to be guard- 
 ed a^ainit, and partly from mifconduft. It occafioned the 
 immediate difmiflion of d'Albarade, minifter of marine, who 
 cave \v.\y to a fuccefTor believed to be better qualified for 
 the poll. The Britifh have likewife landed on the French 
 coail near Nantes, about fix thoufand emigrants, and who 
 being joined perhaps with fome of their own troops, and 
 fince by fome fanatic priefls, are faid to make up a force of 
 about ten thoufand men. It is fuppofed the Britiih govern- 
 ment might hope, that by putting thefe people in the neighbour- 
 hood of the Chouans or Vendeans, they might, by encourag- 
 ing a rebellion there, combine a force capable of making 
 fome impreffion : But a wiih to rid themfelves of thefe un- 
 fortunate men, whofe fupport becomes daily more burden- 
 fome, is believed to be the more influential motive. Ail par- 
 ties unite here in the fentiment that they are facrificed, and 
 confider the aft of landing them, as an act or barbarity, ex- 
 celled only by thofe which were formerly perpetrated in the 
 fame neighbourhood by the infatuated Carrier. 
 
 It is believed that a treaty has taken place between England 
 and Ruffia, in which the former has ftipulated not to take the 
 fide of Poland againft the latter; in ccnfideration whereof, 
 Ruffia is to furnilh England a certain number of mips during 
 the refidue of the war. It is likewife believed, that England 
 has announced to Spain, that in cafe the latter makes peace 
 with France, the will commence immediate hoitilities upon 
 her. This may poffibly keep Spain in a ftate of fufpencc 
 fome time longer. On the other hand it is obvious, that the 
 connection between France and Holland, Denmark and Swe- 
 den becomes daily flronger ; whilft Auftria, paralizcd by 
 the peace and movements of Pruffia, which threaten an en- 
 tire change in the Germanic fyftem, and fuch an arrangement 
 of its parts as will give an entire preponderance to Pruffia, 
 fcarcely knows what part to take ; whether to make peace cr 
 continue the war. It is the intereft of Pruffia that Auftri i 
 fhould continue the war j for the prefTure of France upon 
 the Empire, which is the confequence of it, tends to favour 
 the views of Pruffia, by throwing the members of the Em- 
 pire into her arms, with a view of fecuring their peace with 
 France, through the interceflion of Pruffia. 
 
 In converfation a few days paF with Baron Stael, Ambaf- 
 fadcr from Sweden, he informed me of a communication 
 formerly made by the court of Sweden to Mr. Pinckncy it 
 
r ij>8 ] 
 
 London, for our government, and upon which no anfwer was 
 given, although ir was much wifhcd. I defired his commu- 
 nication in writing, that I might forward it to you, and which 
 was accordingly given, and is herewith tranfmitted. 1 have 
 no doubt that whatever he fays to me is known to the cora- 
 m ttee, as I was informed by fome of its members in the be- 
 gi ming of the winter, and before the Baron arrived, that 
 fuch an application had been made to us from that quarter. 
 It belongs to me only to forward this paper, and which I do, 
 not doubting that I mall be inftrutcd, relative thereto, in the 
 mod fuitable manner. 
 
 id Humphreys has juft arrived, and, upon due confi- 
 deration, I presented lad night a paper to the committee, 
 opening, as fur as was expedient, the object of his vifit j and 
 upon \vhich fubjec> generally I mall be more full in my next, 
 when I hope to be poffeiled of an anfwer. 
 
 From tie Committee of Public Safety, to the Mini/ler Plenipoten- 
 tiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Pans, zoth Mtjjldor, ^d year of tl:e Republic. 
 
 (July S/A, 1795.; 
 
 THE great number of foreigners who croud to Paris, 
 determine us, Citizen, in taking meafures which, by fecuring 
 the entire protection of the laws to thofe who- have rights to 
 ths hofpkality of the French People, may at the fame time 
 enable us to difcovcr and watch men, whofe fufpicious fituafion, 
 or whole connection with enemy's countries, are calculated 
 to direct towards them fufpicions as intriguers and fpies, which 
 are too well juftified by many events in our revolution. Per- 
 fuaded, Citizen, that, in your quality of miniiler of a neutral 
 and friendly power, you will haflen to fecond the falutary 
 viev/s of the government, we requeft you to tranfmit diredl 
 to us a lift of all thofe that you recognize as belonging to 
 your nation, and as refuting at Paris from legitimate motives, 
 and to tranfmit to us likewife, from decade to decade, the 
 the names of thofe of youf nation who (hall have arrived, and 
 xvho (hall have afked paflports of you, during the interval. 
 I ou \viil ihiib facilitate to the government of the Republic the 
 
f 199 1 
 
 means of watching over the internal and external fafety ofY.-e. 
 ftate, and of giving to your real fel ow citizens a new guaran- 
 tee of its protection and good will. 
 
 Signed) 
 
 J. B. LOUVET, of Lo'ret, TREILLARD, 
 BOISSY, JEAN de BRY, 
 
 JTrs.Tz tie Minifter Plenipotentiary tf the United Statss of 
 ricay to the Committee of Public Safety* 
 
 Purls ) j:.l\ lotl:, 1795. 
 
 I HAVE received yours of the 2oth Meflldor, rcqueft-* 
 ing that I would immediately caufe a lift to be rendered you 
 f my countrymen in Paris, and lur^af:er a like lift, from de- 
 cade to decade, of thofe who may arrive and demand paff- 
 ports of me ; a meafure you deem it necefiary to adopt, to 
 guard the Republic from danger, by an accurate difcrimina- 
 tion of your friends from your enemies. I mull execute this 
 requeft with pleafure; being extremely anxious, as well foi the 
 credit of my countrymen as the welfare of this Republic, that 
 the mod accurate line iliould be drawn between them and the 
 fubjecls of the powers at war with France. The move accu- 
 rate the line of diftinclion, and ftricl the execution, the more 
 agreeable it will be to me. I have in confequence notified to 
 my countrymen who are in Paris, and (hall caufe the fame to 
 be made known to thofe who may hereafter arrive; that it is 
 my wifh they immediately attend at my cilice to enrcgifler 
 their names and receive pafTports, that I may be enabled e- 
 qually to comply with your deiire and extend to them the pro- 
 tection which is their due. I {hail, I prefume, have the plea- 
 fure to fend you the lift of thofe who are actually in Paris, 
 on Sextidi next, and mall afterwards furnifli a like lift en the 
 feme day of evsry fuccecding decade. 
 
r 200 3 
 
 Frsm tie Minifcr Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame<* 
 rice, to th^ Committee cf Public Safety, 
 
 Purls, July I4/J, 1795. 
 
 I SENT you yefterday a lift of my compatriots in Pa- 
 ris, according to your requeit of the 2Gth inllant (Meffidor) 
 and fhall continue to furniilia like lift every decade whilft you 
 deem it neccfiary. 
 
 In rendering this lift, it becomes neceflary for my future 
 conduct, that I mould afk of the committee an explanation of 
 a decree of the convention of the 23 d inllant (Meffidor) upon 
 this fubject : For I obferve by that decree, that fuch citizens 
 as are born within the jurifdiction of the powers in alliance 
 raid friendmip with the French Republic, and who are ac- 
 knowledged by the reprefentatives of fuch powers here, are 
 dcfignated as entitled to protection, and by which it may be 
 inferred, that all thofe who are not born there, are to be exclud- 
 ed from fuch protection. Permit me to afk; whether fuch is the 
 import of the decree? The following confederations incline me 
 to believe that it is not. 
 
 i ft. Becaufe it denies the right of expatriation, admitted by 
 this Republic, and which cannot be denied without fup- 
 pofmg a man attached to the foil where he was born and in- 
 capable of changing his allegiance. 
 
 2d. Becaufe it denies the right to all governments to con- 
 fer the privilege of citizenihip, and incorporate into its 
 fociety any perfon who was born elfewhere, and which is 
 admitted and praftifed every \vhers. 
 
 3d. Becaufe, as the firft member of the fourteenth article of that 
 decree allows even the fubjels of the powers at war with 
 the Republic, who came in before the i ft January 1792, to 
 remain here, it would follow, if fuch were the conftruc- 
 tion, that many of the fubjecls of thofe powers would be 
 put on a better footing than many of the citizens of thofe 
 who are your friends and allies. 
 
 From thefe confiderations I am inclined to think, that fuch 
 is not the import of the decree, and that the term was intend- 
 ed to mean political as well as natural birth ; but as it is capa- 
 ble ef a diirerent conftrution, I have thought it my duty to 
 afk of you an explanation on that head : For, at the lame time 
 that it is my wifti to extend protection to all thofe of my coun- 
 
{ 201 ) 
 
 trymen, who are deemed fuch by the laws of my country, it 
 is likewife my wifh to do it in fuch mariner and upon fuch 
 principles as will be fatisfactory to the French Republic. 
 
 No. XIX. 
 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, 
 
 Philadelphia, Augujl I/?, 1795. 
 SIX, 
 
 I WAS forry to find, fome days after my laft, that the 
 difquietudc which I intimated exifted in the councils of this 
 Republic, and to which the communication between its ports 
 and thofe of England had given birth, afTumed a form Hill more 
 unpleafant, in regard to us, than I then apprehended it would 
 do ; for, whilft the fubj^tr. was under difcuffion between the 
 commiflary and myfelf, and, as I thought, approaching to- 
 wards a cloft, the committee interpofed, and taking the bufi- 
 nefs cut of his hands, addrefled me on the fame fubjecr, and 
 to the fame effect, laying, at the fame time, the drait of a de- 
 cree before the Convention, the principal object of which was> 
 to preclude all thofe, who were not born within the jurifdic- 
 tion of the neutral powers, from the protection of the minif- 
 ters of thofe powers here. The decree, you will obfcrve, was 
 made general, as well as the letter which preceded it from the 
 committee. I had, however, feen too much of the bufineis, 
 not to know, that in regard to others it was formal only, whilib 
 it was, in reality, pointed againft a particular defcription of our 
 own citizens, and of Englimmen, who, by means of American 
 paffports obtained elfewhere, and, no doubt, by fraud, fome- 
 times patied for fuch. 
 
 As I prefumed it was not the intention of the committee 
 r convention, that the decree ihould be conftrued and exe- 
 cuted ftrictly, becaufe I knew upon principle it could not be 
 fupported, and becaufe I likewife knew, that many of thofe 
 whom it would thereby comprehend, were refident, and valu- 
 able members of our community, and had been, and now were, 
 by their commerce, ufeful to France, I demanded immediate- 
 ly an explanation from the committee, of the decree, and 
 foon afterwards obtained an interview with that body; in which 
 I was explicitly aiTured, that they did not mean to call in quef- 
 taon any principle infifted on by us ; that their only wifh was 
 
 Dd 
 
( 202 ) 
 
 to exclude Engliflimen ; and that, in regard to myfelf, they 
 meai; . e on me no rcitraint, in granting paiTports, I 
 
 had ir.,t alrc uly obierv, d. Thus, this bufmefs has happily 
 terminated prtcifely where it ou^lit to do, without producing 
 any real change here, or other eir'ec-t any where, which can 
 be hurtful to us. 
 
 I have the pieafure to inform you, that the full aid of this 
 government will be given in fupport of our negotiation with 
 Algiers, C5V. Upon this you may, I think, count with cer- 
 tainty, as I have been afiured o f it by the committee, and am 
 furnifhed with all the light which their paft negociations 
 with that regency enable them to give us on that fubje&. 
 Difficulties, however, of a new kind arife, and which may 
 poflibly create fome ferious cmbarraiTment. The fund defti- 
 ned for this bufmefs is, I underftand, in England, and the 
 Englifh intercourie law prohibits, as I hear, and under the 
 penalty of death, the payment of drafts from this country, in 
 favor of any ptrfon in France, or who has been in France fince 
 the commencement of the war between the two nations. 
 Perhaps this law may not be deemed applicable to trn's cafe : 
 Perhaps, if it does, the inconvenience may yet be remedied 
 fomehow or other, fo as to prevent the failure of the treaty 
 on thiit account. Colonel Humphreys is flill here upon this 
 bufimifc ; and as we devote our uniemittcd attention to it, 
 you nv..) be i: Lured that no meafure, neceflary to its fuccefs> 
 wiii be emitted, that we are capable of. 
 
 With in a few days pail, the emigrant army, which lately land- 
 ed in the bay oi Quiberon, under the aufpices of Great Britain, 
 has been completely defeated, and its whole force, amounting 
 to about ten thcuiand men, either llain or taken prifoners ; of 
 which about four thoufond were (lain. Many of thofe who com- 
 that army are faid to have been raifed by compulfion, from 
 among the French prifoners, and were of courfe immediately 
 itt a i liberty. By the law, all the others are doomed to fuffer 
 capital punilhmcnt ; but it is to be hoped, as many of them 
 are w< '; and mif. uuled men, its rigor will be moderated, at 
 lead in regard to them. 
 
 Within a few days paft, alfo, a peace was concluded 
 with Spain; whore by the whole of the illand of St. Domin- 
 vl to France, the latter yielding her conquefts made 
 in this quarter fince the war. That there are fome fecret arti- 
 cles is more than probable. I herewith fend you a copy of 
 the treaty, as likewife of the details which attended the de- 
 and dcflrucTtion of the emigrant army, according to the- 
 
t 203 ] 
 
 jreport thereof rendered by Tallien, who was in miffion with 
 the republican army in that qunrter. 
 
 You will perceive that our claims have not been provided 
 for in this treaty with Spain ; relative to which claims 1 have 
 heard nothing, fince mine to you of the i4th of June laft. 
 'Tis poflible I may foon hear fomething on that iubjVct,, either 
 from this government or from Mr. Pinckney- in which cafe I 
 will immediately advife you of it. It is likewli'c poinble, a war 
 may foon take place, in confequence of that treaty, between 
 England and Spain, and in which cafe it wiii, no doubt, be 
 the wifh of the former to involve us in it on her fide : feut 
 this, I hope, will not take effect 5 becaufe, under exifting cir- 
 cumftances, it would not only produce many unhappy confe- 
 quences; but Kcaufe I am of opinion, if Mr. P. finds difficul- 
 ties, that the object may y--;t be attained, by the interceffion of 
 this government, as foon as I am enabled to (hew, that Mr. 
 Jay's treaty ftipulatcs nothing injurious to this Republic. 
 Doubtlefs France will now have great weight in the councils 
 of Spain j and, melt certainly, if we continue in friendfhip 
 with France, and of which there can be no doubt, it will be 
 poflible to avail ouriolves of it, in fupport of our claims 
 there.* 
 
 Thefe two great events mufl certainly produce die mod im- 
 portant confequences, as well in fecuring tranquillity at home, 
 as in cutting oif all remaining hope of fuccefs, on the part of 
 the powers ftill at war with this Republic. Indeed th~ pro- 
 bability is, that peace will foon be made with the Italian pow- 
 ers, and even with Auftria : But with E.^lviud, lo peculiar is 
 the relation between the two countries, that it i impouible to 
 
 * The ftate of this bufinr*3 appears to me to ftaml thus W-ni't Spain 
 adhered to England, ihe rrj^clcd cur prefenfiona to the !.. ffi ,>,', &x. i '! 
 liftened to them only when ihe w?s -K>OU c ?:-m Ln^'.ai ., > 
 
 ne<3t herfelf wuh [''ranee. As tills ia'rtr policy gained itrength in her 
 councils, her difpofitiap to, accommodate us iikewife increafed, as appears 
 by Mr. Short's letter, ;: mine of the i6-iiof Iu t, 1795. au nia ~ 
 
 ny other circumftanc^s; : .t p.rio.: ih^ i-vj.jitsa our uia 10 promote 
 
 her peace with France, . it our cl.ii be a^ju'Uxi <<t the 
 
 lame time. Standing well then wiih rraucc, it $ Hawed ti ar our c .:;ro- 
 verfy with Spain was permanently at an end, and upon our own te :ns. 
 Mr. Pinckoey arrived at Madrid precifely at the niomsut \-.h;;n things 
 were thus circuir.ft^nced, a^d eommenced and doled his negoc 
 whilft that ftite of things laft-d ; the Spaiiifh governnvi; .relied 
 
 with a belief that we were not oniy weli t\!th France, but e fup. 
 
 ported our claims agrunlt Spain : And to vvliich jcconnno<'atian if is pro- 
 bable her th'jn reparation from England, and ilie danger of a war witlithat 
 power, likewife contributed. Had Mr. Pirckney airivcd a few months 
 later, after France had feen our trea:y \\'ith J.ng! me, and a 'op.ted her 
 prefent policy in confequence of it, I think his miflion would have failed. 
 
C 204 3 
 
 iay when peace will take place, or even to hazard any plauli* 
 ble conjecture upon that point. An adjiiftment, however, 
 with aK the other powers, may pofiibly induce an accommo- 
 dation between theie, fooner than prefent circumftances au* 
 thorize the expectation of. 
 
 About the time of the debarkation of the emigrant army, 
 fome fymptoms were feen here, which gave caule for fufpi- 
 cion, that there was a party in Paris, which felt at leaft in 
 unifon with that army. Lately, a fong called the (i Reveil du 
 Peuple," compofed in reproach of the reign of terror, had 
 become very fafliionable among thofe who had fuffered under 
 that reign, and by fome accidental circumftances was placed 
 in a kind of rivalihip or rather oppofition to the Marfeillefe 
 hymn. The young men of Park, the relatives of many of 
 whom had fuffered under the reign of terror, formed a party 
 who were in general in favour of the f ' Reveil du Peuple ;" of- 
 ten calling for it at the theatres in preference to the Marfeillefe 
 Hymn, and which circumltan.ee never failed to give uneafi- 
 nefs to many who were prefent. Light as this incident was, 
 yet it feemedj at one time, to menace fome ill confequences : 
 The prefumption whereof was indeed fo ftrong, that the ene- 
 mies of the revolution, who were faid to ftimulate the young 
 men on, feemed to count upon it as a fource from whence 
 fomething in their behalf might be expected. Occafionally 
 fome excefles were committed by the young men, and in 
 which they thought they had a right to indulge, even in con- 
 tempt of the authority of the convention ; upon which body 
 they prefumed they had fome claim, for fervices rendered in 
 the late commotions. It was, in truth, obvious that the range 
 which they took at this time, when tefled by the flandard of 
 Uriel: propriety, or indeed of law, could not be juftified. It 
 might, on the contrary, have been called an infurreHon, and 
 a little rigor would have made it one. The convention, how- 
 ever, aled more wifely, by confidering it for a while as a fro- 
 lic j and finally, by ifTuing a proclamation telling them calm- 
 ly of the folly and impropriety of their conduct, fince thereby 
 they expofed to danger the revolution, and of courfe their own 
 faiety; neither of which could it be their intereft or intention 
 to endanger. This mode of proceeding produced the happi- 
 eft effect ; for even before the reduction of the emigrant ar- 
 my and peace with Spain, tranquillity was in a great meafure 
 eftabl iflied ; but fince thofe two events, it has been complete- 
 ly fo. 
 
 The convention is ftill employed upon the fubjecl: of the 
 confutation, which will probably be gone through in the 
 
[ 205 3 
 
 ourfe of two weeks more. As foon as it is adopted, and 
 of which there can be no doubt, and upon the principles ge- 
 neral fed in thi project reported by the commiiiion, I 
 
 wil 
 
 1 h. R-ccivcd a letter from a Mr. Cazeau, an un- 
 
 fortunate Canadian ; who attached himfelf to our caufe when 
 we invaded C*:v.da, \vhof~ name you will find in the journ- 
 als of thi- "- of 1785 or '4, at Annapolis, and which 
 letter I now tr ;!.ui:k to y u. The journal of that day ex- 
 plains the nature of his demand touched on in this letter. As 
 I was of the committee upon this memorial, I am well ac- 
 quainted with the nature of his claim, and think, in the illue 
 of the builntib, that juftice was not rendered to him ; as the 
 order of Congrefs in his behalf was not executed. He is here, 
 and I believe fupported by the nation, in the expectation we will 
 do icmething for him : The minifter of this Republic with 
 our government having been inftrutted to patronize his claim 
 there. May 1 requeft your attention to it. 
 
 I likewiie encloie you a letter from Mr. Leach, with one 
 from feveral refpe&able Americans here, recommending him 
 for the confuiate at Dunkirk, and to which I likewife beg 
 that attention to which you may deem it entitled. My acquain- 
 tance with him is of late only ; but he appears to me to be aft 
 honeft and deferving citizan. 
 
 from the Secretary of State of tie United States, to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Philadelphia, May 2d 
 
 THE letter which I promifed by Doctor Edwards is 
 prepared; but the Proficient not having returned from Mount 
 Vernoii I cannot fubmit it to his correction, without which 
 it would be improper to fend it. It is long, full and pgrhaps 
 an interefting review of our conduct towards France. 
 
 I ;.ave to acknowledge vour letters of January I3th, 1795 ; 
 with triplicates of Nos. I, II, III, IV, V, VI, and VII, of 
 September 2oth, 1794*, of February ift, 1795? and of a 
 duplicate of December 2d, 1 794 : This is the order hi which 
 they have been received. 
 
 Mr. Jay has tranfmitted the correfpondence between you 
 and him. "When he arrives, I (hail perhaps forward the fen- 
 timents of the Prefident, as to the footing on which the bttfi* 
 wfs has been placed by him, 
 
[ 206 ] 
 
 Colonel Humphreys failed fix weeks ago, properly charg- 
 eJ^for che negociation with Algiers. Before this reaches 
 you. he will probably have had a perfonal interview with you; 
 and will fatisfy you, that on this and every other occafion we 
 wifh to obferve delicacy towards our friends and allies. 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH. 
 
 [ No. XX. ] 
 
 FROM Mr. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, Auguft I'Jth, 1795. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I HAVE not been honored with any communication 
 from you fince that of the 2nd May laft ; though, doubt- 
 lefs, others are on their w vy, and which I fhall foon receive. 
 Within a few days pail, Philadelphia papers were received 
 as late as the 3d of July, containing Mr. Jay's treaty, toge- 
 ther with fuch proceedings of the fenate upon it as were then 
 publifhed. As thefe gazettes are circulating every where, I 
 conclude fome of them are in poffjffion of the committee of 
 public fafety, and that the details they contain will likewife 
 foon find their way into the papers of this city : Indeed, it is 
 faid, they are already publifhcd at Havre. Of late I have heard 
 nothing from the committee upon this fubjecl: ; nor do I ex- 
 peel: to hear any thing from that body upon it, let trie im- 
 preflion be what it may, otherwife than in reply to fuch com- 
 munication as I may make thereon, and refpecling which it 
 may be proper to add, that I (hall take no ftep without your 
 particular inftru&ion : For as I prefums fome ulterior plan is 
 or will be adopted in regard to it, and upon which, in its rela- 
 tion to this Republic, my conduct will be particularly marked 
 out ; fo I deem it my indifpenfoble duty to avoid in the inte- 
 rim, any, the flighte'.t, compromitment either of you or my- 
 felf upon that fubjeft. I mention this that you may diftinc~t,- 
 Jy know how completely the final refult of this bufmefs, fo 
 
far as it depends on me, is, as indeed it ought to be, under 
 your controul.* 
 
 As I have had no communication with this government up- 
 on the fubject of this rreaty fince its contents were known, it 
 is of courie impoffible for me to fay what the impreflion it 
 has made is. It is as eafy for you, with the lights you have, 
 to form a correct opinion upon that point in Philadelphia, as 
 for me to do it here. One circumftance, however, - I think 
 proper to bring to your view : Soon after the Britifh govern- 
 ment had recommenced the feizure of our vefTtls, deftined for 
 the ports of France, it was notified to the committee by a fe- 
 cret agent of this government, who had juft returned from 
 England; that he had been advifed there, through a channel 
 to be relied on, that the Englifh adminiftration had faid, they 
 knew that meafure would not be offenfive to our government j 
 or, in other words, that it was a cafe provided for between the 
 two governments. I treated the communication with con- 
 tempt, and was happy to hear that it was confidered nearly 
 in the fame light by the committee itfelf. 
 
 But fince the arrival of the treaty, I have underftood that, 
 in connection with that report, the attention of many has been 
 drawn with fome degree of folicitude to the contents of the 
 fecond paragraph of the i8th article, and who fay, that as 
 that article leaves the law of nations unfettled, and provides 
 payment for feizures in cafes of contraband, and of courfe for 
 thofe W'hich are not contraband, whereby the complaints of 
 our citizens are prevented, and the Britifh conftruction by 
 implication countenanced, this Republic has a right to com- 
 plain of it. I mention this objection to you, that you may be 
 aware of it, in cafe it fticuld ever be brought forward on this 
 or your fide of the water; and that it will be brought forward, 
 I think probable, if thofe feizures are not noticed in feme very 
 pointed manner. It is painful for me to give ycu a detail of 
 this kind ; but being an interefting fact , I do not fee with what 
 propriety it can be withheld. 
 
 It is faid that the conftitution will be ccmpleted in the 
 courfe of a few days, and of which I will immediately after* 
 
 * At this time the treaty v/as not ratified by the Prendent, nor vas it 
 knows that it would be : And, ir ratified, I expected to be able to ftate (if 
 complained of by the committee) hew long the commercial part would rc- 
 rr.air. in fcrcc- ; whether we were willing tc make a new treaty of OR merer, 
 and upon what principles, witk Fiance, with a view tc conciliate; but PO 
 fuch iiiftrudioRS were giver me. As to my callirg the attention of tie 
 committee to it (now that tl'.cy were ^ flwfltd o< it v-iikcut my ?.K'; w' shout 
 orders <n m the admiriftratic-n, it i.pp<Lg:td *.c rr.e t,c be n at of folly wl :ch 
 nothing coulci u:ftify. 
 
L *8 3 
 
 wards forward you a copy. The difcuflkm upon this very im- 
 portant fuhject has been conduced with great temper, and 
 the harmony of opinion throughout greater than could have 
 been expected. 
 
 The report of Pichegru having crofTed the Rhine, as here- 
 tofore intimated, was without foundation : Th height of 
 the water occafioned by continual rains his hitherto prevent- 
 ed it : It is however faid, that he has orders to croia it, and 
 -is now making the neceflfary movements for that parpofe The 
 enemy are on the oppofite fide, watchful of hi manures > but 
 from his (kill, the itrength and enterprize of his army, fuc- 
 cefs is counted on as certain. 
 
 No indication prefents itfelf of an approaching peace be- 
 tween France and England, or even of a negociation for it. 
 The only indication is to be found in an Englifh minifterial 
 paper, which fpeaks of the convention in very refpectful 
 terms, and of peace as a deiirable object. It is probable, 
 however, when a negociation commences, it will be fhort : 
 For as I prefume the overture will come from England j fo it 
 is equally prefumable that none will be made 'till her adminif- 
 tration is difpofed to accede to the terms of France. Thefe, I 
 prefume, are in fome meafure known to England, at lead I 
 expect fo ; a confideration which I particularly fugged at pre- 
 fent, with a view of turning your attention to thofe fymptoms 
 which may be difcovered on the other fide of the channel, as 
 data by which you may edimate either remote or immediate 
 approaches towards this important event. 
 
 [ No. XXI. ] 
 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 Paris, September loth, 1795 
 
 A PRIVATE letter of the 3 ift of May, is the laft with which 
 I have been honored from you, and as more than three months 
 have fince elapfed, I am inclined to believe, that fome of your 
 defpatches are carried into England, and treated with the fame 
 violence that. mine were by the admiralty at Halifax. It was, 
 doubtlefs, an objet of importance with the Britifh govern- 
 ment to know what were the ulterior meafures of the Prefi- 
 dent in regard to England, after the decifion of the fen ate up- 
 
C icp 1 
 
 n the treaty of Mr. Jay, and as I prcfurr.? you wrote rilfc 
 fully upon that head, and immediately after the clccilion waft 
 taken, ib I cannot ctherwife account \vhy your letters hsv 
 not reached me. 
 
 I fmcerely wifli to liear from you as foon as poffible upon 
 that fubjedT: ; becaufe if in the further purfuit cf our claims 
 upon England, it is wiihed to derive any aid from this Repub- 
 lic, either by harmonious co-opertion or o&erwife, it is ob- 
 vious from a variety of confiderations that the foor.er, an at- 
 tempt is made to adjuft the mode whereby fuch aid is to be 
 rendered, the better the profpect of fuccefs will be. You 
 know that France viewed with anxiety die Jate negotiation 
 with that power, and waited the refult not without unplea- 
 fant apprehenfions of the confluences : and you liktwife 
 know that the moment when th it anxiety ceafes, and efpe- 
 cially if there is any thing mingled in the caufe producing the 
 change, which argues an attachment for France, is the mo- 
 ment to make a fuitable impreffion on her councils. Often- 
 times incidents of this kind in private life encreafe the friend- 
 fhip and cement the union between the parties ; and the 
 principle is the fame with nations as with individuals, where 
 the government is in the hands of the people. But the mo- 
 ment muft be feized, other wife the profpccl diminifhes, r.nd e- 
 very day becomes more remote ; for \vhen a coolnefs which has 
 once taken place is fuffered to remain for any length of time, aft e> 
 the caufe which gave birth to it ceafes, that circumftance ix> 
 comes a new motive for chagrin, and which, efpecially if 
 afterwards encieafed by mutual flights, often ends in mutual 
 enmity. In addition to which, it may be obferved, that if fuch 
 aid is wiflied from France, the ftate of the war is fuch as tp 
 require, on our part, difpatch ; for it is always prefumabk, 
 when its fubftantial objects are fecured on the one fide, and 
 the hope of gain in a great meafure abandoned ori the other, 
 as is actually now the cafe, that its clofe is not very diilant. 
 
 I am ft ill of opinion, that if a timely and fuitable cticmp-*? 
 be made to engage the aid of this government in fupport of 
 our claims upon England, it may be accomplished, and upon 
 fair and honorable terms. But under exifting circumftances, 
 peculiar and extraordinary care becomes neceifary in the ar- 
 rangement to be adopted ; otherwife the attempt will fail. 
 Our negociation muft be in harmony, and poifefs the confi- 
 dence of this government, or it will not fupport it ; for no 
 government will fupport a negociation it fufpeCVs will termi- 
 nate in a treaty injurious to itfelf. For this purpofe, then, the 
 wesfon to whom we e-omnait the truft, (hould poiftfs th* 
 
[ 2tO ] 
 
 dence of this government, and, in my opinion, the negociatiori 
 fhould be earned on ?t the place where the French negotiation 
 is carried on; either here or at Bru'le, at which latter place it is 
 reported, Mr. Eden has latelyprefexited himfelf, the fame per- 
 fon who was not long fince at Dieppe for ail exchange of pri- 
 foners, as it \vasfaid. On the contrary, fuppofe any perfon 
 was fent directly to England on this bufinefs, what would be 
 its effect here ? It is admitted that fuch a perfon might be 
 fent, as would create no alarm here, of injuries to this Re- 
 public from the confequence of fuch negotiation ; but the 
 manner would be deemed inharmonious, and would, of courfe, 
 be confidered as declining all claim upon this government for 
 its fupport. England would know this, and profit by it. In- 
 deed, no co-operation, under fuch circumftances, would be 
 prefumed. What can be the objections to fuch an arrange- 
 ment ? I can fee none. If we were at war with England 
 none would be urged by any one ; for fuch was the cafe when 
 we were at war with her. If, then, remaining at peace, ano- 
 ther country is, willing to give us the fortune of its arms, in 
 fupport of our claims againfl a common enemy, ought we to 
 decline an arrangement which would be adopted in war, efpe- 
 cially when it is confidered, that peace is the lot we prefer, 
 and that our fuccefs depends upon its fuccefs, unaided by any 
 effort of our own ? "Would it excite difguft in England ? On. 
 the contrary, it would command her refpecl. Without corhpul- 
 fion we know we (hall not gain from her what w r e are entitled 
 to ; and if this compulfion is to be procured from France, \vill 
 it not be more efficacious, when fhe fees that our harmony with 
 France is complete, and beyond her reach to difturb it ? But 
 can we accomplifh what we wifh by the fortunes of France, 
 by any kind of negociation we can fet on foot, without any 
 effort of our own ; and if any fuch effort is to be made, of 
 what kind muft it be ? To this I can give no anfwer, other 
 than by referring you to my former letters on that head ; for 
 latterly I have had no communication with this government on 
 it. If it can be done, the above is the way to do it; but to fe- 
 cure fuccefs, by embarking this government with full zeal in 
 our behalf, and ftr iking terror into England, it will be neceffa- 
 ry to lay hold of her property within the United States, take 
 the ports, and even invade Canada. This would not only fe~ 
 cure to us completely our claims upon Britain, and efpecially 
 if we likewife cut up her trade by privateers ; but by making 
 a decifive and powerful diverfion in favor of France, promote, 
 and very effentially, a general peace. 
 
[ 211 ] 
 
 ^<r 
 
 The {late of the war is die fame as when I wrote yc 
 Pichegru is full on this fide of the Rhine, and the preffure up- v=. 
 on Italy is lets forcible fince, than it was before the peace 
 with Spain ; a circumftancs which gives caufe to fufped, that 
 negociations, promifing a favorable iiTue, are depending with 
 the powers in that quarter. A fimilar confideration may 
 iikewife impede the movements of' Pichegru ; for it is gene- 
 rally underftood, that not only the Empire as a body, but fe- 
 veral of its members feparately* are negociating for peace 
 with this Republic ; of which latter fact we have lately feen 
 an example in a treaty with the prince of HefTe Caflel ; where- 
 by fix thoufand of his troops in Engliih pay, are withdrawn 
 from the army of the emperor. 
 
 I lately fent you, by Bourdeaux, a copy of the conftitution 
 which was adopted by the convention, and which is at prefent 
 before the primary aflemblies for ratification, and I now fend 
 you another copy of that act by Hivre. The attempt which 
 was hereby made, not fimply to amend, but abtblutely to fet 
 afide the former conftitution, and introduce a new one in its. 
 ftead, diiTcring, too, from the former, in many of its great 
 outlines, and efpecially in the character of its Isgiflativ 
 executive branches, under the circumftances which exift'?d when 
 it was commenced, being at the moment when the trial of 
 Barrere and his aiTociates was depending, and Paris afflicted by 
 famine, was an enterprize, you will admit, of*great moment. 
 So far as it was a dangerous one, it proves that fuch danger was 
 *ncounteredj from motives equally benevolent and patriotic. 
 And as the conftitution which this attempthasproduced, compa- 
 ratively with the other, is infinitely preferable to it, and forms, ' 
 of courfe, in cafe it be adopted, a new bulwark in favor of re- 
 publican government, it is equally fo to conclude, that fuch, 
 Iikewife, was the object. 
 
 The primary aflemblies were convened to deliberate on it 
 five days, and this is the fifth ; and in thofe quarters from 
 whence accounts are already received, it appears that it is a- 
 dopted, in fome places unanimoufly, and in all by great ma- 
 jorities. It was Iikewife fubmitted to the armies, and by 
 whom it is faid to be adopted almoft unanimoufly. In the 
 profpec~t, therefore, in this refpet, before this Republic, one 
 circumftance only prefents itfelf, which darkens, in any de- 
 gree, the political horizon. In putting the new conftitution 
 in motion, the convention wiflied to transfer from its own 
 body two thirds of its members ^3 the legiflative branches 
 of the new government, and for which a decree was paired. 
 A motive for thU was, the advantage the republic would 
 
from keeping in office many of thofe in whofe han3s depend- 
 ing nigociations were, and who in other refpe&s are acquaint- 
 ed with the actual ftate of things. There may be, and 
 doubtlels are, other motives for this meafure, and which will 
 readily occur to you. This arrangement is, however, diiliked 
 by many, and, particularly, by the inhabitants of this city, by 
 whom it is '^eiierally rejected. The prefumption is, that a 
 great majority of France will approve the decree, and in which 
 cafe Paris will yield ; but, ilioutd the majority prove to be in 
 the other fcaie, the prci\urrpticn is equally ir.rong, that the 
 convention will yield ; ib that, from tliis fource I do not fee 
 caufe to apprehend any ferious evil. Many, however, are of 
 a different opinion, and count upon the diviiion that exiiis upon 
 this point, as the commencement of a counter-revolution. It 
 is well known that thj vryaliils are adliive, and uiing their ut- 
 moil efforts to improve ir in their favor, and it is alfo believed, 
 thut England and fome other of the coalefccd powers view 
 it with the fame anxious and favorable expectation. But 
 it is ufual for the royaliir.s and thofc powers to catch at 
 every circumftance which turns up, whereon to reft a hope j 
 in general, howevcr } their calculations upon the fortune of the 
 revolution, have not been verified by events, and I mnll be 
 deceived if this is not the cafe in the prcfent inftance. In~ 
 deed, a found reafon may be given why Paris differs in this 
 refpetl from the majority of the ether departments, and with- 
 out impeaching her attachment to republican government. 
 /ill the atrocities which have ftaincd the different ftages of the 
 revolution, have been perpetrated here ; under every convuU 
 {Ion and change fome of her citizens have fuffered } and, with 
 the preponderating party in the convention, me is not popular 
 as a department ; ib that it is natural me mould wim to exclude 
 from the legiilature of the new government all the members 
 v r ho compofc the prefent convention. 
 
 P. S. RefpecUng Algiers I will write you in my next. 
 
 Since writing the above, it is announced that Jourdan, 
 xvho commands the army of the SambreandMeufe, hascrofTed 
 the Rhine, ;:t the head of about fifty thoufand men, and in 
 the face of about forty thcufand, well pofted, and Itrongly for- 
 tilied on the oppofite more. It is alfo faid, that he attacked 
 uiul took by iiorm, immediately afterwards, the city and caftle 
 of Dufieldorf. Much ap.plaufe is beflowed on the general 
 and his army for this bold exploit, and which is deemed, un- 
 $er the circuniflances attending it, among the rucft brilliant 
 *f the war, 
 
frcm the CcwmiJJiQn of the Marine and of the Colonies, to lie 
 Plenipotentiary of the United States cf America. 
 
 S) l^th MeJJidsi') ^d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (July id, 1795.; 
 
 THE commiflion learns, that nine Englifhdeferters, pri- 
 fonersof war, have juft been arrefted at Bourdeaux, upon three 
 American veffcis. They are periuaded, that it is fuflicient 
 to denounce to you this facl:, to induce you to reprefs the 
 conduct of the three American captains, and to recall them 
 to the duties that the treaty of alliance, which unites the two 
 republics, impofcs on them. 
 
 From the Commiflion cf Marine and of the Cdonies, to the jfrfi* 
 nifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, ifl Thermidor, yl Tear of the Republic, 
 
 (July I 9 th, 1795.; 
 
 THE commiflion is pofitively informed, that Englifh- 
 men, efoaped from the prifons of war of the Republic, find 
 in the ports, and chiefly in thofe of Bourdeaux and Dunkirk^ 
 opportunities of engaging on board American veffels. 
 
 It is certainly fufficient to denounce to you fo plain an in- 
 fraction of the treaty of alliance, which unites the two Repub- 
 lics, to induce you to ufe your whole authority againil thofe 
 who appear to favour conduct fo improper, and concerning 
 which the commiflion has before had occafion to complain to 
 you. ' 
 
 (Signed) REDON. 
 
 from the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of 
 rica y to the CommiJJary of Marine. 
 
 Paris, July 2 of/6, 1795. 
 
 I RECEIVED your favour of yefterday, informing me, 
 
 ec} from prifon, were 
 
taken from the Republic in American vefTels, and particular- 
 ly from the ports of Bourdeaux and Dunkirk; and requefting 
 my aid to prevent a practice hurtful to France. I had alfo 
 received feme time before, a letter of the i4th ultimo (Mef- 
 fidor) complaining of a particular cafe of that kind at Bour- 
 deaux, and which I declined anfwering until I mould hear 
 from the conful at that port on the fubjer.. 
 
 Permit me to allure you, that I have already done every 
 thin;; in my power to prevent this abufe, and that I fliall now 
 repeat my endeavours to accomplilh that object ; being equally 
 impelled to it from a regard to the obligations of duty fubfiit- 
 ing between the two Republics, which with me will aiv r ays 
 be held facred, as from my attachment to the welfare of this. 
 With this view, x and that the pofllbility of abufcs might be 
 prevented, I have feme time fince not only prohibited the 
 confuisfrom granting pafTports to thofe who are Americans; 
 but enjoined themlikewife to ufe their utmoit endeavours to 
 prevent the captains of our veifels from taking off thofe who 
 were not, and in which I am well fatisfied I have their full 
 co-operation. It is my duty, however, to add, that beyond 
 this my authority within the Republic cannot extend : For 
 to me it does not belong to puniih thofe who violate its laws: 
 To inflict fuch puniihment by making a fui table example of 
 thofe who commit the aggrefiion, lies within the province of 
 the government itfelf only. I have invariably admonifhed my 
 compatriots to refpecl: the laws of our ally, to whole welfare 
 we have fo many motives to be attached ; and have warned 
 them that in cafe they violate thofe laws, I mall leave them 
 unprotected to their penalty. To imprefs this, however, more 
 forcibly at the prefent moment, I will enclofe a copy of your 
 letters to me, and of this my reply, to all our confuls through- 
 out the Republic. 
 
 Circular to the Confuls of tie United States of America.) in the 
 
 French Republic. 
 
 Paris, July 2$th, 1795. 
 
 I HEREWITH inclofe copies of two letters from the 
 commiilion of marine to me, and of my reply thereto, rela- 
 tive to Englifh prifoners taken out of the Republic, on board 
 American veflels. I recommend you Uriel: attention to 
 this fabject, which is fully explained in the faid letters ; an'd 
 
E aij ] 
 
 requeft you will enjt/m a like attention to the agents -within 
 your reipetiye departments. 
 
 A 7 . B. The letters whereof copies are mentioned above are; 
 thofefrom the commillary of marine of the I4th Meffidor, 
 and 5th Thermidor j and anfwer to the fame of the 2-th 
 
 Juty> '795- 
 
 from tie Ccmmijfion of tie Marine and of tie Colonies, to the 
 Mincer plenipotentiary of tie United States of America, 
 Paris, jt/j Fructichr, ^d Tear of tie Republic. 
 
 (AuguJllVb, i 19 $.J 
 
 CITIZEN, 
 
 THE franknefs which has always been and (hall be the 
 bafis of the political and commercial tranfa&ions between the 
 French Republic and that which you reprefent, commands 
 me to awaken your folicitude upon occurrences, which would 
 tend infenfibly to loofen the bonds which unite the two na- 
 tions, if, as I cannot believe, you fhould not concur with the 
 agents of the French government in putting a ftop to the mul- 
 tiplied abufes, of which the ports in the channel, and even the 
 great ports for equipment, offer daily examples. 
 
 Some captains, furnimed with American papers, frequent 
 habitually thofe ports, and the mortnefs of the intervals which 
 occur between their different trips give ground to ilrong fuf- 
 picions againft them. Mod frequently they arrive in balluft, 
 or with the femblance of a cargo, which they evade felling. 
 Lately one arrived at Fecamp contradicted himfelf in his de- 
 tlarations ; in fine, every circumftance induces a belief that 
 the real end, that the only end of the conduct they purfue, 
 is a communication kept up between the French and Englifh 
 ports of the channel for the tranfportation of pafTengers, letters 
 and perhaps even coin. 
 
 While I tranfmit you thefe details, I cannot avoid inform- 
 ing you of complaints of another kind, which have been made 
 by French feamen, returned from the Englifh prifons : and 
 who, deftitute, in confequence of a tedious imprifonment, of 
 all means of fubfiftence, have been obliged to pay thefe fame 
 captains from two to five guineas for a paflage from Dover to 
 Calais. Such conduct adds, to the fufpicion of an under- 
 ftanding with our enemies, the eertainty of a baft cupidity, 
 
nfks a ranfom from patriotifm, and fpeculates upon 
 misfortune. 
 
 You mutt be fenfible, Citizen, that the character of neu- 
 trality, which renders a nation refpcclable in our view, ought 
 not to ferve as an ^3Lgis to private defigns, nor to {hut our eyes 
 upon thofe meafures which may commit the general welfare 
 and fafety of the Republic ; it is therefore urgent, that you 
 ihould co-operate in unveiling the individuals who ufurp the 
 American colours in. order to betray our mutual interefts : and 
 it is in the name of that friendship which unites two free na- 
 tions that I now wifh to induce you to fecure the co-opera- 
 tion of men cloathed with your confidence in our ports, to 
 prevent fuch monitions abufes. Your well known character 
 is a gurantee, that you will feccnd with alacrity the adoption of 
 meafures which, without wounding the facred rights of hof- 
 pitality, may frustrate the intrigues of individvals who,, under 
 the cloak of that title, and through die means of conformity of 
 manners, habits, language and cuftoms, receive with impu- 
 nity from the treafures of England means of corruption, a 
 thoufand times more dangerous to us than the chance of battles. 
 
 I fubmit with confidence to your wifdom the means whicli 
 would appear to me proper to attain this end. 
 
 You could, Citizen, direct die confuls of the United States, 
 to invite every captain of an American vefTei not to land 
 either men or goods, when arriving in our ports, without firft 
 calling on the maritime agent, to communicate to him ths 
 intention of his voyage - y the nature and quantity of the mer- 
 chandize on board his veflel, and their defoliation ; where 
 {hipped, and the number of his pafiengers. 
 
 Each captain might receive, from you or from the confular 
 agents of your nation, the order to exhibit, upon demand, his 
 journal and other fea-papers. 
 
 From the nature of the facb I have laid before you, would 
 you think, Citizen, that there would be any inconvenience, 
 that the maritime agent, or an agent of adminiflration by him 
 delegated, mould be authorized to go on board in order to af- 
 eertain the faithfulnefs of the declarations, if they gave room 
 for well founded fufpicions ? And would you not fay, in cafe 
 their inaccuracy fhould b'i proved, that it would bs proper to 
 keep the crew and paflengers on board, until a decifion from 
 the committee of public fafety be had ? You muft be fenfible, 
 that even in thele cafes, which, I delight in believing, would 
 be very rare, I mould on my part hailen to caufe to be fur- 
 niflied every necdTary fuccour and facility > and the 
 
C a7 J 
 
 ty which might be due, in cafe of the definitive admifiion of 
 the vefTels into our ports, would befides be fettled. 
 
 At all events, you will no doubt deem it proper not to fuf- 
 fer the landing of the paflengers calling themielvts Citizens 
 of the United States, until their title to that citizenfhip be 
 legally afcertained by the confuls of your nation. 
 
 I beg you, Citizen, to weigh thefe ideas, and to tranfmit 
 me yours on the preventive means to be uied, to avoid 
 the repetition of the ats of which I have prefented you a 
 picture. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 REDON. 
 
 From the Minijler Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- 
 rica y to the CommiJJary of Marine. 
 
 Paris, Augujl 30^, 1795. 
 
 I OBSERVE by yours of the /th Fructidor (24th Auguft) 
 that you complain of an intercourfe which is faid to be carri- 
 ed on by fome Americans from the ports of this Republic, to 
 thofe of England ; whereby a correlpondence by letters is 
 kept up, money exported and Englifh people carried out of 
 the country : You likewife complain, that the captains of 
 thofe vefiels afk exhorbitant prices for the tranfpcrtation or 
 paflage of French citizens from England here ; whereby they 
 fubjecl: themfelves, in addition to the iufpicion of inteli 
 with your enemies, to the charge likewife of extortion from 
 the unfortunate ; and in remedy of thefe evils you requefl of 
 me, 
 
 ift. To inftrucr. the confuls to prohibit the captains of our 
 veflels from landing either men or cargoes, until a return 
 of both is given to the maritime agents of the ports where 
 they touch; as likewife a declaration of the port from 
 whence they came. 
 
 2d. That I will arrange it fo, that every captain (hall take 
 from me or the confuls his regifter, or other adequate 
 proof of his veflel being American ; by virf-w of which alone, 
 (he fhall be deemed fuch, and he entitled to the privileges 
 of an American citizen. 
 
 Permit me to aflure you, that whatever regulations thisRe- 
 public finds it for its intereft to adopt, and which allow to 
 my countrymen the rights of nations and of treaties, in com- 
 
 F f 
 
C- 218 3 
 
 mon with the citizens of other neutral powers, I (hall not 
 only be fo.tisfied with j but endeavour, by juil and fuitable re- 
 prefenta'ti -ns thereof to produce a fimilar impreffion upon 
 the Ain<:ricaii government ; being perfuaded, that as well in 
 die character of nations as republics, it is the mutual intereil 
 of both to cultivate each the friendfhip of the other. With 
 the fame view and upon the fame principle I (hall be always 
 happy to adopt, fo far as depends on me, fuch regulations as 
 may be calculated to promote that defirable end. 
 
 The feveral particulars of your complaints are comprifadin 
 that of the intercourfe between the two countries 5 if this were 
 done away the others would ceafe ; no correfpondence of the 
 kind could afterwards be kept up; no money could be export- 
 ed, orEngiifh fubjecls carried out of the country, nor could 
 any extortion be praeWed upon the unfortunate French citi- 
 zens, who were impriibned there. Is it in my power to pre- 
 vent this intercourfe ? If it is, and this government wifhes it 
 to be prevented, then I mould think I merited cenfure if I did 
 not. But you will admit, that this is a meafure to which I 
 am not competent, and that it belongs to the French govern- 
 ment alone to do it, as to regulate in all other refpets its 
 commerce : Regulations of mine upon that point would be 
 difregarded by our mariners, who would confider me as ufurp- 
 ing a power I had no right to exercife ; they might likewife 
 be cenfured by this government whofe intereft it might be 
 to encourage fuch trade. 
 
 If then I cannot prohibit this intercourfe, it follows, that 
 I can fubjedt it to no reflricT.ion. The fame power which has 
 the right to prohibit, has likewife the power otherwife to 
 regulate it ; and this belongs of courfe to the French govern- 
 ment, and to it alone. Nor have our confuls any fuch pow- 
 tr ; their duties arc regulated by a convention between the 
 two nations, and which excludes every authority of the kind : 
 Indeed the exercife of fuch an authority by a conful of either 
 nation, within the jurisdiction of the other, would be deemed 
 a derogation from the fovereignty of fuch nation, and there- 
 fere could not be tolerated. Our confuls are placed here, as 
 yours are placed in America, for the advantage of our citi- 
 tizens rclpecHvely ; to fee that they enjoy the benefit of trea- 
 ties, and the rights of nations ; not to impofe on the citi- 
 zens any new and opprdlive regulations* 
 
 If it is the ' interest and wifh of this Republic to prevent 
 fuch intercourfe, admiring that it does exiil, but of which I 
 know nothing otherwii".' than by your letter and the public 
 'gazettes, which latter ipeak equally of the vefiels of other 
 
[ 219 3 
 
 neutral powers, as of thofe of the United States, and it does 
 prohibit it, provided the prohibition be general I fhali never 
 complain of it, however decifive the regulation, or fevcre the 
 penalty for infract Ing it. Whatever laws this government 
 makes upon that fubjtcl, it is the duty of my countrymen to 
 obey, and if they violate them, they mull fubmit to the puniili- 
 rnent iuch violation merits. 
 
 With rjipect to the two regulations which ycu mention ; 
 permit me to obferve, that I deem the firit proceeding from 
 your government, by arrete of the committee or d jcree of 
 the convention, to be publiiried and fent to all the ports, as a 
 very fuitable one, whether the intercourfe is prohibited or not. 
 Such a one exilts in all cafes wi'.h us : No veficl can land its 
 cargo in the United States, without rendering an account 
 thereof to the authority of the port; nor ought it to be done 
 here, either in the cafe of cargo or psflengers. With refpecl: 
 to the fecond, I have to add , that by the laws of the United 
 States, it is already the duty of every captain of a veiTel, to 
 have a regifter from the government of the United States, or 
 fome conful, defcribing his veiTel, her burden, &c. and of 
 courfethe object, which is herein fought, is already provided 
 for : For you are not bound to confider any veflel as Ameri- 
 can, unlefs me produces fome fuch adequate proof that (lie is 
 fuch. I have thus anfwered, Citizen, the particulars of your 
 letter, with the fame freedom with which it was written, and 
 beg, likewife, to aflure you, that if any further explanations 
 are deemed neceflary, I ihall be happy to give them. 
 
 The Commi/Jion of the Marine and the Colonies, to the JL f 
 
 \ 
 Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, 2Q,th Frtiftidor, (i$th September ,, i-g$.J 
 
 CITIZEN, 
 
 THE committee of public fafety has juft remitted to me 
 a material and unequivocal proof of the per rid y which the 
 Engliin exercife, with the greater facility, fince they appear to 
 derive many opportunities from the fictitious expeditions from 
 America to our ports, under American colours. Being con- 
 vinced of the deference of the French nation for the friends 
 of liberty and our own, I think, citizen, I may confidentially 
 communicate to you that evidence of the above fact, which 
 
I 220 ] 
 
 has been forwarded to the government through the hands of 
 a reprefcntative, by a trufty obferver. That falie manifeil jufti- 
 fies the fuipicion, which 1 difclofed to you in my letter of the 
 24th ult. and urges me, while I denounce to you that new ma- 
 noeuvre, to requeft, that you may fupport, with all your autho- 
 rity, the meaiures which the Republic mall take, in concert 
 with you, to fecure ourfelves ngainft the ill ule which the En- 
 giifh make of our jult deference for our friends of the United 
 States of America. I fhaJl receive with much gratitude, the 
 communication of the plan which you may fuggeft, as 
 proper to be adopted in this cafe, in order that I may be 
 able, on my part, to give the orders required by circumftan- 
 ces. I fliall likewife be obliged to you, citizen, if you will 
 pleafe to fend back to me the piece herein enclofed. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 REDON. 
 
 From Mr. Monroe -, to the Ccmnnjfary of the Marine and Colonies. 
 
 
 
 Paris, September I$th, 1795. 
 
 I WAS favored with yours of the 2pth Fru&idor 
 (i5th September) and the piece enclofed, which was taken on 
 board an Englifh vefTel, and by which I underftand an attempt 
 was made to impofe her on the ports of this Republic as an 
 American one. I am by no means furprized, that fuch at- 
 tempts are made by the Englifh ; for in the degree that they do 
 fucceed in ufurping the ch.ir:i&ei of different nations (and in 
 which ufurpation, in refpecl: to tht United States, they have, 
 unfortunately, a facility from the ufe of our language) do they 
 enjoy the privileges of thofe nations, and diminifh the embar- 
 raffments of their own. I regret, extremely, that it is not as 
 eafy for the citizens of France to diftinguim between the ci- 
 tizens of the United States and the fubjects of England, as it 
 is for ourfelves to do it : For, to us, fo obvious is the differ- 
 ence in the phyfiognomy and manners of the two people, that 
 it is as eafy to diftinguim an American from an Englifhman, 
 as a Frenchman from a German. It will require time, howe- 
 ver, for foreigners to become acquainted with thofe diftinguifh- 
 ing. traits fo obfervable to ourfelves ; and, in' the interim, nei- 
 ther you nor we have any other means whereby tc guard a- 
 gainft fuch frauds, than by a vigilant fuperintendence of the 
 police in our refpe&ive lines, and by fevere and exemplary pu- 
 
C 221 ] 
 
 nifliment on your part, when you detect any-cf the Englifi 
 in fuch fraudulent attempts. 
 
 I (hall repeat my inftrutlions to our confuls in the different 
 ports, to make known, in all cafes which fall within their 
 knowledge, fuch vefTels and their manners as, being Englifh, 
 wifh to be impofed on the officers of this Republic for Ame- 
 ricans ; fo that fuch impoftors, being detected and puniihed as 
 they ought to be, others may be deterred from like attempts. 
 For other particulars upon this head, permit me to refer you 
 to my -letter of the 13111 Fructidor. 
 
 I have aifo been favored with yours of the 21 ft ultimo, and 
 refpecSting which, permit me to afiure you, that I ihall with 
 pleafure make to our confuls the communication intended 
 for them, and like wife obfetve that they perform what it is 
 wifhed they fhall perform. 
 
 Circular to the Confuls of tke U Jilted States in France. 
 Parity September 2o//->, 1795. 
 
 I HAVE lately received a notice from the commiflary 
 of the marine, that attempts are made by the Britiih to intro- 
 -duce their veflels into the ports of this Republic, under colour 
 of Talfe American papers, and requeuing me to ufe my en- 
 deavors to counteract fuch abufes. If I miilake not, the or- 
 ders tranfmitted to yc-u by our government recommend vigi- 
 lance and crrcumfpe&on on this point, to prevent other na- 
 tions availing themfelves of an undue advantage by the ufe of 
 fuch means. But whether that be the cafe or not, permit 
 me to call your attention particularly thereto, and to requeft 
 you would employ every effort in your power to detect and 
 make known to the proper authorities, all thofe perfons whom 
 you may have ground to fufpecl: of fuch practices, which are 
 as injurious to our national intereft and character, as they 
 are to the intereft of our ally. I inclofe you a copy of certain 
 propofitions adopted by the committee of public fafety, rela- 
 tive to the perfons deport es from the colonies. The co-opera- 
 tion of our confuls being deemed ufeful therein, I have to re- 
 queft you would facilitate, as far as in your power, fuch mea- 
 fures as the government finds it expedient to ufe in the bufinefs 
 in queftion. 
 
[ 222 ] 
 
 From tljc Committee of Public Safety , to the Mmijler Plenipotentiary 
 of the United States of America. 
 
 Par is > $th Thermldor^ %d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (July 23^ 1 795-; 
 
 have received, Citizen, feveral complaints from 
 French fr.imen at Charlellon. They complain of the acts 
 of injustice they have experienced fince the beginning of the 
 war ; of the proclamations published by order of congrefs, 
 again it tae privateers in America ; of the prohibitions 
 againlt the exportation of all kinds of warlike itoroo ; of the 
 obftacl :s they meet with refpeStmg their prizes which are al- 
 ways difputed, fcized and reflored to the v/a. j mies of the Re- 
 public ; of the prediieh jn in favor of the Spaniards and 
 Englifh. It is undoubtedly ufekfs to obferve, that thcfe com- 
 plaints, if they are well founded, are contrary to the fpirit of 
 the treaty of 1778. 
 
 Full of confidence in the uprightnefs of your pr'nciples and 
 your earnellnefs to prevent every thing tending to diuurb the 
 harmony which fubiifts between the two Republics, we do not 
 doubt, but that you will be willing to give us a candid explana- 
 tion on the fubje& of thofe complaints, and will concur with 
 us in fupporting, unimpaired, our mutual interells. 
 
 JEAN de BRY, 
 TREILLARD. 
 
 [ No. XXII. ] 
 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, OcJobtr ^th y 1795. 
 
 SlRy 
 
 I HEREWITH inelofe you extracts from feveral let- 
 ters from Mr. Cathalan, our conful at Marfeilles, and by 
 which it appears, that a treaty in behalf of the United States is 
 made with Algiers. I have likewife fince conferred with 
 Jean de Bry, of the committee of public fafety,who is charged 
 
[ 223 3 
 
 with the American affairs, and by whom I am informed, that 
 like intelligence is received from their conful at Algiers; fo that 
 the verity of this report cannot be doubted. By thefe extracts, 
 as by the communications of the confuls to the committee, as 
 I am advifed, it is to be inferred, that the movements of Mr. 
 Donaldfon were unconnected with the French conful, and, of 
 courfe, that the aid of this Republic was not extended to us 
 in that negociation. From what caufe this proceeded, if fuch 
 is the fuel:, I cannot at prefent divine; but prefume it will be 
 fully explained to you by colonel Humphreys from Lifbon; 
 where he dcubtlefs is before this, having left Paris on his re- 
 turn there about three weeks fince. It is, however, neceiTary 
 for me to ftate to you what took place here in that refpect, in 
 confequence of colonel Humphreys' arrival, prior to the 
 receipt of the above intelligence ; as likewife what has been 
 fince done in cor.fequcnce of that intelligence. 
 
 I was informed by Colonel Humphreys upon his arrival, 
 that you wifhed to obtain the aid of this government in fup- 
 port of our negociations with the Barbary powers; for which 
 purpofe, indeed, he had come, and that you wifhed me to afk 
 for it in cafe I thought it attainable. From particular con- 
 fideraticns, and which will oc cur to you, I felt fome embar- 
 ralTment in making an application for aid of any kind at the 
 prefent juncture ; but as I was perfuaded you had weighed 
 them, and deemed them no obftacle, and knew that the ob- 
 ject was equally preffed by intereft and humanity, I imme- 
 diately wifhed to bring the fubject before the government, 
 and afk for fuch aid ; itating it was not the aid of funds that 
 we wanted, butfimply the aid of the amicable mediation and 
 interference of this government, and which was promifed by 
 our treaty of alliance, but never performed. Colonel Hum- 
 phreys anc> myfelf were agreed, that as credit for the fervice 
 was to be a principal motive on the part of France for embark- 
 ing in it, fo it would be expedient on our part to make our ar- 
 rangements fuch, as to give full force to that motive ; 
 fince thereby fhe would engage in it with greater zeal, and, in 
 confequence, with proportionably greater effect. It readily 
 occurred, that the more direct our meafures were from this 
 quarter, and the more united and harmonious our councils 
 were in this refpect, with thofe of this government, the grea- 
 ter its confidence in us would be, and of courfe, the better 
 our profpect of fuccefs. Befides, to give full effect to the in- 
 fluence of France in the councils of the Dey, and thereby 
 obtain the peace at the cheapeft rate, it appeared advifable ; 
 that our agent fhould be cloathed with a French paffport, and 
 
[ 22 4 3 
 
 if pofllble be a French citizen, and even appear to be an agent 
 of France, exhibiting ultimately our power when neccflary to 
 conclude. By this mode it would feem as if France interfer- 
 ed as our friend and chiefly from motives of humanity in re- 
 gard to our prifonersj whereby we mould avoid inculcating any 
 idea of wealth on our part (for wealth and imbecility are with 
 them ftrong temptations for war) and which would be fur- 
 ther fupported by the long imprisonment of our people. In 
 prefenting, therefore, the fubject before the government, I 
 left the mode or manner of the negociation open for fubfe- 
 quent andlefs formal difcuflion ; feeking in that ftep a deci- 
 fion only upon the firft point of aid, and which I was expli- 
 citly promifed by the committee and the commiflary. 
 
 I foon found however, on touching on the other part, the 
 execution, that our anticipation was correct, and that it was 
 expected our agent would depart hence by the rout of Mar- 
 feilles; fhunning the countries with which this Republic was 
 at war, and at which place the government would have a vef- 
 fel provided for him to proceed to Algiers. In furtherance 
 of the object, I was furnifhed by the commiflary with a lift 
 of fuch prefents as would be fuitable for Algiers, &c. a lite- 
 ral copy of what they had laft prefented themfelves, with a 
 fpecification of what fuited the Dey and his minifters in par- 
 ticular, and which prefents, as introductory, he advifed us to 
 commit to the agent, to be prefented in the commencement 
 according to the ufage of the place, and as their conful mould 
 advife. 
 
 But Colonel Humphreys obferved to me, that he had left 
 Mr. Donaldfon at Alicant, with power to correfpond with the 
 French Conful at Algiers, and act in harmony with him ; 
 being further authorized, in cafe he was invited over by the 
 conful, to proceed to Algiers and conclude a treaty with that 
 power. Here then an embarraflment occurred j for it was 
 to be feared, and for the reafons above ftated, that a miflion 
 from that quarter, under the circumftances attending it, would 
 be lefs likely to fucceed, than if it proceeded directly hence ; 
 and, on the other hand, it was likewife to be feared, that if 
 we adopted the latter plan and defpatched a perfon hence, 
 the two agents might interfere with, and embarrafs, each other. 
 Upon mature reflection, therefore, and efpecially as Colonel 
 Humphreys had inftructed Mr. Donaldfon not to act other- 
 wife than in ftrict harmony with the French conful ; nor then 
 without an aflurance of fuccefs, fince he, Colonel Hum- 
 phreys was coming to Paris to fecure the aid of this govern- 
 ment, it feemed as if the two modes might be incorporated 
 
*1 
 
 into orie ; or rather as if we might proceed with the bufinds 
 1 -re, counting upon no interference from Mr. Dc'nak'lbn ; 
 providing however, in the arrangements, ii <. afc he acfccd be- 
 fore Colonel Humphrey? returned, and which he coneiuded 
 he would not do in faeh manner as to admit his failing in, 
 incidentally, and harmonizing with the other agent ; and to 
 admit Jikewife, let him act as lie would, provided he harm - 
 niz:d with the French coni'ul, fu-ch an explanation r^vbuld 
 be fai:isfacl:ory to this government. Upon this principle there- 
 fore, and with the approbation add concurrence of Colonel 
 Humphreys, I notified to the ccmmiiliiry of foreign relations, 
 that we had committed the truit to Joel Barlow, who was a 
 citizen of both Republics, and requeued the paiTport of the 
 government in his behalf, and alfo mbchilf of Mr. Donald- 
 ion, wno was eventually to be conful at Tunis and Ti 
 and whom we mould ailjciate with Mr. i3 irlow, to gu - <1 
 againfl accidents in the negociation with Algiers ; reqiie 
 likewife, that the committee would, in the mod fuitable man- 
 ner, yield all the fupport in its power in favour of L-IO ^--go- 
 ciation. I dated allb, that Mr. Barlow was here and would 
 proceed by the moft direct rout in the dhchurge of his truit, 
 with the prefents we h.id > vv.,.ic, vi i w :re buyi.i;^, according 
 to the hit furnidird m *, for tne fn j. * ; ; 
 ,ed, thac what I liquid be itr::1:iy complied v.v 
 
 A id thus itood the bufmefs when the acco',:nt'3 aucve reilir.d 
 to were receive.', and which I thou^.'it it my duty to comma- 
 nicate, that you may be accurately informed of v. 
 done herein relation thereto. Perhaps you v, why Mr. 
 
 Birlow or fome other agent did not depart i: ace fooner, a.f-> 
 ter the plan of fending one wa3 agre i 01: J'.e fad is, it 
 was impoiTiDte j for, owing to the it ate of tilings here at ths 
 time, aoout three or fou; ,veeks elapfed, after 1 aiplied to the 
 governniint for the aid, before I obtained an anfwcr ; arid af- 
 ter which, when it appeared expedient to purehafe introduc- 
 tory prefents, and for which p^rpoie money was neeeilary, a 
 d )ajt arofe, and for reifoas nerctofore explained, wliethsr 
 Cjionel Humphreys' draft from Fr aid be anfwered, 
 
 and which tt was thought adv. fable to remove in the iirit in- 
 fiiiice T'iiis co-if i.iud abjjt three weeks more, arid fmce 
 "A ucii, every poiTijie attention has been made to provide the 
 prefents, and forward the buiiiiels, that circumilances would 
 adm : t of. 
 
 When the news above noticed arrived, Colonel Hum- 
 phreys was at Havre, en his return to Lilbon; and the hrft 
 .jpomt to be tiecidcd on, was whether Mr. Barlow's 
 
(houkl ceafe ; and fecondly, what fhould be dorie in that 
 cafe, with the prefents already purchafed. We were both of 
 opinion, and for many reafons, that it was advifable he mould 
 notwithftanding, proceed, and take the prefents with him. 
 If any errors had been committed at Algiers, and which it 
 is poiiible to rectify, we knew lie would be able to do it; and 
 we were alfo perfuaded, that in other refpecls, a trip to that 
 coaft, whereby he would be enabled to gain an infight into 
 the policy of thofe powers, could not otherwife than be of 
 great advantage to the United States. Upon this principle 
 I have afked his permiilion to intimate to you his willingnefs 
 to accept the office of conful for Algiers, to which he has 
 confented ; and which I now do in a confidence, that no 
 perfcn can be found willing to accept that truft, in whom it 
 can be fo happily veiled ; and in which opinion I doubt not 
 Colonel Humphreys will readily unite. Mr. Barlow leaves 
 this place upon the plan above ftated, in the courfe of a few 
 days, and with the prefents in queftion ; and for further par- 
 ticulars refpecling this interefting concern, 1 beg to refer you 
 to Colonel Humphreys, who will, doubtlefs, be more particu- 
 lar in his details. 
 
 Since my laft Pichegru has alfo croffed the Rhine, and 
 taken Manheim, and in confequence whereof, the fiege is 
 more clofely prefled on Mayence. Since my laft too, the Bel- 
 gic is united by a decree to this Republic ; in addition to 
 which the miflion of Mr. Monneron to England, oftenfibly for 
 an exchange of prifoners, but perhaps for other objects, is the 
 only circumftance which merits attention. 
 
 From the Mlnifter Plenipotentiary of tie United States of Ame* 
 rica, to the Commlffary of Foreign Relations. 
 
 Paris, September i/?, 1795. 
 
 HAVING at length completed the arrangements which 
 appeared to us neceilary, with refpecl: to funds, prefents, &c. 
 for profecuting our treaties with Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, 
 fo as to be in readinefs to difpatch the perfons to whom the 
 negociation with each is intruded, I take the liberty to com- 
 municate the fame to you, that the aid of this Republic may 
 be yielded us in our efforts to accommodate this very impor- 
 tant object. As foon, therefore, as your inftruclions are pre- 
 pared for your agent, or agents with thofe regencies, with ne- 
 <eflary paflports for the protection of thofe, whom we 
 
C 227 1 
 
 the latter will depart hence in difcharge of the truft repofed. 
 in them. 
 
 As I have heretofore mentioned to you, that the only aid 
 we wanted from this Republic was that of its .Vi.ncLv medi- 
 ation and influence with thofe ruv.ti .^priz- 
 ed you of the extent of our funds, a ,d th : ;:n^ of treaties we 
 \vilh to make; being limply treaties of peace: It only remains 
 for me to mention the perfons to whom ;: ; ie negotiation is to 
 be committed on our part, and with vihoin your agent will 
 have to co-operate ; as likewife thofe who muft b ? covered 
 by your pafiports. I think proper therefore now to inform 
 you, that we have appointed Mr. Kitchboni,* at preient in 
 Paris, with full powers to commence and conclude fucli trea- 
 ties, and who will fet out in difcharge of tliat trull, as ibon as 
 he is favoured with your inftru<Hons for your a^ent there. 
 But as it would not be in his power to .proceed further than 
 Algiers, and it is equally neceflary to form fuch treaties with. 
 Tunis and Tripoli, we have thought it ndvifable to aflbciate. 
 with him Mr. Donaldfon, who will, after the treaty with Al- 
 giers is completed, purfue the bufmefs with thofe other re*- 
 gencies alone, and who has from our government the appoint- 
 ment of conful to refide with the latter, in cafe treaties are 
 made with them. We wifh you therefore, to apprize your 
 agent accordingly, and to inftruct him to co-operate with 
 both, or either of thofe citizens ; as both or either may be 
 prefent, and circumftances require. For thefe two, as agents^ 
 we wifh the protection of your paiTports, as likewife for citi- 
 zen Andrews, who will leave this in company with Citizen 
 Hitchborn, particularly charged with the care of the prefents, 
 and for , who goes as fervant to Citizen Hitch- 
 born ; fo that we wifh paSports for four perfons, in the cha- 
 racters above defcribed. 
 
 As we are inclined to think, as well from paft difficulties as 
 more recent advices, that the fuccefs of the miffion, if it does 
 fucceed, will depend principally, if not altogether, upon the 
 friendly aid we fhall derive from this Republic, fo we think it 
 advilable that the United States fhould appear to have as little 
 to do in the negociation as poffible ; or, in other words, that 
 they mould not appear at all in it, until it be neceflary to con- 
 clude : For if their agents are known to be their agents, or 
 rather if they are not confidered as your agents, with our pow- 
 ers, it will follow that the Dey will immediately come t<> 
 them to treat with them on the" part of the United States, and 
 
 * He declined, and Mr. Baric w was then appointed in his (lead. 
 
C 
 
 of courfe your mediation and influence will be loft. It will 
 therefore be adviLible to keep the United States as much out 
 of view as pofiible ; for the purpofe of giving full weight to 
 your i:ifiuence and the afiiitance of France there. I mention 
 this riiat you may give a correfpondent inftruUon, if you ap- 
 prove thereof, to your agent 5 and particularly inUrucl: him in 
 : i..g us all poflible aid, to concert his meafures in ltrit 
 Jiarmony \vith our agents. 
 
 It will likewife be expedient for you to leave your agent ig- 
 nonniL of the extent of our funds, referring him to our agents 
 for information upon that point, and for reafons that were be- 
 fore explained. One other difficulty only yet remains to be 
 provided for. Our agent will proba; ly emoark from Alicant, 
 r.nd oi eourfe muft carry the introductory prefents into Spain. 
 It will be improper that thefe fcouM be fearched, or known 
 to that government: Can you protect them by a paiTport or 
 ptnerwife, from fuch fcarch ; as upon that, in fome meafure, 
 will the difpatch, ii not the fuccefs, of the million depend. 
 
 I have only to add, that as all the preparations on our part 
 arc complete, we fhall be happy to have thofe on yours as foon 
 ?s poflible. 
 
 from Mr. Monroe > to Colonel Plumphreys. 
 
 Paris , October ^d y 1795. 
 
 BY the inclofed extracts, if what they ftate is correcl:, 
 it f s ems as if Mr. Donaldfon had afted from himfelf, and- 
 without the aid of the French cor-ful. If this be the cafe, he 
 v il 1 doubtleft explain to you the caufe. The price is higher 
 than I expected it would have been. I could not call on Jean 
 d Bry , but Mr Purviance did, the day before yefterd ay, on 
 this bufmefs in rny name, and was informed, that he had heard 
 roth-Tig from H-rrcuhis on the fubjcct:, and that the only in- 
 flections heretofore fent him (being, indeed, thofe only which 
 they could ferd him) were, to ufe the influence of this Re- 
 public with the Dcy, to obtain a fufpenfion of hoftilities, on 
 his part, agate ft the United States. However, this you will 
 undcrftand better when you arrive at Lifbon. I mail notify 
 the event, or rather the report, to this government, that i 
 ?t leaft for die preftnt, take no further meafure in it. 
 
 i 1 
 
C 229 3 
 
 from Mr. Monrse, to tks Charge d? Affaires of Malta. 
 Par is> October 4?^, 1795. 
 
 I HAVE juft received a letter from our conful at TvIV.r- 
 f;illes, informing me that the United States had concluded a 
 p -ace with the Regency of Algiers, and of whicJli } fend you an 
 :b. I hear likewife, that the committee of public fafcrty 
 has received the like intelligence from their conful at Algiers; 
 fo that I conclude the communication is true ; efptcialiy as I 
 know the United States have fought for feme years pail to 
 mak<r a peace with thole powers, in preference to any other 
 arrangement , and to which confideration it was I prefixing 
 owing, that our fecretary of date declined inftrucling me how 
 to anfwer your proportion refpecHng thofe powers, until after 
 a:i attempt to obtain p^ace fiiould be made and fail. I haften 
 to give you the communication above, in the moment, and as 
 I have received it ; and mail be happy hereafter to apprize you 
 of whatever I may hear relative to the fame. Permit me like- 
 wife to affure you, that if it is the wim of your government co 
 obtain lands within the United States, otherwife than in the 
 mode heretofore propofed, I mail be happy to give you all the 
 information and facility in rny power, in puifaing that object. 
 
 From the Secretary of Slate of the United States, to Mr. LI 
 
 June i/, 1795. 
 /*, 
 
 THE uneafinefs which has been difcovered by the 
 French R^yuaiic, in reference to our late treaty with Great 
 Britain ; the comments which you have made upon your in- 
 frrucl:iuns ; and the anxiety which forever leads the Pre- 
 f '_nt to maintain an honorable interchange of friendfhip be- 
 | the United States and France, have determined me to 
 
 rjvuw our conducl: from the commencement of the prei- t 
 war. In it, I (hall unrefervedly expofe the policy of the exe- 
 cutive, as it may be collected from the documents of this de- 
 partment , that the imputation of an alien ationTrbm France, 
 fo fyftematically and unremittingly caft upon our government^ 
 jaay lofe its eifcd ; wherefoeyer that policy ihall be known. 
 
C *3 1 
 
 There never was a moment, when the prefident hefitated 
 upon thefe truths : That the ancient defpotifm of France was 
 degrading tc human nature; that the people were the foie 
 mailers of their dwn fortune ; free to overturn their old efta- 
 blifnments, and fubftitute new ; and that any other nation, 
 which ihould prefume to dictate a letter in their conftitution, 
 was an ufurper : But as an adminiftration of ordinary prudence 
 will not enter upon a momentous career, without combining 
 the pare and prcfent Hate of things, and, from a comparifon of 
 both, forming a judgment of the future, it will be necelTary 
 to follow the intelligence poifeiTed by the executive in relation 
 to the great events occuring from time to time in France. 
 
 With the fate of the king we could have no political concern, 
 farther than as it might amount to an indication of the will 
 of the French people. That will, it was interefling to us to 
 understand ; becaufe, being once fixed, whether for the confti- 
 tution of 1791, or one more democratic, it would have given 
 us the afiurance, of which we were bound by public duty to 
 be in queft, a fettled and (table order of things. 
 
 In this fenfe, Louis the fixteenth attracted our notice. In 
 him was beholden a prince, fallen from the throne of his ancef- 
 tors, receiving with apparent cordiality, in lieu of abfolute 
 pow^r, the title of reltorer of liberty, but diftrufted by eve- 
 ry man. His flight cut all confidence afumier ; and it was 
 impoilible that true reconciliation mould ever grow again. 
 The revolution of the loth Auguft, 1792, was the unavoida- 
 ble fequel of what had preceded, and proclaimed abroad that 
 the conilitution was (hort-livecL 
 
 Immediately upon this event ' only one opinion prevailed 
 * as to the badnefs of the conftitution. J No plan of a new con- 
 ftitution was even reported for a confiderable time afterwards ; 
 none was adopted for many months : At this inftant the pro- 
 pofed permanent fyftem is locked up from operation ; but 
 what the permanent fyftem will really be is a difficulty which 
 few can yet folve. 
 
 If, in (lead of fearching for the will of the people, the poli- 
 tics of the reigning parties had been confulted, how tranfitory 
 were they ? Administrations were hourly palling away. Eve- 
 ry member of government was engaged in the defence of him- 
 felf, or the attack of his neighbour. The Jacobins were bu- 
 iy in exciting tumults. The convention were privately calling 
 for guards to protect themfelves from the people. The very 
 ministers declared, that the national aflembly could be brought 
 into no kind of confiftency. A national bankruptcy, and a 
 difficulty of fuppliesj were too much to be apprekended* 
 
Strong fymptoms of anarchy ; the (bedding of blood ; arid 
 information that the queftion Between abfolute monarchy and 
 a republic mull be decided by force, were prophetic of fome 
 great catafbrophe. 
 
 Examine next the external relations of France. The foreign 
 miniiters, except the miniiter of the United States, had fled. 
 The alliances againft her were multiplying ; the enemy nume* 
 rous ; their object, to erecl: a military government 5 the em- 
 pire of Great Britain on the fea uncontrolled ; the French ar* 
 iny undiicipiincd \ and the affections of the French people not 
 tlecifively directed to any fpecinc object. 
 
 If the United States had panted for war, as much as an- 
 tient Rome ; if their armies had been as effective as thofe of 
 Pruflia ; if their coffers had been full, and their debts anni- 
 hilated, even then peace was too precious to be rifqued lor 
 the moil flattering iffue of war. 
 
 As every political motive diffuaded us from war ; fo were 
 we without an obligation to enter into it as a party. No 
 tafus faderis had ariien upon our alliance with France : We 
 had not, nor have we yet, been required to execute the gua- 
 rantee ; and therefore it was unneceffary to fpeak concern- 
 ing it. 
 
 Had we indulged our fenfibility for the crifis hanging over 
 France, and aiTociated our injuries with hers, the rafhnefs of 
 the ftep would have been proverbial. An infant country j 
 <leep in debt , neceffitated to borrow in Europe ; without 
 manufactures ; without a land or naval force ; without a com- 
 petency of arms or ammunition ; with a commerce clofely 
 -connected beyond the Atlantic -, with a certainty of enhanc- 
 ing the price of foreign productions, and diminifhing that of 
 our own ; with a conititution little more than four years old, 
 in a ftate of probation, and not exempt from foes ; fuch a 
 country can have no greater curfe in {tore for her, than war. 
 That peace was our policy has been admitted by congreis ; by 
 the people, and by France herfelf. France could not have 
 thought otherwife : For had \ve been ative, fhe would have 
 been deprived of our provifions, except by fnatches ; and our 
 payments to her muft have been fufpended. 
 
 The proclamation of neutrality, therefore, which was our 
 firft important at, after the eruption of the war, deferved to 
 be the model of our fubfequent conduct. 
 
 Another public ftep of the prefident, although it departed 
 not from the line prefcribed by the proclamation, was no fmall 
 indication of his being reiblved to cultivate a fricndfhip with 
 ihe new Republic. Mr. Genet came over as miniiter, upon 
 
ihs death of Louis the fixteenth ; he was the protrge o ? a party, 
 wliofc downfall had been predicted from Paris in August, 
 1792 j and it was not improbable, that fome of the neutral 
 powers would endeavor to inculcate an opinion, that our trea- 
 ties with France had expired with her chief magiitrate, who 
 had been the organ of the general will, when they were 
 -formed. But what faid the Prefidcnjt ? Did he waver in re- 
 cognizing them, as compacts with the French nation? Did lie 
 affect: delays ? Was he eager to feize a pretext from the dif- 
 embarking of Mr. Genet near the fouthern extreme: of our 
 continent ; his diiVibutioa of privateering commlilbns, as he 
 travelled, and his countenance of the French confuls in arro- 
 gating a judicial authority over prizes in the United States ? 
 No, lir : Mr. Genet was received without a previous enqui- 
 ry ; without a qualification or condition, immediately ; 
 and with an indifference to the murmurs of the belligerent 
 powers. For our miniiler had been before iniiruc'ted, that 
 it accorded with our principles to acknowledge any govern- 
 
 * ment to be rightful, which is formed by the will of the na- 
 
 * lion fubilantially declared/ 
 
 A few days brought forth a third important circumflance, in 
 cur relation to France. HJ < communicated the decree of 
 c the national convention, of February ipth, 1793, author- 
 c . izing the French executive to propofe a treaty with u^ on 
 
 * fuch liberal principles as might ilrengtnen tie bonds of 
 c good will, which unite the two nations j and informed us 
 in a letter of May 23d, 1793, that he was authorized to 
 
 * treat 2 jcordingly.' 
 
 I really doubt:, whether, upon this head, the French Repub- 
 lic, if left to herfelf, would utter one remark. But party, 
 which, if it be not aboiiihcd, mull be the bane of tae 
 Union, rights under the popular banners of France, expecl-* 
 ing to overthrow its adverfary by propagating a belief that (he 
 has been ill-treated. Thefe calumal 5 ca-inot be more effec- 
 tually faced, than by examining the commercial relations al- 
 ready fubfifting by treaty between the United States and 
 France. 
 
 By treaty, the trade of the two countries was placed, a- 
 mong other things, upon the following grounds. 
 
 lit Both parties ( engage mutually not to grant any parti* 
 
 * cuiar favour to other nations, in refpecl: of commerce and 
 navigation, which (hall nat'ttnmfdiate/y become common to 
 the other party, who lhall enjoy the flame favour freely, 
 if the conceflion was freely made, oy on allowing the lame 
 
 * compenfatioi), ii the conceflion was conditional.' 
 
G '33 3 
 
 ad. The French were to pay in cur ports, fev. no other 
 or greater duties or imports than thole which the nations 
 moil favoured are, or {hall he, obliged to psy, and fhall enjoy 
 all the privileges, in trade, navigation and commerce, whe- 
 ther in padingfrom one port in the United States to another, 
 or in going to and from the fame, from and to any part of the 
 world, which the faid nations do or fhali enjoy. 
 
 gd. The Americans were to enjoy the fame privileges in 
 the French ports in Europe. In this is included an exemp- 
 tion of one hundred fols per ton, eftablimed in France on fo- 
 reign (hips : Unlefs their {hips fhall load with the merchan- 
 dize of France for another port in the fame dominion ; they 
 are then to pay the duty above mentioned fo long as other na- 
 tions, the molt favoured, {hall be obliged to pay it; the Unit- 
 ed States bviing at liberty to eilablifh an equivalent duty in 
 the fame cafe. 
 
 4th. ' Free mips were to give freedom to goods.' 
 
 5th. American or French property on board of .enemy 
 ihips was confifcabie. 
 
 6th. Regulations were made for contraband, and the car- 
 rying on of war by either againll its enemies, io as to prevent 
 injury to the other. 
 
 7th. The Americans were to have one or more free ports 
 granted to them in Europe, for bringing and difpofing of their 
 merchandize ; and the free ports, which had been, at the date 
 of the treaty (May 6th, 1787) and v/ere then, open in the 
 French iflands of America were to be continued to the Ame- 
 ricans. 
 
 Mr. JefFerfon, in his report to congrefs, on the (late of our 
 commerce and navigation, fums up the important reitriclions 
 proceeding from France, to be : 
 
 jft. That as far as the fummer of 1792, our rice was heavily 
 dutied in France. 
 
 ad. That our fifli and falted provifions were under prohibito- 
 ry duties in France. 
 
 3d. That cur veflels were denied naturalization in France. 
 
 4th. That our falted pork and bread-ftuff (except maize ) were 
 received under temporary laws only in the French Weft-In- 
 dies, and cur fait fifh paid there a weighty duty : And 
 
 5th. That our own carriage of our own tobacco was heavily 
 dutied in France. 
 
 The fubjoined extrals from letters of this department to 
 our minifter in Paris, on the 23d of January; icth of March ; 
 28th of Apr K 1 ; 1 6th of June, 1792; and oa the 1 2th of 
 
 H h 
 
C 234 ] 
 
 March, 1 793, befpeak our earneftnefs foi an extenfion of our 
 commercial treaty with France. 
 
 EXTRACTS. 
 "January 23^. ' I feel myfelf particularly bound to recom- 
 
 * mend, as the moil important of your charges, the pacron- 
 
 * age of our commerce and the extenfion of its privileges, both 
 
 * in France and her colonies \ but more elpecially the latter.' 
 
 March iQfk. 4 We had expected ere this, that in con- 
 fequence of the recommendation of their preiieceflbrs, fome 
 
 overtures would have been made to us on the fubject of a 
 
 ' -treaty of commerce j an authentic copy of the recommen- 
 
 * dation was delivered, but nothing fald about carrying it in- 
 
 * to effect : Perhaps they expect that we fhould declare our 
 
 * readinefs to meet them on the ground of treaty ; if they do, 
 
 * we have no hefitation to declare it : In the mean time, if 
 
 * the prefent communications produce any fenfation, perhaps 
 
 * it may furnifn a good occalion to endeavour to have mat- 
 ' ters replaced in ftatu quo ; by repealing the late innovations, 
 
 * as to our {hips, tobacco and whale oil. It is right that 
 
 * things (hould be on their ancient footing at opening the 
 treaty.' 
 
 April 28/. c I hope that thefe manifestations of friendly 
 
 * difpoiitions towards that country, will induce them to re- 
 
 * peal the very obnoxious laws refpecting our commerce, 
 
 * which were paiTed by the preceding national aiTembly. The 
 
 * preient felnon of congrefs will pals over without any other 
 notice of them than the friendly preferences before men- 
 
 < tioned ; but if thefe mould not produce a retaliation of good 
 on their part, a retaliation of evil muft follow on ours : It 
 ( will be impoffible to defer, longer than the next fefiion of 
 
 < congrefs, feme counter regulations for the protection of our 
 6 navigation and commerce. I muft intreat you, therefore, 
 
 < to avail yeurfclf of every occafion of friendly remonftrance 
 
 < on this iubjcct. If they wifh an e<mal and cordial treaty 
 with us, we are ready to enter into it. We would wi(h 
 ' that this cculd be the fcene of negociation, from confi- 
 
 * derations fuggefted ly the nature of our government > which will 
 
 < readily occur to you.' 
 
 'June \6th. With .refpedt to the particular objects of 
 
 < commerce fufccptible of being placed on a better footing, 
 1 on which yau afk my ideas, they will mew themfelves by 
 1 .tjie enclofcd table of the fituation of our commerce with 
 6 France and England. That with France is ftatedas it flood 
 4 it the tiaie I left that country, when die only objefU 
 
r 235 3 
 
 whereon change was flill defirable, were thofe of faked pro* 
 '< vifions, tobacco and tar, pitch and turpentine : The firft was 
 
 < in negociation when I came away, and was purfued by Mr. 
 Short with profpe6ts of fuccefs, till their general tariff fo un- 
 ( expcttedly deranged our commerce with them as to ether 
 articles. Our commerce with their Weil Indies had 
 
 < admitted amelioration during my ilay in France. The tem- 
 
 * per of that period did not allow even the ellay and it was as 
 
 * much as we could do to hold the ground given us by the 
 
 * marfhal de Caftries' arret, admitting us to their colonies with 
 
 * falted provifions, &c. As to both thefe branches of com* 
 
 * merce, to wit, with France and her colonies, we have hop- 
 
 * ed they would purfue their own proportion of arranging 
 them by treaty, and that we could draw that treaty to this 
 ' place. There is no other where the dependence of thur 
 
 * colonies on our ftates for their profperity is fo obvious as 
 c here; nor where their negociator would feel it fo much. 
 c But it would be imprudent to leave to the uncertain iff 
 
 * fuch a treaty, the re-eltablifhment of our commerce with 
 
 * France^ on the footing on which it was at the beginning of 
 
 < their revolution. That treaty may be long on the anvil ; in 
 
 * the mean time, we cannot fubmit to the late innovations 
 
 * without taking menfures to do jultice to our own n;iv:;;-;-ition. 
 ( This object,, therefore, is particularly re o you; 
 
 * while you will alfo be availing yourfelf ci portunity, 
 
 < which may arife of benefiting our comm-rcc ill . ny other 
 6 part. lam in hopes you will have found the moment fa- 
 
 * vourable on your arrival in France, when Mr. Cin<.i*re \vr-s 
 
 * in the miniftry, and the difpoiitions of t!ie national aiLmbly 
 ( favourable to the minifters.' 
 
 March I2//6, 1793. * Mutual good offices mutual 'lill-c- 
 
 c tion and fimilar principles of government, iV,r.i 
 
 * the two nations for the moft intimate communion : and 
 I cannot too much prefs it on you to improve every opportu- 
 nity which may occur in the changeable fcencs which are 
 
 * paffing, and to feize them as they occur, for placing our 
 
 < commerce with that nation and its dependencies ; on the 
 
 * freed and moft encouraging footing polLble.' 
 
 What were the correfponding eiforrs of our minifcer rela- 
 tive to a treaty of commerce? In June 1792, he was in- 
 treated by Dumourier, then miniiter, to defer it until he 
 ihould return from the frontiers ; who intimated ac the fame 
 time, that France flood in need of no alliance? ; and thai, he 
 was againft all treaties other than thofe of commerce. In 
 July, 1792, our minifter had < repeatedly called the r^i 
 
C itf 3 
 
 attention to the obnoxious a&s of the (then) late aflembly, 
 and to their propofition of a new commercial treaty. The 
 reply was, that forhimftlf he would be glad to fettle every 
 thing to ourminiitcr's latisfaclion ; but that his mimfterial 
 cxifi^nce was too precarious to undertake any extenfive plan; 
 that the attention of government \vas turned too flrongly 
 tovvirds itfelf (in the prefent moment) to think of its exterior 
 iurerejls ; and that the ailembly, at open war with the exe- 
 cutive, would certainly rejecl: whatever mould be now pre- 
 fented to them.' The following extracts of our minifter's 
 letter to Mr. Chambonas on the o,th of July, 1792, and of 
 his anfwer on the 23d of the fame month, mew the meafures 
 of our government' ir the improvement of the treaty. 
 
 [ r RAN SLA rioN.~\ 
 
 e I mould, however, fail in my duty towards my nation, Sir, 
 
 < and 1 mould offer but a feeble tdtimony of the attachment, 
 
 * which I have for fo many years vowed to yours, if I were to 
 ( diiiimulate the difcontent, which the decrees of the confli- 
 c tuent ailembly. infringing the fyftem of commerce efta- 
 
 < biiiheu between France and the United States, before the 
 year 1789, have excited in America. I forego all remarks 
 
 on that iubjetr., becaufe I leave it to your wifdom and the 
 fentiments of your nation ; and I dare believe, that even if 
 it concerned merely its own interefts, the national aflembly 
 would no longer fuffer regulations to exift, which fall flill 
 harder upon the French ccnfumers, than they injure the 
 American traders. There is another object, Sir, to which 
 you will, no doubt, pay all the attention that its importance 
 deferves. The conftituent alTembly exprefled ks defire, 
 that the king mould negociate a new commercial treaty with 
 America. It has been communicated to the Prefident of 
 the United States, by the minifter plenipotentiary of his 
 majefly. But this project has until now been without ef- 
 
 * feel:. I am directed to affaire you, Sir, that the United 
 
 * States are ready to receive with real pleafure any overtures 
 
 * on that fubjec~r, which mall be made them, and that they 
 ' wifh to eftablifh that treaty on bafes, juft, folid and recipro- 
 cally ufeful to both nations. The minifter plenipotentiary 
 of France at Philadelphia, has the beft opportunity of weigh- 
 ing its advantages, and I dare afTurc you before hand, that 
 if lie is charged by the king with that negociation, he 
 will meet, on our part, the moft friendly difpofitions. You 
 will give me very great pleafure, Sir, when you mail pleafe 
 
3 
 
 * to authorife me to write that he is entrufled with that bufi- 
 
 < nefs ' 
 
 July 23^ 1792. I fhall li::ewife lay before them, the 
 ddire which the American government exprefTes, to ce- 
 r ment the union of the two people, by a new treaty of com- 
 
 < merce, ami I fh.ill immediately take the orders of the king 
 
 < for commencing that important negociation. I do not 
 
 < doubt, but it will foon be brought to a happy conclufion, 
 ' fince the two governments are equally defirous of eftablifti- 
 ' ing the new treaty on the bafis of the ilriteft juilice, and 
 ( confequently of the reciprocal advantage of both people/ 
 
 On the 1 3th of February, 1793, we were informed by our 
 minifter, that he having been mftruccl to transfer the negoci- 
 ation of a new treaty of commerce to America, the thing wifh- 
 ed was done ; and that we may treat in America. 
 
 Mr. Genet's abovementioned letter of the ^d of May, 1 797, 
 inclofing the decree of February I9th, 1793, concluded in 
 thefe words. c The obftacles raited with intentions hoftile 
 f to liberty, by the perfidious minirters of deipotifm ; the ob- 
 
 * ftacles, whofe object was to (top the rapid progrefs cf the 
 
 * commerce of the Americans, and the extenfion of their prin- 
 ' ciples, exift no more. Tlie French Republic, feeing in them 
 
 * but brothers, has opened to them, by the decrees now en- 
 clofed, all her ports in the t\vo 'worlds-; has granted them 
 
 < all the favors which her own citizens enjoy in her vaft pcf- 
 c feilions ; has invited them to participate the benefits of her 
 c navigation, in granting to their veflels the fame rights as to 
 c her own, and has charged me to propofe to your gevern- 
 
 < ment, to eftablifli in a true family compact, that is in a na- 
 c tional compacl:, the liberal and fraternal bafis, on which 
 ( me wiflies to fee raifed the commercial and political fyftern 
 
 * of two people, all whofe interefts are confounded. 
 
 c I am inverted, fir, with the powers neceflary to undertake 
 this important negociation, of which the fad annals of hu- 
 manity, offer no example before the brilliant era at length 
 
 * opening on it.' 
 
 I find no aniwer to this letter from Mr. JefFerfon ; and he 
 notices the (leps which were taken in confequence of it only 
 in his letter to Mr. Morris, on the 23d of Auguii, 1 793, thus : 
 4 The fenate being then (23d May, 1793) in recefs, and not 
 
 * to meet again till the fall, I apprized Mr. Genet, that the 
 c participate.*:, in matters of treaty, given by the confutation to 
 ' that branch of our government, would, of ccurfe, delay any 
 
 * definitive anfwer to his friendly proposition. As he was 
 
C 238 ] 
 
 < fehfible of this circumftance, the matter has been underfoot 
 
 < to lie over, till the meeting of the fenatc.' 
 
 Upon this conduct of Mr. JefFerfon, many invidious com- 
 ments have been circulated ; and it has been perverted into a 
 teftimony of our evaiion, and of our diftirFedtion to France, 
 with a defign to foment diflentions between the two Repub- 
 lics. Your exertions will doubtlefs fruftrate the evil pur- 
 pofe. 
 
 Long had we been foliating from France a revifion of the 
 treaty of commerce ; fulfcring, in the mean time, fcverities 
 from her commercial regulations. Can any rational man be- 
 lieve, when he reads the preceding confidential 1 jtters from the 
 department of ftate to our minifter in Paris, that they were 
 fabricated to deceive ? Deception muft have been gratuitous, 
 without an ojj.ct and therefore too abfurd to be dwelt up- 
 on. Upon the tuppbfition of fmcerity on our part, in the pro- 
 feiiion of a defire to improve the treaty, what culpable caufe 
 can be affigned for repelling an immediate negociution ? Were 
 we looking for an adverfc itroke to the affairs of France, in or- 
 der to fqueeze out greater commercial indulgencies ? We 
 have been charged by Great Britain with too lively a fyrnpa- 
 tby with her fuccefles. Were we diilruftful of the liTue of the 
 co-.iteft ? There were few men, who were not divided in t'seir 
 fpeculative opinions upon this occafion. But the prefident 
 came to an infbritaneous clecifion, by receiving Mr. Genet 
 in. the face of the war with Great Britain ; recognizing the 
 treaties, continuing to pay our debt to France, and accommo- 
 dating her with money by anticipation. Had the caufe of re- 
 publicanifm any connection with a change in the treaty of 
 commerce ? I cannot difcover it ; or if it had, whofoever {hall 
 deny it to be efpoufed by our government, or mail infmuate a 
 leaning towards England, is no lefs bafe, than unfounded in his 
 calumnies. In fhon, it is abfolutely incomprehenfible, why 
 the executive fhould, from a policy which it will not avow, 
 put off a treaty, for the reforming of old commercial ftipula- 
 tions, when every melioration of our trade was fo clofely alli- 
 ed with the expectations of profit to the hufbandman and 
 merchant, created by our neutrality. 
 
 .There was no fuch evafion ; and the agreement or under- 
 {landing between Mr. JefFerfon and Mr. Genet, cannot be 
 wrought into fuch a fnape. Being without documents, con- 
 taining the whole of their converfation, I have no other clue 
 to it, than the letter of Augufl 23d, 1793, tne nature f ^ ie 
 fubject, and the circumftances of the period, as explanatory 
 of the poftponement of the negociation. 
 
[ 239 I 
 
 It is of no confequence to enquire, \vhether it was or was 
 not more agreeable to Mr. Genet, that the negociation fhould 
 lie over ; when he heard, that a definitive anfwer muft be de- 
 layed, until the meeting of the fenate. Notwithstanding it 
 has the appearance of being the voluntary aft of both ; efpe- 
 cially as Mr. Genet fuffered it to reft upon an oral difcourfe, 
 and never had, nor alked, a written anfwer ; yet let ir be con- 
 ceded to have been, on the part of Mr. Jefferfon, an act of the 
 government, and on the part of Mr. Genet, a refpe&ful fub- 
 miffion. 
 
 What Mr. Jefferfon afTerted is true ; becaufe the prefident 
 can make treaties, only with the advice and confent of the fe- 
 nate. A definitive anfwer was therefore neceflarily deferred. 
 He did not alledge, that intermediate difcufiions could not take 
 place 5 nor indeed does it appear, that either of thofe gentle- 
 men turned their attention to the preliminary negociation ; 
 which might have been opened before the afTembling of 'the 
 fenate. 
 
 But if Mr. Genet had even prefled an immediate negocia- 
 tion, weighty obftacles, very different from evafion^ or aliena- 
 tion from France, flood in the way. i. * On the declaration 
 of war between France and England, the United States be- 
 ing at peace with both, their fituation was fo new and unex- 
 perienced by themfelves/ that it was extremely defirable to 
 exclude any bufmefs, which would abforb much time, and 
 might be poftponed ; in order that the executive might be 
 unembarrafTed in its fuperintendance of our neutrality. Al- 
 though the labours of my predeceflbr, from the commence- 
 ment of the war to the early part of September, 1 793, have 
 been feen by the world, yet cannot they judge of the perplexi- 
 ties and refearches which were the foundation of the docu- 
 ments publifhed, and which hourly occupied not only the 
 prefident himfelf, but thofe ofEcers alfo, who were around 
 him. Hiftory had forewarned us, that, as a neutral nation, 
 encompafled by the minifters of the belligerent powers, inflam- 
 ed with a jealoufy of the public functionaries, not a day would 
 pafs without a complaint, a demand, a fufpicion, and a thou- 
 land temptations to irritability. Piles of papers, verifying 
 thofe predictions, are now before my eyes. 2. It \vas not to 
 be fuppofed, that a new treaty of commerce could be entered in- 
 to without much reflection. In this view, every hour gained 
 was beneficial. 3. The power of the prefident to authorize the 
 fecretary of flate, or indeed any other perfon, to digefl the mat- 
 ter of a treaty, has been recognized in practice in feveralformsfc 
 me of which U barelv to nominate, with the advice and con-. 
 
C 240 ] 
 
 fent of the fenate, and occafionally to confult them. The lafl 
 was the courfe which was obferved, in the only treaty which 
 has been negociated at the feat of government, the treaty 
 with the Creek indians at New York, in 1790. The fenate 
 being on the fpot, and therefore convenient to the negociation, 
 were alked, as the fubjet was palling, whether they would 
 ratify certain claufes, if infcrted in the treaty. In the re-ad- 
 juftment of the treaty of commerce with France, it was pro- 
 bably wifhed to repeat the fame meafure. 
 
 What would have been gained by France, by precipitating 
 the negociation ? The preliminary difcuflions might, perhaps, 
 have been clofed a few months fooner on the fide of the prefi- 
 dent ; but it is entirely uncertain, whether the affair would 
 have been expedited by any ftep, fo much as by confulting the 
 fenate upon points of particular magnitude, before the whole 
 work was fubmitted to them. This is among the advantages 
 which may be embraced in a negociation in the United States, 
 and is unattainable in a negociation elfewhere. However, if 
 a commencement had been made, I queftion whether from 
 the time which is indifpenfable for 'fo grand a tranfaclion, 
 and the unavoidable interruption incident to the new ftate of 
 things, we fhould not have been obliged to interrupt the pro- 
 grefs, upon a plea fimilar to that of the French miniftry, that 
 we were too much employed in fleering clear of the war, to at- 
 tend for the prefer. t to the remoulding of the treaty. 
 
 Had the executive been indifpofed to the treaty, why did 
 he in a manner pledge himfelf to negociate when the fenate 
 ihould meet ? Why was our minifier in Paris inftruclied, on 
 the 23d of Auguft, 1793, c To explain to the executive of 
 France this delay ; which has prevented, as yet, our formal 
 acceffion to their propofition to treat ; to ailure them, that 
 the prefident will meet them, with the moft friendly difpofi- 
 tions, on the grounds of treaty propofed by the national 
 convention, as foon as he can do it in the forms of the con- 
 ftitution ; and of courfe to fugged, for this purpofe, that 
 the powers of Mr. Genet be renewed to his fuccefTor.' ' A 
 formal acceffion to the propofition to treat/ and a negocia- 
 tion < in the forms of the conllitution/ appear to be ftill 
 preferred to informal difcuffions, for the reafons already af- 
 figned. It is impoilible to look into this fubje6t, without 
 remarking, that other principles may be conceived, upon 
 which the executive might have refufed to treat imme- 
 diately j but which do not appear to have influenced his de- 
 cifion. 
 
C *4 1 ] 
 
 His attention muft have been arrefted by the die} ion of 
 Mr. Genet's overtures. The Prefidcnt and the French Re- 
 public had hitherto agitated a change in led regulations 
 only; when Mr. Genet announces a defire to modify the pa* 
 Ihical conn action alfo. The precife meaning of the term po- 
 litical, was not very obvious ; though the moil natural inter- 
 pretation was, that the pJit'cal reLtioiij eftablifhed by the 
 treaty of alliance, was propofed to be revifed. 
 
 The movements which have been noticed cf Mr. Genet, 
 before his arrival at Philadelphia from Charlcfton, were in 
 perfect unifon with this interpretation. The very decree of 
 the i pth of February, 1793, liberal as it was in its language, 
 manifefted that the recent and exifting war was a chief caufe 
 in dictating the coiiceflio* : For the French colonies couM 
 not be fed without fupplies from the United States; and the 
 Jufptnfton of the law of May I5th, 1791, which had inhibit- 
 ed the Americans from .introducing, felling and arming their 
 yeflels in France, and from enjoying ail the privileges allow- 
 ed to thofe built in the (hip yards of the R.- public, was cal- 
 culated to convert our fhips into French privateers. 
 
 To confirm the real views of the executive council of Frar.ce 
 in the regeneration of the treaty, recollect thefe paiuges in 
 Mr. Genet's instructions. 
 
 < That the executive council arc difpofed to fet on foot a 
 
 * negcciation upon thofe foundations, and that they do not 
 4 know but that fuch a treaty admits a latitude Hill more ex- 
 
 < tenfive, in becoming a national agreement, in wUcn iv 3 
 
 * great people fhall fufpend their commercial and political in- 
 
 * terefts and eftablifh a mutual underftanding, to Befriend the 
 
 * Empire of liberty, wherever it can be embraced; to g\ - 
 ' anty the fovereignty of the people, and punifh thofe powers 
 
 < who iliil keep up an exclufive colonial and con" mercial fyf- 
 4 tem, by declaring that their velTels fhall not be received in 
 
 < the ports of the contracting parties. Such a pact, w-.^.i 
 the people of France will fupporc with all the energy v. ..\ 
 
 < diilinguifhes them, and of which they have already given ' 3 
 c many proofs, will quickly contribute to the general eman- 
 f cipation of the new v/orld. However vaft this project may 
 c be, it will not be difficult to execute, if the Americans de- 
 
 * termine on it ; and it is to convince them of its practicabi- 
 lity that Citizen Genet muft direcl ail his attention : For, 
 
 < beiides the advantages which humanity in general will 
 1 draw from the fuccefs of fuch a negociation, we have at this 
 c moment a particular intereit in taking fteps to acl: efficaci- 
 oufly againft England and Spain ; if, a every thing an- 
 
 I i 
 
? *4i 7 
 
 * nounces, thefe powers attack us from hatred to our princi- 
 r pies ; if the Engliih miniilers, in (lead of iharing in the glo- 
 ry of France, inftead of confidering that our liberty, as well 
 
 * as that of thofe people whofe chains we have broken, for- 
 c ever eftablhlies that of their own country, fuffer themfelves 
 
 * to be influenced by our enemies, and by thofe to the liber- 
 
 * ty of mankind, and embark with every tyrant againil that 
 caufe which we are defending. The military preparations 
 
 < making in Great Britain become every day more and more 
 c furious, and have an intimate connection with thofe of Spain. 
 
 * The friendfhip which reigns between the minifters of the laft 
 
 * power and thofe of St. James' proves it ; and in this fitua- 
 tion of affairs we ought to excite, by all poflible means, the 
 
 * zeal of the Americans, who are as much intereited as our- 
 
 < felves, in difconcerting the deftruclive projects of George 
 
 * the third ; in which they are probably an objeft. Their 
 own fafety ilill depends on ours, and if we fail they will 
 
 < fooner or later fall under the iron rod of Great Britain. 
 The executive council has room to believe, that thefe rea- 
 c foiis, in addition to the great commercial advantages which 
 f we are difpofed to concede to the United States, will deter- 
 mine their government to adhere to all that Citizen Genet 
 
 * fhall propofe to them on our part. As it is poflible, how- 
 
 * ever, that the falfe reprefentations which have been made to 
 
 * congrefs of the fituation of our internal affairs ; of the 
 
 * ftate of our maritime force ; of our finances, and efpecially 
 
 < of the ftorms with which we are threatened, may make 
 
 < her minifters, in the negociations which Citizen Genet is en- 
 
 * trufted to open, adopt a timid and wavering conduct:, the 
 
 * executive council charges him, in expectation that the A- 
 
 < merican government will finally determine to make a com- 
 1 mon caufe with us, to take fuch Heps as will appear to him 
 exigencies may require, to ferve the caufe of liberty and the 
 freedom of the preople.' 
 
 The project, therefore, of a treaty on the bafis of Mr. Ge- 
 net's proportions, ought to have been well explored before 
 the firft advance. To aflent to them, if it would not have 
 been a departure from neutrality, would at lead have mag- 
 nified the fufpicion of our faith, without a confidence in which 
 that neutrality muft always be infecure : To reject them was 
 to incur difcontent, pofhbly a breach with our ally. The 
 touncils of nations ought to be fuperior to the paflions which 
 drive individuals. Permanent good being the polar ftar of 
 the former, they will often have to encounter the impetuo- 
 
C 213 ] 
 
 fity of the latter, who fubfbtute occafional feelings for found 
 policy. 
 
 Admitting that the non-eftabliihment of a confdturion, 
 and the rapid fucceffions in the adrniniftrative bodies, ccuUl 
 not weaken an agreement, once fixed, even under the pref- 
 fure of war, there was no probability that the party, whofe 
 millionary Mr. Genet was, would much longer tread the 
 ftage ; nor any fecurity, that his overtures would equally 
 pleafe thofe who mould rife upon the ruins of his friends. 
 We knew from letters; that as far back as Augufl, 1792, 
 the movers of the revolution on the I oth of that month were 
 fooner or later deftined to be victims: That in January, 1 793, 
 they were confcious of the downfall which awaited them : 
 That in March, 1793, an infurrection was brewing for the 
 deftru&ion of the Gironde ; and that the revolutionary tribu- 
 nal, vaft and unbounded in its domination, had been erected. 
 Was this, then, a feafon for modifying the political connec- 
 tion ;' when we might have drawn hoflility upon our headsg 
 by betraying a fpirit not impartial, and by taking meafures, 
 which amid the fluctuations in the leaders of the French poli- 
 tics, might not have been fanClioned ? And what did actual- 
 ly happen ? The conduct of the Robefpierrian facYion was di- 
 rectly the reverfe of the BriiTotine : The one encouraged, the 
 ether abolifhed, private trade. For the evidence of this fa cl, 
 I refer you to your own knowledge; to the vexations of our 
 commerce ; to the decrees which violated our treaty; and to^ 
 the decree of October, 1793, which, took all trade into tli 
 bands of government. Nor can I omit the demon ftration of 
 a general inftability, as.it was delivered in a late report of the 
 five committees. 
 
 * Let us be perfuaded, and let us proclaim it openly ; it is 
 to that perpetual change that all our evils are owing. Our 
 republican annals do not yet include three years, and by the 
 
 < multiplicity of events, twenty centuries appear required to 
 
 * contain them. Revolutions have followed revolutions; men, 
 
 * things, events and ideas, all have changed ; every thing 
 changes yet, and in this continual ebb and. flow of oppofite 
 
 * movements, in vain would the government pretend to thai 
 ' confidence which can only be the refult of a fteady and wife 
 ' conduct, and of a conftant attachment to principles. 
 
 * Commerce neceflarily difappeared through this aftonifh- 
 
 < ing fucceflion of contrarieties; and in a country, where in- 
 
 < dividuals, incapacitated for making any fure calculations, fee. 
 
 * around them nothing but a wide profpect of changes* 
 
t 244 ] 
 
 * Credit is a tender plant which needs gentle and regular 
 winds, and cannot grow in a tempeituous clime, or foil of- 
 ren diiturbed. 
 
 4 It is time we mould put a period to the reign of uncertain- 
 tics, and fix invariably the principles of juftice, equity and 
 loyalty, which mould be the guides of our conduct. Let 
 usknten to iubjecl the internal admimftration to a regular 
 iyiltm : Let us efpecially take care that no meafure ever 
 rifj to fears concerning the folidity of the mortgage of 
 
 our allignats. 
 
 f TV hen the government, flcady in its march, (ball have 
 f fhewn the real end they aim at; when it ihall have render- 
 f cd an account to itfdf and to others, of the fyftem it in- 
 t j nds to adopt ; when the convention, difmiffing thofe un- 
 
 < iortunate bickerings which have too often impeded their 
 f progrefs, fhali attend folcly to the happinefs of the people ; 
 when they mail not ccafe to reject with indignation all mea- 
 ' fares which can infringe, in the lead degree, the principles 
 of juilice and good faith which mould direct them ; then 
 
 < all alarms will be at an end, and the reiteration of the fi- 
 
 * nances, of credit and of commerce, may be undertaken 
 
 * with aflurance of fuccefs. ? 
 
 Why the fubject was not rcf timed with Mr. Genet, is well 
 known to every body, who has heard of his excefTes, and our 
 declaration to the French Republic, that we mould expect his 
 fucceilbr to be charged with fimilar powers. His letter of the 
 3oth of September, 1793, wiiiten after the application for 
 his recal was announced to him, was prevented, by the ma- 
 lady of Philadelphia, from being received by this department, 
 until the 5th of November, 1793. We were then counting 
 upon a return of the veiTcl .fent to France on that errand. 
 Congrefs met in December, 1793. Our minifter's letter, 
 notifying his recal, came to hand January I4th, 1794; and 
 Mr. Fauchet actually replaced him on the 2 1 it of February, 
 1794. Let me obfervc, however, in paffing from Mr. Genet 
 to Mr. Fauchet ; that his threat to withdraw the privileges in 
 the decree of March 26th, 1793, an ^ ^ e c ^ e - cree itfelf, are 
 ftrong fymptoms of the defign of the negociation being more 
 than one merely commercial. For the different altercations 
 between him and Mr. Jefferfon I refer you to the printed cor- 
 refpondcnce. 
 
 Mr. Fauchet demanded thearreft of Mr. Genet, for punifh- 
 mcnt. Our co-operation was refufed upon reafons of law and 
 Magnanimity. 
 
C 245 3 
 
 A hi 1 .! paired, at his Inflance, for relief of the veflels which 
 had taken refuge in the ports of the United States. 
 
 We have advanced money fafler than was due ; and full as 
 faft as prudence in refpeel: to our own wants would permit. 
 
 The ftoppage of the Camilla, a provifion veflel of the 
 French Republic, was the effect of the embargo, which ope- 
 rated equally on all. 
 
 Our minifter was recalled as he dcHred. Mr. Fauchet com- 
 plained of Britifh veflels being differed to depart, during the 
 embargo, with Frenchmen who meant to al againft their 
 country in the Weft-Indies. Occafional relaxations of the em- 
 bargo were made in favour of all nations ; French, Englifh, 
 feV. In the particular cafe complained of, the pafTports were 
 fuppofed to be granted to American bottoms , for the humane 
 purpofe of returning to the lilands fome of the unhappy 
 French fugitives from thence; and one of them, given to^a vef- 
 fel at his in fiance, exported a large quantity of powder, 
 doubtlefs without his privity. 
 
 The government fupprefled the profecution againfl conful 
 Juteau cf Bofton, as Mr Fauchet defired. Whatever irri- 
 tation may have been occafioned by the attorney of the dif- 
 tri& was owing to no inftruclion from the Prefident. 
 
 The demand for difmantling Cooper's veflel was inevitable; 
 as (he had been fitted out in our ports ; and where foe ver, in 
 any cafe, reftitution of veflels was required from us, the rules 
 of our neutrality fully jufhiried it. 
 
 We reitored the (hip William of Glafgow, and the dama- 
 ges during her detention have been allured to the agent of the 
 captors. 
 
 The fteps adopted, and promifed, for executing the confu- 
 lar convention, in the apprehenfion of deferters, are as much 
 as could be done or expedte'd. 
 
 The government has, indeed, differed from Mr. Fauchet, 
 in the conftruftion of the treaty ; not holding themfelves 
 bound to exclude Britifh {hips of war, except when they came 
 in with prizes. 
 
 The general executive has given every inftru6lion in his 
 power, to prevent French prizes to Britifh veflels coming into 
 our ports. Mr. Fauchet has exprefsiy by letter approved our 
 condudl in one inftance. But this fubjecl: is fully detailed in 
 my letter of the 29th ultimo, a copy of which is now forward- 
 ed to you. 
 
 I prefurne, that the diflatisfa&ion at the arms taken from 
 the. Favourite in New-York, and the omiflion to falute the 
 French (hip of war, have been completely expiated, 
 
C 246 5 
 
 The tonnage duty was remitted to French veflels, which 
 had been injured by the Britiih. 
 
 It was impoffible to refcue .from the law William Talbot, 
 \vlio was charged with being a citizen of the United States* 
 
 uing a privateering commiifion from France. 
 LJ are the moil material of Mr. Fauchet's tranfa6Hons 
 with the government ; except, indeed, the abolition of the 
 embargo ', the whole of which bufmels you witnefled your- 
 fclf, and can ihew to have ari fen from very different motives, 
 than thole of difregard to France. 
 
 Although it was requcfted, that Mr. Genet's fucceflbr 
 (liotild be charged with commercial powers ; yet is it not 
 known or believed that he brought any. No writing from 
 him announced it : Nor yet any convcrfation with me , unlefs, 
 indeed, in November or December lait; when Macpherfon's 
 blues were coming into town, and he and I were together 
 looking out at them from his euftcrn window. He then 
 made ioivie cafual obfervations refpetling Mr. Jay's negocia- 
 tion, and faid foinething indefinite as to our treaty of com- 
 merce. My anfwer was; that I mould be ready to receive his 
 overtures. It would have been indelicate to afk him formally 
 whether he had fuch powers ; but a diltant hint was given, 
 by me to him, two or three months after his, arrival, upon the 
 fubjecb , and from his reply, I did not infer, whether he had 
 or had not them, I am rather difpofed to conclude, that he 
 had them not ; becaufe he was appointed miniftcr during the 
 reign of Robefpierre -, who, as we have feen, almofl extin- 
 guiihed commerce ; and when a decree was. in force affuming 
 into the hands of government all trade. 
 
 If Mr. Fauchet had been ready, we iliould have proceeded 
 fincercly and without procraftination. 
 
 If then, in the circumftances attending the proportion of* 
 commercial treaty from Mr. Genet, or in the conduct of the 
 United States towards France fince, nothing improper can be 
 found, we ought to conildcr, whether in thofe of the lute 
 treaty with Great Britain a fource of blame can be detected. 
 
 The mcrTage, in which the prefident nominated Mr. Jay as 
 envoy extraordinary to his Britannic majefty, was dated on the 
 1 6th of April, 1794, and is the text, the examination of which 
 will develope the total matter, previous to Mr. Jay's depar- 
 ture. 
 
 4 The communications,' fays the mefTage, ( which I have 
 
 made to you, during your prefent feflion, frpm the dif- 
 patches of our miniiter in London, contain 'd ferious afpefc 
 * of our affairs with Great Britain.' 
 
C 
 
 The firft of theife communications was to congrefs on the 
 5th of December, 1793 ; in .which are the following paffages : 
 ' The vexations and ipoliation, underftood to have been 
 * committed on our veflels and commerce by the cruifers and 
 officers of fome of the belligerent poweis, appeared to re- 
 quire attention. The proofs of thefe, however, not having 
 been brought forward, the defcription of citizens fuppofed 
 to have fuffered, were notified 5 that, on furnifhing them to 
 the executive, due meafurcs would be taken to obtain re- 
 drefs of the pail, and more effectual provifions againit the 
 future. Should fuch documents be f urnifhed, proper repre~ 
 fentattcns will be made, with a juft reliance on a redrefs, 
 
 * proportioned to the exigency of the cafe.' 
 
 4 The Britiih government having undertaken, by brder to 
 
 * the commanders of their armed vefiels, to reftrain gene- 
 rally our commerce in corn and other proviiions, to their 
 
 < own ports and thofe of their friends, the in (true!: ions, now 
 
 * communicated, were immediately forwarded to our minifter 
 
 * at that court. In the mean time, fome difcuffions on the 
 
 < fubject took place between him and them. Thefe are alfo 
 
 * laid before you. and I may expect to' learn the refult of hi* 
 
 < fpecial inftruclions, in time to make it known to the legif- 
 
 * lature, during their prefent feilion.' 
 
 Very early after the arrival of a Britim minifter here, mu- 
 
 * tual explanations on the inexecution of the treaty of peace 
 
 * were entered into with that minifter. Thefe are now laid 
 ( before you, for your information/ 
 
 From the documents accompanying this mefiage of Decem- 
 ber 5th, 1793, thefe fubjects emerge, as depending for adjuft- 
 ment between the United States and Great Britain : 
 
 1. The inexecution of the 7th article of the treaty of peace, 
 in carrying away negroes and other property of American in- 
 habitants, and the not withdrawing the garrifons from the 
 pcfts within the United States. 
 
 2. Regulations on the part of the Britifli government, 
 with refpect to the commerce of the two countries , which, if 
 reciprocally adopted, would materially injure the interefts of 
 the two nations ; and an overture from Mr. JerTerfon, as far back 
 as November, 1791, to conclude or negociate arrangements, 
 which might fix the commerce between the two countries on 
 
 o 
 
 principles of reciprocal advantage. 
 
 3. The afcertainment of the river intended by the treaty as 
 the river St. Croix. 
 
 4. The additional inftruclions of the 8th of June, 1793, 
 which rendered provifions to a certain degree contraband ; 
 
c 248 i 
 
 and the letter to Mr. Pinckney from this department in con- 
 fcquence thereof. 
 
 5. Other meafures of the Britifii government, in violation 
 of neutral rights. 
 
 6. The expofure of American feamen to impreffment ; 
 and, 
 
 7. The Britifh complaints of infraction of the fourth, fifth, 
 and fixth articles of the treaty, relative to the omiflions of con- 
 grefs to inforce them; the repealing of laws which exifted an- 
 tecedent to the pacification ; the enacting of laws fubfequent 
 to the peace, in contravention of the treaty, and the deciiions 
 of the ftate courts upon quellions affecting the rights of Britiih 
 fubjecls. 
 
 The defpatches tranfmitted to congrefs from Mr. Pinckney, 
 on the 22d of January, 1794, manifc.(l a continuation of th 
 fame unfriendly fpirit in the Britifh Government. 
 
 With the meflage of February 24, 17945 was fent to con- 
 grefs a letter from Mr. Pinckney, forwarding his converfation 
 with lord Grenville concerning )3ritifh agency, in fomenting 
 the Indian war, and Algerine hoilility. 
 
 On the 4th of April, 1794, was conveyed to congrefs, 
 Mr. Pinckney's letter, enclofing the inftrudions of the 6th of 
 November, 1793. 
 
 In addition to this involved and injurious ftate of things be- 
 tween us and Great Britain, it had been collected and report- 
 ed to congrefs, from the papers refpecting fpoliation ; that 
 the Britifh privateers plundered the American veflels ; threw 
 them out of their courfe, by forcing them, upon groundlefs 
 fufpicion, into ports, other than thofe to which they were 
 dcitined j detained them even after the hope of a regular 
 confifcation was abandoned ; by their negligence,, while 
 they held the pofleffion, expofed the cargoes to damage, and 
 the veflels to deilruction, and maltreated the crews :' That 
 our occafional trade to the Britifii Weft Indies was burthened 
 imneceHarily ; that our veflels were captured in going to the 
 French Weit Indies , and that the proceedings in the Britifli 
 vice-admiralcies were rigorous ; tranfgrefled ftricl: judicial 
 purity, and heaped the molt intolerable and fruitlefs ex- 
 pences upon our citizens, who defended their property before 
 them. 
 
 It makes no part of my object to compare the various 
 fchemes which were circulating to face thofe public diftrefies ; 
 nor to prove the fuperiority of the policy adopted by the execu- 
 tive, to commercial reprifals, fequeftration, and the ftoppage of 
 intercourfe. It is enough to fay, that his policy is affirmed to 
 
C 249 j 
 
 be, to purfuc peace < with unremitted zeal, before the laft 
 
 < resource, which had ib often been the fcouvge of nations, and 
 ' could not fail to check the advanced profperity of the Uni- 
 ted States, fhould be contemplated.' 
 
 By what means did the prefident expect to execute the 
 work of peace through the agency of Mr. Jay ? By < an-, 
 
 * nouncing to the world our folicitude for a frie/u!- : ; adjuft- 
 f went cf our complaints, and a_ reluctance to hoitiliiy : i3y 
 
 * fending a man who, going directly from the United States, 
 ' would carry with him a full knowledge of tl.e cxiftin^ tem- 
 
 * per and fenfibility of our country ; and would thus be taught 
 to vindicate our rights with nrmnefs, and to cuh'. 
 
 < with fmcerity/ The fenate, therefore, did probably antici- 
 pate what might be the objecls of this million, when they 
 confirmed the nomination. For the prefident details no pow-? 
 ers, and founds his nomination upon the information poileif- 
 ed by themfelves. 
 
 It has been or may be objected, i. That the fenate did not 
 contemplate the making of any treaty whatsoever. 2. That a 
 treaty of commerce, especially, was very diftant from their 
 mind. 3. That the declarations to the rainiiter of the French 
 Republic here, and the inftmctions to our own minifter at 
 Paris induced a perfuafion, that the Prefident had not veiled 
 in Mr. Jay, powers as extenfive as a treaty of commerce ; and, 
 4. That the treaty with Great Britain is juftly oirenfive to 
 France. 
 
 i. Recapitulate the feveral heads of intelligence in the 
 power of the fenate, when the nomination was affented to. 
 Scarcely one of them could, in the ordinary courfe of pro- 
 ceeding, be accommodated without an agreement : Some ex- 
 prefsly ftruck at the inexecution of the pad treaty. Upon, 
 others, no treaty had ever exifted, though overtures fe 
 purpofe had been repeated by the United States. T; 
 treaty would fpring from fuch miffion, and the extinction of 
 our differences, is too clear to be in need of further eluci- 
 dation. 
 
 And why mould not a treaty be concluded with Great Bri- 
 tain ? Was it becaufe (he had defpciled us ? The objection 
 would lie with equal ftrength againft even a treaty of peace. 
 It would forbid a treaty of peace even with Algiers. The 
 fac"r, is, that treaties are propoied by one nation, and accepted 
 by another, only becaufe they can be mutually hurtful by pofi- 
 tive enmity, or by the withholding of fome benefit. We are 
 in no danger of being corrupted by importing foreign vices ^ 
 
 Iv k 
 
C 2* 3 
 
 i'f treaties merely, and not our own propenfities, fhould fa- 
 vor them. 
 
 2. A treaty of commerce with Great Britain has for many 
 years been anxioufly puflied by the United States : Witnefs 
 the powers given by the old congrefs to Mr. Adams, to nego- 
 ciate it : Witnefs the clamors againft her for declining it: 
 Witnefs the argument drawn from thence, for a more ener- 
 getic government, which fhould infpire a dread of reprifal : 
 Witnefs the bill which pafled the houfe of reprefentatives at 
 an early feflion, difcriminating between nations having no 
 commercial treaty with us, and thofe which had. What, 
 too, was the report of the late fecretary of ftate, but a plan 
 for forcing the Britifh government into a treaty of com- 
 merce ? Has he not clearly unfolded this fentiment ? What 
 were the commercial proportions, but emanations from the 
 fame fyflem ? The want of a commercial treaty was the fin- 
 gle circumftance, which propped up the feverity of the pro- 
 pofed diftinclion of duties, and carried through one of the re- 
 folutions. 
 
 Exclufively of thefe various als, the facilities to our com- 
 merce, both European and Weft Indian, which would flow 
 from fuch a treaty, rendered it very defirable. 
 
 Perhaps, for a treaty of commerce alone, an envoy would 
 not have been thought of. But furely, to include in one ge- 
 neral arrangement controverfies, as well as ufeful compacts, 
 was the faving of one negociation at leaft. Some of our vex- 
 ations on the water were owing to the non-exiftence of the 
 cuflomary appendages to a commercial treaty. Paft fpolia- 
 tions might have been compenfated without a treaty; but a trea- 
 ty was the beft aflurance of the future. In a word, the fenate 
 rauft have been fenfible of many particulars being compre- 
 hended by the general outlines of the nomination. 
 
 When the prefident nominates minifters, he may, if he 
 pleafes, reftrift himfelf to the name, the grade, and the prince 
 or (late. He might, for example, have nominated Mr. Jay 
 thus : ( I nominate John Jay, as envoy extraordinary to his 
 * Britannic majefty.' The fenate, in their turn, might have 
 rejected him. But if they had approved him, the prefident 
 would have been at liberty to employ him in any negociation 
 with that king. Their power being ample on the completion 
 of die treaty, they are not a neceiTary conftitutional party in 
 the concoction of it; unlefs the prefident fhould find it expe- 
 nieiit to requeft their intermediate advice. It would be fuper- 
 tlucus to difcufs how far he might have limited himfelf by 
 
C 2J 1 
 
 the terms of the nomination ; as I again contend, and hope 1 
 have (hewn, that he did not limit himfelf. 
 
 3. We cannot forefee the reprefentations, which Mr. Fau- 
 chet is underftood to be meditating, to the French Republic. 
 But as the duties of nation towards nation did not compel us 
 to divulge to the French minifler more in regard to the treaty 
 with Great Britain, than that our treaties with France were 
 forbidden, by the inftru&ions to the envoy, to be infringed, 
 fo did die prefident approve, that the reftriction mould be 
 communicated to him. This was conformable with the truth, 
 and wears no deceptive countenance. 
 
 Your own inftru&ions fpeak thus : * To remove all jealoufy 
 
 * with refpecl: to Mr. Jay's minion to London, you may fay ; 
 
 * that he is pofitively forbidden to weaken the engagements 
 < between this country and France. It is not improbable, 
 c that you will be obliged to encounter, on this head, fufpi- 
 cions of various kinds. But you may declare the motive t of 
 
 that miflion to be, to obtain immediate compenfation for 
 our plundered property, and reftitution of the ports. You 
 may intimate, by way of argument, but without afcribing it 
 to the government; that if war mould be neceflary, the affec- 
 tions of the people of the United States towards it would 
 be better fecured, by a manifeflation, that every ftep had 
 been taken to avoid it ; and that the Britifh nation would 
 be divided, when they found that we had been forced into 
 it. This may be briefly touched upon, as the path of pru- 
 dence with refpecl: to ourfelves , and alfo with refpecl; to 
 France, fmce we are unable to give her aids of men or mo-. 
 ney. To this matter you cannot be too attentive ; and you 
 
 * will be amply ju (lifted, in repelling with firmnefs any im- 
 c putation of th? mod diftant intention to facrifice our con-. 
 ' ne&ion with France to any connection with England/ 
 When we exprefied a wifh to remove all jealoufy with re- 
 
 * fpe& to Mr. Jay's miflion/ it could not have been intended 
 to abandon felf dignity, by fubmitting to the pleafure or ani- 
 madverfions of France, any part of his inftrucHons with which 
 France had no concern. A contrary conduct would have been 
 irreconcilable, alfo, with the independence of the United 
 States, and would have put them into leading firings. It 
 would have been little fhort of trepidation under a mailer, i . 
 A treaty of commerce was altogether eventual : It was to be 
 -kept out of fight, until the polls and depredations mould be 
 fo adjufled as to promife a continuance of tranquillity, z. 
 It was eventual in another fenfe : Being to be concluded or 
 not, according to the degrees of advantage. 3. It was deem- 
 
t 252 } 
 
 ed important, that Mr. Jay (liould communicate or not com- 
 municate his commercial powers to the Britifh miniftry. 4. 
 ry coimnierci.il privilege, which Great Britain fhould ac- 
 quire, would devolve on France on like conditions. What 
 \vouk! France fay, if we were to infill, that every embryo of 
 her commercial treatif v poffibility of new commerci- 
 
 al arrangements, ihould be laid before our government ? 
 Certainly this ; that no iellowfhip between the two countries 
 authorises an expectation, that one will throw itfelf upon the 
 diicretion of the other to mar or not its negociations ; and 
 that national honor is an ample guardian of our treaties. 
 
 Among the numberlefs difguits, which nations have enter- 
 tained againft each other, I do not remember that a treaty of 
 commerce, which did not undermine the rights of fome par- 
 ty, was ever magnified into complaint by foreigners. Let me 
 cite only two : When Portugal, early in this century, fur- 
 fendered many of her commercial advantages to Great Britain; 
 and France, not ten years ago, contracted a difadvantageous 
 treaty with the fame power; who remonflrated but their own 
 fubjech and people ? If we are told that we ought not to 
 draw our connection clofer with Great Britain, and that 
 France will be jealous ; the anfwer is, that if we can multi- 
 ply the markets for our great ftaples ; if we can purchafe our 
 foreign goods cheaper, by having many manufacturing nations 
 to refort to ; or if even in the maintenance of neutral pri- 
 vileges, we can. by a flipulation, not derogatory from the 
 rights of others, avert vexations; this is a connection unafTail- 
 ablt by any reafonable oppofition. The romantic extent to 
 which contrary ideas may be carried, would abolifh our trade 
 with every nation, inr whofe inftitutions appeared falfe govern- 
 ment, falle religion, falfe niorals, falfe policy, or any other 
 political defect. 
 
 Your infhuttions juftify you in affirming, that Mr. Jay 
 
 * is pofitively forbidden to weaken the engagements between 
 c this country and France.' After veiling a general latitude of 
 powers in him, this cafe is declared to be an exception and ; 
 immutable : That as the Britim miniftry will doubtlefs be 
 
 c folicitous to detach us from France, and may probably make 
 
 * fome overture of this kind, you will inform them, that the 
 
 * government of the United States will not derogate from our 
 ' treaties and engagements with France.' 
 
 You intimate, however, .that your inftructions amount to- 
 an exclufion from Mr. Jay's million of every object, except 
 cbmpenfotion for plundered property, and reftitution of the 
 pofts. For a moment let mo iiurcat you to call to mind the 
 
C 253 ] 
 
 .different topics for negotiation, which were actually before 
 the fenate at the time of Mr. Jay's nomination, and which 
 were not included in either of thofe points. Were not Mr. 
 Jeffe.foiAanimadV'erfions upon the reiufal of Great Britain to 
 enter into a commercial treaty, and his plan for commercial 
 reprifals, before you ? Would it not have been extraordinary 
 to pafs by ib fair an opportunity of bringing forward all our 
 difccntents? Was it not urged as an objection to the meafure, 
 that the terms of the nomim.tion were fufTiciently broad for 
 any purpofe of negociation ? But appeal to the words: * You 
 < may declare the motives of that ncg'cciation to be' fb and fo. 
 Thefe <uxre the motives ; for if they had been away, it is pro- 
 bable, that our Kiinifter in London would have been directed 
 to purfue his efforts in the ordinary tract as to every thing elfe. 
 This was the true idea, when your inltructions were prepared. 
 ' We were defirous of repelling any imputation of the moft 
 c diftant intention to facrifice our connection with France to 
 any connection with England.' It was enough toalTign the 
 kadi ng motives of Mr. Jay's errand ; which were of a nature 
 warranting the aiTcrtion, that we would not facrifice the one 
 connection for the other. Mr. Jay was 5nltru6ted to this ef- 
 fect : f One of the caufes of your million are thg vexations 
 
 * aiid fpcliations committed en cur commerce by the audio- 
 ' rity of Jnllruclions from the Britifh government.' * A ic- 
 
 * cond caufe of your rniaicn, but not inferior in dignity to 
 ' the preceding, though fubfequcnt in order, is to draw to 
 ' a conclufion all points of diircrcnce between the United 
 
 States and Great Britain, concerning the treaty of peace.' 
 It is referred to your discretion ; whether, in cafe the two 
 preceding points mould be fo accommodated, as to promife 
 the continuance of tranquillitv between die United States 
 and Great Britain, the fubject of a commercial treaty may 
 net be liftened to by you, or even broken to the Britifh rm- 
 niftry. If it mould, let thefe be the general objects/ 
 Your inilrudtions, therefore, were comrnemurate with 
 fat and propriety. 
 
 I ft. They were literally true ; becr.ufo the motives were the 
 
 vexations of our commerce and the polls. 
 2d. The declaration of two cardinal propofitions does not 
 
 exclude another, which is fubordinate and eventual, 
 gd. The confidential proceedings of the United States, nre 
 
 not demandable by another nation, except wiie' 
 
 tkm is injured by them. 
 
t 254 3 
 
 4th. Otherwife, every modification of a direct and peremp- 
 tory challenge of our rights ; every compenfation, but the 
 downright payment of money ; every mode of reflitution 
 which was not inftantaneous and unqualified, ought to have 
 been avoided by Mr. Jay ; becaufe they were not ftated in 
 yourinftructions as motives to his million. But, 
 
 5th. To fcout the fufpicion of a deception on the French 
 Republic ; what manoeuvre could have been more ptltry, 
 than one which a few months muft certainly exhibit in open 
 day ? What emotions could the French Republic have 
 fliewn, if Mr. Jay's inftructions had been infpected by 
 them ? Would they have hazarded a hint, that we muft 
 have no treaty of commerce with Great Britain? We fhould 
 have quoted their own example, in having repelled by arms 
 the meddling of other nations in their internal affairs : We 
 fhould have quoted our own independence, which will not 
 tolerate the controul of any human authority. Would 
 they have pronounced a treaty of commerce with Great 
 Britain to be neceflarily a contravention of our treaties with 
 France ? We fhould have fearched in vain for fuch a pro- 
 vifion in thofe treaties. Would they have argued, that a 
 treaty of commerce with Great Britain contributed to 
 uphold her warlike operations? Not a fyllable in the inftruc- 
 tion can be fo tortured. Mercantile advantages to our- 
 felves, and a fecurity for neutral rights were our aim in a 
 commercial treaty. It remains to be difclofed, whether 
 the contents of that treaty are inconfiftent with our rela- 
 tion to the belligerent parties. Would the French Repub- 
 lic have requefted us to interdict our trade with Great Bri- 
 tain ? They could not have been gratified. Rather ought 
 they, as friends, ferioufly to have reflected on the prejudi- 
 cial footing of our trade with Great Britian. The Britifh 
 ftatefmen have for many years been ecnfcious, that Great 
 Britain enjoys an immenfe harvefl from its loofe fituation. 
 Our own ftatefmen have inceflantly lamented it, and 
 fought a remedy. France was no ftranger to our early 
 opinion, that the remedy was to be found in a commercial 
 treaty. She was no ftranger to the facts already enume- 
 rated, as to Mr. Adams's powers; to Mr. Jefferfon's report; 
 to the commercial propositions in congrefs ; to the preflure 
 on Mr. Hammond -, and to the refentful fpeeches and mo- 
 tions of every feflion, predicated on the reluctance of Great 
 Britain to treat with us on commerce. And yet, that 
 France has ever lifped a diflatisfadtion on the fcore of inju- 
 ry, is hidden from me. On the contrary, fome who were 
 
C '5J ] 
 
 privy to the French councils have endeavoured to rivet an 
 odium on Great Britain, becaufe {he would not negociate, 
 
 4. You are by this time probably acquainted with the trea- 
 ty with Great Britain, through the communications of Co- 
 lonel Trumbull, and mult have determined in your own 
 mind its probable effect upon the French Republic. Until it 
 fhall be ratified, it will be a wafte of time, which I can little 
 fpare, to comment upon it. If it is ratified or rejected, you 
 fhall receive an immediate and copious communication, and 
 more particularly in relation to the 4th inquiry; whether the 
 treaty with Great Britain affords juft caufe of offence to 
 France. I am the rather inclined to wave this inquiry for the 
 prefent, in confequence of information, that the French mi- 
 nifter is concerting an attack on the ratification of the trea- 
 ty ; and that fentiments, no lefs eccentric, than fatal to our 
 independence, are to be fcattered at random, from a confi- 
 dence in the popularity of the French caufe. 
 
 Be the iffue of this bufineis what it may, our government 
 will neither renounce its profeflions and friendly conduct to 
 the French Republic, nor afcribe to them any intemperate- 
 nefs, which their agent may difplay. But you ought to put 
 them on their guard. The viciffitudes in their parties have 
 already (if newfpapers may be credited) revived the old machi- 
 nations and malicious ftories of Genet. The fuel which his 
 fucceffor may add, from confiderations and fources which I 
 may, perhaps, hereafter explain, will receive a direction beft 
 calculated to excite a flame. A late letter from him bears 
 every fymptom of an inflamed temper. My anfwer to it, which 
 will accompany this letter, is our refutation. We acknowledge 
 nothing to be undone on our part, which friendihip would 
 dictate ; our faculties could accomplim, and our neutrality 
 would permit. If injuries are complained of, let us reafon 
 together like cordial allies; and compenfate where either may 
 have been in fault. But let it be the lad blot in the annals of 
 the world, that the United States and France ceafe to be, what 
 they ought to be, friends, who will endure no feparation. 
 
 I now quit this lengthy fubject ; and (hall in other del- 
 patches more precifely reply to the different letters which I 
 have lately received from you. 
 
 I am, $*fc. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH, 
 
 Secretary of State, 
 
From the Secretary of State of the United States, to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 Philadelphia, July id, 1795. 
 SIR, 
 
 I UNDERSTAND by a letter from colonel Barr, that 
 Mr. John B. Prevoft takes an immediate paflage for France, 
 to enter into your family : His expectation being founded 
 on the new office of conful-general, which, at your inftance, 
 has been created, and given to Mr. Skipwith, I inclofe his com- 
 miffion. 
 
 Before this time you muft have feen Mr. Pinckney and Mr. 
 Trumbull ; and from them will have collected the particulars 
 of the treaty with Great Britain. My long letter of the ift 
 of June, will alfo have reached you within a few days from 
 the prefent. Overwhelmed as I am with moft urgent bufi- 
 nefs, I can only communicate to you a copy of the treaty, 
 and the vote of the fenate j and ftate to you, that the Prefi- 
 dent has not yet decided upon the final meafure to be adopted 
 byhimfelf; that a copy has been delivered to Mr. Adet; 
 that he laft evening tranfmitted to me fome remarks upon it ; 
 that this morning they will be laid before the Prefident ; 
 and that I (hall probably make explanations to Mr. Adet, 
 which, as far as I fee into the fubjeft, ought to quiet his ap- 
 preheniions. I need not repeat to you how much we have at 
 heart a pure friendship with France, uninterrupted and per- 
 petual. 
 
 I am, tsfc. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH, 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 Frzm the Secretary of State of the United States, to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 July I #h, 1795. 
 SIR, 
 
 MY indifpoHtion difables me from writing a long let- 
 ter at this moment. But the opportune conveyance by Mr. 
 Gibfon, fupercargo of the (hip Molly (whom I recommend to 
 your notice and patronage, on public and private confiderations) 
 will not fuffer me to omit the forwarding of the papers at 
 foot. Among them is the treaty, fc?V, as publiflied, and a 
 
C ^57 3 
 
 eorrefpondence between Mr. Adet and myfelf upon it. 
 Since mv letter to him, I have heard nothing from him. 
 
 The treaty is not yet ratifvjd by the prefident ; nor will it 
 be ratified, I believe, until it returns from England,: if then. 
 But I do not mean this for a public communication, or for any 
 public body or men-. I am eng iged in a work, which, when 
 finilhed and approved by the piciidqnt, will enable me to 
 fneak precifeiy to you. The late Britifh order for fcizing 
 provisions is a weighty obftacle to a ratification. I do not . 
 iuppofe, that fuch an attempt to itarve France will be coun- 
 tenanced. 
 
 By Mr. Prevoft, \vho leaves the United States for France 
 the day after to-morrow, I ihall write to you again ; and, if 
 poffible, more at large. 
 
 I am, 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH. 
 
 P. S. Be fo good as to protect the veiTel, the defcription df 
 Which is inclofed. 
 
 Duplicate, E. Randolph to James Monroe, i ft June, 1795* 
 Ditto ditto yth June, 1/95, as i 
 
 money for Madame la Fayette. 
 Ditto ditto 8th June. 
 
 Ditto ditto 2nd July. 
 
 Copy of the treaty between the United States arid Great 
 Britain, and the newfpapers including this day's. 
 
 Firft copy of a letter from Mr. Adet, of 3oth of June ; and 
 Mr. Randolph's anfwer of 6th July, relative to the trea- 
 ty between the United States and Great Britain. 
 
 Frcm the Secretary cf State of the United States, to fir. Monroe. 
 
 Philadelphia, July 2 1/?, 1795. 
 
 BY a paft opportunity, I did myfelf the honor of fend- 
 ing to you a printed copy of the propofcd treaty between the 
 United States and Great Britain : With it was bound up a 
 copy of the act of our fenate. The want ef precedent for fucfa 
 
[ 258 ] 
 
 a mode of ratification ; the doubts, whether they meant to fit 
 in judgment again upon the article to be added; whether th<3 
 prefident can ratify without re-fubmitting the new article to 
 them 5 whether he can ratify before he himfelf infpects the 
 new article, after it fhall have been aflented to by the Britifh 
 king; and what effect the fufpenfion of the i2th article will 
 have upon all thofe fubfequent to the icth, create difficul- 
 ties and delays, even independent of the real merits of the 
 treaty. The ne/wfpapers which have been forwarded to you, 
 will Ihew the unpopularity of the treaty at Bofton. 
 
 The day before yciterday, New York exhibited a fimilar 
 fcene : It will probably be re-acted in Philadelphia to-mor- 
 row ; and will travel, perhaps, further. The complaints are 
 numerous, from the friends of the treaty, that the condemna- 
 tions of it have proceeded from unfair practices. Upon this 
 I can, as yet, fay nothing ; but will wait until fome counter- 
 aiTemblies, which are faid to be contemplated, fhall have pub- 
 lifhed their appeal to the world. When I inform you that 
 the prefident has not yet ratified the treaty, his character will 
 convince you, that nothing will deter him from doing what he 
 thinks right; and that the final queftion lies open from caufes 
 unconnected with any confiderations but the intereft and du- 
 ties of the United States. He is at prefent in Virginia ; and 
 will, doubtlefs', very foon take his conelufive ftep. If I were 
 permitted to conjecture what that would be, I fhauld fufpect, 
 that, at any ratej he would not fign it until it fhould return 
 from England, with the addition of the fufpending article; 
 and probably not even then, if a late Britifh order for the cap- 
 ture of provifions going to France, fhould have been iffued, at 
 we fuppofe, and increafe the objections which have been la- 
 vrfhed upon it. 
 
 The prefent may be well confidered as a crifis, taken either 
 upon the fuppofition of a ratification or rejection. In the 
 latter cafe, the refult with Great Britain is not fo eafily fore- 
 feen: In the former, the refult in our own country is invol- 
 ved with many delicate and hazardous topics. It is my con- 
 folation, however, that he who guides the helm, will, by 
 his fortitude and wifdom, fteer us into fafe port. 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH, 
 Secretory o 
 
Minifter Pknipst&itwry of the French Republic, to the Se- 
 cretary of State of tie United States. 
 
 Philadelphia^ 1'Zff) Mc$dor y ^d year of the Republic. 
 
 (Jime^th, 1795.^ 
 
 I HAVE received tire treaty of amity, commerce and 
 navigation, negociated between the United States and Great- 
 Britain, which the Prefident has been pleafed that I ihcuki bfe 
 jKjfiefled of in order to enable me to make luch obftrvations 
 thereon as I might judge proper. This frank meal arc is tb 
 me a fure guaranty of the fr-ie-ndmip of the American govenv 
 -ment towards France, and of ihe fidelity with which it always 
 marks its conduct towards a faithful ally. It is therefore 
 with confidence that I am about to iubmit the reflections tb 
 which the reading of the treaty has given birth. They will 
 not be founded, Sir, upon general cueilions; they mail be 
 confined merely to the itipulations of the treaty concluded 
 with England j which, contrary to the interests of France, 
 appear to me to deitroy the effect of her treaty with the Li- 
 nked States. 
 
 I (hall npt fpeak of the I2th article, fmce that is Append- 
 ed. I (hall not rcprefent to you how injurious it may be to 
 -France and the United States. It necefTarily paralizes the 
 commerce of the United States with the French colonies. Iri 
 fa&j would an American merchant be willing to treat with 
 our colonies for the exportation of produce, which he eanndt 
 vend in Europe ? Is not this an indirect metrns of preventing 
 >the colonies from participating in advantages which the Englifli 
 referve to themfelves ? But, Sir, this is not the only articfe 
 oipon which I can prefeni obfervations to you. 
 
 The 1 7th, i8th, 24th and 25th articles, appear to merit 
 great n-ttention, when we compare them with the 23d, 24^1 
 -and 1 7th of our treaty. Indeed, Sir, fubfequent to the iyth, 
 -which ftates that the contracting parties agree, that the .re- 
 fpedKve veflels may be arrefted and detained upon juft fufpi- 
 cion that they are laden with merchandize belonging to an 
 enemy, or that they are carrying to the enemy articles which 
 are contraband of w?.r, &c. is the 1 8th article defcribing thofe 
 articles, and which ftates: < It is agreed that under the faid de- 
 ' nomination (hall be comprifed all arms and implements fervirrg 
 *for tfce purpofts of war, by tea-d or feaj fuch as cannon, rau^ 
 
[ 260 ] 
 
 kets, mortars, petards, bombs, grenadoes, carcafies, fau* 
 cifics, carriages for cannon, mufkct refts, bandoliers, gun- 
 powder, match, faltpetre, balls, pikes, fwords, heads pieces, 
 
 < cuiraiics, halberis, lances, javelins, horfe furniture, holders, 
 
 * beltsu and generally all other implements of war , as alft* 
 
 * timber fir fiipbuilding, tar or rofin, copper in fleets, fails, hemp 
 f and con' age, ttnd whatever may ferve directly to the : equipment 
 
 * f vffii* '* unwrought iron and fir planks only excepted ; 
 
 * and all the above articles are hereby declared to be jvjl objects of 
 
 * confiscation whenever they are attempted to 'be carried to an enemy.' 
 The 23-d articb of the treaty between France and the United 
 States, which fecures the liberty of commerce to the citizens 
 of both countries, contains this (tipulation : * It is flipulated 
 by the prefent treaty, that free ihips mall make, free goods, 
 and that every thing ihall be judged free which may be found 
 
 < on board of the veiTcls belonging to the fubjeds of the con- 
 trading parties, if even the lading or a part thereof JJjould be- 
 ' long to the enemies of one of them; it being neverthelefh under- 
 
 < flood that contraband articles (hall always be excepted.' 
 The 24th article explains the articles of contraband and pro- 
 hibited merchandize in the following manner : Under the 
 ' name ofc contraband or prohibited merchandizes, are com- 
 
 < prehended, cannon, bombs .vvith their fufees, and other 
 
 * things thereto belonging, bullets, gunpowder, matches, 
 
 < pikes, fwords, lances, fpears, halberts, mortars, petards, gre- 
 
 < nadea,faltpetre,muikets,mu{ketballsjbucklers,helmets,brea{l- 
 
 * plates, coats of mail, and the like kinds of arms, proper for 
 arming icldiers, muiket reds, belts, horfes with their fur- 
 
 * niture, and all other warlike inft rumen ts whatever. Thefe 
 
 * merchandizes which follow ihall not be reckoned among 
 
 < contraband or prohibited goods;.' that is to fay, all forts of 
 ' cloths, and all other manufactures woven of any wool, flax, 
 
 * fiik, cotton or any other niatcrials whatever, all kinds of 
 
 < wearing apparel, together with the fpecies whereof they 
 are u!ed to be made , gold and filver,. as well coined as un- 
 coined ; tin, iron, latten, copper, brafs, coals : As alfo 
 wheat arid barley, and any other kind of corn and pulfe ; 
 tobacco and Hkewife all manner of (pices , falted and fmoak- 
 ed flefh, falted Jim, cheefe and butter; beer, oils, wines, 
 fug/.rs and all forts of falts ; and in general all provifions 
 which ferve for the nourifiiment of mankind and the fuf- 
 tenance of life : Furthermore, all kinds cf cotton, hemp, fax, 
 tar, pitch, ropes, cables, fails, fail cloth, anchors, and any parts 
 
 * of anchors ; alfojhips' majls, planks, boards and beams of -what 
 f trees J~oever ^ arid, allothtr things proper either for bluffing or re^ 
 
C afii 1 
 
 pairing fops, and all other goods whatever, which have cot 
 been worked into the form of any initrument or thin? pre- 
 pared for war, by land cr by fea, fhall not be reputed con- 
 traband ; much lefs fuch as have been already wrought and 
 made up for any other ufe \ all which ihall be wholly reck- 
 oned emong free goods : as likewile all ether merchandizes 
 and things which are not comprehended and particularly 
 mentioned in the foregoing enumeration of contraband 
 goccis ; ib that they may be tranipci ted and carried in the 
 ft manner, by the fubjects of both confederates, even 
 to places belonging to an enemy, fuch towns or places be- 
 ii;g only excepted, as a\e at that time bef.eged, blocked up 
 or inverted.' 
 
 The law of the I3th Nivofe, in die 3d year, fecurestothe 
 treaties a full execution, and the arret of the committee of. 
 public fafety, dated die 2;th of the fame month, tranfmittcd 
 to you by Colonel Monroe, refts upon the entire execution 
 of the article of our treaty which 1 have juft cited to you. 
 The United States therefore, in virtue of thefe acb, may free- 
 ly tranport to England, hemp, flax, tar, pitch, cordage, 
 cables, fails, fail clodi, frV. and every other thing proper for 
 the con ft ruction or repair of veffels, without apprehending 
 any hindrance on our part ; while by the articles of the trea- 
 ty wiih England, the United States cannot carry to us any 
 of the articles proper for the conftruclion of veflels, fince the 
 Engliih have the power of feizing them. The United States 
 have, therefore, granted to England a right which we have not, 
 and v. hich in the courfe of the prefent war, inclines the bal- 
 ance in favor of England. 
 
 The 23d article of the treaty between the United States and 
 England, dates that Engj^ih veiTels and thofe of the United 
 Slates, fhall be hofpitably received in the refpetlive ports of 
 the two contracting nations; and article 24th Rates : < It mall 
 
 * not be lawful for any foreign privateer (not being fubjecls or 
 citizens of either of the faid parties) who have commiilions 
 
 * from any other prince or ftatc in enmity with either nation, 
 to arm their fliips in the ports of either of the faid parties, 
 nor to fell what they have taken, nor in any other manner 
 to exchange the fame, nor fhall they be allowed to purchafe 
 more provifions than fhall be neceflary for their going to the 
 nearefl port of that prince or ftate from whom they obtain- 
 ed their commiflions.' And article 25th, < It mail be law- 
 ful for the {hips of war and privateers belonging to the faid 
 parties refpe&ively, to carry whitherfoever they pleafe, the 
 jjiips and goods taken from, their efle.mjies ; without being 
 
* obliged to pay airy fee to the ciRcers of the admifaky, or te 
 
 * any Budges whatever ; nor {hail the faid prizes when they 
 arrive at, and enter the ports of the laid parties., be detained 
 
 * or feized ; neither i'hall the iearchers or other officers of thefe 
 
 < places viih fuch prizes (except for the purpofe. of preventing 
 
 < the carrying of any part of the cargo thereof on fhore, in 
 
 * any manner contrary to the eftablifhed laws of the revenue, 
 
 * navigation or commerce) nor (hail fuch oilicers take cogni- 
 zance of the validity of fuch prizes ; but they mail be at 1*. 
 berty to hoi{l fail, and depart as fpeedily as may be, r.r;d 
 can v their faid prizes to the place mentioned in their coin- 
 
 * nuiJK-r>5 or patents, which the con: mi; mi errs of the faid {hips 
 of war or pn\ atcers fhuil be obliged to {hew. No fnelter or 
 r.. j be given in their ports to fuch as have made a 
 c prize u pea th: i\:p;ecls or citizens ct eitiier of the hiid partivf 1 -; 
 but if forced by itrefs of weather, or the danger of the iea, 
 to ent^r therein, particular care ihaU be taken to haften their 
 
 * dcp^rtuie, <n;d to taufc tJirm. to retire as icon as poiiibie. 
 ' Nothing in this treaty contained, flmll however be conftru- 
 
 * eel or operate contrary to former exuUng public treaties with 
 oLT.tr fovereigns or ilates. But the two parties agree, that 
 
 * \vhilc tlicy continue in amity, neither of them will in future 
 
 * make any treaty that fhali be inconfiitent with this or the pre.- 
 ' ceding article.' Bat the 1 7111 article of cur treaty fiates-, that 
 Frtnch ihips of war. and thofe which France fhall Jiave 
 .'.rrncd for w.r ; as aifo the veiiels of the United States or 
 
 : eir inhabitant?, may conduct their prizes into tlie refpec- 
 f;ve ports of ths two nations ; that neither afyiurn nor refuge 
 ilrill be given in their ports or havens to thofe who mail have 
 rnade prizes on, the refpeclive inhabitants of the two countries, 
 and if they arc forced to enter by tempeii or danger of the fea, 
 they fliail be obliged to go out ns foon as pcilible. If we com- 
 pare this article with thofe of the treaty made with Great. Bri- 
 tain, it will be cafiiy feen, that during dta prefent war it K 
 (ieftroyed by the firth For although the 2^th article of the 
 treaty with Groat Britain ilates : < Nothing. In this treaty 
 
 * contained, ihall however be conftrued or operate contrary 
 
 * to former and exifting public trouties \vith other fovereigus 
 
 < or fta'tcs,' and \vecught to infer therefrom, that .France, 
 though not named, will always enjoy the advantages M&ch 
 article lyth of her treaty allows her ; yet it is very clear that 
 the Englifh will have the right cf claiming the -execution of 
 the 23'J and 2.4 th articles of tlieir treaty with the linked 
 iStates; th;it they will have during the prefent war the .privi- 
 lege of cond'uciing tlicir prices into die ports of the United* 
 
C 2*3 ] 
 
 , and confequently the ftipulations cf the lyth article 
 of our treaty are deftrc 
 
 Moreover this article contains this chine : < But the two 
 ( parties agree that while they continue in amity, neither cf 
 ' them will in future make any treaty, that (hall be inconfiii- 
 < ent with this or the preceding article -,' which feems to pre- 
 vent the eftablifhing of a new negotiation between the Uni- 
 ted States and France , fince, in a new treaty, France could 
 n :t renounce the advantages fecurcd to her by article lyth of 
 her former treaty, and it is poflible that they would be rcfufed 
 to her in virtue cf that article. 
 
 Such,' fir, are the obfervations which I have thought it my 
 duty to prefent. I (hall wait for your anfwer in order to 
 tranfmit the treaty to the committee of public fafety of the 
 national convention. It has never doubted the attachment of 
 the American government towards France, and I am con- 
 vinced that the prefent circumftances will furnifh a new proof 
 of their good intentions. 
 
 Accept, Sir, the affurance 
 of my refpedl and efteem, 
 
 P. A. ADET. 
 
 mi: tie Secretary cf Slate of ike United Stales, to the Minlllef 
 Plenipotentiary cf ths French Republic. 
 
 Philadelphia, July 6tb> 1795. 
 
 I ACCEPT as a pledge of that harmony which you arc 
 anxious to cultivate between our two nations, your letter of 
 the 30th ultimo, received on the ift inftant at night. Let it 
 be our unvaried practice, to fuffer no fufpicion to ripen into 
 an unfriendly fentiment, until it (hall have been imparted to 
 each other ; and let us repel, with firmnefs, the artifice by 
 Which ill-afFecled perfons, under the guife cf attachment to 
 the French republic, enxlcavcr to embroil k with the United 
 States. 
 
 When you exprcfled'to me, on Monday laft, fome uneafinef*.' 
 which the report of the contents of the prcpofed treaty with. 
 Great Britain had excited in yonr breafr., I the more readily 
 informed you of my intention to ?.fk the present's pen: 
 
to fiirnifli you with a copy ; as I was convinced that an entire 
 view of it would not only enable you to ftate all the parts ob- 
 jectionable to our ally, but would alfo remove the prejudices 
 which detached reprefentations might occafion. Having deli- 
 vered to you a copy, I arn now to examine the provifions, 
 which feem to you irreconcileable with our engagements to 
 France. 
 
 Upon this head, it has been often declared by the prefident 
 of the United States, and is now repeated, that thofe engage- 
 ments fhall not, with his afient, be infringed. As far, there- 
 fore, as he is concerned, you need only prove, at any time, that 
 a given meafure will infringe it, and he will not countenance 
 that meafure. The fame, I am perfuaded, may be affirmed of 
 the other branches of our government. But after a clofe 
 fcrutiny of the points, which alone you have felected for ani- 
 madverfion, it is not difcerned that the rights of France are in 
 any degree impaired. 
 
 In faying this, I muft call to your recollection the manner 
 in which the making of treaties is arranged by our conftitution. 
 The fenate advife and confent to their being made ; the prefi-< 
 dent ratines them ; and the courts are afterwards at liberty to 
 conftrue them, as particular cafes arife, requiring their deci- 
 fion. The opinions, therefore, of the prefident, are not obli- 
 gatory on the courts. He judges for himfelf: They judge 
 for themfelves ; and if, by the interpretation of the one or the 
 other, the rights of the French Republic are aflailed, die ac- 
 cuftomed modes of remonftrance and negotiation will dill be 
 open ; and the principles upon which national redrefs is de- 
 manded, wi-ll ftill have their force. 
 
 After this explanation, I proceed to ftate to you the refult 
 of the prefident's reflections on your exceptions to the propo- 
 fed treaty. 
 
 Theie exceptions are; ift. That the 23d and 24th articles 
 of our commercial treaty with France are violated by the i )th 
 and 1 8th of die propofed treaty. 2nd. That the iyth article 
 of the former is deftroyedby the 23d, 24th, and 25th articles 
 of the latter ; and, 3d. That the laft fentence in the firft para- 
 graph of the 25th article of the propofed treaty appears to 
 * prevent a new negociation between the United States and 
 c France.' 
 
 I. The eflence of your firft objection, as drawn from the 
 reafoning in your letter, is reducible to this ftatement :-^-By* 
 the treaty with France, hemp, flax, tar, pitch, ropes, cables, 
 fails, fail- cloth, anchors and parts of anchors, mafts, planks, 
 boards and beams, of what trees foever, and all other things 
 
C 265 ] 
 
 proper for building or repairing fhips, fhall not be reputed 
 contraband of war, but mail be reckoned among free goods, 
 and may be transported in the freed manner by the contracting 
 parties, even to places belonging to an enemy ; fuch only 
 cxcepted, as are actually befieged, blocked up, or inverted. 
 But the propofed treaty defignates as contraband, timber for 
 {hip-building, tar or rofin, copper in fheets, fails, hemp and 
 cordage, and whatever may ferve directly to the equip- 
 ment of veflels (unwrought iron and fir planks only except- 
 ed) and they are declared to be juft objects of confifcation, 
 whenever they ihall be attempted to be cariied to an enemy. 
 From hence you conclude, that the United States may freely 
 carry into England all things proper for the building or re- 
 pairing of veflels, without fearing any obftacle on the part of 
 France, while they can carry none of them to Fiance ; and 
 that they have thus granted to England a right which France 
 enjoys not, and which, in the courfe of the exifting war, 
 inclines the balance in favor of England. 
 
 The United States have certainly cppofed the extenfion of 
 contraband, whenever the Britifh government has fought to 
 fwell the catalogue. But it never could be denied, under 
 the law of nations, and independently of a treaty, that ma- 
 terials for the building and repairing of vefiels are contra- 
 band. The propofed treaty, then, does not grant ^ but re- 
 cognizes only, a right to Great Britain ; which, even with- 
 out that recognition, (lie would have poflcfTed and exercifed. 
 
 This recognition might have been omitted cr inlerted, 
 without changing the nature of the fubjett ; though it was 
 more natural, in commercial arrangements, to particularize 
 die articles of contraband. 
 
 It was, indeed, anxioufly defired to dirr.inifh the lift, as 
 much as poilible. But, it no reciprocity could accomplifh 
 this end j if no equivalent could be offered by us to Great 
 Britain, powerful enough to induce her to renounce her 
 rights under the law of nations, what was to be done ? Ma- 
 ny reaibns will occur, fir, why it was not to be extorted by 
 force : To become a party in the war was neither our policy, 
 nor the wifh of your republic : To become a party in the war 
 for a caufe, which the armed neutrality itfelf never would 
 have aflerted, would have been fupported by no civilized na- 
 tion. 
 
 The United States have, therefore, wilfully furrendered ns 
 right, relative to contraband. 
 
 Nor is the treaty with France contravened by this acknow- 
 ledgment of contraband. It ftipulates, that if France be ar 
 
 Mm 
 
[ 266 ] 
 
 war, and the vefiels of the United States carry naval, ftores to 
 her enemy, French cruizers fhall not capture them. The 
 propofed treaty admits the right of Great Britain to feize fuch 
 veflels going to her enemy. The inference is, that France 
 has relaxed her ftricl. rights, in confideration that the United 
 States have relaxed theirs, in this refpeft ; but that Great 
 Britain will not relax hers. The treaty with France, there- 
 fore, remains uninfluenced by the propofed compa6l with 
 Great Britain* 
 
 The true light, in which the fubjecl: is to be viewed, is 
 that which you have caught ; when you allude to the efrecl:, 
 which the right of Great Britain to feize naval ftores, going 
 from the United States to France, may have upon her intereft, 
 while me continues bound not to feize like ftores, going from 
 the United States to England. 
 
 Our treaty with France was entered into, with a perfect 
 knowledge, on both fides, that they were ftriking out from 
 the clafs of contraband articles, which the laws of nations 
 denominated fuch. They were both apprized, that if the U- 
 nited States fhould be at war with Great Britain, the {hipping 
 of France, carrying naval ftores to Great Britain, could not be 
 feized by American cruizers ; while the fame fhipping, 
 bringing naval ftores to the United States, might be fei- 
 zed by Britifh cruizers. They faw, therefore, the reci- 
 procity of the provifion. Why then was not the cafe, which 
 has now happened, being forefeen, guarded againft ? Perhaps 
 on account of this very reciprocity.. Perhaps from a belief, 
 that it was not over-important. Perhaps, on the part of the 
 United States, from a confidence that their internal fupplies 
 would be ample ; and, on that of France, that their home re- 
 fburces, their" own fhipping and convoys would accommodate 
 them with thofe ftores. Or more probably, neither of the 
 contracting powers was difpofed to cramp the commerce of 
 the other, but upon the moft demonftrable neceility : How- 
 fqever this may be, the propofed treaty does not vary the fi- 
 tuation of France, nor better the rights of Great Britain, in 
 one iota of contraband. 
 
 There was a time, indeed, when France felt herfelf ab- 
 folved from the ftipulation, that free mips make free goods ; 
 becaufe Great Britain, by capturing hoftile'property in Ame- 
 rican bottoms, rendered it difadvantageous to France to fpare 
 Britim property in thofe bottoms. But the law of the I3th 
 Nivofc, in the 31! year, to which you refer, has banifhed that 
 cle of reafjr.bg, and has created a precedent for our mode- 
 
Hitherto, however, I have.fpoken upon principles of right, 
 Upon any other principles, and more efpecially upon thole of 
 hardfhip and injury to a friend, it {hall be a topic of the nego- 
 ciation, now opening between us. With the temper which- 
 will pervade the whole of it, I cannot doubt, that fome modifi- 
 cation may be devifed ; and it may be feparated from the ge- 
 neral treaty, fo as not to be delayed by it. 
 
 2. In my judgment you misconceive the propofed treaty, 
 when you imagine that the Englim will have a right to claim 
 the execution of the 23d and 24th articles of it, in derogation 
 of the iyth article of our treaty with France ; that is to isy, 
 that in the courfe of the prefent war they may conduct their 
 prizes, made from the French, into the ports of the United 
 States. They will not poflefs fuch a privilege, during the 
 prefent or any other war with France. For nothing,' in 
 the propofed treaty contained, mall be conilrued, or operate, 
 < contrary to former and exifting public treaties with other 
 ' fovereigns or flates.' The Britiili plenipotentiary was here 
 admonilhed of our prior engagements, and cf our determi- 
 nation to poftpone to them a;:y new contract with Great Bri- 
 tain. Our treaties with France are laved by die general de- 
 fcription, which was the mod eligible form of -txpreffion ; 
 becaufe it was ihorter, and equally well adapted to compre- 
 hend all our treaties It is the fame form of expreflion with 
 that which was adopted in the year 1-786, in the treaty between 
 France .and Great Britain. 
 
 The 4oth article of the laft mentioned treaty, and the 25th 
 of the propofed treaty, are, in fubftance, alike; and yet it was 
 clearly and properly underftood, when the French and EngHfh 
 treaty was made, that our commercial treaty with France was 
 not, in this refpec~t, (haken. We have, at lead, never com- 
 plained of any infraction of ours from this cauie ; and there- 
 fore are fincere in believing, that France can be as little arTctl- 
 ed by our treaty with Great Britain, as the United States were 
 by hers with Great Britain. 
 
 In your quotation of the 23d article of the treaty with Great 
 Britain, you obferve, that the vejjels of the Englifh are to 
 be received with hofpitality in the ports of the United States. 
 Theyarethe ( Jhipsof e i Va r y ' the public navy, not the priva- 
 teers, which are to be fo received. Now the Britiili mips of 
 war are not prohibited by our treaty with France, from viiiting 
 our ports, unlefs under certain exceptionable circumftances. 
 From thefe they are not releafed by the propofed treaty ; be- 
 caufe our treaty with France, which is a iupreme law of the 
 land, is decisively contrary. 
 
C 2(58 3 
 
 "The 2/fth article of the propofed treaty is, with a very fmall 
 and uneflential difference, the fame with the i6th article of 
 the French treaty with Great Britain. And here this remark 
 occurs : That the propofed treaty faves every right of France, 
 arifing from our treaty of commerce ; but the treaty between 
 France and Great Britain does not, by any general or parti- 
 cular expreflion, fave the rights of the United States, which 
 might fland in oppofition to that \ 6th article. We have never 
 reriionilrated, becaufe we always thought ourfelves fecure un- 
 der the faith of France, and the law of nations. 
 
 3. Upon the third and laft head of objection, which you 
 urge againft the propofed treaty, little need be faid. You 
 {hall continue to enjoy your rights under the 1 7th article of 
 our treaty with France. We will not afk you to renounce 
 the advantages, which that article aflures to you. The pro- 
 hibition on which you lay fo much ftrefs, is not againft paft, 
 but future treaties. If a new treaty of commerce with France, 
 including the fame matter with the old one, would be pre- 
 vented by the 25th article, the confequence may be eafily 
 avoided, by declaring, that fo much of the old one as is con- 
 nccled with any particular, for which it may be defirable 
 to retain a priority, mall remain in force. This is a 
 remedy fo obvious that I flatter myfelf it will remove any 
 difficulty in the v/ay of a new negociation. 
 
 Should an embarrafirnent full hang upon thefe points, I 
 mull entreat you to afford me an opportunity of meeting 1 
 them, before your communications are defpatched to the com- 
 mittee of public fafety. 
 
 I have the honor to be, feV. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH. 
 
 From tie Minifter Plenipotentiary of the French Republic^ to tht 
 Secretary of State of the United States. 
 
 Philadelphia, ^d Meffldor y -$d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (Julywtb, 1795.; 
 
 I RECEIVED on the 6th, the letter dated the fame day, 
 which you have addrefled to me in anfwer to the obferva- 
 tions which I prefented to you upon the treaty propofed be- 
 tween the United States and Great Britain. I fhould have 
 
t 269 ] 
 
 anfwered you fooner if my health, always precarious fmce my 
 arrival in 'the United States, had not obliged me to abftain 
 from bufinefs for a fortnight back. I tranfmit it to the French 
 government with my obiervations, and the treaty. In cir- 
 cumftances fo important, it belongs to my government, ex- 
 clufively, to adopt a deciiion, and I cannot permit myfelf to 
 make any. 
 
 In a few days I (hall have the honor of feeing you, and of 
 taking the neceflary meafures to begin the work relative to the 
 framing of the new treaty, and new confular convention. 
 
 Accept, Sir, the afiurance of my efteem, and of my higlx 
 confederation. 
 
 P. A. ADET. 
 
 No. XXIII. ] 
 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF Srv. 
 
 Paris , Qcliber iota, 1795- 
 
 THE breach which I lately intimated to you had taken 
 place between feveral of the fe&ions of this city, and the 
 convention, refpe&ing two decrees of the 5th and 1 3th FrutH- 
 dor, and whofc object was to transfer from the convention fo 
 many of its members, as would conititute two thirds of the 
 legifiature of the new government, continued daily to widen 
 afterwards till at length all hope of amicable compromife was 
 gone. A final appeal, therefore, was made to arms ; and 
 which took place on the 5th inftant (i3th Vendemiaire) and 
 in which the convention prevailed. The details of this con- 
 teft, though very interefting, are not lengthy. In the morn- 
 ing of the 5th, a force was inarfhalled out by the revolting fec- 
 tions upon their refpeclive parades, in concert , and under 
 officers already engaged, and who led it on by different ave- 
 nues towards the national palace ; fo that by four in the even- 
 ing the convention was nearly inverted en every fide. With- 
 in the garden of the Thuiileries and around the national pa- 
 lace were collected the troops deftined for the defence of the 
 convention *, and which were advantageoufiy polled with can- 
 non to guard the feveral avenues by which approaches might 
 
C *?0 ] 
 
 be made.' The members remained within the hall, prepared 
 to await the iflue of the day. The difpofition, therefore, was 
 that of befiegers againft befieged, and which grew out of the 
 difparity of numbers on each Tide , for on that of the conven- 
 tion, taking the whole together, there were not more than fix 
 thoufand ; whilft on the fide of the factions, there were in 
 activity at lead ten thoufand, and a ftill greater body in arms, 
 which* was fuppofed to be on the fame fide, or at leaft neu- 
 tral. The countenance too of the parties befpoke a ftrong 
 fympathy with their refpective fituations ; that of thofe with- 
 out exhibited an air of cheerfulnefs and alacrity, and which 
 nothing but the confidence of fuccefs could infpire, whilft 
 that of thofe within was dejected and melancholy. The ac- 
 tion commenced a little after five in the evening by the ad- 
 vance of the troops of the fections, and ended about ten by 
 their retreat. Wherever they approached they were re- 
 pulfed by heavy difcharges of artillery and mufketry, which 
 ranged and cleared the ftreets of their columns, as foon as pre- 
 lented. For fome time, towards the clofe, the conteft was 
 fuftained on the part of the fections, from the windows of 
 the neighbouring houfes ; from whence, perhaps, more of the 
 troops were flain than from any other quarter. The lofs on 
 either fide is unknown, and perhaps will continue fo, and the 
 reports are fo various and contradictory, that they furnifh but 
 little data whereon to found a conjecture. Judging, howe- 
 ver, from what I faw of the difpofition of the troops who 
 were prefented at the corner of ftreets, or when advanc- 
 ing by the head of the column only, and by the time and na- 
 ture of the action, which was by intervals, I cannot think 
 that more than five hundred were killed and wounded on 
 both fides ; though fome of the reports make it as many thou- 
 fands. It was generally underftood by the affailants, that lit- 
 tle or no oppofition would be made, and that two of the re- 
 gular regiments, in particular, were on their fide, and that 
 thSy would fo declare themfelvr s when the crifis approached. 
 But in this they were miftaken ; for all thofe troops behaved 
 with great bravery and intrepidity, acquiting themfelves as 
 they had done before on the Rhine ; having been drawn from 
 the army of the north. Indeed, the probability is, the re- 
 port was only circulated to infpire the troops of the fections 
 with confidence, and to produce a fuitable imprefiion on the 
 citizens of Paris in general. Many circumftances occurred in 
 the courfc of the commotion, to countenance this opinion, of 
 which the flrongeft is th :, although it lafted until about ten 
 
at night, yet by the citizens generally it was abandoned or 
 feebly fupported after the firil onfet, and repulfe which im- 
 mediately followed *, and after which it was fuftained princi- 
 pally by thofe who were really and truly the parties tc it ; for 
 as fuch the great bulk of thofe who M ere in the rank ought 
 not to be confidered. This opinion is likewife countenanced 
 by a train of incidents which attended this movement, from 
 ten at night to its clofe, and which was about 1 2 the next day. 
 The troops of the convention kept their ground all night, be- 
 ing unwilling to prefs as far as they might have clone, the 
 advantage gained ; fmce it appeared, that by fuch preiTure 
 they might flay more of their countrymcB, but not gain a more 
 complete victory. On the other hand, the troops of the fec- 
 tions filed off gradually in fmall parties, as the darknefs of the 
 night or other circumftances favoured , till finally none were 
 left, except thofe who were not properly of that defcription. 
 By the morn every thing was tranquil, as if nothing had pall- 
 ed. At the entrance of every ilreet you faw the pavements 
 taken up, and waggons and other impediments obiliucHng the 
 paiTage j but not a centinel was to be feen. The only armed 
 force, remaining in oppofition to the convention, was of the 
 feHon of Lepelletier, confining of a few hundred only, and 
 which had in part retired and was retiring to its commune ns 
 a place of retreat, rather than of defence. But now the fcene 
 began to change and exhibit to view precifely the reverfe cf 
 what was fcen the day before, the befieged becoming the be- 
 fiegersj for by this time the troops of the convention were ad- 
 vancing towards the commune of this fe6tion 3 under the com- 
 mand of Barras, who had commanded formerly on the great 
 epoch of the pth Thermidor, and of Berruyer, who made re- 
 gular approaches and by different routs, till finally this corps 
 was completely furrounded. A peremptory fummons was 
 then fent to it to furrender, and which was immediately obey- 
 ed, by laying down their arms and fubmitting to the \vill cf 
 the conquerors ; and thus was this movement crufhed; the 
 authority of the convention vindicated, and Paris reftcreci to 
 complete tranquillity, and within lefs than twenty-four hcur* 
 after the action commenced. 
 
 Such was the order, and fuch the ilTue of this ccntcil : A 
 conteft, in many refpects, the moil interfiling and critical lh<:i. 
 I have yet witnefled, and which promifed, had the rifiiiilants 
 fucceeded, not perhaps eiTentially to impede or vary the direct 
 courfe of the revolution ; but, moil probably, to involve the 
 nation in a civil war ; open a new fcene of carnage mere 
 frightful than any yet feen, and deluge the country by k'n- 
 
[ 272 3 
 
 tired arms with kiudrcd blood. In this view the charafter and 
 object of the movement, on the part of the infurgents, merit 
 fome attention. 
 
 You ^have already feen that the decrees above mentioned 
 were the oftenfible, if not the real, caufe of this controverfy, 
 and thefe you have. But to enable you to form a jufl efti- 
 mateofits merits in other refpects, and thereby of the proba- 
 ble views of the infurgents, it will be necefiary for me to 
 ftate other facls, and which preceded the final appeal to arms. 
 Thefe decrees, as you likewiie know, were fubmicted with the 
 conftitution. to the people, and according to a report of the 
 convention by them adopted. But the verity of this report, 
 of which I herewith fend you a copy, was denied by the fec- 
 tions. By the report, however, you will perceive that the 
 names of the departments voting for and againft the decrees, 
 were publimed fome time fmce, and to which it may be add- 
 ed, that no department or commune has fmce complained ; 
 that the ftatement given of its votes was untrue. Still a doubt 
 arifes upon it, admitting that a majority of thofe who voted, 
 was in favor of the decrees, whether thofe who did vote for 
 them conftituted a majority of French citizens entitled to 
 vote, and upon which I cannot yet pofitively decide. The 
 feet ions affirm the contrary, and likewife contend, that all 
 who did not vote ought to be counted againft the decrees. It 
 is probable that fome of the communes, forefeeing a ftorm 
 gathering from that fource, did not choofe to vote for or againft 
 them, and therefore evaded the queftion by defign , and it is 
 certain that in others, it was underftood by the people, that the 
 queftion was taken upon the conftitution and the decrees toge- 
 ther ; for latterly this was notified to the convention by feveral 
 who had voted for the decrees, and particularly Nantes, to 
 prevent a mifopprehenfion of what their real intention was. 
 I fend you, however, the feveral papers which illuftrate this, 
 point, and by which you will be enabled to form as correct' 
 an opinion on it, as prefent lights will admit : Obferving fur- 
 ther, that the report made by the convention rcfpe&ing the 
 decrees, was made, as you will perceive, at the fame time 
 with that upon the conftitution j and that another report, con- 
 taining a complete detail of the proceedings of every coin- 
 niune, is making out for the fatisfaclion of the community 
 at large, and \vhich was commenced by order of the conven- 
 tion, immediately after the firft one was rendered. It is to 
 be wifhed that this had been fome time fmce publifhed ; but 
 when it is recollected that the publication muft contain the 
 proceedings of up wards, of fcven thoufand primary affemblies, 
 
t 273 ] 
 
 many of which are, perhaps, lengthy; impartial people Will 
 perceive, that it could not be fcon done, efpeciully when it is 
 alib recollected, that the whole of the interval fmce the or- 
 der was given, has been a time of unufual fermentation and 
 trouble. 
 
 Under thefe circumftances, the electoral afiembiies were 
 to meet, and the day of meeting was not diftant. The de- 
 crees, and the evidence of their adoption were before Prance, 
 and would, of courfe, be before thefe aflemblies : Nor were 
 the electors bound by any legal penalty to regard them, it 
 they thought they were not adopted, or even difapproved 
 them. The prefumption, therefore, was (and efpecialiy if 
 they difcredited the report of the convention) that every af- 
 fembly, whofe constituents voted againft the decrees, would, 
 difregard them ; and, rejecting the two thkds of the prefent 
 convention, vote for whom they pleafed ; leaving it to thofe 
 who were elected, by the feveral departments, to the legifla- 
 ture of the new government, whether they were entirely new 
 men, or partly fuch, and partly of the convention, accord- 
 ing to the mode that each department might adopt, to fettle 
 the point among themfelves, and with the convention, who 
 {hould conititute the legiflature of that government ; or whe- 
 ther the whole proceeding mould be declared void, and a new 
 conftitution called for ; and which, in that event, would moft 
 probably have been the cafe. But the party oppofed to the 
 convention, preferred a different ferics of meafures, whereby 
 to forward its views; the details whereof, fo far as I have any 
 knowledge of them, I will now communicate. 
 
 The primary aflemblies were to meet by law, on the loth 
 of Frutidor, and dilTolve on the 15111. In general, howe- 
 ver, thofe of Paris prolonged their fitting beyond the term 
 appointed ; and many of them declartd their frffions perma- 
 nent, and exhibited, in other refpects, a tone of defiance and 
 great animofity towards the exifting government. Finally, 
 however, the primary aiTemblies were diiTolved ; and after 
 which the fettions of Paris, to whom the fame fpirit was now 
 communicated, became the channel, or rather the inftru- 
 ments, of the fame policy ; many of whom likewife declared 
 their feflions permanent, and afiumed, in other refpets, a 
 tone equally unfriendly and menacing towards the convention. 
 The fection of Lepelletier in particular, which is in the centre 
 of Paris, and which always was, and ftill is, the theatre o 
 the greateft gaiety and diflipation, took the lead in thefe coun- 
 cils. At one time it prefented an addrefs to the convention, 
 copioufly defcanting upon the horrors of terrorifm, demanding 
 
 N a 
 
C 274 ] 
 
 t!mt tliofe who were called terrorifls, fliould not or.ly'be inhi- 
 bited the right of voting, but forthwith punifhed , and that 
 the troops in the neighbourhood of Paris fhould be flat'oned 
 further off, although there were then in the neighbour ioou not 
 IT: ore than three hundred foot, and fix hundred horfe, ;nd 
 ihere for fix months before. At another time it 
 placed, by its own arret, under the fafe- guard of the prima- 
 ry affcmblies, all thofe who had delivered their opinions in 
 thofe tifieniblies, and invited the other fe&ions.of Paris to 
 form a meeting of forty -eight commiflioners, to declare to all 
 France the fentiments of this commune upon the. (late of af- 
 fairs in the prefer) t juncture. On the loth Vendemiaire, this 1 
 fection reibJved that a meeting of the electoral corps mould 
 be held at the Theatre Francais on the next day, and admo- 
 niihed the other fecHons to a like concurrence *, as likewife 
 to efcort the electors to the place of rendezvous, and protect 
 theaffembly whilfl fitting, with an armed force, if neceifary. 
 A partial meeting was in confequence held there, and which 
 continued its fitting for fome time after a proclamation was 
 iffued by the convention, ordering the electors to difperfe. 
 Indeed it was not without great difficulty that this proclama- 
 tion was read before the door of that aiTembly. An armed 
 force was then ordered out under general Menou, the com- 
 mandant of the guard, to fupport the proclamation ; but they 
 were gone before he arrived. On the 1 2th, this fetion iffu- 
 ed other inflammatory arrets ; and on the night of the 1 2th, 
 another fruitlefs attempt was made by the government to fur-/ 
 round the commune of the fe&ion, and fecure its members 5 
 for which failure, general Menou, who withdrew the troops 
 after he had furrounded it, was degraded, and the command 
 transferred to Barras. On the I3th, the cataftrophe took place 
 and ended as I have already ftated. 
 
 That the party in queftion meant to fubvert the revolution, 
 and reftore the ancient monarchy, and that the definition of 
 the convention was the firft flep in the train of thofe meafures, 
 which were deemed neceffary to accomplifh it, cannot be 
 doubted. A flight attention only to the above fats fufficient- 
 ly demonftrates the truth of this affertion in all its parts. Even 
 in the primary arTemblics, a ground was taken incompatible 
 with the prefent fyftem : Some free latitude, it is true, the 
 people have a right to take in thofe afTemblies, however limit- 
 ed or fpecial the object may be, upon which they are convened 
 to decide. But as foon as the fe&ions took the fame ground, 
 afting in harmony with the electoral corps, in contempt of 
 the law, and in defiance of the convention, the cafe was aJU 
 
t *7> 1 
 
 tcred. From that moment rebellion was announced in form, 
 and the fword of civil war was completely uniheathed ; nor 
 could it be reftored whilft the convention furvived, or without 
 a counter-revolution, otherwifc than by reducing the revolted 
 feclions to order. Fortunately the latter was the iiiue, and in 
 comequence whereof every tiling has fince progrciled as the 
 friends of the revolution have wiihed. The revolted factions 
 were immediately afterwards difarrned, and without oppofi- 
 tion, and the electoral corps is now legally convened (thole 
 of it who have not, in dread of pumihment, made their cfcape) 
 and with a difpoiuion to be moreobfervantof the decrees, and 
 accommodating to the exiiting government. 
 
 But, if this party had f in its attack upon the con- 
 
 vention, what would have 'followed ? Would it like wife have 
 fucceeded in the other object, to which this was only a (Up ? 
 A conjectural anfwer can only be given to a fuppofuious cafe. 
 My opinion then is, that although the impreflion would have 
 been a deep one, yet the ultimate iiTiie would have been the 
 fame. It is laid, and perhaps with truth, that in cafe the at- 
 tack fuceeeded, it was intended the electoral corps mould im- 
 mediately aiTemble, and place itfelf, in fame meafure, at the 
 head of France. The overthrow of the convention would 
 have left the nation without a government or head, to influ- 
 ence public meafures ; and in which cafe, this corps, being a 
 legal one, and at the head of this great city, would have had 
 fironger pretenfions to the public attention, than any whatever. 
 It is not, however, to be prefumed, that it would have aflurned 
 the reins of government-, but it would doubtlefs have underta- 
 ken to admoniih, and the probability is, that in fuch a ftate 
 of things, its admonition would have been regarded. With 
 this view, it is believed that the crifis was brought on, at the 
 precife point of time, before the meeting of the electoral afTem- 
 biies, to admit, in the interval, the communication of the 
 event (in cafe it were perpetrated) to all France, without 
 allowing to the people fuificient time to recover from the difi 
 may and confufion into which they would be thereby thrown. 
 In fuch a ftate of things this corps might have made a great im- 
 preiHon upon the whole nation, fupported as it would appear 
 to be, by all Paris ; and as it really would be, at leail to that 
 ftage, by a considerable portion. At the head of this corps 
 was already placed the old ci-devant Duke of Nivernois, a 
 man not without fome literary merit, and whofe character 
 had been fo free from enormity, and his temper fo dormant, 
 that, although imprifoned, and in the lift of thofe who wer$ 
 deemed, under what is called the reign of Robefpierre, a %. 
 
[ 2 7 <5 3 
 
 fubjecl for the guillotine, yet he furvived that reign, and re- 
 ceived his life as a boon from thofs who were now threatened 
 with deitru6lion. It was faid he declined the prefidency , but 
 it is alfo believed, that his modeft difqualification was more the 
 effeft of an accurate calculation of chances, in the great game 
 they were playing, than of principle ; and of courfe, that if 
 the blow fucceeded, he might be prevailed on to ferve. A 
 majority of the corps, many of whom were likewife ci-devant 
 nobles, was believed to be of the fame principles. The na- 
 tion would therefore have beheld, on the one fide, the con- 
 vention overthrown, perhaps mailhcred, and whofe members 
 were, in general, known to be attached to the revolution ; and 
 on the other, the electoral corps, with this perfon at its head, 
 and which it would, of courfe, conclude was decidedly of op- 
 pofite political principles , the latter advanced forward upon 
 the ruin of the former, and in fome fort poficfled of the reins 
 of government. Surely no opportunity more favorable to the 
 views of the royalifls could have been fought r thari this would 
 have prefented. How they meant to improve it, had fortune 
 placed them in that fituation, is not known, nor is it probable 
 it will be ; for it is to be prefumed, that whatever the plan 
 was, admitting there was one already formed for fuch an 
 event, it had been concerted by the leaders only, and was 
 not to be unfolded, until after the fed ions were thus far 
 plunged into the fame atrocity with themfelves. There were 
 two ways by which this opportunity might have been impro- 
 ved ; the firfl, by an. immediate declaration of royalty ; the 
 iecond, by electing their own deputies, and inviting the other 
 departments to do the fame, for the purpofe of putting the 
 conititution in motion. Had the firft been adopted, the nation 
 would, doubtlefs, have been greatly confounded, and in the 
 moment of difmay, the royaliils would, moft probably, have 
 come forward, and the patriots lain quiet. Soon, however, 
 in Paris herfelf, fymptoms of difcontent would have been feen, 
 and perhaps even in fome of thofe felions which were fore- 
 moft in the revolt ; many of whofe citizens had joined the 
 oppofition from principle, in refpeft to the right of fufFrage ; 
 fome becaufe they had been perfecuted, or cenfured as terror- 
 ifts, and only becaufe they were patriots; and others becaufe 
 they doubted the political integrity of the prefent houfe, and 
 wiihed it changed. All of thefe would have been flruck with 
 confirmation, when they heard that a king was proclaimed, 
 and would have looked back with horror at the fcene through 
 which they had paffed 
 
t 277 3 
 
 By tins time too, fome of the armies would have been feen 
 advancing towards Paris, and which would mod probably 
 have had little to do : For I am perfuaded, that as foon as the 
 citizens recovered from the extravagance into which they had 
 been betrayed, they would be among the firlt to fall upon 
 their betrayers. Had the fecond been adopted, it is probable 
 it would have fecured the elections in favor of the royalifls ; 
 the decrees would of courfe have been rejected; nor would anycf 
 the prefent members have been re-elected. Soon, however, this 
 would have been feen by the people, and being feen, half the 
 danger would have been provided againft. In the memory of 
 thofe who were friendly to the revolution, and the catalogue 
 of its friends muft be a long one, counting thofe only whole 
 fathers and fons were ilaughtered in its defence on the fron- 
 tiers, the deftruction of the convention, under whofe ban- 
 ners they had bled, would form a moral caufe that would 
 hang heavy on the moulders of the fubfequent adminiftration. 
 The manner of the fuffrage, though in form free, would be 
 deemed an ufurpation, and the flighted deviation afterwards 
 become a fignal for revolt. If they ufed their power with vi- 
 olence, the fame effect would be produced as if a king were 
 immediately proclaimed, and if they ufcd it with moderation 
 they might perhaps prevent the calamity of another crifis ; and 
 whiling away in office the time allotted by the conftitution, 
 be enabled in the interim, fo far to efface the memory of what- 
 ever was pafled, as to fecure themfelves afterwards a retreat 
 which would exempt them from punifhment. But in neither 
 cafe would they be able to reftore the ancient monarchy. 
 You will obferve that my reafoning is founded upon a belief 
 that the army is found ; that the great bulk of the citizens of 
 Paris are fo likewife ; and that the farmers or cultivators in 
 general, if not decidedly in favor of the revolution, though 
 in my opinion they are, are at leafl, not againft it; and which 
 belief, though perhaps erroneous, is the refult of an attentive 
 obfervation to fuch facts and circumftances as have appeared 
 to me to merit attention. 
 
 But you will afk, if Paris is on the fide of the revolution, 
 how happened that fuch a force was formed there againft the 
 convention, whilft fo fmall a one was marlhalled on its fide ? 
 Let us firft eftablifh facts and then reafon from them. Paris 
 confifts of forty-eight fections ; and of which eight only were 
 actually in arms againft the convention, three for it, and the 
 others neutral. Of thofe too, who were fent by the eight fec- 
 tions, it is prefumable from the peremptory manner of their 
 retreat, and the cafe with which they were afterwards dif. 
 
C *7S 3 
 
 armed, as likewife by their uniform declarations, "at the time 
 and fmce, that the greater number did not expert to be led 
 againit the convention, or if they did, that they went with 
 reluctance ; fq that, in my opinion, the real force which 
 marched out for the purpofe of actual hoftility was inconfi- 
 !c : And this too, it is faid, M-as in part compofed of ad- 
 venturers from other quarters, and in feme inftances even of 
 foreigners. . Still however, there was an atlual revolt by thofe 
 :-s, and at beft a neutrality on the part of the others; 
 the three who declared themfelvcs for the convention except- 
 cd. How account for this ? That the royalifts had gained the 
 preponderance in fonie few of the feclions, and particularly 
 that of Leptlletier, is certain. But that this was not the 
 cafe with many is prefumable. It is well. known that the in-. 
 habitants of Paris in general, wifhed to get rid of their pre- 
 fcut deputies, and for rcafons heretofore explained. The op- 
 pofition to the decrees, therefore, may be thus accounted for; 
 and with the greater ; propriety, becaufe it is certain they 
 \vcre oppofecl and even by the royalifts, upon republican prin- 
 ciples ; the unalienable right of fulifrage, &c.. and by which 
 an imprciilqn was made in the primary afiemblies upon the 
 audience, and thence gradually extended throughout the city. 
 In the primary aflemblies too every perfon was allowed to 
 ipeak ; and it happened, that among the royalilts there were 
 jtome good fpcakers, and who by taking popular ground, en- 
 groffed for the time the public attention -, by means whereof 
 they were enabled to pracrife more extenfively upon the cre- 
 dulity of the lefs enlightened of their countrymen, than they 
 were aware of. It often happens .when a collifion .takes 
 place between friends, and even upon a trivial caufe, one al 
 of irritation begets another, till finally the parties become ir- 
 reconcilable. How much more eafy then was it for artful 
 men, at the prefent moment, to prevail over the ignorant, and 
 feduce them into error , efpecially when it is known that the 
 latter already wifhed a change ; that they thought they had a 
 right to make it, and of which right they could not be depriv-. 
 ed without the facrifice of their liberty, in whofe caufe they 
 bad already fo long contended, and fo greatly fuffered. , 
 
 How explain the extraordinary phenomenon, why the very 
 fection5i, who on the 4th Prairial v/ere on oppofite fides, fhould 
 now Unit their ground, fo as that thofe who then fupported 
 die convention, ihould now be againll it, and thofe who op- 
 pofed mould now be for it ? Taking the convention as the 
 ifcandard, it remains only in any cafe to explain the motive of 
 fuch party as wanders from it j for that circumftance 
 
C 279 ] 
 
 creates doubt, and of courfe alone requires explanation. No 
 one will alk why fuch a party fupports the convention, becaufe 
 there can be no' motive for fuch an enquiry. In fome cafes 
 a party yielding fuch fupport may have lei's honorable mo- 
 tives for it than another party had. I think I have feen fuch 
 myielf : But in no cafe can the object be a counter-revoluti- 
 onary one. To this enquiry then, in this view, I have al- 
 ready given a fatisfatory anfwer, at leaft fo far as I am able 
 to do it ; for I have already explained what I deemed in ge- 
 neral the caufe of the aberration of the fettions upon the pre- 
 fent occafion, as I did upon the former one ; that of the 
 Faubourg of St. Antoine and whofe prefent conduct warrants 
 the opinion then given upon that head. 
 
 But how happened it, that fo many of the difaffected wers 
 chofen into the electoral corps, as to give the royaliits a pre- 
 ponderance there ? How could a people attached to the revo- 
 lution commit the care of it to thofe who were its foes, efpe- 
 cially to fuch as, by their ilation and character, were univer- 
 faily known to be fuch ? This touches a fubject extremely in- 
 terefting ; for it leads to facts over which a veil has yet been 
 thrown, but to which hiitory will doubtlefs do juitice , and in 
 which cafe it will prefent to view a fcene of horror, in fome re- 
 fpe6ts, perhaps not lefs frightful than that which was exhibited 
 under the reign of terror. Behind the curtain, as it were,for it has 
 made but little noife in feveral of the departments, the terrible 
 fcourge of terror has fliifted hands, and latterly been wielded 
 by the royaliils ; who, beginning with the fubaltern, and 
 perhaps wicked agents of the former reign, had perfecuted 
 and murdered many of the founded patriots, and beft of men. 
 To fuch a height had this evil rifen, and fo general was the- 
 imputation of terrorifm, that in certain quarters the patriots 
 in general were not only difcouraged, but in a great meafure 
 depreiTed. It is affirmed to be a fact, by thofe who ought to 
 know, and who merit belief, that in fome of thofe quarters, 
 and even where the preponderance in point of numbers was 
 greatly in their favour, none attended the primary aflcmblies ; 
 and that in others a few only attended, and who took no part 
 in the proceedings. This therefore, will account why the 
 royalifts took the lead in thofe aiTemblies, and why fo many 
 of them were chofen in the electoral corps. 
 
 But by what ftrange viciffitude of affairs was this effect pro- 
 duced ? How could it happen under an adminiftration un- 
 friendly to royalty ? In truth, the explanation is diftinctly 
 marked by preceding events, and has been in part unfolded, 
 in preceding communications, f errorifm, or what was then 
 
[ 2SO ] 
 
 called To, the perfecution of the royalifts, had gone to fuch* 
 length, that it became indifpenfibly neceilary to end it. To 
 this object, therefore, the whole force of the government was 
 directed, and with effect, for it was accomplifhed. But in 
 linking at terrorifm, perhaps by the unguarded manner of 
 the blow, perhaps by thofe confequences which are infepara- 
 ble'from fuch vibrations, and which I deem the moil likely, 
 an elevation was given for a while to the oppofite extreme. 
 The terrorifm of that day was the excefs of the pafficn for li- 
 berty, but it was countenanced by thofc in office, as neceffa- 
 ry in their judgment, to bring about the revolution , nor were 
 its acts diiplayed in private aflalTmations : On the contrary, 
 they were fanctined by public judgments and public execu- 
 t'o.is. The mcfl culpable, therefore, were thofe who expi- 
 ated for their crimes on the pth Thermidor. But with others 
 in general, and even where the excefs was criminal, the in- 
 tention was otherwife. At that point, therefore, which dif- 
 criminated between the vicious extravagancies of the moment, 
 and the fpirit of patriotifm itfelf, mould the fcale have been 
 fufpended : And there by the law it was fufpendedj for I do 
 not recollect any act of the convention which pafled beyond 
 it : Special outrages were, it is true, fpechlly corrected ; but 
 even in thefe cafes, I do not know an inflance where the cor- 
 rection was difproportionate to the offence. But fo nice was 
 the fubject upon which they had to act, and fo delicate is the 
 nerve of human fenfibility, that it was impoflible for the go- 
 vernment under exifting circumftances, to moderate its rigor 
 towards the royalifts, without giving, in a certain degree, 
 encouragement to royalty. In this, therefore, it is to be pre- 
 fumed the late event will produce a beneficial effect ; for as 
 the views of the royalifts were completely unmafked, and de- 
 feated, and which were always denied to exift, until they 
 were thus unmafked, it cannot otherwife than tend to open 
 the eyes of the community in that refpect, and in the degree 
 to reprefsthe arrogant fpirit of royalty. To your judgment, 
 however, thefe facts and obfervations, in refpect to the late 
 movement, are refpectfully fubmitted. 
 
 I have lately been honored with your feveral favors of May 
 Zpth, June the ift and 7th, and of July the 2d, 8th, I4th, 
 2 1 ft, 29th and 3Oth; all of which came to hand about the 
 fame time, and generally by the rout of England-, and to which 
 1 will certainly pay the utmoft attention. As, however, this 
 letter has already gone to an unreafonable length, and efpeci- 
 ally as I wifh you to be correctly informed of the character and 
 fate of the movement in queftion, I think itbeft to defpatck 
 
tKis immediately,refervmg ?. more particular reply to thcfe favors 
 future communication. Fox 1 the prefent, however, per- 
 ir.it me to add, thai no ccmphint has been made to ttfe 
 
 againft the treaty ; I heard any thin;,; from the com- 
 
 mittee on the fubjecr, iince the application requeuing infor- 
 mation, in what light they were to view the reports refpeclinr* 
 it ; and which was made ibon after the tu, 
 If any thing is intended to be faid, I think it will net be faid 
 until after the new government is organized; nor then, until 
 after it is known that the trcr.ty is ratified ; and in which cafe 
 I have reafon to apprehr . hear from them on the fub- 
 
 jecl. I trait, hov/- : in tlu.t reipecl . or the 
 
 opinion which the coiVimittee rm:y entertain, be wh 
 I fliall find that .the lame amicable a- -.incils 
 
 e time 
 
 pail. Toiiicu: 
 merits and .ii^h: 
 crwn imperfect exn-.-Lv-ice, and often to 
 
 .applied h.y bee:i. a;ul bj to be, 
 
 eou^liy the oljedl of iri\ 
 ellbrts. 
 
 P. .5. As the veffdby which-this will ". rde 1 v/ill 
 
 not fail until a gentleman, who is now hc\ I^vre, 
 
 I have kept the . :;i me for the puvou: : : et" ;-;Hing to it 
 
 what might iiti i-ia'depaxtin-e. Ga 
 
 tht day after to-mcrrov, . is ro convene, 
 
 and the profpcer. is i convene, 
 
 and precifely ur in the ;;: L^ter. 
 
 Some fyaipton. 
 
 prehenlion, that the expiring moments of the conv-. 
 wouW be momer.ts of rroat ap,ony ;::id convulibii. U 
 ciations and countsr-'.ler.unciativ'iis were -roceeding 
 
 jaufes connected withtl.e late movement; but : -iapp:ly 
 ..re over, without producing any ferious efl com- 
 
 miiHon of five was appointed to make a iuppiemental report, 
 relpefting that moveir.eil^'-and it was expeile'd bv m, 
 weak* eud in a propofai to" annul the proceedings of lev. 
 the departments, whofe primary to be 
 
 coniuraint by the ropiifts, and pro: in the ar- 
 
 reltr.tion of fevtfal' deputies ; but 'that cornmiilicn has 
 everyone from ilneafinels on that account, bv a report juil 
 made ; and which propcfes only fome new provifions for the 
 trial of offenders in that movement, and others in feveral of 
 the departments, who have committed atrocities of various 
 
 Oo 
 
t 282 ] 
 
 kinds, under the pretext of punching the terrorifts. Every 
 moment muil be deemed critical, in the exifting circumftari- 
 ces of this country ; being at the eve of a great revolution, a 
 tranfition from one government to another; and efpecially 
 ivhen it is known, that there is a party, not defpicable in point 
 of numbers, and lefs fo in activity and talents, always ready 
 to feize every incident that occurs, to throw every thing into 
 confufion ; and which party is connected, not only with the 
 emigrants abroad, but with the furrounding powers, by whom 
 the neceflary means are furnifhed for the purpofe. But yet it. 
 feems as if the convention would retain its ftrength to the lafl 
 moment of its exiftence, and tranfmit its powers unimpaired 
 to its fucceflbr. The decrees are faid to be univerfally ob- 
 ferved, and the leading members of both fides of the houfe 
 are in general re-elected thefe are to ele& the others, fo as 
 to make up the two- thirds of the new government. 
 
 Lately Jourdan received a check on the other fide of the 
 Rhine, and which occafioned his falling back to the Rhine* 
 upon which river both his and Pichegru's army are pofted. 
 The caufe of this is not diftinctly known ; but certain it is, 
 that the deputy of the military feHon of the committee of 
 public fafety has been fince arrefted, upon a fufpicion of trea- 
 chery ; as ave three others, upon a charge of treafonable cor- 
 refpondence with their enemies , but with what propriety I 
 cfo not pretend to determine. It is worthy of remark, that 
 it was known in England and in Baile before it happened, 
 that there would be a movement here at the time it happen- 
 ed ; at which time too, the count d' Artofs landed from Eng- 
 land upon the iile of Dieu, near the French coaft, oppofite 
 the Vendee, where he ftill is. 
 
 A report was yeflerday made to the convention, of an im- 
 portant advantage gained in a rencounter in the Mediterra- 
 nean, in which the French took a fhip of the line and damag- 
 ed greatly two others ; and likewife took fourteen merchant 
 {hips richly laden and eftimated at an enormous fum. Two 
 other advantages in other quarters are fpoken of, ftill more 
 fjgna! than this, but not by authority. 
 
 Mdneron is returned, but whether by order of the French, 
 government (as I fufpet, and in confequence of the fortunate 
 ifTue of the late movement) or the failure of his million, be it 
 what it might, is uncertain. Be aiTured if Mr. Jay's treaty 
 is ratified, it will excite great difcontent here. Of this, how- 
 ever, I ihall be able to fpeak with more certainty, after thq 
 new government is organized. 
 
C 283 1 
 
 I No. XXIV. ] 
 
 FROM Mr. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, November $tb, 1795. 
 
 ON the ayth ultimo, the convention ended its career, 
 by declaring that its powers ceafed ; and immediately after- 
 wars the inilallation of the new government began in the fame 
 hall, by a verification of the powers of its deputies, and their 
 diftribution into two branches, according to the mode pre.r 
 fcribed in the confutation ; and which was completed in that 
 and the fucceeding day. It was found upon inipecHon, that 
 the decrees heretofore noticed, were univerfaliy obeyed ; and 
 that of the two-thirds of its legiflative branches, who were to 
 be taken from among the members of the convention, more 
 than a majority were elected by the departments ; fo that the 
 duty impofed upon thofe who were elected, of fupplying the 
 deficiency by their own fuffrage, became proportionably more 
 eafy and lefs objectionable. This, therefore, was immediate- 
 ly executed by ballot j and after which the interior organiza- 
 tion of each branch followed, and which took up a day or 
 two only ; then the members of the Dire6toire, or executive, 
 were cho fen, and which was done on the 31(1 ultimo, and 
 whereby the new government was completely inftalled. 
 
 When I obferve that the fcene, which was exhibited upoa 
 this great occafion, refembled in many refpebs what we fee 
 daily ated on our fide of the Atlantic, in our national and 
 ftate aflemblies, you will have a better idea of the tranquillity 
 which reigned throughout, than I can otherwife defcribe. 
 Nor (hall I be accufed of an unbecoming partiality, if I draw 
 from the increafmg fimilitude in their and our political inftitu- 
 tions, which this conftitution and other proceedings furnith, 
 the mod favorable hopes of the future 'prosperity and welfare 
 of this Republic. 
 
 The adoption of a new conftitution, founded upon the 
 equality of human rights, with its legiflative powers diftribut- 
 ed into two branches, and other improvements in the execu- 
 tive and judiciary departments, though ft ill perhaps imper- 
 fect, yet certainly far beyond what paft experiments here 
 gave reafon to expect, is an event of great importance, not 
 only to France, but perhaps to mankind in general. Its com- 
 plete inauguration too afiures us that its merits will be tried : 
 
Though, indeed, under the exifting circumftances of a war 
 with the neighbouring powers, who are interefted in its over- 
 throw; of a ftrong party within, inccflantly labouring to pro- 
 mote the fame object ; together with the derangement of 
 the finances and other embarrafTments vrhich were infcpara- 
 ble from the difficulties they had to encounter ; the experi- 
 ment ought not to be called a fair one. If, however, it does 
 fucceed, and the republican fyftem is preferved here, not- 
 withftanding the various and complicated difficulties which 
 oppofed its eftablifhment, and itili makes its foundation, it 
 will certainly furnifh a complete refutation of all thofe argu- 
 ments, which have been in all ages and nations urged againft 
 the practicability of fuch a government, :\nd efpecially in old 
 countries. 
 
 Reveillere Lepeaux, Rewbell, Sieves, Le Tourneur and 
 Barras are elected into the dirc&oire ; arid who are all diftin- 
 guifhed for their talents, and integrity, as likewife their de- 
 votion to the revolution ; a circumilance which not only fur- 
 nifhes reafonablc ground whereon to eftimate the principles of 
 thofe who chofe them, but which will likewife tend eflential- 
 ly to give (lability to the revolution itfelf. 
 
 I write you at preftnt, only to communicate this import- 
 ant event, and will hereafter, as heretofore, keep you regularly 
 advifed of what fhaJl appear to me to merit communication. 
 
 P. S. Sieyes has declined accepting his feat in the direc- 
 toire, and Carnot is appointed in his ftead. 
 
 Mr. Fauchet is lately arrived, and as he appears to be ex- 
 tremely diflatisfied with Mr. Jay's treaty with Great Britain, 
 and is apparently well received by his government, I doubt 
 not his communications on that head will be attended to. 
 
 From Mr. Pickering, to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Sept. i2/, 1795. 
 
 to?, 
 
 THE office of fecretary of flate being at prefent va- 
 cant by the refignatioa of Mr. Randolph, I have it in com- 
 mand from the Prefidenr, to acknowledge your letters dated 
 November 7th, 1794* January 13th; February I2th, 
 1 8th ; March 6th, 7th, i2th, I3th; May 7th, lyth; June 
 1 4th and 26th, 1795 : And to communicate fuch infor- 
 mation as the prefent itate of things appears to require. 
 
C 283 ] 
 
 You have already beer. ith a copy of the treaty 
 
 lately ucgociated between til..' United States and GIL:.:: Britain; 
 but ieit that Ihouid have unlearned, you will find another in- 
 cloied. This treaty has, alter the mod mature deliberation, 
 been ratified by the Prefident, on the condition propofed by 
 the fen ate ; and has been tranfmitt.d to London. On the 
 prefumption that it will receive an equivalent ratification on 
 the part of Great Britain, and thus become a compact be- 
 tween the two nations, it is proper that you fliouici be pof- 
 fefled of the opinions of the government ; efpecially as it ap- 
 pears probable from your letters and from the movements of 
 difaifected perfons here, that unfavourable impreihons upon 
 the government and people of France may be apprehended. 
 As we have ever been moil fincerely defirous of cultivating 
 friendfhip with that nation, the mod prompt and candid 
 meafures were taken in every ilage of the negociation, to pro- 
 duce tranquillity and fatisfacHon, \vhich the rules prefcribed 
 by cuftom in fuch cafes would juflify or permit. The refult, 
 now made public, will evince that the rights of France, whe- 
 ther founded on the laws of nations or their treaties with us, 
 remain tin violated and uni; 
 
 It is already known to you, that Mr. Jay was fpecialiy in- 
 ftrucled by the Preiident, to itipulate nothing with Great Bri- 
 tain contrary to the engagements of t States to 
 France. This part of the Prefident's inihr.cYions was cfaci- 
 ally communicated to Mr. Fauchet, the mimiter of the Re- 
 public ; and independent of the obligation iniprefled upon our 
 envoy, the honor of the government became pledged, to re- 
 fufe the ratification of any article derogatory from OUT engage- 
 ments to France, which might be inad> admitted by 
 our negociator. 
 
 Accordingly, foon after the decihon of the fenate had been 
 given, and previous to the ratification bv the Prefident, Mr. 
 Adet, the prefent miniiler, wab furniihcd with a copy of the 
 treaty and rcquefled to communicate hi* observations thereon. 
 A copy of his letter, and of the reply of the fecretary of ftate, 
 are inclofed , by which you will perceive the nature of the 
 objections which were urged, and that fuch explanations wcr \ 
 immediately given and fuch conftruUons adopted, as muli: 
 have been fatisfaclcry. We infer this, nc lefs from the ex- 
 planations themfelves, than from the fubicqu,.: c of 
 the niinifler. 
 
 The late conduct of Great Britain in detaining the vefiels 
 of the United States, laden with provifions and bound to 
 France, is however calculated to create in--; \ it isj 
 
[ ?S6 ] 
 
 therefore, proper to explain the 1 8th article more particular- 
 ly than Mr. Randolph has done ; efpecially as this part of the 
 treaty has been mifreprefented in this country, as being un- 
 friendly to France. 
 
 It cannot be doubted, that the United States have a power- 
 ful intereft in diminifhing by treaty the catalogue of contra- 
 band articles as much as poflible ; to this they are invited no 
 lefs by their pacific policy, which inclines them to cultivate 
 and extend neutral rights, than by the operation of the law 
 of nations upon feveral valuable articles of export, the pro- 
 duce of our own country. No nation can be fufpefted of 
 infmcerity, in the purfuit of objects connected with its im- 
 mediate intereft ; accordingly the moft zealous exertions have 
 been uniformly made by the United States, to eftablifh prin- 
 ciples favourable to free commerce. A time of war was, 
 however, moft unfavorable for this purpofe, efpecially when 
 the object, as in the prefent cafe, was to induce a powerful 
 maritime nation, to make conceffions in favour of a neutral 
 and defencelefs commerce. 
 
 The refult of the negociation with Great Britain has there- 
 fore fhewn, that me will not relax in our favor, from the 
 ftricl: maxims of the law of nations, defining contraband, the 
 the principles of which are adopted in the treaty : Thus, 
 though the firft claufe of the i8th article embraces general 
 kinds of merchandize, which the policy of modern times has 
 by fpecial treaties admitted to be articles of free commerce ; 
 yet it is believed, that not a fmgle one is included as contraband, 
 which has not been ranked as fuch by approved writers on the 
 law of nations. It is not, therefore, correctly faid, that we 
 have relinqui/hed any neutral rights, the exercife of which would 
 have been beneficial to France ; and yet this is the ftrongeft 
 charge which has been advanced againft the treaty, with the 
 ihadow of reafon. The treaty has barely recited in the lift of 
 contraband, what was before fo, under a law which we could 
 not mitigate ; and though we were defirous of relaxing the ri- 
 gor of this law, yet a recital of it in the prefent treaty, was 
 the belt which could be done, and was neceflary, in order to 
 admonifli our maritime and commercial citizens of a rifque 
 which really exifted. 
 
 The fecond claufe of the 1 8th article clearly refers to the 
 doctrine aflerted by Great Britain, that provifions may become 
 contraband, when deftined to places not invefted or blockad- 
 ed. To this pretenfion, which is contrary to our interefts, 
 and as we are inclined to believe, unwarranted by the law of 
 nations, efpecially in the extent afierted by Great Britain, we 
 
tould not accede: The opinions of our government on this fub- 
 je6t, formerly exprefied, and well known to you, being am- 
 ply detailed in the correspondence of Mr. Jeffcrfon and" Mr. 
 Pinckney in the year 1793. Though we have not been able to 
 induce Great Britain to relinquifh her conftru&ion, we have 
 not abandoned ours ; and the refult has been a flipulation, 
 that whenever provifions, and other articles, not generally con- 
 traband, fhall become fuch and for that reafon be feized, they 
 (hall not be confifcated ; but paid for, with a reafonable mer- 
 cantile profit, including freight and the expenfes incident to 
 the detention. 
 
 It is obvious, that if the Britifli conftrulion of the law of 
 nations were admitted to be jufl, the flipulation in the treaty 
 would be favourable to neutral commerce ; we do not, how- 
 ever, admit their conftru&ionj the contrary appears from the 
 treaty ; we have only guarded by fuch means as were in our 
 power againft the effects of a doctrine which has been and 
 which will be flrenuoufly oppofed, by all reafonable means 
 which may offer. 
 
 Whether this pretenfion, on the part of Great Britain, was 
 of fuch a nature as ought to have been refifled by force, is a 
 queftion, which it pertains to the proper 'authorities of the 
 United States to decide : They are the exclusive judges, and 
 competent guardians, of whatever concerns our interests, po- 
 licy, and honor ; and on thefe fubjects, they will never aik 
 the advice, nor be governed by the councils, of any foreign 
 nation whatever. We acknowledge ourfelves bound to ili- 
 pulate nothing which may derogate from our prior engage- 
 ments ; this we have not done by the prefent treaty, and this 
 \ve will never do: Even in cafes where we are not bound 
 by treaty, we will not flipulate to furrender our rights as a 
 neutral nation, to the injury of our friends ; but we muft be 
 left to determine in what manner we can mofl beneficially ob- 
 viate an evil, and when it is proper for us to repel an injury. 
 The prefent fituation of Europe admonifhes us to avoid the cala- 
 mities of war. Having attained the pofTeflion of a free and hap- 
 py government, and having nothing left to hope or defire beyond 
 our prefent internal enjoyments, our folicitudes are principal- 
 ly attracted to the vexations and depredations committed up- 
 on our commerce : Thefe are indeed great, and are inflicted 
 upon us by all the parties to the war ; notwithstanding which, 
 our commerce has continued to be lucrative and extenfive; 
 though, unfortunately for us, as we have no means of pro- 
 tecting it againft injuftice, it is vulnerable, in the fame pro- 
 portion that it is extenfive. 
 
The degree of fecurity which we enjoy is wcH Icnown t<r 
 depend more upon the com rrrori wants of the nations nt war,. 
 than upon any exertions which we can immediately make of 
 an offenfrve nature : Indeed, ncth'ng- of this kind could be 
 attempted bv us, without a toLal i ;-iince or bur commerce. 
 How prepoiterous is 1 that policy \vL ; tli . :qu :< : , us to abandon 
 and deitroy the very object, for the preicrvation of which we 
 are invited to commence hoflilities. 
 
 It may not be amifs to dilate on the comcquences of our en- 
 gaging in the war again ft Great Brit. 1 
 
 1. Seeing me has .the comm.md of the fea (and appear- 
 ances ftrongly indicate that (he v/ili maintain that command) 
 our coin merce ; might, in one year, -be annihilated; and thou- 
 fands of our feamen be fhut up or 'dying in jails and r,rlfoii- 
 fhips. In addition to her fleets and' cruisers now in ccnimiP 
 fion, privateers would fwafrnj as foon as an object fc .vllur-" 
 ing and fb available as the American commerce, -'flioii l<i pre- 
 lent. If we look back to the lait two years of our revolution' 
 war a judgment. may be formed on this point. - : A : ftriking' 
 defeci in her naval arrangements in preceding years- left 'our 
 ports open for the entry of commerce, for the- equipping of 
 privateers, and .the introduction of prizes. A different ar- 
 rangement in the latter period of that \var totally changed the 
 fcene. The (Vital 1 privateers were hauled up, as no longer able - 
 to cope even with their armed merchantmen ; and the larger 
 privateers were taken. -Our mercantile fhippimr fell, at the 
 fame time, a facrifice to the'vigilant operations of the 'Britifh 
 navy. At the prefent moment her .naval power is extended 
 beyond all former examples ; while that of her enemies is at 
 leaft not encreafed. 
 
 2. Our landed, as well as commercial, interefts would fuf- 
 fer beyond all calculation. Agriculture, "above" the fupply of 
 cur own wants, would be Tufpended, or its produce perifti on 
 our hands. The value of our lands, and every fp/ecies of 
 domcftic property^ would fink. 
 
 3. The fources of revenue failing, public credit would be 
 derlroyed, and multitudes of our citizens, now depending on 
 its prefervation, be involved in ruin. The people at large, 
 from the fumrmt of prosperity, would be plunged into an abyfs 
 of mifery, too fudden. and too fevere, patiently to be borne. 
 To encreafe their calamities, or make them felt more fen fi- 
 bly, direct taxes muft be levied to fupport the war. And 
 it would be happy for us, if we could contemplate only 
 a foreign war, in which all hearts and hands might be uni- 
 ted. 
 
4. Under the circumftances mentioned, a war with Great 
 Britain would beeiTentially injurious to France. With our own 
 principal ports blocked up, and her fea-coaft lined (as at pre- 
 Jent) with Britifh cruizers, there would be an end to our in- 
 tercourfc with France, And it is by our commerce only 
 that we can give her any valuable aid. Men (he wants not ; 
 and if fhe did want, we could not tranfport them. A fruitlefs 
 diverfion, on the fide of Canada, would nearly bound our ef- 
 forts. But while we continue our neutrality, the benefits we 
 may render to France and her colonies are immenie. And, 
 though the renewal of the order for capturing neutral veflels 
 laden with provifions, while extremely vexatious to us, adds to 
 their diftrefTes, yec the tenor of the 1 8th article of our late 
 treaty with Great Britain, though with fome a fubjecfc of cla- 
 mour, will remedy, in a degree, the mifchievous tendency 
 of that order : For the article, far from giving a right to Great 
 Britain to capture our provifion veilels, only prefcribes the 
 courfe to be taken, when, by the law of nations, proviilons 
 become contraband. They are not to be conrlfcated, but p^id 
 for, with a reafonable mercantile profit. "What will be the 
 operation of this provifion ? Will it check, or encourage, ad- 
 ventures to France ? We think, the latter : For if our vtlTels 
 reach the French ports, all the expedited profits of the voyage 
 will be gained : If they are taken by the Britiih, although 
 there may be lefs profit, there can be no lofs. Confequently, 
 initead of difcouraging, this article will rather promote, the 
 exportation of provifions for France -, for, in the event of at - 
 rival or capture, the American merchant is certain of making a 
 profitable voyage. 
 
 That this article in the treaty refpefting provifions has had 
 no influence in the meafures of the Britim cabinet, is clear to 
 a demonftration : For the order, fo far as we are informed, 
 extends to other neutral nations with whom there is no fimiiar 
 ftipulation. And before the article exifted, we too well knew 
 the conduct of that court was the fame. And claiming, as 
 an independent nation, the right of judging in fuch cafe, it 
 was evidently expedient for the United States to obtain from 
 her fome ftipulation which, without admitting her claim, 
 , would not leave our commerce to future fpoliations, without 
 any definite means of liquidation or redrefs. 
 
 Some men, forgetting their own profefled principles, when 
 they advert only to our relation to Great Britain ; forgetting 
 that they are the citizens of an independent ftate, have faid, 
 that while France with whom we have a treaty of amity and 
 commerce was at. war, we ought not form with her enemy a 
 
[ 290 j 
 
 ilmiiar treaty, by which our fituation would be changed. Bur. 
 where is the principle to fupport this rule ; and where will it 
 fv'd any limits? We have treaties with many other powers; 
 one or rhe other of whom may be always at war j arc we ne- 
 ver then to make another treaty ? 
 
 Others have laid, France will be difpleafed. This we ihould 
 regret, for two reafons : One becaufe we really \rifhto pleafe 
 our old and friendly allies ; the other, becaufe we defire to 
 lee, and doubt not we fliall fee, her deportment towards us 
 ccrrefpond with her own fundamental principle : That every 
 independent nation has an exclufive right to manage its own 
 affairs.. Ail OUT external duties center here: That in our 
 new engagements we violate no prior obligation. 
 
 That France fhouid manifeft a watchful jealoufy of any 
 ofin?cl:ioii we might form with her ancient and inveterate 
 enemy, is perfe&Iy natu.raL It is die fame fpirit which, 
 prompted her to alFord us that efficient aid, which was fo im- 
 portant to the achieving of our independence. By breaking 
 off fo large & portion of the British Empire, the power of a 
 formidable rival was effentially diminiihed. No wonder 
 ihe fhould now be alive to the remoteft profpe& of re-union j 
 not of government, but of interefts and good-will. But to 
 the following pofitians you may give all the folemmty of 
 truths. 
 
 ill. 'That the late- rtfgbciaiion Las not proceeded from any pre- 
 
 In cur government towards Great Britain. We abide 
 
 by cur orignai declaration refpecling the British : ' We hold 
 
 them, as we hold the tell of mankind, enemies in war, in 
 
 peace friends.' 
 
 2d. Thai, from the remembrance of akng y bloody and dtftr eff- 
 ing war^ from 'which we were jujl beginning to recover , and tt 
 taftt the blefftngs of peace \ whatever even SEEMED to tend to a re* 
 neival of it, was ferioujly deprecated. 
 
 3d. ^hat there were many caitfes of difference between us and 
 Gt\'c.t Britain, the adjuftment of which admitted of no longer 
 delay. One was the detention of the weftern pofts, under a 
 real or alFecT:ed belief that the United States were the firft to 
 infringe the peace of 1783. From this detention refulted a 
 bloody and expcnfive Indian war ; a lofs of revenue by the 
 fufpenfion of the fale of lands ; and a deprivation of the fur 
 trade. To thefe were added frelh excitements to a more ex- 
 tended Indian war, and the vexations and ruinous fpoliations. 
 of our commerce. Our differences on thefe and other 
 grounds had rifen to a height that required an immediate re- 
 medy. War or negociation were the alternatives. We chofc 
 
t 
 
 the latter. Had this failed, war feemed fcarcely avoidable; 
 But in that cafe, thcfe good effects were counted upon. The 
 confcioufnefs of ufing the proper means of averting fo great a 
 calamity ; union among ourfeivcs, when war fhould have ap- 
 peared inevitable ; and division among our enemies \vlio 
 ihould have refufed an amicable fettlement of our juft de- 
 mands : Bolides which we gained time for preparation. 
 
 4th. That the csmn:erc':rJ part of the treaty, though titt ttnim- 
 pvrtanty was but a fitbafdinate object, and at the fame time not a 
 new mcafure. This is well known to every well informal 
 citizen of the United States. It is a fact, that a commercial 
 treaty has been fought after ever fmce the peace ; under the 
 old government, and fmce the effoblifhment of the new one. 
 It is a fact, that upon the arrival of Mr. Hammond, the Bri- 
 tifh minifter, and an intimation that he was impo\vered to 
 enter into commerce! arrangements, he was met with avidi- 
 ty by Mr. Jcfferfon, the fecretary of fcate : And v hen it wag 
 difcovered that his pov/ers exrendecl only to an incor.c 
 difcufiion of this fubje&, disappointment and chagrin were the 
 refult. It may be added, that meafures have been propofed 
 and powerfully fupported in the legiib.ture, the fole object <>f 
 which was to force Great Britain into a commercial treaty. 
 
 5th. That the vwernment of the United States is fwcerely 
 friendly to the French nation. The latter, doubtlefs, believes 
 that the body of American citizens are well affected tov/r.rds 
 them. The belief is welt founded : But it is equally applica- 
 ble to thofe in the a'drniniftration of the government, if any 
 thing could weaken this general attachment, it would be a re- 
 currence to fuch diforganizing projects, and outrages on the 
 Sovereignty and dignity of the United States, as marked and 
 difgraced the miniitry of Genet. The precipitate, and in the 
 main, ill-founded resolutions of a few fmall popular meetings, 
 are not to be taken as true indications of the American fenti- 
 ment. Very different is the opinion of the great body of the 
 people. Thefe are beyond example pi\ contented 
 
 and happy. Where any fymptoms of anotht r vulture have ap- 
 peared, they are to be traced to ignorant and pervert mi;Vc- 
 prefentations of the treaty. This, as it becomes better un- 
 <lcrftood, is more and more approved. 
 
 That the treaty would fettle every point in difpute entirely 
 to our fatisfatio:7, and fecure to us ail the coir ivan- 
 
 tages \ve could wifn for, no reafonable man 
 Our antagoniils too had claim?, cpinions and wirhes. 
 where there are cppofing iutereits, nations P.S veil us indivi- 
 duals are likely to make erroneous clihnatcs ci.tliiir rti 
 
rights. When, therefore, every argument was exhaufted, 
 and found unavailing to fettle the difputed points more to our 
 advantage, the terms as we fee them were adopted. Thefenate, 
 after a very deliberate difcuffion and confideration of the trea- 
 ty, in all its relations, advifed its ratification, on the condi- 
 ti ; ited in their refolution: And, on that condition, it has 
 retxived the Proficient's fan&ion. It now refts with the king of 
 Grtat Britain to give or withhold his aflent. We are difpofed 
 to think that his aflent will be given : For it is the intereft of 
 Great Britain not to increafe the number of her enemies, or 
 to deprive herfelf of the benefits of a commercial inter- 
 courfe with the United States. It is not lefs our intereft to 
 remain at peace ; and the Prefident, as the firft minifter of 
 goc.d to the people, is bound to take all reafonable and prudent 
 means to preferve it. Peace is the ordinary and eligible itate 
 of our nation \ and your duties as its agent abroad rcfult from 
 this condition of our country. And as nothing has yet hap- 
 pened which renders it in any degree probable, that the United 
 States will become a party in the exifting war, every intima- 
 tion hich may invite the expectations and enterprizes of the 
 French government, calculating on fuch an event, is there- 
 fore carefully to be avoided. 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
 TIMOTHY PICKERING. 
 
 From Mr. Pickering, to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE. 
 
 September i^th, 1795. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 BEFORE this letter reaches you, inofficial information 
 will probably get to hand, of the outrage committed by the 
 Britim man of war the Africa, commanded by captain Rod- 
 ham Home, in his attempt to take Mr. Fauchet and his papers, 
 on his paflage from New- York down the found to Newport ; 
 where he was to embark for France, in the frigate Medufa. 
 The ftation taken by the Africa, in the waters of the ftate of 
 Rhode-Illand, feems to have fuggefted to the people at New- 
 port the idea that fhe intended to intercept Mr. Fauchet. An 
 exprefs, therefore, was fent to Stonington in Connecticut, 
 where the (loop in which Mr. Fauchet had embarked was de- 
 
C 293 3 
 
 taaned by contrary winds, to warn him of his danger. He 
 then quitted the flop ; and, taking his valuable papers with 
 him, purfued his journey by land. 
 
 Captain Home made the expe&ed attempt; the Hoop was 
 brought to, and two officers of the Africa went on board to 
 fearch and take Mr. Fauchet, or his papers, or both -, cap- 
 tain Home, it feems, faid the object was to take his papers 
 only ; and accordingly, finding that thofe of value had been 
 landed with Mr. Fauchet, the reft were returned unopened. 
 The particulars of this action are dated in the depofition of 
 captain Thomas Blifb, the matter of the packet in which Mr. 
 Fauchet had embarked, of v hich a copy is inclofed. You 
 will alib find inclofed, the copy of an infolent letter from Cap- 
 tain Home for the Governor of Rhode-Ifland, to be conveyed 
 through the Britilh vice-conful, Mr. Moore ; %vho was fo in- 
 difcreet, and fo little refpefted the dignity of our government, 
 as to fend the governor a copy of it. 
 
 Thefe evidences of the outrage and infulting conduct of 
 Captain Home, with the co-operation cf Mr. Moore, were 
 communicated to the Britifti minifter and charge des affaires ; 
 and the expectations of government of reparation announced. 
 For this purpofe, and to give opportunity for counter-repre- 
 fentations and explanations, time was neceffary. Time ac- 
 cordingly was given : For juftice as well as prudence required 
 an obfervation of the maxim : Audi alteram partem. 
 
 After a reafonable time had elapfed, and no fatisfaclory 
 explanations or counter-proofs being offered, the Prefident 
 decided on the meafures he would take. Thefe you will find 
 in the inclofed copy of my letter of the 5th inftant, to Go- 
 vernor Fenner. Befides which, the minifter of the United 
 States in London, is charged fully to reprefent thefe outra- 
 ges of Captain Home, and to prefs for fuch reparation as 
 the nature of the cafe authorifes the Prefident to demand. 
 What this mould be it was not neceffary to fpecify. The 
 Prefident relies that his Britannic majefty will duly eftimate 
 the injuries andinfults proved to have been committed by 
 Captain Home, againft the United States ; and inflicl up- 
 on him fuch exemplary punifhment as his aggravated offen- 
 ces deferve; as the violated rights of a fovereign ft ate require; 
 and as it will become the juftice and honor of his majefty's 
 government to impofe.' 
 The letter before mentioned, to Governor Fenner, was fent 
 from Philadelphia by the poft, on Saturday the 5th inftant, 
 when it bears date. On the Monday following) intelligence 
 was received that the Medufa had failed on the firft , and that 
 
C 
 
 the Africa in two or three hours afterwards got underway to 
 purfue her. I am particular in dating the days when the 
 Prefident's orders to Governor Fenner were defpatched, and 
 when the firft information reached Philadelphia that the Me- 
 dufa had failed ; becaufe it is not improbable that the fufpen- 
 fion of thcfe orders may be reprefented as calculated to be in- 
 operative ; and it may be fuggefted, that they were not iffued 
 finally, until it was known that the Africa had left the waters 
 of Rhode-Ifland. But the facts are as I have ftated them ; 
 and the true and only caufes of the fufpenfion are thofe which 
 I have mention, and which you will fee in the letter to Go- 
 vernor Fenner. 
 
 The circumftances in refpect to wind and weather under 
 which the Medufa failed, joined with her fwift failing, ena- 
 bled her to efcape from/the Africa, which has fince return- 
 ed to her former ftation at Rhode-Illand. The Prefident's 
 orders, prohibiting all intercourfe with her, will now come 
 into operation: And for her additional violation of the rights 
 of a neutral nation, in immediately purfuing the Medufa, 
 a new demand of fatisfaction will be made on the Britifh go- 
 vernment. A naval force to compel a. due refpect to our rights 
 on the water you know we do not pofTefs. 
 
 I have the pleafure to inform you, that peace with all the 
 Indians on our frontiers is at length accomplimed. Georgia 
 and the South Weflern territory have, for fome months paft, 
 enjoyed tranquillity; and the moft prejudiced againft the 
 Creeks, believe their pacification fmcere. On the 3d of Au- 
 guft, general Wayne concluded a treaty with all the Weftern 
 Indians. This fact is declared in a letter of that date from 
 the quarter-mafter-general, at head-quarters, to his deputy, 
 major Craig, at Pittilmrg ; fo I rely upon it. I fuppofe gene- 
 ral Wayne muft have fent off the official account, with the 
 treaty, by one of his aids, whofe arrival I daily expect. 
 
 Quiet pofieflion has been taken of Prefqu'ifle ; where fome 
 works are now erecting, for the protection of the inhabitants, 
 and the fecurity of our garrifon. 
 
 But for the vexations on our commerce by the belligerent 
 powers (for they are not confined to the Britifh) we ihould 
 enjoy perfect repofe, amidft unexampled profpenty. 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
 TIMOTHY PICKERING, 
 
C 295 3; 
 
 from the Minifter of Foreign Relations, to the Minifter Plenipo- 
 tentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, l6th Bntmciire, %d Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (November ^th, 1795.^' 
 Sl, 
 
 I NOTIFY you, that the executive dire&ory has confi- 
 ded to me the Miniftry of Foreign Relations. Be aflured > 
 that in accepting this ilation, I have confidered as one of its 
 moft important functions, that of keeping up the friendfhip 
 which fubfifts between the French Republic and your govern- 
 ment, and that I fhall feize, with eagernefs, every opportuni- 
 ty to tighten its bonds. 
 
 CH. DELACROIX, 
 
 Minifter of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 from Mr. Monroe^ to the Minifter of Foreign Relations. 
 
 Paris, November ioth y 1795. 
 
 I RECEIVED yefterday, with pleafure, the notification 
 you were pleafed to give me, of your appointment by the di- 
 re&oire, to the office of Foreign Relations ; and beg leave to 
 affure you, that, as a cultivation of the amity and good un- 
 derftanding which fubfifts between the two Republics, was a 
 principal objecl: of my million here, fo I fhall always be happy 
 in meeting you, in all thofe meafures which may be deemed 
 beft calculated to promote that defirable end. 
 
 [ No. XXV. ] 
 
 FROM MB. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, December 6th , 1795. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I WAS lately honored with originals and triplicates of 
 your favors of the 1 2th and i4th of September laft. The du- 
 plicates are yet t be received. 
 
By the firfl of thefe letters, I learn that the prefident has 
 ratified the late treaty with England : And by the fecond, the 
 meafures taken to vindicate our territorial rights, that were 
 violated by the captain of a Britifh frigate, in an attempt to 
 feize Mr. Fauchet, the late French minifler, within our jurif- 
 diction, on his return home ; and to which communication* 
 due regard ihall be paid, as occafion requires. 
 
 That the treaty was ratified, was a fact well eftablifhed here, 
 before the receipt of your favor. It was, indeed, generally cre- 
 dited before the arrival of Mr. Fauchet; by whom it was con- 
 firmed, and afterwards doubted by none. As I had no rea- 
 fon to conclude, from any communication from your depart- 
 ment, that the contrary would be the cafe, fo I had never cal- 
 culated on the contrary j nor had I given this government any 
 reafon to calculate on the contrary j having left it to form its 
 own judgment on that point, according to its own lights *, fo 
 that, in this refpect, I have nothing wherewith to reproach 
 myfelf on the fcore of difcretion. 
 
 The effect which this incident produced in the councils of 
 this country, through its feveral flages, may be traced in my 
 former communications ; and to which I beg to refer you. 
 To thefe I have, at prefent, nothing material new to add. 
 Symptoms of difcontent, it is true, are ftill feen ; but whether 
 they will aflume an afpect more unpleafant, I know not : If 
 they do, or any thing occurs of fufficient importance to me- 
 rit your attention, I will certainly apprize you of it, and with- 
 out delay. 
 
 You likewife faw, by my former communications, that I 
 underflood and acted upon that part of my inftructions, 
 which explained the object of Mr. Jay's miffion to England, 
 differently from what it appears, by your favor of the 1 2th 
 of September, and by Mr. Randolph's of the ift of June 
 preceding, it was intended I fhould underftand and act on it ; 
 and whereby I was placed, by the courfe of events, in a very 
 delicate and embarrafling dilemma ; from which, indeed, I 
 am not yet perhaps fully extricated ; though I hope and think 
 I am. Upon this head, I have only now to obferve, that as 
 foon as I had reafon to believe, that Mr. Jay's inftructions em- 
 braced objects which I had before thought they did not, I profited 
 of what I heard, and acted accordingly ; keeping out of view, 
 fo far as depended on me, what had before pafled between the 
 government and myfelf upon that fubject, and to which I with 
 pleafure add, that I have never heard the leaft intimation on 
 it fince. In reviewing this particular trait in my conduct 
 here, you will, I doubt not, do me. the juftice to obferve, that 
 
C 297 3 
 
 Vlitfn 1 made the feggeftiori alluded to, it was riot faftily 
 done, nor without fuilijisnt motive 5 on the contrary, that 
 (paying due regard to t: . -.'f our affairs at the time) 
 
 I was called on to make itb_, ' ationr, the moft weighty, 
 
 and which ought not to have been difpenfcd with ; confider- 
 ations, however, which I now forbear to repeat, having here- 
 tofore fuiHciently unfolded them. 
 
 I have the pleafure to incloie you the report of Mr. :' 
 \vith, upon the fubpir. of the claims of miiny of our ci: 
 who were heretofore injured by the occurreirj-s of the war, 
 and in confjquence nititled to indemnities ; 
 you will find that mmy of thofe claims are fettled j and de- 
 rive ufe ful information in refpect' to others. 
 
 I likewife fend you a letter from Mr. F-:nwick, explaining 
 his conduct in regard to the charge exhibited againil him in 
 your department. As Mr. Fenwick has always proved hini- 
 felf to be an ufeful, indeed a valuable, officer in the ftation he 
 holds, and as the error imputed to him might be the effect of 
 judgment only, and which I think it was, -I have thought I 
 could not better forward your views or the intereft of my coun- 
 try, than by continuing him in the difcharge of the duties of his 
 office, till the Prefident fliall finally decide in his cafe. He wilt, 
 doubtlefs, communicate with you on the fubject; fo that tha 
 interval will not be great before I have the decifion in queftion, 
 and which will, of courfe, be duly executed. 
 
 Two days fince, count Carletti, miniiler from Tufca- 
 riy, was, in confequence of fome offence given by him to the 
 government, ordered to depart from Paris in 48 hours, and 
 the bounds of the republic in eight days. ' Tis faid the of- 
 fence confuted in a demand made" to vifit the daughter of the 
 late king, of whom he fpoke in terms of extreme commifera- 
 tionj and which was thought to be, not only an interferenct in 
 concerns exclufively their own, but to have thrown fome re- 
 proach on the French government. The count, I hear, de- 
 parts to-night by the way of Marfeilles. 
 
 Soon after the government was organized, the minifler of 
 foreign affairs announced a day on which the directoire would 
 receive the minifters of foreign powers ; and who were re- 
 quefted to rendezvous for that purpofe at his houfe, to pro- 
 ceed thence to that of the direcloire. War did fo, and were 
 prefented, without regard to precedence, to that body, and 
 whofe prefident addrefled the whole diplomatic corps in a 
 (hort difcourfe *, the principal object of which was, to allure 
 it of the cordiality with which it was welcomed here bv the re* 
 
C 298 ! ] 
 
 J$i^fcntatites of the French people, which he contracted with 
 the pomp and ceremony. of the ancient court ; which, he faid, 
 was neither cordial nor fraternal. I mention this latter cir- 
 cnmftance merely to contradict the account given of the ad- 
 drefs by the journalists, and who made a particular fpeech for 
 the prefident to each minifter. 
 
 Manheim has certainly fallen again into the hands of the 
 Auftrians, with the garrifon j the amount of which is not 
 known, but prefumed to be feveral thoufands. But in Italy, 
 the fortune of the war is on the fide of France *, for the fame 
 day which announced the capture of Manheim, announced 
 likewife a great and decifive victory over the Aufirhns, in the 
 other quarter. The details of the killed and wounded are al- 
 fo not yet accurately known 5 but it is underftood that four or 
 five thoufand are taken prifoners, many flain, and the whole 
 army put completely to rout. 
 
 Since the organization of the new government, the cha- 
 racter and deportment of all the departments are eflentially im- 
 proved. The legiilative corps, in both its branches, exhibits, 
 in the manner of difcuffioa, a fpectacle wonderfully impreffive 
 in its favor, when compared with what was daily feen in the 
 late convention. And the executive departments begin to 
 fliew an energy which grows out of the nice partition of their 
 duties, and the greater refponfibility that belongs to each. 
 In truth, the vibration from the fyftem of terror had, by the 
 force of moral caufes, gone fo far, and produced fo deep an 
 effect., as to have greatly relaxed the whole machine of govern- 
 ment. It was certainly felt in the departments, in the public 
 councils, in foreign negociations, and in the armies. A ihort 
 fpace of time, however, will now mew how far the change, 
 which has taken place in the government, will furnilh the 
 m^&ns of an adequate remedy. 
 
 Mr. Pinckney tas, I heard, clofed his bufmefs in Spain 
 to his fatisfaclion j and is now on his route back, intending to 
 take Paris in his way. . I trufl this report is, in every refpect, 
 well founded ; of which, however, you will doubtlefs be cor 
 informed, before this reaches ou. 
 
 P. S. Count Carletti has notified to the French go~ 
 Vernment, that he cannot depart without the confent oi 
 his own, 
 
C 299 ] 
 
 from 3Ir. PJcHeriag, to Mr. Jlftnrce. 
 
 DEPARTMENT Of STATED 
 
 October 9//', 1/95. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 THIS ferves merely to acknowledge the receipt (oa 
 the 7th inftant) of ycur letter of the 4th of July, with its in- 
 clofures. 
 
 The prefident is now at Mount Vernon : This forbids my 
 faying any thing on the fubjecl of baron Stael's application. 
 Bciicks, I do not conceive that the executive could even at- 
 tempt to negociate about it, until congrefs fhould provide thq 
 means of rendering an agreement efficient. The proportion, 
 with a copy of the convention between Sweden and Denmark, 
 I find were tnmfmitted from London by Mr. Pinckney, in his 
 letter of the 8th of iait May : It does not appear when they 
 were received at this office. 
 
 I have die honor to be, &c. 
 
 TIMOTHY PICKERING. 
 
 [ No. XXVI. ] 
 
 FROM MR, MONROE, TO THS SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris? December 22(t, 1795%. 
 
 SINCE my laft, I was favored with yours of the ptri 
 of October, and a quadruplicate of that of the i Jth of Sep* 
 tember; of which latter, the original and triplicate were be- 
 fore acknowledged. 
 
 Since my laft, too, I have received a note from the minif- 
 ter of foreign affairs, complaining of the conduct of Mr. Pa- 
 rifli, our conful at Hamburgh, in granting palTports for France 
 to Britifli fuc-jecls, equipping the emigrants, and acling in 
 all cafes as the Englifh agent ; a copy of which note, and o 
 my reply, are herewith forwarded you. I hear, alfo, that his 
 conduct was even more reprehenfible than is ftated by the mi- 
 ? for that he not only equipped the emigrants jbvtf did ii 
 
in American bottoms, with a view of protecting them under 
 our flag. In calling your attention to this fubjecl, permit me 
 to add, that two American citizens, Benjamin Jarvis and Tho- 
 rn. ;s Randall, both of New-York, the former a refpe&able 
 jr.- rchar.t, as has been reprefented to me, and the latter known 
 to the prefident as captain of artillery in the late war, and late- 
 ly as vice-conful at Canton in China, have requeftcd me to 
 communicate to you their wifh to obtain appointments in the 
 confulate, in any of the rcfpelable ports oi France, or other 
 I.uropcan ports connected v.-ilh the trade of France ; and that 
 I have rtufoji to believe they would, either of them, be happy 
 to accept the appointment in qutftion. In cafe Mr. Parim is 
 removed, permit me further to fuggeft the propriety of giving 
 to his fucccffcT two commiirions ; one for Hamburgh, and the 
 other for Aitcna, in the neighbourhood ef Hamburgh, but un- 
 der the jurifdlclicn of Denmark. Much bufinefs is done at Al- 
 tona, on account of the greater freedom of its. trade; for Ham- 
 burgh, though, in' feme refpecls a free and independent ci- 
 ty, yet in others it feels the influence of the Emperor ; and 
 is- therefore a lefs eligible port for mercantile tranfadicns, and 
 efpecially thofe connected with France, 
 
 I fent you with my laii a report of Mr. Skipwith, upon the 
 cafes fubrnitted to his care, fcr adjuftment with this govern- 
 ment ; and fhali continue to give him all the aid in my power 
 in thofe cafes which remain unfettled, and apprize you regu- 
 larly cf the prcgrefs. To that of Mr. Girard, due attention 
 ihali certainly be paid. 
 
 At prefent no fymptorns of an approaching peace are to be 
 feen ; unlefs, indeed, the mod vigorous preparations. for the 
 continuance of war may be deemed fuch ; and which fome- 
 times happens. The direcloire has called on the legiilature for 
 afupply of fix hundred millions, in fpccie, M'hich was imme- 
 diately granted by a law which propofes raifing it in the form 
 of*a loan ; of which I fend you a copy. The greateft polhbls 
 exertions are making by that body, and which feem to be fup- 
 ported by the legiilature, in putting the armies, the fleets and 
 the interior into the heft poilible order ; and fo far as I can 
 judge from appearances, thefe exertions fecm to produce the 
 & that are defired from them; for to thofe who are friend- 
 ly to the revolution they give confidence; andfrcm thofe wfco 
 uvc not, they command refpeft. 'Tis faid, that Fichegru and 
 Jourdan have lately gained feveral important advantages over 
 the Auftri-ns, in actions \\hkh, though net general, were 
 yearly fo ; and that, in the refult, they have refumed their fta- 
 (ion before Mayence. The former part of this report. is, I be- 
 
[ 3 3 
 
 lieve, to be depended on ; the latter wants confirmation. In 
 Italy the troops of this Republic continue to reap new fuc- 
 ceiTes ; in which quarter indeed, fince the victory mentioned 
 in my laft, they have met with but little oppofition. 
 
 Latterly the views of Pruuia have become more doubtful 
 than they were before. The conducl of Prince Hohenloe, 
 who commanded the Pruflian troops at Francfort, in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the French and A u (Irian armies, during the re- 
 treat of the former, and who were Rationed there to preferve 
 the line of neutrality in favor of Pruffia, 'tis faid, could 
 fcarcely be deemed neutral. For the civilities which were 
 {hewn by him to the Auflrians upon that occafion, 'tis faid, 
 he has been rewarded fince by feme complimentary attention 
 from the Emperor. The Dutch appear appiehenfive that the 
 king of Pruflia will feize a fuitable opportunity, if any offers, 
 to favor the reftoration of the Stadtholder; and 'tis portable the 
 conduct of the Prince Kolienloe, above referred to, may have 
 increafed that fufpicion, by giving an infight into what 
 might be the views of the Prullian cabinet, in cafe the re- 
 treat had continued *, or any great reverfe of fortune mould 
 hereafter befall the French arms. 'Tis certain, however, that 
 moments of difficulty are always moments of great jealoufy; 
 and that fometimes, upon fuch occafions, fufpicion is thrown 
 upon thofe who do not deferve it. 
 
 The Count Carletti, late envoy, &c. from Tufcany, left 
 Paris fome four or five days fince. He had refufed going 'till 
 he had heard from the Grand Duke; and remained notwith- 
 ftanding the reiterated orders of the dire&oire. Finally, how- 
 ever, he was ordered to depart in twenty-four hours (this was 
 not done before, as I ftated in my laft) with intimation that 
 force would be ufed to compel him, in cafe he did net. He 
 Hill held out, however, the flag of defiance. The twenty- 
 four hours expired, at which moment a conurnflary, with a 
 carnage from the government, waited to receive his orders 
 for dtpartuie , or in other words, to take the Count by force, 
 and conduct him fafe beyond the bounds of the Republic ; 
 which was accordingly done. The diplomatic corps was fum- 
 moned, by a member either avcrfe to this peremptory mode of 
 proceeding, or friendly to the count, to interfere with the 
 direttoire in his behalf : But feveral members of that corps 
 were of opinion, that although fometimes a demand is made 
 on the government of a minifter who gives offence, to re- 
 call him ; yet there is no obligation on the government offend- 
 ed, by the law of nations, to take that courfe ; but that it 
 take any other, and even upon flight occafions, to rid it- 
 
C 302 ] 
 
 'felf of hij3i, more prompt and' fummary, if it thinks fit; an4 
 in confequenc^ no ftep was taken by the diplomatic corps, 
 upon the fubject. 
 
 I inclofe you alfo a note from the minifler of foreign af- 
 fairs, complaining of the feizure and condemnation of the 
 Corvette CaiFms } which, he fays, is in violation of the treaties 
 between the, two Republics ; and to which I replied, that I 
 would prefent the fubject to your attention ; ana doubted not 
 I fhould be enabled to give a fatisfactory anfwcr thereon. 
 
 from the Mintfter of Foreign Affairs^ to the -flfimfier Pleni$a~ 
 tertiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, 1 3th Frimaire y 4th Tear of tie Republic. 
 
 (December $th, 1795.^ 
 
 THE .executive directory has charged me to requcft 
 you to tranfmit to your government the complaint of ours 
 againit Mr. Parifli, American conful at Hamburg. This 
 ccnful grants paflpprts to the Englifh, under the title of An- 
 glo-Americans, and thus favors their entrance upon the French 
 territory. He is the avowed agent of England, for the equip- 
 ment of the emigrants. This conduct is a manifeft violation 
 of the faith of treaties : It has furprized the directory. In 
 eiFcct, can means be clevifed more dangerous whereby to at- 
 tack our liberty, than by the introduction into-France, under 
 the fraudulent external of fraternity, our moil perfidious ene- 
 mies ? Who could believe that an American conful would 
 (lain himfelf with this crime in the face of Europe, and thus 
 betray his truft ? 
 
 The directory is perfuaded, Citizen Mini{r.er ? that you 
 will fupervife the paiTports which are prcfented you from Mr. 
 Parilh, and that you will detect, as far as in your power, the 
 criminal frauds, which take place in this efiential branch of 
 the national police. 
 
 The directory expects from your patriotifm, and your at- 
 tachment to the French Republic, the faithful ally of yours, 
 that this dangerous abufe lhall be fuppreffed, and that you 
 will fufpcnd its effect, by refufing your feal to all pafTpcrts 
 rxrhofe bearers fhali appear to you of fufpicious characters ^ 
 and I pray you to inform me of fuch cafes, that I may be en* 
 abled likewife to take the fame precautions. 
 
C 
 
 I invite you alfo, by order of the dire&ory, to have the good- 
 Defs to tfanfnfit this note to the government of the United 
 States ; and to foiicit of it the immediate recal of Mr. Pariih. 
 Our minifter plenipotentiary at Philadelphia, is charged to 
 make a formal rcquifition to that effect,* 
 
 Signed) 
 
 CH. DELACROIX. 
 
 JTrsm the Minifter Plenipotentiary of tie United States of Atr.e* 
 rica) to the Minijler of Exterior Relations. 
 
 Paris , December p/,5, 1795"- 
 
 I HAVE received your favor of the 4th inflant, and 
 hear with concern, that Mr. Parim, the American conful at 
 Hamburg, has fo far forgotten the duties of his office, (to 
 which the intimate Connection and amity that fubfifts betAvCv.ii 
 our two governments, fliould have made him the more atten- 
 tive) as to grant pafTports to Eriglim fubjects, whereby they are 
 admitted here as American citizens ; to accept in any refpedl 
 the employment or agency of England or any other power at 
 war with you, und efpecially in the very improper infiance 
 you mention. Ee affured, Citizen, that I will immediately 
 communicate your note to the government I reprefent ; and 
 from which you may with equal certainty confide, fuch con-* 
 duel: will receive the cenfure it merits. Upon this head, per- 
 . mit me to add, that as our confular arrangements are very ex- 
 teiiiive, embracing all the European ports, in many of which 
 we have no refident citizen, we are forced to appoint, in fuch. 
 cafe, fome inhabitant of the place; as was the cafe in the pre- 
 fent infbmce. This will account why the character of the 
 perfon is fometimes little known , and of courfe how our go- 
 vernment is fometimes impofed on in that refpecl:. 
 
 I have long fince, and dill make it my invariable rule, te 
 grant paffports to none whom I do not know, by fatisfadtory 
 documents, to be American citizens ; and no documents arc 
 admitted, in cafe of doubt, but the certificates of American 
 citizens. I am, therefore, perfuaded that in the lift of thofc 
 now in France, protected by my paflports, you will not find 
 one who is not ilri&ly entitled to it. All thofe who have not 
 my pafTports are, of courfe, fubject to the animadverfion 
 your police. 
 
C 304 1 
 
 Prom tie Mlnifter of Foreign Affairs^ to the Minfcr Pleni- 
 potentiary of the United Slates of America. 
 
 Parisy lyl FrimairCy ^lh Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (December 142^, 1795.^ 
 
 I AM informed by a letter from the conful of the French 
 Republic at Philadelphia, and by the procefs-verbal of an of- 
 ficer of the Corvette Caflius, that this vefTel has been confif- 
 cated by the government of the United States. There refuhs, 
 from this extraordinary meafure, great injury to the Republic, 
 befides the defertion of the greater part of the mariners. The 
 envoy of the Republic appears to have made, at this period, 
 fruitlefs efforts to obtain fatisfar.ion for the injury done to 
 the French flag, in the Cafe of this Corvette. I advife you that 
 I have written to our envoy in Philadelphia, to purfue with 
 earneftnefs this affair to a clofe : And that you may employ 
 your good offices to fix the attention of your government upon 
 the violation, whereof I render you an account, I make to 
 you this communication; which I do, from a conviclion, that 
 you will concur with me in whatever is neceflary to maintain 
 or even improve the connections of two people, who are ap- 
 proached by friendfhip, although they inhabit the extremities 
 of the globe. 
 
 (Signed) CH. DELACROIX, 
 
 From the Minijler Plenipotentiary cj- the United States of Ame* 
 ricp.y to the Minijler of Foreign Affairs* 
 
 Paris, December 192^, 1795. 
 
 I HAVE received your letter of the 23d Frimaire ( I4th 
 December) by which you advife me of the confifcation of the 
 Corvette Caflius, belonging to this Republic, by the Ameri- 
 can government *, and defiring me to call the attention of our 
 government to that fubject.. I beg to allure you, that I mail 
 not fail to communicate your wifhes in that refpecl: without 
 delay ; and that it is my ardent defire, not only to diftance all 
 poflible caufe of mifunderftanding, but to ftrengthen the bond* 
 which at prefent unite the two republics. 
 
C 35 3 
 
 [ No. XXVII. ] 
 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 Paris, January l6th y 1796. 
 
 SOME weeks pail, the property of William Vans, 
 a citizen of the United States, was attached by Jofeph Sands, 
 another citizen of the faid ftates, in a tribunal of France at 
 Havre ; where the caufe was fuftained, and judgment render- 
 ed in favor of the plaintiff. From this judgment the defend- 
 ant appealed to the Superior Tribunal of the department at 
 Rouen, where I believe it is now depending. As foon as the~ 
 fuit commenced, Mr. Vans applied for my interference; 
 claiming, by the I2th article of the confular convention be- 
 tween die two republics, an exemption, ?.t the inftance of a 
 fellow citizen, from the tribunals of the country; the cogni- 
 zance of fuch controverfies being, as he fuppofed, thereby ex- 
 clufively veiled in the confuls of each nation, within the jurif- 
 dic~tion of the other. I examined attentively the convention, 
 and was of opinion, that the conftruHon infilled on by Mr. 
 Vans was found; but yet as the fubjecl: was important in re- 
 fpetl to the principle, and queftionable in point of policy, 
 I wiihed to decline any interference in it, till I had your in- 
 ftru6lion. He continued, however, to prefs me; frying that 
 if fuch was the import of the article, it veiled in him a right 
 which I ought to fecure him the enjoyment of; the depriva- 
 tion of which too in the prefent inftance would be his ruin ; 
 for that the execution of the judgment by the fale of the mer- 
 chandizes attached at Havre, where there was no demand for 
 it, would not only fubjecl him to a fevere lofs ; but that he 
 was likewife fued for the fame fum in America, and where 
 judgment would probably, likewife, be rendered againft him. 
 Finally, therefore, I did apply in his behalf, by a letter to the 
 minifter of foreign relations, of which I fend you a copy ; 
 explaining my idea of the import of the treaty in the cafe in 
 queftion ; and requeuing that the executive (10 far as depend- 
 ed on that branch, and provided it concurred with me in opi- 
 nion) might caufe the fame to be executed ; and to which I 
 have yet received no anfwer ; though I am allured verbally, 
 that the dire&oire concurs with me in the conftru&ion ; and 
 that a correfponcl siit intimation thereon will b-2 given by the 
 minifter of juftice, to the court \vherethc i~u.it now is; with 
 
 R r 
 
whom it will probably be decifive. I (late this cafe that 
 may apprize me how it is the wiili of the Prefident I fhould 
 act in cafes of the kind in future, arid even in the prefent one, 
 if not finally fettled before I hear from you ; and which may 
 probably happen. If it is wifhed that fuch controverfies mould 
 be decided by the courts of the country, I doubt not fuch a 
 confiruction and practice will be agreeable to this government; 
 but if the contrary is preferred, you will, I prefume, fee the 
 neceffity of prefcribing by the fuitable authority, how the con- 
 fular courts are to be held ; how their procefs is to be exe- 
 ecuted, and appeals conducted. 
 
 As connected with this fubject, permit me to call your at- 
 tention to another, upon which I likewife wifh to be inftruct- 
 cd. For the port of Havre there are at prefent two confuls, 
 or rather a conful and a vice-conful; both of whom, Mr. Cut- 
 ting and Mr. Lamotte, are recognized by this government. 
 Was it intended the latter commilTion mould fupercede the 
 former j or is it intended that both mould exift at the fame' 
 time j the power of the vice-con ful being dormant only when 
 the conful is prefent ? I wifh to know in what light I am to 
 confider thefe appointments, fmce thereby I mail likewife 
 know to whom I arn to look for the performance of the con- 
 fular duties of this port.* 
 
 A third one of the fame kind occurs, and which I think 
 proper to mention to you. Sometime fmce, Mr. Pitcairn was 
 appointed vice-conful for Paris, and in refpett to which ap- 
 pointment, I deemed it my duty to prefent before you feverai 
 confederations, growing out of his character, as a Britifh fub- 
 ject, and the actual ftate of things here ; which made it in- 
 expedient to demand his recognition of this government, un- 
 til after they were weighed, and I in confequence further in- 
 ilructed on that head. Thefe were ftated in my letter of the 
 i 7th cf May laft, and to which, as yet, I have received no 
 anfwer. xAs Mr. Pitcairn probsbly expects to hear from me 
 on this tcpie, I mall thank you for information of what I am 
 to fay to him, and how I am to act in that refpect. 
 
 The collection of the forced loan continues; and will, I 
 t'aink, fucceed. But what its product will be, is a point upon 
 which there is a diverfity of opinion. Some think it will fall 
 Ihort of the fum at which it was eftimated, whilft others 
 carry it much beyond that eflimation. Certain, however, it 
 is that by means thereof the embarralTments of the govern- 
 
 * Both of ;hele gentlemen are men of merit and great refpeflability. I 
 wiihcU m\'j \\\v principle fettled. 
 
3 
 
 wient will for the prefent be relieved, and time given for the 
 maturity and adoption of a more complete fyftem of finance ; 
 which fubjeft is now under confideration of the council 01 
 five hundred. 
 
 About the twenty-fifth of December laft a truce was afk- 
 ed by the Auftrian generals Wurmfer and Clairfayt, of Pi- 
 <:hegru and Jourdan, for three months, and granted, fubjecl 
 to the will of the dire&oire ; by whom it is faid it was allow- 
 ed for one only; the report at firft circulated, that it was whol- 
 ly rejected, being without foundation. Whether it will be 
 prolonged, admitting the term as here dated to be correct, is 
 unknown ; as likewife is the motive of Auftria in afking, or 
 of France in granting, it. The prefumption is, it was to try 
 the experiment of negociation in the interim ; and fuch is the 
 report : And it is likewife prefumable, that fuch an experi- 
 ment was made or is now making; but from what I can learn, 
 there is little profpecl: of its producing a peace. It will be 
 difficult to part Auftria from England, whilft the latter fup- 
 plies the former with money to carry on the war ; and which 
 fhe will probably continue to do whilft (he carries it on her- 
 felf. The prefent profpet, therefore is, that Europe is def- 
 tined to fuftain the wafte and havock of another campaign ; 
 for, fuperior as England is at fea, with the recent conqueft of 
 the Cape of Good-Hope, it is not probable, if flie efcapes an 
 internal convulfion, the fymptoms of which have diminifhed 
 of late, that me will reftore every thing on her part and leave 
 France in pofleflion of die Belgit; and without which, I think 
 France will not make peace. A doubt, indeed, has latterly 
 been circulated, whether England will make any facrifice in 
 favor of the emperor ; whether, in fhort, (he would agree to 
 reftore the pofleffions taken by her from France and Holland, 
 as a confideration for the reftoration of the Etlgic to the Em- 
 peror. It is even added, that intimations have been made by 
 her, that if France will leave her in pofieffion of her con- 
 quefts from Holland, (he will reftore every thing taken from 
 France, and leave her in poireffion of St. Domingo and the 
 Belgic. If this be true, and it be credited by the Emperor, 
 it will certainly tend to weaken and perhaps ablolutely to dif- 
 folve the connection between England and Auftria. 
 
 I communicated to you in two preceding letters, the ap- 
 plication of Count Carlotti, minifttr from Tufcany for per- 
 miflion to vifit the unfortunate young princefs y 5V. and the 
 difpleafure which that demand gave to the direcloire, who 
 fufpended his powers immediately ; ordered him to leave the 
 Republic forthwith; and, finally, fent him by force beyond its 
 
limits. It was apprehended by many, that this peremptory- 
 mode of proceeding would give offence to the Grand Duke , 
 the contrary, however, was the cafe ; for as foon as he heard 
 of the tranfaction, he defpatched another envoy to the direc- 
 toire, to difavow the demand of Carlotti, and declare his re- 
 fpecl for the French government ; and fuch was the folicitude 
 for his hafly departure, that he actually departed without the or- 
 dinary credentials, bearing fimply a letter of introduction from 
 the Grand Duke himfclf. Thus, therefore, this bufmefs 
 has ended without producing any injury to the French Re- 
 public, whilft it is a proof of the energy of its councils and of 
 its decilicn upon the delicate fubjetfc to which it refers. 
 
 On the 2ift inftant, being the anniverfary of the execu- 
 tion of the late King, the members of the legiflative corps of 
 the dire&oire, and all public officers, took a new and folemn 
 oath to fupport the conititution, or rather of hatred to royal- 
 ty. The dire&oire gave, on the fame day, what is called a 
 fete in the champ de Mars ; where an amphitheatre was 
 creeled, and from whence the Prefident, furrounded by the 
 other members and all the minifters of the government, deli- 
 vered an oration fuited to the occafion, to a numerous audi- 
 ence. It feeins to be the policy of the exifting government to 
 revive the zeal of the people in favor of the Republic and of 
 the revolution ; and meafures of this kind are certainly well 
 calculated to produce that effect. 
 
 P. S. Since writing the above, I have heard, through a 
 channel that merits confidence, that the term of the truce is 
 prolonged, and which ftrengthens what I intimated above, 
 that a negociation is depending with Auftria. The recent de- 
 parture too of one of the Dutch minifters for Holland, after a 
 conference with the direcloire, and which took place about 
 the time the truce was probably prolonged, is a circumftance 
 which I think proper to communicate , fince it gives caufe to 
 fuipetr,, if a negociation is depending, it treats for a general 
 and not a partial peace. 
 
 t Prom the Minifler Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- 
 
 rica) to the Minifler of Exterior Relations. 
 
 Paris, December i/?, 170.5. 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 I OBSERVE by record of the proceedings of the tribunal of 
 commerce at Havre, of which I fend you a copy, that a difpute 
 
C 309. 1 
 
 16 introduced and fuftained there between Jofeph Sands and 
 William Vans, two American citizens , relative to a bill of 
 exchange drawn from America, which belongs exciuuvely 
 to one of the parties. The property of Vans was arrcfted by 
 Sands, and condemned by the court of Havre, in fatisf . 
 of the claim above mentioned ; and from which decifion k is 
 carried by appeal to the fuperior court at Rouen, where it 
 now is. In this ftage I have thought proper to call your at- 
 tention to the fubjet, that in cafe the executive gover: 
 of this Republic mould deem it proper to interpoie, it may 
 be able to do it with effect. 
 
 By the I2th article of the confular convention between 
 France and the United States, it is ftipulated, that all difputes 
 which may happen between the citizens of either partv, in th.- 
 dominions of the other, mall be fettled by their refpcHve con- 
 fuls, and by them only. The article fpecifies in its clo.ie, fome 
 particular parties whole difputes mail be thus adjufbd : Bur 
 yet the true conftru&ion appears to include within it all dii- 
 putes which may take place between citizens of either party, 
 within the jurifdiclion of the other. If fuch then be the true 
 conftruUon of the article, and which I prefume it is; it necefla- 
 rily follows that the proceedings of this court are in contraven- 
 tion of that article, and in that view merit the attention of 
 the executive government, whofe opinion \vill doubtlcfs be 
 regarded by the court. 
 
 That the article was dictated by policy, and formed for the 
 mutual accommodation of both parties, cannot be doubted. 
 A principal object of it probably was, to prevent fuits in both 
 countries, between the fame parties, for the fame debt, and at 
 the fame time ; whereby an innocent party might be doubly 
 harafled, and to the general detriment of commerce. In this 
 light, however, I do not think it neceffary to difcufs the fub- 
 jecl:. I think it my duty only to. bring it before you, upon the 
 principles of the treaty, and to afic that interference of the 
 government in this cafe, which it may deem fuitable. 
 
 Prom tie Minijler Plenipotentiary of the United Sfafes, tj 
 Minijler of Finance. 
 
 I HAVEjuft received the inclofed letter, from -"he con- 
 ful general of the United States with the republic ; rep 
 
C 3' 1 
 
 ing the embarraffed fituation of many of our citizens, who 
 have furniihed fupplies to the government ; and which I have 
 thought it my duty to fubmit to yourconfideration, not doubl- 
 ing, that you will do every thing in your power to relieve 
 them from their embarraffments. You will readily perceive, 
 from the delicacy of mercantile credit, the injury they are ex- 
 pofed to, perhaps the ruin, by the proteft of their own bills ; 
 fince they were drawn in payment of the debts they had con- 
 tracted in rendering fuch fupplies to this government ; and 
 which d mgcr is the greater on account of the delay they had 
 previouily experienced in the adjuftment of their claims. 
 You will iikewife fully appreciate the baneful effect, which 
 the example of their misfortunes will produce upon the future 
 commerce of the country, in the difcouragement of others. 
 In this view, therefore, their cafe merits no comment from 
 me j and in fubmitting it to you, permit me add, that all 
 that I wi(h is, that you take into confideration the circum- 
 flances of thefe merchants and render them fuch immediate 
 aid, in relief of their prefent embarraflments, by partial pay- 
 ments, where the cafes will admit of it (and I prefume there 
 are few, if any, that will not admit of it) as the fituation of 
 the republic, providing for its general welfare, will authorize. 
 In the fcale of your affairs, you will obferve (paying due re- 
 gard to the preffureof other objects, and the policy of fuftain- 
 ing and advancing, by all practicable means, the growing cre- 
 dit of the government) what attention is due to the claims of 
 thofa who have embarked their credit, and their fortunes, irl 
 its fupport ; and I am well affured, you will pay them all the 
 attention they merit. 
 
 f No. XXVIII. ] 
 
 FROM Mr. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, February i6th t 1796. 
 
 1 THINK It my duty to ftate to you, and without delay, 
 a communication made me yeflerday by the minifter of fo- 
 reign affairs, of a very interesting nature, I called to repre- 
 
t 3" 3 
 
 fent to him, the diftrefs of feveral of my countrymen, occafi- 
 oned by the proteft at Hamburgh of bills given them for fup- 
 plies, rendered the government ; and to requeft his aid with 
 the direftoire to obtain them relief. This application was in- 
 tended to harmonize with one, that was making informally by 
 our conful general with the direcloire, and which was ar- 
 ranged in a manner to prefent the demands of the claimants 
 before that body, in a forcible manner ; and at the fame time 
 without wounding its feelings. But before I entered on this 
 fubjeft, my attention was called to another more important ; 
 and upon which he feemed pleafed with the opportunity of 
 addrefiing me. He obferved, that the dircctoire had at length 
 made up its mind, how to aft in regard to our treaty with 
 England : That it confidered the alliance between us, as 
 ceafing to exift,frora the moment the treaty was ratified ; and 
 had or mould appoint an envoy extraordinary, to attend and re- 
 prefent the fame to our government , that the perfon in view 
 was known and efteemed in our country, and who would be 
 fpecially commiflioned on this bufmefs, and whofe commif- 
 fion would expire with it : That Mr. Adet had afked and 
 obtained his recall; but did not fay whether any other minifter 
 would be appointed in his ftead, for the prefent ; though, as 
 connefted with Adet's refignation, it is reported that Maret, 
 lately returned from captivity in Auftria, is to fucceed him. 
 The minifter added fome general obfervations on the treaty, 
 tending to fhew, that it was confidered as throwing us into 
 the fcale of the coalefced powers ; obferving that he fhould 
 hand me an official note on this fubjedt, being ordered fo to 
 do by the Direftoire. As no fpeciric objection was dated, I 
 could make no fpecific reply. I exprefied to him,however,my 
 aftoniftiment and concern at the meafure fpoken of, and incul- 
 cated in the fhort time I remained with him (for he was up- 
 on the point of going out) the propriety of candour in the dif- 
 culTion of the treaty, in' its feveral parts, and the benefit of 
 temper in all tranfaftions with us, fmce'we were certainly their 
 beft friends. To this he made no anfwer, and whereupon I 
 left him. I have fince heard nothing from him on the fub- 
 jeft. I mean to fee him however to day \ and, in cafe he 
 permits me to aft on the communication, as an official one, to 
 demand an audience of the direftoire, to endeavour to divert 
 it, if poflible, from the meafure contemplated -, of which, and 
 of the bufmefs generally, I will write you again in a day or 
 two. 
 
[ 3'* ] 
 [ No. XXIX. ] 
 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, February 2Oth, 1796. 
 
 IMMEDIATELY after my laft of the 1 6th of February 
 was concluded, I demanded and had a conference with the 
 minifter of foreign affairs, upon the communication giyen in 
 that letter. 
 
 I rcprefented to him, that the information he had given me, 
 of the intention of the dire6toire to appoint an envoy extraor- 
 dinary, to repair to the United States, to declare to our go- 
 vernment the difTatisfa&ion of this,in refpect to our treaty with 
 Great Britain, had penetrated me with the deepeft concern ; 
 becatife I feared from a meafure fo marked, and confpicuous, 
 the moft ferious ill-confequences, both to them and to us. I 
 fhitcd to him, that fuch a million was calculated to make an 
 imiiivjR-jn in America, and throughout the world \ not only 
 tli,.: thsy were diifatisfied with us, but that even the iflue of 
 war and p??.ce was fufpended on the iflue of the miffion ; that 
 their and our enemies would rejoice at the event, whilft theirs 
 and our friends would behold the fpe&acle with horror. 
 That the miffion itfelf would place both republics in a new 
 dilemma, and from which they could not both well extricate 
 themfelves with honor ; that fomething was due, in the opi- 
 nion of the world, to the character of the miffion ; its fuccefs 
 mud be brilliant, or the public would be difappointed, and 
 this might induce them to infill on terms they would not 
 otherwife have thought of ; and which would increafe their 
 mutual embarraflments ; that as foon as the miffion w'asknown 
 to foreign powers, they would commence their intrigues, to 
 make it the means of feparating us ; that all were interefted 
 in our feparation, none in our union ; and that our feparation 
 was an evil to be deprecated by both parties ; that the fuccefs 
 and terror of their arms might diminifh the number of their 
 active enemies, but as we had never confided in the friendfhip 
 of any power, but in that of France, fo I was fatisfied they 
 hid no real friend except America , that republics could ne- 
 ver countupon the friendfhip of monarchies; if they did count 
 upon it, they would be always deceived. Peace there might 
 be -, but pzace and friendfhip did not always mean the fame 
 thing. 
 
C 313 3 
 
 I obferved, further, that France had gained credit by her 
 late conduct towards us : For whilit England had iuzed our 
 vefiels, and harafled our trade, (he had purfued an cppofite, and 
 more magnanimous policy ; and which had produced, and 
 would continue to produce, a cprrefpondent cite ft, by encreaf- 
 ing our refentmeot againft England, and attachment to France. 
 But as foon as the latter mould a flume an hoilile or menac- 
 ing deportment towards us, would this motive diminifn, and 
 the argument it fumiihed lofe its force. That by this, how- 
 ever, I did not wifh to be underftood, as adviinig that well 
 founded complaints, if fuch exifted, or were thought to ex- 
 iit, mould be withheld : On the contrary, I was of opinion, 
 they mould be brought forward ; as well to obtain rcdrefs 
 where it was wifhed, and could be given, as to make known, 
 in a frank and friendly manner, the fentiments which each 
 entertained of the conduct of the other, in cafe that were in- 
 terefting to it. That on my own part, I was always ready to 
 enter into fuch explanations, when required, and would do it 
 in the prefent inftance with pleafure ; fmce by being pofTeflevi 
 cf cur view of the fubjeft, they would be better able to de- 
 cide, whether the complaint was well or ill-founded, and of 
 courfe, how far it merited to be confidered in that light. la 
 fliort, I ufed every argument that occurred to divert the gov- 
 ernment from the mcafure propofed, aiTuring him, in the 
 moll: earneil manner, that I was iatisfied, it wculd produce 
 no good eftecT: to France -, on the contrary, that it would pro- 
 duce much ill, both to her, and to us 
 
 The nnnifter replied, that Frunce had much caufe of com- 
 plaint againit us, independently of cur treaty with England 9 
 out that, by this treaty, ours with them was annihilated : 
 the diretloire confidered our conduct, in thefe refpccts, as ab- 
 folutely unfriendly to tht'm, and under which unp, 
 it was their duty, fo to reprefent it to us : Thau d 
 which was propofed of making fuch representation had 
 deemed mild and refpelful, and as fuch ought not to give of- 
 fence. He admitted, however, that the objections I had frat- 
 ed againfl it were ftrong and weighty with him, and that he 
 would immediately make them known to the dirtttoire, and 
 by whom, he doubted not, all fuitable attention woulu be paid 
 to them. Since this I have not feen him, but pi\;p(ile ici-ing 
 him again, either to-day or to-morrow, on this fubjeft ; and 
 after which I will immediately apprize you of the itate in 
 which it may be. 
 
 This affair has given me great concern, becaufe it cpr-rs a 
 flew era upon us ; and whofe coniequences, unlefs the mea- 
 S g 
 
C 314 ] 
 
 fare itfelf be prevented, may be of a very ferious kind. Khali 
 do every thing in my power to prevent it, and in any event 
 communicate to you, and with the utmoft defpatch, every in- 
 cident that turns up connected with it. 
 
 . So f .r, my objecl has been to break the meifure inqueftion ; 
 and after which, if effected, I mail moil probably be called 
 on for explanations of the treaty complained of ; and in 
 which cife I mall of courfe avail myfelf, in the beft manner 
 poffible, of thofe communications, which have been heretofore 
 received from your department. 
 
 [ No. XXX. ] 
 FROM MR. MONROL, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, March ioth y 1796. 
 
 I INFORMED you in my two laft, of the i6th, and 2oth, 
 ult. of a communication made m-j by the miniiler of foreign 
 a'-Fiirs, that the directoire had refolved to fend an envoy ex- 
 traordinary to the United States, to remonltrate againft our 
 late treaty with England, and of my efforts to prevent it ; 
 and I have now the pleafure to add, that I have reafon to be- 
 lieve thofe efforts have been fucceisful ; the minifter having 
 arT-ired me in a late conference, that the directory was dif- 
 pofed to accommodate in this refpecl:, and to make its repre- 
 fentations, on that fubjccl, through the ordinary channel. He 
 repeated, however, upon this occafion, in terms equally ftrong 
 with thofe he had ufed before, the fenfe which he faid the 
 directory entertained of the injury done to France, by that 
 , and upon which explanations were expected, and 
 would be fought. 
 
 I afked him, what were his objections to the treaty ; and 
 to which lie replied, as before, in general rather than in pre- 
 ci-fe terms ; urging that thereby we had violated our treaties 
 with France, and greatly to her injury, in the prefent war. I 
 replied, that it was not admitted by our government, that any* 
 tii c flighted:, deviation was mad.e from our treaties with this re- 
 public j nor ought it to be prefumed, until it was fhewn, that 
 fuch was the cafe, efpecialiy as I had before informed him, 
 and now repeated my wilJingnefs to difcufs thai- point, when- 
 ever he thought fit. He intimated, that I mould certainly 
 hear from him on thefubjedt.anclin time to receive areply, and 
 
C 3iS ] 
 
 attend to any obfervations I chbfe to make on it , but being 
 now before the directory, he couJdnct well enter on it, in the 
 manner I propofed, until he had the further orders of that 
 body, in that refpecl:. Thus therefore the matter now fbnds; 
 and I have only to repeat to yen, my aflurance, that I ihail 
 continue to pay to it all the attention it defervedly merits. 
 The ftate of affairs here has not varied effentially cf late, 
 either in the internal, or in the external relations of the re- 
 public. The forced loan was lefs produclive, than it \\ 
 pecked to be, and of courfe the relief it gives muft be confi- 
 . tiered as partial, and temporary only. Nor is any fyftem yet 
 adopted to fupply what will be neceflary, ; fter the amount 
 thus raifed is exhaufled ; though as the fubjcft is ftill under 
 difcuffion, it is poflible this may yet be don^. On the o'hcr 
 hand, the directory, by means of the organisation and police 
 ieems to gain ftrength ; and to which a late meafure has 
 effentially contributed. At the Pantheon) and other quar- 
 ters, therewere nightly meetings of people, not inconfiderabie 
 in point of numbers ; and who complained of various griev- 
 ances, as they faid, from the atual government, and which 
 ought therefore to be changed. The diveciory had its eye up- 
 on thofe aflemblages, and, as I hear, gained full proof, that 
 they were put in motion by foreign influence ; and, under 
 the mafk of patriotism, more effectually to promote the pur- 
 pofe of diforganifation, and in confequsnce ihut the doors of 
 the houfes where they retorted. As many of thofe v. ho 
 were at the head of thofe meetings were aclu'e and ferocious 
 agents in the popular focieties, during the reign of terror, and 
 were probably then moved by the fame cauie, - this difco- 
 very, if to be relied on, tends to throw g>eLit light upon the 
 fource to which the atrocities that were tfeti prr.crifed ought 
 to be afcribed. Time, perhaps, and c if the revolu- 
 
 tion weathers the florins it has yet to cncouncer, will doubt- 
 lefs more fully unfold the real authors or thofe Iccnes, which 
 were fa frightful to humanity, and disgraceful to man j and 
 that they may be difcovcred muft be the \viih of all thofe 
 who are the friends of truth, wherever they re fide. 
 
 Pruflia has in the courfe of the winter encreafed her force, 
 40, or 50,000 men ; and, itisfaid, exhibits a menacing afpect 
 towards Holland j though her minifter concinurs her^, :: 
 apparently well received. Spain too continues her military 
 eitablifhment, as before the peace, and whofe miniiler, Dei 
 Campo, is daily expected from England, where he has 
 refidccl. The probable conjecture, witli refpect to Sp^i. 
 that as fhe feared an attack from England, when in- made her 
 
a 
 
 peace with France, fo ihe finds it necefiary to guard herfeli 
 againft ir, by fuitable precautions, till the war ends. RuiTia, 
 it is believed, contemplates a blow againft the Turks ; in the 
 hopc > now that Poland is annihilated *, France otherwife fuf- 
 ficiently occupied, and the other powers in amity with the 
 Emprefs , to wreft Conftantinople from the Porte, which has 
 long been the object of her inordinate ambition. On the 
 other hand, France feems to be collecting her forces together, 
 and to exert every nerve her fyftem admits of, in preparations 
 for the war ; exhibiting to her enemies a countenance, firm 
 and independent, and announcing to the beholding nations her 
 pefoiution to conquer, or to perilh. 
 
 [ No. XXXI. ] 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO TKZ SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris , March 2$th y 1796. 
 
 FINDING from the communication of the rmniller of 
 foreign affairs, that the character of the miflion about to be 
 deipatched for the United States, and its objc6ts, were Hill 
 btfore the dire&oire, arid fearing that the ulterior communi- 
 cation promifed by the minifter, would be made at fuch a 
 time, as would render it iippoflible for me to produce any 
 cf[e<St on the meafure itfelf (if, indeed, in any cafe it were fo) 
 I deemed it my duty, and accordingly demanded an audience 
 of the dire&oire on that fubjecl: j ftafing the information al- 
 ready received from the minifter thereon as the bafis or mo- 
 tive of that demand. An audience was granted, and in con- 
 fequence I attended the dire&oire on the 8th inftant, in full 
 council, affifted by the minifter of foreign affairs, and the 
 miniftgr of marine. As I had demanded the audience, it be- 
 came necefiary for me to open the fubjecl ; and which I did 
 by fh.ting what the minifter had informed me of their difTa- 
 tisfaclion with our treaty with England, and fome other of our 
 meafurcs that had occurred during the prefent war ; and re- 
 fpecling which it was contemplated to make fome reprefen- 
 tation to our government by their minifter, who was about to 
 depart for the United States. I told them, that unlefs I knew 
 diftinHy what their complaints were, it was impoflible for 
 me to refute, or even anfwer them : That I did not come 
 
t 3-7 3 
 
 there to afk from that body fuch expofition, for the purpofe 
 of difcufling the fubjccl with it, becaufe I knew it was agair.ft 
 rule : That I wiffied, liowever, the diredloire would cuufe 
 the miniiler of foreign affairs to lay open thofe complaints to 
 me ; receive my aniwer, and enter into a full ciiicuiTion of 
 them ; and in the interim, that it would fuipend any deci- 
 fion, in regard to the merit of thofe complaints, orof the nri- 
 fion fpoken of, until the rcfult of that difcufiion was before 
 it : That the difcuflion itfelf could not ctherwife than threw 
 light on the fubjet, and in the degree promote the intcrcft cf 
 both countries, fo far as that might be aircclcJ by their deci- 
 fion in the cafe in quefticn. The directoire replied, that 
 nothing was more reafcnabie than nr: demand, ami tha?- it 
 ihouid be complied \vith. Some gen- A obferyatiohs 
 then made by that body, upon the (Subject of its coir.pl/' 
 and to which I made the aiifwers unit cccuvred at the 
 diflipiting its doubts in one or two cafes at once, and parti- 
 cularly with refpecfc to the countenance it hearcd was given in 
 the United States to their emigrants ; by Hating, that we re- 
 ceived ail Frenchmen who viiitcd us, as friends : That we did 
 not, nor could we, difcriminate between them generally, ca 
 account of their political principles ; becaufe we did not know 
 what their principles were: That v/c faw in them all, the peo- 
 ple of a nation to which we were much attached for fervices 
 rendered us by it in the day of our difficulties, and treated 
 them accordingly : And with refpecl to the Prefident, that he 
 had given orders, that certain diflinguiflied emigrants, other- 
 wife in feme reipecl entitled to attention, but known to be 
 obnoxious here, mould on that account be excluded his pub- 
 lic hall, which was open to all other pcrfons. Several cf the 
 members of the directoire reciprocated with great eatneffnefs, 
 profeflions of friendship for us j alluring rn^ at the fame time, 
 that no (lep mould be taken in the bufmefs in queition, but 
 upon due deliberation, and after die difcuffion I had aiked 
 fhould be finiflied, and my arguments fully weighed ; and 
 thus I left them. 
 
 I fhall tranfmit you, as foon as it is clofed, the refult of the 
 communications which may pafs between the miniiler and 
 myfelf ; and I doubt not the difcuflion will produce a favor- 
 able effect. I mall certainly avail myfelf of all the lights with- 
 in my reach, to do jufiice to a caufe of fo much importance 
 to my country. 
 
 Upon fome mifunderflanding with the direct oire, Pichc- 
 gru has fent in his resignation, and obtained his difmifiicn ; 
 an event that muft be deemed unfortunate to the Republic, 
 
[ 3' 8 ] 
 
 as he {$) doubtlefs, a man. of great talents, and integrity. 
 Clairfait has done the fame thing with the Emperor ; fo that 
 the account of folly between the two governments is fairly 
 balanced. 
 
 The finances here continue in derangement ; and which is 
 not likely to be remedied by a late act, calling in the ailig- 
 nats, ana iiTuing in their (lead a fpecies of paper, called man- 
 dats, founded on the natioml domains, with the right in the 
 holder of that paper to take property for it, where he likes 
 and \vherehe pleafes, at the ancient value. This project re- 
 fembles a bank whofe flock confifts of, and whofe credit of 
 courfe depends on, land ; and which, as it never fucceeded 
 well in the lands of individuals, will moft probably never 
 fucceed well in the lands of the public. 
 
 I herewith tranfmit you extracts of two letters lately re-^ 
 ceived from Mr. Barlow ; and which I do with a view of giv- 
 ing you every information that comes to my knowledge upon 
 the interefting topic on which they treat. 
 
 From the Minifler Plenipotentiary of 'the United States of Ame- 
 rica, to the Minifler of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris, March $th y 1796. 
 
 BEING informed by you, that the executive directory 
 confiders the late treaty between the United States of Ame~ 
 rica and Great Britain, as derogating, in fome refpects, from 
 the treaties of alliance and commerce fubfiiling between the 
 two Republics ; and that your minifter, who is about to de- 
 part hence for the United States, will be instructed to repre- 
 fent the fame to our government, I have thought it my duty 
 to afk an audience of the executive directory upon that fub- 
 je6t, not doubting that the explanations I mail be able to give 
 thereon, will make ou that body an impreilion fufficiently fa- 
 tisfalory to merit all its attention. Permit me, therefore, to 
 requeft, Citizen Minuter, that you will be fo obliging as to 
 obtain for me an audience from the executive directory upon 
 that fubject, at fuch time as may be moft convenient for that 
 body to receive me. 
 
r 
 
 From the Minifter of Foreign Affairs, to the Minlfler 
 tertiary of the United States cf America. 
 
 Paris, I "]ttj Ventofey #h Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (March 7//6, 1796.^ 
 
 I have the honor to inform you, Citizen, that the ex- 
 ecutive directory will receive you to-rnorrow, the i8th inilant, 
 at ten in the morning. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CH. DELACROIX. 
 
 From Mr. Pickering, to Mr. Monroe. 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE. 
 
 November 2> 7 , 1795. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 THE office of fecretary of flate is yet vacant. I write 
 now merely to acknowledge the receipt of your feveral letters, 
 numbered 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 and 21. 
 
 You will fee, an anfwer to the laft has been anticipated by 
 a long letter from me, dated in September ; on the fubjeci 
 of the treaty between the United States and Great Britain. 
 By that letter you will underfland, that the ideas you have 
 detailed are quite foreign to the views of the government of 
 the United States. 
 
 *Your fuggeftions in regard to Mr. Parim, our conful at 
 Hamburgh, have led me to remind Mr. Adams of a requeft 
 formerly made to him, to enquire into his conduct, and re- 
 port the fame to this department. Such I underftand to be 
 the facl ; and that no report has yet been received. 
 
 I am, sV. 
 
 TIMOTHY PICKERING. 
 
 * The hint had been given refpe&ing Mr. Parifli, fcmetime before ; not 
 niy that we might do a fuitable ad ot our own accord, but with a view 
 that nothing might occur from th . t fource, likely to increafe the irritation 
 it was known the Britifli treaty had produced. 
 
20 
 
 [ No. XXXII. ] 
 FJROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, May 2(1, 1796. 
 
 I INFORMED you in my laft of the 25th of March, that 
 1 was promifed by the direcloire in an audience I had ob- 
 tained of that body, that the miniiler of foreign affairs ihould 
 {bate to me fuch objections, as were entertained by this govern- 
 ment, to certain meafures of our own ; and, in the interim, 
 that no (lep ihould be taken, under the exifting impreflion, 
 nor until my reply was received and fully weighed ; and I 
 have now the pleafure to tranfmit to you the refult of the com- 
 munication which afterwards took place between the minif- 
 ter and myfelf, on that fubjer.. 
 
 I do not know what effect my reply has had upon the mind 
 of the direCtoire ; becaufe it was only fent in a few days fmce. 
 I fkil! endeavour, to ascertain this, if poffible, and in cafe 1 do, 
 
 will immediately afterwards apprize you of it. 
 
 #*#####^## 
 
 The campaign was lately opened on the fide of Italy, by a 
 fuite of three brilliant victories obtained in the fpace of a few 
 days, by the French under Buonaparte, over the Auftrians, 
 commanded by Beaulieu; and in which the latter loft, in (lain, 
 about live thoufand men, and in prilbriers, between eight and 
 ten thoufond. The road is now open to Turin, whither it 
 is thought the French are prefling. On the Rhine, however, 
 the armies are ftill inactive ; and from which circumilance 
 fome perfons conjecture, that a negochtion is flill depend- 
 ing with the Emperor, and will doubtlefs, if fuch is the cafe, 
 be eflentially aided, on the part of France, by thefe late victo- 
 ries. The Vendee war was lately greatly checked, to fay no 
 more, by the total difperfjon of the troops gathered there, in 
 oppofition to the government, and the apprehenfion and ex- 
 ecution of Charette and StofHet ; the two principal chiefs who 
 heretofore headed it : And fubfequent circumftances favor 
 the idea, that rebellion there is laid more proftrate than it 
 was at any preceding period, fmce it began. But fuch has 
 been the varied fortune of that extraordinary war, and io 
 often has it revived after it was fuppofed to be totally extin- 
 guilhcd, that appearances, however itrong, arc not to be too 
 much confided in ; nor can it well be pronounced at an endj 
 until the revolution itfelfis clofed. 
 
C 3 1 
 
 I fend you herewith an extral of a letter from Mr. Bar- 
 low, from Algiers, juft received ; and which will, perhaps, 
 give you the lateft intelligence from that quarter. 
 
 P. S. Mr. John Gregorie, late of Peterfburg, in Virginia 
 (a naturaliz 'd citizen of the United States) originally ellab- 
 lifhed at Dunkirk, and now refiding there, has been recom- 
 r;i jnded to ms, by refpe&able authority, as a fit perfon to fill 
 the confulate hi that city j I add therefore his name to ths 
 lift heretofore fent you, of competitors for that office. 
 
 From the 'Minlfter of Foreign Affairs^ to the Mlnifter Pleni- 
 potentiary cf the United States of America. 
 
 Paris , 2 ift Ventofe, %th Tear of the "Republic , 
 (March n th t 1* 
 
 I addrefs to you, citizen, a copy of a fummary expofi- 
 tion of the complaints of the French republic, againft the 
 United States of America. I often and very fmcerely wiih, 
 that your government, better enlightened upon irs true inter- 
 efts, will be difpofed to give us complete fatis faction . 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CH. DE LA CROIX. 
 
 A fummary expofition of the complaints of the French government \ 
 againjlthe government of the United States. 
 
 Firft COMPLAINT. The inexecution of treaties, 
 
 I. The courts of juftice in the United States have taken,, 
 and continue daily to take, cognizance of prizes, which our 
 privateers conduct into their ports, notwithilanding the ex- 
 prefs claufe of the treaty, which prohibits it. Our minifters 
 havepropofed different arrangements to put bounds to this ufur- 
 pation : The federal government had itfelf propofed measures 
 in this refpecl: : The firft propofitions were not accepted, and 
 fche laft rneafures have fallen into difufe. The difgufts, the 
 delays and the lofles which refult to pwr marine, from a like 
 
I 322 ] 
 
 of things, are palpable. They almoft deptive the repub- 
 lic of the advantage it ought to derive from this article of the 
 treaty. 
 
 2. The admiflion of Engliih vefTels of war into the ports of 
 the United States, againft the exprtfs ftipulation of the 17th 
 article of :he treaty, that is to fay, when they have made prizes 
 upon the republic, cr its citizens. The weaknefs with which 
 the federal government yielded this point in the beginning, 
 tended to increafe the pretenfions of Great Britain , fo that, fit 
 prefent, the ports of the United States have become a ilation 
 for the fquadron of Admiral Murray; which, for two years paft, 
 as flationed there, to make excurfions thence upon the A- 
 merican commerce, and deftroy our property. This divifion 
 carries its audacity even farther, by conducting its prizes into 
 thofe porte. 
 
 3. The eonfular convention, which makes a part of our 
 treaties, is equally unexecuted in two of its moil important 
 claufes : The firil, which grants to our confuls the right of 
 judging exclufively all controverfies which take place between 
 French citizens, has become iliufory, from a defect in the law 
 which gives to our confuls the means of executing their judg- 
 ments. The ccnfequences of this defect tend to annihilate 
 the prerogatives of our confuls, and by means thereof, to in- 
 jure efientially our merchants. The fecond gives to our, con- 
 fuls the right of arrefting our marine deferters. The inexecu- 
 tion of this part of the convention affects beyond all expref- 
 fionour maritime fervice, whilft ourveffels are flationed in the A- 
 merican ports. The ju4ges charged, by the law, to deliver man- 
 dats of arreft, have lately required the prefentation of the 
 original regifter of the equipage, in defpite of the 5th article 
 o the treaty, which admits in the tribunals of the two pow- 
 ers copies certified by the confuls. Particular local confi- 
 derations oppofe, in a thoufand circumftanccs, the prefenta- 
 tion of the original regiiler, and, under thefe circumftances, 
 the failors always make their efcape. 
 
 4. The arreftation in the port of Philadelphia, in the month 
 of Auguft, 1795, of the Captain of the Corvette Caflius, for 
 an act committed by him on the high feas. This meafure 
 is contrary to the ipth article of the treaty of commerce, 
 which ftipulates ; " that the commandants of public and pri- 
 vate veflels (hall not be detained in any manner." It violates 
 moreover the right of nations, the moil common ; which puts 
 the officers of public veflels under the fafeguard of their flag. 
 The United States had fufficient proof of the rtfpect, which 
 the republic entertained for them, to have counted upon its 
 
C 323 3 
 
 juftice, upon this occafion. The Captain has been, imprifon-: 
 ed, though the conful of the republic fupported the a&ion; 
 and, with difficulty, has he been releafed. The Corvette, 
 though regularly armed at the Cape by the General Lavaud 
 has been arrefted(as it appears (he ftill is) under the pretext, that 
 eight months before (he failed from Philadelphia, ihe \vas 
 fufpetkd of having been armed in that port. 
 
 Second COMPLAINT. The impunity of the outrage made to 
 the republic, in the .perfon of its minifler, the citizen Fau- 
 chet, by the Englifh veiTcl, the Africa, in concert with the 
 vice-conful of that nation. 
 
 The arreftation, in the waters of the United States, of the 
 packet boat in which the minifter failed : The fearch made 
 in. his trunks, with the avowed object of feizing his per- 
 fon and his papers, merited an example. This infult was 
 committed on the firft of Auguft 1795, and after which this 
 veflel (the Africa) blocked up the reft of that month, at New- 
 port, the frigate Medufa of the republic ; nor was that veflel 
 ordered to depart 'till after this frigate had failed, and which 
 order was given for a new outrage committed againft the 
 United States, by a menacing letter ; and, for a participation 
 in which laft infuit, the exequatur of the Englifh conful was 
 withdrawn. 
 
 Third COMPLAINT. The treaty concluded in November, 
 1 794 , between the United States, and Great Britain. It 
 wouid'be eafy to prove, that the United States, in that 
 treaty, have facrificed, knowingly and evidently^ their connec- 
 tion with the republic ; and the rights, the moit eflen- 
 tial and leaft contelted, of neutrality. 
 
 1. The United States, have not only departed from the 
 principles that were confecrated by the armed neutrality, 
 during the war of their independence ; but they have alfo 
 given to England, to the in jury of their iiril allies, a mark the 
 moft finking of a condef cent ion ^ without limits, in abandoning 
 the rule, which the rights of nations, their treaties with all 
 other powers and even the treaties of England with moft of 
 the maiitime powers, have given to contraband. To facri- 
 fice, excluiively to this power, the objects which are neceflary 
 for the equipment and conftruclion of veffels, is not this to 
 depart evidently from the principles of neutrality ? 
 
 2. But they have even gone further. They have confent- 
 sd to extend me denomination of contraband, even to 
 
c 324 i 
 
 (ions. Inftead of reftri&ing it, as all treaties have done, 
 to the cafe of an effective blockade of a port, as forming the 
 only exception to the complete freedom of this article, they 
 have tacitly acknowledged the pretenfions of England, to ex- 
 tend the blockade to our colonies, and even to France, by the 
 force of a proclamation alone. This abandonment of the in- 
 dependence of their commerce is incompatible with their neu- 
 trality, as Mr. Jcfferfon has acknowledged, by his letter of 
 the 7 th September, to the miniiler plenipotentiary of the Unit- 
 ed States, at London, upon the fubj eft of the order of the 8th 
 June 1793. After this confeffion ; after above all the tyran- 
 nical edicts of the king of Great -Britain, whereby the com- 
 merce, as well as the national honor, of the United States 
 have differed fo much, there was reafontohope a difrerentre- 
 fult from the negociation of Mr. Jay. It is evident, by the 
 claufe which limits the continuance of this defertion of neu- 
 trality to the term of this war, that Mr. Jay did not hefitate 
 to facrifice our colonies to Great Britain, during the continu- 
 ance of thefe hoftilitiesr, by which their let will be decided. 
 It is fubmitted to Mr. Monroe to judge, in what point thefe 
 conceffions accord with the obligation, by which the United 
 States have contracted to defend our colonial pofleffions, and 
 \vith the duties, not lefs facred, which the great and ineftima- 
 ble benefits they derive from their commerce with thofe If- 
 lands, bind them to obfcrve. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CH. DE LA CROIX. 
 
 Paris, iqth Ventofe^ %th Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (March $th, 1796.) 
 
 Note. This paper bears date of the day preceding that on 
 which I had my audience of the directory, by which I con- 
 clude it is a copy of the report made by the miniiler, to that 
 body, on that occasion. 
 
 From Mr. Monroe, to the Minifter of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris, March \$th* 1796. 
 
 I WAS lately honoured with your note of the 191!) Ven- 
 tofe (March pth) objecting to feveral of the meafures of our 
 
 * Why thefe commumcatioas have thefe dates was explained to Mr. 
 
C 325 1 
 
 government, that have occurred in the courfe of the prefent 
 w~, and to which, I prefume 1 ihail herein render you a fatis- 
 factcry anfwer. For this purpoie I {hall pur Cue in reply the 
 order you 'have obierved, in ii atihg thcfe objections -, and, ac- 
 cording to the light I have on the iubjeCt, give to each the 
 
 :r it requires. 
 
 Thefe objections are comprized under three dilUnct heads, 
 a fummary of which I will firft e-pofc, that my r^ply to each 
 may be better underftccd. 
 
 Firft. Your firft complaint is, that we have failed to execute 
 our treaties with you, and in the following refpecls. 
 
 I. By fubmitting to our tribunals the cognizance of prizes 
 brought intoourports byyourprivateers. 2. By admitting En- 
 giiih vcflels of war into our ports, againft the ilipulation of the 
 i ;th article of our treaty of commerce, even after fuch veflels 
 had taken prizes from you, and in fome cafes with their priz- 
 es. 3. By omftting to execute the confular convention in two 
 of its moft important claufes ; having failed to provide, as you 
 fugged, fuitable means for carrying thofe claufes into efYe6t ; 
 the fir ft of which fecures to you confuls within theUnited States, 
 the exelufivejurifdiction ofall controversies between French ci- 
 tizens ; and the fecond, the right to purfue, and recover, all 
 mariners v/ho defert from your veflels. 4. By fuffering in 
 the port of Philadelphia, the arreftation of the captain of the 
 Corvette Caffius, for an acl: committed by him on the high 
 fea, and which you fay is contrary to the ipth article of the 
 treaty of commeice, which ftipulates, that the commandants 
 ' of public and private veffels mail not be detained in any man- 
 * ner j' and the rights of nations, which put fuch officers under 
 the protection of their refpeclive flags : And by likewife fuf- 
 fering the arreftation of that Corvette, though armed at Cape 
 Fran$ois, upon the pretext, that me was armed in the United 
 States. 
 
 Second. Your fecond complaint ftates, that an outrage, 
 which was made to this republic, in the perfon of its minifter, 
 the citizen Fauchet, by an Englifh veflel (the Africa) in con- 
 cert with an Engliih conful, in arrefting, within the jurifdic- 
 tionof the United States, the packet-boat in which he had em- 
 barked, fearching his trunks, and afterwards remaining within 
 the waters of thofe States for near a month, to watch the 
 movement of the frigate in which he finally failed, was left 
 unpunifhed ; fince you urge, that the meafures which were 
 
taken by our government, in regard to that veffel, and the con- 
 ful, were not taken in a fuitable time to remedy the evil, and 
 were produced by a fubfequent outrage, and of a very different 
 kiiid. 
 
 Third. Your third and lafl complaint applies to our late trea- 
 ty with England ; which you fay, not only facrifices, in favor 
 of tnat power, our treaty with France, but departs from that 
 line of impartiality, which, as a neutral nation, we were bound 
 to obierve. Particular exemplifications are given of this charge 
 in your nott, and which 1 ihaii particularly notice when I 
 come to reply to it. 
 
 This is a fummary of your complaints, and to each of v hich 
 I will now give a precife, and 1 flatter myielf, a fatisfa&ory 
 ajifwcr. - . 
 
 Firfl. Of the inexecudon of our treaties with this Republic, 
 and of the firrt example given of it : <The fubmiflion to our 
 
 * tribunals of the cognizance of prizes brought into cur 
 
 * ports by your privateers/ 
 
 Permit me, in reply to this charge, to a(k whether you 
 infill, as a general principle, that our tribunals are inhibited 
 the right of taking cognizance of the validity of your prizes, 
 jn all cafes ; or are there exceptions to it ? As a general prin- 
 ciple, without exception, I think it cannot be infilled on ; be- 
 Cciufe examples may be given, under it, of pomble cafes, which 
 prove it cannot be fo conibrued and executed, without an 
 incroachment upon the inherent and unalienable rights of fo- 
 vereignty in both nations, which neither intended to make, 
 iior does the treaty warrant. Suppofe, for inilance, a prize 
 was taken within the our jurifdilion; not upon the high feas, 
 nor even at the entrance or mouths of thofe great rivers and 
 bays, which penetrate and fertilize our country ; but actually 
 in the interior, and at the wharf of fome one of our cities. 
 L> this a cafe over which our tribunals, or fome other branch 
 of our government, have no right to take cognizance ? Do 
 ypu conceive, that the true import of the treaty impofes upon 
 us, and likewife upon you in turn, the obligation thus to a- 
 bandon, as a theatre of warfare, in which you bear no part, 
 the interior police of your country ? Can it be done confid- 
 ently with the dignity or the rights of fovereignty ? Or, fup- 
 pofe the privateer which took the prize and led it into port was 
 fitted out withiii the United States, the at being unauthorized 
 by treaty; cnuld we tolerate this, and refufe the like liberty 
 to the other nation at war, without departing from that line 
 f neutrality we ought to pbferve ? You well know that thofe 
 
C 327 1 
 
 rights which are fccured by treaties, form the only preference 
 in a neutral port, which a neutral nation can give to either of 
 the parties at war ; and if thefe are tranicciukd, that the na- 
 tion fo adding makes itieif a party to the war; and in conic-* 
 quence merits to be coniidercd and treated as iuch. Thefe 
 examples prove that there are fome exceptions to the general 
 principle j and perhaps there are others which do not occur 
 to me at prefent. Are then the cafes in queftion, and 
 i form the bafis of your complaint, within the fcale of 
 thefe exceptions ? Ii they are, and I prefume they are, I am 
 pcrfuaded you will concur with me in the' opinion, that the 
 complaint is unfounded ; and that we have only done our du- 
 ty , a duty we were bound to perform, as well from a refpett 
 to our rights as a fovereign and free people, as to the integri- 
 ty of our character ; being a neutral party in the prcfent war. 
 
 You will obferve, that I admit the principle, if a prize was 
 taken upon the high lea by a privateer fitted out within the 
 Republic, or its dominions ; that in fuch cafe our courts hr.>^ 
 no right to take cognizance of its validity. But is any cafe 
 of this kind alledged ? I prefume none is cr can be fliewn. 
 
 2. The fecond article in this charge, of failing to execute 
 our treaties with this Republic, ftates, that in contravention 
 with the i yth article of the treaty of commerce, we have ad- 
 mitted Britim veffels into our ports , even fuch as have taken 
 prizes from you, and in fome cafes with their prizes. The 
 article referred to Stipulates the right for your veiisls of war 
 and privateers to enter our ports with their prizes ; and inhi- 
 bits that right to your enemies. It does not ftipulate that the 
 veflels of war belonging to vour enemies iliall not enter ; but 
 (imply that they mail not enter w/V/' their prizes. This latter 
 acl, therefore, is, I prefume, the fubjeb of your complaint. 
 Here too, it only ftipulates, that in cafe fuch veffels enter your 
 or our ports, proper meafures mall be taken to compel them to 
 retire as foon as poflible. Whether you were rightly informed 
 with rcfpecl: to the fat, is a point upon which I cannot de- 
 cide, as I know nothing about it. Our coail is extenfive ; 
 our harbours numerous, and the diftrefs of the weather may 
 have forced them in : Or they may have entered wantonly and 
 in contempt of the authority of the government. Many out- 
 rages have been committed upon us by that nation in the 
 courfe of the prefent war, and this may likewife be of the 
 catalogue. But I will venture to affirm, that no countenance 
 was given by our government to thofe veflels, whillt they 
 were there ; and that all fuitable means were taken to compel 
 them to retire, and without delay. You know we have no 
 
C 
 
 fleet, and how difficult it is, without one, to execute a ftipu- 
 lation of this kind, with that promptitude which your agents 
 in our country, ardent in your caufe, and faithful to your in- 
 tcrcft, might expert. 
 
 3. The third article under this head, ftates, that we have 
 omitted to execute the corifular convention in two of Its mod 
 important claufes ; the fir ft of which fecures to the confuis of 
 each, in the ports of the other, the excluilve jurisdiction of 
 controverfies between their own citizens , and the feccnd of 
 which gives to the confuis a right to recover fuch mariners as 
 defert from the veflbls of their refpective nations. 
 
 Upon the firft point, the fuppofed incompetency of the 
 law provided on our part, to execute the judgments of your 
 confuis within our jurisdiction, I can only fay, that as no 
 particular defect is it a ted, fo no precife anfwer can be given 
 to the objection. And upon the fecond, which ftates*; that 
 the judges charged by our laws to iflus warrants for arrefting 
 fuch of your mariners, as defert from their veffels, have latter- 
 ly required, and againft the fpirit of the treaty, the prefenta- 
 tion of the original regifters of the veffels to which they be- 
 longed, as the ground whereon to iflue thofe warrants, I 
 have to obferve ; that by the claufe in queftion (the pth arti- 
 cle) the original feems to be required j and that the copies 
 fpoken of in another part of the treaty (the 5th article) obvi- 
 ouily apply to other objects, and not to this. More fully, 
 however, to explain to you the conduct of our government 
 upon this fubject, permit me here to add an extract from our 
 law, parted on the pth of April, 1792, exprefsly to carry into 
 ciTcdl the convention in queftion, and which applies to both 
 cafes. 
 
 The diftrict judges of the United States (hall, within their 
 c refpectivG diftricts, be the competent judges for the pur- 
 c pofes exprefled in the pth article of the laid convention ; 
 e and it mall be incumbent on them to give aid to the confuis 
 
 * and vice-confuls of France, in arreftiug and fecuring defer- 
 e ters from the veffels of the French nation, according to the 
 tenor of the faid article. And where, by any article of 
 c the faid convention, the confuis and vice-confuls of France 
 
 * are entitled to the aid of the competent executive officers 
 of the country, in the execution of any precept, the mar- 
 (halls of the United States, and their deputies, {hall within 
 e their refpective diftricts be the competent officers, and (hall 
 c give their aid, according to the tenor of the ftipulations.' 
 By this extract you will clearly perceive, that it was not the 
 intention of our government to fruftratc or embarrafs the exe- 
 
[ 3*9 3 
 
 cution of this treaty : On the contrary, tl at it was its inten- 
 tion to carry it into full effect, according to its true intent r.nd 
 meaning ; and that it has done fo, fo far as could be done by 
 fuitable legal provifions. 
 
 It may hereafter be deemed a fubject worthy confederation, 
 whether the firft of thefe claufcs in that convention had not 
 better be expunged from it. The principle of a foreign court 
 eftablifhed within any country, with jurifdiction indepen- 
 dent of that country, cannot well be reconciled v/ith any cor- 
 rect idea of its ibvereignty : Nor can it exercife its functions 
 without frequent interference with the authorities of the coun- 
 try; and which naturally occafions ilrife and difccntent be- 
 tween the two governments. Thefe, however, are not the 
 only objections to the meafure, though with me they are 
 unanfwerable. Under circumftances the molt favorable, it: 
 were difficult for thefe confular tribunals to ferve their procefs 
 and execute their judgments. A limited jurifdicticn to a town 
 or village only admits of it. In the United States, therefore, 
 and in France, where the territory is immenfe, and the num- 
 ber of citizens of each country in the other confiderable, as 
 is now the cafe, it becomes impofiible. Many of theie, in 
 each country, dwell perhaps in the interior, and not within 
 one hundred leagues of any conful of their nation ; how com- 
 pel their attendance before him? How execute the judgrr^e.it 
 afterwards ? Fur the tribunal of one country to dall in the 
 sid of the officer.s of another, to execute its decrees or judg- 
 ments, is an inflitution at lead objectionable ; but to ferd 
 thofe officers round the country, through the range of ens 
 hundred leagues is more fo. 
 
 Permit me then to aik, what are the motives on your cr 
 our part for fuch an inftitution ? In what reipect are you or 
 we interefted, that your or our confute mould have the ex- 
 clufive jurifdiction of controverfies between yojir and cur ci- 
 tizens, in eacli other's country ? Why not fubrrilt thofe con- 
 troverfies, in common with all others, to the tribunals of each 
 nation ? Some confiderations in favor of the institution, it is 
 true, occur ; but yet they are light and trifling, v/hen com- 
 pared with the numerous and ilrcng objections that oppcie 
 it. So much, however, byway of digrcfiion. 
 
 4. Your fourth and laft example, under this head, ftstes, 
 that the captain of the Corvette CafTius was arrefted in Phi- 
 ladelphia, for an act committed on the high lea ; contrary, 
 as you fugged, to the ipth aricle of the treaty of ccir.rncrce, 
 which ftipulates, That the commandants of vefieis, public 
 < and private, iLali not be detained in aw manner whatever ',' 
 
 Uu 
 
C 330 ] 
 
 and of well known rights of nations, which put the officers 
 of public veffels under the fafeguard of their refpective flags ; 
 and that the faid Corvette was likewife feized, though armed 
 at the Cape, upon the pretext that ihe was armed fome time 
 before in Philadelphia. 
 
 As you have net itated what the al was with the com- 
 miflicn whereof the Captain was charged, I can of courfe 
 give no explanation on that head. Satisfied, however, I am, 
 that if the crime was of a nature to authorife our courts to 
 take cognizance of it, he would not be exempted from their 
 jurifdiclion by the article of the treaty in queftion j fmce that 
 article, as you perceive, was intended to eftablifh a general 
 principle in the intercourfe between the two countries ; to give 
 a -privilege to the fhips of war of each, to enter and retire 
 from the ports of the other , and not to fecure in favor of any 
 particular delinquent, an immunity for crimes : Nor, in my 
 opinion, does the law of nations admit of a different con- 
 ftruclrion, or give any other protection. I am happy, however, 
 to hear that he is releafed, fmce it furnifhes an additional proof 
 that the whole tranfacSHon was a judicial one; regular, accord- 
 ing to the ccurfe of our law, and mingling nothing in it in 
 any view that ought to give offence here. 
 
 With refpect to the feizure of the Corvette, upon the pre- 
 text that me was armed m Philadelphia, I have only to fay - % 
 that if ihe was armed there, it was the duty of our govern- 
 ment to feize her ; the right to arm not being ftipulated by 
 treaty : And if that was alledged upon fufficient teitimony, as 
 I preiume was the cafe, there was no other way of determining 
 the queftion than by an examination into it, and in the inte- 
 rim, preventing her failing. It would be no fatisfa&ion to 
 the other party to the war, for us to examine into the cafe af- 
 ter me was gone, provided the decifion was againft her. On 
 the contrary^ fuch conduct would not only expofe us to the 
 charge of Committing a breach of neutrality, but of likewife 
 doing it collufively. 
 
 Second. Your fecond complaint dates an outrage which was 
 committed by a Britifh (hip, upon your minifter, the Citi- 
 zen Fauchet, in concert with a Britifh conful ; in board- 
 ing the packet in which he embarked, opening his trunks, 
 sV. within the waters of the United States, and remain- 
 ing there afterwards to watch the movements of the frigate 
 in which he failed ; and which you fay was not refented 
 as it ought to have been by our government ; fince you add, 
 the meafures which were taken by it in regard to that vef- 
 
C 331 1 
 
 fel, and the conful, were the effecl. of another and fubfe- 
 quent outrage. 
 
 The puniihment which was inflicted by our government 
 upon the parties who committed that outrage, by revoking 
 the exequatur of the conful, and ordering that all iupplies 
 fhould be withheld from the veffel ; as likewife that (he mould. 
 forthwith depart from the waters of the United States, was, I 
 think you will admit, an adequate one for the offence. Cer- 
 tain it is, that as we have no fleet, it was the only one in our 
 power to infiicl ; and that this puniihment was inilited inr 
 confequence of that outrage, you will, I prefume, likewife ad- 
 mit, after you have perufed the acl: of the Prefident upon that 
 fubjecl: ; a copy of which I herewith tranfmit to you ; and by 
 which you will perceive, that there was no diitinct outrage of- 
 fered to the United States, upon that occafion, by the parties 
 in queftion ; but that both the one and the other act (the ai- 
 tempt made upon the packet boat in which your miniiter had 
 embarked, by the captain of a Britim fhip of war, and which 
 constituted the firft ; and the writing of an infolent letter, by 
 the fame captain, to the governor of the State of Rhode-Il- 
 land, in concert with the Britim conful there, and which con- 
 ftituted the fecond) were only feveral incidents to the fame 
 tranfaction, form ing together a fmgle offence; and for which 
 that punimment was inflicted on thcfe parties. 
 
 I think proper here to add, as a further proof that the Pre- 
 fident was neither inattentive to what was due to your rights 
 upon that occafion, nor to the character of the United States; 
 that fee gave orders to our miniiter at London, to complain 
 formally to that government of that outrage ; and to demand 
 of it fuch fatisfaction upon the parties, as the nature of the 
 infult required-, and which has, doubtlefs, either been given, 
 or is ftill expected. 
 
 Third. Your third, and laft complaint applies to our late trea- 
 ty with England; and which, you fay, has facriiiced, iii 
 favor of that po\ver, our connection with France, and die 
 rights of neutrality the molt common. 
 
 i. In fupport of this charge you obferve, that we have not 
 enly departed from the principles of the arm'ed neutrality 
 adopted in the courfe of the lait war; but have abandoned, in 
 favor of England, the limits which the rights of nations and 
 our own treaties with all other powers, and even England hi 
 her treaties with many other powers, have given to contra- 
 band. 
 
C*> ** i T 
 OJ Z J 
 
 lib confented that provifions 
 deemed contraband, not when deflined to a blockaded port 
 only, as fhould be the cafe ; but in all cafes* by tacitly ac- 
 knowledging the pretenfions of England, to place at pleafure 
 and by proclamation, not only your iflands, but even France 
 her f- If in that dilemma. 
 
 The principles of the armed neutrality fet on foot by the 
 Emprefs of RufFia, in harmony with the other neutral powers, 
 at the time you mention, and acceded to by all the powers 
 then at war againft England, are extremely dear to us ; be- 
 caufe they are juft in themfelves, and in many refpecls very 
 important to our welfare : We infert them in every treaty we 
 make with thofe powers who are willing to adopt them; and 
 our hope is, that they will foon become univerfal. But even 
 in the war of which you fpeak, and when the combination 
 again ft England was moll formidable, and the maritime pow- 
 ers being arranged againft her, you well know that fhe never 
 acceded to them. How compel her then, upon the prefent 
 occaficn, when that combination was not only broken, but 
 many of the pov/ers, then parties to it and againft England, 
 were now enlifted on her fide, in fupport of her principles ? 
 Ifou muft be fenfible, that under thefe circumftanccs, it was- 
 impoflrble for us to obtain from that power the recognition 
 of thofe principles ; and that, of courfe, we are not culpable 
 for having failed to accornplim that object. 
 
 I regret alfo, that we did not fucceed in obtaining from that 
 power, a more liberal fcale of contraband, than was obtain- 
 ed : For as our articles of exportation are chiefly articles of 
 the firft neceffity, and always in great demand here, and eve- 
 ry where elfe, it was equally an objel of importance to en- 
 large tie freedom cf commerce in that refpecl:, by diminiihing 
 the lift of contraband. Perhaps no nation on the globe is 
 more interefted in this object, than we are. But here too, 
 the fame difficulty occurred, that had in the preceding cafe ; 
 and it was In confequence deemed expedient, for the time, to 
 relinquifh a point we could not obtain ; fuffering the ancient 
 law of nations to remain unchanged in any refpecl:. Is it 
 urged, that we have made any strticle contraband that was 
 not fo before, by the known and well eftablifhed law of na- 
 tions ; which England had not a right to feize by that law, 
 and did not daily feize, when they fell in her way? This cannot 
 be urged; becaufe the facl: isotherwife: For although we have 
 not ameliorated the law of nations in that refpe6t, yet certain- 
 ly we have not changed it for the worfc ; and which alone 
 could give you juft caufe of complaint. 
 
C 333 ] 
 
 With refpecr. to the obje&ion flated to a claufe in the 1 8th 
 article of the treaty with England, which prefumes we are 
 thereby prohibited bringing provifions from the United States 
 to France, I have only to add ; that no fuch prohibition is to 
 be found in itj or other ftipulation which changes the law of 
 nations in that refpect : On the contrary, that article leaves 
 the law of nations where it was before , authorizing the fei- 
 zure in thofe cafes only, where fuch provifions are contra- 
 band, < by the exifting law of nations/ and according to our 
 conftruction, when carrying to a blockaded port ; and in 
 which cafe payment is ftipulated ; but irr no refpecl: is the 
 law of nations changed, or any right given to the Britifh to 
 feize other than they had before ; and fuch, I prcfume, you 
 will agree, is the true import of that article. 
 
 You will obferve, by the article in queftion, that when our 
 provifions deftined for a blockaded port arc feized, though by 
 the law of nations ftibjecl: to confifcation, they are never- 
 thelefs exempted from it ; and the owners of fuch provifions 
 entitled to the payment of their value. Surely this ftipula- 
 fion cannot tend to difcourage my countrymen from adven- 
 turing with provifions into rhe ports of this Republic ; nor in 
 any other refpecr, prevent their enterprises here : On the con- 
 trary, was it not probable, that it would produce the oppofite 
 effect ; fince thereby the only penalty which could Jeter them, 
 that of confifcation, in the cafe above mentioned, was com- 
 pletely done away ? 
 
 Thus, Citizen Minifter, I have anfwered, according to the 
 views of our government, and the light I have upon the fub- 
 jet, the objections you have dated againft feveral of its mca- 
 fures adopted in the courfe of the prefent war; and I hope 
 to your fatisfation. That any occurrence fhould take place in 
 the annals of the Republics, which gave caufe for fuipicion, 
 that you doubted, in any degree, our fincere and affectionate at- 
 tachment to your welfare, is a circumftance that cannot other- 
 wife than give pain to our government and our people. That 
 thefe, however, fhould be removed by a fair and candid ex- 
 amination of your complaints, on both fides, is the belt confo- 
 lation that fuch an occurrence can admit of. If by my feeble 
 efforts, I contribute in any degree to promote that end, and 
 preferve the harmony and affection which have fo long fubfift T 
 ed between us, and I trull, will always fubfifl, be affured 
 that I accomplifh an object the molt grateful to my feelings, 
 that I can poffibly accomplifh. 
 
C 334 ] 
 
 From Mr. Pickering) to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Jan. *)th y 1796. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 ON the firft inftant, according to a previous arrange- 
 ment, the minifter of the French republic prefented to the pre- 
 fident of the United States, the colours of France. This was 
 on Friday, and congrefs did not meet again till the following 
 Monday, when the colours were prefented to the two houfes 
 of congrefs, with a meflage from the prefident, and the papers 
 mentioned in it ; to wit, an addrefs from the committee of 
 public fafety, dated the aift of October, 1794 ; the fpeech of 
 the French minifter n prefenting the colours to the president, 
 and the prefident's anfwer ; of all which copies are inclofed. 
 
 After the exhibition in the houfe of reprefentatives, the 
 houfe panned unanimoufly the inclofed refolve ; in purfuance 
 of which, to make known their fentiments to the reprefenta- 
 tives of the French people, the prefiderit has addrefled a letter 
 to the directory of the French republic, which you will find 
 inclofed, and which you will take the earlieft opportunity to 
 deliver. 
 
 With the refolve of the houfe of reprefentatives, the prefi- 
 dent has thought fit to communicate to the directory the re- 
 folve of the fenate on the fame fubjecl:, although not fpecially 
 defired to do it. Thus there will be feen a concurrence of 
 all the branches of the government, reprefenting the people of 
 the United States, in the fame affection and friendfhip for the 
 French republic. Copies of that letter, and of thefe refolves, 
 for your own information, you will find alfo inclofed. 
 
 In your letter of the aoth of October (the laft which has 
 been received) you fay that as yet no complaints had been 
 made againft our treaty with Great Britain, nor had you heard 
 any thing from the committee on the fubjecl:, fince their ap- 
 plication relative to certain reports refpedHng it : Yet in your 
 poftfcript you exprefs your opinion, that if ratified it would 
 excite great difcontents. 
 
 On this point I can only again refer you to my letter of 
 the 25th of September, in which it is demonftrated, that in af- 
 fenting to the terms of that treaty, the United States infringe 
 no ftipulation, and violate no duty towards France. And 
 you have feen by Mr. Randolph's communications laft fum- 
 
"C 335 ] 
 
 mer,that all the objections, ftartedby the French minifter,werc 
 completely removed. 
 
 The treaty of peace, made by General Wayne with the 
 Indian tribes northweft of the river Ohio, has been ratified 
 by the prefident, with the unanimous advice and confent of the 
 fenate. The Cherokees and Creeks are alfo at peace with us. 
 Such perfect tranquillity on all our borders was never known 
 fmce we became an independent people. But in the midfl of 
 the univerfal joy which this ftate of things excited, a few ruf- 
 fians in Georgia committed fome atrocious murders on about 
 twenty Creeks. This was in September. Severe retaliation 
 is to be feared ; though endeavours were immediately ufed to 
 ward off the evil. As yet, I have heard of but one family that 
 has been ftruck. 
 
 I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 TIMOTHY PICKERING. 
 
 Prom the Prefident of the United States, to the Prefident of the 
 Directory of the French Republic. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 THE minifter of the French republic in the United 
 States will certainly communicate to his government an ac- 
 count of the prefentation of the ftandard of France, to the 
 United States, through their organ, the prefident *, and of the 
 time and manner in which it was received. On the 4th of 
 the prefent month, the firft day afterwards, on which they 
 were convened, that ftandard was exhibited to the reprefenta- 
 tives of the people in congrefs, together with the addreis of 
 the committee of public fafety, dated the 21 ft of October, 
 1 794 ; the fpeech of the French minifter, on prefenting the 
 ftandard to the prefident, and his anfwer. It was on this 
 occafion, at their fitting on the fourth of this month , that the 
 houfe of reprefentatives exprefled their fentiments towards 
 the French people, which they requefted me to communicate, 
 and which I cannot better do, than in their own words : 
 
 * Refolved unanirnoufly, That the prefident of the United 
 4 States be requefted to make known to the reprefentatives of 
 the French people, that this houfe hath received, with the 
 < moft fincere and lively fenfibility, the communication of the 
 * committee of public fafety, dated the twenty firft of Octo- 
 
C 33<J 1 
 
 < her, one thoufand feven hundred arid ninety four, accom- 
 ' panied with the colors of the French republic ; and to af- 
 ' fure them, that the prefentation of the colors of the French re- 
 
 < public to the congrefs of the United States is deemed the 
 
 < moft honourable testimonial -of the exifling fympathies, and 
 c affections of the two republics, founded upon their folid and 
 
 * reciprocal interefts 5 and that this houfe rejoices in the op- 
 
 * portunity thereby afforded to congratulate the French nation 
 
 < upon the brilliant and glorious achievements, which have 
 
 * been accomplimed under their influence, during the prefent 
 afflicting war ; and confidently hopes, that thofe achieve- 
 c ments will be attended with the perfect attainment of their 
 ' objeft, the permanent eftablifhment of the liberties, and 
 f happincfs of a great and magnanimous people. 7 
 
 I alfo do myfeif the pleafure to tranfmit to you the refolve 
 of the fenate, on the fame occafion, declaring their union 
 with me in the fentiments I have expreffed towards the French 
 republic, and their devout wimes, that the fincere affection 
 which unites our two republics may be perpetuated. 
 
 Thefe fentiments, fir, you will have the goodnefs to make 
 known to the reprefentatives of the French people, in the 
 time and manner which you {hall deem the moft accepta- 
 ble. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
 
 Prefident of the United States. 
 Philadelphia, Jan. 7^ 1 796. 
 
 CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 In the Houfe of Reprefentatives, Monday, Jan. tfh, 1 796. 
 Rcfclvcd unanimaufly : 
 
 THAT the prefident of the United S tales be. requefi- 
 cd to make known to the reprefentatives of the French peo- 
 ple, that the houfe hath received, with the moft fincere and 
 lively fenfibility, the communication of the committee of pub- 
 lic fafety, dated the twenty firft of October, one thoufand 
 fcven hundred and ninety four, accompanied with the colors 
 of the French republic ; and to affure them, that the prefentation 
 of the colors of the French republictothe congrefsof the United 
 States is deemed the moil honorable testimonial of the exifting 
 fympathies and affections of the two republics, founded upon 
 
C ;s7 ] 
 
 their folid and reciprocal interefls : and that this houfe rejoices 
 in the opportunity thereby afforded to congratulate the French 
 nation upon the brilliant and glorious achievements, which 
 have been accomplifhed under their influence during the pre- 
 fent afflicting war ; and confidently hopes, that thcie a- 
 chievements will be attended with the perfect attainment of 
 their object ; the permanent eftabliOiment of the liberties 
 and happinefs of a great and magnanimous people. 
 
 JONATHAN DAYTON, Speaker. 
 
 IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATZ;. 
 
 January 6tb, 1796. 
 
 THAT the prefident be informed, the fenate have re- 
 ceived with the pureft pleafure, the evidences of the continu- 
 ed friendmip of the French republic, which accompanied his 
 meiTage of the 4th inftant. 
 
 That the fenate unite with him in all the feelings exprcf- 
 fed to the minifter of France, on the prefentation of the 
 colors of his nation, and devoutly wifh that this fymbol of 
 the triumphs and enfranchifement of that great people, given 
 as a pledge of faithful friendmip, and placed among the evi- 
 dences and memorials of the freedom and independence of. 
 the United States, may contribute to cheriih and perpetuate 
 the fmcere affection, by which the two republics ate fo hap- 
 pily united. 
 
 Atteft, 
 
 SAMUEL A. OTIS, Secretary. 
 
 From Mr. Monroe > to Pulwar Skipwitb, Conful General of 
 the United States, at Paris' 
 
 Parity April %th, 1 796. 
 
 I HAVE juft received a letter from Colonel Humphreys* 
 our minifter at Lifbon, advifmg that, as our treaty with Al- 
 giers is not yet concluded, it will be improper for owr iner* 
 
 X * 
 
C 338 ] 
 
 thants and others, to adventure into the Mediterranean, un* 
 til further advifed on the fubje6t. I therefore notify this to 
 you, that you may communicate the fame to all our confuls 
 within the French Republic. 
 
 From the Mlnijler Plenipotentiary of ths United States of Ame* 
 rica 9 to the Mlnljler of Foreign Relations. 
 
 Parity March l^th, 1796. 
 
 I HAVE been favored with yours of the 28th Ventofe 
 (i8th March) refpecling two Negroes, American citizens, 
 who had left their ihip at Havre, become objects of charity, 
 and in confequence, a charge upon fome of the inhabitants 
 there ; and requefting information, whether thofe charges 
 would be reimburfed by the United States , to enable you t 
 give inftru&ion on tliat point, and upon the principles gene- 
 rally, to the municipality of that city. In reply, I have the 
 pjeaTure to inform you ; that our failors, whilft they remain 
 attached to their vefiels, at home or abroad, are under the 
 particular care of the maflers of fuch vefiels j and whofe du- 
 ty is, in cafe of ficknefs, to provide them with fuch necefTa- 
 ries as their fituation may require. But when they defert their 
 veffels, fuch claim ceafes ; nor have the parties who affift 
 them afterwards any claim for reimburfement on that account, 
 other than on the failors themfelves. If thefe two perfons in 
 queftion are not deferters, the parties who affifted them will 
 probably obtain reimburfement, upon application to the con- 
 iignees of that vcflel, in that port : And in any event I mall 
 inftrucl our conful there to attend to the cafe ; and to dif- 
 charge, on my behalf, any well-founded claims, rendered 
 from motives of humanity, to two of our citizens left there in 
 diftrefs. 
 
 [ No. XXXIII. ] 
 FROM Mr. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE* 
 
 Paris, May 2$th, 1796. 
 
 SIXCE my laft of the 2d inftant, I have heard nothing 
 from this government upon the fubjecl: communicated to you 
 in that and feveral of my preceding letters 5 and whivh had 
 
C 33? 1 
 
 been difcuffed by the minifter of foreign affairs and myfelf, 
 as was (hewn by the papers tranfmitted in my laft. Nor have 
 I underftood, through any other channel, that any decifion ia 
 taken on that fubject. I flatter myfelf, therefore, that I fhaii 
 hear nothing further on it. As yet, however, no fuccsficv 
 is appointed to Mr. Adet, according to his own requeft ; -and 
 who remains, of courfe, the locum tetiens until one is Ap- 
 pointed. I mention this circumftance, becaule as fuch an 
 appointment was contemplated, when that diicufiion com- 
 menced, and was probably delayed by it, fo nothing can be 
 fatisfactorily inferred, at leaft for the prefent, of the final 
 decifion of the directory, upon the topic in difcuflion, until 
 that of the appointment is like\vife refumed and fettled. 
 
 I was lately favored with yours of the 7th of January, com- 
 municating the correfpondence which took place between the 
 Prefident and the Minifter of France, when the latter pre- 
 fented the flag which was voted by the convention ; as like- 
 wife the refolutions of both houfes of congrefs on the fame 
 fubject, with the letter of the Prefident to the directory, in 
 confequence thereof, which letter you defired me to deliver 
 without delay. Accordingly, the day after I received it I 
 waited on the minifter of foreign affairs, and prefented the 
 letter to him, with a requeft that he would deliver it to the 
 directory as foon as poflible ; and to which communication I 
 have fmce received the reply, of which I herewith fend you 
 a copy. 
 
 There was lately announced by the directory to the coun- 
 cil of five hundred, the difcovery of a confpiracy againft the 
 government j whofe avowed object was to overthrow th<; 
 prefent conftitution, and eftablim that of 1793 in its (lead. 
 The details furnilhed exhibit a project, which fought to 
 marfhal one defcription of patriots againft another ; the lead- 
 ers of the innovating party differing from the eftabliilied order, 
 by the greater fervor of their zeal ; and offering as an allure- 
 ment to the poor, and in fupport of their interefts, the free 
 pillage of the wealthy. Fortunately > however, the project 
 was difcovered in good time, by the directory, and crufhed 
 in embrio. What its real object was ; who were its real au- 
 thors , and how many were comprized in it, time will doubt- 
 lefs difclofe. Perhaps the trial of Drouet, a member of the 
 five hundred, lately a prifoner in Auftria, and who is accufed 
 of being a principal in it, will throw light on the fubject in 
 both views. 
 
 The difcovery of this plot excited anew the jealoufy of 
 &is government againft foreigners, fbme of whom we- 
 
C 
 
 j>ected of having an agency in itj and which fubjected our 
 countrymen, in common with thofe of other powers, to fome 
 trouble. The foreign minifters were, in confequence, called 
 on for a lift of their countrymen here, with the bufmefs of 
 each refpectively ; which I have given, and by which, I pre- 
 uime, permiffion to remain will be obtained for all thofe who 
 are American citizens. 
 
 The fuccefs of the French troops in Italy, whereby the 
 Aufirian and Sardinian armies were completely routed, in 
 fever al fevere conflicts, and with great lofs to the Auftrians, 
 has already obtained for the Republic a very advantageous 
 peace with Sardinia ; by which the king has not only aban- 
 doned the coalition, but ceded forever to France Savoy and 
 Nice; and even put himfelf in effect, for the refidue of the war, 
 under the protection of the French Republic. The papers 
 forwarded will give you the details of this event, as like- 
 wife of the provifional treaty which enfued with Parma. It 
 is generally admitted/*tnat the road to Rome is opened ; and 
 fold, that the Pope is fo ftnnble of this, that he has offered to 
 the directory, among other inducements, to ufe his apoitolic 
 authority to appeafe the difcontents in the Vendee, and re- 
 concile the difaffected there to the Republic, in cafe they 
 will ipare him, for the prefent, the honor of a vifit. A minii- 
 ter or minifters are reported to be on their way from Naples; 
 fo that 'tis probable fome adjuftment will likewife foon be 
 made with that power. Beaulieu, with the refidue of the Auf- 
 trian army, has retreated beyond Milan, to the heights be- 
 tween the lake De Garda and Mantua, a ftrong politicn, and 
 noted as being formerly occupied by Prince Eugene ; whither 
 too he was purfued by Buonaparte, who now keeps him in 
 check, or rather inverts him there. Efforts are making by 
 both governments, to fend to both their armies reinforcements j 
 fo that, perhaps, until they arrive, the final fate of thofe ar- 
 mies will not be fettled. 
 
 I inclofe you fome letters juft received from Mr. Barlow, at 
 Algiers, and am, sV. 
 
 from the Mini/ler of Foreign Affairs^ to the MiniJIer Plenipo- 
 tentiary of the "United States of America. 
 
 Paris, %th Floreal> &th Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (April 2$th, 1196-) 
 
 I HASTEN to inform you, Citizen, that I have fub r 
 to the executive directory the difpatch which was ad- ; 
 
t 34i ] 
 
 drefied to it by the Prefident of the United States, in the 
 name of the ccngrefs. 
 
 The French government cannot receive, but with fatisfac- 
 tion, every thing wliich tends to confirm the bonds of friend- 
 ihip which unite the two nations. 
 
 Signed) 
 
 CH. DELACROIX. 
 
 From the Minifler Plenipotentiary of the United States of Amc- 
 ricay to the Minlfler cf Foreign Affairs. 
 
 , Paris, April 24^, 1 796. 
 
 I SEND you herewith a lift of my countrymen in Pa*. 
 ris, with the motives of each for coming and remaining here { 
 according to the requeft you were pleafed to make to me in 
 yours of 
 
 I comply with your requeft with pleafure ; becaufe, being 
 a general meafure, it makes known to you the true characters 
 and objects of individuals here ; and, enabling you to difcrimi- 
 nate between thofe who have juft and lawful motives and 
 thofe who have not, it gives you more complete controul 
 over your police, which I wifh to fee made perfect and be- 
 caufe by prefenting before you, in a diftinct view, the fmall 
 number of my countrymen here, with the avocations of every 
 one, it enables you to form a more correct idea on that fub- 
 ject, than, I am perfuaded, was heretofore formed upon it. 
 
 The lift which I now ificlofe you, comprehends all the 
 American citizens now in Paris, amounting to ; and to 
 
 which I have to add, that, at no time, fince my arrival in 
 France, did it exceed one hundred and fifty ; an amount far 
 fliort of what the public opinion carried it to. 
 
 You will obferve, that in moft of the cafes rendered, the 
 parties are ftated to havebufmefs with the government; of the 
 truth whereof, in many inftances, I have perfonal knowledge. 
 In all, however, the ftatemcnt may be verified by you : For, 
 if it be correct, the proof thereof will, doubtlefs, be found in 
 the department of your government with which the tranf- 
 action is. 
 
 Permit me to repeat my afTurance, that the more ftrict you 
 are in Scrutinizing into the motives and characters of men 
 here, the more agreeable to me ; becaufe I well know you 
 will never fail to give protection to fuch .of my countrymen 
 
C 342 1 
 
 as merit it ; and becaufe I do not wiih it given to fuch as do 
 not, in cafe there were ever any of that defcription here. 
 And as to thole who pretend to be Americans, and are not, 
 although it belongs not to me to provoke upon them the pu- 
 nifhment they merit j yet be allured it will give me the higheft 
 fatisfaction to fee that they are detected, and chafed from the 
 Republic. 
 
 From the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- 
 rica y to the Mitiiflcr cf Exterior Relations. 
 
 Paris y May \2th, 1796. 
 
 I OBSERVE by a decree of the 21 ft of Floreal, that all 
 thofe ftrangers, who are not particularly exempted from its o- 
 peration by the executive directory, muft depart to the dif- 
 tance of ten leagues from Paris, within the term therein fpe- 
 cified. Permit me, then, to call your attention to this decree, 
 for the purpofe of aiking you by what mode I mall avail my- 
 felf, for the benefit of my countrymen, of the benefit of that 
 claufe, which authorifes the directoire to make the fuitable 
 difcrimination. 
 
 Moil of my countrymen who are in Paris, to the amount 
 perhaps of one hundred and fifty, are men of bufmefs. Some 
 of them captains of veiTels, who have brought cargoes into 
 the country j and all of whom have accounts to fettle. They 
 ilate to me, as difpatch in their affairs is of import- 
 ance to them, and equally fo to you, that the delay which 
 their abience from the city muft occafion will be efientially 
 hurtful to them and to you ; and that it is, therefore, their 
 hope, a favourable conilruclion will be given to that decree 
 in their behalf ; and the more efpecially, becaufe they can- 
 not be fufpe&ed of favoring the confpiracy it was defigned to 
 crufh. 
 
 Whatever mode the direcloire may think proper to adopt, 
 in defignating thofe who are to remain, I will obferve, fo far 
 as depends on me. The object of the decree is, I prefume, to 
 banifh intriguants ; who are, perhaps, the fubje&s of your 
 enemies, and of courfe does not apply to thofe who are really 
 my countrymen. If this is the object, it will be eafy to dif- 
 criminate between them and others, in a manner to accom- 
 plifh the end. But if it is intended to difcriminate between 
 them, fending fome away and leaving others, you will per* 
 
t 343 3 
 
 ceive how difficult it will be for me to execute it, were I fufli* 
 ciemly informed ; fince it would fubjecl: me to the necefiity 
 of declaring to fome that they had not mine, and were not 
 worthy your, confidence ; and which, in truth, I could not do; 
 becaufe I know of none to whom I could make fuch a decla- 
 ration. 
 
 Permit me to fuggeft, for your confideration, whether the 
 calling in ill paffports now out, and granting others in their 
 ftead, and whereby a difcrimination might be made between 
 thofe who are and are not entitled, leaving the latter to the 
 animadverfion of your police, would not anfwer the end. In 
 this cafe, a prohibition that any paifports of an older date 
 than the decree mould give protection would be fufficient; and 
 in addition to which, luch perfons as were diftrufted by you, 
 if any fuch there were, might be fent cut. I fuggeft this for 
 your confideration, in the hope it will be found adequate j 
 and from a knowledge it would efientially accommodate the 
 interred of my countrymen. 
 
 Frdin the Minijler Plenipotentiary of the United States^ to tfo 
 
 MinifuT cf Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris, May 14^/6, 1796. 
 
 NOT having an anfwer to the letter I wrote you on 
 die 1 2th inftant, on the fubjecl: of the decree which pafled on 
 the 2iftFloreal(ioth May) enjoining foreigners, not exempted 
 by the directory, to depart without the commune of Paris ; 
 and fearing fome inconvenience to fome of my country men 
 from the delay, I have thought proper to afTemble, and take 
 a lift of all thofe whom I know to be Americans, for the pur- 
 pofe of furnifhing you with it. Accordingly I now inclofe you 
 a lift of thofe who have prefented themfclves, with an aiTur- 
 ance that thofe whofe names are inferted are American citi- 
 zens. There may be others not included, and whom the fhort 
 term allowed for attendance has deprived of the opportunity 
 of enrolling themfelves ; and whofe names fhall be fupplied 
 when I become pofleffed of them. 
 
 Moft of thefe perfons I perfonally know, and confide in : 
 Some I do not know ; but I am well perfuaded, they are all in- 
 capable of committing any aft unfriendly to you ; and of 
 courfe, that they merit an exemption from the decree, which 
 fcanifties from this commune fufpefted perfons. 
 
[ 344 3 
 
 I need not obferve to you, that I am at all times ready td 
 co-operate with you in all meafures necelTary to detect thofe, 
 who by artifices endeavor to uiurp the character and privile- 
 ges of American citizens ; iince no objecl: is more ardently 
 wiihed by me, than to prevent an. abuie dishonorable to us, 
 and equally hurtful to both countries. 
 
 From the Mini/I er of Exterior Relations , to the JMlmJler Pleni- 
 potentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Pans, 8//J Floreal, qth Tear of the Republic. 
 (April 2Jt/J, 1796.^ 
 
 CITIZEN, 
 
 THE Citizen Caillard, minifler plenipotentiary of 
 tile French Republic, near the king of Pruffia, has tranfmit- 
 ted to me a petition in the German language, which a wo'- 
 man fettled at Frankfort on the Mein, calling herfelf a widow 
 of a Pruffian major, and her maiden name Franklin, had fent 
 to him. Citizen Caillard informs me, that this woman is 
 diftinguilhed by her genius and literary talents, and enjoys 
 a degree of celebrity in Germany. 
 
 Her petition is addrefled to the legiflative body, and its ob- 
 ject is to obtain amftance. I thought it fuitable to fend it to 
 you, rather than to the legiflative body. It feemed to me, 
 that the United States would have reafon to complain, rf 
 France fhould in a manner deprive them of the fatisfaclrion 
 of relieving the relation of one of their deliverers, in her mif- 
 fortunes. 
 
 You will find herein enclofed the petition, with the tranf- 
 lation which I caufed to be made. 
 
 Accept the affurance of my perfect confi deration. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CH. DE LA CROIX. 
 
 From the Minijler Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- 
 rica y to the Minifler of Foreign Affairs; 
 
 Paris, May 6th, 1796. 
 
 t HAVE been favoured with yours of 'the 27fh April 
 (8th of FJpreal) inclofing a letter froaj a lady in Pruffia, trant* 
 
[ 34i 1 
 
 knitted you by Citizen Caillard, your minifter plenipotentiary 
 at Berlin, addreiTed to the legislative body of France ; flaring 
 herfelf to be related to the late Dr. Franklin ; and aiking 
 fome pecuniary aid, on account, I prefume, of the merits of 
 that refpechble relative. I am happy you have fent this to 
 me, becaufe I mould have been mortified to fee a petition pre- 
 fented to your legiflature, aflcing for aid, upon the idea of a 
 claim againft us ; which claim, if the fati fluted were true (as 
 I prefume it is) would not be allowed by us. It rarely hap- 
 pens that the merits of one relative procure, in the United 
 States, any favor to another. When a perfon who had ably 
 and faithfully ferved his country, as Doctor Franklin did, dies 
 poor, and leaves his children in diftrefs, aid is often extend 
 ed to them : But Doctor Franklin died in good circumftances - 9 
 and I prefume the relationfhip between him and this lady mufl 
 be very remote, confidering that he was born in America, 
 and fhe in Pruffia. However I engage myfclf, with pleafure, 
 to communicate her demand to the grandfon of Dr. Frank- 
 lin, who is now here j and who will doubtlefj be difpofed vf> 
 pay it all the attention it merits* 
 
 [ No. XXXIV. ] 
 
 FROM Ma. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY or STATE. 
 
 Paris t June izt/j, 17960 
 
 I HAVE the jpleafure to inform you, that in a late in- 
 formal conference with one of the members of the dire&oirc, 
 I was advifed by him, that the direloire had done nothing 
 in regard to us, upon the fubjeb communicated to you in 
 feveral of my preceding letters ; and that he prefurned they 
 would do nothing upon that fubjeft. I truft therefore that 
 their councils are thus fettled upon this interefting topic, and 
 that I mail hear nothing farther from them on it. But (hould 
 they take a different turn, of which at prefent there is no 
 particular fymptom (for the probability of fuch a courfe was 
 greateftin the commencement, and whilft the firfl impreflions 
 were at their height) I (hall not fail to apprize you of it, and. 
 without delay. As yet no fuccefibr is appointed to Mr. Adetj 
 nor can I fay what the intention of his government is in that 
 . I prefume, however, upon, the authority of the 
 
C 34<5 3 
 
 communication, that in cafe one is appointed, It will be merely 
 in confequence of Mr. Adet's requeft ; and be of courfe only 
 an ordinary official me^fure, of no particular importance to us. 
 
 As yet none of our countrymen have been compelled to 
 .leave Paris, under the late decree, refpecUng foreigners, and 
 which was occaiioned by the late confpiracy. Whether they 
 will or not is uncertain ; for the directory, in executing the 
 power granted it by the decree, have authorized none to flay 
 of any nation, for whofe good conduct their refpecrive minif- 
 ters have not made themfelves ptrfonally refponfible. I could 
 not difcriminate between my countrymen, by admitting fome, 
 and rejecting others ; but did every thing in my power to ob- 
 tain an exemption for all. I fend you copies of my letters 
 upon that fubjecl: to the minifter of foreign affairs, and to 
 which I * have yet received no official or other definitive an- 
 fwer. 
 
 The truce was lately terminated by the Emperor, in the 
 manner prefcribed.by the convention which formed it, which 
 /tipulated, that it fhould ceafe after the expiration of lodays, 
 upon notice given by either party ; and immediately after- 
 wards the campaign was opened by the French, and with the 
 fame fuccefs, at lead to a certain degree, as attended their ef- 
 forts in Italy. In two rencounters between confiderable divi- 
 fions of the army of the Sambre et Meufe and the Auftrians, 
 on the right of the Rhine, the former have gained complete 
 victories j taken in the firft (excluding the killed and wound- 
 ed) about 2400 prifoners, and in the fecond about 3000, ex- 
 clufive of the killed and wounded. In Italy, two new victo- 
 ries' have been gained, and by which Beaulieu was forced to 
 retreat through the Venitian territory to the Tyrol, leaving 
 the French mailers of that country. I fend you the papers 
 which give you the details, and am> &c. 
 
 [ No. XXXV. ] 
 
 FBOM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATS. 
 
 Paris > June i$th, 1795. 
 
 AFTER my laft of the 1 2th inftant, I flattered myfelf 
 that I fhould hear nothing further from this government up- 
 on the fubjeft of our late treaty with England ; but find that 
 
r 347 3 
 
 is this refpect I was difappointed , having ncc received from 
 die minifter of foreign affairs, a letter upon that inbjeft, m\<\ 
 of which I herewith forward you a copy, as likewile of the 
 aniVer I made to it. It is probable that this aft of the minif- 
 ter proceeds from himfelf, and not from, the diredoire ; fincc 
 it isprefumable from the intimation heretofore given me by 
 a very refpeftable authority (which I communicated to you 
 in my laft) that that body had already determined not to 
 trouble us further on that fubjecl: ; and in which cafe lefs 
 inconvenience is to be apprehended from it. But let it pro- 
 ceed from whatever fource it may, I fhaH not fail to. ufe my 
 utmoft efforts to prevent irs further progrefs. I ihall fee the 
 directoire to day at a general audience, being a day (the firit 
 Decadi of every month) on which they receive all the foreign 
 minifters ; and as I propofe then to ipeak with ibme of the 
 members upon the fubjecl:, I ihall doubtlefs be able to give 
 you further, and, I hope, more fatisfaclory information en that 
 head in my next. I have notwithstanding thought proper to 
 for ward to you immediately the above, and am, &c. 
 
 Extract from the Regtftsrs of the Deliberations of the Executive 
 
 Directory. 
 
 Paris, ift Prairial, qtb year of the Republic. 
 
 (May 2Qth y 1796. ) 
 
 THE executive direclory refolves, that the citizens 
 born without the territory of the Republic, for whom the 
 foreign ambafladors and minifter^ have pledged them&lvas in 
 writing, and who, until now were authorifed to refide at 
 Paris, mall be bound to provide themfelves with a new and 
 fpecial authorifation within three times twenty-four hours. 
 
 Thofe who fliall not have obtained that authorifation, with- 
 in the faid period, (hall be bound to leave Paris without de- 
 lay, under pain of being profecuted as tranfgreiTors of the law 
 of the 2 1 ft Floreal laft (May icth.) 
 
 The minifter of general police is charged with the execu- 
 tion of the prefent refolve which (hall not be printed. 
 
 (Signed) CARNOT, Prefident. 
 
 (True Copy) By order of the Executive Direclory. 
 
 (Signed) LAGARDE, Secretary General. 
 
 (Signed) COCHON, Minifter of General Police. 
 
 (Signed) CH. DE LA CROIX, 
 
 Minifter of External Relation*. 
 
r 348 ] 
 
 rcm the Minifter of External Relations, to the Minifter P temps* 
 tentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris ) id Prairial^ ^th Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (May 2 ift, 1796.^ 
 
 THE unpleafant fituation, in which the Republic finds 
 herfelf, has determined the legislative body to pafs a fevere 
 Jaw againft the foreigners, who are not in the employ of the 
 minifters of friendly powers. You have tranfmitted to me 
 different demands ; I hive laid them before the directory ; it 
 charges me to write you on that fubjetl:. It cannot take any 
 decifive ftep in fuch a delicate cafe, without being informed 
 of the motives on which the demands of each individual are 
 grounded ; the lifts of exceptions which you have tranfmitted 
 to me, do not exprefs the motives. It charges me to fend 
 them back to you, in order that you may pleafe to give a 
 more full account of each individual mentioned therein, and 
 of the motives which oblige them to prolong their refidence in 
 this place. It defires that you may enable it to decide be- 
 fore the expiration of three days. 
 
 Accept, Sir, the affurances of my perfect con fi deration* 
 
 (Signed) CH, DELACROIX. 
 
 P. S. Befides the lift, you are invited to give a ftatement, 
 fupported byfolid motives, of all the other individuals who 
 might have a claim to the exception. 
 
 From the Minijler of External Relations^ to the Minijler 
 Pknipotetiiiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris ' y 6th) Prairial qth Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (May 7.3th, 1796.; 
 
 I HAVE the honor to fend you a copy of the refolve 
 of the executive directory, of the ift of this month, con- 
 cerning the execution of the law of the aift Floreal laft, and 
 I requeft you, that when you fhall give notice to me of the 
 execution, which you will have given it, you will add, as I 
 
C 34? ] 
 
 have requefted by my letter of the 2d of this month (May 2 ift) 
 the motives of the flay of each of the individuals of your na- 
 tion, who have made application for an exemption, in order 
 to continue their refidence at Paris, that a definitive permif- 
 fion may be granted to them, if there be caufe. 
 
 Accept, Sir, the aflurance of my perfect confideration. 
 
 (Signed) CH. DE LA CROIX. 
 
 From tie Minifler of Foreign Affairs ', to the Minifter Pleni- 
 potentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Parity >]th Meffuhr y #h Tear of the Republic. 
 
 1796.; 
 
 OUR laft intelligence informs us that the houfe of 
 reprefentatives of the congrefs, has confented, by the majori- 
 ty of fifty-one againft forty-eight votes, to carry into execu- 
 tion the treaty concluded at London, between the United 
 States and Great Britain, in November 1794. As this ad- 
 vice is derived only from the gazettes, I defire, Citizen, that 
 you will be pleafed to inform me what official information 
 you have upon this fubjecl:. After the chamber of reprefen- 
 tatives has given its confent to this treaty, we ought, without 
 doubt, to confider it in full force : And es the ftate of things 
 \vhichrefultsfromit, merits our profound attention, I wifh 
 to learn from you, in what light we are to confider the event, 
 which the public papers announce, before I call the attention 
 the directory to thofe confequences which ought fpeciaily 
 tointereft this Republic. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CH. DE LA CROIX. 
 
 Fwm the Minifler Plenipotentiary of the United States of Ame- 
 ricay to the Minifter of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris , June 27^, 1796. 
 
 I HAvfe been honored with yours of the 7th Meffidor 
 (25th June) demanding what credit was due to certain publi- 
 cations in our gazettes 5 which ftate that the houfe of repre- 
 
C 35 1 
 
 fentatives had pafTed the law neceflary to carry into complete 
 effect, the treaty lately concluded between the United States 
 and Great Britain ; and in cafe thofe publications were au- 
 thentic, demanding of me further, in what light you ought to 
 view thii event, before you called the attention of the direc- 
 tory t<9 it ; and to which I readily give, according to the light 
 I have upon the fubjecl:, the anfwer you require. 
 
 Upon the iirft point, permit me to aflure you ; that I have 
 no information other than what the gazettes to which you re- 
 fer, contain ; having received no official advice upon it, and 
 of courfe can give you none. And upon the fecond, I have 
 to obferve, that as I have already anfvvered, in a very detailed 
 and, nslfuppofed, fatisfattory manner, your feveral objections 
 to that treaty, to which I have fince received no reply, it is 
 impoflible for me to- enter again, and under fuch circumftan- 
 ces, into that fubject. If there are any points in the commu- 
 nication given, upon which you think I have not been fufFi- 
 ciently explicit, and upon which further explanation is re- 
 quired, and you will be pleafed to ftate thefe to me, I will im- 
 mediately notice them more particularly, and hope to your 
 fatisfaction j fince, be aflured, there is no political object 
 which I have more at heart, than to preferve by the utmoft 
 candor and franjknefs in all my communications, the belt har - 
 mony between our two republics. 
 
 [ No. XXXVI. J 
 
 FROM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, July 24//>, 1796. 
 
 I IIERH V.-ITH tranfmit you a copy of a third commu- 
 nication which lately palled between the minifter of foreign 
 affairs and myfclf, upon the fubject of our late treaty with 
 England, and which feems to have been produced by my re- 
 ply to his fecond letter, which fought information whether the 
 houfe of reprefentatives had pafled a law to carry that treaty 
 into effect. Iprefume therefore, from this confideration, as 
 from the further . one, that the direcloire now poflefTes our 
 view of that fubjedt (which was my objecl: in afking, and 
 theirs in granting the difcuflion) that it may now be coufider- 
 ed as clofed. 
 
C 35 ' 1 
 
 I have endeavored, as you will perceive, in this my laft re- 
 ply, to divert this government from the fubjeft of this com- 
 plaittt, and which it has fo uniformly and vehemently preiTed 
 of late, by prefenting before it a lilt of ours alfo, for injuries 
 received from this republic, in the courfe of the prefent war. 
 The attempt, I knew, was a delicate one, at the prefent time, 
 and under prefent circumftances , but yet I thought it my du- 
 ty to make it, fince fuch a view was intimately connected with 
 the topic in difcuflion ; might produce, and moft probably 
 would produce, a good effecl;, and efpecially as I prefumed it 
 might be made in a manner becoming the dignity of the nation 
 I reprefented, and be tempered, at the fame time, with fuita- 
 ble refpect for the councils of that to which it was a- 
 drefTtd. 
 
 1 fmcerely wifh it were now In my po\?er to fay that this 
 affair was ended, and that neither of us fhould ever hear of 
 it again j but this I cannot fay ; for fo deep founded has their 
 difcoutent appeared to be, and fo vehement their defire to 
 .give fome fignal proof of it ; that it is impoffible, evenjat 
 this moment, to determine in what fcale their councils \\i\\ 
 ultimately fettle in regard to us. At one time it was whifper- 
 ed that they meant to bring forward a claim againft us, for all 
 their property taken by the Britiih in our vefiels, including 
 what was taken in the flight of their emigrants from Saint 
 Domingo ; at another, that they meant to fufpend for the 
 prefent all payments to our citizens, and until fatisfa&ion up- 
 n their feveral complaints was obtained ; and again that they 
 would fufpend the operation of thofe articles in our treaty of 
 1778, which the minifter intimated to me in his laft letter the 
 directoire thought it its duty to modify : But yet none of thefe 
 things aredone, norhave I any partkularreafontoprefumethey 
 will be done, other than what appears from the general temp- 
 gr of the government, and of which you are already fuflicient- 
 ly informed. Upon the whole, therefore, I think I may ven- 
 ture to obferve, that as this government and nation, indepen- 
 dent of the points in difcuinon, are friendly to us, and, as a 
 Itrong portion of paflion has obvioufly mingled itfelf with 
 their other motives in refpecl to thefe, and which is probably 
 diminished by the time that was gained by the difcuffiou 
 (admitting that that was the only benefit gained by it) the 
 probability is, that no fuch meafure will now be taken. 
 
 Lately however a new caufe of complaint was fuggefted to 
 me, but in fo indiftincl: a manner and upon fo peculiar a fub- 
 jet, that I do not even yet comprehend what was meant by 
 it. It was obferred to me, by a perfon in a high ftation the 
 
C 35* 1 
 
 ether day, when In converfation with him on tlie other points* 
 that in our late treaty with Spain, we had likewife forgotten 
 our relations with France. I exprefTed my aftonifhment at 
 the intimation, and ajked him in what refpeft ; fince I could 
 not conceive to what he alluded, France having no territory 
 in that quarter, and of courfe no rights or interefts depending 
 there. He replied (at lead fo I underflocd him) that he did 
 not mean to intimate we had committed a breach of engage- 
 ments, but of friendship only. He then defcanted upon the 
 intimate relations fubfifdng between France and Spain at pre- 
 fent, the latter approaching and feeking the aid of the former, 
 to fupport her colonies againft Britain j but gave no explana* 
 tion of what he referred to in the fuggeftion at firft made ; 
 nor have I been able fince to afcertain it. I will however en- 
 deavor to fathom this bufmefs if poffible, and will in cafe I 
 fucceed, immediately afterwards unveil to you the myf- 
 tery. 
 
 The fuccefs of France in her military operations con- 
 tinues to be aftonifhingly great, both in Italy and upon the 
 Rhine. All Italy may indeed be confidered as fubjugated ; 
 for the French troops find at prefent in that quarter no op- 
 pofing force in the field againft them ; and Mantua, the on- 
 ly garrifon which fuftains a fiege, is clofely inverted, and it 
 is thought will foon furrender. The Pope, I hear, has made 
 a provifional agreement with Buonaparte, by which he is to 
 pay about twenty-one millions, fifteen of which in fpecie, 
 and the refidue in articles for the army , to give up one hun- 
 dred pictures, the rareft pieces of art j 300 manufcripts, andex- 
 clude the Englifh from his pofts. The king of Naples too 
 has an Envoy now on his way here, and, it is faid, with au- 
 thority to clofe upon terms favorable to France. It is further 
 to be obferved, that the French have entered Leghorn, upon the 
 principle that the Englifh held it, or rather made it a place o 
 depofit for all their fupplies for Corfica, and elfewhere in that 
 quarter ; and had alfo violated the neutrality of Tufcany a- 
 gainft France. In that port too, much Englifh property was 
 taken by the French, which they deem a lawful prize. The 
 Auftrians, when finally compelled to abandon the field, and 
 feek fafety by flight into the mountains of the Tyrol, croffed 
 the Venetian territory, and in confequence whereof the 
 French purfued them into Verona. Thus it appears, that no 
 part of Italy can now well be faid to be free from the effecls 
 of the prefent war, or not to yield in fome mode or other 
 heavy contributions to its fupport ; except Naples at the e&- 
 
C 353 3 
 
 tremity, and who is now about to contribute J and Genoa 
 Who loans money, I prefume, voluntarily. 
 
 Upon the Rhine too the fame fuccefs has attended the 
 arms of France* Both her armies in that quarter, that of the 
 Sambre and Meufe, under Jourdan, and that of the Rhine 
 and Mofelle, under Moreau, have each had feveral adtions 
 with the Auftrians, and vanquilhed them in almoft every in* 
 ftance As one moment, indeed, and after gaming fome im* 
 portant advantages, Jourdan retired, as before a more potent 
 enemy, and which brought after him the Auftrians, and with 
 accumulated force. At the fame moment however, and 
 whilft the attention of the Aufirians, elated with their appa- 
 rent fuperiority, was drawn to that point, Moreau, who had 
 been inactive, and even made a (hew of detaching a confi~ 
 derable part of his force for Italy (provifion being made on 
 the rout for that purpofe) crofled the Rhine alfo, at a very 
 difficult pafTage, where it was expected no fuch attempt 
 would be made, and attacked and defeated the Auftrians in 
 feveral rencounters, killing many, and taking likewife many 
 prifoners. Since this event, which was about three weeks 
 paft, thefe armies have gone forward flowly, but with a con- 
 tinued career of good fortune, acting in concert though at a 
 confiderable diftance from each other, and penetrating into 
 the interior of Germany. The laft achievement was that o 
 Frankfort, and which was taken by Jourdan, and from 
 which city, it is faid, a contribution, of thirty five millions of 
 Florins is demanded. Where this bold enterprize will end, 
 and to what extremity the French are difpofed to prefs their 
 fortunes, in cafe they are not repulfed, it is impoflible for me 
 to fay. Nothing tranfpires from this government upon that 
 point, and of courfe I kave no data whereon to reft a conjec- 
 ture other than you now poflefs. It is however to be obferv- 
 ed, that as the Auftrian armies retire, they approach each 
 other, as do the French in advancing. Perhaps it is the in- 
 tention of the Auftrian cabinet they fnall unite, in the hope 
 as they are now nearer together, and their junction may in 
 confequence probably be fooner made than that of the French, 
 they may, thus united, attempt fomething, and with better fuc- 
 cefs againft the divided force of France. If this be the cafe, 
 it is likewife probable we (hall (hortly witnefs a greater and 
 more decifive action than has yet been fought. But it is ftill 
 more probable that peace with Auftria, and upon the terms 
 heretofore infilled on by France, will foon clofe the war be- 
 tween thefe two powers. 
 
[ 354 ] 
 
 In the interior too every thing has a/Turned a new and 
 more invigorating affect than was fhewn before, fince the 
 commencement of the revolution. Great harmony prevails 
 between the Icgiflative corps and the executive ; and a great- 
 er fpiric of contentment is difcerned by ihofe who travel 
 through France, among all ranks of people than was feen at 
 any time before, fince the beginning of that era. It is even 
 faid, that a change is gradually making among thofe who 
 were heretofore deemed the implacable foes of republican go- 
 vernment ; many of whom, now that they find they are pro- 
 tected in the rights of perfon and property, begin tolofe muck 
 of their hatred to that form. In truth, prior to the eftablifhment 
 of the prefent conftitution, the people of France had little 
 opportunity of judging correctly of the merits of the republican 
 fyilem. They judged of it by what they faw in the revolu- 
 tion ; for Europe exhibited no other example to their view ; 
 and eftimating its merits by that ftandard, they faw in it 
 nothing but a feries of terrible and. convulfive movements, 
 which they dreaded even more than the tyranny that was late- 
 ly overthrown. When therefore this circumilance is con- 
 fidered, and the improvement which the new government 
 has introduced is properly appreciated, we immediately per- 
 ceive the caufe to which this change of fentiment in that clafs 
 is to be afcribed. 
 
 The mifunderilanding which lately fubfifled between Ruf- 
 fia and Sweden has been compromifed by iome conceffions on 
 the part of the latter ; among which the recall of Baron de 
 Stael was included, and whofe place was committed by the 
 Swedilh government to Baron Rehaufey, with the grade of 
 charge d'affaires. But the French government refufed to 
 receive him, it is faid, becaufe he was prefumed to bq; 
 appointed under the influence of Ruflia. One of the minif- 
 ters of Holland (Blauw) and Reybaz from Geneva were al- 
 fo lately recalled by their refpective governments, upon the 
 demand of the direttoire, and apparently much againft the 
 willies of thofe governments j each of thofe gentlemen hav- 
 ing fince received affurances of the undiminimed confidence 
 of his conftituents. The motive of the dire&oire for mak- 
 ing this demand, in either cafe, is unknown ; no reafon, as 
 I bear, being given for it to either of the governments to 
 which it was made. 
 
 Permit me to make known to you the wifh of Ifaac Cox 
 Barnet, a citizen of the United States, from Elizabeth town 
 (Jerfey) to be appointed conful at Breft. This young man 
 is well recommended to me in poiat of morality $ appears to 
 
C 355 -I 
 
 pofiefs adequate talents, and from what I hear, is induftrious ; 
 and being in every view ftridtly an American, and therefore 
 entitled to the confidence of this country, I beg leave to re- 
 commend him to your attention. The intereft of our coun- 
 try requires that a conful mould be placed at that port ; and 
 the character of the port, being the great dock-yard of 
 France, requires that the truft fhould be confided \v ith care, 
 and to fome perfon whofc character would repel fufpicion. 
 in addition therefore to what I have faid of Mr. Barnet, 
 I beg to refer you to Mr. Boudinot of Jerfey, whofe nephew 
 he is ; and who will doubtlefs give you more correct in. 
 formation of his merits than I poflefs. 
 
 From, the Minifter of Foreign Affairs, to the Miwjler Pknl- 
 potentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, Ip MeJJldor y #h Tear of the 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER^. 
 
 THE hope of feeing depart daily the new mini fief 
 whom the executive directory propofed to fend to the United 
 States, prevented my fooner anfwering your letter of the 25 
 Ventofe (15 of March) laft. You call my attention in your 
 note of the pth of this month (27 of June) to the arguments 
 which that letter contains relative to our complaints againft 
 the treaty concluded between the United States and Great- 
 Britain. Time, citizen minifter, has fumciently ripened the 
 points that were then in difcumon, and far from being en-< 
 feebled, our complaints againft that treaty have acquired 
 fince, in our eftimation, new force. I will content myfelf 
 then, without entering into details, to announce to you, that 
 the opinion of the directory has never varied upon that point. 
 It has feen in this act, concluded in the midft of hoftilities, 3 
 breach of the friendfhip which unites the United States and 
 this Republic ; and in the flipulations which refpect the neu- 
 trality of the flag, an abandonment of the tacit engagement 
 which fubfifted between the two nations upon this point fince 
 their treaty of commerce of 1778. The abandonment of the 
 principles, confecrated by this treaty, has (truck us with great- 
 ef force, from the conlideratiou that all the other 
 
C 35<5 1 
 
 United States have made, contain them, as from the 
 further one, that thefe principles are fince fo generally ac- 
 knowledged, that they now form the public law of all civilized 
 nations. 
 
 After this, Citizen Minifter, the executive directory thinks 
 jtfelf founded, in regarding the ftipulations of the treaty of 
 j 778, which concern the neutrality of the flag, as altered and 
 fufpended in their moft efTential parts, by this act, and that 
 it would fail in its duty, if it did not modify a itate of things 
 which would never have been confented to, but upon the 
 condition of the moft Uriel reciprocity. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CH. BE LA CROIX. 
 
 Front the Minifter plenipotentiary of the United States, to tie 
 Minijler of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris, July iqth, 179 5. 
 
 I HAVE received your favor of ipth Meflidor (7th July) 
 and am forry to find by it that the anfwer I gave to yours of 
 iptli Ventoie, containing the exposition of your objections to 
 our late treaty with England, was not fatisfactory to you. To. 
 this latter letter therefore I ihall alfo make a reply, and in the 
 hope that it will produce its defired effect. 
 
 I obferve that you confine your objections in this letter to 
 a fimple article in that treaty, which failed to fecure protec- 
 tion in our bottoms to your goods ; and which you deem a 
 violation of a tacit agreement which, you fay } has fubfifted 
 between the United States and France, fince their treaty of 
 1778 *, and an abandonment of the principles confecrated by 
 that treaty. You likcwife fay, that the directoire confiders the 
 ftipuiationsof our treaty of 1778, which refpect the neutrali- 
 ty of our flag, as altered, and fufpended by this act ; and that 
 it would think itfelf wanting in its duty, if it did not modify 
 a ftate of things which would never have been confented to 
 but upon principles of ftrict recipocity. 
 
 You feem aware, and with great reafon, that you have no 
 right ta complain of that ftipulation, unlefs it violates fome 
 exiiling obligation either of the law of nations, or of our 
 treaty with you ; and in confequence intimate that it has vio- 
 lated both ; for you add 3 that the principles of that treaty 
 
C 357 3 
 
 have, in that refpecl:, become fincethelaw of all civilized na- 
 tions. I (hall endeavour to (hew that that article has violated 
 neither the one nor the other. 
 
 I prefume it cannot be controverted, that by the old and cf- 
 tablifned law of nations, when two powers are at war, either 
 may take the goods of its enemy in a neutral (hip. This doc- 
 trine is eftablifhed by the moft eminent writers, and admit* 
 ted in practice by all nations, between whom particular treaties 
 have not ftipulated the contrary. To prove this ailertion in 
 its firft part, permit me to refer you to the follow ing 'authori- 
 ties, and which are clear and explicit to that effect ;* and 
 to prove it in the fecond part, permit me to aik, if the law of 
 nations was not fo, why were fpecial treaties entered into by 
 particular nations to ftipulate the contrary ? Is it prefumable, 
 that any powers would form treaties to eftablifh what \vi-s al- 
 ready eftablifhed ? Or was it thought, when our treaty of 
 1 7 78 was formed, that, in this refpet, it made no change ; 
 or, in other words, ftipulated nothing ? 
 
 But you fay that the law of nations has changed, and that 
 the principles of that treaty have become fince, in that refpecl:, 
 the general law of all civilized nations. Permit me to aik you 
 by what authority was this done ; or how it appears that it 
 is done ? I admit that it is changed among thofe nations who 
 have formed treaties to that efFect, and bet ween thofe only who 
 have formed them j but further the doctrine cannot be car- 
 ried. It cannot be faid, for inftance, that the affent of apar- 
 ticular number of nations to a rule which ought to operate 
 between themfclvesonly,is to become a rule for other nations, 
 who have never afiented to it ; or, in other words, that a part 
 of the civilized nations would have a right to dictate a law to 
 another part : Such a dotiine would fubftitute force to right, 
 and might be productive, in other cafes, and efpecially in the 
 hands of governments lefs friendly to liberty than yours and 
 ours are, of confequences the moft fatal to fociety : It is there- 
 fore in my judgment not a found doctrine. That Britain op- 
 pofed the principle that free (hips mould make free goods in 
 the laft war, and has likewife oppofed it in the prefent war, 
 are facts well known to you , as it likewife is, that all your 
 enemies, in the prefent war, have done the fame, including 
 fome who are now your friends ; and to the great detriment 
 f America. Admitting then that a majority of the civilized 
 ttions have a right to bind the minority in a rightful caufe 
 
 * Eynkerikoek, vol. ad. Queft. juris pub. lib. x. cap. 14. 
 
 Voet dc Jure militari, cap. 5. 2. No. 
 
 Vattcl lib. 3. cap. 7. Scd, 115, and many others. 
 
t 358 ] 
 
 (as it is admitted the prefent one is) how was it to be done 
 upon the prefent occafion j when the powers compofmg that 
 majority had fhifted fides, and were now marmalled in oppo- 
 ficionto the principle they had lately adopted. 
 
 Thus it appears that the article in quellion has not violated 
 the law of nations, according to the opinion of enlightened 
 authorities, and the practice of nations. Nor has it violated 
 our treaties with France : Upon which latter point I mall alfo 
 add a few words. 
 
 It is to be remarked, that you do not urge a violation of any 
 pofitive itipulation in our treaty of 1778 ; on the contrary, 
 you charge only the breach of a tacit agreement, which you 
 intimate to have grown out of that treaty. But of what na- 
 ture was that agreement, and whence is it inferred? The treaty 
 contains an exprefs iHpulation between America and France, 
 that when either of the parties are at war with another nation, 
 it will refpecl the flag of the other party, trading with that 
 other nation ; and it ilipulates no more in that behalf. And 
 its reciprocity is to be found in a change of circumliances ; 
 whereby the party lately at war is now at peace, and enjoy.- 
 ing in turn (the other being at war) the privilege of its 
 flag, in trade with the enemy of the other. It does not ftipu- 
 late that we will unite in impofing that rule on other nations ; 
 nor does it ftipulate that we will adopt no other rule with any 
 other nation : Ofcourfe we were free to a&, in that refpecl, 
 as we thought fit j and -therefore have violated, by means 
 thereof, no agreement with you either pofitive or im-. 
 plied. 
 
 I concur with you, as I did in my lad communication, on. 
 this fubjecl ; that the utmoft refpecl is due to the principle 
 of free mips making free goods ; and with you I alfo unite in 
 the hope, that it will foon become univerfal j fince it is a 
 principle diclated by reafon, and neceflary to the freedom of 
 the fea, and in conlequence to the peace and tranquillity of 
 nations. The United States have too, as you obferve, in- 
 ierted it in all their treaties, where they could obtain it ; 
 and to which I may add, that they will molt certainly continue 
 to prefs it in their future treaties, as opportunities occur, 
 and circumftances may favor, till it becomes general. To 
 promote which end, however, it is proper here to obferve, 
 that an harmonious concert between the two nations is ab- 
 folutely neceflary ; for otherwife it were impoflible they 
 fliould fuccced. 
 
 You will obferve, that in my reply to your complaints, I 
 have heretofore confined myfelf ftri&ly to the fubjedi of thofe 
 
C 359 ] 
 
 complaints ; never going beyond them, to expofe in return 
 .the injuries we have received from this Republic, in the 
 courfe of the prefent war. But I might have told you in the 
 outfet, thut by a decree of the convention in 1793, ^ 1C arc i- 
 cles in queftion of our treaty of commerce were fet afide ; 
 and, in violation whereof, about fifty of our rjflels were 
 brought into your ports 5 their cargoes taken from the pro- 
 prietors, and who yet remain unpaid ; that about the fame 
 time, and without any motive being afligned, even to the pre- 
 ient day, upwards of eighty others of our veflels were embar- 
 goed at Bordeaux, and detained there for more than a year $ 
 and to the great injury of the proprietors, who yet remain 
 unpaid : That for fupplies rendered to your iilands in the 
 Weft Indies, which have been and ftill are fupported princi- 
 pally from the United States, as for innumerable fpoliationa 
 that have been made, and are daily making upon our com- 
 merce in thofe iilands ; as likewife, for fupplies rendered to 
 the Republic here, immenfe fums are due to our citizens, a 
 authenticated by the higheft fuitable public authorities there 
 and here, and for the want of which many of them are ruin- 
 ed.* I fay I did not bring thefe things forward, becaufe ic 
 would have borne the afpedt of a recrimination, and which 
 I did not wifh any part of my conduct to bear, in any tranfac- 
 tion with the French Republic , and becaufe I was difpofed 
 to yield every pofiible accommodation to your prefent exi- 
 gencies that my duty would permit ; and becaufe I confid- 
 ed and ftill confide that your government, paying due regard 
 to thofe exigencies, was difpofed and would do all the 
 juftice in its power to thofe fuffering individuals. Nor 
 do I mention thefe things now with that view. I do it, on the 
 contrary, merely to inform you of them ; fince, as the com- 
 munications that were made on thefe topics were made to 
 the preceding government, and are, in confequence, probably 
 unknown to the prefent one ; and fince they are interefting 
 faclis which you ought to have before you in all deliberations 
 on this fubjec~t, provided it be, as I think it is, equally the in- 
 tereft of both Republics, to preferve for ever inviolate the 
 good underftanding which now fo happily fubfifts between 
 them. 
 
 * It is worthy of attentisn, tbat under thefe circumftanees, and when 
 fucli confidcrable fums were due to the American citizens; the United 
 States paid, and before it w*s due, the whole of the French debt, amount- 
 ing to upwards ot thirty millions, Liv. Toumois. [This was a 
 the iUtual fiwn was about eight cr ten. J 
 
C 3 3 
 
 For what has parTed, the United States have always found 
 an excufc in that unhappy ftate of things that was attendant" 
 on your revolution ; and have looked forward to the perioc:> 
 when a free and happy conflitution fhould be eftablimed here, 
 as the moment when by conciliatory and friendly councils, 
 the two Republics fhould harmonize, not in a painful review 
 of any unpleafartt incidents that have palled, if fuch there 
 were, but in devifing the means founded in their mutual in- 
 tereft, and to be fecured by fuitable and permanent arrange- 
 ments, whereby to increafe their harmony, and cement their 
 union ; and greatly mortified would they be, if this were 
 not the cafe. But I truft that this will be the cafe j and un- 
 der which impreflion, and upon the obfervations already 
 made, I fubmit the fubjecl: now in difcuflion between us to 
 the wifdom and candor of the dire&oire executif. 
 
 [ No. XXXVII. ] 
 
 MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE-. 
 
 Paris, Augujl 4^, 1796. 
 
 WITHIN a few days paft, Mr. Mangourit, formerly 
 conful at Charlefton, now fecretary of embaffy in Spain, was 
 appointed with the rank of charge d'affaires, to fucceed, with 
 us, Mr. Adct. This event, as well in refpecl: to the gentle- 
 man employed, as the grade chofen, gave me great concern ; 
 and, therefore, merited my immediate attention. Accord- 
 ingly I vifited the minifter of foreign affairs this morning, and 
 remonftrated earneftly againft the mi (Ron of Mr. Mangourit 
 to the United States ; as a perfon who, having given offence 
 to our government upon a former occafion, could not be well 
 received by it, upon the prefent one.* To the grade, however, 
 I thought proper to made no explicit objection , becaufe I had 
 no reafon to conclude that it was chofen with any unfriendly 
 view towards us ; and becaufe I prefumed, if the meafure was 
 broken in on part, it would probably be fo in the other. The 
 miniiler replied to me in terms fufficiently refpe&ful ; but 
 neverthelefs, in fuch as induced me to believe, that in cafe any 
 
 * I made no other obj dion to Mr. Mangourit, but the one ftated, and 
 After his removal, expreftcd a with to a member of the diredoire, as I had 
 been inftrumenUl to it, that the government wculd appoint himelfewbere. 
 
C 3i ] 
 
 tnange was accorded in the meafure, it would not be with his 
 vom'ent : He obferved, however, that if I would write him 
 a fhort note on the fubject, he would lay it before the direc- 
 toirc ; and which I promifed I would do. 
 
 Within a few days patt, too, I heard that the diretloire had 
 paffed an arrete, authorifuig the fcizure of neutral vefTcls del"- 
 tined for England j to take effect when the Englifh likewife 
 feize them. This arrete was not .announced officially; hut 
 by the copy of a letter from the minifter to Barthelerni, the 
 French ambaiFador at BaiJe, publiflied in the gazettes, I faw> 
 that the report was true. In confequence, I likewife fpokd 
 to the miniiler on this fubject ; and received from him, in re- 
 ply to my remonftrance againft it, a general anfwer, corref- 
 ponding much in fentimcnt with his letter above mentioned, 
 a copy of which I herewith inclofe you. 
 
 It is faid, that a treaty of alliance, offenfive and defen- 
 five, between France and Spain, is in great forwardnefs, 
 whereby the latter cedes to the former Louifiana, and, per- 
 haps the Flcridas. I have no authentic information of this-, 
 but the fource from whence it came is of a nature to merit at- 
 tention. 
 
 I have the pleafure to tranimit to you herewith, fome com- 
 munications refpecting our affairs at Algiers, by which it ap- 
 pears, that Mr. Barlow had the good fortune to fucceed with 
 the Dey, in prolonging the term allotted for the payment of 
 the fum due him, concluded by our late treaty for the ranfom. 
 of our prifoners, and for peace j and finally, and although 
 the money was not received, that he had obtained the dif- 
 charge of our prifoners, and who were fortunately arrived 
 . fafe at Marfeilles. Upon this eVent, therefore, which not on- 
 Jy liberates from a long and painful captivity fo many of our 
 countrymen, but in all probability fecures the peace which 
 was endangered by the delay of the money ftipulated to bfi 
 paid, I beg leave to congratulate you , finceit is an event, net. 
 only important in refpect to the confolation which it yields to 
 humanity ; but equally fo in regard to the extenfipn and fecu- 
 rity of our commerce, in a region of the world heretofore 
 unexplored by it, and where it promifes to be very productive. 
 
 I commit this letter, with other communications for you, 
 to the care of Doctor Edwards, who will deliver them in psr- 
 ibn ; and to whom I beg to refer you for other details upon 
 the fubjecl: of our affairs here, upon which you may wiih in- 
 formation. He has been more than a year in Europe, and 
 the greater part of that time here ; has had opportunities of 
 correct information,' and which he has Improved to advan- 
 A a a 
 
. C 3* 1 
 
 ta-ge. To him, therefore, I beg to refer you, as to an autho- 
 rity \vell informed, and very defervingof confidence. I am, bV. 
 
 [ No. XXXVIII. ] 
 
 FKCM MK. MONROE, TO THE SECRETLY OF STATE* 
 
 Paris y Augujl l$th, 1796. 
 
 BEING highly imprefTed with the impropriety of Mr, 
 Mangoutit's mifiion to the United States, and in confequence 
 very defircus to prevent it, I thought proper to ftate my ob- 
 jections to it in perfon, to a member of the dire&oire, with a 
 requeft that he \\ ould communicate the fame to the direcloire; 
 and have now the pleafure to inform you, upon the authority 
 of that member, that the arrete appointing him is refcinded. 
 
 I lately received an account from England of the capture 
 of one of cur veflels, upon cur coaft, on the point of enter- 
 ing one of our ports, taken by a French privateer, upon a 
 prefumption fhe had Englifh property on board, as fhe was 
 cleared out from that country. Although this report was not 
 fo well authenticated, nor accompanied with the neceflary 
 details, to enable me to act officially on it ; yet as it might 
 be and probably was true, I communicated it immediately to 
 the minifter of marine, afking whether fuch orders were gi- 
 ven. He appeared aftonifhed at the report, and declared, that 
 none fuch were ifliied. I conclude, therefore, that this out- 
 rage, if really committed, is an unauthorised one ; and for 
 which we ihall obtain, from the proper parties, in convenient 
 time, a fuitable reparation. 
 
 The French troops continue to enjoy an uninterrupted ca- 
 reer of good fortune, both in the Empire and in Italy. Ii\_ 
 the former they meet with little oppofition ; for as they have 
 a decided fuperiority there, the Auftrians appear, in confe- 
 quence, carefully to avoid a general action j and, therefore, 
 retire flowly before them. And in Italy, a feries of victories 
 were lately obtained by Buonaparte over Wurmfer, which 
 arc deemed more brilliant than even thofe he had before a- 
 chieved over Beaulieu, Wurmfer's predeceflbr. To protect 
 the garrifon of Mantua, and retrieve the fortune of Auftria in 
 Italy, a confiderable force was detached from the Rhine, 
 \T ith other troops gathered fiprn other cnaarfrers, under Wurm- 
 
C 363 1 
 
 fer , and who p rifling the Tyrol defcended into Italy, and 
 attacked Buonaparte, and in the commencement with fome 
 fuccefs. But this reverfe of fortune was tranfitory, as it \va -> 
 fudden ; for ab foon as the latter gathered together his troops, 
 he returned upon his antagonists with accumulated force ; and 
 in the courfe of a few days, as appears by official documents, 
 totally demolifhed his army, killing and taking upwards cf 
 twenty thoufand men. 
 
 It is lately reported that Mr. Hammond is appointed tore- 
 pair here to treat for peace ; but as yet he has not arrived, nor 
 have we other details on that head than are now in the En- 
 glifh papers. With, fcV. 
 
 [ No. XXXIX. ] 
 
 FROM M2. MONHQE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, Augujl 2~tk t 1796. 
 
 AFTER the accommodation which was (hewn in the 
 cafe of Mr. Mangourit, by abandoning the project offending 
 him to the United States, I thought the ends hud patted here, 
 and that nothing was further to be apprehended from the tem- 
 per which occaiicned it. But in this I was difappointed; for 
 I now hear, that it is decided to recall Mr. Adct, without no- 
 minating a fuccefTor to him ; and that he is to be inftru&ed 
 to declare to our government, that, the cullomary relations be- 
 tween us are to ceafe, and. on account of our treaty with En- 
 gland ; with other things to the fame efFe6t. * * * * 
 I {hall fee the rninifter to-morrow, and endeavor to lead him 
 to this f abject, ifpoflible; and in any event renew. my ex- 
 ertions to prevent the meafure, though, indeed, I begin to def- 
 pair of fuccefs ; fo often do they return with the fame difpo- 
 fition to the fame fubjet. 
 
 I am told the treaty with Spain is probably concluded; and 
 by which France is to have Louifiana and the Fioridas. 
 This might have been obtained when peace was made with 
 Spain ; but was declined from the fear it might ultimately 
 embroil them with us. The acceptance of it now, therefore, , 
 fhews that that motive has lefs weight at the prcfent time^ 
 ihaj-utthen had. 
 
C 364 J 
 
 It is generally believed, that an attempt \\illbe made to in- 
 vade England ; great preparations being made along the coaft 
 for that purpofe, in troops, boats, &c. and it is alfo believed, 
 that the fleet from Cadiz is intended to make a divcriion fome- 
 ivhere, for the purpofe of drawing the Britifh fleet out; of 
 the channel, to favor the project of a defcent. This is 
 ftrongly fupported by circumflances, and is, therefore, more 
 than probable. 
 
 It is even whifpered, that an attempt on Canada is to be 
 made, and which is to be united with Louifiana and the Flo- 
 richs to the fouth; taking in fuch parts of our weftern people 
 as are willing to unite. This is worthy your attention, 
 though it may be mere report. 
 
 I will write you again in a day or two, fince this is difpatch- 
 ed in hade on account of the importance of the communv* 
 cation which it contains. 
 
 From Mr. Monroe, to Mr. King* 
 
 Paris > Augujl 28//J, 1796. 
 
 As foon as the order of this government, as notified 
 by theminifter of foreign affairs to Barthelemi, the French 
 miniito at Bane, appeared in the papers (for it was never no- 
 tified to the foreign mhiifters here) I applied for information, 
 v/liether orders were iiTued for the feizure of neutral veiTels, 
 fiating, equally as the motive of mv application, a report ap- 
 
 Earently well authenticated, that or; : of our veflels had been 
 itely taken near our own coaft ; and W; informed that no fuch 
 order was ifTued ; and further, th;r no^u; fuch would be, in 
 cafe the Britifh did not feize our velTils. I arn happy to give 
 vou this information, becaufe I flatter myfelf the knowledge 
 of this fact may be ufeful to our commerce with the coun- 
 try in which you refide< 
 
 From Mr. Pickering^ to Mr. Monroe. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE. 
 
 June, 13, I 
 
 Sis., 
 
 I HAVE to acknowledge the receipt of your feveral 
 kttcrs of Nov. jtlu Dec. 6th and 22d, 1795? and of Jan, 
 
C 3^5 3 
 
 26tk, Feb. 1 6th, and aoth, and March ictk and 25th, 179$. 
 
 On a full consideration of the cafe of the conful at Ham- 
 burg, the prefident has determined to make a change, as-foon 
 as a proper perfon can be found to fupply the place of Mr. 
 Parii'h ; the fubftitute, if pciTible, will be an American Citi- 
 zen. The minifter of the French Republic has lately pre- 
 i en ted the complaints of the French Directory concerning that 
 conful ; copies of Mr. Adet's letter and my anfwer you 
 will find inclofed. 
 
 With regard to the armed veflel called Le Cam" us, about 
 which the directory hare made the reprefentation which you in- 
 clofed, a full ftatement fhali b~ prepared for your information ; 
 at prefent I will only r'emark, that ihe is the fame vcfiel, 
 which, under the name of Les Jumeaux, was fitted out in 
 the port of Philadelphia, in direct violation of the laws of the 
 United States. This fact has been dlablifhed by legal pro- 
 cefs ; the agent who fitted her having been convicted of 
 the oiFence in the Circuit Court. On her return to this 
 port from the Weft Indies, me was known to be the fame 
 veflel, with a new name. Some Philadelphia merchants, 
 whofe veflel had been captured by le Catfius, had her attach- 
 ed by the ufual procefs of that court, and (he remains in the 
 cyftady of the marmal awaiting the court's" decifion. If the 
 property of the veflel had not been changed (and that it has 
 been changed is yet to be legally proved) fhe would certain- 
 ly be forfeited forfeiture being the penalty of the law, one 
 half to the ufe of the profecutors. The alledged change of 
 property gives rife to aqueftion which the judiciary muit de- 
 cide. The procefs has been iflusd at the fuit of private pcrfom^ 
 not by the government ; and you know that the executive can- 
 not take the veflel from the cognizance of the judiciary. 
 This has been repeatedly and fully explained, many months 
 fince, to Mr. Adet. 
 
 But the principal matter which now demands attention is 
 what concerns the late treaty between the United States and 
 Great Britain. 
 
 Of the views of the government of the United States on 
 this iubject you have long fince been poflefled, as well before 
 as fubfequent to its ratification. Thefe views were commu- 
 nicated to you for the fole purpofe of furiiiming you with the 
 means of removing objections, and difpellingjealoufies. By 
 your own reprefentations, both objections and jealoufies ex- 
 ifted. It has therefore been a matter of no fmall furprize to 
 the prefident, that during fo long a period you contented your- 
 feif merely with having thofc means IB your pofleflion, with- 
 
out applying them to die object for which they were trani- 
 mitted. 
 
 As early as October laft you predicted that if Mr. Jay's 
 treaty fhould be ratified, it would excite great difcontent iri 
 France. Early in November you mentioned the arrival of Mr. 
 Fauchet, extremely diflatisfied with the treaty ; adding that 
 he v. as \v-il received, and would therefore be attended to. 
 On the 6th of December you acknowledge the receipt of my 
 letter of September I2th, written fubfequently to the ratifica- 
 tion of the treaty, to repeat and further explain the princi- 
 ples and views of the government concerning it. Mr. Adet's 
 objections to the treaty, and their refutation accompanied my 
 ktter. And with fuch means in your hands,~ means amply 
 iuilicient to vindicate the. conduct of the United States, not 
 lefs regret than furprize is excited, that no attempt was made 
 to apply them to the highly important ufe for which they 
 were lent. Although you anticipated difcontents although 
 the fymptoms of difccntent appeared although thefe fymp-. 
 toms unattended to and unallayed might increafe to an inflam* 
 rnation and Mr. Fauchet's arrival, with all his difTatisfaction 
 and prejudices about him, would alTaredly arid to the irrita- 
 tion, yet you were filent and inactive , until on the I5th of 
 February you were alarmed by the project of the directory t 
 QctidtHtally communicated to you by the minifber for foreign 
 affairs, oi fending to this country an envoy extraordinary, to 
 repreicnt to our government their decifion concerning the 
 treaty with Great Britain ; " that they confidered the treaty 
 of alliance between us as ceafing to exift, from the moment 
 the treaty was ratified." Your letter of the 2oth of the 
 lame month defciibes your fecond interview with the minifter 
 on the project of fending an envoy extraordinary; and the 
 reafons you urged to difiuade them from it were certainly 
 very cogent. Your letter of the loth of March informs us 
 that the project was laid aiide ; and your letter of the 25th 
 of March, that you had had an audience of the directory on 
 the fubject ; and that they had agreed to fufpend their pro- 
 poicd extraordinary miflion, until the points in queftion 
 fhould be difcufied between you and the minifter for foreign 
 rifairs. The refult of this audience appears fatisfactory ; and 
 irom the good citcdt produced by the partial explanations 
 then given, may be calculated the happy confequences of 
 the full communications which might have been made, and 
 which for fo long a time you had poffefled the means of 
 making, in vindication of the meafures of the government 
 you reprint. That thefe were not made that they hat! 
 
C 
 
 not been made even fo late as th* 2$tb A\, is again to 
 
 be extremely regretted ; became rb: jufttce, :hc honor, 
 and the faith of our country were qudftioned, and confequcnt- 
 ly their mod important iiuerefts were qj: flake. 
 
 It is painful to dwell on this fubject. You have here the 
 fenfations of the prefident in relation to the line of conduct 
 you have purfucd. He trufts the explanations you propo- 
 led have now been given that they have been full and fatis- 
 factory to the French government : It is unnecefHiry to add, 
 that if by any podibiiity they (hould not have been given, the 
 prefident expects they will no longer be withheld. If perlbnal 
 interviews are difficult to be obtained, a written communica- 
 tion may at any time be made ; and the latter is evidently 
 the moit eligible mode ; it is the mode which the prefident 
 expreisly delires may be adopted ; and that a complete copy 
 ef the communication may be tranfmitted tb this office. 
 
 I have die honor to be, C5"V. 
 
 TIMOTHY PICKERING. 
 
 ,'om tke Min'ijlir Plenipotentiary oft.be French Repullit) r.s 
 the Unliid States to the Secrtlary cf State. 
 
 Pliladt/ffca, ilth Prcirial, tfk Tear of the 
 
 (May 3l/, I790J 
 
 THE executive directory has juft fent me the order to 
 demand formally of the government of the United States, 
 the recall of Mr. Parifh, the American conful at Hamburgh. 
 I haften to fulfill its intentions, and to ftate the mo- 
 tives on which the demand of my government is ground- 
 ed. I think this cannot be done in a better manner, than by 
 tranfmitting you an extract of the difpatch which I have re- 
 ceived on that fubject. 
 
 " The executive directory is informed, that Mr. Pariih is nee 
 only the avowed agent of England for the fitting out of the 
 French emigrants j but that in his quality of American conful 
 he givss paflports for France to Englifhmen, under the title of 
 Anglo-Americans. A conduct fo reprehenfible mud needs 
 the indignation of both ~ governments. It is the ex- 
 
C 368 ] 
 
 tremc of perfidy *, fines, under the feal of an alliance we chei- 
 iih, it accredits among us the fpies of England. 
 
 " The French Republic at war with an enemy, more to be 
 dreaded becauie of his intrigues, than redoubtable by his arms, 
 has in vain taken every precaution which a legitimate defence 
 commands. The agents of the cabinet of St. James intro- 
 duce themfelvcs on our territory, fow there the feeds of dif- 
 turbance and fediticm j and the confnl of a friendly powefc 
 does not blufli to abufe his character in order to favor Englifh- 
 men in France, by rendering himfelf guilty of the crime of 
 forgery," 
 
 I mail not allow myfelf the liberty of adding a fmgle re- 
 flection to that extract ; It would be to infult the government 
 of the United States, if I were to fay more on that fuhject, in 
 order to induce it to avenge that infnngemerjt upon the 
 faith of treaties, that violation of the guarantee of nations. 
 
 Accept, Sir, the aflurance of my efteem. 
 
 P. A. ADET. 
 
 i ibe Secretary cf State, of the United States > to the Minijier 
 Plenipotentiary cf the French Republic. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 
 
 June ^d > 1796. 
 
 Yefterdayl received your letter of the 31(1 of May, 
 Communicating the requeit of the directory of the French Re- 
 public, that Mr. Parifh, conful of the United States at Ham- 
 burgh, may be recalled. 
 
 I have now, Sir, the honor to inform you, that in confe- 
 quenceof a letter from Mr. Monroe, received the lait autiimn, 
 fuggefting fome co'mplaints againlt Mr. Parifli, an enquiry 
 \vas directed to be made, in order to afcertain how far they 
 were founded, and whether any really exceptionable conduct 
 of his required a change in the confulate at Hamburg. The 
 information expected from the propofed enquiry has not been 
 received. But fome facts have othcfwife become known, 
 which although they do not impeach the integrity of Mr. 
 
J 
 
 Parifh, or derogate from his mercantile reputation ; yet ift 
 an officer of the Uniied States, they deferve to be no- 
 ticed. 
 
 Mr. Parim is not, nor ever was, a citizen of the United 
 States. He is a foreign merchant of great eminence, eltab- 
 lifhed at Hamburgh. He had been particularly friendly to 
 the United States, efpecially at the commencement of their 
 revolution, when friends were invaluable, and was inflru- 
 mental in procuring for them important fupplies. Thefe good 
 offices, his fair characler and his mercantile abilities and in- 
 fluence, originally pointed him out as the guardian of the 
 American commerce at Hamburg. But the United States 
 could not expet that a man of fuch extended correfpondence 
 in trade would confine his agency to the affairs of the United 
 States alone. It mult certainly have been underftood, as in all 
 like cafes where foreign merchants are appointed confuls, 
 that while, as our conful he protected cur commerce, he 
 would continue free to carry on his ufual mercantile bufinefs. 
 If an idea had been entertained that he muft have relinquifh- 
 ed this as a condition of holding the American confulate, af- 
 furediy he would have refufed the latter. 
 
 As a merchant^ then, Mr. Parim would naturally confider 
 himfelf at liberty to tranfact, for any body, any bufinefs of the 
 kind ufually intruded to the management of a merchant ; and 
 hence we may account for his agency for Great Britain, as 
 mentioned in your letter. But the other information given 
 to the directory, that Mr. Parim, as an American conful, giv- 
 es paflports to Engli/fjmen^ under the title of Anglo-Americans, 
 for the purpofe of introducing into the French territory emiffarie.r 
 of the BritiJJj Court , imports a crime of fo deep a die, as may 
 well juftify an opinion that the perfons who gave the informa- 
 tion were in an error. Mr. Monroe, in his letter before re- 
 ferred to, having mentioned the neceflity for Mr. Parifh to 
 iffue paflports, and remarked on the importance and delicacy 
 of the trull, fays u In juftice however to this gentleman, I 
 muft add, that I do not know any inftance in which he has 
 betrayed it" 
 
 Thus much, Sir, it feemed proper to communicate to you, 
 to explain the traafattions of Mr. Parifh, and the conduct of 
 our government refpeting him. Defirous, however, of main- 
 taining a courfe of action, as impartial as his principles, the; 
 prefident has for fome time contemplated a change in die con- 
 fulate at Hamburg, and propofes to fupply the place of 2 
 foreigner by an American citizen. This change will be 
 B b b 
 
[ 370 ] 
 
 made as fcon as a fit character mail prefent to fucceed Mr. 
 Pariih. 
 
 I am, &c. 
 
 TIMOTHY PICKERING, 
 
 [ No. XL. ] 
 FKOM MR. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE* 
 
 Pansy Sept. loth, 1796. 
 
 I HAVE been ju ft favored with yours of the i3th of 
 June ; the only one received from the Department of State, 
 fmce that of the 7th of January laft, a note from Mr. Taylor 
 of the 1 3th of May excepted. 
 
 You charge me in this letter with a neglect of duty, in 
 omitting, as you itate, to diffipate by a timely and fuitable 
 application of the lights in my pofTeffion the difcontent of this 
 government, on account of our late treaty with England ; 
 and youfupport this charge by a reference to certain paflages in 
 my own correfpondence, which ftate that this difcontent broke 
 out in February laft, four months after I had received a letter 
 from yourfelf and Mr. Randolph, upon the fubjecl: of that 
 treaty ; and whence you infer, and on account of the delay or 
 interval which took place between the one and the other event, 
 that I was inattentive to that important concern erf my coun- 
 try, and urge the previous and ftrong fymptoms of difcontent 
 which I witnefled and communicated, as an additional proof 
 of my neglect. 
 
 Permit me to remark that this charge is not more unjuft 
 and unexpected, than the teftimony by which you fupport it 
 is inapplicable and inconclufive : Indeed it were eafy to {hew, 
 that the circumftances on which you rely, if they prove any 
 thing, prove directly the reverfe of what you deduce from 
 them. 
 
 If fuch difcontent exifted and the formal declaration of it, 
 or commencement of meafures in confequence of it, was de- 
 layed (and the greater the difcontent, and the longer the de- 
 lay, the ilronger the argument) and any inference applica- 
 ble to me was drawn -from that circumftance, I fhould fup- 
 
t 371 ] 
 
 pefe it would be precifely the oppofite one from that which 
 you draw. Where a discontent exiits, it is natural and ufual 
 for the party feeling it, tc endeavour to remove it, or cx-prd's 
 ats fenfe of it j but the purfuit of an onpoiite conduct for a 
 great length of time, and efpecially a time of revolution, and 
 when a different and more peremptory one was obferved to 
 all the other powers, is no proof, without other documents of 
 negligence in me. 
 
 .But why did this difcontent not break oet before thefe letters 
 were received ? You faw by my communications > as carry as 
 December 1794, and which were frequently repeated after- 
 wards, that it exifted, was felt upon our affairs here, and was 
 likely to produce the moft ferious ill confequences, if the 
 caufe continued to exi'ft. If thele accounts were correct, why 
 did this government take no iteps under its mil impreffions, 
 and particularly in Auguft 1795, whesi Paris was itarving, 
 and our veffels deftined for the ports of France were feized 
 and carried into England ? Was not this a crifis difficult for 
 me to fuftam here j when the eyes of France were fixed upon 
 me, as the representative of xhe nation up.cn whofe friendship 
 they had counted 3 as the man who had jufl before been the 
 organ of declarations the moii friendly _? Why leave us after- 
 wards , and until the laft ftage, to aur unbiased deliberations 
 upon that fubjett, ami without an -effort to impede their free 
 courfe ? Do difficulties like thefe, with the relult which fol- 
 lowed, give caufe to fufpecl; that I was idle or negligent at 
 my poll ? That I was at any time a calm or indifferent fpec- 
 tator of a ftorm which was known to be rifing, and which 
 threatened injury to my country r Or that I withheld any 
 light which came to my aidj and which might be ufeful in 
 diffipating it , ? 
 
 I do not wilh to t>e underflood as afuiming to myfdf the 
 merit of this delay ; becaufe I know, thinking and feeling as 
 the government did on this fubject, that the ftrong bias of af- 
 fection which this nation entertained for us, was the true caufc^ 
 of it. But 1 well know, that I have done every thing in my 
 power, and from the moment of my arrival to the prefent 
 time, to promote harmony between the two republics, and to 
 prevent this from taking any flep which might poffihly dillurb 
 itj and which I have done as well from a lincerc attachment 
 to both, as from a perfuafion, let the merit of the points in dif- 
 cuffion be what they might, that a continual, temperate, and 
 Friendly condut towards us was the wifeit policy which this 
 government could adopt, and would produce the belt effect 
 iipon that unioiij which it is, I preiume, equally its wilh and 
 
C 37- 3 
 
 its interefl to prcrferve, and cf courfe leave to its councils lefs 
 caufe. hereafter for felf reproach. It is from the fincerity of 
 thefe motives and the knowledge this government has of it, 
 that I have inedlantly made efforts to preferve that harmony, 
 and been heard in friendly communication, and often in re- 
 raonftrance upon the topics connected with it, in a manner 
 I could not otherwife have expected. 
 
 But you urge, that as I knew this difcontent exifted, I ought' 
 to have encountered and removed it. I do not diftinctly 
 comprehend the extent of this pofition, or what it was your 
 v/iiii, under exifting circumftances, 1 mould have done. Till 
 the 1 5th of February, no complaint was made to me by this 
 government againft that treaty ; nor did I know before that 
 period that any would be ; for. from the moment of its orga- 
 nization till thtu, the utmoft rcflrve was ooferved tc me by 
 it on that fubi ',:;/!- The intimations which I witneiTed, were 
 written before the eft'abfiflinlent of the pfefent government, 
 and drawn of cq.urfe from circumfhinces which preceded it,' 
 Of the probable views therefore of the prefent government 
 in that refpecl, i fpoke only by conjeclure. Was it then your 
 wifh, that becaufe I fufpeded this government would be or 
 was difcontented with that treaty, that I fhould ftep for- 
 ward, invite the difcu(Bon, and provoke the attack ? Would 
 it have, been politic or fafe for me to do it ; and efpecially 
 upon a fubjet"t fo delicate, and important as that was I And 
 li.ad I done it, would I not have been juftly cenfured for my 
 raflineii and indifcretion ? And might not even different mo- 
 tives have been ailigned for my (jonducl; ? To me, I own, it 
 ii! ways -appeared nioft fuitable, as well as mod wife, to (land 
 on the cfefenfive ; and to anfwer objections only when they 
 were made ; upon the fair and reafonable prefumpticn, till 
 they were made, that none would be ; and upon the principle, 
 if none were rnade 3 thzt ourobjecl was obtained ^ and if there 
 were, that then there would be fufficient time to anfwer them, 
 and in a regular and official manner. By this however I do 
 not wiih to be underftood, as having declined at any time in- 
 formal friendly communications, on this or other fubjeets, 
 when fuitable occafipns occured ; for the contrary was the 
 cafe, as is already obferved. 
 
 What the circum'flances were, upon which I founded my 
 opinion of the probable ill confequences of that treaty, in cafe 
 it were ratified, were in general communicated, as they occur- 
 ed. There was however one other, and which was particu- 
 larly impreflive at the time, omitted then, but which Inowthink 
 proper to add) becaufe it was that upon which I founded thq 
 
r 375 J 
 
 intimation given you, inmyletter of the 2 oth of October, on that 
 Head. Callingoneday,uponthefubjetlofour Aigerine affairs, in- 
 formally, upon Jean de Brie, who had, in the committee of pub- 
 lic fafety, the American branch under his care, I found him 
 engaged upon that treaty, with a copy of it before him, and 
 other papers on the fame fubject. I began with the object of 
 my vifit, and from which he foon digreffed upon the other 
 topic, and with great afperity ; adding that he was preparing 
 a letter for me on that fubjeft, to be fubmitted to the com- 
 mittee. I anfwered his charges in the manner which appear- 
 ed to memoft fuitable, and finally aiked him, if he had receiv- 
 ed the correspondence which took place on that fubjecl be- 
 tween Mr, Adet and Mr. Randolph ; and to which he re- 
 plied that he had not. I then informed him I had that cor- 
 refpondence, which was an interefting one ; and requefted he 
 would permit me to give him a copy of it ; and further that 
 he would delay his report to the committee, until after he had 
 perufed and fully weighed it, which he promifed ; and in 
 confequence I immediately afterwards gave him a copy of that 
 correfpondence. This incident took place juft before the 
 movement of Vendemiaire, by which the execution of the 
 project contemplated was probably prevented. I omitted this 
 before, becaufe I hoped it would never be revived , and 
 becaufe I did not wifh to give more pain on this fub- 
 jecl:, and efpecially as I foon afterwards found that the treaty 
 was ratified, than could be avoided. And I now mention it, 
 as well to (hew the ftrong ground upon which that intimation 
 was given ; as to prove that none of the lights furniihsd me, 
 in that refpeft, were withheld. 
 
 So much I have thought proper to fay in reply to your fa* 
 vor of the i^th of June -, and now it remains for me to proceed 
 with a detail of the further progrefs of this bufmeis here, 
 fince my laft ; at leaft fo far as I am acquainted with it. 
 
 I fought immediately after my laft was written, and ob- 
 tained as foon as I poflibly could obtain it, an informal con- 
 ference with fome members of the dire&oire, upon the 
 fubjecl of my laft ; beginning by exprefiing my concern to 
 hear they were ftill diilatisfied with us, and propofed taking 
 fome ftep in confequence thereof ; and which 1 fincerely re- 
 'gretted becaufe I had concluded the contrary was the cafe, af- 
 t ter the explanation I had given to their feveral complaints ; 
 and becaufe I thought any rneafure which had an unfriendly 
 afpecl: towards us, would be equally detrimental to theirs and 
 our intereft. They fcverally replied, they were diffatisfied 
 
C 374 ] 
 
 with us, on account of our treaty with England, and thought 
 that the honor of their country would be fullied in their 
 hands, if they did not fay fo. I endeavoured to lead them 
 into converfation upon the points to which they objected ; 
 but foen found they were averfe to it, and were of opinion 
 that too much time had already been beftowed on that fubjecL 
 One of the members however obferved, that the abandon- 
 ment of the principle t\\M free Jhtps wade free goods, in favor of 
 England, was an injury of a very lerious kind to France ; 
 and which could not be pafled by unnoticed. I told him, 
 that in this nothing was abandoned, fince by the law of na- 
 tions, fuch was the cafe before ; and of courfe that this ar- 
 ticle only delineated what the exiiting law was, ns I had fully 
 proved in my note to the mifiiiterof foreign affairs ; that we 
 were not bound to impofe the new principle on other na- 
 tions. He replied, if we could not carry that princi- 
 ple with England, nor protect our flag againft her out- 
 rages, that that was always a reafon why France mould 
 complain ; that they never afked us to go to war, nor intend- 
 ed fo to do; but that the abandonment of that principle for- 
 mally by treaty, at the time and under the circumstances we 
 did it, in favor cf that power, was quite a different thing. 
 Finding that a further preffure at the time might produce au 
 ill eFet, and would certainly not produce a good one, I pro- 
 ceeded next to the other points, and to hint what I had heard 
 of their intention with relpel to Canada and Louifiana , and 
 to which it was replied, that in regard to Canada, they had no 
 object for themfelves ; and in regard to Louifiana, none 
 which ought to difquiet us -, that they finccrely wifhed us 
 well, and hoped matters might be amicably adjuiled, fince 
 they were difpofed to meet fuitable propof.tions to that ef- 
 fect with pleafure ; adding in tta clofe, that the miniiter of 
 foreign affairs was inftrucSed to communicate to me the ar- 
 rete they had patfed ; but in a manner to imprefs me with a 
 belief it was done rather for the purpofe of enabling me to tranf- 
 mit it to you, than addrefs them at prefcnt further on the fubjeh, 
 Through other channels I have fince heard, that this arrete is 
 withheld from me, and will be, until the difpatch is gone ; 
 nnd with a view of fecuring themfelves againft further inter- 
 ruption from me, in the prefent flage, upon the meafure a- 
 ciopted. 
 
 From what information I can collecl of the contents of this 
 arrete from other fources (for from the above none was col- 
 lected) it is to fufpend Adet's fun&wns ; inftru&ing him to 
 
[ 375 3 
 
 declare the motive of it ; and which, I prefume, will c 
 pond with what was declared here, leaving him there for the 
 prefent : But what he is farther to do is not fuggefted, nor 
 can I form a conjecture of it, until I received the communi- 
 cation promifed by the minifter of foreign affairs ; and which 
 I /hall endeavour to procure, as foon as poffibb. 
 
 I herewith enclofe you a copy of a communication from 
 the minifter of foreign affairs, with my reply to it ; and by 
 which it appears that a truce is obtained by oar agent from 
 the Regencies of Tunis and Tripoli, and with the aid of 
 France. 
 
 From the Minifter cf External Relations, to the Minifter 
 Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Piiris, 13^, Fruclidor, ^th Tear cf t!:a Republic. 
 
 (Aug. 30^, 1796.^ 
 CITIZEN MINISTER^ 
 
 I HAVE the honor of transmitting you a difpatch of 
 Citizen Ilerculais, conful of the republic at Algiers. You will 
 thereby fee, that he has not a little contributed to the truce 
 lately concluded between the Regency of Tunis and the Unit- 
 led States of America. Me adds, that thefe preliminaries will 
 ere long be followed by a peace. 
 
 It is my duty, citizen minifter, to inform you that by int-er- 
 pofinghis good offices, on this occafion,the conful of the French 
 Republic has ar,ed, in conformity to the intentions of the 
 executive directory, agreeably to the eighth article of the treaty 
 of commerce of 17 78, between the United States and France. 
 The French Republic had already interceded in favor of the 
 United States, with the other Regencies of Barbary. This new 
 proceeding, will be for the federal government a frem proof 
 of the good faith of the executive directory in fulfilling the en- 
 gagements contracted by the treaties. 
 
 Health and Fraternity. 
 
 (Signed) CH. DELACROIX. 
 
 
t 37* 1 
 
 E.\'>\;-Slfr(,ni tiie Dijpatch of Citizen He 
 Algiers > the 24^ of 
 
 , 179(5.) 
 
 THE Americans have concluded a truce with Algiers, 
 by the interpofition of Faurin to whom I had addrefTed the 
 conful of America, [fee my letters No i and 2.] Yufuf Sa- 
 petap faid, that knowing how much I had the fuccefs of this 
 affair at heart, he was very glad to give me that token of 
 friendfhip, and that he would do every thing in his power, 
 in order to remove all obftacles. 
 
 True Copy (Signed) 
 
 CH. DE LA CROIX. 
 
 Minifter of External Relations. 
 
 From the Minifier Plenipotentiary of the United States of America > 
 to the Minijler of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris, Sept. id, 1796. 
 
 I HAVE been favored with yours of the 3Oth of Aug, 
 (i3thFruclidor) communicating the agreeable and interefting 
 intelligence of a provifional treaty being entered into by the 
 UnitedStates with the regenciesof Tunis and Tripoli; through 
 the mediation and friendly interference of your conful at Al- 
 giers ; which I fliall immediately make known to our govern- 
 ment ; being always happy to be the organ of fuch communica- 
 tions r.s are calculated to (Irengthen the ties of friendmip be- 
 the two republics. 
 
 [ No. XLI. ] 
 
 FROM Mr. MONROE, TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris > Sept. 2I//S, 1796. 
 
 As yet I have heard nothing from the minifter of 
 foreign affairs, refpecling the arrete of the direcloire, men- 
 tioned iu my laft ; and which I underftood he was inftruted to 
 
C 377 3 
 
 communicate to me. I therefore conclude that the delay is 
 intentional ; and that I (hull not hear from him, until the dif- 
 patch is gone ; and after which it will be tifelefs ; in 
 confider it in that light at prcfent, and for reafons heretofore 
 communicated, which every day further experience 
 fully confirms. 
 
 But being extremely anxious to fathom the point, v/ 
 this government intended any thing really hoftile to us, b 
 what it calls a reprifal for our treaty with En?' ind, or in- 
 demnity againft its confluences 5 and in particular \vl 
 it meant, in cafe it became polTefled of Canada, Louifiana e.n-i 
 the Floridas, to invite cur weftern people to a junction with 
 them, and thus eventua'ly difmember us, in cafe they were 
 willing, Hatelyrovived a converfation mentioned in my 1 alb, with 
 a member of the directoire, leading it more dire'tly' to this 
 point, than I then did or was able to do, and obtained from 
 him the anfveer I wifhrd. He told me explicitly, they had 
 no object with rcfpect to Canada for themfelv.s, but wiftied 
 it fcparated from England: That they were net anxious n- 
 bout Louihana, and if they took it, it would bs only in cafe 
 of a war between Spain and England, and then the princip?.; 
 motive would be to keep the Britifh from it, who would 
 doubtlefs endeavour to avail themlelves of fuch an occafion to 
 feize the mouth of the Miffifippi : That, with refpecl to oir 
 interior, we had no caufe to be uneafy ; for there did not exill^ 
 in the breait of a member of the government, an intention or 
 wifh to difturb it ; that they would take no Hep they did not 
 avow to our government, and that therefore we 
 bour no fufpicion of defigns from them, beyond \vhat they 
 did avow. 
 
 I have likewife obtained information from other, and I 
 think authentic, fources, upon this point, and by which I am 
 the more confirmed in the integrity of the above comm-. 
 tion. In fhort, I am fatisfied that.no fuch project exifts at 
 prefent, either on the part of this government, or the weft- 
 ern people cf the United States ; and that what has been 
 whifpered on that fubject is either the fuggefdon of flander, 
 originating perhaps with thofe who wim it ; or the offspring 
 of fancies too much agitated with the danger of the pieftnt 
 crifis. From the year 1786, a period remarkable for the per- 
 nicious tendency which an unfortunate and difaftrous nego- 
 ciation had upon our affairs in that refpecl:, till our late treaty 
 with Spain, we were always in a greater or lefs degree me- 
 naced with that misfortune ; but by that treaty all danger 
 from that fource was happily done awey \ an4 now that 
 C c ft 
 
[ 378 ] 
 
 rights in navigation are fecured to every part of the federal 
 empire, there appears to be nothing in the political horizon 
 which clouds the profpccl: before us, or which ought to in- 
 fpire a doubt that our union will not be perpetual. By this 
 however I do not with to inculcate an opinion, that we ought 
 to be over confident of our fecurity upon this or any other 
 point ; cr inattentive to the neceffary means of preferring it , 
 for in no fituation of affairs ought this to be the cafe , in the 
 prefent one therefore a greater degree of vigilance is of courfe 
 the more neceflary. 
 
 An order was lately ilTued, as I have reafon to believe, to 
 feiz2 Britifli property in neutral velTels ; and to bring thofe 
 veffcls into port* for that purpofe. I did hope, and indeed 
 underftood at firit, that the arrete of the direcloire was pro- 
 vifional, and intended to be applied only to fuch cafes of 
 Britiih feizure, as occurred lafl year ; and fuch I think was 
 the cafe at fir ft. But now it is faid it is modified as above. 
 I have written to the minifler to demand an official information 
 upon this point } and in the interim have communicated 
 the fat, as I under ft and it to be, to Mr. King, to whom the 
 information may be ufeful. 
 
 I fend you a copy of the treaty of alliance, offenfive and de- 
 f en five, between France and Spain ; and which, as you will 
 obferve, contains no ftipulation refpecting Louifiana, and 
 the Floridas. Nor have I any reafon to conclude that there 
 is any fecret article on that fubjedr,. I rather think, from 
 what I can collect, that it is a point flill in negociation be- 
 tween thofe powers j and protracted by the indecifion of 
 France, whether to accept or reject it ; and whofe decifion 
 upon it may be eflentially influenced by the relation which 
 is to Cub Hit, for the future, between this country and ours. If 
 tl is ration is eltablifned upon the clofe footing they wifh it, 
 then I think it probable (mould the queftion be fo long pro- 
 t v.cted) this government will decline accepting it ; from the 
 fear it might prove acaufeof jealoufy between us and weak- 
 en that connection. But mould the contrary be the refult, 
 then I think they will act other wife , and endeavor not only 
 in this refpect, butby everyotherpraclicable means, to itrcngth- 
 cn their own refources j and to make themfelves as indepen- 
 dent of us as pofiible. Upon this fubjecl: however I never 
 toucbecKvith them, nor do I hazard a conjecture on it other than 
 on general circumftances already known toyo.u. 
 
 Jourdan was lately compelled to retreat through a con- 
 fi durable tract of country ; being defeated, as I prefume (for 
 unknown) in feveral fevcre aliens andrenccunt- 
 
I 379 1 
 
 ers, and doubtlcfs with great lofs, He at prcfcnt fuflains 
 himfelf upon the Lahn, where he occupies a ftrong pofition, 
 and thinks himfelf fecure. Beurnonville is however on his 
 route from Holland, at the head of twenty five tboufaftd men, 
 to join, and, as it is reported, to fupercede him ; it being 
 a maxim of this government to remove, and without delay, 
 every unfuccefsful general, upon the prefumption that the 
 fpirit of the troops cannot be well revived, under the fame 
 perfon, with whom they were deprefled. Moreau writes, 
 that he is doing well ; and: Buonaparte renders an account 
 of a recent and more brilliant victory obtained over WurmJLJer, 
 in the Tyrol, if poffible, than the former one; having ac- 
 tually taken fixteen thoufand prifoners, about feventy can- 
 non, with all kind of military ftores, and completely broken 
 the army he had lately formed there. 
 
 The marchof Beurnonville from Holland argues a fecret un- 
 derftanding between the directoire and the king of Pruftia ; 
 and the late treaty between France and Spain, almoft the cer- 
 tainty of a war, between the latter and England. 
 
 An attack was lately made upon a camp near Paris, con- 
 fiding of fix or eight thoufand men, by about as many hundred; 
 and inwhichthe latter were repulfed,many of them taken pri- 
 fcners ; and who are now under trial by a military com- 
 miflion.. Of thofe upon whom fentence is pronounced, fome 
 were condemned to capital punimment, which was imme- 
 diately executed ; others to exportation, and fome to con- 
 finement : The refidue, which conftituted by far the greateft 
 part, were acquitted and difcharged. This enterprize was 
 undertaken by a party who wifh to overthrow the govern- 
 ment, or rather to make confufion (for fo fmail a number 
 could not expect to overthrow the government) and whofe 
 oftenfible object was to eitablifh the conftitution of 1 793. The 
 prefumption too is, that it had favourers in the camp, or that 
 it would not have made an attempt on the camp ; but of 
 this there was no proof that I have feen. It is doubtlefs a 
 fuite of BabceuFs confpiracy , originating in the fame fource, 
 and conducted by the fame active, though invifible, agents. To 
 the details of this trial, we muft look for a more accurate de- 
 velopement of the character of this affair, than can be obtained 
 at prefent from any other fource* 
 
 In general the people of this country are weared with the war; 
 but yet there are no fymptoms of an approaching peace with 
 the Emperor, or with England. The directoire, it is faid,. 
 wimes peace, and upon reafonable terms ; but of this I have 
 no inforiiiation to be relied on. The ftate of the finances toot 
 
C 3S 3 
 
 be bad -, indeed it is inconceivable how three or four 
 hundred thoufand men, the minimum in my judgment of the 
 Trench force on foot, with the expenfes cf the civil govern- 
 r.:cnt, the colonial eftabliftiment and the navy, are fuilained, 
 
 It is, that imraenfe conlilbutions have been levied in 
 the courie of the prelent year in foreign countries ; and in 
 addition to which it maybe qbiVrved, that the occational fales 
 of the national domains, and the various taxes which are col- 
 lected, might likewife form a conliderable reieurce. The 
 conflict cf parties alfo in the two councils is often great, 
 The fact is, the prefent ccnftitution \vas formed by the party 
 (a the moderates ; and by the movement cf Vendemiaire, in 
 which nt-ither had a hand, the execution of its functions was 
 committed to the oppoiite one. The former party therefore 
 was difTatisned with this event j and looks forward to the ap- 
 yroaching elections, as to a period when it will begin to reco- 
 ver back the power it then loft. To this period a lib the roy- 
 rJifls look forward with anxious hope, that it will preiuit 
 fo nic thing favourable likewife to their \ This period is 
 
 however now difbmt fix months ; u~;I though a circumflance 
 in per fpecTive, worthy < . v-.lation of 
 
 the probable ultimate ilTue cf i! i yet perhaps 
 
 too remote, and even too trival, confideriug tlie immediate and 
 urgent prefi lire of other caufcs, to have much inilnence with 
 tiiher of thofe powers, and especially the Emperor, in decide 
 ing him at nrcfcnt upon the great qudlion ot war or peace. 
 
 Frem Mr. Jiforitsf) to Mr. King. 
 
 Paris, Sept. l8/, 1796'. 
 
 4 
 
 I HAVE reafcn to conclude, that this government ha^ 
 lately iflued orders to its vefiels of war and cruifcrs to feize 
 Britilh property in neutral bottoms ; upon the principle that 
 the Briiifh feize their property in like manner. I have this 
 information from a fource not ilricHy official, but whielt 
 precludes ail doubt cf its authenticity ; and have therefore 
 thought it my duty to communicate it to you without delay; 
 I expect daily further explanations ftoip this government up- 
 on this -fubject. 5 and after which, and efpecially if any thing 
 occurs which varies from the purport of the profejit 
 
 be allured I will immediately apprize you of it. 
 
I 3*1 
 
 [ No. XLII. ] 
 FRCII MH. ?Ic::r.C, TQ THE SEC.nr.-HY OF STATE. 
 
 Paris, Qcl. 6tk, 1790. 
 
 I INCLOSE you a copy of my letter to the miriilcr of 
 foreign affairs, demanding whether orders are iiTued for fe'z- 
 ingthe property of their enemies in our vefiels ; and to which 
 I have yet received no anfwer. I am confident however, that 
 fuch orders are iiuied , being aiTured of it through other chan- 
 nels, apparently too direct to admit any doubt of the fal. 
 
 I enelofe you alib copies of three notes from him and . 
 replies: The two firft of which refpett the judicial proceis 
 fuftained in one of our courts againft Governor Collot, kte of 
 Guadeloupe; and the third a report faid to be circulating here , 
 that the prefident had laid an embargo on all French vefiels 
 in our ports. Thefe communications contain every thing that 
 has parted between this government and myfelf, fmcemy laft; 
 and of courfe every thing that I can now add to what you 
 have already received. 
 
 The army of Sambre and Meufe has retreated to the Rhine-, 
 v.'here it was met by twenty five thoufandmen from Holland, 
 under Beurnonville, to whom the chief command is trani- 
 ferred. The reports of the lofs fuftained by this army are 
 various , fome accounts make it twenty thcufand, whiHl 
 others reduce it to fix ; but in my judgment the former ap- 
 proaches nearer the truth : Great part of its artillery mult 
 likewife have been loft. The retreat of this army expofed 
 theother^ of the Rhine andMofelle, under Mcreau, to danger; 
 and from which it is not yet extricated. It is known that this, 
 latter is alfo on the retreat j and the Arch Duke is new bend- 
 ing his force towards it. Some accounts fay that Beurncn- 
 ville will be able fo to co-operate, as to give effectual aid ; but 
 which is denied by others. At the prefent moment there- 
 fore nothing certain can be given you of the actual fbite of 
 that army, or of what will probably refult from it. In a 
 (hort time however I ei*pel to be able to be more full and ex- 
 plicit on this fubjedl. 
 
 It is faid that an En glim minister is at Dieppe on his way 
 here ; and that a Portuguefe enc is in town, with ajriew no 
 doubt, on the part of each, to treat of peace* 
 
C 382 3 
 
 From the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States of 
 rica y to the Minijler of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris > Sept. 21th, 1/96. 
 
 I HEAR that an order has iffued from your government 
 for feizing the property of your enemies in neutral bottoms - 9 
 and to afcertain the verity of which report, I take the liberty 
 to addrefs myfelf to you ; it being a meafure, in cafe it be 
 true, which cannot otherwife than deeply affect the intereft 
 of the United States ; and of courfe upon which I ought to 
 poffefs the moil correct and early information. 
 
 Extract f ism the Rcgijler of the Rcfofoes of the Executive Di- 
 
 recliry. 
 
 l$th Frtictidsi') 4//6 year of the Republic. 
 
 (Sept. nth, 1796.^ 
 The Executive Directory rcfolves as follows : 
 
 THE minifter of foreign affairs will declare to Citizen- 
 Monroe, minifter plenipotentiary of the United States of A- 
 merica, that if the Federal Government does not put a flop 
 to the procedure againit the Citizen Collot, and does not re- 
 fer thofe who fue him before the government and his na- 
 tural judges in France, the executive directory will take the 
 neceflary mrafures, that reprifals mail be ufed for reparation 
 of all the injuries of the American government, and of its 
 agents, towards the French citizens and government. 
 This refolve fhall not be printed. 
 
 (Signed) L. M. REVEILLERE LEPEAUX, Prefident. 
 (True Copy) By the Executive Directory. 
 
 (Signed) LAGARDE, Secretary General. 
 
 {Signed) CH. DE LA CROIX, 
 
 Minifter of Foreign Affair?.. 
 
[ 3*3 : 
 
 Frtm tht Miniflcr cf Foreign Affairs^ to tie Mintfter P: 
 tentiary cf the United States of America. 
 
 Paris > 4th Complementary-da^ 4/ Tear cf the Republic. 
 
 (September 2o/, 1796.^ 
 Cl TIZEN MlNIB TX, 
 
 I SUBMITTED to the executive directory a report up- 
 on the affair of Citizen Ccliot, judicially purfued, for two 
 years part, before the tribunals of the United States , for hav- 
 ing, while he was governor of Guadeloupe, caufed to be 
 feized a vefiel laden with counter-revolutionary writings which 
 came from Philadelphia. 
 
 The executive directory confiders the fuit brought agninft 
 the Citizen Collot,for this adminiftrative act, for which he was 
 accountable only to the French government, as a violation of 
 the principles of the rights of nations, and of all political 
 maxims. 
 
 The Federal executive, upon the feveral reclamations 
 which were made by our diplomatic agents, fhould have 'repre- 
 fented to the fupreme court, that they had no right to take 
 cognizance of this affair ; and that it ought to have referred 
 the adverfaries of the governor of Guadeloupe, to the French 
 government, alone competent to take cognizance of their plea- 
 of damage a*id intereft. But your executive have remained 
 filent, 2nd the tribunal before whom this affair was brought 
 has ventured to give a judgment, by virtue of which General 
 Collot has been fummoned to prove that he had the right, as, 
 governor, to do the act, which occafioned this procedure. 
 This judgment indirectly determines the amenability of the 
 French government. 
 
 The executive directory has thought it became its dignity 
 not to fuffer any longer this blow directed againft the inde- 
 pendence and fovereignty of the French Republic. 
 
 I am directed, Citizen Minifter, to declare to you, that c if 
 the Federal government does not put a (top to this unjuft 
 procedure, which continues againft the Citizen Collot, and 
 does not refer his adverfaries before their natural judges in 
 France, the executive directory will take the meafures necef- 
 fary to make ufe of reprifals, and to obtain reparation of all 
 the wrongs of the American government, and its agents, to 
 the French government.* 
 
C 384 ] 
 
 i 1 requeft you to communicate this declaration to the Preii - 
 tkntof the UnkedStni.es of America, arid to invite him te 
 weigh it. 
 
 Health and fraternity. 
 (Signed) 
 
 CH. DE LA CROIXl 
 
 From tJce Minijier of Foreign Affairs, io the till/lifter Plenlp3 
 tentiary cf the United States of America. 
 
 Paris > i I th Vendemiaire, $tb Tear cf the Re ^l lie. 
 
 (Oftober 2d y 1796.^ 
 Ci nzEN MINIS TLPy 
 
 I AM directed to inform you of the refolve of the cx- 
 fcutive directory, dated the 25th Fructidor laft, relative to the 
 unjuil procedure which continues before the tribunals of the 
 United States, againil the Citizen Collot, governor of Gua- 
 deloupe. While I invite you to inform your government cf 
 the particulars of that refolve, I rely entirely on the official de- 
 claration that I made you on the 5th Complementary day c 
 the 4th year. 
 
 Health and fraternity. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CH. DE LA CROIX. 
 
 From the Mint/iff Plenipotentiary cf tJ:e United States of Ame~ 
 r/Cijr, to the Miwjler of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris, Sept. l-jib, 1796. 
 
 I HAVE received your favor the 2oth inftant (4th 
 Compleinentaire) communicating the arrcte of the direcloire 
 executif, taken in confequence of a proccfs fuftaincd a-- 
 gainft Citizen Collot, late governor of Guadeloupe ; for the 
 f^izure of one of our vefleis, whilil he was governor of that 
 ifland, upon the charge of introducing into it counterrevolu- 
 tionary writings ; and which arrete you requeft me to trari"- 
 mit without delay to our government. 
 
 I beg to allure you, that I {hall immediately tranfmit to our 
 government the arvete referred to ; and will alfo make known 
 
I 383 3 
 
 \o you the anfwer I receive, as foon as I receive it. Upon 
 tins fubei however I think roer tofubmit to ou foO'j./b- 
 
 fubjei however I think proper 
 fervations, which you may probably deem worthy th; r.tcn- 
 tion of your government in the prelent ftage. 
 
 It appears that the Citizen CoHot is called on at the fuit of 
 an individual, to anfwer for an act which the latter deems 
 a perform! injury ; and that the demand made upon him 
 by the court, is to fhew that he feized that veflel by vir- 
 tue of his powers as governor : There is yet no final judg- 
 ment againft him, and the preemption is none will be ; for 
 the demand made on him to fhew by what authority he acted, 
 recognizes that of this government -, and proves of courie, if 
 he mews fuch authority, that die judgment will be in his 
 favor. It does not appear that he is required to (hew fpecial 
 power to feize-vefiels from his* government ; and it is therefore 
 probable it will be fufficient to fhew that he was governor 
 only. This is the {late of the cafe before the court. 
 
 In the United States, any and every perfon may be' called 
 on in court to anfwer at the fuit of an individual ; and when 
 the procefs is fa* veil and returned to court, there exifts no au- 
 thority in the executive power to remove it ; nor can it be re- 
 moved otherwife than by the court itfelf, and according to its 
 own rules. This principle is general, and applies equally to 
 the officers of our own government, and to thofe of other coun- 
 tries ; for I knew a procefs ferved upon the governor of one 
 of our States, after he had retired from office, for an act per- 
 formed, whilft he was governor ; and from which I think he 
 Was relieved by mewing that he was governor at that time. I 
 mention this fact, as well to fhew the univerfality of the prin- 
 ciple, as to obferve I think it probable, had Governor Collot 
 attended in perfon or by counfel and fliewn his commiffion to 
 the court, the fuit would have been difmiiled in the com- 
 mencement ; and to add alfo, that I likewife think it proba- 
 ble its continuance for fo long a term in court, proceeded from 
 his not taking thofe meafures in his defence, which the confti- 
 tution and laws of our country require ; and which every 
 other perfon is bound to take ; an omiffion, I prefume, in- 
 curred, if fuch be the cafe, from his being unacquainted with 
 the laws and cuftoms of our country. 
 
 It feems tome to be a found doctrine, that until there is an 
 ultimate decifion by the court, and againft juft principles, there 
 can be no caufe of complaint; efpecially when the nature of 
 our government and its laws are confidered ; and to explain 
 which I have thought proper to fubmjtto you the atave 
 
C 38<* ] 
 
 /,y/w ike Minifln- ef. Foreign Affairs, to- the Mtmjle r PL -nipt* 
 tefitmry of tie United States of A men en. 
 
 Paris y i-$th VtndiTii'uure $th Tear cf the Republic. 
 
 (October 4//J, 1796.^ 
 
 Is it true, Sir, that the Federal government has or-, 
 clcred an embargo on our veflels of war and merchantmen ? 
 Is it true that Mr. Skipwiih, upon the receipt of this intelli- 
 gence,, teftified a joy as mifplaced, and as furprizing as the 
 news itfelf. Be ib good, Sir, as to inform me on thefe two 
 points. If,, as I flatter myfelf, boti} ; are without foundation, 
 you will haften, I doubt not, to-.deny the nrlt,.and Mr. Skip- 
 with will make it a duty to refute the fecond, in writing. 
 
 I beg you to accept, in the meantime, the ailurancc of ni 
 entire eonfaleratiOn. 
 
 . (Signed) 
 
 CH. DE LA CROIX. 
 
 From the M'mijlcr Plenipotentiary of the United Stutes, to tlif 
 
 Mlnijl<r of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris y October $th y 1796. 
 
 I HAVE juft received your note of yefterday, comma- 
 nicating a report which is circulated, that our government 
 has put an embargo on your veflels of war and of commerce; 
 and demanding of me whether it be true, I have received 
 this communication with great furprize, becauie I have not 
 only no official information to that effedt, but never heard of 
 the report before; of courfe, I entirely dilbelieve it ; and the 
 more fo, becaufe I truft you have given no caufe for fuch a 
 procedure ; and likewife, becaufe I am fatisiied, that with- 
 out ferious and weighty caufe, the Prefident of the United 
 States -would not adopt it. 
 
 In regard to what you have heard refpecling Mr. Skip- 
 with, I am equally fatisfied from my perfonal knowledge 
 of his. political principles, and of the intereft he takes in the 
 welfare of both republics, and which cannot be promoted 
 otherwife than by a continuance of friendihip and harmony 
 between them, that if the report were true, it would prove 
 to him a caufe not of pleafure, but of the moft ferious re- 
 gret j fmgc it would vjnc.e the profpeft of an apprgiiclung 
 
E 
 
 rupture between them ; and which could not otherwiie thaw- 
 give pain to 'the friends of liberty and humanity every where. 
 lie is atprsfcnt on a vilit at fome diftance from Paris, fo that 
 f cannot now communicate to him the purport of your note 
 respecting himfelf j but will do it immediately on his return. 
 
 row. the Minifter of Foreign Affairs, to the Minijler PItnipo- 
 tertiary cf the United States of America. 
 
 Parifi .l6th l r Kukm'mlre 9 _ . th Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (Qcldw 7/, i 796-^ 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 THE executive directory, informed thatMr. Parifli, Ameri- 
 can conful at Hamburgh, took the liberty of giving paflportSj. 
 under the appellation of Anglo-Americans to Englifhmen, 
 which he reprefented as citizens of the United States, and! 
 that the conful was the avowed agent of England, for the 
 tranfportation and and equipment of the emigrants, thought 
 it its duty to" demand formally, of the Federal government, 
 his recall. The anfwer of the fecretary of ftate to the French 
 minifter is nothing lefs than an indirect j unification of the 
 conduct of Mr. Parim. The material fact of which that con- 
 ful is accufed is in it held as doubtful. 
 
 I am directed, Citizen, to notify to you, that the execu- 
 tive directory renews the demand of Mr. Parifh's recall, and 
 to declare to you, that no faith will be given in France to the 
 pafTports and other ar.s from him, or with his fignature. I 
 requeft you to give information of this meafure to the Prefi- 
 ilent of the United States. 
 
 Health and Fraternity, 
 
 Signed) 
 
 GH. DELACROIX. 
 
 &rcm the Minifies Plefiipotefttiaty of the U'/tifrd States f 
 to the Minifter of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris, October r 2th, 1796. 
 
 I HAVE received your note of 'the- 7th inftant (i6& 
 -) upon the fubject of Mr. Parifti, our conful at 
 
Hamburgh, requeuing me to communicate its contents to onr 
 government ; and with which I (hall certainly comply by the 
 firft opportunity that occurs. 
 
 From Jlfr. Monroe, to Jlfr. Ktng. 
 
 P aris y October I2ih r 1796! i 
 
 I HAVE been favored with yours of the ipth of Sep- 
 tember, and ihould have anfwered it fooner, had I not wifh- 
 ed.t'o obtain previoufly', an explicit anfwer from this govern- 
 ment upon a demand Lhad made of it, whether orders were 
 iffued to leize the property of its enemy in our bottoms, which 
 I daily expected to obt.nn, but did not until within a few 
 days paft. I am forry now to- inform you, that what I lately 
 intimated in that refpecc, is too well founded ; fmce I have 
 been formally notified, that fuch orders are iflued ; and that 
 it mall regulate its conduct towards the'veflels. of neutral 
 ' and allied powers, in all refpets, in the fame manner as the. 
 * Englifh arc permitted to do.' I give you, therefore, this in- 
 formation without delay, that you may avail yourfelfof it in 
 fuch manner as you may judge moll fuitable for the benefit 
 of fuch of our countrymen as are interfiled in it. 
 
 Your notification to Mr. Johnfon, of the purport of my 
 former letter upon this fubjett., and which he inferted in the 
 Englifh papers, was immediately transferred into thofe of 
 this city; and, of courfe, attracted the attention of this govern- 
 ment. But as I had correctly ftated what was then dated to- 
 me, which was presented, with equal accuracy by you , this 
 incident gave me no concern ; and I mention the republica- 
 tionh'-'re, only to apprize you, that that . circumftance, the 
 only one you might wifh to avoid, has occurred, and without 
 producing any inconvenience that I know of. 
 
 [ No. XLIII. ] 
 
 MR. MotfROE, TO THE SECRETARY F 
 
 Paris, Ot7. 2 1/?, 1796, 
 
 I HAVE lately received from the minifter of foreign 
 s,iairs the note I intimated to you, fomc time fmce, I had r$a 
 
t 389 3 
 
 fen to conclude he was inftru&ed to write me ; a copy of 
 which, with one of my reply, I herewith inclofe to you. I 
 likewife fend you copies of two' other notes from him, and of 
 iny replies upon other fubje&s j and which are only deferving 
 
 oi attcin'jn, as they ferve to fhew the actual difpofldon of 
 tliis government towards us at the prefent moment. 
 
 Upon a critical view of the note firft above mentioned, it 
 was doubtful v. hether my functions were not likewiie fuf- 
 pended with rLofe of Mr. Adet , and I was difpofed in con- 
 fequence to afk an explanation on that head ; but from this I 
 was fwerved by the following ccnfiderations : Firit, That if 
 it r, r cre fo intended, it would probably have been fo exprefied, 
 and in explicit terms ; Secondly, as it was not fo exprefied, 
 that fuch a demand might tend to irritate and thereby widen 
 the breach ; and Thirdly, that the fame end might be obtain- 
 ed by the febmiffion of one of my paiTports to the minifter 
 for legaliiation ; fmce it would tend to prove, in cafe he per- 
 formed that office, that they were not fufpended. According- 
 ly I took this latter courfe V an^*f6 l und,*fo far as any inference 
 was to be drawn from that 'crr&urhfliance, that jt was not the 
 intention of the direcloire to futpead them. ^ 
 
 This fubjecl is now before the, .prefident, upon the repre- 
 fentation of Mr. Adet ; and upon; which, as I know nothing 
 beyond what you now have, it is impoffible for me to make 
 any comment. He will of courfe difpofe of it in fuch a man- 
 ner as he thinks moft conducive to the honor, the intereft, 
 and welfare of our country ; and in the interim, and until I 
 hear from you, I fhall endeavour, and without a compromit- 
 jnent of any kind, to conciliate, fo far as in my power, the 
 good difpofition of this government towards us. 
 
 I fend you a Gazette, which contains any official account 
 of the arrival of Moreau at Fribourgh, after making a fafe and 
 honourable retreat through a great extent of country ; and t 
 which he was expofed by the defeat of Jourdan. He is now 
 eonfidered as out of danger. The army too under Bcurnon- 
 ville is faid to be reorganized, and in confiderable force ; fo 
 that it is poflible notwithftanding the late feafon of the year, 
 fcmething further may be done, and efpecially if the Arch- 
 duke, by advancing, courts a new rencounter. 
 
 Yefterday the Englifh minifter arrived but what the prof r 
 petl: of peace is, thire is no datum wherein to h'aafttil a 
 jedure. 
 
L" 
 
 \ 
 
 from tie MimJIer of External Relations y to. the Min'tflcr Pl 
 Icntlary of lie United States of America. 
 
 Paris.) 16 Vemkmiair^ $th Tear of tl:e Republic, 
 
 CITIZEN 
 
 THE executive directory charges- me to notify to 
 you the tuipeniion of all the functions which it lias pre- 
 icribed to the minifler plenipotentiary of the French Repub- 
 lic near the United States. It charges me likewife to com- 
 municate to you the nrret of which I have the honor to fend 
 you a copy, and agreeably to which our fliips armed for war, 
 will treat the United States, as thefe fuller the Englifh to treat. 
 them. 
 
 The firft ilep, Citizen Mfmfter, does not need to be com- 
 mented on. My difpatdiespf the lytli Ventofe, and ipth 
 Meflidor laftjind more especially the events which for fome 
 time pad have followed each otfier in the United States, fuili- 
 ciently explain its motives, . Citizen Adet will enter with the 
 Federal government upon further explanations, which I dare 
 hope will fully juilify to it the meafure of the executive di- 
 rectory, It is painful for the French government, to fee it? 
 Jelf forced to ats which befpeak a coldneis between two 
 nations, whom fo many qircumibmces engage to unite then> 
 fcjves more and more clofely* But, Citizen Minifter, you- 
 know too well from what fide the iirft blow Vv'as given to that 
 iriemlihip, \vliiqh our two nations had fworn to. It is 
 very"- confoUng for the executive directory on reviewing 
 jng'its conduct and that of th-e goyernmem which preceded 
 it, to find, that the French Rcpubiif is blamelefs in this re- 
 fpecl. At prcfent. its dignity wc/ukl -eyidently be brought in* 
 to queftion, it M'ould neglecl: its duty, if it.jdid not give un- 
 j&quwocai proofs of a juit diiratisfnciion. 
 
 Tjie ordinary relations fubfiftiu^ between the two people in 
 virtue of the conventions arul treaties fhallnot en this account 
 be fufpended. The confuls wi.il remain charged to fuperin- 
 tcnd tlujMi. The eventual modifications which mall be pro.- 
 fiuccd in that ftate of things by the arret of the direjch>ry 3 
 I communicate to you, can in no manner be confidered as al- 
 terations made by us. Thefe would generally be command- 
 ed by the eircumftances, and by the violation of the moft 
 
[ 391 ] 
 
 general laws of neutrality, which the Engliiii take the liberty 
 to commit, if they were not, as they are, the fulfillment of 
 the treaty between the two republics, and the nectilary con- 
 fequence of the treaty fmee concluded between the United 
 States and England. The federal government is too en- 
 lightened, not to have forefeen all the reiults of that treaty, 
 and no doubt, too juft to defire, that its \vhoie weight 
 ihould fallen the French Republic. 
 
 It fliall not be the fault of the executive directory, Citizen 
 Minifter, if the political relations between the two nations 
 are not fpeedily reeftabliihed on the footing they ought to be, 
 and if the clouds,which-caft abloom on our alliance,, be not 
 difpelled, by frank and loyal explanations * to which it will 
 be anxious to liften above all, Citizen Miniiler, when they 
 ihali be made through you. 
 
 Health and fraternity. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CH. DE LA CRCIX. 
 
 from ike Minijlcr Plenipotentiary cf the United States > to tk$ 
 Minijltr of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris > OCT. iitk, l~$6. 
 
 I HAVE juft been favored with yours of the 7th raft. 
 (i6thVendemiaire)annouricingthat the dire&oire exccutif had 
 iufpended Mr. Adet's functions, as minifter plenipotentiary 
 to the United States -, and had likewife given orders that the 
 armed (hips of the republic mould treat our veilels in the 
 fame manner, as the Englifh treat them ; and that both mea- 
 fures were taken in confequence of certain acls ot our go-, 
 vernmcnt, which have occurred in the courfe of the prefent 
 war ; and particularly our late treaty with Great Britain. 
 I have received this communication with real concern, be- 
 caufe I had prefumed that the explanation I had given in my 
 replies to your feveral complaints, Hated in the two notes 1 to 
 which you refer, was iatisfaclory ; and becaufe I cannot othu- 
 wife than lament that any incident ihould occur, and efpecial* 
 ly during my fervice here, which betrayed a diminution on 
 either fide of that harmony and friendihip which ought al- 
 ways t9 fubuft tetweea our ggvenuiK-nK. I flatter 
 
[ 392 ] 
 
 however that this difcontent will prove tranfitory ; and that I 
 (hall foon have the pleaiure to witnefs the complete reftoratiotr 
 of that fincere and cordial amity, which has 'Heretofore fo Hap- 
 pily fubfiiled between the two republics. - 
 
 I forbear td add any thing at prefent upon the fi-bj 
 your complaints' , becaufe in the ftate in which tLat biii..,,is 
 now is, it could not otherwife than be unprofitable j 3rd be- 
 caufe it would illy accord with the refpec-t I owe to my own 
 government, before whom that fubjetfcnow is, for me to ad- 
 drefs you further on it, at the prefent moment. I ill ill await 
 therefore with patience, as it is my duty to do, the orders of 
 the prefident in this refpecl: ; te whom it belongs to diredt 
 the courfe it may be deemed fuitable for me to t:v.> % . in thd 
 prefent conj un&ure. 
 
 Be allured, Sir, that as there is no political object v' id 
 I have more fincerely at heart than a continuance of perfcwC 
 harmony between our two republics , fo no politic,;! inci- 
 dents can occur to give me fo much pleafure as tbof,, in which 
 I become the organ of fuch communications as have a tenden- 
 cy to promote it. 
 
 1 cannot clofe my reply, Citizen Minifter, without makr 
 to yourfelf and the direc~loire executif my fincere acknow- 
 ledgment for the attention with which you have heard my fe- 
 deral communications, formal and informal, on thir ft 
 and in which I have endeavoured, with the beft views towards 
 the intereft and welfare of both countries, to divert you from 
 any meafure of this kind 5 and I beg to affure you that the 
 liberal fentiments you have been pleafed to exprefs in my fa- 
 vor, will always prove a fource of the moil graceful remem- 
 brance. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE. 
 
 Auguft 22(1) 1 796. 
 
 Six, 
 
 ON the ipth of July I received your letter of tkz 2d of 
 laft May covering the paper bearing date the pth of March, 
 and figned by M. De La Croix the French minifter for foreign 
 affairs, exhibiting the complaints of his government againfl 
 the government of the United States, and your anfwer to 
 thofe complaints , and on the 21 ft of July, the latter, togeth- 
 er with a tranflation of the miniller's ftateraentj were 
 mittcd to tfce Frefident at Mount Verngn. 
 
L 393 3 
 
 Antecedent to the receipt of this letter, the prefident had 
 ^conceived it necefFary to iend a new minifler to reprefent the 
 United States at Paris, and had made a tender of the appoint- 
 ment to General Charles Cotefworth Pinckney of South Ca- 
 rolina, und a letter of the loth inftant from the prefident 
 which I received the I3th, covered Mr. Pinckney's letter ot 
 the 27th of July, declaring his acceptance of the office. He 
 may be expected in Philadelphia by the clofe of the prefent 
 month ; and he will embark for Europe as loon after as mail 
 be practicable. My letter of the 1 3th of June (of which 
 a duplicate and triplicate have been forwarded) will have, 
 manifeiled to yu the uneafinefs and diffatisfa&ioQ of the 
 prefident j and the caufe of both will be apparent in the let- 
 ter itfelf. 
 
 The prefident feeling forcibly the obligations of his office, 
 to maintain the honor and interefls of the United States, in 
 relation to foreign nations j and our connections with France 
 in particular demanding, frcm various caufes, the moft con- 
 ftant and pointed attentions, to prevent or re: '. >ufies 
 
 and complaints, it was impcilible to conceal it was a duty to 
 exprefs, his fenfations consequent on the receipt of your letters 
 <?f February i6th and 2oth, and March loth and 25th; a 
 further confideration of thefe communications with other 
 concurring circumftances determined the Prefident to 
 make the appointment I have herein announced, Mr, 
 Pinckney will be the bearer of your letters of recall. 
 To enable him to accomplish the objects of his million, he 
 will require all the Official documents in your pofleffion, 
 including your correfpondence with the French Government 
 as well as with your own ; and according to the ufual and 
 neceflary courfe of diplomatic agencies you \\ill be pleafed tQ 
 transfer them to him. 
 
 lam, bV. 
 
 TIMOTHY PICKERING, 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATS. 
 
 September yth, 1796, 
 
 GENERAL PINCKNEY will be the bearer of this letter, 
 He is to fucceed you as the minifter plenipotentiary of th 
 United States with the French Republic. 
 
 E e 6 
 
C 394 <1 
 
 I mclofe a triplicate of my letter to you of the 2'ld ultimo, 
 in which the motives to his appointment are fuggeited. I al- 
 io inclofe your letter of recall, addrefied to the directory of the 
 French Republic, and a copy thereof for your information of 
 the manner in which the prtiiderit wifhes you to take leave of 
 that body. 
 
 The claims of the American merchants on the French Re- 
 public are of great extent, and they are waiting the iiTuc of 
 them through the public agents with much impatience. Mr. 
 Pinckncy U particularly charged to look into this bufmefs, in 
 which the ferious interefts, and in ibme cafes nearly the whole 
 fortunes of our citizens are involved. You will have the good- 
 nefs to communicate to Mr. Pinckney fuch general informa- 
 tion as may facilitate his inquiries concerning it, and haften a 
 iuccefsful conclufion. 
 
 I am, C9V. 
 
 TIMOTHY PICKERING. 
 
 From tie Mtntfter of Foreign .Affairs, to Citizen Monroe 
 Minijlcr Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Paris, iith Frimairs, $th Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (Dec. 2fl) 1796.} 
 CITIZEN MINISTER 
 
 As the arrival of Mr. Pinckney at Paris feems to be 
 near at hand, if it has not already taken place, I thought 
 it incumbent on me to inform you of the formalities which 
 you will have to obferve on that occafion. It is cuftomary, 
 that the recalled miniiler and his fucceiTor tranfmit to the 
 minifter of external relations the copy of their credentials 
 and letters of recall. Prefuming that your letters of recall have 
 already been received by you, I invite you to communicate; 
 them to me as foon as pciTible. 
 
 Health and Fraternity. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 OH. DE LA CROIX* 
 
C 395 3 
 
 From the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States cf 
 America, to the Minifttr of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris , Dec. y.l, 1796. 
 
 I HAVE been honored with your favor of yefierday, 
 prefcribing the mode to be puriued upon the arrival t , 
 Pinckney, who fucceeds me in the office of minhter plenipo- 
 tentiary with the French republic, by forwarding to you his 
 letters of credence with mine of recall, and which I will 
 moil willingly comply with as foon as he arrives. He may be 
 daily expected ; perhaps he is already arrived, of which I will 
 inform you as loon as advifed of it. I have not yet receiv- 
 ed my letter of recall or would now fend you a copy of it ; 
 I expedl: it by Mr. Pinckney ; being fo advifed by our Secreta- 
 ry of State, who then announced to me only the fact t 
 was recalled. Accept the aflurance, &c. 
 
 From the Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States cf Ameri- 
 ca, to the Min'tfter of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 Paris, Dec. 6th } I 796. 
 
 I HAVE the honor to inform you that my fuccclior 
 (Mr. Pinckney) is arrived and is defirous of waiting on you 
 for the purpoie of prefenting a copy of his letter of credence 
 for the dire&oire executif of the French republic. By him 
 I have alfo received my letter of recall. Pcvniit me 
 therefore to requeik you will be fo obliging as to appoint 
 a time when Mr. Pinckney and myfelf (hall have the honor 
 to attend you for the purpofe of prefenting you copies of theie 
 documents. 
 
 From the Minijler of Foreign Affairs to the Miirjler plenipoten- 
 tiary of the United States of America. 
 Paris, lyth, Frimaire, $th Tear of the Republic. 
 
 (Dec. 9/, 1796.; 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 I HAVE received the letter you did me the honor to 
 write tp me, in which you ckrrund an interview for the CU 
 
C 39<* 1 
 
 tizen Pinckney, appointed your fucceflbr, in order to deliver 
 me a copy of his credentials awd of your letter of recall. I (hall 
 be glad to receive you this very day from one o'clock in the 
 Afternoon to four, if you can find it convenient. I requell 
 you to propofe it to Citizen Pinckney. 
 
 Health and Fraternity. 
 
 (Signed) CH. DELACROIX. 
 
 Crm the Minifter of Foreign Affairs, to tie Minifter Plenip9- 
 tentiary of the United States of America. 
 
 Parity Hth Fri/naire t $th Tear of the Republic, 
 
 (Dec. ll thy 1796.^ 
 
 CITIZEN MINISTER, 
 
 I HASTENED to lay before the executive directory the copy 
 of your letter of recall and of the credentials of Mr, Pinckney, 
 whom the prelident of the United States has appointed to 
 fucceed you as miniftcr plenipotentiary af du.. fit id State? 
 near the French Republic. The directory has charged 
 me to notify to you, that it will no longer recog- 
 nize, nor receive, a miniiter plenipotentiary from the United 
 States, until after a reparation of the grievances demanded of 
 the American government, and which the French Republic 
 has a right to expect." 
 
 I beg you, Citizen Minifter, to be perfuaded, that this de- 
 termination, which is become neceflary, does not oppofe the 
 continuance of the affection between the French Republic 
 and the American people, which is grounded on former good 
 O'fBces and reciprocal interrft \ an affeclion which you have 
 iaken pleafure in cultivating by all the means in your power. 
 
 Accept, Citizen Minifter, the affurance of my perfect con- 
 fideration. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CH. DE LA CROtX. 
 
 &rem James Monroe, Citizen of the United States, to the 
 Mini/ler of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 As my functions as rninifter plenipotentiary with the 
 trench Republic have ccafed by the letter of recall which I 
 
C 397 J 
 
 kad the honor to prcfent to you fometime fmcc, and as it ii 
 my wifh, in obedience to the order of my government, to take 
 my leave of the dire&oire executif witliout delay, permit 
 me, citizen minifter, again to reqiieft th?t ycu will be Ib oblig- 
 ing as prefent this iubjecl: before that body, and obtain from 
 it as early an appointment for that purpoie, as may fuit its 
 convenience. 
 
 Accept the aflurance &e. 
 
 From the Minifter of Foreign Affairs ^ to Mr. Mtfiroc. 
 Par is y 7th Nivofe, $th Tear cf the Republic. 
 
 (Dec. 2~th y 1796.) 
 
 I HAVE the honor of informing you, Citizen, that the 
 directory will give next Decadi (Dec. 30) a private audience, 
 for the delivery of your letters of recall. I invite you to come 
 between eleven and half paft eleven o'clock, to the houfe of 
 external relations. We will proceed together to the direc- 
 tory, to whom I {hall have the honor to prefent you. 
 
 Accept, Citizen, the expreffion of the high confideration 
 and of the fmcere attachment, which are due to your civic vir- 
 tues. 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 CH. DE LA CROIX. 
 
 Addrefs cf Mr. Monroe to the Direclwy on preferring his letter 
 cf recall. 
 
 I HAVE the honor to prefent you with my letter of re- 
 call from the prefident of the United States of America whicK 
 clofes my political functions with the French Republic ; and I 
 have likewife the honor to add, that I am in Unacted by the 
 prefident to avail myfelf of this occafion $o renew to you, on 
 his part, an aiTurance of the folicitucle which the United 
 States feel for the happinefs of the French republic. 
 
 In performing this aft, many other confiderations croud 
 themfelves upon my mind. I was a witnefs to a revolution 
 in my own country : I was deeply penetrated with its prin- 
 ciples, which are the fame with thole of your revolution : I 
 faw too its difficulties ; and remembering thefe, and the im- 
 portant fervices rendered us by France upon that cccafion, I 
 have partaken with you in all the perilous and trying fausiioiis 
 in which you have been placed. 
 
C 398 3 
 
 It was my fortune to arrive among you in a moment of 
 complicated danger from within and from without ; and it is 
 with the moft heartfelt fatisfaction, that in taking my leave, I 
 behold victory and the dawn of profperity upon the point of 
 realizing, under the aufpicesof a wife and excellent conftitu- 
 tion,all the greatoDJects for which,in council and the field, you 
 have fo long and fo nobly contended. The information which 
 I (hall carry to America of this ftate of your affairs will be 
 received, by my countrymen, with the fame joy and folicitude 
 for its continuance, that I no\v feel and declare for myfelf. 
 
 There is no object which I have always had more uniform- 
 ly and finccrely at heart, than the continuance of a clofe 
 union and perfect harmony between our two nations. I ac- 
 cepted my million with a view to ufe my utmoft efforts to en- 
 creafe and promote this object, and I now derive confolation 
 in a review of my conduct, from the knowledge that I have 
 never deviated from it. Permit me therefore, in withdraw- 
 ing, to exprefs an earneft wifli that this harmony may be per- 
 petual. 
 
 I beg leave to make to you, Citizen Directors, my particular 
 acknowledgments for the confidence and attention with which 
 you- have honored my million during its continuance, and at 
 the fame time to aflure you, that as I mail always take a deep 
 and fmcere intereft in whatever concerns the profperity and 
 welfare of the French Republic, fo I mall never ceafe in my 
 retirement to pay you, in return for the attention you have 
 ihewn me, the only acceptable recompenfe to generous minds, 
 the tribute of a grateful remembrance. 
 
 Anfwer of the Prefideni of the Directory. 
 M r. M inifter Plenipotentiary of tie United States of America. 
 
 BY prefenting this day to the executive directory 
 your letters of recall, you offer a very flrange ipectacle to 
 Europe. 
 
 France, rich in her freedom, furrounded by the train of her 
 victories, and itrong in the efteem of her allies, will not ftoop 
 to calculate the confequences of the condefcenfion of the A- 
 snerican government to the wi flies of its ancient tyrants. The 
 French Republic expects however, that the fucceflbrs of Colum- 
 bus, Ivaleigh and Penn, always proud of their liberty, will 
 n ever forge i that they owe it to France. They will weigh in 
 their wifdora the magnanimous friend (hip of the French peo- 
 
L 399 1 
 
 pie, with the crafty careffes of perfidious men, who meditate 
 to bring them again under their former yoke. AfTure the good 
 people of America, Mr. Miniiter, that, like them, we adore 
 liberty; that they will always pofTds our ePceem, and find in 
 the French people that republican generofity which knows how 
 to grant peace, as well as to cauie its Sovereignty to be re- 
 fpeded. 
 
 As for you, Mr. Minifter Plenipotentiary, you have com- 
 bated for principles ; you have known the true interefts of 
 your country, depart with our regret : We reilore, in you, a 
 representative to America ; and we preferve the remembrance 
 of the Citizen, whofe perfonal qualities did honor to that 
 title. 
 
 To James Monroe, Minifter Plenipotentiary of the United States 
 of America to the French Republic. 
 
 Paris, November %th, 1 79 5. 
 
 ftjtf, 
 
 IT having been known, that you had received let- 
 ters of recall as minifter plenipotentiary to this Republic, from 
 the government of the United States, a general meeting of 
 American citizens was holden in this city yefterday, who, de- 
 firous to teftify their fenfe of your fervices in that capacity, 
 fubfcribed an addrefs, and appointed us a committee to prc- 
 fent the fame. 
 
 In compliance wkh the above commiilion, we have to re- 
 queft you to affign a time when it will be convenient for you 
 to receive the communication entrufted to our charge. 
 
 In behalf of the fubfcribers to the aforefaid addrefs, we arc 
 refpet., Sir, your obedient humble fervants, 
 
 WILLIAM TUDOR, JESSE PUTNAM, 
 JOHN BUFFINGTON, JOHN M. FORBES. 
 DANIEL PARKER, 
 
 Mr* Monroe s reply. 
 
 Paris, November <)th y 1 796. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 I WAS this moment favoured with yours of yefter- 
 informing me that you were appointed by my country- 
 
raeii new in Paris, to prcfent me an addrefs, expreflire of their 
 approbation of my public conduct, fince I have had the ho-* 
 nour to reprefent our common country as minifter plenipoten- 
 tiary with the French Republic, and requefting me to appoint 
 a time when it would fuit me to receive it. 
 
 Permit me to aflure you, gentlemen > that this communica- 
 tion has given me the higher! fafisfa&ion j becaufe under ex- 
 ifting circumflances nothing can be more grateful to me, than 
 the approbation of fuch of my countrymen as have been in 
 France, have witaerTed the diilicult fituation of our affairs, and 
 have known my conduct ; and I beg of you to inform them, 
 that the defire they have {hewn upon this occafion, to honour 
 me with theirs, has made, as it ought to make, a very deep 
 impreilior! on my mind. AiTure them it is one of thofe inte- 
 refling I ; i jiJents attending my miffion> which will never be 
 era fed from my memory. 
 
 Flattering, however, as is this proof of their confidence amf 
 fteem, upon the prefent occafion' ? j yet there are fome confi- 
 derations of peculiar weight, which forbid my receiving it at 
 the prefent time. Thefe are fuggefted by a regard for the 
 public intereft, grow out of the particular fituation of our af- 
 fairs, and will of courfe be duly appreciated by you. It is im- 
 poffible for me to be more explicit at prcfent, in unfolding to 
 you the nature of thofe considerations to which I refer ; but I 
 well know that the mere intimation that fuch exift, will furnifh 
 to you and my countrymen in general, an adequate motive 
 why I now decline receiving from them a paper, which I highly 
 prize, and mould otherwife be happy to receive. 
 
 JAMES MONROE. 
 -Y0 William *Tudor> John Buffington y 
 
 Daniel Parker y Jeffe Putnam^ 
 
 John M. Forbes , Efquires* 
 
 To Jams Monroe* 
 
 Paris , January l^th 9 1797* 
 
 BEING informed that you arc now on the point of 
 leaving France, we have the pleafure to prefent you the addrefs 
 cntrufted to our care by the American gentlemen in Paris, an<4 
 with great refpect, &c. 
 
 JESSE PUTNAM, 
 5) ANIEL PARKER,. 
 
^"l? yj.v;rj Monroe, Mini United $ 
 
 of America. 
 
 N Paris } Dec. 6tJ:, 1796. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 As citizens of the United States of America it is witk 
 <deep regret \ve find, that your diplomatic million to the 
 republic, is foon to terminate by the arrival of a lucceflbr. 
 
 If there is a moment which marks, above all others, the- 
 unqueftionable fmcerity of an addrefs, it is that when pre* 
 fented to a man who is going out of office. 
 
 In this fituation of things it is, that your fellow citizens, 
 now at Paris, come to affure you of that honeft and lively- 
 concern which they feel on this occafion. Being on the fpot 
 they have known, and it is with pleafure they teftify to your 
 faithful and unabated application to the duties of your ar- 
 duous office and your unceafmg vigilance for the honor and 
 intereft of our common country. 
 
 Thefe, Sir, are our fentiments of your official deportment 
 in affairs of a public nature ; but when we recollect the readi- 
 nefs and zeal with which you have fo uniformly and ably ad- 
 vocated the individual interests of your fellow citizens, in all 
 the critical fituations to which the various circumftances of 
 this country have fo often reduced them, we can only lament 
 the incompetency of language to do juftice to the force o 
 the impreffion, and the extent of our obligations. 
 
 To this we can only add our moft ardent wifhes that you. 
 may receive that approbation from our country, which, a^ 
 far as our obfervation goes, we conceive to be jultly due to 
 your fidelity and eminent fervices* 
 
 We are, with the warmeft fentiments of refpecl an$ 
 efteem, your affectionate fellow citizens. 
 
 SAMUEL BROOME, Semv JOHN HOUGHTON 
 WILLIAM TUDOR R. BENNET FORBES 
 
 JESSE PUTNAM JOHN G. HESLOP 
 
 JOHN BUFFINGTON JOS. SANDS 
 WILLIAM LOWRY THOS. LANG 
 
 NATHANIEL CUTTING LOUIS MARSHALL 
 DANIEL PARKER JOS. RUSSEL 
 
 FULWAR SKIPWITH JAMES V. MURRAY 
 JOHN M. FORBES S. P, BROOME 
 
 Pf f 
 
F^EN WORTH 
 1. VOUC11EZ 
 G. HO WELL 
 Z. COOPMAN 
 SAMUEL FULTON 
 WILLIAM LEE 
 
 SAMUEL ANDREWS 
 JOHN FABRE 
 JON A. NESBITT 
 A. WALDRYHN 
 J. S. EUSTACE 
 EPHRAIM WALES 
 
 ROBERT J. LIVINGSTON EDW. BRUMFIELD 
 
 OLIVER L.PHELFS 
 ROBERT LYLE 
 JOS. WHITTMORE 
 OLIVER CHAMPLAIN 
 D. THOMPSON 
 JOHN FLEMING 
 STEPHEN BLYTH 
 SAMUEL NORWOOD 
 JAS. HEMPHILL 
 BENJ. CALLENDAR 
 JOHN GRISTE 
 THOS. WILLARD 
 THOS. DARNFORTH 
 JOHN BRYANT 
 JOHN MITCHELL 
 STEPHEN FRENCH 
 JOHN WHEELER 
 Z. WALKER 
 IBEN. MAY 
 
 F. ROTCH 
 
 THOS. W. GRIFFITH 
 
 T- HIGGINSON 
 
 HENRY WORTHINGTOK 
 
 JOHN HOOMES 
 
 JOHN PARKER 
 
 F. HOLLINGSWORTB 
 HENRY FULFORD 
 HENRY JOHNSON 
 THOS. PAINE 
 
 G. W. MURRAY 
 WM.VANS,junr. 
 THOS. RAMSDEN. 
 
 J. C. MDUNTFLORENCE 
 JAMES ANDERSON 
 NOEL FAMING 
 JOHN GREGORIE 
 OTIS AMMIDON 
 M. GELSTON, 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 From the M'uvjler Plenipotentiary of the United States of 
 rica y to Mr. Short.* 
 
 Paris, May 30^, 1795. 
 
 1 
 
 I WAS favoured, about ten days paft, with ypurs of il\?. 
 4th inftant, and mould have anfwered it immediately, had { 
 not previoufly done To by anticipation, in fome meafure, in one 
 of ths fame date through the armies, or had I not waited for 
 the arrival of Mr. Pinckney, who was then on his way from 
 Dunkirk for this place. By him this will be forwarded ; 
 indeed, by him alone would I hazard what I deem it neceila- 
 ry to communicate to you. Previoufly therefore, permit me 
 to amire you, that this government will admit of no inter- 
 mediate or third parties in its negotiations, but will only 
 treat with its enemies themfe'lves, or directly. The only power 
 whofe good offices they ever thought of accepting was the 
 United States; but the negociation of Mr. Jay with England 
 has, by its manner, and particularly by withholding with fuch 
 care the refult, infpired fuch diftruit in our friendihip for 
 them, that they are difpofed not even to accept of ours. This 
 is a tact of importance, which I did not chufe to hazard 
 through the route of the armies; fince if it was known to the 
 Spanilh government it might leflen our weight in our nego- 
 ciation with that court j for I always knew that an opinion of 
 a good underftanding between us and this government would 
 greatly forward our own depending negociations eliewhere. 
 You mud therefore (or rather Mr. P.) muft prefs the ob- 
 ject of your negociation to a clofe as foon as podihle, count- 
 ing with certainty, that although, in general, we (land well 
 here, yet we are to have no agency in the affairs of France, 
 
 * Anfwer to Mr. Short's lettef of the 4th May, (fee page 
 vhich upon reflection it is thought proper to inir; 
 
r 404 T 
 
 r^d of courfe are to derive, from that confederation, no aic 
 to the advancement of our own. 
 
 It is proper to inform you, that juft before the report of 
 Ivtr. Jay's treaty reached us, this government, whofe attach- 
 ment to us was daily increafing, had it in contemplation to 
 extend, by all the means in its power, its fortunes to us, in 
 cur depending negociatiorts elfewhere; and that even fince 
 ihnt report, upon tht prefufrtption every thing is right, they 
 hlKve imlvuclcu. (as I am told} their miniiter, negociating with 
 '-.pain, to iecure in their treaty the points infilled on by us. 
 lion was given in ft before the report of Mr. 
 ncnt was known, and I am inclined to 
 iiiink, that although it was not in Mr. Pinckney's power (not 
 able ro expbin Mr. Jay's treaty to them, without which 
 it won'd have been indelicate) to a Ik their aid, that the in- 
 itrucYi.'r^ .-"nut in force. In any event Spain will 
 
 proof, and from this government itfelf, that 
 ;!!, and rejoice in our profperity, and there - 
 thcy keep their own affairs to themfelves, yet 
 ihe Spahidi court will find, that a good underflanding with 
 Trance is not to be expefied cr preferred without a gccd 
 
 Handing with us, 
 
 I have heard that Mr. Jay has ftipulated fomething in his 
 treaty refpeling the Miffifippi; whereby, upon the ridiculous 
 . -y=tee to us, arj extenfion of territory is fub- 
 n to Britain, and fhe in confequence admitted 
 \ The fa<Tt of a guarantee by Britain to us 
 
 jnuft CAC ; !-C the indignation of Spain towards her, though 
 ready to yield the point to us : But the extenfion of her tcr- 
 yirorv in an t-.-> criv.piehcnd the fource of that river, and there- 
 bv tnt'.tl:? her to its 11^1 igation, will produce a more ferious 
 ::\}d alarming eilcc):. I think it will tend greatly to feparate 
 iSpnin from England, and to force the former into a mere in- 
 lunate eonnec Lion with France and the United States ; the 
 inlt Heps towards which, is an accommodation to their prefent 
 Demands. 
 
 Another clrcumftance which will facilitate this object is, 
 -that England, through Sir F. Eden, has abfolutely and very 
 lately attempted, upon the pretext of anexchange. of prifoners, 
 to open a nrgociation for peace with this Republic. I fuf- 
 pccr, Spain knows nothing of this, but I am affured, by autho- 
 ?ity in which I confide, that it is the truth. He was re- 
 1 at Dieppe, ar\d detained whilft his terms were fent t<? 
 
I 435 J 
 
 the committee, and an anfwer received peremptorily 
 ing them. If true, I prefume the fact will be made known 
 to Spain; fo that the latter power ought to reject all delicacy 
 towards the former in its tranfaHons with it. 
 
 I have one other obfervation to make, which fhe\rs the 
 necefli-y of difpatch, if poflible, in our negociation with Spain. 
 Suppofe her peace made with this Repuolic; (he is of courfe, 
 relieved from the prefTure which difpofes her to accommodate 
 us. Shall we not afterwards (land of courfe nearly upon the 
 fame ground that we flood in that negociation, from the epoch 
 of the one which was conducted by Mr. Jay with Mr. Gar- 
 doqui, which had well nigh ended (though managed by the 
 former with great fkill, and according to the rules of a: 
 diplomacy) in the occlufion of the river and difmembf 
 of the continent ; which negociation has certainly tk' 
 the Spanifh government, from that time to the prefent day, 
 into an opinion, that half America wifh it fhut: At leaft to me 
 (who was in the Congrefs during the pendency of that ne- 
 gociation, and who have fince feen your correfpondence) fuch 
 appeared to be the cafe. 
 
 The above are hints upon the real ftate of things here, up- 
 on which Mr. Pinckney and yourfelf will take your mea- 
 fures. If I could fatisfy this government that Mr. Jay's treaty 
 contained nothing with which they have a right to complain, 
 every thing would be eafy here ; we might forward the vie\vs 
 of the two countries in which we refide, \vhich in refpect to 
 this, I ardently wiih to forward, making previoufly thofe of 
 our own fccure. But can any motive of intereft, on the part 
 of France, induce her to accept fuch offers from us, until flic 
 {hall receive fuch fatisfadtion ? Where the' mterell of our 
 country can be advanced, or there is a polfibility it niay, I 
 am willing to attempt any thing in concert with you, and 
 fhall, therefore, be always happy to hear from you in th^ 
 fpects. 
 
 I inclofe you a letter from a friend of yours in this country, 
 being afTured it contains nothing of a treafonable nature : No 
 intelligence of the march of armies or preparations againft 
 Spain, which it is the intereft of this government to keep 
 Secret. 
 
I 49^ 1 
 
 V f v Mini/ler ^Plenipotentiary tf.tbe United Sfat&tjif An4^ 
 r/V<?, to the Commit tec of Public 5,-tfity.* 
 
 Paris yuly.'&tk) .*79fr 
 
 I H AVE received your -favour of ths 5 th inflant, rela- 
 tive to the complaints of ibme corfairs f the Republic, from 
 Charleffcon, in which you requeft jrnc to give the nccetfary 
 explication upon that fubjcclj and fo far. as thofe complaints 
 are well founded to promote the juit demands of the faicl 
 complainants- Permit me to allure you, that I (hall be happy 
 to fulfil your deiire in bo.th refpecls, being always ready to 
 give the moft frank and prompt explanation, according to the 
 information I poflefs, and in every particular of the conduct 
 of our government towards our ally, and equally fo to pro- 
 mote juftice on our part, where injury has in reality been 
 fufiained by any of the citizens of this K.epublic. As foon, 
 therefore, as the committee will be pleafed to furnifh me 
 \vith an accurate detail or fpecification of thefe complaints, f 
 promife to pay the attention to them, which has been defired 
 of me* 
 
 the 'SttrtfMy sf St&tt of tie -Untied .Stales, to Mr. Monroe* 
 Philadt'IplL't) July 30^, ^797- 
 
 SINCE I clofed my letter of yeflerday, I have been in- 
 formed by Mr. Swan, that Mr. Adct's difpatches will not go 
 ofi" until this evening ; and that he purpoled to notify me of 
 the opportunity being open a few hours longer. I haften 
 therefore, to add what t can in this Ihort interval ; expecting 
 t.) have another conveyance next week. 
 
 I mean to lend to you the accufations -which have be laid 
 before the Preiident, again ft Mr. Fenwiek, our Conful at 
 Bourdeaux. He is charged, upon flrong prefumptive grounds, 
 cf having covered French property under an American name, 
 
 * See page 222, the note of the Committee of Public Safety, 
 to which this was ia reply* T his paper vras omitted in its place 
 i>v accident. 
 
C 407 
 
 %Y virtue of his office. The proof, though ex partc, impreiicc? 
 powerfully in the cafe of the mip Pomona; on board of whicrt 
 he is fuppofed to have fhipped five boxes of filver, belonging 
 to French individuals, or the French government, as verdi- 
 grife or paints, undtr his confular feal ; and alfo in the cafe 
 of a Captain Alain, from whom he, or feme perfon for his 
 ufe, is underftood to have received two and a half per cen- 
 tum at leaft, for a Cmilar fcrvice. This affair is not, and 
 will not be, prejudged. But the Prefident thinks it proper, 
 that Mr. Fenwick mould ceafs from his confular functions 
 until further order, and until an enquiry can be made. I 
 requeft you to communicate a copy of this paragraph of my 
 letter to him, and Mr. Skipwith our Conful General : To in- 
 form Mr, Fenwick, that it is advifeable, that he (hould ex- 
 pedite to me any proofs or declarations in oppofition to thefe 
 charges 5 to afmre him that nothing lefs than a neceffity arif- 
 ing from a due refpecl; to our national character could have 
 induced even this provifional ftep; and to recommend to Mr. 
 Skipwith to fill up, by a proper agency, this temporary 
 chafm. To mew, however, that we would avoid every wound 
 to Mr. Fenwick's feelings, it is anxioufly defired, that no 
 improper eclat be made in this bufinefs ; and if you, after an. 
 accurate and extenfive examination of the matter, can un- 
 dertake abfolutely to difcredit the imputations, the fufpen- 
 iion may be withheld, until fome ftatement fhall come from 
 liim. 
 
 I {hall probably fend you, by the next vefTel, the final de- 
 termination on the treaty. I fufpect that it will not be verj 
 wide of what I wrote to you on the i4th inftant. 
 
 I have &V. 
 
 EDM. RANDOLPH. 
 
 Note. The above letter being of a perfonal nature, it was firft 
 thought beft not to publifh it : But upon reflection, as it refpected 
 the conduct of a public officer, that opinion was changed. It is 
 due, however, to Mr. Fenwick to obferve, that in confequence 
 of the explanation which he gave of his conduct in the - 
 
 he was never fufpended. 
 
 THE END 
 
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