LIBRARY

OF THE

University of California.

Class "Mi

/ ^

eniD

in Miie Hijti German

A DISSERTATION

PRESENTED TO THE BOARD OF UNIVERSITY STUDIES

OF THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY FOR THE

DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY,

FRED COLE HICKS.

BALTIMORE:

JOHN MURPHY COMPANY,

1902.

CONTENTS.

PAOK.

Prefatory 5

Sources and Texts 7

Introduction 12

ViL 15

Harte 28

Gar 49

WoL 57

Eehte 63

Genuoc 69

Sere 74

Starke 76

Ad 77

Michel 78

Grimme 78

Strengthening Particles with Comparatives 79

Summary by Dialects 81

Strengthening Particles in the Different Classes of Litera-
ture 82

Biographical Sketch 87

127174

STRENGTHENING MODIFIERS OF ADJECTIVES
AND ADVERBS IN MIDDLE HIGH GERMAN.

PREFATORY.

In the following pages a study of the use of strengthening
modifiers of adjectives and adverbs during the classical Middle
High German period, or from about 1150 to 1300, is attempted.
Such devices being so largely unconscious, and at the same time
so subject to fashion, we may expect to find a certain consistency
in their use, and to see in them marks of style, sometimes of
the individual, but more often of different schools and classes of
literature. They seem therefore well worthy of special treatment.

Aside from the thesis of H. Z. Kip,^ which is limited to the
religious poetry of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and which
treats the subject more from the standpoint of the lexicographer,
no such treatment has been given. What little has been done
on the subject is to be found in the dictionaries, and scattered
through the notes in the various editions of the works of this
period. That the material there offered is inadequate, and the
statement of facts often erroneous, is apparent to one who takes
but a casual glance into the subject, or who will but compare
the notes of the different editors.

During the investigation which has formed the basis of this
study, such questions as the following have been kept in mind,
in the case of each of the words which may be classed as
strengthening particles, viz : 1 . The origin and development
of meaning of the word. 2. In what dialects and for what
periods is it current? 3. In what classes of literature is it
found, or in what classes is it the most frequent? 4. With
what classes of adjectives and adverbs is it used? 5. Is it a

^Zur Geschichte der Steigerungsadverbien in der deutschen geistlichen
Dichtung des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts, (Leipzig Dissertation) Journ. of
Germ. Phil., vol. in, p. 143 ff.

1 6

6 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

part of the popular dialect, or is it confined to literary or poetical
diction? 6. Are there any signs of its becoming obsolete?
7. The peculiarities of individual writers, if any.

Not all of the literature of this period has been examined,
as that seemed neither necessary nor feasible. The works which
were selected for exhaustive treatment, however, are such as
may be considered fairly representative of the different classes
of literature during the period, and are numerous enough to
warrant the drawing of general conclusions.

For the purpose of statistics, the different forms of the same
word to which a strengthening particle is joined (as for instance,
wd, ndah, ndhe, ndhen) are grouped together, and no distinction
is made between the adjective and the adverbial use of the same
word. This plan has been adopted on the assumption that
the choice of a strengthening particle with any author is not
dependent on the form or grammatical use of the word to be
strengthened. In the examples which are given, the more usual
form of the word, and in the case of adjectives, the uninflected
form, appears. No attempt has been made to preserve the
orthography of the different editions, except where direct cita-
tions are made.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High Germcm,

SOURCES AND TEXTS.

The following works have served as sources. They are
arranged under the different dialects, as far as may be deter-
mined, in chronological order, the classification and dating being
that of the various editors, PauPs Grundriss, and Michels'
Mittelhochdeutsches Elementarbuch. The works have been
examined exhaustively, except as may be indicated for some
of the longer ones.^

Alemannic.

1. Poetical monuments.

a) Lower Alemannic.

Reinmar von Hagenau, Des Minneeangsfriihling, p. 150 ff.
Gottfried von Strassburg, Tristan, ed. by Bechstein, Leipzig

1890.
Konrad Fleck, Flore und Blanscheflur, ed. by Emil Sommer,

Quedlinburg 1846.
Die Gute Frau, ed. by the same, ZfdA 2, 385 ff.
Volmar, Das Steinbuch, ed. by Lambel, Heilbronn 1877.
Konrad von Wiirzburg,

Der Trojanische Krieg (10,000), ed. by A. von Keller,

Stuttgart, 1858.
Keiser Otte mit dem Barte, ed. by K. A. Hahn, Qued-

linb.-Leipzig 1838.
Alexius, ed. by Richard Henczynski, Berlin 1898.
Hugo von Langenstein, Martina (10,000), ed. by A. von

Keller, Stuttgart 1856.
Reinfried von Braunschweig (10,000), ed. by Bartsch,

Stuttgart 1871.
Peter von Stauffenberg, ed. by Edw. Schroder, Zwei Alt-

deutsche Rittermaeren, Berlin 1894.

b) Upper Alemannic.
Rudolf von Ems,

Der Gute Gerhard, ed. by Haupt, Leipzig 1840.

* The figures in parentheses after any title indicate the number of lines of
that particular monument which have been considered.

8 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

Barlaam und Josaphat (10,000), ed. by Pfeiffer, Leipzig

1843.
Johannes Hadlaub, ed. by Bartsch, Biblioth. Aelterer

Schriftwerke der deutschen Schweiz, vol. vi, 283 ff.
2. Prose.

Altdeutsche Predigten, ed. by Wackernagel, (sermons 1-13,>

18-20, 27-35, 42-52) IBasel 1876.
Predigten des 13. Jahrhunderts, ed. by Grieshaber (100

pages), Stuttgart 1844-46.
Predigt auf Johannes den Taufer, Germania, 35.

Bavarian- Austrian.

1. Poetical monuments.
a) Bavarian.

Albreht von Johannsdorf, MF XII.

Wolfdietrich B, bearbeitet von Oskar Janicke, Deutsche^

Heldenbuch, vol. iii, Berlin 1871.
Wolfram von Eschenbach, Parzival, ed. by Lachmann^

Berlin 1891.
Neidhart von Reuenthal, ed. by Haupt, Leipzig 1858.
Wernher der Gartenaere, Helmbreht, ed. by Keinz, Leipzig

1887.
Die Warnung, ed. by Haupt, ZfdA 1, 438 flP.
Lamprecht von Regensburg, S. Francisken Leben, ed. by

Weinhold, Paderborn 1880.
Eeinbot von Durne, Der Heilige Georg, ed. by F. Vetter^

Halle 1896.
Der Jiingere Titurel (2800), ed. by K. A. Hahn, Quedlin-

burg 1842.
Lohengrin (5000), ed. by Riickert, Quedlinb.-Leipzig 1858.
h) Austrian.

Die Hochzeit, ed. by Waag, Kleinere deutsche Gedichte

des XL und XII. Jahrhunderts, Halle 1890.
Genesis und Exodus, nach der Milstater Handschrift, ed.

by J. Diemer, Vienna 1862.
Die Biicher Mosis, ed. by the same, Deutsche Gedichte

des XL und XII. Jahrhunderts.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 9

Enticrist, ed. by Hoffmann, Fundgruben II, 102 ff.
Xonrad von Fussesbrunn, Kindheit Jesu, ed. by Kochen-

dorffer, Quellen und Forschungen, 43.
Der Nibelunge N6t^ (with reference to versions A, B, and C),

ed. by Bartsch, Leipzig 1870-80.
Biterolf und Dietleib, ed. by Janicke, DHB vol. i.
Ortnit, ed. by Amelung and Janicke, DHB vol. ill.
Wolfdietrich A and C, by the same.
Kudrun, ed. by B. Symons, Halle 1883.
Walther von der Yogelweide,^ ed. by Lachmann, Berlin

1891.
Der Strieker, Karl der Grosse (10,000), ed. by Bartsch,

Quedlinburg 1857.
Freidank, Bescheidenheit, ed. by Bezzenberger, Halle 1872.
Heinrich von dem Tiirlin, Din Krone (10,000), ed. by

Scholl, Stuttgart 1852.
Ulrich von Lichtenstein (7285), ed. by Lachmann, Berlin

1841.
Der Pleier, Garel von dem bliihenden Tal (10,000), ed. by

Walz, Freiburg 1892.
Friedrich von Sonnenburg, ed. by Zingerle, Innsbruck 1878.
Ulrich von Eschenbach, Alexander (10,000), ed. by Wen-

delin Toischer, Tubingen 1888.
% Prose.

Berthold von Eegensburg (vol. 1, 155 pp., vol. 2, 53 pp.),

ed. by Pfeiffer and Strobl, Vienna 1862-80.
Altdeutsche Predigten, Wackernagel, (sermons 21-26).
Altdeutsche Predigten aus dem Benedictinerstifte St. Paul us,

ed. by A. Jeitteles.

SWABIAN.

Wernhers Maria, Fundgruben II, 145 ff.
Meinloh von Soflingen, MF II.
Bernger von Horheim, MF XIV.
Heinrich von Bugge, MF XIII.

^The dictionary of this edition was used for statistics as to strengthening
f)articles.

^ Hornig's Glossar zu Walth. was used for data.

10 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

Hartmann vod Aue/

Lyrics, MF XXI.

Erec, ed. by Haupt, Leipzig 1871.

Erstes Buclilein,^ ed. by Bech, Leipzig 1871-3.

Gregoriiis, ed. by Paul, Halle 1882.

Der Arme Heinrich, ed. by the same.

Iwein,^ ed. by Henrici, Halle 1891.

Zweites Biichlein,* ed. by Bech, as above.
Gottfried von Neifen, ed. by Haupt, Leipzig 1851.
Ulrich Schenk von Winterstetten, ed. by Minor, Vienna 1882.
Der Marner, ed. by Strauch, QuF 14.
Der Kosengarten A, ed. by Georg Holz, Halle 1893.
Wolfdietrich D, ed. by Amelung and Janicke, DHB vol. 4.
Prose.

Bruder David von Augsburg, ed. by Pfeiffer ZfdA 9.

East Feankish.

Konrad von Heimesfurt, Himmelfahrt Mariae, ed. by Pfeiffer,

ZfdA 8, 166 ff.
Wirnt von Gravenberg, Wigalois, der Ritter mit dem Eade

(10,000), ed. by Benecke, Berlin 1819.
Der Winsbeke and Die Winsbekin, ed. by Leitzmann, Halle

1888.
Hugo von Trimberg, Der Renner (5000), herausgegeben vom

historischen Yerein in Bamberg, 1833.

South Fjrankish.

Moriz von Craon, ed. by Schroder, Zwei altdeutsche Ritter-

maeren, Berlin 1894.
Reinmar von Zweter, ed. by Gustav Roethe, Leipzig 1887.

^ Vos, Diction and Kime-Technic of Hartman von Aue, was referred to for
verification of data for Hartmann.

^ For the Biichlein the edition of Haupt-Martin, Leipzig 1881 was compared.

' The dictionary of Benecke- Wilken was used for data for Iwein.

* The study of strengthening particles has brought to light no diflference of
diction which would warrant excluding the Zw. Biichl. from the works of
Hartmann. For points of similarity see under Starke, p. 76; Verre, p. 80 j
and Wol, p. 63.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 11

West Middle German.

a) Moselfrankish.

Vorau Alexander, ed. by Kinzel, Halle 1884.

Das Rolandslied, ed. by Bartsch, Leipzig, 1874.

Konig Rother, ed. by K. von Bahder, Halle, 1884.

Orendel, ed. by Arnold E. Berger, Bonn 1888.

Strassburg Alexander, ed. by Kinzel as above.

Sanct Brandan, ed. by Carl Schroder, Erlangen 1871.
h) Rhinefrankish.

Friedrichvon Hansen, ed. by Lachmann-Haupt, MF p. 42 ff.
c) Hessian.

Athis und Prophilias, ed. by W. Grimm, Kl. Schr. 3, 212 ff.

Herbort von Fritslar, Liet von Troye, ed. by Frommann,
Quedlinb.-Leip. 1837.

Die Erlosung, ed. by Bartsch, Quedlinb.-Leip. 1858.

Elisabeth, ed. by Rieger, Stuttgart.

Thuringian.

a) Poetical monuments.

Heinrich von Morungen, MF p. 122 ff.

Ebernand von Erfurt, Heinrich und Kunigunde, ed. by

Bechstein, Quedlinb.-Leip. 1860.
Heinrich von Krollwitz, Das Vater Unser, ed. by Lisch,

Quedlinb.-Leip. 1839.
Der Sunden Widerstreit, ed. by Zeidler, Graz 1892.
Heinrich von Meissen, ed. by Ettmiiller, Quedlinb.-Leip.

1843.
Heinrich von Freiberg, Tristan Fortsetzung, ed. by von

der Hagen, Gottfrieds von Strassburg Werke, Breslau

1823.
h) Prose.

Sermons of Eckard, Wackernagel, Altdeutsche Predigten,

55, 56, 60, 61.

12 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

INTRODUCTION.

In the German language of all periods, there has been a class
of words, usually the most common adverbs, which in addition
to their usual office have assumed the special function of serving
as strengtheners of adjectives and other adverbs. This special
function may amount in some cases to an entirely new use of
the word, from which the original meaning or color has been
wholly obliterated. Compare for example Modern German sehry
or Middle High German vil. In others, some trace of the original
force of the words may be retained, as in Mod. Germ, gar or
recht, MHG harte. To this class of words in general the term
strengthening modifier, or strengthening particle may be applied.

All such usage is in origin metaphorical. A word standing
for a definite adverbial notion is applied to an adjective or an
adverb for the purpose of emphasizing the quality which it
expresses ; in other words, the attribute of one class of ideas
is asserted of another. If it is applied often enough, so that
we forget that the strengthening word has any special significance
of its own, the figure loses its force, or color, and the result is
a faded metaphor. Strengthening particles then, as applied to
the words they modify, are examples of faded metaphors.

With some of these strengthening adverbs in Mod. Germ.,
the metaphorical nature of the figure is more apparent than with
others. This means simply that the original force of the word
has been retained longer in some particles than in others. The
same is true for the MHG period, or indeed for any period of
the language. The reason for this lies in the fact that the word
survives in the language in some other usage, and this it is that
measures the real strength of the particle. It is necessary that
the original meaning of the word, as preserved in some other
usage, be present to the mind, in order that the force of the
implied comparison be felt. Mod. Germ, gar and recht are
two words which have retained their freshness and force as
strengthening particles for many centuries simply because they
have continued current also as adjectives and adverbs of manner.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German. 13

Oompare gar in Bas Brot ist nicht gar, and in gar schony reeht
in recht froh, and reoht as a simple adjective. Such expressions
as these are pleasing figures because the aptness of the com-
parison is at once felt.

An example of a particle with persistent individual force is
to be found in MHG s^re, which retained for the most part
during the whole period, as likewise in OHG, the notion which
was associated with the noun das str. The same is true of
English sore, which had a limited use as a strengthening particle/
Harte is a similar word. Its connection with harte the adverb
of manner, and hart the adjective, colored its meaning, and made
it a very emphatic particle whenever it was used as a strengthener.

In all such cases where a word performs a double function,
and serves both as a general strengthening particle and as an
adverb of manner, it is but natural that in the course of time
it should become obsolete in one or the other of these uses. In
the case of s^re, the original meaning has in Mod. Germ, com-
pletely disappeared, and the word survives only as an indefinite
strengthening particle. Harte, on the other hand, has been lost
as a strengthening particle, except in a few isolated expressions,
as hart an, hart hinter, etc., and remains as an adverb of manner
and as an adjective.

From their very nature, it is evident that all those words
which should be classed as strengthening particles, must be
capable of general application to adjectives and adverbs, and
recognizedly so. Their use must extend over a larger field
than that of particular instances. It is of little importance
stylistically if a writer or speaker uses on a particular occasion
a certain word to strengthen the meaning of an adverb, as for
example, in the following : wir sin geschart ad kreftee wol,
Lohengrin 4844. In such a case we assume that the author
uses the expression intentionally, to produce a certain desired
effect. If, however, he uses the word in this way so often that
he begins to do it unconsciously, and if he applies it to a large
number of adverbs whose meaning he wishes to emphasize,
then we cease to take it at its face value, and the word is
weakened to a mere indefinite strengthening particle.

^And they were Bore afraid. Luke 2 : 9.

14 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

Indefiniteness of meaning is then another mark of the
strengthening particle. For the purpose of accurate classifica-
tion, we shall have to exclude many words, and a few uses
of some others, which are commonly considered as strengtheners
of adjectives and adverbs. The strengthening of an adverbial
or any other notion carries with it the assumption that the
notion is capable of different degrees of intensity. The word
to which a strengthening particle is joined must be one express-
ing an idea which is not absolute in its nature, or, expressing
an absolute notion, it must be one used with weakened force.
Such particles as gar, ganzj al, drdto, alzoges, etc., joined to
adjectives or adverbs denoting an absolute quality do not come
within our definition. Such expressions as gar dne, al eine, al ze
mdlj while in a certain loose sense they may be said to be
stronger than the same adjectives would be without the modifiers,
are not really strengthened by the particles. The qualities
expressed by dne, erne, etc., mean no more than before, the
limits within which they apply are only extended. If, however,
we substitute for eine instead of the notion loneness the feeling
of being alone, or loneliness, we have at once an idea capable of
different. degrees of intensity. Vil eine, or gar eine, then in this
sense, are properly examples of strengthening particles. It is
evident that all such adverbs as gar, ganz, al, having the idea
of completeness rather than to a high degree, when applied to
adjectives or adverbs expressing an absolute quality are used
in their real not in their figurative sense.

There are a number of particles which have become so closely
connected with the words they modify as to be considered
inseparable parts of the expression or compound word. They
are usually then written together with the words they modify.
Examples of these in Mod. Germ, are allein, als, also, alshald,
vielleicht, wohlan, wohlauf, wohlfeil. In MHG we may class
under this head such words as alterseine, borlane, borgrdz, mdre-
grdz, uralt, urmdre, ubarMt, Such categories as these are not
included in the present discussion.

There are also a number of other adverbs which are occa-
sionally found as modifiers of adjectives and adverbs, but the
original meaning of the words is so evident that they are likewise

1 RSI 1 r

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 15

not included in the list of strengthening particles. They are
such as the following : billiche wdren sie gemA Elis. 459 ; gar
wirdedichen schdne, Elis. 397 ; zuhtidichen frd, Erl. 813 ; sd
wunneclichen werde, Siind. Wid. 3106 ; grdzliche vil, Karl der Gr.
3057 ; als6 kreftecliche grdZj Karl der Gr. 7992 ; gar grimmedi-
chen kalty Krone 5440 ; s6 hreftec wol, Loh. 4844 ; innediche Idt^
Tristan 13,600; wundern scAdne, Gen. 5-35 ; tugentlichen frd,
Erl. 942; s6 vreislichen snel. Wig. 164-10.

The words whose use in Middle High German as strength-
ening particles is considered in the following pages are : vil,
barte, gar, rebte, wol, genuoc, s^re, michel, starke^
al, and grimine.

In the statistics under the different particles, and in the
examples given, instances with the comparative are not included.
These will be found discussed in a special chapter at the end.

VIL.

The commonest of all the strengthening particles during the
MHG period, as likewise for OHG, is viL The reason for
this popularity lies doubtless in the fact that the word had lost
its individual color very early, and was thus free to be joined
with any and all classes of adjectives and adverbs. Etymologi-
cally vilj OHG filu, is connected with Latin poUere, to be strong ^
and the word may be considered as an undeclined neuter, either
nominative or accusative as the case may be, of the adjective
filuSf which has been lost. As used adverbially, including the
strengthening particle, vil appears as accusative of measure or
degree.

Just what the original force of the Germanic root was, whether
it had reference primarily to quantity or to number, is difficult
to determine. Probably it was the former. During the early
MHG period this particle was especially common with such
words as manec, selten, didce, ofle, etc., where the idea of number
is involved. In Otfrid the preference of filu for the same class
of words is just as marked. There is little doubt that in such
expressions as filu manag, etc., as originally used, the figure was

16 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

felt as a real metaphor. This would hardly be true if the idea
at the basis of the particle were likewise that of number.

The tables which are given below, in connection with the
detailed treatment of this particle by dialects, will show that
vil maintained its supremacy over the greater part of the MHG
field down to the close of the thirteenth century. The actual
frequency of the word in the various monuments varies greatly.
The extent to which strengthening particles in general are used
is a matter largely of individual taste and habit. There are
differences, however, which are due to the nature of the literary
material and to the particular branch of literature in question.
Epic poetry, for instance, seems to offer the greatest opportunity
for their use, and this is true more particularly for the popular
and decadent court epic than for the court epic proper. In the
popular epic they are employed to enliven the action, already
the most important feature, and to give zest to the description.
Lyric poetry, on the other hand, especially the more elevated
in tone, is not marked by the presence of such expressions to so
great an extent. In the religious prose there are great differ-
ences of usage, and these are to be ascribed partly to individual
taste, partly no doubt to the peculiar usage of the class of
society and the locality for which the work is written.

The difference in the relative frequency of vil in the various
monuments, as compared with other particles, is very great even
before any general decline in the use of this particle is notice-
able. This is of course due to the varying frequency with which
other particles appear, and the conditions regarding these are
very complex. As will appear further on, the declining use
of harte, wol^ and genuoOj the increasing popularity of gar, the
varying use of rehte^ and the sporadic and purely local appear-
ance of s^re, starJce and grimme, all enter into consideration and
modify the table of percentages for vil.

By the close of the thirteenth century, the decline in the use
of vil is apparent over the whole territory. In certain parts
of the field, as West Middle German, and in certain classes of
literature, as lyric poetry and the prose monuments, the decline
begins earlier and is more decided.

Statistics as to the frequency of vil in the various monuments

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 17

of the period are given in the following tables, which show the
total number of strengthening particles found, the number of
examples of vil, the number per thousand lines, and the ratio
of vil to the whole number of particles, expressed in per cent.
In each of the tables the lyrical monuments are indented.

To show how the periods of popularity of the various
strengthening particles overlap one another, the percentages
for harte and gar are repeated in the tables for vil.

Alemannic.

Tn+Qi 17-.-7 Per 1000 Percent. Percent. Percent,
lotai, yii. j.jjgg_ ^^.^ f^^^^ ^^^

1. Poetical monuments.

a) Lower Alemannic.

Keinmar von Hagenau.... 88 69 33 78 2 2

Tristan 412 257 13 62 13

Flore und Blanscheflur 82 54 7 66 -22 6

DieGuteFrau 86 51 16 59 28 6

DasSteinbuch 27 14 14 58 22

Der Trojanische Krieg 351 257 26 73 4 8

KeiserOttemitdemBarte... 22 14 18 82 10 9

Alexius 110 95 67 86 6 6

Martina 268 217 22 81 6 7

Eeinfried von Braunschweig, 97 70 7 71 ... 21

Peter von Stauffenberg 46 34 30 74 4 15

b) Upper Alemannic.

Der Gute Gerhard 218 197 28 92 1 3

Barlaam und Josaphat 304 287 28 91 * 1 3

Johannes Hadlaub 106 53 23 50 ... 36

2. Prose.

Altd. Pred.Wack.1-13,18-20, 25 25 ... 100

" " " 27-35, 26 24 ... 93

" " " 42-52, 26 16 ... 58 15 15
Deut. Pred. d. 13.

Jahr.,Griesh 53 9 ... 17 2 68

Pred. auf Joh. d.

Taufer, Germ. 35... 3 1 ... 33 ... 66

From the above tables for Alemannic, it will be seen that vil
continues as the most common strengthening particle through-
out the whole period. In Lower Alemannic monuments, while
the percentages are by no means regular, no signs of a general
decline in the use of this particle are to be seen. The actual

18 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

frequency varies from 7 to 67 examples per thousand lines. The
work showing the lowest percentage is Das Steinbuch, which is
popular in tone. Here the low percentage is caused by the
frequency of harte and rehte} The highest percentage for vily
as well as the greatest number of strengthening particles, is
found in Alexius. This is largely due to the nature of the
material. Alexius, like Hartmann's Gregorius, is a story with
little description but full of strong situations and pathetic inci-
dents, and therefore offers more scope for emphatic expressions.

The two Upper Alemannic monuments from the early part of
the thirteenth century, the works of Rudolph von Ems, show few
other strengthening particles, and consequently a high percentage
for vilj 91 and 92. The lyric poems of Johannes Hadlaub, from
the end of the century, show a decided decline in the percentage
of vily which is here 50, and a corresponding increase in the use
of gar, which shows a percentage of 35.

The first three groups of sermons from WackernageFs edition,
which are from the twelfth or the early thirteenth century, show
high percentages for viL Sermons 42-52 which Wackernagel is
inclined to place about 1300 (p. 268), show a somewhat lower
percentage for vil, or 58. The presence of harte and the low
percentage for gar, 15, indicate that this group is probably to
be placed much earlier than 1300, at least in the first half of
the thirteenth century.

While the lyric poems of Johannes Hadlaub show a low
percentage for vil, there is no indication that even in Upper
Alemannic vil is as yet becoming obsolete. Poetic diction would
doubtless retain a word of this kind long after it had ceased to
be current in the spoken language or in the prose literature. It
would, however, remain longest in connection with the more
common adjectives and adverbs and in formal expressions.
Compare Mod. Germ, vielleicht, Vielliebchen, With such it would
have the closest connection. If vil at the end of the thirteenth
century were on the point of becoming obsolete, we should

1 This is also largely a matter of editing. The manuscripts are all from the
fifteenth century and show considerable variation as to strengthening particles.
H. (Hamburger) occasionally substitutes gar for vil or harte. Dr. (Erfurter
Druck) shows a higher per cent for harte.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German. 19

expect to find its use limited, even in poetic diction, to these
more common connections. The examples from Peter von
Stauffenberg (1310), and Johannes Hadlaub (1302), do not
indicate that such is the case. Vil is found here not only in
the more frequent associations, such as vil halde^ vil dicke, vil
gerne, vil guot, vil liep^ vil manec, vil schoenej vil wol, etc., but
also in those which are not so common : vil ange, vil Ids, vil
siechy vil tump, vil valsch, vil gendte, vil zuchtediGhe. This shows
that vil is still felt as a living element in the language, capable
of use in new surroundings and of general application as a
strengthener of adjectives and adverbs. The very frequent use
of vil in the sermon literature (Wackernagel) for the thirteenth
century shows also that it still remained current.

The low percentage for vil (17) in the volume of Grieshaber's
deutsche Predigten, and the high percentage for gar (68) prob-
ably indicate that these are to be dated as late as the fourteenth
century.^ Vil here is limited to such common expressions as
vil lutzely vil manee, vil s^re, vil swcere, vil ubel, vil unreht,

Bavarian-Austrian .

rr^+„i rr-i Pet 1000 Percent. Percent. Percent.
Total. Vil. lijjgg^ ^i^ ^^^g_ ^^^

Bavarian.

a) Poetical monuments.

Albreht von Johannsdorf, 13 12 ... 92 ... 8

Wolfdietrich B 235 228 62 98 ... 3

Parzival 293 186 7 63 14 2

Neidhart von Reuenthal, 93 81 24 87 4 4

Helmbreht 46 45 25 98 2

Die Warnung (?) 83 78 21 94 4 2

S. Francisken Leben 109 75 15 69 10 10

Der Heilige Georg (?) 86 68 11 79 10 7

Der Jiingere Titurel (?) 154 136 49 88 ... 11

Lohengrin 90 44 9 49 2 39

b) Prose.

Berthold von Eegensburg.... 366 91 33 24 ... 73

1 Compare Richard Sensche, "Ueber den Stil bei dem alemannischen anony-
men Prediger aus dem XIII. Jahrhundert." Berlin 1897. "Grieshabers
deutsche Predigten sind aus sprachlichen Griinden dem XIV. Jahrhundert

zuzuweisen

20 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

rr * 1 rn? Per 1000 Per cent. Per cent. Per cent,
iotai. yu. lijjgg ^ii^ ^^^g gar.

2. Austrian.

a) Poetical monuments.

DieHochzeit 37 34 31 92 8

Genesis 159 148 ... 93 1

Exodus 156 148 94 94 4

Die Biiclier Mosis 177 168 31 94 4

Enticrist 53 49 40 93 2 4

KindheitJesu 83 62 21 75 13 1

NibelungenAi 1250 1000 100 82 8

♦* B 1250 975 100 80 7

C 1250 900 92 75 7

Biterolf und Dietleib 701 636 47 90 6

Ortnit 126 101 42 80 17 1

Wolfdietrich A 250 224 90 90 7

Ortnit and Wolfdietrich C... 46 40 ... 87 6 2

Kudrun 552 444 65 80 11

Waltherv.d.Vogelweide, 145 123 26 85 1 7

Karl der Grosse 344 302 30 90 8 1

Freidankes Bescheidenheit.. 94 83 17 88 7 2

Diu Krone 395 348 35 88 1 4

Ulrich von Lichtenstein.. 389 340 48 87 3 3

Garelv.d.bluhendenTal(?), 338 277 28 82 7 2

Friedrich V. Sonnenburg.. 26 18 21 69 ... 24

Alexander 101 82 8 81 6 13

b) Prose.

Altd. Pred. aus S. Paul 181 177 43 98 1

In the Bavarian-Austrian dialect conditions as to the use of
strengthening particles are very complicated, and this is as true
of vil as it is of these modifiers in general. This confusion is
due largely to the wide extent of territory which is included,
for it is at once apparent that no general statement of fact may
be expected to apply to the whole region. Every branch, too,
of literature is here represented, and not only do we find every
variety of poetic art, but within the same field every degree of
poetic skill, from the Parzival to Garel von dem hluhenden Tal,
and to the senseless interpolations in the Nihelungen and Kudrun.
Each of these classes of literature may be expected to have its
own traditions as to diction and word usage. The wandering
" Spielmann " was doubtless subject to quite another fashion
than that to which the writer of the court epic responded.

^Approximately.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 21

In the Austrian monuments vil continues to be the most
common strengthening particle throughout the whoJe period.
The percentages range from 69 for the lyric poems of Friedrich
von Sonnenburg, to 94 for the rimed versions of Genesis and
Exodus. The popular and religious epics of this dialect show
a very great use of strengthening particles, greater than any
class of literature in any other dialect. This may be partly
due to the nature of the material. Such literature has more
to do with action and incidents, less with analysis and char-
acterization than the court epic or than lyric poetry. It is
also a mark of the literary skill or lack of skill of the author.
The excessive use of strengthening particles is the result of an
effort on the part of the popular poet to be impressive. Not
trusting to the simple narration of his story to arouse and
maintain the interest of his hearers, he intersperses it with
frequent emphatic expressions which indicate his own appre-
ciation of what he relates. From this attitude of mind come
also such subjective exclamations as ah wie, hei wie, hei waZy etc.,
calculated to call attention to the important parts of the story.

We may expect to find also in the frequent use of vil and
other strengthening particles in this class of Austrian literature,
a reflection of local popular usage. These words are there,
especially in the older monuments, because they were current,
and current in great numbers, in the spoken language. The
sermon literature of this dialect shows also a greater frequency
of these particles than the prose works of any other dialect.
The Altdeutsche Predigten aus S. Paul, show 44 examples per
thousand lines, Berthold von Eegensburg, 47.

The actual frequency of vil in the poetical monuments, as
shown by the above list, varies greatly. The Nibelungenlied
shows about 100 examples per thousand lines, Wolfdietrich A 90,
Kudrun QQ, Ulrich von Eschenbach's Alexander 8. The lyrical
works and the court epic show usually the lowest averages.
Ulrich von Lichtenstein is exceptional in showing 48 per
thousand lines. His use of strengthening particles is, however,
quite in keeping with his literary style, which is always effusive.

Although the monuments from the end of the century show
a considerable decline in the use of vil, there is no evidence that;
2

22 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

this particle is as yet becoming obsolete. Its use in the prose
literature, as well as the class of words to which it is joined in
the poetical monuments, shows that it is still alive in the spoken
language. Friedrich von Sonnenburg represents a locality, the
Tyrol, where gar has already become quite popular. There is here,
however, no tendency to limit vil to the more common phrases.
Nor is there any such tendency to be seen in the Alexander.

The table for Bavarian monuments shows a decided decline
in the use of vil by the end of the thirteenth century. Gar
comes into prominence here earlier than in Austria, and already
in the works of Berthold von Eegeusburg forms 73 per cent
of all strengthening part-icles. In poetical diction vil retains its
prominence much longer. In Lohengrin (1276-90) it shows a
percentage of 49. Here, however, signs of its going out of
fashion are present in the tendency to limit its use to the more
common adjectives and adverbs. Nineteen of the 44 examples
of vil are with manec.

SWABIAN.

rr^+„i T7-; Per 1000 Percent. Percent. Percent.
Total. V%1. lijjgg ^i^ ^„^^g g^^

a) Poetical monuments.

Werahers Maria 92 86 34 94 3

Bernger von Horheim 9 9 60 100

Meinloh von Soflingen.... 3 3 18 100

Heinrich von Eugge 25 22 44 88

Hartmann von Aue 17 17 32 100

Erec 373 350 34 93 1 2

Erstes Biichlein 59 51 26 85 8

Gregorius , 150 102 25 67 27 1

Armer Heinrich 81 62 40 71 18 1

Iwein 249 189 23 76 16

Zweites Buchlein 15 9 12 60 20

Gottfried von Neifen 88 78 44 89 1 5

Ulrich V. Winterstetten.... 138 117 50 85 4 5

Der Marner 54 48 ... 89 ... 10

Rosengarten (?) 141 101 ... 72 4 19

Wolfdietrich D 270 240 39 89 5 3

6) Prose.

Bruder David von Augsburg, 15 4 ... 30 ... 70

In the Swabian dialect the decline in the use of vil toward
the end of the century is only slightly noticeable, as far as any

Strengthening Modifiers ^ in Mii^dle Sigh German, 23

direct evidence is at hand. The lowest percentage, as well as
the lowest actual frequency, is shown by the Zweites Biichlein
of Hartmann von Aue, where only 12 examples per thousand
lines are found, these being 60 per cent of all strengthening
particles. The next lowest is Gregorius, which shows a per-
centage of 68. This is due to the unusually high percentage
of hai'te, which is here 27.

The lyrical monuments and Hartmann's earlier works probably
represent the conditions in the current spoken language better
than do his later works, where, as far as strengthening particles
are concerned, he seems to be more under the influence of literary
tradition.

Prose monuments for Swabia are rare during this period.
The treatises of Bruder David von Augsburg (1230-1240) show
for about 1750 long lines only 4 examples of vil {wol, riche,
destey Hep) J 11 of gar, and one of s^re {gar s^re muelich 12). The
works of Bruder David and those of Berthold von Regensburg,
with whom David was intimately associated, show a marked dif-
ference as to frequency of strengthening particles, 9 per thousand
lines in the former, 47 in the latter. The proportion between
vil and gar is in both practically the same. This difference of
frequency of these particles may be considered largely a matter
of individual style, but no doubt it is due also in part to local
differences in usage.

West Middle German.

Tntai VS1 Per 1000 Percent. Percent. Percent,
Aoiai. vti. j.^gg ^^^ ^^^^ g^^

a) Moselfrankish.

Vorau Alexander 64

Rolandslied 400

Konig Rother 144

Orendel 202

Strassburg Alexander 268

Sanct Brandan.... 102

b) Rhinefrankish.

Friedrich von Hansen, 17

c) Hessian.

Athis und Prophilias 36

Liet von Troye 119

Erlosung 124

Elisabeth 99

...

373

...

101

...

151

237

...

24 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

The table for Moselfraukish raonaments, which happen to be
all from the latter half of the twelfth century, shows a very
frequent use of vil in this dialect, the number of examples
ranging from 20 to 41 per thousand lines. The percentages
are also high, Konig Rother, which is the most popular in tone,
showing the lowest, 67 ; the others range from 74 to 95.

The lyrical poems of Friedrich von Hansen (Rhinefrankish)
show comparatively few examples oivil, 22 instances per thousand
lines, which are 65 per cent of all particles. Gar appears here
with a percentage of 12.

The monuments of the thirteenth century, which are all
Hessian in dialect, show a rapidly declining use of this particle^
With the exception of the first on the list, Athis und Prophilias,.
with 19 examples per thousand lines, the instances are rare.
The Liet von Troye (1215) shows an average of 9 per thousand
lines and a percentage of 38. Die Erlosung (1295) shows a
still further decline of vil, as only 4 examples per thousand lines
are found and these only 23 per cent of the whole number of
such particles.

Elisabeth, of about the same date, shows a larger number
of strengthening particles, and, as may perhaps be expected, a
somewhat higher percentage for vily which is here 34. Vil at
this time was no doubt the weakest of all the strengtheners, and
the greater the habit of using such expressions, the greater the
proportion of the more insipid ones which would be included.
So, conversely, a writer who uses such devices only rarely, as
Wolfram von Eschenbach, would be more careful in his choice
and make a proportionally greater use of those which are stronger.

While the decline of vil in the literary language was earlier
and more decided here than in any oiher dialect, there is na
evidence to show that even by the end of the thirteenth century
it had become obsolete. In neither Die Erlosung nor Elisabeth is
vil limited to the common locutions, but it is joined to words with
which it has been by no means frequently associated, vil mehtic,
Erl. 2637, vil gewar Elis. 4765, vil ungetriuwe 1131, vil getriuwe
1722, vil ebene 4044. This shows that vil is not yet a fossil
element in the language. That other particles were, however,
more popular in the literary language throughout the whole

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 25

century, is shown by the tables for harte and gar. In the Liet
von Troye (1215) it is harte^ which forms 53 per cent of all
particles used. In the Erlosung (1295) it is gar, which occurs
80 times and shows a percentage of 64. In Elisabeth, of about
the same date, it is gar also, with a percentage of 44. The
predominance of gar over vil was doubtless still greater in the
spoken language.

Thueingian.

T-ntoi T7f7 Per 1000 Percent. Percent. Percent.

a) Poetical monuments.

Heinrich v. Morungen..

...

Heinrich und Kunigunde,

288

214

Vater Unser

122

188

90
125

18
34

Der Siinden Widerstreit...

Heinrich von Meissen...

...

Tristan

121

6) Prose.

Sermons of Eckard,

Wackern. 55, 56, 60, 61,

...

.,.

100

In the Thuringian monuments the decline of vil is not apparent
so early as in Hessian, but makes itself unmistakably felt by the
end of the thirteenth century. Harte is quite popular here in
the early part of the century, gar takes the lead at the end.
Vil, both as to actual frequency, and as to its ratio to the other
particles, grows steadily less from Heinrich und Kunigunde
(1216) to Heinrich von Freiberg's Tristan (1301-20), with but
slight exceptions. The tendency to restrict vil to the more
<;ommon locutions is perceptible in Heinrich von Meissen, evi-
dent in Tristan. In the latter monument 43 examples are found
in 5000 lines, and of these, 8 are with Hep, 6 with lihte, 5 with
schiere, 3 each with starke, schdne, wol, 2 each with manec and
reine, and the others with getriuwe, gerne, hlein, sueze, swinde,
zorn.

East Frankish.

Total. Vil.

Himmelfahrt Mariae 34 27

IVigalois 377 309

DerWinsbekeunddieWinsbekin, 17 15

DerRenner 137 96

Per 1000 Percent. Percent. Percent,
lines. vil. harte. gar.

...

26 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

South Frankish.

rr^^^ 1 Trw Per 1000 Percent, Percent. Percent^
Total. Vtt. i.jjgg_ ^^i^ ^^^^g^ g^^^

Moriz von Craon

Keinmar von Zweter

130

116

In East Frankish monuments no decided decline in the use
of vil is seen until the works of Hugo von Trimberg, whose
Renner shows gar with a percentage of 25.

In South Frankish the first monument on the list, Moriz von
Craon, shows an unusually low percentage for vil, 62. Here
harte furnishes 34 per cent of all particles. Thio monument
comes from near the border line between South Frankish terri-
tory and Alemannic, and Alemannic influence has probably been
at work. The percentage for vil is here about the same as for
Lower Alemannic works of about the same date. Compare
Tristan 62 per cent, Fl. und Bl. QQ per cent. In the lyrie
poems of Eeinmar von Zweter vil is actually very frequent
and the percentage is also high. Perhaps Reinmar represents
Austrian usage as to strengthening particles rather than that
of his native dialect.

Throughout the whole period of its popularity vil seem&
capable of modifying any adjective or adverb whatever. Such
observations as may be made concerning the preference of
one particle over another with certain classes of words, will
be found under the discussion of the other particles. The
following table is given to show the relative frequency of the
different particles with a few of the most common adjectives
and adverbs. The data given are for eight of the more
important monuments of the early thirteenth century, well
distributed as to dialect. Since the words chosen are the most
common ones of their class, they are not those with which
the newer strengthening particles are usually found, and the
list therefore fails to show the true proportion between the
various particles.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 27

vil balde 1 2 3 ... 1 1 ... 11

harte " Ill ... 1

wol " 10

al « 2 1

vil gerne 19 30 9 11 3 ... 2 8

harte " 1 3 ... 6 ... 1

genuoc " 1

vil guot 2 20 5 17 4 1 10 16

tarte " 1 3 2 ... 2 7 3 1

rehte " 1 1

genuoc " 1 3 3

sere «' 1

vil gr6z 3 15 5 7 26 1 3 25

harte " 1 2 1 ... 4 5 6 ...

vil kame 6 10 4 3 7 1 ... 7

harte " 1 3

vil kleine 3 2 4 4 1 4

harte *' 13 12 1

vil liep.. 12 10 ... 17 4 ... 2 43

harte " 2

vil manec 19 36 3 46 40 2 6 21

harte " 1 1 1

genuoc " 1

wol " 1

vil nahe 15 22 14 10 6 ... 1 11

harte " 2 ... 2 1

s6re " 2

vil rich 6 ... 10 11

harte " 1 2 ... 1 4 .. 3

gar "

vil schiere 17 26 3 8 7 2 1 9

harte " 12 4 11

gar " 1

^ The data are for all the works of Hartmann except the lyrics.
^ Der Gute Gerhard and Barlaam und Josaphat.

28 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

i -^ i I §^ ..." ^-

^ -^ -^ t i^ .§g o«

vil s6re 7 35 1 18 11 ... 5 17

harte " 13 3 ... 8 3 2 1

gar

vil siieze 12 4 ... 1 8 ... 8 21

harte " 2 1

rehte " 6

vil wol 24 60 13 23 19 6 35 25

harte « 11 25 5 2 5 5 6 ...

rehte " 5 2 2 1

genuoc " 1

HARTE.

Harte, as a strengthening particle, plays an important part
during this period. It has been assumed that the development
in meaning from harte^ OHG harto, the modifier of verbs, and
meaning with force, to harto the indefinite strengthening particle,
was brought about by the use of the word with participles, that
is, while originally only a modifier of verbs, the word came to
be applied to participles used as adjectives, and then extended
to other adjectives and adverbs.^ As different stages pointing
to such a development. Kip gives the following :

a) With participles used adjectively,

der harte stdzende rdm, V.M. 61-14,

6) With adjectives and adverbs derived from verbs, or closely
related to verbs in form,

vil harte erchomelicho, Ex. 544 (to erkomen),

c) In constructions where there is doubt as to whether it modi-
fies a verb or a substantive idea, wachet wan der tievd der dd ist
harte iur widerwarte, Phys. 83-12.

As a support to this theory we naturally look to see whether

1 Kip, page 168.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German. 29

harte is actually found frequently united with participial adjec-
tives, and other adjectives derived from verbs, or similar to
verbs in form. If such has been the development, we should
expect to find, at least in the earlier monuments, harte in the
greater number of instances joined to such words. That this is
not the case can be readily seen from the list given by Kip of
the examples from the religious poetry of the 11th and 12th
centuries. Of the 72 instances cited only six : harte erhar-
meclichf harte erchomenliGhe, harte riuwec, harte sorclieh, harte
unherihtet, harte vorhtsaniy may be reasonably connected with
any verbs, and even here the connection is often but slight.
Turning to the list of examples of harte as a verb modifier, we
are also surprised at the small number of instances where it is
connected with a participial construction. Of the 216 exam-
ples, only 20, or less than 10 per cent, are found as modifiers of
participles, either past or present.

Turning to an older period of the language, we find that
Otfrid uses harto 84 times ^ as a strengthener of adjectives and
adverbs. Here also very little trace of a verbal idea is to be
found in the words with which harto in connected. The list
includes 25 instances with filuy 7 with mihily 4 with manag^ 4
with mtr (compar.), 3 with sdln^ 2 with seltsaeni, 2 with ungimah.
With only three of the whole number, bizenti, sdn, and firdan,
is there any verbal association, either direct or indirect. As a
modifier of verbs, harto is found 124 times in Otfrid, and of this
number only 10 are instances of harto with participles, or less
than 9 per cent. Instead of being used preferably with partici-
ples and participial adjectives, harto seems to be avoided in such
connection.

If we may judge from the actual facts as to OHG harto y it is
very improbable that the word owes its function as a strengthen-
ing particle to its frequent use with participles, or that it passed
from a modifier of verbs to a modifier of adjectives and adverbs
by way of the participial adjective. If the latter usage is not
as old as the former, it is at least as fundamental, and implies
a certain degree of independence. Perhaps we may better look

^ See the dictionary of Piper, where however several instances are lacking.

30 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

for the origin of such a use in the law of association of ideas.
The metaphorical nature of the use of strengthening particles
has been previously referred to. In such expressions as harto
filUj harto manag, the attribute of one class of objects or ideas is
asserted of another, for the purpose of forming, that it may be
longer retained, a more striking picture.

It is natural, for instance, to associate the idea of power or
strength with the ideas of size, quantity, or extent. A host of
common English and German expressions are evidence of this
fact. Compare a mighty lot, mighty large, powerful great, mdchtig
gross, ungeheuer viel, and MHG starke breit und grdz, starke lane,
starke tie/.

The fact that in Otfrid 50 per cent of the examples of harto
are united with adjectives or adverbs expressing size, quantity,
distance, etc., and that during the MHG period this particle is
so frequently found with such words, seems to justify the con-
clusion that this was the original feeling when harte was used
as a strengthening modifier. It is but a step from harte vil to
harte kleine, harte lutzel, or from harte verre to harte unverre.
These expressions, which are very common in MHG, preserve
the feeling that harte is appropriate for ideas of quantity, though
the direction is reversed.

There is another class of ideas with which the notion of power
or force {harto, vehementer) is easily and naturally associated.
These are subjective, and have to do with the attitudes of the
mind and especially the feelings. Sometimes they denote actions
or judgments of the mind, and here the connection with the use
of ha7'te as a modifier of verbs is closer. Compare harte with
such verbs as hetruehen, erbarmen, ervurhten, jdmern, klagen,
minnen, milejen, niden, riuwen, schamen, senen, smerzen, sorgen,
trUren, trilwen, vrouwen, furhten, wundern, zwiveln. Such exam-
ples are frequent in both OHG and MHG, and form the largest
class of verbs with which harte is united, as may be seen from
Kip^s list. Thus we may account for the frequency in MHG of
such combinations as harte wol, harte gerne, harte s^re, harte frd,
harte schoene, harte sueze, harte guot, starke jr6, starke kit, starke
holt, etc. The same principle is at work in certain colloquial
English expressions : mighty glad, mighty fine, mighty bad (East-

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 31

ern U. S.), 'powerful nice, powerful handy, powerful sick, even
powetful weak (Southern).

Perhaps the tendency to associate harte with adjectives and
adverbs in -Uch, -liche{n), which shows itself strongly in certain
parts of the MHG field, is to be referred to this principle. The
subjective element in the. statement^ for instance, that an action
or a thing is ritterlich, like a knight, is large. English a strong
resemblance, strikingly similar, may be compared.

As to the different classes of adjectives and adverbs with
which harte is actually associated during the period in question,
we may note :

a) Those expressing quantity, extent of time or space, etc.,
hreit, grdz, hdhe, kleine, kume, kurz^ lane, lutzel, manec, michel,
ndhen, ringe, verre, unverre, unhdch, unlanc, vol, wite, wtnec,

b) Those which express a good or desirable quality : billich,
biderbe, Michen, friuntlichen, gerne, guot, guetliche, Mrlich, kluoc,
kunecliche, meisterliche, lobeliche, milte, sueze, rehte, ritterliche, rich,
staete, fr6, froeliche, wol, wunneclich, vrum, wis, zuhteclichen,
zierlich, etc.

c) Those expressing an undesirable quality : angestliche, bitter-
liche, egebar, grimmeclichen, griuweliche, jdmerliche, klageliche,
lasterlichen, leit, misselich, ungerne, ndtlich, riwic, sorcHche, schede-
liche, s^re, swaere, unsuoze, ungezogenliche, ungemach, unsenfteclich,
trUrec, vreislichen, wi, lount, zornec.

d) Adjectives and adverbs of a kindred meaning : kreftecliche,
Mte, vaste, stark, wilde,

e) Those of opposite meaning : krank, Use, sanfie, swach, stille,

f) Those of time, frequency, etc. : vruo, spdte, dicke, selten (not
ofte\ gdch, swinde, schiere.

With certain words, harte has not been found : arm, edel,
ebene, gevuoge, genaedec, gehiure, hoveliche, heilec, innecliche,
muede, ofte, kuene, rdsevar, saelec, saelecliche, saeldenbaere, sende,
stolz, schameCiche, schantliche, tugentliche, wiplichen, waerlichen.
With others, kiusche. Hep, reine, tougen, werdecliche, only in Mid-
dle German and there only rarely.

Many of these are frequently recurring words in the court
epic, and are essentially a part of the diction of this class of
literature. The absence of harte with these words then, would

32 Strengthming Modifiers in Middle High German,

indicate either the popular origin of this particle, and the feel-
ing that it is more properly a part of the common speech, or at
least that it had ceased to be current in the more elevated style,
or was confined to certain locutions, at the time when the court
epic vvas developing.

Alemannic.

1. Poetical Monuments.

Total. Harte. Per 1000 Per

lines.

cent.

...

a) Lower Alemannic:

Keinmar von Hagenau 88

Tristan 412

Flore und Blanscheflur i 82

DieGute Frau 86

Das Steinbuch 27

Der Trojanische Krieg 351

Keiser Otte 22

Alexius 110

Martina 268

Reinfried von Braunschweig 97

Peter von Stauffenberg 46

h) Upper Alemannic :

Der Gute Gerhard 218

Barlaam und Josaphat 304

Johannes Hadlaub 106

2. Prose.

AM. Predigt. Wack. 42-52 ... 26

Pred. d. 13 Jahr. (Grieshaber) 53

From the above table it will be seen that the lyric poems of
Reinmar show few examples of harte, and a remarkably low
percentage for their place on the list. The two monuments
which show the greatest actual frequency, and at the same time
the highest percentages for this particle, Die Gute Frau, and
Das Steinbuch, are popular in tone. Aside from these, a
gradual decline is shown in the use of harte throughout the
thirteenth century. The percentage for Tristan is lower than
that for the monument immediately following, although the
actual examples are more frequent. Der Troj. Krieg shows a
lower percentage than would be expected. The actual frequency
oi harte in Alexius^ is greater than in Keiser Otte, though the

1 Compare Hartmann's Gregorius, which is a similar story, and where harte
is unusually frequent.

strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German. 33

percentage is less. This is due to the great use of vil in this
monument, which has been referred to under the discussion of
that particle. Peter von Stauffenberg shows only two exam-
ples, both of which are harte vrdj one of the most common of
combinations with hartej which may be considered at this date
is a mere formal expression.

By the end of the thirteenth century, harte in Lower Ale-
man nic has practically disappeared from the literary language.

In Upper Alemannic, the examples from the works of Rudolf
von Ems, which are from the early part of the century, are rare,
constituting only about one per cent of all particles used. The
lyric poems of Johannes Hadlaub, from the end of the century,
show none.

An interesting question at this point is the relation between
the use of this word in epic poetry and its use in the popular
idiom or spoken language. The only examples of harte which
have been found in the prose works of this period are from ser-
mons 43, 45, and 46, in WackernagePs collection, harte wider-
zaeme 43-83, harte uhel 45-40, harte unerberldich 45-76, harte
sicherlichen 46-134, and from the volume of Grieshaber, harte
ubel, page 97. The former collection seems to date from the
first half of the thirteenth century, the latter from the beginning
of the fourteenth. The very infrequent use of strengthening
particles in the prose literature of this dialect furnishes but little
data upon which to base any conclusion as to the status of harte
in the spoken language. What direct evidence there is, points
to an early disappearance of this particle, that is, if we may look
upon the single example from the volume of Grieshaber as a
mere historical remnant.

We may reach a conclusion, however, by considering the
adjectives and adverbs with which harte is associated in the
poetical monuments. A word of this kind, if it has once been
popular, would live on in poetic diction long after it had ceased
to be current in the popular speech. It would, however, endure
only in connection with those adjectives and adverbs with which
it had been the most frequently associated during the period of
its popularity. The unit then to be considered in determining
whether harte is becoming obsolete, is not the strengthening

34 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

particle by itself, but the strengtbener together with the modi-
fied word. The question is not whether harte lived on in the
popular or literary language, but in what expressions it survived
the longest. It may be, and actually is true that harte wol con-
tinued current in epic poetry until the end of the thirteenth
century, while other expressions, as harte manec, harte Mme,
disappeared very much earlier.

If harte is retained in the literary language, during the latter
half of the thirteenth century, for example, only in those expres-
sions which during the earlier period and for other dialects were
the most common, we may look upon these examples as mere
fossil remnants constituting a part of poetic diction, and conclude
that the word has ceased to be a general strengtbener of adjec-
tives and adverbs.

In all the poetical monuments of Lower Alemannic examined,
1 57 examples of harte have been found, or outside of Tristan,
which dates from the beginning of the century, and which shows
not only the greatest number of examples but also the greatest
freedom in the use of the particle, only 92. These 157 exam-
ples of harte were united with 70 different adjectives and adverbs,
33 of which are found in Tristan, 37 others in the rest of the
material. The following are the more usual combinations,
arranged in order of frequency: harte wol 22 times, s^re 19,
fro 6, Heine 5, unlanc 5, vil 5, grdz 4, schdne 4, starhe 4, fremde
3, guot 3, michel 3, suoze 3, wunderliohen 3, gerne 3, Mme 2,
kurz 2, Hhte 2, ndhen 2, schiere 2, wert 2, etc.

In the 19 examples from the last three monuments on the list,
representing the end of the century, no new combinations with
harte appear, but all are examples of frequently recurring and
well known phrases : harte balde, fremde, frd, lihte, michel, suoze,
swaere, verre, wunderlichen, vil, zorn. While harte with balde,
fremde, michel and swaere are not actually found elsewhere in
Alemannic, a comparison with Middle German and Bavarian
usage shows that these are old and familiar expressions.^ The
others are frequent in Alemannic. From the three works of

1 With Hugo von Langenstein, Bavarian- Austrian influence shows itself no
doubt in the use of strengthening particles as well as in the form and inci-
dents of his legend.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 35

Konrad von Wiirzburg, from the middle of the century, 22
examples of harte are noted in the above list. Not one of these
is a new combination, all of them appearing either in early
Alemannic works or in early monuments from other dialects.
This is in marked contrast to the state of affairs with regard to
vilj gar, rehte, or any particle in good current usage. With these
latter, each new monument brings a host of new words with
which the particle is associated.

These considerations lead to the conclusion that harte became
obsolete as a general strengthening particle in Alemannic during
the first half of the thirteenth century. In epic poetry the word
lived on in the more common locutions long after it had gone
out of general use, and the examples from the latter part of the
century are to be regarded as fossil remnants of an older and
more general use. They here make up a part of traditional
poetical diction, which is preserved longer in the court epic
than in other forms of literature.

In Upper Alemannic, if we may judge from the works of
Rudolf von Ems, harte was never so common, and here it dis-
appeared earlier.

Another question which naturally arises in this connection is,
do metrical considerations have anything to do with the choice
of strengthening particles? It might be suspected that where
there is room in a line for a two syllable word, harte or rehte
would be selected, if however a single syllable were needed to
fill out the line vil or gar would be chosen. It would seem for
instance, in the following lines from Wigalois, that the author
used a strengthening particle, according as he had room for one
or not in the line, and that he chose vil or harte without dis-
crimination except as regards the metrical length of the word.

si lachten unde wdrenfrd, 105-23.
des was her Wigalois vilfrd, 91-11.
des wart diu maget harte frd, 72-5.

Rudolf von Ems, however, while using harte with other
adjectives, avoids it with vrd, and uses other means of filling
out his lines. Compare the following from Barlaam und
Josaphat :

36 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

Des maht dH iemer wesen vrd^ 13-29.
der herre was der rede vrd, 15-37.
des was ieh herzeliche vrd, 17-32.
der voter was des kindes vrd, 20-29.
s%ner Jcunfte was er vro^ 108-28.
daz sie mit im wdren vrd, 109-38.

So in Der Gute Gerhard :

von mir des bin ich immer vr6,
des liehen trdstes was ich vr6, 6269,
des was min werdiu vrouwe vrd, 6311.
die ritterschaft begunde dd
in rittersehefte wesen vrdy 6397-8.

In these latter examples signs of mere line filling are so
apparent, and harte suggests itself so naturally that its avoid-
ance is striking. We may infer that this combination is
unknown at this time to the poet's dialect.

Bavarian- Austrian.

1. Bavarian. ^^^^^ j^.^^^^ Per 1000 Per
a) Poetical monuments. lines, cent.

Wolfdietrich B^ 235 1

Parzival 293 41 2 14

Neidhart von Reuenthal (?) 93 4 1 4

Helrabreht 46 1 ... 2

DieWarnung(?) 83 3 1 4

S. Franciskenleben 109 11 2 10

Der Jiingere Titurel (?) 154

Lohengrin 90 2 ... 2

6) Prose.

Berthold von Kegensburg 366

Altdeutsche Pred. Wack. 21-26 6

2. Austrian.

a) Poetical monuments.

Die Hochzeit 87 3 3 8

Genesis 159 2 ... 1

* MS8. K and H read : si schlugent auffgar baldejr reysches gezelt {gar schdne H)
39-1. Janicke reconstructs : harte riliche aluoc man Hf diu gezelt. In view of
the rare occurrence of harte in this monument it is probable that gar was the
original particle used.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 37

Total. Harte. Per 1000 Per
lines, cent.

Exodus 156 6 ... 4

Die Bucher Mosis 177 7 3 4

Entricrist 63 1 1 2

Kindheit Jesu 83 11 ... 13

Nibelungenlied, Version A 1250 92 10 8

" " B 82 9 7

" C... 71 7 7

Biterolf und Dietleib 701 40 3 6

Ortnit 126 22 9 17

Wolfdietrich A 250 17 7 7

Ortnit and Wolfdietrich C 46 3 ... 6

Kudrun 552 62 9 11

Walther von der Vogelweide 145 1 ... 1

Karl der Grosse 344 27 3 8

Freidankes Bescheidenheit 94 7 1 7

Diu Krone 395 5 ... 1

Ulrich von Lichtenstein 389 13 2 3

Garel (?) 338 22 2 7

Friedrich von Sonnenburg 26

Alexander 101 6 ... 6

b) Prose.

Altd. Fred, aus S. Paul 181 2 ... 1

The tables for BavariaD -Austrian show a great confusion in
the use of harte in this dialect. The most striking feature,
however, is that those monuments which show the highest per-
centages belong for the most part to the popular or the religious
epic. They are Ortnit, Kindheit Jesu, Kudrun, Nibelungen,
Wolfdietrich A. Parzival shows also a very high percentage,
though the actual frequency is not so great, 2 examples per
thousand lines.

The lyrical works here also show few examples of harte:
Albreht von Johannsdorf and Friedrich von Sonnenburg none,
Walther 1, Neidhart 4. Ulrich von Lichtenstein, whose works
are partly lyrical, shows 13.

Next to the early popular epic and the prose monuments,
lyric poetry may be expected to show the most accurately local
usage as to strengthening particles. This will appear more
plainly in the case of gar, perhaps less so with harte, which
always seems to be more or less in disfavor with lyric writers,
Harte appears to lack the elegance of such particles as rehte and
3

38 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

gar^ and the latter are apparently preferred wherever they are
current and when a stronger particle than vil is desired. The
absence of harte from the works of Berthold von Regensburg,
Bruder David von Augsburg, and Fr. v. Sonnenburg doubtless
indicates that there was a wide stretch of territory through
southern Bavaria, Swabia, and the Tyrol, where from the mid-
dle of the thirteenth century on, and probably much earlier,
harte was unknown to the popular dialect. The statistics for
Upper Alemannic indicate the same for the neighboring Swiss
provinces. Throughout the whole territory gar was very popu-
lar at this time. Throughout the territory farther east, Carin-
thia, Styria, Austria proper, as shown by the works of Ulrich
von Lichtenstein, the Predigten aus S. Paul., ISTeidhart, and the
Austrian popular epics, harte remained current much longer.
Gar here is scarcely known, even in the last quarter of the
thirteenth century. In northern Bavaria and Bohemia, harte
was also very popular, and continued current until late, as
might be expected from the proximity to East Prankish, and
Thuringia. Compare the statistics for Parzival, Wigalois, and
Alexander.

In the epic poetry of the latter part of the thirteenth century,
territorial distinctions as to the use of harte, and indeed as to
diction in general, are no longer felt. Nor are the stylistic
differences between the court and the popular epic so apparent.
By this time the two classes of literature had approached so
closely as to intermingle, and what of form and diction had
originally belonged only to the one or the other, now became
common property. Just as the different incidents and episodes
from the works of the earlier court poets were freely made use
of by the writers of the declining epic, so words, phrases, and
whole periods, from one class of literature, were appropriated
by the less talented writers of other classes.

This universal custom of borrowing applies no doubt to a less
degree to strengthening particles, which are always more or less
unconsciously used, but it still has to be taken into account even
with these, especially in epic poetry. For this reason it is very
difficult to locate geographically or chronologically such expres-
sions. These borrowings are not nearly so general among lyric

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 39

writers, and in the early popular epic much less marked than
in the later. These therefore offer a more reliable criterion for
local usage than the later court epic.^

The evidence for the gradual disappearance of harte as a
strengthening particle from the spoken dialect is as strong here
as in Alemannic. In Bavaria this takes place earlier than in
the Austrian provinces. This is shown by the absence of the
particle in the works of Berth, v. Regensburg, as compared with
the examples from the Predigten aus St. Paul. The fact that
in Bavaria gar appears so prominently in the popular speech,
renders the disappearance of harte at an early stage the more
probable. In the epic poetry the tendency to restrict harte to
the commonest locutions is apparent from the middle of the
century. Garel shows 22 examples which are found with vr6y
gdchj grdz, meisterliehy rich, ringe, s^re, seltsaene, sorcsam, tiwer,
unhdch, veste, vruo. Ulrich von Lichtenstein shows harte with
vil, vruOy vrdj gerne, hdhe, Meine, kranc, swach, w^nec. In

^ The examples of harte in the Kudrun offer strong evidence of the presence
of this particle in the popular dialect of Austria at the time the present ver-
sion was produced, as contrasted with the dialect of the original. Various efforts
have been made to separate the original elements of the poem from those
parts which belong only to the Austrian redaction. (See Martin's introduc-
tion to his edition, and Wilmanns, Die Entwickelung der Kudrundichtung. )
Those strophes which are generally considered as belonging to the original
version or versions show examples of harte only rarely : harte Use 668-4, harte
sere 995-3, harte balde 1361-3. On the other hand a very frequent use of this
particle is found in those strophes which are looked upon as interpolations or
contaminations of older material. 59 of the 62 examples of harte are found in
such strophes. The author of the Austrian version evidently used those
strengthening particles which were current in his own dialect.

In the Nibelungen no such difference is to be noticed between the so-called
original stanzas of Lachmann and those of later origin. 63 per cent of the
examples of harte are from the original strophes, 37 per cent from all others.
A striking fact however concerning the use of harte here is that more than 50
per cent of all instances are from the last line of the stanza, generally the last
half line, which has four accents. This might be the result of mere line fill-
ing on the part of the original author, or, perhaps in some instances, of an
attempt of an interpolator to make a four accent line out of one which origi-
nally had only three (Compare Heusler, Altdeutsche Verskunst). Other
monuments of a similar strophic form show different statistics in this regard.
In Kudrun 40 per cent of all examples of harte are from the last line of the
stanza, in Ortnit and Wolfdietrich A about 19, Wolfd. D about 20.

40 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

Bavarian, Lohengrin shows harte wol and harte weidenlich,.
This is evidence that this particle is not felt as a living element
in the language.

The following list shows the more frequent combinations with
harte in Bavarian-Austrian monuments, in order of frequency*
The figures in parentheses show the number of occurrences noted
outside of the three Nibelungen versions.

harte stre^
woL

48 times, (30)
36 " (27)

harte lange,

vily

vrdj

balde,

groz,

leitf

kleinej

guoty
" schiere,
" gerne,
^* vroelichen,
" Mrlich,
" w^neCj

verre,

hdhe,

groezliehy

Mtej
" swinde,
" gdchf

(16)
(14)

(5)
(10)

(2)
(10)
(10)

(7)
(12)

(1)
(1)
(6)
(6)
(3)
(4)
(4)
(5)
(0)

swaere, 6
dickey 7

ndhen, 6

selten, 6

unmaezlichf 6

" breity

" guetlich,

" ritterlichy

" tiure,

" trijireGy

" jdmerlichj

wite.

" vlizeclicheny 3

" lobelicheUy 3

" ^iifee/, 3

" minnedich, 3

vrwo.

times, (7)

" (5)

" (0>

" (0)

" (3)

" (6)

" (0)

" (1)

" (0)

" (4)

" (1)

" (2)

" (1)

" (0)

" (0>

" (0)

" (1)

" (3>

SWABIAN.

, _ . , , Total. Marie. Per 1000 Per

a) Poetical Monuments. lines, cent.

Wernhere Maria 92 3 ... 3

Erec 373 4 11

Erstes Biichlein 59 5 3 8

Gregorius 160 40 10 27

Armer Heinrich 81 15 10 18

Iwein 249 41 5 16

Zweites Biichlein „ 15 3 4 20

Gottfried Ton Neifen 88 1 ... 1

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 41

Total. Harte. Per 1000 Per
lines, cent.

Ulrich von Winterstetten 138 5 ... 4

Rosengarten 141 6 ... 4

WolfdietrichDi 270 14 ... 5

The above list for Swabian shows a very extended use of
ho/rte by Hartmann von Aue. The Gregorius and Armer
Heinrich each show 10 examples per thousand lines, a degree
of frequency only reached by the Nibelungen, Liet von Troye,
Heinrich und Kunigunde, and Moriz von Craon. The percent-
ages are also high, 27 and 20. Only Flore and Blanscheflur
(28), Moriz von Craon (34), Liet von Troye (53) show a higher.
Gottfried von Neifen has harte minneclich 37-21, Ulrich v.
Wint. shows harte with schedelieh 2-14, wol 5-7, ringe 14-14,
Meine 24-15, 31-23. The Rosengarten shows harte with woly
grdzj vr6, ritterlich, and s^re.

The nature of these examples from the lyrical works and
Rosengarten is such that we may consider them, especially for
the last half of the thirteenth century, merely as a part of the
general traditional language. There is no evidence that harte
was at this time a part of the Swabian popular speech. The
treatises of Bruder David von Augsburg (ZfdA 9, 8-55.) show
no traces of it. Berthold von Regensburg, who spent much of
his time in traveling and preaching in Swabia, does not use it.
Further prose monuments for this dialect and period are not at
hand, but there is no reason to suppose that the conditions as to
strengthening particles here differ in any marked degree from
those in Bavaria. The absence of this particle from the sermons
of Berthold is significant. Berthold's diction is very popular,
and unlike Bruder David, he uses strengthening particles very
freely. Frequently he has occasion to double them in order to
give the desired degree of emphasis, as vil unde vil baz ii 20-8,
gar unde gar sehedelichen I 120-8. If harte had been possible
we should expect Berthold to have used it. In about 375
examples of such particles however, harte does not once appear.

1 Wolfdietrich D, while a Swabian version, probably represents the tradi-
tional Austrian use of strengthening particles rather than Swabian, following
in this regard the earlier versions of the same legend.

42 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

An interesting fact which appears from the above table is the
great difference in the frequency of harte in Erec and the other
works of Hartraann.^ Only four examples of this particle are
found in Erec: harte stre 484, wol 1009, vil 3455, frd 4861.
Haupt, in his edition, assumes that the small number of examples
of harte here are to be explained by the lateness of the manu-
script (Ambraser 1504), or at least he makes an attempt at
reconstruction by changing gar in a few instances to harte? The
frequency of harte however in other works preserved in the same
manuscript, Moriz von Craon, Kudrun, Bit. und Diet., Kon.
Rother, Helmbreht, shows that there has been no general attempt
to replace obsolete strengthening particles with those that were
current.^

It is perhaps significant that the four words with which harte
is joined in the Ambraser manuscript of Erec, woly stre, frd, vil,
are just the four which in Upper German were most commonly
found with this particle.'* This restriction of harte to these old
and well known locutions would ordinarily indicate that the
word had ceased to be felt as a general strengthening particle.
It is then all the more curious that in Hartmann's later works

^ Compare Vos, Diction and Rime-Technic of Hartman von Aue, pp. 20,
69, where this difference of usage is first noticed.

* See Vos, note p. 20 ; Haupt, note to line 5500.

^ In the case of the Nibelungen and Iwein a conscious attempt seems to have
been made to substitute another particle for harte, in both cases vast. Bartsch
Germ. X 44, notices this for the Nibelungen. The passages are, 1526-4
harte balde — vast balde d (Ambraser MS.), 1479-2 h. groz — vast grdz d, 85-3 h.
guot — vast guot d, 1279-4 1 h. hMiehen — vast h. d, 1183-1 1 A. Mte — vast I. d,
643-2 h. vil — vast v. d, 1647-2 1 h. wol — vast w. d.

In Iwein, according to Henrici's variant readings, the following differences
are noted : 6833 harte gar — iemer mtr d, 7238 harte lange — alsd lange d, 3514
harte richez — riterlichez d, 7916 h. stceter — vast s. d, 2299 h. unrnplieh — vast u.
d, 6050 h. verre — vast v. d, 8131 h. verre — vil v. d, 1029 h. vil — vast v. d, 1943
h. wol — vast w. d, 6271 h. wol — genug wol d.

In the case of Erec no attempt has been made certainly to substitute vaste
for harte, since only one instance of it occurs, vaste schone 1536.

Vaste as a strengthening particle has been found elsewhere only in the
Bav.-Aust. epic: Parzival vaste frd 395-16, Kudrun vaste greme 410-1, 1456-3
vast an, Bit. und Diet, vaste guot 1060, Wolfd. A vaste dicke 252-2.

These changes then which the Ambraser manuscript shows in the case of the
Nibelungen and Iwein cannot have been introduced by the scribe. They date
no doubt from some earlier Austrian copyist.

^ Compare the lists on pages 34 and 40.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 43

this particle is not only very frequent, but joined very freely to
different classes of adjectives and adverbs.^ The following are
the examples of harte with parallel examples from other, mostly
Upper German, monuments :

Harte balde Iw. 125,' Parz. 124-23.

" drdte Iw. 208, 247, Siind. Wid. 1584.

" gar Iw. 250, Erlos. 4689.

" gerne Iw. 61, 246, 292, AH 213, Kud. 1173-4.

" grdz Gr. 2163, AH 213, Nib. 450-2.

" guot Iw. 37, Gr. 1549, AH 1218, Parz. 70-7.

" Ueine Gr. 3124, 3660, AH 697, Parz. 529-14.

" Magelichen Iw. 194, h. Magebaere Iw. 253, KdGr. 1237.

" mtzel Iw. 139, Nib. 1489-4.

*' lange Iw. 265, Nib. 848-2.

" Use Gr. 358, Kud. 668-4.

" lobebaere Gr. 1818, lobeliche Kud. 1103-2.

" maneo Erst. B. 697, Ex. 137-16.

" ndt Gr. 584, Wig. 114-11.

" riuwevar Iw. 182, Gr. 428, 2327, riuwee Gr. 2529,

Gen. 27-5.

" ringe Iw. 145, Nib. 25^-4.

" rich Iw. 134, Gr. 2033, Kud. 1108-2.

" sehdne Iw. 88, schoene Iw. 169, Gr. 3281, 3379, AH

1375, Parz. 236-22.

" staete Iw. 288, Gr. 2184, Kud. 19-4.

" sanfte Iw. 132, Siind. Wider. 2533.

^A comparison of the lines containing harte in Erec and Iwein with the
corresponding passages in the works of Chretien de Troyes shows that Hart-
mann in the use of this particle is not following anything in his original.
Chretien uses as strengthening particles: forment, equivalent to harte, formant
an fu joianz ei liez, Erec 372 ; mout, equivalent to ml, une mout bele conjointurej
Erec 14 ; tres, OHG drato, ne vuel pas que vos anpreigniez battaille si ires fdenesse,
Iwein 3739 ; par, OHG franif qui iant par est hele a mervoille, Erec 535 ; assez
(genuoc), assez plus que dit ne vos ai, Iwein 6745.

Hartmann does not follow his original so closely as to render these particles
directly into their German equivalents. Aside from his free treatment of the
material, considerations of rime and metrics would make a literal translation
well nigh impossible.

2 For Iwein the figures refer to the divisions in Lachmann's edition.

44 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

Harte schiere Iw. 147, Gr. 2330, Parz. 35-6.

" s^re Iw. 211, Erst. B. 861, Gr. 236, Kud. 995-3.

" spdte Gr. 2812, Kud. 1274-1.

" stdrdiche Gr. 3829, starke Gr. 1765, Bit. u. Diet. 9202.

« swdre Erst. B. 1415, Mb. 1176-2.

« schddeliche Gr. 1278, Bit. u. Diet. 1425.

'' unsanfte Erst. B. 298, Kud. 489-4.

^' unsuoze Gr. 3452, Yom jiingst. Ger. Diemer 290-4.

" ungeliche Zw. B. 172, Biicher Mosis 68-11.

'' veste Iw. 165, Garel 8510.

'' vremde Iw. 263, Ex. 120-9.

" verre Iw. 46, 221, 223, AH 928, Kud. 702-4.

'' vrd Iw. 210, Gr. 2532, 3075, 3326, Nib. 275-2.

'' vil Iw. 47, 111, 196, 230, Gr. 2321, 3778, Nib. 353-2.

'' vrum Gr. 1886, Kon. Roth. 4148.

" wol Iw. 43 etc.. Nib. 772-2.

" wis Gr. 491, Hein. u. Kun. 313.

'' wilde Iw. 25, Tristan 15969.

" zierlich Iw. 30, Nib. 733-4 II.

" zornUehe Iw. 172, Nib. 826-4 II.

Harte with the followiug wor^s has been found only with
Hartmann : karclichen Gr. 2106, muezediehen AH 1220 milte
Iw. 261, strenge Gr. 3020, unwiplich Iw. 92, unmugelich AH 189.

From the above list it may be seen that nearly every instance
of harte in Hartmann can be paralleled from the Austrian
popular epic. Certain expressions at this time seem to belong
exclusively to the popular diction, harte lutzel^ Use, lobeliohen,
rich. Many of the examples from the above list have not been
paralleled from Alemannic writers, as harte with : drdte, lise^
lobebaere, riuweo, saiiftej staete, spdte, starJce, schadeliohef zierlich.

These facts seem to indicate that Hartmann was influenced in
his later works by the Bavarian-Austrian usage as shown in the
popular epic and Parzival. It is not necessary to assume that
this influence came directly from these popular works, some of
them being perhaps later than Hartmann's. The same local
usage however that made itself felt in the popular epic evidently
had its influence on Hartmann. If this be true, it would be

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German. 46

natural to suppose that in his earliest work, Erec, written no
doubt before his undertaking the crusade, and before he had
<K)me in contact to any great extent with the class of literature
prevalent in Bavaria and Austria, this influence would be
absent.^ Hartmann's use of strengthening particles then in
Erec would be, to a much greater extent, a reflection of the
local usage in Swabia.^

i^nother sign of Austrian influence upon Hartmann in his
later works is his use of the particle starhe.^ This word as a
strengthener of adjectives and adverbs has been found only in
the works of Hartmann and the Austrian popular or declining
court epic.

West Middle German.

Total. Harte. Per 1000 Per

1. Moselfrankish. Unes. cent

Vorau Alexander * 54 6 4 11

Rolandslied 400 17 2 4

KonigRother 144 37 7 26

Orendel..... 202 18 5 9

Strassburg Alexander 268 25 3 9

SanctBrandan 102 3 13

2. Rhinefrankish.

Friedrich von Hansen 17 1 2 6

3. Hessian.

Athis und Prophilias 36 7 5 20

LietvonTroye 119 63 13 53

Erlosung 124 9 18

Elisabeth.... 99 1 ... 1

1 In this connection compare the use of harte in the works of Konrad von
Wiirzburg, who seems also to follow literary tradition as to this particle more
and more in his later works. Der Trojanische Krieg shows 1.4 examples per
thousand lines, Keiser Otte 3, Alexius 5, Engelhard more than 5.

Compare also Rudolf von Ems, who shows 2 examples in Der Gute Gerhard,
4 in Barlaam und Josaphat.

2 For the supposed influence of Ulrich von Zatzikhoven's Lanzelet upon
Hartmann as shown in the Erec, see Gruhn, ZfdA 43, p. 265 ff.

^ Compare the data as to starke under a separate heading.

*The Vorau version of the Alexander, besides having a slightly higher
percentage for harte, shows other marks of popular influence, especially in the
frequency of such expressions as dvd wie, 6wi we, d vfi. These sometimes take
the place of strengthening particles in the Strassburg version. Cf. Vor. 1071,
Str. 1489; Vor. 1097, Str. 1515; Vor. 1290, Str. 1792.

46 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

Although the use of harte was by no means regular or uniform
in WMG, the above table will show that it was considerably
greater than for Upper German. The word seems to have come
into popularity here earlier than in Upper Germany, and its use
is more general. The first five monuments on the list for
Moselfrankish, all from the latter half of the twelfth century,
show a greater actual frequency, and a higher percentage than do
the Bavarian-Austrian works of the same period. That the use
of harte was more general, is shown by the freer way in which
it is joined to adjectives and adverbs. Many combinations are
found here which do not occur in Upper German, and a larger
class of words to which it may be joined is included.^

Harte with adjectives and adverbs in -liohy 4iGhe(n) is especially
frequent. Of the 37 examples in Konig Eother, 21 are with
such words, and 10 of the 17 in the Eolandslied. The former
is supposed by the editor to have been written in Bavaria by a
Frankish *^ Spielmann." Although the examples of harte are
here more frequent than in other Middle Frankish works, this
tendency to associate the particle with words in lich indicates
that its use here is distinctly Frankish, rather than due to
Bavarian influence.

Orendel shows 18 examples of harte: harte hleine and harte
grdz 17 times.^ This condition of affairs, where harte is confined
to such locutions as these, we should expect to find only in works
of a much later date than 1160, which is given by Berger as the
probable date of the original version. The frequency of gar in
this monument indicates also a later date, as gar did not make
its way into the literary language of this dialect to any great
extent until well into the next century. The popular nature of
the poem may have something to do with the matter, though in
the case of gar, there is no evidence that it was current so early
in the popular speech.

Sanct Brandan shows a smaller number of examples than

^ Harte with ellenthaft, garwe, genote, gemeit, kunidichen, Hep, lussam, nutze, reine,
stoh, tougen, vdplichen, etc.

^This poem, which bears evidence of contamination and interpolation,
shows frequent repetitions of lines and passages. Harte groz occurs only in
the line mit harte grdzen iren, which is found 17 times in the poem.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 47

would be expected here at the beginning of the thirteenth
century. The words with which harte is joined however, wMich
339, giletlichen 1637, wildgevar 1892, indicate that the particle
was in active use and not limited to the more common locutions.

The highest percentage for harte for all dialects and all periods
is reached in the Liet von Troye (1215). Harte here forms 53
per cent of all the particles used, and occurs nearly 13 times per
thousand lines. One Thuringian monument, Heinrich und
Kunigunde, shows about 14 instances of harte per thousand
lines, but it constitutes there only 22 per cent of all particles.

There is probably a distinction to be made in the use of this
particle between Hessian and other WMG dialects. In Hessian
at least, vil had taken a very subordinate position early in the
century. Its place during the first part of the century was
taken, as may be seen from the Liet von Troye, by harte ; for
the latter part, as in the Erlosung and Elisabeth, by gar. The
general popular use of harte here is the more probable because
it was current also in the neighboring province of Thuringia.

The decline in the use of harte toward the end of the century
is very marked in the Hessian dialect. The examples in the
Erlosung (1295) harte wol, vil, lange, wirdeclichen, garwe, do not
indicate that its use was limited entirely to formal literary
expressions, but they show a tendency in that direction. The
Elisabeth shows a still lesser use of harte, harte genuoch being
the only instance in 5000 lines.

The list of words with which harte is most frequently joined
in WMG shows a slight difference between WMG and Upper
German usage. They are : grdz 23 times, wol 17, vil 16, schdne
and lano 6, vromicliche, stre, and wisliche, each 4, Hep and lussam
each 3.

Thuringian.

Total. Harte. Per 1000 Per
lines, cent.

Heinrich und Kunigunde 288 62 14 22

VaterUnser 122 26 6 21

Der Siinden Widerstreit 188 33 9 18

Tristan 121 5 14

The table for Thuringian shows a free use of harte at the
beginning of the thirteenth century which gradually decreases

48 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

until the end. The lyrical works show no examples at all.
Heinrich und Kunigunde shows the highest actual frequency
and the highest percentage for harte. In this monument the
combinations are very free, and it is altogether probable that
harte at this time was a part of the Thuringian popular speech.
Besides the more common phrases we find : harte bdse, heiserliohy
hiusch, reinej rdt^ scharf, tiure, unsaelec, gewis^ sieher^ sagebaere.

The Vater Unser, from the middle of the century, shows less
than half as many examples, but the percentage is about the
same. Here too the combinations are free, harte wise^ rehte,
slehtf hrdde, hluog^ being found besides the more common
expressions.

In Der Siinden Widerstreit the 33 examples of harte are With
22 different words. Although these happen to be the words
with which harte is quite commonly found, they are sufficient
in number to show that this particle is still freely used.

In Tristan but 5 examples are found in 5000 lines, and these
constitute but 4 per cent of all particles. These do not seem
to be limited to the common locutions, harte megetlich, harte
minnecUahenj harte stolzlichy harte viL It would seem that here as
in Hessian harte was felt until late in the century as a general
strengthening particle.

The sermons of Eckard, Wackernagel 60-61, 65-66, show
only 4 examples of strengthening particles, all of which are gar.

South and East Frankish.

Total.

1. East Frankish.

Mariae Himmelfahrt 34

Wigalois 377

Der Eenner 137

2. South Frankish.
Moriz von Craon 56

Reinmar von Zweter 130

South and East Frankish monuments show likewise a free use
of harte early in the century. Moriz von Craon from near the
Alemannic border, probably shows Alemannic influence. The
lyric monument of this group shows only a single instance of

Tarte.

Per 1000 Per

lines, cent.

6 14

4 3

11 34

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 49

harte. The examples from the Renner are limited to the stereo-
typed expressions harte wol and harte wunneclich.

GAR.

Gar J as an indefinite strengthening particle, is found as early
as the twelfth century in Upper German. The original meaning
of OHG garoj used adjectively, was prepared, complete. As an
adverb garo, garawo, meant entirely, ganz und gar. Both of these
uses extend into the MHG period. Konig Rother 3411, zwelif
d4sent ritdre wale gare, (twelve thousand knights well prepared
for war) is an instance of the first. Gar however is generally
used in MHG adverbially, and is generally defined in the
dictionaries as meaning completely? While the examples from
the twelfth and early part of the thirteenth centuries are meager,
there is no doubt that, as applied to adjectives and adverbs,
this word had become weakened in force to a mere indefinite
strengthening particle. By the end of the century it had
become well established in this use in the literary language of
all dialects.

The process of weakening of gar is quite parallel to that
through which modern German ganz has passed. Gar as
applied to an adjective or an adverb originally signified the
highest degree or completeness of the quality under considera-
tion. Gar guot, and later ganz gut, were then equivalent to
MHG vollen guot, and meant perfect. Then from the easy habit
of exaggeration, always a characteristic of popular speech, the
word came to be applied where the quality instead of being
absolute was only relatively high, and the expression began to
be taken with a grain of allowance. In the case of gar this
discounting of the face value went on so far that its original
meaning was lost sight of entirely. In the works of Berthold
von Regensburg gar is no longer felt as having any of its old
meaning of completeness. When the author wishes his readers
to take the word literally, in its strongest sense, he finds it

^ Benecke-Miiller-Zarncke, I 480^, 5-31. Lexer I 738, gar, gdndich, vdUig^
ganz und gar. Haupt, Erec, note to line 5600.

50 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

necessary to repeat the particle : gar unde ga.r woly I 44-7, gar
unde gar uherguot II 36-18. The author of the Erl5sung
(1295), uses a similar device, that of adding tiie word ganz^ der
kinde zal hdn ich gelesen ganz gar ungesundert, 3645-6. In the
case of modern German ganz the weakening has gone so far that
ganz gut, ganz selten, mean rather less than sehr gut, sehr selten,
and approach the meaning passably good, not very often. The
phrase ganz und gar is thus merely an effort to retrieve the lost
meaning of ganz and make a strong expression out of two
weak ones.

In the earlier MHG works it is often difficult to determine
whether gar is used in its original and more general sense, or
whether it is weakened and takes the place of some other indefi-
nite particle. With adjectives and adverbs representing an
absolute quality, that is, one not capable of different degrees of
intensity, it has necessarily the former meaning. If, however,
the word denotes a quality only nominally absolute, and this can
be determined only by the context, then the particle could have
correspondingly weakened force. This is in fact a very frequent
occurrence. Gar I4ter, gar durhliuhtec, like vil unschuldeo, vil
eine, would often represent merely an indefinite degree of the
quality under consideration.

When gar is joined to adjectives and adverbs with the prefix
un-f the particle might seem to retain its original meaning of
entirely, completely. The dictionary of Benecke-Mtiller-Zarncke
quotes gar ungerne, Arm. Hein. 179, gar unmaere, Walth.
65-15, as instances of such a usage. If we remember however
that these words with the prefix un- in MHG do not necessarily
denote a negative notion, but usually one that is decidedly positive,
we see at once that gar may here express merely high degree.
Just as vil lutzely vil kleine, usually took on the derived meaning
not at all, so unhovelieh often expressed not a mere absence of
the quality of Hoflichheit, but the presence of its direct opposite.
Gar unhovelieh could be rendered then very impolite, very rude.
Likewise gar unsanjte, very roughly ; gar unverre, very near.

The accent of the word would have something to do with the
turn of its meaning. Strongly accented it would necessarily
mean ganz und gar. In verse this might happen if it were

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German. 51

placed at the point of chief accent, the end of the line. Or the
emphasis might be indicated by placing the word out of its usual
position. For this reason gar in postposition, or before the
indefinite article, or falling at the end of the line, would be more
likely to have its stronger original meaning. Compare : daz er
^widichen gar wil irliuhten ir schar. Vat. Uns. 1983-4.

Throughout the earlier period, gar was doubtless felt as a
much stronger particle than vil. In the literary language it had
the element of freshness, and the implied comparison with the
idea of completeness was no doubt felt. Though never, perhaps,
so strong as harte^ it came into vogue at a time when that particle
was distinctly felt to be quaint and obsolescent.

The following lists will show that gar during this period is
capable of being joined to any class of adjectives or adverbs
whatever. In the earliest examples the more common of these
words : balde^ diche, gerne, maneCy schiere, s^re, schdne, vilj wol,
etc., are perhaps conspicuously lacking. It was with just such
familiar words as these, however, that the older particles, vil,
woly hartey were retained the longest. Gar is just coming into
prominence in the literary language during this period, and it
naturally obtained a footing first with those words with which
the older particles had not been so closely associated. With the
more common adjectives and adverbs it displaced these older
particles but slowly.

Alemannic.

1. Poetical monuments. Total. Gar. Per

a) Lower Alemannic. cent.

Reinmar von Hagenau 88 2 2

Tristan 412

Flore und Blanscheflur 82 5 6

DieGuteFrau 86 5 6

Das Steinbuch 27

Der Trojanische Krieg 351 29 8

Keiser Otte mit dem Barte 22 2 9

Alexius 110 7 6

Martina 268 19 7

Eeinfried von Braunschweig 97 21 21

Peter von Stauffenberg 46 7 15

b) Upper Alemannic

Der Gute Gerhard 218 7 3

52 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

Total. Gar. Per
cent.

Barlaam und Josaphat 304 9 3

Johannes Hadlaub 106 37 35

2. Prose.

Altd. Predigt. Wack. 42-52 26 4 15

Pred. d. 13 Jahrh. Grieshaber 53 36 68

Pred. auf. Job. d. Taufer 3 2 66

The Alemannic epics show more clearly perhaps than the
monuments of any other dialect, the gradual coming into liter-
ary usage of this particle. The percentage for gar, as shown
by the above table, gradually increases, with few exceptions,,
throughout the whole period. Tristan with no examples dates
from the beginning of the thirteenth century. Rein. v. Braun.
and Peter v. Stauf., which show the highest percentages for
Lower Alemannic, are from the end. The two lyrical monu-
ments, Reinmar and Joh. Hadlaub, show a higher percentage
than their position in the table would warrant.

The Alemannic Predigten of Wackernagel (sermons 42-52)
show very rare instances oi gar, and for this reason are probably
to be placed very early in the thirteenth century. Grieshabers
Altd. Predigt. show a percentage of 68, which indicates, as^
mentioned under the discussion of vil, that they should be placed
in the fourteenth century.

In Upper Alemannic gar probably came into popularity
earlier than in Lower Alemannic. Harte disappeared here very
early, as we have seen. The percentage of 35 for this particle
in the works of Johannes Hadlaub (1302) shows that by this
time it had become quite familiar.

The words with which gar is joined in the poetical monuments
are numerous, as is to be expected in the case of a particle just
coming into prominence. The contrast in this regard between
gar and harte is very marked. The following are the most
frequent combinations : gar inneclioh, Mter, 4 times each ; elent-
riche, minnecliGhe, ritterliche, vlizediche, 3 times each ; gehiure,
hdch, gewaltec, liutsaelec, truebe, senfte, unmaere^ unmdzeny
unsanjte, unlange, wunderlich, twice.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 63
Bavarian- Austrian.

1. Bavarian. Total. Qar. Per
a) Poetical monuments. cent.

Albreht von Johannsdorf. 13 1 8

Parzival 293 7 2

Wolfdietrich B 235 7 3

Neidhart von Eeuenthal 93 4 4

Die Warnung 83 2 2

S. Francisken Leben 109 11 10

Der Heilige Georg 86 6 7

Der Jiingere Titurel (?) 154 17 11

Lohengrin 90 35 39

h) Prose.

Berthold von Kegensburg 366 266 73

2. Austrian.

a) Poetical monuments.

Genesis 159 1

Enticrist 53 2 4

KindheitJesu 83 1 1

Ortnit , 126 1 1

Wolfdietrich A , 250 1

Ortnit and Wolfdietrich C 46 1 2

Kudrun 552 2

Walther 145 11 7

Karl der Grosse 344 4 1

Freidankes Bescheidenheit 94 2 2

Diu Krone 395 15 4

Ulrich von Lichtenstein 389 12 3

Garel von dem bluhenden Tal (?) 338 8 2

Friedrich von Sonnenburg 26 6 24

Alexander 101 13 13

b) Prose.

Altdeutsche Predigten aus S. Paul (1300) 181

From the above tables for Bavarian- Austrian, it will be seen
that the lyrical monuments, Alb. v. Johannsdorf and Walther,
show relatively high percentages. In the Austrian popular epic
gar is remarkably rare. The Nibelungenlied offers one instance
from the version C, Kudrun 2, Biterolf und Dietleib none,
Ortnit and the different version of the Wolfdietrich very few.
The Bavarian monuments show the greatest frequency of this
particle and the highest percentages, S. Francisken Leben 10
per cent, Lohengrin 39. Ulrich von Eschenbach who follows
the traditions of the court epic more closely, and who perhaps
4

54 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

represents the local usage of Bohemia, uses this particle rather
sparingly, though he writes from the end of the thirteenth
century.

The absence of gar from the early Austrian popular epic
indicates that this particle was not current in the popular dialect
of that region at the beginning of the thirteenth century. Con-
sidering the great frequency of strengthening particles in the
Nibelungen, and the great variety there offered, there is no way
to account for the absence of gar except on the ground that it
was unknown to the popular speech. Biterolf und Dietleib,
from Styria, suggests the same state of affairs for that part of
the territory. The examples of gar in the later popular epic^
especially the later versions of Wolfdietrich, may be ascribed to
local influence in the different dialects in which they were pro-
duced, or to the fact that by this time gar had become a rather
common literary term. Further indications of the absence of
gar from the popular speech in certain parts of the Austrian
territory is offered by its absence from the Predigten aus S^
Paul., from Carinthia.

Ulrich von Lichtenstein (Styria, 1255-67) shows a percentage
of 3 for gar. His use of this particle is no doubt due to the
influence of gar in the other literature of his time rather than
from any natural tendency to use it. Had gar been current in
his native dialect, considering his fondness for effusive and
emphatic declaration, we should expect every page of his poetry
to show numerous examples.

That gar was current however in Bavaria, is shown by it&
frequency in the Bavarian epics mentioned above, and by the
sermons of Berthold von Begensburg, These show in 800O
long lines 266 examples, or 73 per cent of all particles.

In the poetical monuments of Bavarian- Austrian, the number
of adjectives and adverbs with which gar is associated is very
great; gar vil occurs 5 times, gar schdne, 4 times; gar with
gesunty unmaere^ 3 times ; with bereit, dicke, heimUchen, Mre, muedey
riche, unverzaget, unsinneclioh, unsanfte, wunnecUchy wol, twice.
Berthold von Regensburg, in the sermons examined, uses gar
wol 37 times, gar vil 26, gar grdz 12, gar guot 11, gar Ubel 8^
as compared with vil wol 17^ vil grdz 1, vil guot 1, vil uhd 1»

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 65

SWABIAN.

Total. Gar. Per 1000 Per

a) Poetical monuments. lines, cent.

Erec 373 9 1 2.6

Gregorius 150 2 ... 1

Der Arme Heinrich 81 1 ... 1

Gottfried von Neifen 88 4 2 5

Ulrich von Winterstetten 138 7 3 5

Der Marner 54 5 1 10

Eosengarten... 141 26 ... 19

Wolfdietrich D..... 270 9 ... 3

b) Prose.

Bruder David von Augsburg 15 11 ... 70

The above table shows a gradually increasing use of gar in
Swabian throughout the whole period. Hartmann makes a
very sparing use of this particle except in Erec. The presence
of gar in Erec to a greater extent than in his later works, where
he is more in line with traditional usage, ib to be taken as
evidence that he took this particle from his native dialect. Its
increasing frequency in the later lyrical monuments and in
Rosengarten, indicates the growing popularity of gar in the
popular speech. Wolfdietrich D follows doubtless the tradi-
tional word usage of the older versions, though the presence of
gar is probably the result of local influence.

The popularity oi gar during the latter half of the thirteenth
century in Bavaria, doubtless extended also into Swabian terri-
tory, especially the southern part, and reached over into Upper
Alemannic. Bruder David von Augsburg shows the same
percentage for gar as Berthold von Regensburg, though he does
not use strengthening particles so frequently.

West Middle German.

Total. Gar. Per 1000 Per

a) Moselfrankish. lines, cent.

Orendel 202 14 3 7

Sanct Brandan 102 8 4 8

h) Khinefrankish.

Friedrich von Hausen 17 2 4 12

c) Hessian.

Athis und Prophilias 36

Liet von Troye 119 4 1 3

Erlosung 124 80 14 64

Elisabeth 99 44 9 44

56 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

In WMG gar is practically unknown as a strengthening par-
ticle before the thirteenth century. Orendel shows 14 examples,
but in view of its absence in other important monuments, it is
altogether likely that these belong to a later reworking of the
poem, and not to the original version, which the editor dates
about 1160. Sanct Brandan (1200) is the first monument to
show reliable examples of this particle, which occurs here 8
times.

In the Hessian dialect, Herbort von Fritslar (1215) uses gar
very rarely in the Liet v. Troye, 4 times in 5000 lines. Some
of these instances may perhaps be questioned. In the Erlosung
(1295) gar is the chief strengthener, 80 examples being found
and these constituting 64 per cent of all particles used. In
the Elisabeth gar is also the most frequent particle, though it
shows here a percentage of only 44. The predominance of gar
at this period in Hessian and Thuringian, as shown by its use
in the poetical monuments, is more decided than anywhere else
in the MHG field. This is the natural consequence of the early
decline of vil in these dialects.

Thueingian.

Total. Oar. Per 1000 Per

a) Poetical monuments. lines, cent.

Heinrich von Morungen 43 1 ... 2

Heinrich und Kunigunde 288 2 ... 1

VaterUnser 122 2 ... 2

Der Siinden Widerstreit 188 13 4 7

Heinrich von Meissen. 88 21 4 24

Tristan 121 65 13 64

h) Prose.

Sermonsof Eckard,Wack.55, 56,60, 61 4 4 ... 100

In Thuringian ^ar is rare before the latter half of the thirteenth
century. The lyrics of Heinrich von Morungen show gar unh6
133-26 ; Heinrich und Kunigunde, gar reht 175, gar lihte 2604;
Vater Unser gar gebriiderliche 175, als gar gehdrsam 1878. In
the lyrics of Heinrich von Meissen gar is much more popular,
and in the Tristan Fortsetzung of Heinrich von Frieberg it con-
stitutes 54 per cent of all strengthening particles.

That gar was current in the popular speech of this dialect by
the end of the century at least, is to be assumed by its frequency

Strengthening Modifies in Middle High German, 57

in the literary monuments. The same is indicated by its presence
in the sermons of Eckard.^

East Frankish.

Total. Gar. Per
cent

Wigalois 377 2

Winsbeke und Winsbekin 17 2 12

DerKenner...... , 137 34 25

South Frankish.

Reinmar von Zweter , 130 8 6

In the South and East Frankish monuments gar shows itself
also but rarely before the second half of the thirteenth century.
Two questionable examples are found in Wigalois, Winsbeke
shows one unmistakable example, gar alt 60-5, Winsbekin gar
wisiu 9-9. The lyrical poems of Reinmar von Zweter show 8
examples, or 6 per cent of all strengthening particles, which is
a high percentage for his time (1227-60). Der Renner shows
a percentage of 25 for gar, vil being the most common strength-
ener with a percentage of 70.

WOL.

Wol as an indefinite strengthener of adjectives and adverbs
is somewhat frequent during this period, especially during the
early part. This use of the word is so closely connected with
wol the adverb of manner, and the strengthener of a whole
assertion, that the two must be considered together. The word
is derived from the root of wollen, and therefore meant, in the
first place, according to wish, in a desirable manner , then,
thoroughly. As a modifier of verbs, and denoting the manner
in which the action is performed, wol is frequent with such

^ The statement of Paul in his dictionary under gar : " Volkstiimlich ist
dieser Gebrauch nur im Siiden," if true, can apply only to modern times.
Compare also Kip, p. 160, commenting on this statement of Paul: Diese
dialektische Eigentiimlichkeit scheint bis in alte Zeit zuriickzureichen.

58 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

words as hewarny hehagen, gezemen, phlegen^ tuon, etc. Here the
original meaning of the word is the most clearly preserved.

More frequent however than with such verbs, and more
important for the later development of the word, are the
instances of wol with verbs of knowing, believing, perceiving
through the senses, seeming, etc. This use of the word is so
common and well understood that it is hardly necessary to cite
examples. The following may however be given :

ich weiz wol daz er deh machet ndch uns zehant 4f die sld.
Krone 3239.

ich meine wol daz ir sit ein vil erhlicher zage. Krone 3758.

als ich n4 wol waene. Fl. u. Bl. 1447.

ich sihe wol daz der tdt die Hebe muoz verenden, Fl. u. Bl.
1456.

do verstuont sich wol diu reine daz ich gerne M ir was,
Iwein 332.

dd ich im alsd ndhen quam daz er min wol war genam,
Iwein 471.

im vastet niht, daz hoere ich wol. Iwein 817.

€2! schinet wol . . . daz disiu rede ndch ezzen ist. Iwein 815.

In such examples as these, wol shows little of its original
connection with the verb wollen, but has become merely a general
strengthener of the verbal idea expressed by the word it modi-
fies. In this use it is so firmly fixed, however, that no other
strengthening adverb can take its place, even at the present
time. If any other adverb is used, it adds another meaning
entirely. Compare for instance : diu minne weiz die liste gar,
Fl. u. Bl. 678, where gar logically does not modify the verb at
all, but die liste.

From its long and intimate association with such verbs as
wizzen, denken, gelouben, waenen, schinen, etc., wol becomes
largely subjective in its meaning. It represents more than any
other adverb can do in MHG the personal opinion of the
speaker. This appears very plainly in the next important
function of the word, its use as a general strengthener of an
assertion. The literature of the period is full of examples, a
few of which will suffice :

'^\ B R A /Tl' .
OF THC ' \

UNIVER8'; ")
Strengthening Modifiers vit -JdMdiei:^ J^Mfh German, 69

die wile der admirdt leht eine, s6 muge wir wol vor im genesen}
Alex. 5234. Wol here is equivalent to ich geloube wolj surely,

Mten si noch grdzer krafty got machet uns dock wol sigehaft,
K. der Gr. 9054. (TFbZ, 1 firmly believe.)

tuosm dan die widerMre dne grdze din untre^ sd bistii wol ein
vrum man. Iw. 558. (Wol, I will acknowledge.)

dd huop sich vil grdz weinen, und schrty owt mir armen, daz ez
wol mohte erbarmen ein flinshertez herze, Fl. u. Bl. 1484. (Wol,
I am quite ready to believe.)

ichn habe iu selhes niht getdn, ir mbhtet mich wol lebn Idn,
Iwein 173. (Woly ich dcehte woly I should think.)

er was einem Mdre gelichy michel und als eislich daz ez nie-
men wol geloubet. Iwein 429. (That very likely no one will
believe it.) ^

In most of the instances where wol is thus used as a sentence
modifier in MHG it serves to add strength to the assertion,
the above examples, where it savors of Mod. Germ, wohl, being
exceptional. From this use the Mod. Germ, indefinite sense

^ Wol here has little or nothing to do with the verb miigen. It modifies the
whole statement not the auxiliary verb. This may perhaps be better seen
from the following : ein man sluege wol ein her oh ez dne wer waere. Krone 830.
The sense is that one man would no doubt succeed against a whole army, not
that he could slay the army with little eflfort. Kip's classification of wol with
the auxiliaries especially miigen and kunnen is of no significance whatever
(p. 221). It is the exception if wol modifies the auxiliary. Nor is his theory
as to the weakening of wol logical. He says : " Wole steHt in formelhafter
Verbindung mit gewissen Verben, deren Bedeutung im Laufe der Zeit derartig
verschoben wird, dass eine unbestimmte Moglichkeit an Stelle des alteren
bestimmten Begrifies tritt. Diese Verben schleppten gewissermassen das
Adverbium mit, so dass die Unbestimmtheit, die urspriinglich nur an das
Verbum haftete, nach und nach auch auf das Adverbium iibertragen wurde.
Vor allem gehoren hierher die beiden Verben miigen und kunnen" In so far
as these and other auxiliaries, in connection with their infinitives, frequently
refer to a future action, some uncertainty may be present. But this is no
more true of miigen and kunnen than of werden and &oll&n, or the present tense
of any verb used as a future. It is not necessary that wol should be carried
along in its development toward the stage of indefiniteness, by any verb or
class of verbs. With this particle, as well as with others which originally
signified a state of completeness or definiteness, this weakening was rather the
result of sheer wear, of too frequent use.

2 See Bech, note to Iwein 1762, " wol = leicht, moglicherweise." 173 and
429 are however unexplained.

60 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

of the word, as in " Sie sind wohl ein Franke ? " is descended.
That this process of development or weakening had already
begun in MHG may be seen from the above examples.^ Signs
even of the use of wol in concessive clauses (Mod. Germ, obwohl)
are at hand during this period, Doch swaz ez dar umbe si, er
mac U718 wol gescheiden, doch mac er niht erleiden mir iuwer
werden minne, Fl. u. Bl. 1280-4. {Wol, to be sure, zwar,)

Being thus a general strengthener of an assertion, it is quite
easy to localize the word and make it applicable to an adjective,
an adverb, or even a numeral. It is then difficult, often, to-
determine whether the particle modifies the verb, the whole
sentence, or the adjective or adverb. Compare the following t
daz was och wol gevuege daz man im niht zersluege, etc.. Mart.
39-63. Where the adjective is in attributive position it is
reasonably certain that wol is intended merely as a strengthener
of the adjective, but with adjectives in the predicate, and with
adverbs, the difficulty is nearly always present.

In wol as a modifier of a numeral the same development took
place as in wol the sentence modifier. Originally it was felt as
a real strengthener. Kuster michf Wol tilsentstunt,W2\t\i. Z^—
26, at least a thousand times. That the writer or speaker
thought he was keeping well within the bounds of truth, is
shown by the frequent addition of the words oder m^re, oder
haz; wol vierzio t4sent oder dannoch baz, Nib. 181-3. Wol
hundert oder m^re, 279-3.^ Again it is shown by an effi)rt ta
state the number exactly, instead of expressing it roundly : wol
vierdehalbe hlafter lane. Bit. u. Diet. 7500.^ This force of the
word was however soon lost, and most of the examples of wol
with numerals during this period are to be taken as equivalent
to " etwa," " ungefahr.''

As a strengthener of adjectives and adverbs it is to be noticed
that wol is often found with words expressing distance, motion,.

^ This weakening in the force of wol is parallel to that which has taken
place in zewdre, ungevdr, vaste, gewis. The excessive use of such asseverations,
and the general experience that they are necessary only where room for
reasonable doubt exists, has caused them one after another to be discounted.

^ Compare Wieland, Geron der Adelige, i, line 295 : Wohl siebzig Jahre mogen's-
sein und mehr.

^ Compare wel nyne and twenty in a companye, Chaucer Cant. Tales, Pro. 24..

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 61

or some space relation, such as verrey lanCj witen, ndchy 4/", hin,
etc. The starting point seems to be the idea of motion from
some place, and wol expresses the same turn of thought as
English well in such expressions as well away, well heyond, well
alongr Comparison with wol the sentence strengthener may not
be lacking in these examples, though the relation to guot is
perhaps closer, wol being here equivalent to a good distance.
Compare einen guoten wee hin, Iwein 5553. Quite of the same
nature are such expressions as ich wil beliben baz, Walth. 88-34,
ndher baz, Kol. 4274, and vurbaz, English better than a mile.
In all such figurative expressions the measuring standard of one
class of ideas, with its different gradations, is applied to another
class. Wol ndohy Eng. well nigh, represents the same turn of
thought. Probably originally applied to space relations, wol
ndch meant well along towards, afterwards well nigh. Compare
ndch as a preposition. Wolfram uses wol ndch, Parz. 132-27,
wol ndch gein der mile ziL

Wol is more frequently found associated with adjectives
formed from past participles, and retaining something of their
verbal meaning, or with adjectives similar in form to parti-
ciples, and easily dissociated with the corresponding verbs.
Sometimes the particle is inseparable from the participle, and
the two form a single compound expression. For example, wol
getdn, wol geslaht (old French de bon aire), wol gestalt. In such
instances, wol retains its original force, either as meaning in a
desirable manner, or well, thoroughly, as when modifying verbs
of knowing or believing. In many cases no other strengthener
may be used, which is evidence that wol is not here weakened
to a general strengthening particle. Further examples of such
are: wol gesunl, wol kunt, wol bekant, wol gemuot, wol bereit,
wol icdr.

Like rehte, wol is sometimes found with words of a kindred
meaning. This may be compared to the Mod. Germ, colloquial
heaping together of adjectives having a similar meaning, for
the purpose of expressing a high degree of the quality. Com-
pare for instance, fein artig, fein ehrbar, hubsch achon, etc.,
English good and hot, nice and clean. Examples of such a
usage in MHG, in which the original meaning of wol is to

62 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

a greater or less degree felt, are : wol billich, wol veile, wol wert,
wol hehagen, etc.

Unlike rehte, wol is not found with words of an opposite
meaning. This indicates that the association in meaning of
the particle and the original adverb was always more or less
present.

Finally wol is applied to other adjectives and adverbs and
has the force of an indefinite strengthening particle. With
these it can take the place of some other strengthener. That its
field of usefulness should here be limited, is easy to understand
when we consider that the process of weakening, by which this
particle approached in meaning Mod. Germ, indefinite wohl,
was well under way during the thirteenth century. Its career
as a modifier of adjectives and adverbs was thus cut short.

Being so largely subjective in nature, and used so generally
with gradually weakened force as a sentence strengthener, wol
was never a strong or very emphatic particle.

To be compared with wol are such phrases as ze wunsche^ ze
freude, ze prise, all of which are comparatively frequent.

Following is a list of the words with which wol as a strength-
ening particle is associated in Upper German.^ Wol with these

^ Haupt, in his edition of the Erec, reconstructs vol in several instances
where the manuscript reads wol. Thus, vol karger man 2381, vol tugentliche 9909,
mit vol blanker varwe 7293, vol also 7244, vol minneclichen 6794. In this he follows
Lachmann (See Haupt to 2381, L. to Iwein 3179). Mit vol blanker varive is
evidently from analogy to vol liehter varwe 7729 (note to 2381). Vol is however
here not a modifier of liehter, but liehter varwe is a genitive depending on vol, and
the line should be rendered, " full of brilliant color," So Henrici, following
Lachmann, has unz vol ndch mittem tage, Iwein 7239 ; DEJhcfr wol. All such
reconstruction is unjustified. Vol seems never to have been weakened to a
general strengthening particle. Certainly it is not so used by Hartmann.
Compare Erec 4816-20 : ich bite inch, tugenthafter man, sit ir mir sit gewesen guot,
daz ir mir vol{le) wol tuot, daz ich iuch mueze erkennen: geruochet inch mir nennen.
Vol in this passage is not a strengthener of wol, as English /wZ/ well^ but modifies
the verb wol tuon, and has about the same force as vol in vol sprechen. Compare
und als er vol sich geneic, Iwein 3944, suit ir volvarn, Iw. 61e50. The passage
means, " since you have already done me one favor (to return his horse as
requested) I beg that you will go further and do me the highest, the complete
honor of telling me your name." So line 7375, Em phdrt schoene und voile guot.
Voile guot means perfect in every respect, not merely very good, as may be seen
from the context : weder ze nider noch ze ho, 7341, and alsd was ez volkomen daz
er dar abe niht hete genomen alse grdz als umbein hdr, 7386-8. So vollen guoiy

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 63

is not always free from traces of its original meaning, though
examples where this is manifestly retained are excluded. Wol
bereitj gemuotj gewar, kunt, are very frequent. Wol balde occurs
10 times, geliche, 9 ; schin, billichy 3 ; gevnoge, gemeity her, manec,
4f, verre, veile, war, wert, 2. With other words only a single
instance each has been found.

The greater part of the examples of wol are from the beginning
of the thirteenth century or earlier. In Alemannic, Gottfried's
Tristan shows 28, or 70 per cent of the whole number for this
dialect. In Swabian they are, with one or two exceptions, from
Erec and Iwein.^ In Bavarian- Austrian the three Nibelungen
versions show 22 examples, Diu Krone 7, Parzival 3. Elsewhere
are only scattering examples, many of which are doubtful. By
the end of the century this particle had practically become
obsolete, its use being confined to such expressions as wol veile,
wol 4ff and to those connections where its original force was
largely retained, as wol bereit, wol hunt, etc. It is exceedingly
rare in the prose monuments for the whole period. Berthold
von Regensberg shows wol billich, wol manic.

In Middle German the examples of wol, where it may be
•considered as an indefinite strengthening particle, are rare and
scattering before the latter part of the thirteenth century. Die
Erlosung (1295) shows 7, Elisabeth 14. In the latter monument
the examples are so numerous and so evidently genuine as to
suggest the fact that wol was at this time current in the popular
dialect.

REHTE.

Behte, OHG rehto, as a strengthener of adjectives and adverbs
is found very early in the Germanic dialects : rehto ubarliU, Ot.

Arm. Hein. 1177, uns kan daz niht gewerren iuwer maget end vollen guot, which
should be rendered, "that your maiden be not fully perfect," which was
demanded to effect a cure. (See Bech's note to this passage).

Elsewhere examples of vol have been noticed : Hein. v. Meissen, Leiche 3-8,
vollen miachajt ; Martina, 38-55, vol geswinde ; St. Brandan 1826, vollen gerne ;
Konig Tirol, 1-3, voile lobesam ; Hein. v. Freiberg, Tristan vollen wit und grdz^
1158, vollen hdch 6044. Other examples have been noted where the original
meaning of the word is manifestly retained.

^ Zw. Biichl. wol bescheiden 69, wol vrum 479.

64 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

ly, 24-26 ; rehto virinlih, Mus. 10, and rehto palwicy 26. The
word is from the same root as Latin regere, to guide or straighten^
Mod. Germ, riohten, and is a participial formation. The original
meaning was, in a straight way, then, correctly, in a proper
manner) Ot. Ill, 23-39. mir . . folge, ther rehto gangan wolle.

The different stages in the development of the word as it came
to be applied to adjectives and adverbs are not easy to follow.
It is probable however that the process was quite different from
that in the case of wol. There is no reason to believe that the
idea of what is right or just, entered into the conception of the
word, and that from this it passed to the idea of generously, in
a rich measure, to a high degree. Had such been the develop-
ment, we should expect to find it at first associated with words
of a kindred meaning. This does not however seem to be the
case. Its connection with virinlih, terrible, and palwic, destruc-
tive, in the Muspilli, shows that no such idea is there present.
It is more probable to assume that an early differentiation of
meaning took place, and that there resulted on the one hand,
Mod. Germ, recht, gerecht, on the other hand, the strengthening
particle, which passed through some such stages as exactly, fully,
to a high degree. Evidence of such a development is to be found
in the use of the word with als, alsd, alsam. Compare reht'
alse ich iu t seite, Tr. 3468 ; and further, such phrases as, rehte
unz in diu tor, Tr. 387 ; aglain, such examples as was ir varwe
wiz rdt var, noch rehte wiz, noch rehte rdt, Liet v. Tr. 602. In
each of these, rehte has the force of exactly, gerade, as English
right up to the gate.

The same idea is expressed in the use of rehte with numerals,
rehte vierdehalp, Vom Antichrist, 283-13; rehte vier und zwanzic,
Str. Alex. 5095. Before numerals rehte does not appear to have
been weakened to ungefdhr, about, as in the case of wol. This
function was assumed by the latter particle exclusively.

Rehte, then, joined to adjectives and adverbs, marked origin-
ally the completeness of the quality, and had little or no
connection with the idea of what is right or proper. Rehte guot
meant good in the fullest sense of the word, Rehte leit implied
that the thing or condition of affairs to which this expression
referred was such that it might correctly be described in these

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 65

terms. From this meaning rehte was easily weakened to a
general strengthening particle.^

As thus used it will readily be seen that rehte was very
emphatic, approaching in force to harte. That it was a more
polite and elegant word is indicated by the preference shown for
it by the lyrical writers.

In the majority of instances, rehte as a strengthening particle
is preceded by als6, s6, wie, swie, or some such adverb, as was
the case with gar during the earlier part of the period. The
use of such expressions in connection with rehte^ or rather the
use of rehte or gar in such instances where a striking comparison
is to be made, or a clause of result introduced, indicates merely
that these were felt as very strong particles.

Alemannic.

1. Poetical Monuments. Total. Rehte. Per lOOO Per
a) Lower Alemannic. lines, cent.

Keinmar von Hagenau 88 11 5 13

Tristan 412 34 2 8

Flore und Blanscheflur 82 17 2 21

DieGuteFrau 86 4 15

DasSteinbuch 27 4 4 14

Der Trojanische Krieg 351 41 4 12

KeiserOtte 22 1 15

Alexius 110 1 11

Martina 268 15 2 6

Reinfried von Braunschweig 97 4 4

Peter von StaufPenberg 46 3 3 6

6) Upper Alemannic.

Der Gute Gerhard 218 6 13

Barlaam und Josaphat 304 4 1

Johannes Hadlaub 106 15 7 14

2. Prose.

Altd. Predig. Wackernagel I-LII. 91 4 4

Deut. Predig. d. 13 Jarhr. Gries 63 7 13

The tables for Alemannic show a very irregular use of rehte
throughout the thirteenth century. Flore und Blanscheflur
shows the highest percentage, next come the popular Steinbuch,
and the two lyrical monuments. These latter, Reinmar von

^ Compare in this regard English right and downright, the latter retaining to
a greater extent its original force. Downright nonsense, geradezu Vnnnn, but
also downright glad, downright sorry.

66 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

Hagenau and Johannes Hadlaub, show the highest actual
frequency, 5 and 7 per thousand lines respectively. There is a
marked difference between the three works of Konrad von
Wiirzburg, Der Trojanische Krieg showing 41 examples, or 12
per cent, Keiser Otte and Alexius a single instance each.

The number of words with which rehte is joined in Alemannic
is very large. The following are the more frequent combina-
tions: rehte wol 15, schdne 9, suoze 8, minnedich 6, wunnedich
6, frd 5, guot 5, keiserlich 4, vin 3, w^ 3, hdeh 3, ndhen 3,
ungerne 3, wert 2, bitterliehen 2, dicke 2, leit 2, manee 2, swaere 2,
with about 60 other words a single instance each.

From this list it appears that whatever the process of devel-
opment through which rehte has passed, the actual usage of the
particle during this period has been influenced by the original
color of the word as shown in the adverb of manner. In the
majority of instances rehte is united with words expressing a
good or desirable quality. Words of the opposite meaning are
not lacking, though they are not so numerous.

Bavarian- AusTKiAN.

1. Bavarian. Total.

a) Poetical Monuments.
Parzival 293

Neidhart von Reuenthal 93

S. Francisken Leben 109

Der Heilige Georg 86

Lohengrin 90

b) Prose.
Berthold von Regensburg 366

2. Austrian.

a) Poetical Monuments.

Genesis 159

Die Biicher Mosis 177

Kindheit Jesu 83

Nibelungen 1250

Biterolf und Dietleib 701

Wolfdietrich A 250

Kudrun 552

Walther 145

Karl der Grosse. 344

Freidankes Bescheidenheit 94

Ulrich von Lichtenstein 389

Garel von dem bluhenden Tal (?) 338

Friedrich von Sonnenburg 26

b) Prose.
Altd. Predigten aus S. Paul 181

Eehte.

Per Ct.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 67

The frequency of rehte in Bavarian- Austrian monuments is
also irregular. Here the lyrical works show the highest per-
centages : Walther and Fried, v. Sonn. show each 8 per cent,
Ulrich V. Licht. 5, Neidhart 4. The epic monument showing
the highest percentage is Lohengrin, which has many popular
features of style. The Nibelungen come next with 5 per cent.

Rehte has been found in Bavarian- Austrian with about 170
different words. Of these the greater number express a good or
desirable quality. The most frequent are : rehte wol 13, minnec-
lich 10, htrlich 7, schdne 7, guot 6, lieplichen 5, manlich 5, Hep
5, vroeliche 4, vrd 4, sileze 4, reine 3, vriuntlich 2, gemuote 2,
wunneclichen 2.

Those of a more or less opposite meaning : rehte leit 9, wt 3,
grimmedichen 3, jaemerlichen 2, swaere 2, vientlichen 2 ; further a
single instance of each of the following : 6oese, grimme, kumher-
lichen, Mageliche, toheliehe^ trilreCy ubeley unsanfte, unfriuntlicheny
unvroelicheriy vreislich, vientlichen unreine.

With words of an indifferent color : rehte gar 6, kunt 3, Mme
2, ndhen % wdr 2, grdz 2, etc.

SWABIAN.

Total. Rehte, Per Ct.

Wernhers Maria 92 2 2

Heinrich von Kugge 25 3 12

Erec 373 4 1

Erstes Buchlein , 59 1 2

Gregorius 150 3 2

Armer Heinrich c. 81 1 1

Iwein 249 5 2

Zweites Biichlein 15 1 7

Gottfried von Neifen 88 5 6

Ulrich von Winterstetten 138 9 6

Eosengarten 141 3 2

In Swabian rehte is more popular with writers of lyric than of
epic poetry. Heinrich von Rugge shows the highest percentage,
Hartmann^s Zweites Biichlein, Gottfried von Neifen, and Ulrich
von Winterstetten come next in order. Otherwise there seems
to be nothing peculiar concerning the use of the word in this
dialect. Rehte minnedichen occurs 3 times, rehte guoty rehte
giletlichen, rehte wunnedichen, rehte wol, twice each.

68 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

Middle West German.

a) Moselfrankish. Total. Rehte. Per Ct.

Vorau Alexander 54 1 2

Orendel 202 13 6

Strassburg Alexander 268 4 2

Sanct Brandan 102 1 1

6) Rhinefrankish.

Friedrich von Hansen 17 2 12

e) Hessian.

Athis und Prophilias 36 1 3

LietvonTroye 119 2 2

Erlosung 124 5 4

Elisabeth 99 3 3

Thuringian.

Heinrich von Morungen 43 3 7

Heinrich und Kunigunde 288 2 1

Vater Unser , , 122 1 1

Der Siinden Widerstreit 188 13 7

Tristan 121 3 3

In WMG and Thuringian rehte is rare as a strengthening
particle throughout the whole period. Only two monuments
show more than 5 examples. Orendel offers 13. This monu-
ment is exceptional also in the use of harte and gar, as has been
previously mentioned. Der Siinden Widerstreit, which is
popular in tone, shows 13 examples, or 7 per cent. The
lyrical monuments show the highest percentages : Friedrich von
Hansen 12, Heinrich von Morungen 7.

Rehte wol is here the most frequent combination, occurring 8
times, rehte gerne is found 5 times, rehte lieplichen 4, rehte
schoene 3.

East Frankish.

Total. Rehte. Per Ct.

Himmelfahrt Mariae 34 1 3

Wigalois 377 8 2

Der Renner 137 3 2

South Frankish.

Moriz von Craon 56

Reinmar von Zweter 130 6 4

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 69

The South and East Frankish monuments show also very few
examples of rehte. The lyrics of Reinmar von Zweter show the
highest percentage. With the exception of the latter monument
the instances are less than one per thousand lines.

Rehte is thus seen to belong more particularly to Upper
German, and to be most frequent in Alemannic and Bavarian-
Austrian. There are no signs of its becoming entirely obsolete
at any time, and it doubtless continued in use down to the
present.

GENUOC.

GenuoG, OHG ginuog, Gothic ganohs, is connected with the
Gothic preterit-present verb ganah, it satisfies. This word is
used in MHG as a strengthener of adjectives and adverbs as
well as verbs. No similar use of the word occurs in OHG or
Gothic. What is perhaps the original meaning may be seen in
Gothic ganohsy which signifies primarily much^ then sufficient.
Compare : jah mid iddjedun imma siponjos is ganohai, Luke
7-11, and many of his disciples went with him. And further,
Nauh ganoh shal qi\an izwis^ John 16-12, I have much yet to
say to you, ganoh here being a translation of the Greek ttoXv.

Throughout the OHG period the two notions of much and
sufficient are associated with the word, both as adjective and as
adverb. Compare Merigarto 4, Uz der erda sprungan manigslahte
prunneUj manig michil s^, in hdhe unt in ebene, uuazzer gnuogiuy
where uuazzer gnuogiu is to be rendered much water.

Otfrid uses the word ginuag in both senses : III, 25-38, Fon
thesses dages fristi s6 was in thaz sid festi in muate ginuagiy festi
ginuagi being rendered sufficiently firm. In the following, ginuag
has the force of richly, in full measure : Allez guat zi wdre s6
fldzfon imo thdre alien liutin ioh ginuag y III, 14-82.

This double meaning holds for the word during the MHG
period. Compare : JEr hdt w^nc, und ich genuoc, Parz. 7-6.
As a modifier of a verb : Ouch weiz icKs selbe genuoc, Tristan
13963. It is hence very easy to join this adverb to an adjective
or another adverb as a mere strengthening particle. It is not
necessary to assume that the word was first used in this connection
ironically, as the dictionary of Benecke-Miiller-Zarnke states.^

^ See also Kip, p. 165.
6

70 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

The early history of the word is evidence to the contrary, as is
also the fact, which will appear below, that genuoc is used much
more frequently with words expressing a good or desirable
quality than with those of opposite meaning. The earliest
instances of this use of the word, genuoc Mre Gen. 57-9, genuoch
redespaehe Gen. 130-2, rethehaft genuoge Eol. 1371, 8788, are
with adjectives of such a nature. With these it is very unlikely
that irony can be intended.

Genuoc as a strengthening particle is nearly always in post-
position, and almost invariably in rime. Besides the examples
mentioned above, the following have been noted where the
particle stands before the word it modifies and outside of rime
position. Wolfd. C. Ill, 45-4, gnuoc lange ; Moriz von Craon
716 J genuoc riche; Gebet einer Fran. Diemer 381-19, genuch
dikke; Athis und Prophilias 0*27 so riten sie gnuoc trdge;
Pred. aus S. Paul. 76-15, di tdten sich 4/ und wurden gnuoch
lebentich. Hartmann's Erec offers three instances out of eight,
before the word modified :

von dem h4s gnuoc verre, 9870.
wan SI was genuoc fruo, 2442.
beidiu gnuoc kuntlich, 2340.

The first five thousand lines of Iwein offer five examples of
genuoc, all of which are in postposition : 1789, 2033, 2711, 3462,
4868. Five instances are found in the remainder of the poem,
and these all stand before the modified word :

er ist gnuoc tumprceze, 5242.

nil ist ez gnuoc billich, 5244.

daz lehn was gnuoc kumberlich, 5574.

begunden si gdhen . . engegen im gnuoc verre, 6474.

ir herze ist ein gnuoc engez vaz, 7044.

Armer Heinrich shows : nu ist genuoc unmugelich daz ir
deheiniu . . tide den tdt, 453 ; nu vernam er daz si waere genuoc
unwandelbaere, 1172. The Erstes Biichlein has gnuoc tiur 390.

Genuoc rimes almost invariably with either truoc or sluoc.
The two examples from the Rolandslied quoted above rime, or
rather assonance, with kuone. Parzival 157-3, Guter Gerhard

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 71

5943, each rime with Tduoo, Outside of rime but in postposition
genuoG is found : Troj. Krieg 211, wan mir ist sanfte gnuoc dd
mite; Ath. und Proph. El 50, al w&r er sh^e gnuoc virladin.

The fact that this particle appears so rarely outside of rime
position, and that the rime words in this ending are so few,
suggests that it is preserved in the epic merely for the sake of
rime. Truoc and sluoe form an important part of the word
stock of epic poetry, and but for such a word as genuoCy which
as a strengthening particle may be tacked on almost anywhere
in a sentence, the monotony of constantly riming the two words
together would be great. Hartmann's freer use of the word
may indicate that it was current to a greater degree in Swabia
than elsewhere.

Associated in meaning, as it is, with the idea of sufficiency,
we should expect genuoc to be united preferably with words
expressing a good or desirable quality. The lists which follow
will show that such is the case. Of this nature are hescheiden-
Itchy hillich, biderbey edely gerne, guoty Mre, Mrlichj holt, kostlich,
kuene, milte, Hep, riche^ sanfte^ schdne, scelec, snel, sUberlichey
unschuldecy unwandelbaere, friuntlichy vrdy vroelich, vrum, vlizec,
wise, wislichj wol.

It is found also with words of the opposite meaning : grimme,
grimmeCy griuwelich, heinliohy leity ndt, swaere, trUbreCy ubelcy unscelec,
ident.

Aside from these, genuoc seems capable of modifying any
olass of adjectives or ab verbs whatever, and to have no other
special color.

The following lists show the occurrences of this particle which
have been noted.

Alemannic.

Pat

Total. Genuoc ^^

a) Lower Alemannic.

Flore und Blanscheflur 82 3 4

DieGuteFrau 86 2 2

Der Troj anische Krieg 351 6 2

Reiser Otte 22 2 9

b) Upper Alemannic.

Der Gute Gerhard 218 4 2

72 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.
Bavarian- Austrian.

Per

Total. Qenuoc. p, ,

1. Bavarian.

o) Poetical monuments.

Parzival 293 14 3

S. Francisken Leben 109 2 2

Lohengrin 90 3 S

h) Prose.

Berthold von Kegensburg 366

2. Austrian.

a) Poetical monuments.

Genesis 159

Kindheit Jesu 83

Nibelungen 1250

Biterolf und Dietleib 701

Wolfdietrich A 250

Ortnit and Wolf. C , 46

Kudrun 552

Karl der Grosse 344

Freidankes Bescheidenheit ..., 94

Diu Krone 395

Garel von dem bliihenden Tal 338

h) Prose

Altd. Predig. aus S. Paul 181

SWABIAN.

Erec 373

Erstes Biichlein 59

Gregorius 150

Armer Heinrich 81

Iwein 249

Der Marner 54

West Middle German.

Rolandslied 400 2

Sanct Brandan 102 4 4

Athis und Prophilias 36 3 ^

Elisabeth 99 1 1

Thuringian.

Heinrich und Kunigunde 288 5 2

VaterUnser 122 1 1

Tristan 121 4 S

...

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 73
South and East Frankish.

Total. Genuoc. ^^\
Cent,

Wigalois ,. 377 4 1

Moriz von Craon 56 2 4

The above lists indicate that genuoc as a strengthening particle
is more particularly Upper German usage. The Bavarian-
Austrian monuments show the greatest frequency. The highest
percentage is found in the Kindheit Jesu, 10 per cent, Kudrun
and Parzival show each 4, the JNibelungen and Garel 3, Biterolf
and Dietleib 2. The other monuments show an inconsiderable
number, one per cent or less.

The absence of genuoc in lyrical works is noteworthy. This
is no doubt partly due to the fact that the rime words for genuoc,
truoG and sluoc, are either not a part of the word stock of lyrical
poetry, or, as in the case perhaps of the latter, found only rarely.
No doubt also genuoc was felt to be obsolescent as a strengthen-
ing particle, and such words, unless they happen to be a part of
the traditional lyrical diction, are not apt to find a place in lyric
poetry.

In the case of some of the examples quoted, particularly from
the latter part of the thirteenth century, there may be doubt as
to whether they are really intended as strengthening particles.
Those from the Predigten aus S. Paul seem to indicate that the
word was current in this portion of the field (Carinthia) at that
late date. Even here, though, they may be merely remnants
such as might be preserved in religious diction long after they
had become obsolete elsewhere. Berthold von Regensburg shows
no examples, nor have any been found in the sermon literature
elsewhere.

The examples from the Alemannic monuments are rare. None
are to be found in Tristan, and they are only scattering else-
where. None are found in the works from the end of the
century. Instances of genuoc with a word expressing an unde-
sirable or evil quality are relatively few in Alemannic, or only 2
out of 18. This is in contrast to Austrian usage, particularly in
the popular epic, where this particle with such words as grimme,
leitj triXreCy zornec, etc., is comparatively frequent.

74 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

In Swabian the examples of genuoe are all from the works of
Hartmann with the exception of wislich genuoe, Der Marner
16-16. This is the only example of genuoo with lyrical writers
that has been noted. Iwein shows the highest percentage,
though the word is actually nearly as frequent in Erec.

In South and East Frankish, only Wigalois and Moriz von
Craon show examples of genuoe. In these it is found only with
guot, riohe, and suberliohe.

In Middle German the instances of genuoe are also few and
scattering. None deserve special mention except perhaps those
in Heinrich von Freiberg^s Tristan, which are remarkable for
their late date (1303-1320). ^ They occur here however in rime^
which may account for their presence.

oEKiE.

S^rey OHG s^ro, an adverbial form of the adjective s^r, m
frequent during this period as a modifier of verbs. As such it
meant originally, sorely, with distress. It was then generalized
as a strengthener of a verbal idea and could be applied to any
kind of a verb. As applied to adjectives and adverbs, and
weakened to an indefinite strengthening particle, it is found in
certain parts of the MHG field.

Before s^re appears as a general strengthener of adjectives and
adverbs, it is found with certain participles which have a meaning
similar to that of the particle. 8Sre wunt is perhaps the most
common of these; stre erschraht occurs in Kudrun 59-1, s^r
ges^ret, Diu Krone 6344. It is found then with adjectives and
adverbs of a kindred meaning : s^re kit, St. Fr. Leben 1950,
Krone 16623 ; stre ande, Krone 4393 ; s^re krane, Krone 6698 ;
vil stre sieeh. Rein. v. Zweter 140-1 ; s^re ndt, Hein. u. Kunig.

^ Heinrich von Freiberg, although he endeavors to continue in the same
spirit as the original Tristan and makes frequent use of epithets and phrases
from Gottfried's version, shows no signs of influence from this source in the
matter of strengthening particles. Gottfried's strengtheners are, in the order
of their frequency : vil, harte, wol, rehte, sere ; Heinrich's, gar, vil, harte, genuoe^
rehte.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German. 75

99 ; s^re gehaz, Garel 2648 ; stre lasterbaere, Garel 976. In
these examples, instances of the association of related ideas are
offered, and s^re retains something of its original meaning. Its
use however extends to other connections, where all trace of its
original meaning seems to have disappeared. In Alemannic
monuments the following have been noted : ^ s^re ande^ Trist.
13543; erbdrmeclichj 1764; froudehafty Trist. 586, Troj. Krieg
6906 ; froudebaere, Alex. 938 ; frd, Trist. 11385; grdz, Fl. u.
Bl. 4342 ; guot, Trist. 172, Fl. u. Bl. 3765 ; irresam, Trist.
11830; krieohaft, Troj. Kr. 1562; leit, Trist. 6820, Troj. Kr.
7083; missevar, Trist. 12750; ndhen, Eein. v. Hag. 160-28,
Trist. 7251 ; rich 2747, 4583 ; starke, 5877 ; scharph, 9027 ;
trUric, 2601 ; schadehaft, 6990; unfrd, 2337, 2552, 11531 ; vur,
6295; w^, 12257, 12752; willec, 5062.

This use of s^re is confined almost entirely to Lower Aleman-
nic, and appears here only in the first half of the thirteenth
century. Gottfried von Strassburg's Tristan furnishes the
greater part of the examples, 23 out of a total of 31.

In the other dialects the examples of s^re are scattered and
are found chiefly with wunt, and adjectives and adverbs of a
kindred meaning, as noted above. Aside from these the follow-
ing may be cited : Diu Krone, sire lane, 8709 ; Siinden Wider-
streit, harte sire unfrd, 1683; sire unrehte, 1826; sire vaste,

^ These examples from Alemannic writers, and the fact that this particle
seems to disappear from the literary language during the thirteenth century,
are interesting in view of the statement of Paul in his dictionary, that sehr is
unknown to the popular speech in Upper German (dem Schwab-Bair. fremd,
dafiir arg, recht, fast, gar. Kluge.).

This use of sire is not noted in the MHG dictionaries. Benecke-Miiller-
Zarncke quotes sire vmnt, but states that " bei den attributiven Adjectiven
findet sich s^e nicht." Tristan 583, 2552, 11531, 5877, are examples of sire with
attributive adjectives.

Bechstein makes no note of this use of the word in the vocabulary of his
edition of the Tristan, and only a passing reference to it in a note to line
9027, the sixteenth time the word occurs : " die wdren gesliffen sire scharph unde
wahs; gesliffen ist aufzufassen als adjectivisches Participium, nicht als reines
Particip., das folgende scharph ist Adj. nicht Adv. zu slifen und sire ist Adv.
zu scharph, nicht zu gesliffen."

Bechstein apparently takes sire in this connection here as a matter of course.

76 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

1828 ; stre wunt, 244:4: ; Heinrichs Buch, ^ gar s^re bitter^ 1166 ;
s^re snel, 1466 ; s^re wol, 1514, 2188 ; s^re freudenriohe, 2380;
Br. David, gar sire muelich, p. 12.

STAEKE.

Starke as a strengthening particle is to be compared with
harte, Modern German mdchtig^ English mighty. Like harte, it
was probably first applied to adjectives and adverbs expressing
quantity, distance, etc., and illustrates the tendency to associate
the idea of strength with that of size. Besides adjectives and
adverbs of quantity, it is united preferably with those which
express an unpleasant or undesirable quality, although it is found
not infrequently with those of opposite meaning.

Under the first category, may be noted : starJce grdz^ Nib.
2039-1 ; starhe breit und grdz. Krone 1227 ; starke lane, Krone
3114, Starke tief, 3315.

Under the second : starke leity Nib. 641-3, Iwein 3007,
3240, Krone 838, 9209 ; starke bleich, Krone 9920 ; s. truebe,
Nib. 843-4; s. unvrdj Iw. 1432 ; s. vient. Nib. 1865-1 ; s. wunt,
Iw. 5463, 5564 ; s. wilde, Krone 5522 ; s. wt, Nib. 1013-2,
1026-4, Zw. Biichl. 149.

Under the third : starke frd, Wern. Maria 205-32 ; s. holt
Greg. 1652; s. wot, Krone 2841, 2906, 6259, 5154, 5656;
s. Uhtey Krone 5948. Further examples are : starke ungelich.
Krone 981 ; s. unmaere, 3170; s. ger, 5623 ; s. gezan, Iw. 455.

It may be seen from the above lists that the use of starke as
a strengthening particle is essentially Austrian, and that it is
very limited. The examples are all from the early part of the
thirteenth century. As to Hartmann's use of this particle,^
mention has already been made under the discussion of harte.

^ This monument shows a most varied and curious assortment of strength-
ening particles. Tlie older ones are intermingled with those more modem in
such a way as to suggest great contamination. For this reason the examples
here found have not been included in the previous lists. They include : ^il
36 times, wol 34, harte 22, gar 15, s^re 5, vasle 3, rehte 2, billUh 2, miehel 1, aZ 1,
sunder 1.

* This does not seem to be a mere question of editing. Henrici notes no
variant readings for Iwein.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German. 77

AL.

Throughout this period, al is generally used in its literal
sense, and means altogether , ganz und gar. Occasionally it is
found weakened in force to an indefinite strengthening particle.
As such it is to be compared with gar, rehte, vaate, which orig-
inally indicated a state of completeness of the quality expressed
by the word modified. Only occasionally is al found with
adjectives or adverbs denoting any other than an absolute qual-
ity. Such combinations as al hegarwe, al besunder, al eine, al
geUehe, al gemeine, al zesamene, al ze mdl, etc., are the most fre-
quent. That such were not generally understood as examples
of indefinite strengthening particles is shown by the manuscript
and text confusion as to al. Frequently it is inflected, alle, and
made to agree with the subject of the proposition, as, sie gingen
alle gemeine.

When this particle occurs with words not necessarily denoting
an absolute quality, it is difficult to determine whether the writer
means it as an indefinite strength ener, or intends that it should
be taken in its literal sense. It depends then largely upon the
individual peculiarity of the author, and whether he is given to
harmless exaggeration in this way. The instances where this
particle is plainly to be taken as an indefinite strengthener are
rare. They are to be found in the Austrian popular epic and in
Parzival. The latter monument offers the greatest number of
genuine examples. Compare al halde, 127-18, 633-23 ; al bldzy
660-14 ; al hUwecUche, 633-28 ; al hreit, 739-13 ; al ehte, 233-
26; al kurz, 227-10; al niuwe, 396-24, 435-17, 530-14; al
sanfte, 581-2 ; al s^r, 514-19 ; al stare, 522-15 ; al stille, 358-
21, 386-28; al tr4ree, 822-11, 133-4; al vaste, 324-1, 368-1,
410-20, 553-30 ; alvrd, 209-25, 286-16, 540-16 ; alwdr, 210-
18, 276-2; al w;^, 301-8, 457-12.

78 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

MICHEL.

Aside from its more frequent use with comparitives, michel is
found during this period in a few instances as a general strength-
ening particle. In original meaning michel is similar to grdze
and vil, and like the latter, it is a comparatively colorless adverb.
It is doubtless largely owing to this fact that it never came into
more general use. Having nothing in the way of special signifi-
cance to recommend it as an effective strengthener, and the field
being already largely occupied by vil, there was no general
demand for such a particle. In the transitional, or pre-classical
MHG period, scattered instances of this particle are found, as
well as in the monuments of the early part of the thirteenth
century.^ The following have been noted for the period under
consideration :

Kudrun, michel hdch unt stare 65-2, michel reht 984-1 ; Sanct
Brandan, michel ndt, 263 ; michel grdz, 1480 ; vil michel groz,
1558 ; Heinrichs Buch, michel grdz, 2248 ; Konig Hother, michel
leith, 3429, 2467 ; Wolfdiet. D, michel swaere, vi, 68-4 ; Altd.
Predigt. Wack. michel reht, 27-4, 27-63.

GRIMME.

Two Austrian monuments show examples of grimme as a
general strengthening particle, the Nibelungen, and Din Krone
of Heinrich von Tiirlin. In the former are found grimme
kuene, 872-311, 2038-4; grimme leit, 50-311, 192-1, 620-
2 II, 641-3 II, 1274-1, 1458-3, 1718-3 II, 1933-2, 2066-3 I,
2098-3 ; grimme stare, 185-4 1, 872-3 I ; grimme vient, 1865-1.

Diu Krone, grimme armstarc, 1292.

* Compare the citations by Kip, p. 178, also the following : michel vreissanif
Judith M8D 3-2 ; vji michel lUt, Lob Salomon, MSD xxxv, 3-4 ; mihhil gotlich^
Freis. Ausl. des Paternosters, MSD lv, 2 ; mihhil sSre, Seq. de S. Maria, MSD
XLT, 28; michel reht, Geb. einer Fr. Diem. 376-11.

Kip's statement that michel during this period is found only with reht is
therefore incorrect.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 79

STRENGTHENING PARTICLES WITH
COMPARATIVES.

With comparatives the list of strengthening adverbs is not so
large as with the positive degree. Vil, michel, and verre, are the
most frequent, instances of gar^ genuoCy witen, maneges, are rare,
and no others have been noted. The reason for this lies in the
nature of the comparison. What is emphasized in a strength-
ened comparative is the degree or extent of difference of the
quality under consideration, in the things compared, and there
is less room for pleasing epithets or striking figures. What is
sought for is a word which will express the degree of difference,
and to this purpose the adverbs of quantity or extent are best
suited. As thus used these adverbs are felt in their literal sense,
as adverbs expressing quantity, rather than as general strength-
ening particles. Vil baz, michel haz, mean better by much, verre
baZy or wUen bazy better by far.

Vil.

The most frequent strengthener of comparatives during this
period is vil, which undoubtedly continued in use down to
modern times. Examples of this particle are so numerous in
the literature of the period that none need here be cited.

Michel.

Next to vil, michel is the most frequent strengthener of com-
paratives. This particle appears both as an accusative, and as
a genitive of measure. The two forms are about equally fre-
quent, and there seems to be no rule as to which is preferable
in any given connection. Both often appear in the same text.
Sometimes this is merely a matter of editing, though manu-
script confusion is also present.

Examples of michel with the following comparatives have been
noticed : m^r 8 times, baz 3, bezzere 2, harter, Iwein, 2906 ; lieber,
Pred. aus S. Paul 134-12 ; grdzzer, Liet v. Troye 3711 ; gemery

80 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

Mb. 2112-2; heiliger, Pred. aus St. Paul 132-26 ; sanfter,W\h.
1429-211; vaster J Str. Alex. 4553; wunderlicher, Pred. aus S.
Paul 25-9.

Michels occurs with : m^r, 11 times, baz 3, wirs^ Bert. v. Eeg. I
117-35 ; Liet v. Troye 3529 ; gerner, Bar. u. Jos. 136-26 ; Freid.
Bescheid. 59-11 ; bezzer, Berth, v. Reg. i 152-23 ; harter^ Iwein
4391 ; elter, Freid. Bescheid. 79-5 ; lieber^ Freid. Bescheid. 56-2.

Verre.

Verre with comparatives is nearly as frequent as michel. The
following examples have been noted : verre baz, 21 times, bezzer
4, lieber 4, hdher 2, schoener 2, gerner, Heil. Geo. 5353 ; Marer,
Erlos. 1258 ; Under, Heil. Geo. 3068 ; m^r, Berth, v. Reg. 62-34;
n^her, Renner 1761; richer , Heil. Geo. 5320; sanfter, Garel
2476; swarzir, Ath. u. Pro. B85; ungelioher, Berth, v. Reg. i
103-37 ; unschedelioher. Berth, v. Reg. i 21-6.

Maneges.

Maneges is found with comparatives in Gottfried von Strass-
burg's Tristan, as follows : maneges bezzer, 1004 ; maneges enger,
14:14:', maneges wirs, 11^4:4:,

Gar.

Gar with comparatives occurs : gar bezzer, Parz. 19119 ; gar
schierer, Rosengarten, 266-4.

Genuoc.
Genuoc baz occurs in Parzival, 486-16.

WlTEN.

Witen mire is found in Jiingere Judith, 156-27.

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 81

SUMMARY BY DIALECTS.

A brief review of the previous material, giving the conditions
during this period by dialects, will now be in place.

Alemannic.

Throughout the whole period, vil is the predominant strength-
ening particle. Signs of its decline are evident however toward
the close of the thirteenth century, and these are more marked
in Upper than in Lower Alemannic. Harte is frequent in
Lower Alemannic monuments at the beginning of the thirteenth
century, and gradually goes out of use during the remainder of
the period, first in prose and lyric poetry, then in the epic. In
Upper Alemannic it disappears earlier than elsewhere. Gar is
known by the beginning of the thirteenth century, and gradually
increases in frequency throughout the period, becoming more
popular in Upper than in Lower Alemannic. S^re is found in
Gottfried's Tristan and other Lower Alemannic epics of the
early thirteenth century, but disappears from the literature
shortly after. Genuoc and wol are used infrequently during the
first half of the century, and are practically unknown during
the latter half. Rehte is rare throughout the whole period.

Bavarian-Austrian.

In the Bavarian-Austrian poetical monuments vil likewise
remains the predominant strengthening particle throughout the
period. In the spoken dialect of Bavaria, as indicated by the
sermons of Berthold von Regensburg, it gives way to gar during
the latter half of the thirteenth century. In Austria it doubt-
less maintained its supremacy even in the popular dialect until
the end of the period. Gar is found very early in Bavarian,
where it rapidly comes into prominence. It becomes also very
popular in the Tyrol during the last quarter of the century. In
Austria it is scarcely known to the popular dialect until the end
of the period. Harte is popular in Austria at the beginning of

82 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

the thirteenth century and continues until late. It is less
popular in Bavaria, except possibly in the north, and disappears
from the prose literature very early. Wol and rehte are infre-
quently found, the former during the early part, the latter
throughout the whole period. Grimme and starlce are known
to the popular literature of Austria at the beginning of the
thirteenth century, but soon disappear. Genuoc is rare through-
out the whole period, in prose as well as poetical monuments.

SWABIAN.

In the poetical monuments of Swabia, vil is the most common
of all the particles, and shows no general decline before the end
of the thirteenth century. In the spoken dialect, particularly of
the southern part, as indicated by the works of David von
Augsburg, it gives way to gar during the latter part of the
century. Harte is common in the later works of Hartmann von
Aue, occurring infrequently elsewhere. It was probably never
popular in the spoken language and disappeared early. Gar is
found in the works of Hartmann and increases in popularity
throughout the period. Rehte and wol are infrequently found
throughout the whole period. Genuoc is known to the literary
language at the beginning of the thirteenth century, and is more
freely used by Hartmann, i. e., outside of rime position, than by
any other Middle High German author.

South and East Frankish.

In South and East Frankish the conditions are apparently
not different from those of the neighboring dialects. The evi-
dence all points to the late continuance of vil and harte, the
former being predominant until the end of the period, and the
late appearance of gar, Rehte, wol, and genuoc take an unim-
portant part, appearing in the poetical monuments only rarely.

West Middle German.

In West Middle German vil is the predominant strengthening
particle in the literature of the twelfth century but gives way,

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 83

at least in Hessian, to harte at the beginning of the thirteenth.
Harie is quite freely used in the twelfth century, and becomes
the predominant particle in one monument (Liet von Troye)
early in the thirteenth. It then declines rapidly in the epic
monuments and gar takes its place. No reliable traces of gar
are found until the end of the twelfth century, from which time
it gradually increases in frequency until it outnumbers all other
particles at the end of the century. Wol here is rare until the
latter part of the period, occurring most frequently in Elisabeth.
Rehte and genuoo are rare throughout the whole period.

Thueingian.

In Thuringian the decline of vil is not so early as in Hessian.
Before the end of the thirteenth century, however, it gives way
to gar. Harte is here also quite freely used at the beginning of
the thirteenth century, though in none of the monuments
examined is it more frequent than vil. It declines rapidly
throughout the latter half of the century, disappearing first in
lyrical poetry (Heinrich von Morungen, Heinrich von Meissen).
Gar is found in lyric poetry at the beginning of the thirteenth
century, and gradually increases in frequency until the end, when
it appears as the predominant particle.

STRENGTHENING PARTICLES IN THE DIF-
FERENT CLASSES OF LITERATURE.

In the foregoing discussions several things have been assumed
concerning the different classes of literature, and their relation
to each other in the matter of diction. This was for the purpose
of locating, if possible, the different usages as to strengthening
particles on the MHG field. It will here be in order to state in
a more connected way, what has already been either directly
referred to or taken for granted, and show what bearing the
study of these particles may have on the subject.

An important question, when a given expression is found in
any monument, and especially in the case of a word used as a
general strengthening particle, is, where did it come from, or

84 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German,

where is it at home ? The difficulties in the way of answering
such a question are in many instances formidable. The greater
part of the literature of this period is poetical, and shows a style
and diction more or less removed from that of the spoken
dialect. When a certain expression, therefore, is found in a
monument of this kind, the first thing to be determined is
whether it is there because it is current in the spoken language
of that part of the country in which the monument originated,
or whether it is merely a part of conventional literary usage,
handed down it may be by general literary tradition. What in
one monument may be a mark of local dialectical coloring, may
be the direct opposite in another, and indicate a tendency on the
part of the author to sacrifice local usage and conform to a
supposed classical standard.

Of the different forms of literature of this period the religious
prose may be considered the nearest, in the matter of diction, to
the popular dialect. Its purpose is to appeal to the people, and
in it, if anywhere, words and expressions which are actually
current may be expected to appear. Even here however phrases
and formulas would often find lodgement and remain long after
they had disappeared elsewhere, and this might apply to a class
of expressions as unconscious in their use as strengthening
particles.

Next to the prose monuments, the best place to look for hints
as to local usage would be lyrical poetry, or the early popular
epic. Lyrical diction, though marked during this period by a
certain conventionality, is in general much nearer the current
spoken dialect than the diction of epic poetry. This class of
literature responds more readily to popular taste and fashion.
Expressions are introduced more easily from the popular speech,
and forms which have gone out of general use are not retained
so long as in the epic.

The popular epic, especially in its earlier stages of develop-
ment, that is, before it was overshadowed by the foreign or court
epic, would also reflect with considerable accuracy the word
usage of the current spoken dialect. The element of local color
is here strong, and although this class of literature is largely
conservative, and develops a standard and tradition of its own,

Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German, 85

this tradition is based in the first place no doubt upon current
local usage.

The farthest removed, in the matter of diction, from the cur-
rent popular speech, is the court epic. This comes in part from
an effort to write in a language free from dialectical peculiarities
and suited to the cultured classes of all parts of the country^
partly from the direct influence of one literary work upon
another. The court epic, after having once set up a standard of
word usage, is the most conservative of all forms of literature.
Expressions and formulas once in fashion, continue here long
after they have become obsolete in the spoken language, or even
if they have never been actually current there at all. The
results of direct imitation of the older and more famous works
are plainest in the monuments of the middle and latter part of
the thirteenth century, where expressions and formulas from the
writers which by this time have become classical, are carried
along in the epic diction and curiously intermingled with similar
phrases fresh from the current language of the people. This is
equally true of the later popular epic. By this time the foreign
epics had become well known and very popular, and the chances
for the success of a native German legend were all the greater if
it contained frequent allusions to the works of such famous
writers as Hartmann or Wolfram.

This relation between the various forms of literature of this
period is shown very clearly in the use of the different strengthen-
ing particles. During the period under consideration, vil and
harte are both in process of becoming obsolete. The former, as
has already been shown, shows the first signs of decline in the
prose monuments and lyric poetry, and remains longest of all
in the epic. Harte is found very rarely in prose and in the
lyrics during the period, but remains in the epic until the four-
teenth century. In the early Austrian popular epic it is there
as a part of general popular diction, in the later epic it remains
as a part of traditional usage for this class of literature. Gar,
on the other hand, which at this time is just coming into promi-
nence, appears first and strongest in the prose monuments and
in lyric poetry, but makes its way into epic poetry but slowly.
Not being current in certain parts of the Austrian field during

86 Strengthening Modifiers in Middle High German.

the first half of the thirteenth century, it did not enter into the
early popular epic of this dialect, and its presence in the later
popular literature is due to outside literary influence. When
this particle is found in any of the early monuments from the
other parts of the MHG field, however, there can be no ques-
tion as to where it comes from. Unlike harte and vil, gar is
not yet a part of the traditional literary language, and if used
at all, it must be as a part of the poet's own dialect. Rehte^
during this period, as likewise for Modern German, although
a polite expression, has a decidedly popular color. With few
exceptions, the monuments showing the highest percentage for
this particle are lyrical, next in order comes the popular epic,
while the formal court epic shows the lowest of all.

The history of the different strengthening particles, as traced
in the foregoing pages, shows that they originate in the popular
dialect, and are taken up into the different classes of literature
with varying degrees of readiness. After the prose literature,
they appear first and strongest in lyric poetry, and, for the early
period, the popular epic, the fully developed court epic being
the least ready of all to take up a new expression of this kind.
Before any recognized standard of form or diction had been
developed, the foreign or court epic, as well as the early popular
literature, would show to a certain extent current local usage as
to these particles. Even here however the feeling that the
work was written for a wide circle of hearers, and for the higher
classes of society, would prevent the use of any expression of
this kind that was distinctly provincial, or that was not well
known over the country.

When such expressions become obsolete, they disappear first
in the prose literature and lyric poetry, and remain longest of
all in the epic. They constitute there a part of what is dis-
tinctly poetic diction, dignified because it is old and quaint, and
pleasing because it furnishes a bond of connection with the
literature of the past.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

I was born in Trumbull County, Ohio, April 8, 1869.
Bemoving to Illinois and later to Iowa, I received my prepara-
tory education in the high school at Gladbrook in the latter
State. After a few years spent in teaching, I entered Cornell
College in 1892, graduating in the philosophical course there
four years later. I served then for two years as principal of the
township high school at Fairfax, Iowa, and in 1898 came to
Baltimore to pursue advanced courses in German, French, and
History at the Johns Hopkins University. In January 1900 I
was awarded a University scholarship, and during the year
1900-1901 I held the fellowship in German.

At this University I attended courses under Prof. Adams
and Dr. Ballagh in History, Drs. Armstrong, Rambeau, Ogden,
Wilson, and Brush, in French, and Professor Wood, Associate
Professor Vos, and Dr. Baker, in German. To all of these I
wish to express my hearty appreciation of the many favors they
have shown. I am under especial obligations to Professor Wood,
whose lectures and seminary courses have inspired a love for the
study of literature, and to Associate Professor Vos, whose help-
ful criticism and advice have made this study in the older
German field possible.

SITY OF CALIFORNIA
LIBRARY

Due two weeks after'date.

J 7/7/

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