VER%
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JOHN LOCKE
1632-1704
From an Engraving by F. Morellan de la Cave, after G. Kneller
LOCKE'S ESSAY
CONCERNING
HUMAN UNDERSTANDING
BOOKS II AND IV
(WITH OMISSIONS)
SELECTED BY
MARY WHITON CALKINS
THIRD EDITION
REVISED AND ENLARGED
"TO KNOW HOW TO SAY WHAT OTHER PEOPLE ONLY
THINK IS WHAT MAKES MEN POETS AND SAGES"
CHICAGO ::: LONDON
THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY
1917
COPYRIGHT BY
THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING CO.
1905
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
STACK ANNEX
PREFACE.
THIS condensation of Locke's "Essay Concerning
Human Understanding" is printed with a single prac-
tical end in view : to present in inexpensive form the
essentials of Locke's teaching in metaphysics and in
psychology. Book I., except the first, introductory
chapter, is omitted, because the innate-idea controversy
is a dead issue; Book III. is omitted because it deals
with considerations of logic and of language. The
omissions from Books II. and IV. have been made
with regret but, it is hoped, with judgment.
The body of the text has been compared, word for
word, with that of Eraser's edition ; but in the para-
graph headings, orthography, punctuation and use of
italics, another edition (the thirty-fifth) has been fol-
lowed. The title-page is that of the second edition.
No bibliographical or historical notes have been added,
for Eraser's edition makes it unnecessary and imper-
tinent for any other person to repeat his work.
Brackets, adopted from the Eraser text, indicate
deviations, from the first edition of the "Essay," in the
three other editions published in Locke's lifetime and
in the French translation made by Coste, but super-
vised by Locke himself. The most important of these
changes are the addition of chapter xxvu. to Book II.,
and the alteration of chapters vm. and xxi. The
changes in chapter vm. were first made in the fourth
iv PREFACE.
edition ; the most important changes in chapter xxi.
in particular the substitution of sections 28-62 for the
original sections, 28-38, were made in the 2d edition.*
This preface offers an opportunity to urge on stu-
dents of the "Essay" the advantages of a further
reading of Locke. His treatises on social and political
subjects, however antiquated the precise problems
under discussion, contain the germs of important the-
ories later formulated by other writers ; his little work
on education has a permanent value both for its con-
stant insistence on the need of regarding the individ-
uality of child or pupil, and for specific counsels of
many sorts; his letters, finally, especially those to his
young friend and "obstinate lover," Anthony Collins,
form an invaluable part of the literature of friendship.
For permission to reproduce the title-page of a
copy of the second edition of the "Essay," the editor
is indebted to the Harvard University library.
* * *
The second edition of this reprint of Locke's ''Es-
say" is enriched by the English translation of Leclerc's
"Life and Character of Mr. John Locke" the little
work which lies at the basis of most of the biographies
of Locke, and which is not now elsewhere readily
accessible. This "Life" is reprinted from the original
English edition and the spelling, capitals, and italics
are faithfully followed, save that the corrections indi-
cated by the translator in his list of Errata have been
incorporated in the text, and three obvious misprints
have been corrected because they affect the sense.
For the preparation of the Index, also added to this
edition, the editor is indebted to Miss Helen G. Hood,
student in philosophy at Wellesley College.
* Cf. Eraser's edition. I. p. 330 Note, and pp. 373-379.
TABLE OF CONTENTS AND OF CHAPTER
HEADINGS.
PAGE
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF MR. JOHN LOCKE. By Le
Clerc ; translated by T. F. P. Gent ix
CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE WRITINGS OF LOCKE
(Adapted from Fraser's " Locke.") Iv
FACSIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF SECOND EDITION .... i
EPISTLE DEDICATORY 3
THE EPISTLE TO THE READER 7
BOOK I. OF INNATE NOTIONS.
CHAP.
I. Introduction 17
II. No Innate Principles in the Mind.* . . .
III. No Innate Practical Principles.* ....
IV. Other Considerations Concerning Innate .
Principles, Both Speculative and Practical.*
BOOK II. OF IDEAS.
I. Of Ideas in General, and Their Original . 25
II. Of Simple Ideas 33
III. Of Ideas of One Sense 36
IV. Of Solidity 38
V. Of Simple Ideas of Divers Senses. ... 43
VI. Of Simple Ideas of Reflection 44
VII. Of Simple Ideas of Both Sensation and
Reflection 45
VIII. Some Farther Considerations Concerning Our
Simple Ideas 50
These chapters are not included in this edition of the Essay.
V
vi CONTENTS.
CHAP. PAGE
IX. Of Perception 64
X. Of Retention 72
XI. Of Discerning, and Other Operations of the
Mind 80
XII. Of Complex Ideas 90
XIII. Of Simple Modes, and First, of the Simple
Modes of Space 95
XIV. Of Duration and Its Simple Modes.* . .
XV. Of Duration and Expansion, Considered To-
gether.*
XVI. Of Number.*
XVII. Of Infinity 95
XVIIL Of Other Simple Modes 114
XIX. Of the Modes of Thinking 118
XX. Of Modes of Pleasure and Pain 121
XXI. Of Power 127
XXIL Of Mixed Modes.*
XXIII. Of Our Complex Ideas of Substances. . . 193
XXIV. Of Collective Ideas of Substances. . . . 223
XXV. Of Relation 225
XXVI. Of Cause and Effect and Other Relations. . 232
XXVII. Of Identity and Diversity 237
XXVIIL Of Other Relations.*
XXIX. Of Clear and Obscure, Distinct and Confused
Ideas.*
XXX. Of Real and Fantastical Ideas.* ....
XXXI. Of Adequate and Inadequate Ideas.* . . .
XXXII. Of True and False Ideas *
XXXIII. Of the Association of Ideas.*
BOOK III. OF WORDS*
I. Of Words or Language in General. .
II. Of the Signification of Words .
III. Of General Terms
IV. Of the Names of Simple Ideas. .
These chapters are not included in this edition of the Essay.
CONTENTS. vii
CHAP. PACE
V. Of the Names of Mixed Modes and Relations.
VI. Of the Names of Substances
VII. Of Particles
VIII. Of Abstract and Concrete Terms
IX. Of the Imperfection of Words
X. Of the Abuse of Words
XL Of the Remedies of the Foregoing Imperfec-
tions and Abuses
BOOK IV. OF KNOWLEDGE AND OPINION.
I. Of Knowledge in General 267
II. Of the Degrees of Our Knowledge. . . . 274
III. Of the Extent of Human Knowledge. . . 284
IV. Of the Reality of Human Knowledge. . . 298
V. Of Truth in General.*
VI. Of Universal Propositions, Their Truth and
Certainty.*
VII. Of Maxims.*
VIII. Of Trifling Propositions*
IX. Of Our Threefold Knowledge of Existence. 314
X. Of Our Knowledge of the Existence of a
God 315
XL Of Our Knowledge of the Existence of
Other Things 330
XII. Of the Improvement of Our Knowledge.* .
XIII. Some Farther Considerations Concerning Our
Knowledge.*
XIV.- Of Judgment.* '
XV. Of Probability.* .
XVL Of the Degrees of Assent*
XVIL Of Reason*
XVIIL Of Faith and Reason, and Their Distinct
Provinces.*
XIX. Of Enthusiasm*
XX. Of Wrong Assent, or Error.*
XXI. Of the Division of the Sciences.* ....
INDEX 343
* These chapters are not included in this edition of the Essay.
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF MR. JOHN
LOCKE,*
AUTHOR OF THE ESSAY CONCERNING HUMANE
UNDERSTANDING.
Written in French, by Mr. Le Clerc, And done
into English, by T. F. P. Gent.
Mr. John Locke was the son of Mr. John Locke of
Pensford, in Somersetshire, in the West of England:
The Family had its rise at a Place call'd Channon
Court, in Dorsetshire.
He was born at Wrington* (alias Wrinton} and
according to the Parish-Register, was Baptiz'd, the
29th of August 1632. his Father was Heir to a much
greater Estate, then he left behind him ; and was a
Captain in the Parliaments Army, in the Civil Wars
under Charles the First: And it is very probable,
that at that Time by the misfortunes of the War, he
lost some Part of his Estate; for his Son us'd to
speak of him, as a wise and sober Man ; so that I
can't think he either lost it by his Folly, or squander'd
it away by his Extravagance. Mr. Locke never men-
tion'd his Parents, but with a great deal of Respect
and Tenderness. Tho' they were young enough when
they Married, yet they had but two Children, of which
he was the Eldest. The other, who was also a Son,
died of a Phthisick above 40 Years ago.
Mr. Lock's Father took great Care in his Educa-
* 7 or 8 Miles South of Bristol.
x THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
tion, and carried himself towards him in such a man-
ner, as his Son hath often commended. He was se-
vere to him, while he was a Child, and kept him at
a very great Distance ; but as he grew up, he was
more free and familiar with him ; and when he was
come to Years of Discretion, they liv'd together rather
as Friends, than as two Persons, one of which might
justly claim Respect from the other ; insomuch that
(as Mr. Locke himself has said) his Father excus'd
himself to him for having beaten him once in his
Childhood; rather in Anger, then because he deserv'd
it.
Mr. Locke began his Studies in Westminster
School, where he continu'd to the Year 1651. from
whence he was sent to Christ-Church Colledge in
Oxford, of which he was elected Fellow. Mr. Tyrell,
Grandson of the famous Archbishop Usher, sufficiently
known by his Works, remembers that Mr. Locke was
then lookt on as the most ingenious young Man in
the Colledge.
But altho' Mr. Locke had gain'd such a Reputation
in the University, he has been often heard to say,
of the first Years of his being there, that he found
so little Satisfaction, in the Method that was prescrib'd
them for their Study's, that he has wish'd his Father
had never sent him to Oxford, when he found that
what he had learnt there, was of little use to him,
to enlighten and enlarge his Mind, and to make him
more exact in his Reasonings ; he fancied it was be-
cause his genius was not suited to those Study's. I
my self have heard him complain of the Method he
took in his Study's at first, in a Discourse which I
had with him one Day on that Subject; and when I
told him that I had a Cartesian Professour for mv
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE. xi
Tutor, a Man of a clear Head, he said, he was not so
happy; (tho' 'tis well known he was no Cartesian)
and that he lost a great deal of Time, when he first
applied himself to Study, because the only Philosophy
then known at Oxford was the Peripatetick, perplex'd
with obscure Terms and stuff' d with useless Questions.
Being thus discourag'd by the Method of studying
that was then in Vogue, he diverted himself by writing
to some Gentlemen, with whom he chose to hold Cor-
respondence for the sake of their good Humour, their
pleasant and agreeable Temper, rather than on the
Account of their Learning, and he confess'd that he
spent some Years in this manner. It is not probable,
that Mr. Locke wrote then as well as he did after-
wards, when he knew more of the World, but their
Letters would without doubt have been very enter-
taining to all, had they been preserv'd ; and since he
has been engag'd in publick Business, some Persons
in England of a very good Judgment, have thought
that in Letters of this Nature, for a fine, delicate turn,
he was not inferiour to Voiture ; tho' it must be con-
fess'd, of his English it is not so pure, or so much
studied as Voiture's French. In his two last Letters
of Toleration, in his Defences of the reasonableness
of Christianity, and in his Answers to the Learned
Dr. Stillingneet late Lord Bishop of Worcester, we
may see some Passages that are a Proof of this. In
those Places where his Matter allow'd him to speak
Ironically, or to use a little Raillery, he did it with so
much Wit as gave Life and Beauty to his Discourse,
and at the same time kept up that grave and serious
Character, which runs throughout those Pieces, and
never failed in that Respect, which was due to the
Bishop of Worcester.
xii THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
Mr. Locke did not acquire this great Reputation
he had at Oxford (as Mr. Tyrell says) by his per-
formances in the publick Disputations, for he was ever
averse to these, and always look'd upon them as no
better than wrangling, and that they served only for
a vain Ostentation of a Man's Parts, and not in the
least for the discovery of Truth, and advancement of
Knowledge.
The Works of Des Cartes were the first Books
that brought Mr. Locke (as he himself told me) to
relish the Study of Philosophy. For tho' he did not
Assent to the Truth of all his Notions, he found that
he wrote with great clearness, which made him think,
that it was the fault of the Authors, rather than his
own, that he had not understood some other Philo-
sophical Books.
And thus beginning afresh to Study, and more earn-
estly than he did before, he applied himself particu-
larly to Medicine, tho' this never turn'd to his own
Profit, because he did not find that he had a Constitu-
tion of Body strong enough to bear those Fatigues,
to which they are necessarily exposed, who would
have any considerable Practice. But tho' he never
practis'd Physick, he was in great esteem, with the
most able Physicians of his Time: We have a clear
Proof of this in the Dedication of an excellent Book,
De morbis acutis, put out in the Year 1675. by the
famous Dr. Thomas Sydenham, where he speaks to
this Purpose ; besides you know, that my Method hath
been approv'd by one, who hath examin'd it thor-
oughly, and who is our common Friend, I mean, Mr.
John Locke, who whether we respect his Wit, or his
piercing and exact Judgment, or whether we look
to his prudent and regular Behaviour, there is no
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xiii
Person in our Age that excels him, and there are
but few that are his equals. This was the Opinion
of one of the greatest Practitioners in Physick, and
one of the honestest Men, that London had in the
last Age. Therefore I shall give you his own Terms,
because they are much more expressive in Latine:
Nosti prccterea quern huic mea? methodo suffragantem
habeam,qid earn intimius per omnia perspexerat,utrique
nostrum conjunctissimum, Dominum Joannem Locke ;
quo quidem viro, sive ingenio judicioque acri & sub-
acto, sire etiam antiquis, hoc est, optimis moribus, zn.v
Superiorem quenquam, inter eos qui nunc sunt homi-
nes, repertum iri confido, paucissimos certe pares.
After the Preface of this Book there are some Elegiack
Verses of Mr. Lock's which are indeed full of Wit
and Fancy, but the stile of them is not -altogether
exact or Poetical. He had too little esteem for the
Poets to throw away much Time in reading them,
and to take the pains to imitate them. He sign'd
those Verses in this manner, /. Locke, A. M. Ex Aede
Christi, Oxon. he contented himself with the Title
of Master of Arts, without taking the Degree of a
Doctor of Physick, tho' those that did not know him
usually call'd him Doctor Locke. This he told me,
when I dedicated to him one Part of my Philosophy
in 1692.
In 1664. He left England, and went for Germany
as Secretary to Sir William Swan, who was Envoy
of the King of England to the Elector of Brandebonrg,
and some other German Princes. In less than a Year
he return'd, and went to Study at the University of
Oxford, as he formerly did ; and among other things,
he apply'd himself to Natural Phylosophy, as is evi-
dent from the Journal, which he kept of the Changes
xiv THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
of the Air from 24th of June 1666. to the 28th of
March 1667. For the regular Observation of which
he us'd a Barometer, Thermometer and Hygroscope.
The Journal may be seen in the General History of the
Air, by Mr. Boyle, Publish 'd at London in 1692.
While he was at Oxford in 1666. he came ac-
quainted with the Lord Ashley, who was afterwards
Earl of Shaftsbury, and Lord High Chancellour of
England, his Lordship had been for a considerable
Time indispos'd by a fall, whereby his Chest was so
much bruised, that it occasion'd the gathering of an
Imposthume, as appear'd by a swelling under his
Stomach, he had been advis'd for this to drink the
Mineral Waters of Astrop, and w r rote to Mr. Thomas
a Physician of Oxford, to send for some to Oxford
against his arrival. But Mr. Thomas being oblig'd
at that time to go out of Town, left his Commission
in Charge with his Friend Mr. Locke, and the Day
after his Lordships arrival, the Waters not being ready
by neglect of the Person imploy'd to fetch them, Mr.
Locke was oblig'd to go to his Lordships Lodging to
excuse himself, and was introduc'd by Mr. Bennet who
came in the same Coach with my Lord. His Lord-
ship receiv'd him very civilly, according to his usual
manner, and was very well satisfied with his excuses.
When he was about to take his Leave of him, my
Lord who w^as extremely well-pleas'd with his Con-
versation, would needs make him stay Supper, and
as his Lordship was taken with Mr. Lock's Discourse,
so Mr. Locke was charm'd with my Lord Ashley,
whose Wit and Civility gave him a distinguishing
Character among those of his own Rank.
He was one that had a quick and sharp Wit, an
accurate and solid Judgment, a retentive Memory,
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE. xv
noble and generous Sentiments, and with all this a
gay and pleasant Temper, which he retain'd in the
midst of the greatest Troubles, he had read much
and seen more of the World. In a little time he got
a great deal of Knowledge and Experience, and be-
came the best Statesman in England, at an Age when
others scarce begin to understand or enquire after
publick Concerns. The Imployments he had when
King Charles the Second made use of his Service took
him off from his Studies. But he was of so quick an
Apprehension, that by once reading a Book, tho' in
haste, he could see its faults and excellencies, some-
times better, than those who perus'd it at their Leisure ;
besides he was a Man of a free and easy Carriage, an
Enemy to Complements, and not in the least Cere-
monious, so that one might Converse with him with-
out constraint, and use all desirable Freedom. He
carried himself familiarly to all Men, and yet never
did anything unworthy or below his Character. He
could never suffer what had the least appearance of
Slavery either in himself, or in his Inferiours.
So that Mr. Locke did with pleasure all his Life
after, reflect on the Satisfaction that he receiv'd from
his Conversation, and when ever he prais'd him, he
did it not only with Respect, but even with Admira-
tion ; as those who knew the Penetration and Sincerity
of Mr. Locke, will from hence form to themselves a
high Idea of my Lord Ashley, so those who were
acquainted with my Lord Ashley, can't but think that
Mr. Locke was a Man of uncommon genius, when they
consider the value he had for him.
After all this, 'tis no great wonder that between
two such Persons as these, there easily arose an in-
violable Friendship. But to continue our History;
xvi THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
his Lordship engag'd Mr. Locke to Dine with him
the next day, and to drink the Waters (as he himself
had partly design'd) that he might enjoy the more
of his Company. Leaving Oxford to go to Sunning-
Hill, where he drank the Waters, he made Mr. Locke
promise to go thither too* as he did in the Summer of
the Year 1667. and when His Lordship afterwards
went to London, he oblig'd him to promise that he
would take up his Lodgings for the future at his
House. Mr. Locke went thither, and tho' he never
practis'd Physick His Lordship was entirely guided
by his Advice in opening the Imposthume he had in
his Breast which sav'd his Life, though it never could
be clos'd again.
After this Cure His Lordship had so great an Es-
teem for Mr. Locke, that although he had experienced
his Skill in Physick, he ever after regarded it as the
least of his Accomplishments. He advis'd him to turn
his thoughts another way, and would not suffer him
to practice Physick out of the house to any but his
particular Friends. He would have had him rather
apply himself to the study of those Matters, that be-
long'd to the Church and State, and which might have
some relation to the business of a Minister of State:
And Mr. Locke succeeded so well in these Studies
that His Lordship began to consult him on all occa-
sions of that Nature. He not only took him into his
Library and his Closet, but brought him into the Com-
pany of the Duke of Buckingham, my Lord Halifax
and other Nobles, who were Men of Wit and Learn-
ing, and were pleas'd as much with his Conversation
as my Lord Ashley, for though Mr. Locke had a se-
* As appears by the Journal, publish'd by Mr. Boyle before men-
tion'd.
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xvii
rious Air and always spoke to these Lords in a modest
and respectful manner ; yet there was an agreeable
mixture of Wit in his Conversation.
The freedom which he us'd with Persons of this
Rank had somewhat which I can't express, that agreed
very well with his Character. One day three or four
of these Lords being met together at my Lord Ash-
ley's, rather for their Diversion than Business, after
the usual Complements were over, the Cards were
brought when little or no Discourse had passed be-
tween them. Mr. Locke took notice of the Game for
some time, and then taking out his Pocket-book, he
set himself to write somewhat with very great Serious-
ness, one of the Lords having observ'd it asks him
what it was that he was writing. My Lord, says he,
I endeavour to get as much as I can in your good
Company, and having waited with impatience the
Honour of being present at a Meeting of the wisest
and most ingenious men of the Age, and enjoying at
length this Happiness ; I thought it was best to write
your Conversation, and I have accordingly set down
the substance of what has been said within this hour
or two. There was no need for Mr. Locke to read
much of his Dialogue, these noble Lords perceiv'd
the banter, and diverted themselves a while with im-
proving the jest ; they left their play and enter 'd into
Conversation more agreeable to their Character and
so spent the rest of the day.
In 1668. The Earl and Countess of Northumber-
land having resolv'd to travel into France they desir'd
Mr. Locke to make one of their Company ; He readily
comply 'd with them and stayed in France with my
Lady Countess whilst the Earl went to Rome. This
noble Lord fell sick in the way and died, which
xviii THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
oblig'd his Lady to return sooner to England than
they had design'd at first. The Journey was without
doubt very pleasant to Mr. Locke, for this Lady was
every ways accomplish'd, she spar'd for no Expences,
and wherever she came, she had very great Honours
paid her.
Mr. Locke at his return into England Lodg'd, as
before, at my Lord Ashley's, who was Chancellour of
the Exchequer. However, he held his Place in the
Colledge of Christ-Church at Oxford* where he some-
times resided. Whilst he was at my Lord Ashley's,
His Lordship intrusted him with the remaining part
of the Education of his only Son, who was then but
about Fifteen or sixteen years old, which Charge he
carefully perform'd. This young Lord being of a
very weakly Constitution, his Father thought to marry
him betimes least the Family should be extinct by his
Death. He was too young, and had too little Ex-
perience to choose a Wife for himself; and my Lord
Ashley not having time to make choice of a suitable
Person for him, desir'd that Mr. Locke would under-
take it. This was no easie Province, for though His
Lordship did not insist upon a great Fortune for his
Son, yet he would have him marry a Lady of a good
Family, a sweet Temper, a fine Complexion, and above
all one that had a good Education, and whose Car-
riage was as different as possible from the Behaviour
of the Court and City Ladies. However Mr. Locke
took upon him such a nice Business ay this, and very
happily acquitted himself of it, for from this Mar-
riage sprung the present Earl of Shaftsbury with six
other Children all very healthful, though his Father
* See the aforesaid Journal, he kept the Changes of the Air at
Oxford, p. 116, & 202.
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE. xix
was but weak, and died some years ago. As Mr.
Locke had the Care of great part of the Education
of this Lord, so he was intrusted with his eldest Son's
whom we had the Honour of seeing here in Holland,
and whose good Sence, Judgment, Fancy, Learning,
sweet and obliging Carriage, free from all formal and
affected Ceremonies, with a natural and easie Elo-
quence, plainly shew us that he was Educated by no
less excellent a Person than Mr. Locke, of which his
Lordship hath testified a grateful Sense on all occa-
sions, and always speaks of him with Signs of a
more than ordinary esteem.
In the Year 1670, and 1671. Mr. Locke began his
Essay concerning Humane Understanding, at the ear-
nest request of Mr. Tyrell, and Mr. Thomas and some
others of his Friends, who met sometimes in his Cham-
ber to converse together, as he himself hath told me.
But his Business and Travels hinder'd his finishing
it at that time. I don't know whether it was not about
this time that he was taken into the Royal Society of
London.
In the Year 1672. My Lord Ashley was created
Earl of Shaftsbury, and Lord High Chancellour of
England, and gave Mr. Locke the Office of Secretary
of the Presentation of Benefices; which he enjoy'd
till the end of the Year 1673. when His Lordship re-
turn'd the great Seal to the King.
Mr. Locke whom this great Man made Privy to his
most secret Affairs was joyn'd with him in his Dis-
grace, and afterwards gave his assistance to some
pieces, which His Lordship Publish'd to stir up the
English Nation, to have a watchful Eye over the Con-
duct of the Roman Catholicks, and to oppose the De-
signs of that Party.
xx THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
On this occasion. I can't pass over in silence a re-
markable thing which was transacted in the Parlia-
ment of England in 1672. It is well known, that at
that time King Charles the Second in Conjunction
with France, made War on the United Provinces : But
the Sums that were sent him from France not being
sufficient to carry on the War, He thought it necessary
to try what the Parliament would raise him. For this
purpose, there was a draught prepar'd in the King's
Council of the Speech, which the Lord Chancellour
was to make to the Parliament to perswade them to
approve of the War, w r hich that Prince had declar'd
against the Dutch. - But this appearing too weak to
the King and Council, as not pressing the Matter home
enough, they thought fit to alter it, and in spight of
the Lord Chancellour's Advice to insert these words
of Cato, Delenda est Carthago, intimating that it was
the Interest of England utterly to ruine Holland. This
being resolv'd, the Lord Chancellour must pronounce
the Speech as it was prepar'd, his Lordship show'd
a very great concern at this to Mr. Locke, and to an-
other of his Friends, who hath since declar'd it in
Writing: However the Lord Chancellour being look'd
upon as the Mouth of the King, and not speaking in
his own Name, and often contrary to his own par-
ticular Sentiments, his Lordship was oblig'd to get it
by Heart, and altho' he spake very fluently, and had
a great Presence of Mind, yet he was so much dis-
order'd that he would have Mr. Locke behind him
with the Speech in his hand, to prompt him if he
should be at a stand. This made a great noise in
Holland, and His Lordship was thought very ill of
by those who were ignorant of his own Sentiments,
and the Office of a Lord Chancellour. But this noble
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE. xxi
Lord in a little time after perceiving the Mark that
the Court aim'd at, and the Duke of Buckingham
having shewn him, that not only the Duke of York,
but even the King was a Papist, (though he conceal'd
it by setting up for a Wit, and by appearing on all
occasions very indifferent as to Matters of Religion,)
he left the Court Party, who in vain tried all means
to keep him in their Interest ; His Lordship had so
great an aversion to Popery, Tyranny, and arbitrary
Power, that though he was in other things very mod-
erate, there was no moving of him in these Respects.
This is well known to all those who had the Honour
of being acquainted with him, or who have had his
Character from them.
However, the famous Sir William Temple in his
Memoirs speaks very much to his disadvantage, and
insinuates that he was one of the Authors of the War
against the United Provinces in 1672. But it must
be consider'd, that he had a private Picque against
my Lord Shaftsbury, because when His Lordship
was Chancellour of the Exchequer, he was against
the King's making him a Present of Plate, which he
desir'd at his Return from his Embassy, according
to a Custom that his Lordship thought was very
prejudicial to the King's Treasury ; and this is a suf-
ficient Reason, Why we should give but little credit
to what Sir William Temple says, with respect to my
Lord Shaftsbnry. But to return to Mr. Locke in
June 1673. He was made Secretary to the Commis-
sioners of Trade, which Office brought him in Five
hundred Pounds per Annum. But this Commission
expir'd in December 1674.
In the following Summer* 1675. My Lord Shafts-
* See the Journal above cited, p. 121.
xxii THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
bury thought it necessary for Mr. Locke to Travel,
because he was very much -inclin'd to the Phthisick,
and he went to Montpellier, where he staid a consider-
able time. There it was, that he came acquainted
with the Earl of Pembroke, who was then call'd Mr.
Herbert (the name of his Family) because his eldest
Brother was then living. He ever kept up his Friend-
ship with him, and afterwards Dedicated to him his
Essay concerning Humane Understanding, and I have
heard him speak of this Lord, as one for whom he
had a high Respect. From Montpellier he went to
Paris, where he got acquainted with Monsieur Justel,
at whose House the Learned generally met, and there
he saw Monsieur Guenelon the famous Physician of
Amsterdam, who used to Discourse there upon Anat-
omy with great Applause. Mr. Locke took down his
Name, and the Place of his abode at Amsterdam, and
his Friendship was very advantageous to him some
years after this, as we shall see in the Consequence.
He likewise entred into a particular Friendship with
Monsieur Toinard, who show'd him a Copy of his
Harmonia Evangelica, of which there were but Five
or six compleat, and which he has not yet Publish'd,
though he has been earnestly desir'd to do it. Mr.
Locke had applyed himself particularly to the study
of the New Testament, and we shall see hereafter
what were the Fruits of his Labours.
The Earl of Shaftsbury being reconcil'd to the Court,
(out of an honest Design of being as useful as he
could to his Country) was made President of the
Council in the Year 1679, which oblig'd him to desire
Mr. Lock's Return to London. He accordingly re-
turn'd thither; but not being wholly recover'd, and
finding himself afflicted with an Asthma he could not
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xxiii
tarry long at London; the Sea-coal that is burnt there
being so very offensive to him. He was oblig'd from
time to time, to pass some weeks in the Country, that
he might breath in a pure Air, free from the smoke of
the Coals which is so troublesome at London, and
sometimes he went to Oxford, where he still kept his
Place in Christ-Church Colledge.
The Earl of Shaftsbury (as I have said,) having
again taken his Place in the Council, for the good
of the English Nation, rather than to carry on the
Designs of the Court, which aim'd at the Establish-
ment of Popery and Arbitrary Power, fresh Crimes
were soon laid to his Charge, and the King sent him
to the Tower. But he was acquitted, in spight of
the Intreagues of the Court, and in December 1682.
he retir'd into Holland. The late King, who was
then Prince of Orange; knowing that His Lordship's
only Crime was, that he oppos'd the Designs of the
Court, he was receiv'd very kindly in Holland, and he
made himself a Burgher of Amsterdam, lest the King
should send to demand him of the States, which by
a Treaty is oblig'd to deliver Traytors to the Crown
of England, if they are not made Burghers of any
Town in Holland, and England is oblig'd to do the
same with respect to the States.
Mr. Locke did not think himself any longer safe in
England; for though they could not hurt him accord-
ing to a due form of Law, yet'twas possible they might
clap him up in Prison, and let him lie there some time
to the endangering his Health and Life; so he fol-
low'd His Lordship, who died soon after in Holland.
It is an Honour to this Province, and to the Town of
Amsterdam in particular, that it entertain'd and pro-
tected so illustrious a Refugee, without regarding
xxiv THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
those former Prejudices, which it had receiv'd against
him on the account of the Speech, which he deliver'd
as Lord Chancellour to the Parliament in the Year
1672. A grateful Sence of this is retain'd in the
Family, as the present Earl of Shaftsbury his Grand-
son hath often told me. May this Town ever remain
a safe Sanctuary to the Innocent, and by it's generous
Carriage draw down upon it's self the Praises and
Blessings of all those who are Lovers of Virtue, not
only in it's Prosperity, but even when it suffers the
sharpest Persecutions.
Mr. Locke, being at Amsterdam about the end of
the Year 1683. renew'd the acquaintance, he began at
Paris with Monsieur Guenelon, and got acquainted
with his Father-in-Law Monsieur Veen, Senior Physi-
cian of this City, and one of its most skilful and
fortunate Practitioners. In January 1684. Monsieur
Guenelon being to dissect a Lioness, that died of the
excessive cold. that Winter. Mr. Locke came thither,
and became acquainted with several other Physicians.
Here he met with Monsieur Limbroch, Professor of
Divinity among the Remonstrants, with whom he con-
tracted a Friendship, that continu'd during the whole
Course of his Life, and which he cultivated after his
Return into England. I had the Honour also to be
acquainted with him some time after, and have spent
several hours with Pleasure and Profit in his Com-
pany ; especially, after he told me his Mind in Philo-
sophical Matters, which has been the Subject of many
an hours Conversation. Having his Health better in
Holland, than either in England or at Montpellier:
He there carried on, and compleated his Essay con-
cerning Humane Understanding, of which he shew'd
me several Chapters in Manuscript.
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xxv
Mr. Locke had not been a year out of England, be-
fore he was accus'd at Court of writing several Pam-
phlets against the Government, which were said to
come from Holland. But afterwards were found to
be done by other hands ; for this Reason, as was re-
ported, the King sent Order to Mr. Fell, then Bishop
of Oxford, and Dean of Christ-Church to turn Mr.
Locke out of his Fellowship in the Colledge. The
Bishop, who was a virtuous and Learned man, and al-
ways had a respect and kindness for Mr. Locke, re-
ceiv'd the Message with a great deal of uneasiness,
as may be seen by his Actions. He immediately sends
for Mr. Tyrell, Mr. Lock's Friend to speak with him,
and was so convinced of Mr. Lock's Innocence, that
instead of executing the Order, he wrote to him the
8th of November, to appear and answer for himself
the ist of January of the ensuing Year. In the mean
time he acquaints my Lord Sunderland, then Secretary
of State with what he had done in these Terms, from
which we may learn much of Mr. Lock's Character.
Mr. Locke being a great Friend of the late Earl of
Shaftsbury, and being suspected not to be -well af-
fected to the Government, I have had my Eye over
him for several years, but he has always been so much
upon his Guard, that after several strict Enquiries I
can confidently assure you, there is no Person in our
Colledge, how familiar soever he has been with him,
that has heard him say any thing against the Govern-
ment, or that any ways concerns it; and tho' we have
often designedly, given him occasion in publick and
private Discourse to talk of the Earl of Shaftsbury, by
speaking ill of him, his Party and Designs, yet we
could never see either by his Words or Looks, that he
thought himself at all concern 'd in the Matter; so that
xxvi THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
we believe, there is not a Man in the World so much
Master of his Tongue and Passions as he is.
This is the more to be admir'd ; because Mr. Locke
was naturally a little hasty. But perceiving their De-
signs to trepan him he oblig'd himself to be silent.
He might easily see that to defend His Lordship be-
fore them, could do him no Service, and would bring
himself into Trouble.
Dr. Fell in what he wrote, without doubt design'd
to serve Mr. Locke ; but the King sending a second
Letter he was forced to take away his Fellowship of
Christ-Church Colledge at Oxford.
After the Death of Charles the Second (which was
on the 6th of February 1685.) Mr. Penn, whom Mr.
Locke had known at the University, and who very
generously imploy'd that Interest he had in King
James, endeavour'd to procure his Pardon, and had
certainly obtain'd it ; if Mr. Locke had not answerd,
that he had no occasion for a Pardon, having been
guilty of no Crime.
In the Spring of the Year 1685. The Duke of
Monmouth was in Holland, and several other Gentle-
men, and Nobles with him, disaffected to King James's
Government, making Preparations for his unfortunate
Enterprize. King James being inform'd of their De-
signs sent to Mr. Skelton, his Envoy at the Hague,
the 1 7th of May, to demand of the States Fourscore
and four Persons, and amongst them Mr. Locke, whom
they had thus describ'd formerly Secretary to the Earl
of Shaftsbury, altho' he never had that Business or
Title in his Lordships House, but liv'd there as a
Friend: His Name was the last in the List, and, as
I remember, 'twas said, he was not in the List that
came from England, but that the English Consul, that
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xxvii
was then in Holland, order'd it to be added to the rest.
However, I believe one may rest satisfy'd, that he had
no Correspondence with the Duke of Monmouth, of
whom he had not such high Thoughts, as to expect
anything from his Undertaking; besides he was of
a peaceable Temper, and rather fearful than coura-
gious.
Abut the end of the Year 1684, he was at Utrecht,
and the next Spring went to Amsterdam, with design
to return to Utrecht, as he did afterwards, not imagin-
ing he should be esteenrd an Accomplice of the Duke
of Monmouth : He had formerly had a desire to lodge
with Mr. Guenelon, but he excus'd himself, because it
was not the Custom of their City to give Lodgings to
Strangers, tho' otherwise he had a great esteem for
him, and was very well pleas'd with his Visits. But
when Mr. Guenelon saw his danger, and that it was
Time to do him a kindness, he generously engag'd
his Father in Law Mr. Veen to entertain him in his
House, and wrote to Utrecht to advertise him of it,
as did Mr. Limborch on the part of Mr. Veen. Mr.
Locke on this came to Amsterdam, and conceal'd him-
self at Mr. Veen's two or three Months; and in the
mean time, Mr. Limborch convey'd the Letters that
were wrote to him, and kept Mr. Lock's Will, which
he desir'd him to send to one of his Relations, whom
he named, if he should Die. In the mean Time, they
consulted one of the chief Magistrates of the Town,
to know if he might be safe there ; who replied, that
he could not protect him, if the King of England sent
for him, but that he would not deliver him, and would
not fail to give notice of it to Mr. Veen.
This did a little compose his mind, and he stay'd
with Mr. Veen till September, going out only in the
xxviii THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
Nights to prevent being discover'd : But being per-
swaded to go rather to Cleves, he went thither, but
came back the beginning of November. 'Twas at
Mr. Veen's that he compos'd his Latin Letter of Tole-
ration, which was Printed at Tergou in 1689. and en-
tituled, Epistola de Tolerantia ad Clarissimum rirum,
T. A. R. P. T. O. L. A. scripta. a. P. A. P. O. I. L. A.
The first Letters signifie, Theologies apud Remon-
strantes Professorem, Tyrannydis osorem Limburginm
Amstelodamensem; and the Latter, Pads amico, Per-
seqnutionis osore, Joanne Lockio Anglo. This little
Book was Translated into English, and Printed twice
at London in the Year 1690. It was abridg'd in the
fifteenth Tome of the Bibliotheque Unirerselle, Article
the Fourteenth. About this Time, it was also that
Mr. Locke read and approv'd of several Pieces of
Episcopius; (for till then he knew the Remonstrants
only by hear-say, and a little Conversation he had with
them here) and was surprized to find their Sentiments
nearer to his own than he imagin'd, and afterwards
made great use of the Light that he receiv'd from
them.
At the end of the Year, Mr. Locke went to lodge
at Mr. Guenelon's, where he was likewise the Year
following.
It being evident to all, that he had no Hand in the
Enterprize of the Duke of Monmouth, he began to
appear again in Publick in the Year 1686. and then
gave me the *Nouvelle Methode de dresser des Re-
cueils, which is in the Second Tome of the Biblio-
theque Universelle. He made me likewise several Ex-
tracts of Books, as that of Mr. Boyle concerning spe-
fifique Remedies, which is in the same Tome, and
* A new Method of making Common-place Books.
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xxix
some others that are in the following. I sent him
some Copies of his Methode to Utrecht, (whither he
went in Autumn) which I had printed by themselves,
and he order'd me to send some to Mr. Toinard, to
whom it was dedicated tho' his Name was not set be-
fore it.
At the end of the Year Mr. Locke return'd to
Amsterdam, and took up his Lodgings at Mr. Guene-
lon's, his old Quarters.
In 1687. he desir'd that Mr. Limborch, and I, and
some other Friends would set up Conferences, and that
to this end we should meet together once in a Week,
sometimes at one House and then at another, by turns ;
and that there should be some Question propos'd, of
which every one should give his Opinion at the next
Meeting, and I have still by me the Rules, which he
would have us observe written in Latin by his
own Hand. But our Conferences were interrupted by
his Absence, because he went to Rotterdam, where he
lodg'd with Mr. Furly, he return'd again to Amster-
dam, tho' it was but for a little Time.
Towards the Latter End of this Year he made an
Abridgment, in English, of his Essay concerning Hu-
mane Understanding, which was then in Manuscript.
I translated it into French, and Publish'd it in the
eight Tome of the Bibliotheque Universelle in Jan-
uary 1688. and I had some Copies of it Printed by
themselves, to which he added a short Dedication to
the Earl of Pembroke. This Abridgment pleas'd a
great many Persons, and made them desirous of see-
ing the Work intire ; but several who had never heard
of the Name of Mr. Locke, and who had only seen the
Abridgment in the Bibliotheque Universelle, thought
that it was a Project of a Work which was but ye<
xxx THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
design'd, and that I Father'd it upon an English Man,
to know what the World thought of it, but they were
soon undeceiv'd.
At length the Happy Revolution in England at the
end of the Year 1688. and the beginning of 1689. by
the Courage and good Conduct of the Prince of
Orange, open'd a way to his return into his own
Country, and he went thither in February 1689. with
the same Fleet that Conducted over the Princess of
Orange. At London he endeavour'd to recover his
right of Fellow of Christ-Church Colledge in Oxford,
not that he had any design of living there, but only
that the World might see the wrong that was done
him. This would have been granted him but since
the Members of that Society could not come to a
Resolution of turning out him that was put in his
Place, and they would have kept him as a Super-
numerary, he withdrew his Suit.
Mr. Locke being very much taken Notice of, and
esteem'd by several Noblemen, that were after the
Revolution in Favour with the Court, he might very
easily have got into some considerable Office: But
he contented himself with being of one of the Com-
missioners of Appeals, which brought him in Two
Hundred Pounds per Annum, and which suited him,
because it did not require a constant Attendance. This
Office is at the disposal of the Lords of the Treasury
and the Lord Mordaunt, who was one of them, and
who was since created Earl of Monmouth and then of
Peterborough, desiring it for him, the other Lords
agreed to it. About the same Time, Mr. Locke had
the offer of a publick Character, and it was put to
his Choice, whether he would go as Envoy either to
the Emperor, or to the Elector of Brandebourg, or any
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xxxi
other Court, where he thought the Air might agree
best with his Health which was very unsettled; but
fearing least the Service of the King might suffer,
if the Air of the Place did not agree with him, or that
it would endanger his Life, unless he made a speedy
return, he refus'd an Office of this Nature.
However he improv'd his time another way, for
a Divine Writing against his first Letter concerning
Toleration ; he answer'd him in 1690. by a second
Letter, which is abridg'd in the nineteenth Tome of
the Bibliotheque Universelle. Article the second. He
did not set his Name to it, that he might not be en-
gag'd in any personal Quarrels, which might possibly
have turn'd to his disadvantage, without serving any
ways to the advancement of Truth. But the Style of
it plainly shew'd the Author. It was in the same
Year likewise, that the first Edition of his Essay con-
cerning Humane Understanding was Printed in Eng-
lish in Folio; it has since had three Editions in the
same Language, in 1694, 1697, and in 1700. This
last year it was Publish'd in French at Amsterdam,
by H. Schelte, Mr. Coste, who was then in the same
House with the Author, translated it under his in-
spection with very great Care, Fidelity and Plainness ;
and this Version is very much esteem'd. It hath made
known his Opinions to those that are on this side of
the water, and more at large, than the Abridgment
that was Publish'd in 1688. could do. The Author
being present, he corrected several places in the Orig-
inal, that he might make them more plain and easie to
translate, and very carefully revis'd the Translation;
so that it is not in the least inferiour to the English,
and often more clear; this Book was likewise trans-
lated into Latin by Mr. Burridge in 1701. there is
xxxii THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
besides a small Abridgment of it in English, by Mr.
Wynne. The fourth English Edition is the best and
most enlarg'd. Those who have compar'd it with
the former, may have observ'd in it, that sincerity
and that Love to Truth, which the Author discovers
in the Twenty first Chapter of the second Book, where
he treats concerning Power ; for he has made several
Alterations in the Idea, that he had given of the
manner, wherein we are determin'd to Will. Few
Philosophers can perswade themselves to correct their
Thoughts, and there is nothing they will not do rather
than confess their Mistakes. But Mr. Locke had too
great a Love for Truth to follow their Example, and
he himself acknowledges in his Preface ; that after
a more near Examination of the Matter, he saw rea-
son to alter his Opinion.
He Publish'd likewise the same year his two Treat-
ises of Government, which are spoken of in the nine-
teenth Tome of the Bibliotheque Universelle. Article
the Eight ; this Book was afterwards translated into
French, and Printed at Amsterdam, and has been re-
printed in English, in 1694, and 1698. We shall in
a little time see another English Edition of it, much
more correct than the former, as well as a better
French Version. Mr. Locke did not put his Name
to it, because the Principles which he there establishes,
are contrary to those, which were generally taught in
England before the Revolution, and which tended to
establish an arbitrary Power that was not restrain'd
by any Laws. He entirely overthrew these Turkish
Politicks, which some Persons preach'd up as an Ar-
ticle of Religion, to flatter those that aspir'd to a
Power, which is above Humane Nature.
Mr. Locke liv'd at London about two years after
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xxxiii
the Revolution, esteem'd by all those that knew him,
he convers'd familiarly with Persons of the highest
Rank ; but nothing pleas'd him more than the weekly
Conferences, that he had with the Earl of Pembroke,
who was then Lord Keeper of the Privy Zeal, and who
has since been made President of the Privy Council,
which Post he now holds with general Approbation
under her present Majesty. When the Air of Lon-
don began to affect his Lungs, he went for some
days to a Seat, that the Earl of Peterborough had
a little out of Town, where he always met with a
hearty Welcome, but he was oblig'd afterwards to
think of quite leaving London, at least all the Winter
Season, and to go to some place at a greater distance.
He had made some Visits at different times to Sir
Francis Masham, who liv'd at Oates a little more than
20 Miles from London, where he found the Air so
good, that he thought there was none could suit better
with his Constitution ; besides the agreeable Company
that he found at Sir Francis Masham's, which would
beautifie the most melancholy place, was one great
Motive no doubt, to incline him to desire that Gentle-
man to receive him into his Family, that he might
settle there and expect his Death ; in applying himself
to his Studies, as much as his weak Health would
allow. He was receiv'd on his own Terms, that he
might have his entire Liberty there, and look upon
himself as at his own House ; and it was in this pleas-
ant Society that he pass'd the rest of his Life, and
from which he was absent as little as possible, be-
cause the Air of London grew more and more trouble-
some to him ; he went thither only in the Summer for
Three or four Months, and if he return'd to Oates
xxxiv THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
any thing indispos'd, the Air of the Country soon
recover'd him.
In 1692. he put out his Third Letter of Toleration,
in which he answer'd some new Objections, that had
been made against his Opinions with so great strength
and accuracy, as made it needless for him to write
any thing farther on that Subject: And here I can't
but take notice of the strange and unaccountable Tem-
per of some Men, who though they are fully convinc'd,
that their clear and distinct knowledge, is of very small
Extent, and that they are very easily mistaken in the
Judgments they pass of things, will yet when it is
in their Power persecute others, because they differ
from them in their Notions, and this at the same time
that they would think it very hard if they were on
the weaker side, to be persecuted on this account them-
selves ; but it is yet more strange that they should
interest Religion in the case, and imploy it's Au-
thority to defend those Practices which it expressly
forbids. This can only proceed from a proud and
tyrannical Spirit, which passes upon the World under
the disguise of Piety, almost after the same manner,
as the Itch after arbitrary Power, conceals it self under
the specious Pretext of the publick Good, how con-
trary soever it may be to it. .
But this is no proper place to bewail these Irregu-
larities of the mind of Man ; the English Nation how-
ever is highly oblig'd to Mr. Locke, for having un-
deceiv'd a great many Persons, and made them detest
those persecuting Maxims, which for want of due
Consideration they had embrac'd. 'Tis well known,
that about this time the Coin of England was very
bad, having been so much clip'd through the negli-
gence of the proceeding Reigns, who had not taken
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xxxv
Care to remedy it, that it wanted above a Third it's
due Weight. The effect of this was that the People
thought themselves a great deal Richer, than indeed
they were ; For although the Coin was not raised in
it's value by any publick Authority, it was put off in
Trade for above a third part more than it weigh'd.
This was very prejudicial to Trade on several Ac-
counts, of which I shall not here take any notice.
Mr. Locke had observed this disorder ever since
his Return to England, and he frequently spoke of it,
that he might put the Nation upon taking some mea-
sures to prevent it. He said then, That the Nation was
in greater Danger from a secret unobserv'd abuse, than
from all those other Evils, of which Persons were gen-
erally so apprehensive; and that if Care were not taken
to rectifie the Coin, that Irregularity alone wou'd prove
fatal to us, though zve shou'd succeed in everything
else. One day when he seem'd very much disturbed
about this Matter, some Persons rally'd him, as if he
tormented himself with a groundless Fear; he an-
swer'd, That Persons might laugh if they pleas'd, but
they wou'd find in a very short time that if Care was
not taken, we shou'd want Money in England to buy
Bread. And it happen'd accordingly in 1695. So that
the Parliament were forced to rectifie that abuse the
beginning of the following Year. In order to stir up
the English Nation, to take this Matter into Consid-
eration Mr. Locke Publish'd in 1692. a little Treatise
entituled, Some Considerations of the Consequences
of the Lowering of the Interest, and Raising the
value of Money, which was sent to a Member of Par-
liament 1691. In which we may find several nice and
curious Observations on both those Subjects, as well as
the Trade of England in general. Afterwards in 1695.
xxxvi THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
He took this Subject in hand again; when, according to
his Prediction the Nations danger obliged the Parlia-
ment, to think seriously of this Matter. By this it
appears, that he was able to reason on the common Af-
fairs of Life, as well as on the most abstracted Sub-
jects ; and that he was none of those Philosophers,
who spend their whole Lives in the search after Truths
purely Speculative, but by their Ignorance of those
things which concern the publick Good, are rendred
incapable of serving their Country.
In 1693. He Publish 'd his Thoughts concerning the
Education of Children, to which he added several
things in two other Editions, he put out of it in 1694,
and 1698. this Book was also translated into French
and Dutch in Holland; and although there are many
things in it, that respect the Faults peculiar to the
English way of educating Children, yet it contains
several Remarks that may be useful to other Nations.
In 1695. Mr. Locke was made a Commissioner of
the Trade and Plantations, these Commissioners com-
pose a Council, that takes Care of every thing relating
to the English Trade and Plantations ; and have every
one a Salary of a Thousand pounds a year. He dis-
charged the Duties of this place with a great deal of
Care, and universal Approbation, till the Year 1700,
in which he quitted it, being no longer able to live
in London as he did before. He acquainted no Person
with his Design of leaving that place, 'till he had given
up his Commission into the King's hands. His Maj-
esty was very unwilling to receive it, and told Mr.
Locke he shou'd be very glad if he wou'd continue
in his Service, tho' he gave never so little Attendance,
and that he did not desire him to stay in Town one
day, to the prejudice of his Health. But he told his
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xxxvii
Majesty, That he cou'd not in Conscience hold a place,
to which a considerable Salary was annexed, without
performing the Duties of it, and that he did therefore
humbly desire a Discharge. A great many Persons
would not have been so scrupulous in this Matter as
he was, but wou'd have accepted the King's Grant, or
at least wou'd have endeavour'd to resign such a place
as this to their advantage.
And indeed he deserved to enjoy the Salary belong-
ing to that place, even though he should have per-
formed none of its Duties ; if it were only on the Ac-
count of being one of those,who took the greatest Pains
to convince the Parliament, that the only way to pre-
serve the Trade of England, was to new Mint the Mony
without raising its Value to the Publick Loss; for
this end he wrote a little Treatise, containing New
Considerations on the raising the Vahie of Coin, which
he publish'd in 1695. This Treatise together with sev-
eral others were Reprinted in the Year after, with the
Title of Papers concerning Mony, Interest, and Trade.
The Parliament following his Opinion in this Matter,
made in the midst of a dangerous War, such a Refor-
mation in the Coin, as many Nations wou'd have
hardly undertaken in a Time of Peace. 'Tis well
known, that there are some Kingdoms, wherein to fill
the Princes Treasury out of the Pockets of private
Persons, the Mony is made to rise or fall without any
regard to the loss the Publick sustains thereby: But
such Maxims are not approved of in England.
In the same Year 1695. Mr. Locke put out his Book
of the Reasonableness of Christianity; 'wherein he
shows, that the Christian Religion as deliver'd in the
Scriptures, is the most reasonable Institution in the
World : We have acquainted the Publick with the
xxxviii THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
design of this Book, in the 2d Tome of this Biblio-
theque Choisie, Art. 8. it was quickly after Translated
into French and Dutch, and attack'd in England by
a passionate Divine. In 1696. the Author answer'd
that Book, and after defended his Answer with such
Strength of Reason, and yet with so great Modera-
tion, that he might justly have expected of his Ad-
versary a publick Acknowledgement of his Error, had
he not been one of that sort of Men, who are equally
Strangers to Shame and Justice. Mr. Locke was also
obliged to Mr. Bold Minister of Steeple in Dorset-
shire, who defended his Book without knowing the
Author, in two short Discourses that came out in
1697, as also in a Second Answer of which we have
spoken, in the 2d Tome of this Bibliotheque Choisie.
Art. 8.
Some time before this, there came out a Book at
London, intitled, Christianity not Mysterious; in which
the Author pretended to prove, that there is nothing
in the Christian Religion, not only -which, is contrary
to Reason, but even which is above it. This Author
in explaining the Nature of Reason, had made use of
several Reasonings, that were very like to some Mr.
Locke imploys in his Treatise of Humane Under-
standing.
It happen'd also, that some English Unitarians had
about that time Publish'd several little Books, in which
they talked very much about Reason, and laid down
their Notions of what was contrary to it, and affirm'd
there was no such Doctrine in the Christian Religion.
Mr. Locke had also with a great deal of Truth as-
serted, that Revelation delivers nothing contrary to
any plain Consequences of Reason. All these Things
put together, engaged Dr. StillmgHeet the late Bishop
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xxxix
of Worcester, to join Mr. Locke in Company with
those Persons in a Book he put out in 1697. Wherein
he defends the Doctrine of the Trinity against them.*
In this Book he opposed some Notions of Mr. Locke
concerning the Knowledge we have of Substances,
and some other Things, fearing, without Reason, that
those Notions might be brought in favour of some
Heretical Opinions ; Mr. Locke answer'd him, and the
Bishop reply'd the same Year. This Reply was con-
futed by a Second Letter of Mr. Locke, which drew
a Second Answer from that Learned Bishop in 1698.
and Mr. Locke answer'd that in a Third Letter in
1699. wherein he discoursed more at large, of the
Certainty by Reason or by Ideas, of the Certainty of
Faith, of the Resurrection of the same Body, and the
Immateriality of the Soul, and show'd the perfect
Agreement of his Principles with Faith, and that they
had not the least tendency to Scepticism as Dr. Stil-
lingfleet had affirm'd. But the Bishop dy'd sometime
after this, and so the Dispute ended.
We may observe Two Things more especially in
this Dispute, the one relating to the Subject of it, the
other to the Manner wherein that was handled. Every
Body admired the Strength of Mr. Lock's reasonings,
and his great clearness and exactness not only in ex-
plaining his own Notions, but in laying open those of
his Adversary. Nor were they less surprized, that a
Man of the Bishops Learning shou'd ingage in a
Controversie, wherein he had all the disadvantages
possible, for he was by no means able to maintain
his Opinions against Mr. Locke, whose Notions he
neither understood, nor the Thing it self about which
he Disputed. This famous Prelate had spent the
* Chap. 10.
xl THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
greatest Part of his time in the Study of Ecclesiastical
Antiquities, and reading an infinite number of Books,
but was no great Philosopher, and had never used
himself to that close Correct way of Thinking and
Writing in which Mr. Locke did particularly excel.
However this excellent Philosopher, tho' he had much
the better in the Controversie, and had Reason enough
to complain of the Bishop for having charged him un-
justly, and without a sufficient acquaintance with the
Subject he handled, was yet very far from abusing
the Advantages he had, but always detected and re-
futed his Errors with civility and respect. He shews,
'tis true, that the Bishop did not understand the Things
he. talk'd about, and was very uncorrect in his Ex-
pressions, but he do's rather seem to insinuate it, by
producing his own Words and leaving the World to
judge, than reflect on him for it. For my Part, I
confess, I never read a Dispute managed in so cool
Blood, or with so much Art and Exactness on the
one side, nor on the other, so unjustly, confusedly,
or so little to the Credit of the Author.
I was also surprized at the Bishops Censure of *Mr.
de Courcelles; in the 6th Chapter of his Defence of
the Trinity, and wonder'd how he cou'd think so easily
to Answer him. I must confess indeed, that the
Bishop has Reason in asserting, that St. Hilary in
the f Passage Mr. de Courcelles cites out of his Book,
de Synodis, do's speak to the Eastern Bishops, and
not to those of Gaul and Germany as he thought.
But then it must also be granted, that in the main
Mr. de Courcelles has in his Dissertation concerning
the Words Trinity, &c. very faithfully represented
* Curcelleus.
f Num. 8 1. Edit. Benedict.
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE. xli
the Opinion of St. Hilary. Dr. Stillingneet had either
read this Book without due Attention, or forgot its
Contents, for of all other Books, this do's most clearly
prove, that the Orthodox of that Time believ'd, that
the Divine Nature as a Species did contain under it
Three Persons numerically distinguisht.
St. Hilary a little before the * Passage that gave Dr.
Stillingneet occasion to charge Mr. de Courcelles with
a gross Mistake, explains how according to the Semi
Arians; it might be said that the Father and Son have
a like Essence? And then delivers his own Opinion
in the following Words. "Caret igitur, Fratres, simili-
tude Naturae contumelise suspicione ; nee potest videri
Filius idcirco in proprietate Paternae Naturae non esse
quia similis est, cum similitude nulla sit nisi ex aequali-
tate Naturae ; aequalitas autem Naturae non potest esse,
nisi una sit ; una vero non Personae Unitate, sed GE-
NERIS. That is, Therefore Brethren, the Son may
without Danger of Blasphemy, be said to be of a like
Nature with the Father, and tho' he be said to be like
him, it do's not follow that therefore he is not of the
same Nature, for Similitude Hows from Equality of
Nature, now there can be no Equality of Nature, but
where the Nature is one, and that not with a Personal,
but Generical Unity. Now a Person who reads this
with any tolerable degree of Attention, will easily
see, that supposing the Unity of the Divine Nature
to be Numerical, 'tis Nonsense to say the Nature of
the Son is equal or like to that of the Father ; but
that this way of Expression is proper enough in the
Mouth of those Persons, who believe the Father and
* Num 76. Ejusd. Edit.
t By Personae we must understand a Substance, and not a Mode,
which is called Personality.
xlii THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
Son are one in Specie or gencrically as St. Hilary
speaks. See also the I5th Article in the Bened. Edi-
tion. The same Thing might be plainly proved out
of his Books of the Trinity. If Dr. Stillingneet had
examin'd St. Hilary only, carefully and without Preju-
dice, he wou'd have been of the same mind with Mr.
de Courcelles, and wou'd never have differ'd with
him about a trifling incident, while in the main of
the Controversie, he gives a very true Account of the
Doctrine of the Fathers in this Point. I shall say
no more on this Head, and I hope no Person will be
offended at this little Digression I have made, to de-
fend at once the Truth and Honour of Mr. de Cour-
celles, who was my Grandmothers Brother, against
the Learned Dr. StiUingfleet, for whose excellent
Writings I nevertheless have an high Esteem.
But to return to Mr. Locke, 'tis very strange he
shou'd be able to write so much at so great an Age,
and when besides his Health was so infirm, by reason
of the Indisposition of his Lungs. In 1697. he was
obliged to go to London in very cold Weather, because
the King desired to see him. And that Journey made
his Lungs much worse, than ever they had been be-
fore. He was so bad, that for three or four Days,
while he was in London, he cou'd not lie down ; and
I remember, that in a Letter I receiv'd from him,
he told me he was reduced to a perfect *Orthopncca.
He returned to Oates in so weak a Condition, that
he never" recover'd his former health. He said that
his Majesty (who was also Asthmatick) having heard
of his skill in Physick, desired to Discourse with him
about his own Indisposition. And I remember I
* A difficulty of breathing, when a Man can't fetch his breath, but
holding his Neck upright.
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE. xliii
heard, a little while after, that Mr. Locke had advised
the King to abstain from Wine, and all Foods that
were heavy and clogging. But however, the King
kept to his usual Manner of Living; tho' he signify 'd
to some of those who were near his Person, that he
had a high Esteem for Mr. Locke.
Some Years before his Death, he apply'd himself
intirely to the Study of the Holy Scriptures, and found
GO much Pleasure therein, that he was very much
troubled he had apply'd his Mind to that Study no
sooner. The World has seen the Fruits of these
Studies in his Reasonableness of Christianity, of which
we have already spoken, and which is one of the best
Pieces that have been Publish'd these many years, on
that Subject, and with that Design. There is also,
lately come out a Paraphrase of his on the Epistle to
the Galatians, of which we shall give some account
in another Tome of this Bibliotheque Choisie; as also
cf those he has written on the Epistle to the Romans,
Corinthians, and Ephesians, when they shall be Pub-
lish'd.
Above a year before his Death, he grew so very
v/eak that he cou'd not apply himself closely to any
thing, nor so much as write a Letter to a Friend with-
out great Difficulty. Before he had always made use
of his own hand for whatever he had to write, and so
having not been used to Dictate, he could not employ
an Amanuensis to ease himself. But though his Body
grew weaker, he still kept his good Humour, and if
his Lungs wou'd have permitted him to speak, his
Conversation wou'd have been as pleasant and enter-
taining as ever. A few weeks before his Death, he
perceiv'd he shou'd not live long, but yet he continued
as chearful and pleasant as before ; and when some
xliv THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
Persons seemed to wonder at it, he would say,*lVhile
we are alive let us lire.
This study of the Holy Scriptures wrought in him
a lively and sincere, though unaffected Piety. Hav-
ing not been able to go to Church for a considerable
time ; he thought convenient, some Months before he
dy'd, to receive the blessed Sacrament at home accord-
ing to a usual Practice of the Church of England; and
two of his Friends communicated with him. When
the Minister had performed his Office, Mr. Locke told
him, That he was in perfect Charity with all Men, and
in a sincere Communion with the Church of Christ, by
what Names soever it might be distinguished. He
was a Man of too great Understanding; to take the
Sacrament as a Test of a Schism or Party ; as a great
many ignorant Persons do, who by Communicating
with their own Church, condemn all other Christian
Societies. He had a deep Sense of the Divine Wis-
dom, that discovers it self in those methods God has
taken in saving Men; and when he discoursed about
it, he cou'd not forbear joyning with the Apostle in
the Exclamation : Oh the depths of the Riches and
Wisdom of God. And he was perswaded that all
Persons wou'd be of the same Mind, who shou'd read
the Scriptures without prejudice and this Study he
very frequently recommended to those, with whom
he conversed towards the latter end of his Life. This
Application of these Holy Writings, had given him a
more noble and compleat Idea of the Christian Reli-
gion than he had before ; and if he had enjoy 'd
strength enough, to have begun any new Works, 'tis
very likely he wou'd have composed some on purpose,
* Vivons pendant que nous vivons.
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE. xlv
to have imprest this great and sublime Idea, on the
Minds of others in all its extent.
Some weeks before his Death he cou'd walk no
longer, and so was carried about the House in an
armed Chair ; but my Lady Masham going to see him
on the 27th of October (0. S.) 1704, and not finding
him in his Study where he us'd to be, but in Bed,
seemed to wonder at that Alteration, he told her, he
cou'd not bear the fatigue of rising, having weary'd
himself too much with it the day before, and that he
did not know whether he shou'd ever rise again. He
cou'd not Dine that day, and after Dinner some Per-
sons who kept him Company went into his Chamber,
and asked if they shou'd read something, to divert
him, but he refused it. However some Papers being
brought into his Chamber, he inquired what they were
after they were read, he said, That his work here was
almost at an end, and he thanked God for it. There-
upon some body coming near his Bed, he desired,
They would remember him in the Evening Prayers.
They told him, that if he pleased the Family wou'd
come to Prayers into his Chamber, to which he agreed.
They asked him, if he thought he was near Death, he
answer'd, That he might perhaps die that Night, but
that he cou'd not live above three or four days. He
was then in a cold Sweat, but that left him in a little
time. He was asked to take some Mum, a Liquor
which he had drunk with Pleasure the week before,
and which, as I have heard him say, he look'd upon
to be the most wholesome of all strong Drinks ; he
took some spoonfuls then, and drank to the Health
of the Company, Wishing all of them Happiness when
' he shou'd be gone; afterwards there being no body
else in the Chamber but my Lady Masham, who sate
xlvi THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
by the Bed-side, he exhorted her, To look on this
World only as a State of Preparation for a better, he
added, That he had lived long enough, and that he
thanked God he had in joy' d an happy Life; but that
after all, he look'd upon this Life to be nothing but
vanity. After Supper the Family came up into his
Chamber to Prayers; and between eleven and twelve
a Clock, he seem'd to be a little better. My Lady
Masham wou'd have watch'd with him, but he wou'd
not permit her, saying, that, perhaps he might sleep,
and that if he shou'd find any Alteration, he wou'd
send for her ; he did not sleep that Night, but resolved
to try to rise the next Day, as he did. He was carry'd
into his Study, and was set in an easier Chair, where
he slept, by Fits, some considerable time. Then think-
ing himself somewhat better, he had a mind to be
Drest as he used to be, and ask'd for some Small-beer,
which he used very seldom to taste ; after that he de-
sired my Lady Masham, who was reading to her self
in the Psalms, while they Drest him, to read aloud,
which accordingly she did, and he seem'd very atten-
tive, till he was hinder'd by the nearer approaches of
Death, upon which he desired her to read no more,
and died a few minutes after, on the 28th of October,
(O. S.) 1704. about Three in the Afternoon, in the
73d. Year of his Age.
Thus died one of the greatest Philosophers of our
Age, who after he had made himself a perfect Master
of almost all the parts of Philosophy, and discover'd
its greatest Secrets with uncommon strength of Rea-
son, and correctness of Thought, happily turned his
Studies to the Christian Religion, which he examin'd
in its Original, with the same Liberty he had used in
his Study of other Sciences, and which he judged so
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE, xlvii
reasonable and excellent an Institution, that he Dedi-
cated the remainder of his Life to the contemplation
of it, and endeavour'd to raise in the Minds of others
the same high Veneration he had for it himself ; and as
he did not choose a religious Course of Life in a fit
of Discontent or ill Humour, so his Piety was neither
tainted with Melancholly nor Superstition. The same
Light that guided him in his philosophical Studies,
directed him in explaining the New Testament, and
kindled in his Soul a rational Piety, such as was wor-
thy of him, who gave us our Reason for no other end,
but that by it we might be helpt to make a good use
of Revelation ; and who by revealing his Will, sup-
poses we will imploy the Judgment and Understand-
ing he has given us, in acknowledging, admiring, and
following it.
There is no need for me to write a Panegyrick on
Mr. Locke : His Works which are read in several Lan-
guages, are a sufficient, and will be an eternal Monu-
ment of his vast Genius, sharp Wit, and exact Judg-
ment. I shall only insert a Character of him, which
I receiv'd from a considerable Person, to whom he
was perfectly well known.
"Mr. Locke, said she, (and I can bear Witness to
"her Evidence in a great measure, by what I have
"seen myself in Holland) was a great Philosopher, and
"a fit Person to be employ 'd in Affairs of the highest
"Consequence. He understood the politer Parts of
"Learning perfectly well ; and was very genteel and
"ingaging in his Conversation. He knew somewhat of
"all those things that are of real use to Mankind ; and
"was a perfect Master of what he had particularly
"study'd. But yet he was not pufFd up by all this,
"nor ever seem'd to have a better Opinion of himself
xlviii THE LIFE A\D CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
"because of his Knowledge. Xo one was farther
"from assuming- a magisterial Air, or was less positive
"in his Assertions than he, and he was not in the least
"offended with those that did not assent to his Opin-
ions. But he cou'd not bear with a sort of Cavillers,
"who will not drop the Dispute, though they have been
"often refuted, and can only repeat the same things.
"He spake to such Persons sometimes with a little heat,
"but he himself wou'd first take notice of his being any
"ways moved.
"In the most considerable Affairs of Life, as well as
"in Matters of Speculation. He was always ready to
"hear Reason from whomsoever it came. He was in-
"deed the faithful Servant, nay I may say, the devoted
"Slave of Truth, which he loved for it self, and which
"no consideration was ever able to make him Desert.
"He suited his Discourse to the meanest Capacities ;
"and in disputing with such Persons, he gave their
"Objections against him their utmost weight, not tak-
"ing advantages of his Adversaries, if they had not
"expressed themselves so correctly as they ought. He
"conversed very freely, and willingly with all sorts
"of Persons, endeavouring to Learn something from
"them: And this proceeded not only from his genteel
"Education, but from his professed Opinion, that some
"good thing or other might be learn'd from any Per-
"son whatsoever. And by this means, he had attain'd
"to such a considerable Knowledge of several par-
ticular Arts, and Trades, that one wou'd have thought,
"he had made the Study of those things a great part
"of his Business. For even Tradesmen by Profession
"would ask his Advice, and were frequently instructed
"by him in things relating to their several Employ-
"ments.
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE. xHx
"If there was anything that he cou'd not bear, 'twas
"ill Manners, which were indeed very ungrateful to
"him, when he perceived they did not arise from want
"of Conversation, and Knowledge of the World, but
"from Pride ; Ill-nature, Brutality, and other Vices
"of that Nature. Otherwise he was very far from
"despising any Persons, though their Persons were
"never so mean. He look'd on Civility to be not only
"something very agreeable and proper to win upon
"Men, but also a Duty of Christianity, and which
"ought to be more pressed, and urged upon Men,
"than it commonly is. He recommend on this occa-
"sion, a *Treatise written by Gentlemen of the Port-
" royal, Concerning the means to preserve Peace among
"Men, and he very much admired Sermons he heard
"from Dr. Whitchcot on this Subject, and which have
"been since Printed.
"His Conversation was very agreeable to all sorts
"of Persons, even to the Ladies themselves ; and no
"Person was more civilly entertain'd than he, by
"Persons of the highest Quality. For if he had not
"naturally those Qualifications, that render the Con-
"versation of genteel and accomplish'd Persons more
"easie, free, and less formal than that of other Per-
"sons, yet he had acquired them by his Acquaintance
"with the world. And this recommended him so much
"the more, because Persons who knew him not, did
"not expect that Politeness in a Man so much given
"to study as he was. Those who were desirous of
"his Conversation, to Learn those things that might
"be expected in a Man of his Learning, and accord-
ingly address'd him with great respect, were sur-
"prized to find in him, not only the Civility of a well
* 'Tis Printed among the Essays de Morale, de Port-royal.
1 THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
"educated Person, but even all the Politeness that
"cou'd be desired.
"He spake very often against Raillery, which indeed
"is the nicest Point in Conversation, and of danger-
"ous Consequence, if not prudently managed. And
"yet no Person rally 'd with a better Grace than he ;
"but he always took Care to say nothing offensive,
"or prejudicial to any Person. He knew how to
"give a pleasant and agreeable Turn to everything he
"said. If he rally'd his Friends, it was either for
"some inconsiderable Faults, or, something which,
"'twas for their Benefit to make known. He was so
"extraordinarily Civil ; that when he seem'd disposed
"to Jest, the Company was sure he was about to say
"something to their Advantage. He never jested with
"the natural Infirmities, or Misfortunes of any Per-
"sons.
"He was very charitable to the Poor, except such
"Persons as were Idle or Prophane, and spent the
"Sunday in the Alehouses, and went not to Church.
"But above all, he did compassionate those, who after
"they had labour'd as long as their Strength wou'd
"hold, were reduced to Poverty. He said it was not
"enough to keep them from starving, but that such
"a Provision ought to be made for them, that they
"might live comfortably. Accordingly he sought oc-
"casions of doing Good to those who deserved it ; an,d
"often when he walked out, he wou'd visit the Poor
"of the Neighbourhood, and give them somewhat to
"supply their Necessities, or buy the Remedies which
"he prescribed them, if they were sick, and had no
"other Physician. He wou'd not let any useful thing
"be lost or wasted: He thought that was to destroy
"those good Things of which God has made us only
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE. K
"Stewards: Accordingly he kept good Orders, and
"took an Account of every Thing.
"If he was subject to any Passion, 'twas Anger ;
"but he had made himself so much Master of it by
"Reason, that it was very rarely troublesome to him-
"self or others. No Person cou'd better expose that
"Passion, or make it appear more ridiculous than he.
"He wou'd say, it was of no use either in the edu-
"cating Children, or keeping Servants in order; but
"that it did indeed make a Person lose his Authority.
"He was very kind to his Servants, and would take
"the trouble to instruct them with a great deal of
"Mildness, after what manner he expected to be served
"by them.
"He not only faithfully kept a Secret that had been
"trusted with him, but wou'd never Report any thing
"that might prejudice the Person from whom he heard
"it; tho' his Silence had not been desired. Nor did
"he ever bring his Friends into any Inconvenience
"thro' his inadvertency or want of Discretion.
"He was very exact to his Word, and religiously
"performed whatever he promis'd. He was very scru-
pulous of giving Recommendations of Persons, whom
"he did not well know ; and wou'd by no means com-
"mend those, who he thought did not deserve it: If
"he was told that his Recommendations had not pro-
duced the Effect expected ; he wou'd say, The Reason
"of that was, because he had never deceived any Per-
"son, by saying more than he knew; that he never
"pass'd his Word for any, but such as he believ'd
"wou'd answer the Character he gave of 'em; and that
"if he shou'd do otherwise, his Recommendations
"wou'd be worth nothing.
"His greatest Diversion was to Discourse with sen-
lii THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE.
"sible Persons, of whose Conversation he was very
"desirous. He had all the good Qualities, that cou'd
"render his Friendship pleasant and agreeable. He
"would never Game, but out of Complaisance. Altho'
"being often in Company with those who used it, he
"cou'd Play very well, if he set about it. But he wou'd
"never propose it, for he said it was but an Amuse-
"ment for those who wanted Conversation.
"His Dress was neat, without either Affectation, or
"Singularity.
"He was naturally .very Active, and employ 'd him-
"self as much as his Health would permit. Sometimes
"he pleas'd himself with working in a Garden, which
"he very well understood. He lov'd walking, but not
"being able to walk much thro' the disorder of his
"Lungs, he used to Ride on his Horse after Dinner,
"and when he cou'd not bare an Horse, in a Calash.
"He always chose to have Company with him. tho'
"it were but a Child, for he took Pleasure in talking
"with Children of a good Education.
"The weakness of his Health was a Disturbance to
"none but himself; and one might look on him with-
"out any other concern, than that of seeing him suffer.
"He did not differ from others in his Diet, but only
"in that his ordinary Drink was nothing but Water;
"and he thought that was the means of lengthening
"out his Life to such an Age. Tho' he was of so weak
"a Constitution, and that it was to this that he ow'd
"the Preservation of his Eye-sight, which was but
"little impair'd when he dy'd, for he cou'd read by
"Candle-light all sorts of Books, if they were not of
"a very small Print, and he never used Spectacles.
"He had no other Distemper but his Asthma, except-
ing that four Years before his Death, he was very
THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF LOCKE. liii
"Deaf: But it did not last above six Months. His
"deafness depriving him of the Pleasure of Conversa-
tion ; in a Letter that he then wrote to one of his
"Friends, he said he did not know but it was better
"to be Blind than Deaf. Otherwise he bore up under
"his Afflictions very patiently."
This is a Picture of that great Man, drawn after the
Life and wherein he is not at all flatter 'd. I wish it
were in my Power, not only to make his Memory, but
his Genius immortal, by perswading all Students to
search after Truth, to love it, and defend it as he has
done. But the reading of his Works will do that bet-
ter, than all the Praises I can give him, or all the
Arguments I can lay before them ; and I am also in-
form'd, That he has left behind him a Discourse of
the Right Method of searching after Truth: Which
will be Publish'd in a little Time. Henry Schelte the
Bookseller at Amsterdam, will also Publish it in
French, with his other Posthumous Works.
I shall only adde, That several Books have been
father'd on him, of which he was not the Author, and
that he has left a Note of those that are his, but bear
not his Name, of which we have already spoken. For
Instance, they made him the Author of a litttle Eng-
lish Treatise of the Love of God, which was written
by a very worthy Person, and for whom he had a
very great Esteem.
This Treatise is also Printing in French at Amster-
dam, and will be Sold by the aforesaid Bookseller.
WRITINGS OF LOCKE IN ORDER OF PUBLI-
CATION.
(Adapted from Eraser's " Locke," Appendix.)
PUBLISHED DURING LOCKE'S RESIDENCE IN HOLLAND.
Contributions to the " Bibliotheque Universelle "
(a) Methode Nouvelle de dresser des Recueils; (b)
Review of Boyle's " De Specificorum Remediorum cum
Corpusculari Philosophia Concordia"; (c) Epitome
of the "Essay," etc 1686-88
PUBLISHED DURING LOCKE'S RESIDENCE IN LONDON.
Epistola de Tolerantia March 1689
Translated by Popple in the following summer.
Two Treatises on Government February 1690
Essay concerning Human Understanding. . . March 1690
Second Letter for Toleration October 1690
PUBLISHED DURING LOCKE'S RESIDENCE AT GATES, BEFORE
THE COMMISSIONERSHIP.
Some Considerations on the Consequence of Lowering
the Rate of Interest and Raising the Value of Money. 1691
A Third Letter of Toleration 1692
Some Thoughts concerning Education (dedicated to
Clarke of Chipley) July 1693
Second Edition of the Essay concerning Human Under-
standing : . . . . 1694
Third Edition of the Essay 1695
For Encouraging the Coining of Silver Money, and
after for keeping it here 1695
Further Considerations concerning Raising the Value
of Money 1695
The Reasonableness of Christianity as delivered in the
Scriptures June 1695
Ivi WRITINGS OF LOCKE.
A Vindication of the Reasonableness of Christianity
from Mr. Edwards' Reflections 1695
PUBLISHED DURING LOCKE'S RESIDENCE AT GATES, DURING
THE COMMISSIONERSHIP.
Second Vindication of the Reasonableness of Chris-
tianity 1697
A Letter to the Bishop of Worcester (Stillingfleet)
concerning some Passages relating to Mr. Locke's
Essay of Human Understanding in a Late Discourse
of his Lordship's in Vindication of the Trinity. . . 1697
Mr. Locke's Reply to the Bishop of Worcester's Answer
to his Letter 1697
Mr. Locke's Reply to the Bishop of Worcester's Answer
to his Second Letter 1699
Fourth Edition of Essay Concerning Human Under-
standing 1700
POSTHUMOUS WORKS.
A Paraphrase and Notes on the Epistles of St. Paul
to the Galatians, First and Second Corinthians, Ro-
mans, and Ephesians. To which is prefixed an Essay
for the Understanding of St. Paul's Epistles by con-
sulting St. Paul himself 1705-7
A Discourse of Miracles 1706
A Fourth Letter for Toleration (fragment). . . . 1706
An Examination of Father Malebranche's Opinion of
Seeing all Things in God ' . 1706
The Conduct of the Understanding 1706
Memoirs relating to the Life of Anthony, First Earl
of Shaftesbury 1706
Some Familiar Letters Between Mr. Locke and several
of his Friends 1706
The Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina. . . . 1720
Remarks upon some of Mr. Norris's Books, Wherein
he asserts Father Malebranche's Opinion of our See-
ing all Things in God 1720
Elements of Natural Philosophy 1720
Some Thoughts concerning Reading and Study for a
Gentleman. . . 1720
WRITINGS OF LOCKE. Ivii
Rules of a Society which met once a-week for their
Improvement in Useful Knowledge, and for the Pro-
motion of Truth and Christian Charity 1720
Letters ot Anthony Collins and others 1720
THE most satisfactory edition of the complete works of
Locke is that of Bishop Law, 1777. The best edition of the
"Essay Concerning Human Understanding" is that of A. C.
Fraser (Clarendon Press, 1894, 2 volumes). The "Essay" is
published also in the Bohn edition. The completest biog-
raphy of Locke is that of Fox Bourne (1876) ; reference may
be made also to Leslie Stephen in his "History of English
Thought in the Eighteenth Century" (1876 and 1881), and to
Benjamin Rand, "Life, Unpublished Letters, and Philosophical
Regimen of the Third Earl of Shaftesbury" (1900). For dis-
cussions of Locke's doctrine, cf. the contemporary criticism of
Henry Lee : "Anti-Scepticism, or Notes upon each chapter of
Mr. Locke's Essay" (1702); of Leibniz: "Nouveaux Essais
sur 1'Entendement Humain" (published 1765, translated by
Langley, 1896 ; and of Jonas Proast : "The Argument of the
Letter concerning Toleration Considered and Answered"
(1690). Cf. also Cousin, "Ecole Sensualiste, Systeme de
Locke" in his "Histoire de la Philosophic au XVIII. Siecle,"
(1829) ; Fraser, "Prolegomena" to his edition of the "Essay,"
and "Locke" (Blackwood Series, 1890) ; Drobisch, "Ueber
Locke den Yorlaufer Kants," Zeitschrift fur exakte Philo-
sophic, II. 1861 ; B. Erdmann, "Descartes und Locke," Archiv
fiir Geschichte der Philosophic, II. 1888; and A. W. Moore,
"The Functional versus the Representational Theory of
Knowledge in Locke's Essay" (Chicago, Univ. Press, 1902).
ESSAY
A N
CONCERNING
In Four BOOKS.
Writtten by / H N L CK , Gent.
The Second Edition, with large Additions.
Quani helium eft vette confiteri potius nejcire quod nef-
cias, cfuam ijlaejfutientetn naufeare, atque ipfumfibi
difplicere ! Cic. dc Natur. Deor. /. i.
LONDON,
Printed for 3Wmfl)am and 3Jo!)n Cl)U!)tl, at the Slack
Swan in flW-^o/Zer-^olfc, and 5>amUCl ^anfl)ip, at the
S//> in Corn/ji/7, near the Royal Excbane t M DC XCIV.
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
THOMAS, EARL OF PEMBROKE AND MONT-
GOMERY.
BARON HERBERT OF CARDIFF, LORD ROSS OF KENDAL,
PAR, FITZHUGH, MARMION, ST. QUINTIN AND SHUR-
LAND; LORD PRESIDENT OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOST
HONOURABLE PRIVY COUNCIL, AND LORD LIEUTENANT
OF THE COUNTY OF WILTS, AND OF SOUTH WALES.
MY LORD,
THIS treatise, which is grown up under your lord-
ship's eye, and has ventured into the world by your
order, does now, by a natural kind of right, come to
your lordship for that protection which you several
years since promised it. It is not that I think any
name, how great soever, set at the beginning of a book,
will be able to cover the faults that are to be found in
it. Things in print must stand and fall by their own
worth, or the reader's fancy. But, there being nothing
more to be desired for truth than a fair unprejudiced
hearing, nobody is more likely to procure me that than
your lordship, who are allowed to have got so intimate
an acquaintance with her in her more retired recesses.
Your lordship is known to have so far advanced your
speculations in the most abstract and general knowl-
edge of things, beyond the ordinary reach or common
methods, that your allowance and approbation of the
design of this treatise will at least preserve it from be-
3
4 THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
ing condemned without reading; and will prevail to
have those parts a little weighed which might other-
wise, perhaps, be thought to deserve no consideration,
for being somewhat out of the common road. The im-
putation of novelty is a terrible charge amongst those
who judge of men's heads, as they do of their perukes,
by the fashion ; and can allow none to be right but the
received doctrines. Truth scarce ever yet carried it by
vote any where at its first appearance ; new opinions are
always suspected, and usually opposed, without and
other reason but because they are not already com-
mon. But truth, like gold, is not the less so for being
newly brought out of the mine. It is trial and exam-
ination must give it price, and not any antique fashion ;
and though it be not yet current by the public stamp,
yet it may, for all that, be as old as nature, and is cer-
tainly not the less genuine. Your lordship can give
great and convincing instances of this, whenever you
please to oblige the public with some of those large and
comprehensive discoveries you have made of truths
hitherto unknown, unless to some few, from whom your
lordship has been pleased not wholly to conceal them.
This alone were a sufficient reason, were there no other,
why I should dedicate this Essay to your lordship ; and
its having some little correspondence with some parts
of that nobler and vast system of the sciences your
lordship has made so new, exact, and instructive a
draught of, I think it glory enough if your lordship
permit me to boast that here and there I have fallen
into some thoughts not wholly different from yours.
If your lordship think fit, that, by your encouragement,
this should appear in the world, I hope it may be a
reason, some time or other, to lead your lordship far-
ther ; and you will allow me to say, that you here give
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY. 5
the world an earnest of something, that, if they can
bear with this, will be truly worth their expectation.
This, my lord, shows what a present I here make to
your lordship; just such as the poor man does to his
rich and great neighbour, by whom the basket of flow-
ers or fruit is not ill taken, though he has more plenty
of his own growth, and in much greater perfection.
Worthless things receive a value when they are made
the offerings of respect, esteem, and gratitude; these
you have given me so mighty and peculiar reasons to
have in the highest degree for your lordship, that if
they can add a price to what they go along with pro-
portionable to their own greatness, I can with confi-
dence brag, I here make your lordship the richest pres-
ent you ever received. This I am sure, I am under the
greatest obligation to seek all occasions to acknowledge
a long train of favours I have received from your lord-
ship; favours, though great and important in them-
selves, yet made much more so by the forwardness,
concern, and kindness, and other obliging circum-
stances, that never failed to accompany them. To all
this, you are pleased to add that which gives yet more
weight and relish to all the rest ; you vouchsafe to con-
tinue me in some degrees of your esteem, and allow me
a place in your good thoughts, I had almost said friend-
ship. This, my lord, your words and actions so con-
stantly show on all occasions, even to others when I am
absent, that it is not vanity in me to mention what every
body knows; but it would be want of good manners
not to acknowledge what so many are witnesses of, and
every day tell me I am indebted to your lordship for.
I wish they could as easily assist my gratitude, as they
convince me of the great and growing engagements it
has to your lordship. This I am sure, I should write
6 THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY.
of the UNDERSTANDING without having any, if I were
not extremely sensible of them, and did not lay hold
on this opportunity to testify to the world how much I
am obliged to be, and how much I am,
MY LORD,
Your lordship's most humble
and most obedient servant,
JOHN LOCKE.
[Dorset Court, May 24, 1689.]
THE
EPISTLE TO THE READER.
READER,
I HERE put into thy hands what has been the diver-
sion of some of my idle and heavy hours ; if it has the
good-luck to prove so of any of thine, and thou hast
but half so much pleasure in reading as I had in writing
it, thou wilt as little think thy money, as I do my pains,
ill bestowed. Mistake not this for a commendation of
my work ; nor conclude, because I was pleased with the
doing of it, that therefore I am fondly taken with it
now it is done. He that hawks at larks and sparrows,
has no less sport, though a much less considerable
quarry, than he that flies at nobler game: and he is
little acquainted with the subject of this treatise, the
Understanding, who does not know, that as it is the
most elevated faculty of the soul, so it is employed with
a greater and more constant delight than any of the
other. Its searches after truth are a sort of hawking
and hunting, wherein the very pursuit makes a great
part of the pleasure. Every step the mind takes in its
progress towards knowledge makes some discovery,
which is not only new, but the best, too, for the time at
least.
For the understanding, like the eye, judging of ob-
jects only by its own sight, cannot but be pleased with
what it discovers, having less regret for what has es-
caped it, because it is unknown. Thus he who has
7
8 THE EPISTLE TO THE READER.
raised himself above the alms-basket, and not content
to live lazily on scraps of begged opinions, sets his own
thoughts on work, to find and follow truth, will (what-
ever he lights on) not miss the hunter's satisfaction;
every moment of his pursuit will reward his pains with
some delight, and he will have reason to think his time
not ill spent, even when he cannot much boast of any
great acquisition.
This, reader, is the entertainment of those who let
loose their own thoughts, and follow them in writing ;
which thou oughtest not to envy them, since they afford
thee an opportunity of the like diversion, if thou wilt
make use of thy own thoughts in reading. It is to
them, if they are thy own, that I refer myself; but if
they are taken upon trust from others, it is no great
matter what they are, they not following truth, but
some meaner consideration; and it is not worth while
to be concerned what he says or thinks, who say or
thinks only as he is directed by another. If thou
judgest for thyself, I know thou wilt judge candidly ;
and then I shall not be harmed or offended, whatever
be the censure. For, though it be certain that there is
nothing in this treatise of the truth whereof I am not
fully persuaded, yet I consider myself as liable to mis-
takes as I can think thee ; and know that this book must
stand or fall with thee, not by any opinion I have of it,
but thy own. If thou findest little in it new or instruc-
tive to thee, thou art not to blame me for it. It was
not meant for those that had already mastered this sub-
ject, and made a thorough acquaintance with their own
understandings, but for my own information, and the
satisfaction of a few friends, who acknowledged them-
selves not to have sufficiently considered it.
Were it fit to trouble thee with the history of this
THE EPISTLE TO THE READER. 9
Essay, I should tell thee, that five or six friends, meet-
ing at my chamber, and discoursing on a subject very
remote from this, found themselves quickly at a stand
by the difficulties that rose on every side. After we had
awhile puzzled ourselves, without coming any nearer a
resolution of those doubts which perplexed us, it came
into my thoughts, that we took a wrong course; and
that, before we set ourselves upon inquiries of that
nature, it was necessary to examine our own abilities,
and see what objects our understandings were or were
not fitted to deal with. This I proposed to the com-
pany, who all readily assented ; and thereupon it was
agreed, that this should be our first inquiry. Some
hasty and undigested thoughts, on a subject I had never
before considered, which I set down against our next
meeting, gave the first entrance into this discourse,
which, having been thus begun by chance, was con-
tinued by intreaty ; written by incoherent parcels ; and,
after long intervals of neglect, resumed again, as my
humour or occasions permitted ; and at last, in a retire-
ment, where an attendance on my health gave me
leisure, it was brought into that order thou now seest
it.
This discontinued way of writing may have oc-
casioned, besides others, two contrary faults, viz., that
too little and too much may be said in it. If thou
findest any thing wanting, I shall be glad, that what I
have writ gives thee any desire that I should have gone
farther : if it seems too much to thee, thou must blame
the subject ; for when I first put pen to paper, I thought
all I should have to say on this matter would have been
contained in one sheet of paper ; but the farther I went,
the larger prospect I had : new discoveries led me still
on, and so it grew insensibly to the bulk it now ap-
10 THE EPISTLE TO THE READER.
pears in. I will not deny but possibly it might be re-
duced to a narrower compass than it is ; and that some
parts of it might be contracted : the way it has been
writ in, by catches, and many long intervals of inter-
ruption, being apt to cause some repetitions. But, to
confess the truth, I am now too lazy or too busy to
make it shorter.
I am not ignorant how little I herein consult my own
reputation when I knowingly let it go with a fault so
apt to disgust the most judicious, who are always the
nicest readers. But the$r who know sloth is apt to
content itself with any excuse, will pardon me, if mine
has prevailed on me where I think I have a very good
one. I will not, therefore, allege 'in my defence, that
the same notion, having different respects, may be con-
venient or necessary to prove or illustrate several parts
of the same discourse ; and that so it has happened in
many parts of this ; but, waiving that, I shall frankly
avow, that I have sometimes dwelt long upon the same
argument, and expressed it different ways, with a quite
different design. I pretend not to publish this Essay
for the information of men of large thoughts and quick
apprehensions ; to such masters of knowledge, I profess
myself a scholar, and therefore warn them beforehand
not to expect anything here but what, being spun out of
my own coarse thoughts, is fitted to men of my own
size, to whom, perhaps, it will not be unacceptable that
I have taken some pains to make plain and familiar to
their thoughts some truths, which established prej-
udice, or the abstractedness of the ideas themselves,
might render difficult. Some objects had need be
turned on every side ; and when the notion is new, as I
confess some of these are to me, or out of the ordinary
road, as I suspect they will appear to others, it is not
THE EPISTLE TO THE READER. n
one simple view of it that will gain it admittance into
every understanding, or fix it there with a clear and
lasting impression. There are few, I believe, who have
not observed in themselves or others, that what in one
way of proposing was very obscure, another way of
expressing it has made very clear and intelligible;
though afterward the mind found little difference in the
phrases, and wondered why one failed to be under-
stood more than the other. But every thing does not
hit alike upon every man's imagination. We have our
understandings no less different than our palates ; and
he that thinks the same truth shall be equally relished
by every one in the same dress, may as well hope to
feast every one with the same sort of cookery; the
meat may be the same, and the nourishment good, yet
every one not be able to receive it with that seasoning ;
and it must be dressed another way, if you will have
it go down with some even of strong constitutions.
The truth is, those who advised me to publish it, ad-
vised me, for this reason, to publish it as it is: and
since I have been brought to let it go abroad, I desire
it should be understood by whoever gives himself the
pains to read it. I have so little affection to be in
print, that if I were not flattered this Essay might be
of some use to others, as I think it has been to me, I
should have confined it to the view of some friends,
who gave the first occasion to it. My appearing there-
fore in print being on purpose to be as useful as I may,
I think it necessary to make what I have to say as easy
and intelligible to all sorts of readers as I can. And
I had much rather the speculative and quick-sighted
should complain of my being in some parts tedious,
than that any one, not accustomed to abstract specula-
12 THE EPISTLE TO THE READER.
tions, or prepossessed with different notions, should
mistake or not comprehend my meaning.
It will possibly be censured as a great piece of vanity
or insolence in me, to pretend to instruct this our know-
ing age, it amounting to little less when I own that I
publish this Essay with hopes that it may be useful to
others. But if it may be permitted to speak freely of
those who, with a feigned modesty, condemn as use-
less what they themselves write, methinks it savours
much more of vanity or insolence to publish a book for
any other end ; and he fails very much of that respect
he owes the public, who prints, and consequently ex-
pects that men should read, that wherein he intends not
they should meet with any thing of use to themselves
or others : and should nothing else be found allowable
in this treatise, yet my design will not cease to be so ;
and the goodness of my intention ought to be some
excuse for the worthlessness of my present. It is that
chiefly which secures me from the fear of censure,
which I expect not to escape more than better writers.
Men's principles, notions, and relishes are so different,
that it is hard to find a book which pleases or dis-
pleases all men. I acknowledge the age we live in is
not the least knowing, and therefore not the most easy
to be satisfied. If I have not the good-luck to please,
yet nobody ought to be offended with me. I plainly
tell all my readers, except half a dozen, this treatise
was not at first intended for them ; and therefore they
need not be at the trouble to be of that number. But
yet if any one thinks fit to be angry, and rail at it, he
may do it securely ; for I shall find som6 better way of
spending my time than in such kind of conservation. I
shall always have the satisfaction to have aimed sin-
cerely at truth and usefulness, though in one of the
THE EPISTLE TO THE READER. 13
meanest ways. The commonwealth of learning is not
at this time without master-builders, whose mighty de-
signs in advancing the sciences will leave lasting monu-
ments to the admiration of posterity: but every one
must not hope to be a Boyle or a Sydenharn ; and in
an age that produces such masters as the great Huy-
genius, and the incomparable Mr. Newton, with some
other of that strain, it is ambition enough to be em-
ployed as an under-labourer in clearing the ground a
little, and removing some of the rubbish that lies in the
way to knowledge ; which certainly had been very much
more advanced in the world, if the endeavours of in-
genious and industrious men had not been much cum-
bered with the learned but frivolous use of uncouth,
affected, or unintelligible terms introduced into the
sciences, and there made an art of, to that degree that
philosophy, which is nothing but the true knowledge
of things, was thought unfit or uncapable to be brought
into well-bred company and polite conversation.
Vague and insignificant forms of speech, and abuse of
language, have so long passed for mysteries of science ;
and hard or misapplied words, with little or no mean-
ing, have, by prescription, such a right to be mistaken
for deep learning and height of speculation ; that it will
not be easy to persuade either those who speak or those
who hear them, that they are but the covers of igno-
rance, and hinderance of true knowledge. To break
in upon the sanctuary of vanity and ignorance, will be,
I suppose, some service to human understanding:
though so few are apt to think they deceive or are de-
ceived in the use of words, or that the language of the
sect they are of has any faults in it which ought to be
examined or corrected, that I hope I shall be pardoned
if I have in the third book dwelt long on this subject;
14 THE EPISTLE TO THE READER.
and endeavored to make it so plain, that neither the
inveterateness of the mischief, nor the prevalency of
the fashion, shall be any excuse for those who will not
take care about the meaning of their own words, and
will not suffer the significancy of their expressions to
be inquired into.
I have been told that a short epitome of this treatise,
which was printed in 1688, was by some condemned
without reading, because innate ideas were denied in
it; they too hastily concluding, that if innate ideas were
not supposed, there would be little left either of the
notion or proof of spirits. If any one take the like
offence at the entrance of this treatise, I shall desire
him to read it through ; and then I hope he will be con-
vinced, that the taking away false foundations is not
to the prejudice, but advantage, of truth, which is never
inured or endangered so much as when mixed with, or
built on, falsehood. In the second edition I added as
f olloweth :
The bookseller will not forgive me, if I say nothing
of this second edition, which he has promised, by the
correctness of it, shall make amends for the many faults
committed in the former. He desires, too, that it
should be known, that it has one whole new chapter
concerning identity, and many additions and amend-
ments in other places. These, I must inform my
reader, are not all new matter, but most of them either
farther confirmation of what I had said, or explications,
to prevent others being mistaken in the sense of what
was formerly printed, and not any variation in me from
it: I must only except the alterations I have made in
book ii. chap. xxi.
What I had there writ concerning " liberty " and the
" will," I thought deserved as accurate a review as I
THE EPISTLE TO THE READER. 15
was capable of: those subjects having in all ages exer-
cised the learned part of the world with questions and
difficulties that have not a little perplexed morality and
divinity, those parts of knowledge that men are most
concerned to be clear in. Upon a closer inspection into
the working of men's minds, and a stricter examination
of those motives and views they are termed by, I have
found reason somewhat to alter the thoughts I formerly
had concerning that which gives the last determination
to the will in all voluntary actions. This I cannot for-
bear to acknowledge to the world, with as much free-
dom and readiness as I at first published what then
seemed to me to be right; thinking myself more con-
cerned to quit and renounce any opinion ol my own,
than oppose that of another, when truth appears against
it. For it is truth alone I seek, and that will always
be welcome to me, when or from whence soever it
comes.
But what forwardness soever I have to resign any
opinion I have, or to recede from any thing I have
writ, upon the first evidence of any error in it ; yet this
I must own, that I have not had the good-luck to re-
ceive any light from those exceptions I have met with
in print against any part of my book ; nor have, from
any thing has been urged against it, found reason to
alter my sense in any of the points that have been ques-
tioned. Whether the subject I have in hand requires
often more thought and attention than cursory readers,
at least such as are prepossessed, are willing to allow ;
or whether any obscurity in my expressions casts a
cloud over it, and these notions are made difficult to
others' apprehensions in my way of treating them ; so
it is, that my meaning, I find, is often mistaken, and I
16 THE EPISTLE TO THE READER.
have not the good-luck to be every where rightly under-
stood.
********
BOOK 1.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
1. An inquiry into the understanding, pleasant and
useful. Since it is the understanding that sets man
above the rest of sensible beings, and gives him all the
advantage and dominion which he has over them, it is
certainly a subject, even for its nobleness, worth our
labour to inquire into. The understanding, like the
eye, whilst it makes us see and perceive all other things,
takes no notice of itself ; and it requires art and pains
to set it at a distance, and make it its own object. But
whatever be the difficulties that lie in the way of this
inquiry, whatever it be that keeps us so much in the
dark to ourselves, sure I am that all the light we can
let in upon our own minds, all the acquaintance we
can make with our own understandings, will not only
be very pleasant, but bring us great advantage in di-
recting our thoughts in the search of other things.
2. Design. This therefore being my purpose, to
inquire into the original, certainty, and extent of hu-
man knowledge, together with the grounds and de-
grees of belief, opinion, and assent, I shall not at pres-
ent meddle with the physical consideration of the mind,
or trouble myself to examine wherein its essence con-
sists or by what motions of our spirits, or alterations
17
i8 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
of our bodies, we come to have any sensation by our
organs, or any ideas in our understandings; and
whether those ideas do, in their formation, any or all
of them, depend on matter or not : these are speculations
which, however curious and entertaining, I shall de-
cline, as lying out of my way in the design I am now
upon. It shall suffice to my present purpose, to con-
sider the discerning faculties of a man, as they are
employed about the objects which they have to do with ;
and I shall imagine I have not wholly misemployed
myself in the thoughts I shall have on this occasion,
if, in this historical, plain method, I can give any ac-
count of the ways whereby our understandings come
to attain those notions of things we have, and can set
down any measures of the certainty of our knowledge,
or the grounds of those persuasions which are to be
found amongst men, so various, different, and wholly
contradictory ; and yet asserted somewhere or other
with such assurance and confidence, that he that shall
take a view of the opinions of mankind, observe their
opposition, and at the same time consider the fondness
and devotion wherewith they are embraced, the resolu-
tion and eagerness wherewith they are maintained, may
perhaps have reason to suspect that either there is no
such thing as truth at all, or that mankind hath no
sufficient means to attain a certain knowledge of it. ,
3- N Method. It is therefore worth while to search
out the bounds between opinion and knowledge, and
examine by what measures, in things whereof we have
no certain knowledge, we ought to regulate our assent,
and moderate our persuasions. In order whereunto, I
shall pursue this following method:
First. I shall inquire into the original of those ideas,
notions, dr whatever else you please to call them, which
INTRODUCTION. 19
a man observes, and is conscious to himself he has in
his mind; and the ways whereby the understanding
comes to be furnished with them.
Secondly. I shall endeavour to show what knowl-
edge the understanding hath by those ideas, and the
certainty, evidence, and extent of it.
Thirdly. I shall make some inquiry into the nature
and grounds of faith or opinion ; whereby I mean, that
assent which we give to any proposition as true, of
whose truth yet we have no certain knowledge : and
here we shall have occasion to examine the reasons
and degrees of assent.
4. Useful to know the extent of our comprehension.
If by this inquiry into the nature of the understand-
ing, I can discover the powers thereof, how far they
reach, to what things they are in any degree pro-
portionate, and where they fail us, I suppose it may
be of use to prevail with the busy mind of man to be
more cautious in meddling with things exceeding its
comprehension, to stop when it is at the utmost extent
of its tether, and to sit down in a quiet ignorance of
those things which, upon examination, are found to
be beyond the reach of our capacities. We should not
then, perhaps, be so forward, out of an affectation of an
universal knowledge, to raise questions, and perplex
ourselves and others with disputes, about things to
which our understandings are not suited, and of which
we cannot frame in our minds any clear or distinct
perceptions, or whereof (as it has, perhaps, too often
happened) we have not any notions at all. If we can
find out how far the understanding can extend its
view, how far it has faculties to attain certainty, and
in what cases it can only judge and guess, we may
20 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
learn to content ourselves with what is attainable by
us in this state.
5. Our capacity suited to our state and concerns.
For though the comprehension of our understandings
comes exceeding short of the vast extent of things,
yet we shall have cause enough to magnify the bounti-
ful Author of our being for that proportion and de-
gree of knowledge he has bestowed on us, so far above
all the rest of the inhabitants of this our mansion.
Men have reason to be well satisfied with what God
hath thought fit for them, since he has given them, as
St. Peter says, vdvra irpos fa^v K7
268 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
these four sorts: (i.) Identity, or diversity. (2.)
Relation. (3.) Co-existence, or necessary connection.
(4.) Real existence.
4. First, Of identity or diversity. First, As to the
first sort of agreement or disagreement, viz., identity,
or diversity. It is the first act of the mind, when it has
any sentiments or ideas at all, to perceive its ideas, and,
so far as it perceives them, to know each what it is,
and thereby also to perceive their difference, and that
one is not another. This is so absolutely necessary,
that without it there could be no knowledge, no reason-
ing, no imagination, no distinct thoughts at all. ,By
this the mind clearly and infallibly perceives each idea
to agree with itself, and to be what it is ; and all distinct
ideas to disagree, i. e., the one not to be the other : and
this it does without pains, labour, or deduction, but at
first view, by its natural power of perception and dis-
tinction. And though men of art have reduced this
into those general rules, "3\ /T hat is, is ; " and, " It is
impossible for the same thing to be and not to be," for
ready application in all cases where in there may be
occasion to reflect on it; yet it is certain that the first
exercise of this faculty is about particular ideas. A
man infallibly knows, as soon as ever he has them in
his mind, that the ideas he calls " white " and " round "
are the very ideas they are, and that they are not other
ideas which he calls " red " or " square." Nor can any
maxim or proposition in the world make him know it
clearer or surer than he did before, and without any
such general rule. This, then, is the first agreement or
disagreement which the mind peceives in its ideas,
which it always perceives at first sight; and if there
ever happen any doubt about it, it will always be found
tobp about the names, and not the ideas themselves,
OF KNOWLEDGE IN GENERAL. 269
whose identity and diversity will always be perceived
as soon and as clearly as the ideas themselves are, nor
can it possibly be otherwise.
5. Secondly, Relative. Secondly, The next sort of
agreement or disagreement the mind perceives in any
of its ideas may, I think, be called " relative," and is
nothing but the perception of the relation between any
two ideas, of what kind soever, whether substances,
modes, or any other. For, since all distinct ideas must
eternally be known not to be the same, and so be uni-
versally and constantly denied one of another; there
could be no room for any positive knowledge at all, if
we could not perceive any relation between our ideas,
and find out the agreement or disagreement they have
one with another, in several ways the mind takes of
comparing them.
6. Thirdly, Of co-existence. Thirdly, The third
sort of agreement or disagreement to be found in our
ideas, which the perception of the mind is employed
about, is co-existence, or non-^o-existence in the same
subject ; and this belongs particularly to substances.
Thus when we pronounce concerning " gold " that it is
fixed, our knowledge of this truth amounts to no more
but this, that fixedness, or a power to remain in the
fire unconsumed, is an idea that always accompanies
and is joined with that particular sort of yellowness,
weight, fusibility, malleableness and solubility in aqua
regia, which make our complex idea, signified by the
word " gold."
7. Fourthly, Of real existence. Fourthly, The
fourth and last sort is that of actual real existence
agreeing to any idea. Within these four sorts of agree-
ment or disagreement is, I suppose, contained all the
knowledge we have or are capable of; for, all the in-
270 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
quiries that we can make concerning any of our ideas,
all that we know or can affirm concerning any of them,
is, that it is or is not the same with some other ; that it
does or does not always co-exist with some other idea
in the same subject; that it has this or that relation to
some other idea ; or that it has a .real existepce^w4thout
thejQiirid^ Thus, " Blue is not yellow," is of identity.
" Two triangles upon equal bases between two parallels
are equal," is of relation. " Iron is susceptible of mag-
netical impressions," is of co-existence. " God is," is
of real existence. Though identity and co-existence
are truly nothing but relations, yet they are so peculiar j
ways of agreement or disagreement of our ideas, that
they deserve well to be considered as distinct heads,
and not under relation in general ; since they are so - ^
different grounds of affirmation and negation, as will ^
easily appear to any one who will but reflect on what
is said in several places of this Essay. I should now
proceed to examine the several degrees of our knowl-
edge, but that it is necessary first to consider the differ-
ent acceptations of the word " knowledge."
8. Knowledge actual or habitual. There are sev-
eral ways wherein the mind is possessed of truth, each
of which is called " knowledge/
First, There is "actual knowledge/' which is the
present view the mind has of the agreement or dis-
agreernent of any of its ideas, or of the relation they
. ha^e one to another.
Secondly, A man is said to know any proposition
which having been once laid before his thoughts, he
evidently perceived the agreement or disagreement of
the ideas whereof it consists ; and so lodged it in his
memory, that, whenever that proposition comes again
to be reflected on, he, without doubt or hesitation, em-
OF KNOWLEDGE IN GENERAL. 271
braces the right side, assents to and is certain of the
truth of it. This, I think, one may call " habitual
knowledge ; " and thus a man may be said to know all
those truths which are lodged in his memory by a fore-
going clear and full perception, whereof the mind is
assured past doubt as often as it has occasion to reflect
on them. For, our finite understandings being able to
think clearly and distinctly but on one thing at once,
if men had no knowledge of any more than what they
actually thought on, they would all be very ignorant;
and he that knew most would know but one truth, that
being all he was able to think on at one time.
9. Habitual knoivledge tzvofold. Of habitual
knowledge there are also, vulgarly speaking, two de-
grees :
First, The one is of such truths laid up in the mem-
ory as, whenever they occur to the mind, it actually
perceives the relation is between those ideas. And this
is in all those truths whereof we have an intuitive
knowledge, where the ideas themselves, by an imme-
diate view, discover their agreement or disagreement
one with another.
Secondly, The other is of such truths, whereof the
mind having been convinced, it retains the memory of
the conviction without the proofs. Thus a man that
remembers certainly that he once perceived the demon-
stration that the three angles of a triangle are equal to
two right ones, is certain that he knows it, because he
cannot doubt the truth of it. In his adherence to a
truth where the demonstration by which it was at first
known is forgot, though a man may be thought rather
to believe his memory than really to know, and this
way of entertaining a truth seemed formerly to me like
something between opinion and knowledge, a sort of
272 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
assurance which exceeds bare belief, for that relies on
the testimony of another ; yet, upon a due examination,
I find it comes not short of perfect certainty, and is,
in effect, true knowledge. That which is apt to mislead
our first thoughts into a mistake in this matter is, that
the agreement or disagreement of the ideas in this
case is not perceived, as it was at first, by an actual
view of all the intermediate ideas whereby the agree-
ment or disagreement of those in the proposition was
at first perceived ; but by other intermediate ideas, that
show the agreement or disagreement of the ideas con-
tained in the proposition whose certainty we remember.
For example : in this proposition, that " the three angles
of a triangle are equal to two right ones," one who has
seen and clearly perceived the demonstration of this
truth, knows it to be true, when that demonstration
has gone out of his mind, so that at present it is not
actually in view, and possibly cannot be recollected :
but he knows it in a different way from what he did
before. The agreement of the two ideas joined in that
proposition is perceived; but it is by the intervention
of other ideas than those which at first produced that
perception. He remembers, i. e., he knows (for re-
membrance is but the reviving of some past knowl-
edge) that he was once certain of the truth of this
proposition, that " the three angles of a triangle are
equal to two right ones." The, jmjputability jqf the
the^same immutable things is
now the idea that shows him,, that if .the three angles of
a triangle were once equal to two right ones, they will
always be equal to two right ones. And hence he
comes to be certain, that what was once true in the
case is always true ; what ideas once agreed \\ ill
always agree : and, consequently, what he once knew to
OF KNOWLEDGE IN GENERAL. 273
know to.Jhe..true, as long as he
can xemember that he once knew it. Upon this ground
it is that particulaf~~demonstrations in mathematics
afford general knowledge. If, then^ the perception
4haX.^the same ideas will eternally have the same , />
habitudes and relations be not a sufficient ground of
knowledge, there could be no knowledge of general ' ^J
propositions in mathematics; for no mathematical
demonstration would be any other than particular : and
when a man had demonstrated any proposition con-
cerning one triangle or circle, his knowledge would not
reach beyond that particular diagram. If he would
extend it farther, he must renew his demonstration in
another instance before he could know it to be true
in another like triangle, and so on : by which means one
could never come to the knowledge of any general
propositions. Nobody, I think, can deny that Mr.
Newton certainly knows any proposition that he now
at any time reads in his book to be true, though he has
not in actual view that admirable chain of intermediate
ideas whereby he at first discovered it to be true. Such
a memory as that, able to retain such a train of particu-
lars, may be well thought beyond the reach of human
faculties : when the very discovery, perception, and
laying together that wonderful connexion of ideas is
found to surpass most readers' comprehension. But
yet it is evident the author himself knows the proposi-
tion to be true, remembering he one saw the connexion
of those ideas, as certainly as he knows such a man
wounded another, remembering that he saw him run
him through. But because the memory is not always
so clear as actual perception, and does in all men more
or less decay in length of time, this, amongst other
differences, is one which shows that demonstrative
274 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
_kno wl H gi^J.s_much .more imperfect than intuitive, as
we shall see in the following chapter.
CHAPTER II.
OF THE DEGREES OF OUR KNOWLEDGE.
I. Intuitive. All our knowledge consisting, as I
have said, in the view the mind has of its own ideas,
which is the utmost light and greatest certainty we,
with our faculties and in our way of knowledge, are
capable of, it may not be amiss to consider a little the
degrees of its evidence. The different clearness of our
knowledge seems to me to lie in the different way of
perception the mind has of the agreement or disagree-
ment of any of its ideas. For if we will reflect on our
own ways of thinking, we will find that sometimes the
mind perceives the agreement or disagreement of two
ideas immediately by themselves, without the interven-
tion oT any other: andTthis, I think, we may call
" intuitive knowledge/* For in this the mind is at no
pains of proving or examining, but perceives the truth,
as the eye doth light, only by being directed towards
it. Thus the mind__p_erceiYes that yhite is not Jilack.
that a circle is notjL tn ' an g^ p , that three are more than
two, and equal to one and two. Such kind of truths
the mind perceives at the first sight of the ideas to-
gether, by bare intuition, without the .interYention of
any other ideaj and this kind of knowledge is the
clearest and most certain that human frailty is capable
of. This part of knowledge is irresistible, and, like
bright sunshine, forces itself immediately to be per-
ceived as soon as ever the mind turns its view that
way; and leaves no room for hesitation, doubt or ex-
OF THE DEGREES OF OUR KNOWLEDGE. 275
animation, but the mind is presently filled with the
clear light of it. It is on this intuition that depends all
the certainty and evidence of all our knowledge, which
certainty every one finds to be so great, that he cannot
imagine, and therefore not require, a greater: for a
man cannot conceive himself capable of a greater cer-
tainty, than to know that any idea in his mind is such
as he perceives it to be ; and that two ideas, wherein he
perceives a difference, are different, and not precisely
the same. He that demands a greater certainty than
this demands he knows not what, and shows only that
he has a mind to be a sceptic without being able to be
so. Certainty depends so wholly on this intuition, that
in the next degree of knowledge, which I call " demon-
strative," this intuition is necessary in all the connexions
of the intermediate ideas, without which we cannot
attain knowledge and certainty.
2. Demonstrative. The next degree of knowledge
is, where the mind perceives the agreement or disagree- /> tf^flA^
ment of any ideas, but not immediately. Though !>*
wherever the mind perceives the agreement or dis- /"
agreement of any of its ideas, there be certain knowl- / j ic < I/
edge ; yet it does not always happen that the mind sees j^y^-
that agreement or disagreement which there is between \Jr
them, even where it is discoverable; and in that case Aj)JAf)
remains in ignorance, and at most gets no farther than
a probable conjecture. The reason why the mind can-
not always perceive presently the agreement or dis-
agreement of two ideas, is, because those ideas con- Lt&r
cerning whose agreement or disagreement the inquiry .
is made, cannot by the mind be so put together as to j?
show it. In this case then, when the mind cannot so
bring its ideas together as, by their immediate compari-
son and, as it were, juxtaposition or application one to
276 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
another, to perceive their agreement or disagreement,
it is fain, by the intervention of other ideas (one or
more, as it happens), to_discove.rJ.he..agr.eemnLQr dis-
agreement which it search ps ; and this is that which we
call " reasoning." Thus the mind, being willing to
know the agreement or disagreement in bigness be-
tween the three angles of a triangle and two right ones,
cannot, by an immediate view and comparing them, do
it : because the three angles of a triangle cannot be
brought at once, and be compared with any one or tw r o
angles ; and so of this the mind has no immediate, no
intuitive knowledge. In this case the mind is fain to
find out some other angles, to which the three angles
of a triangle have an equality ; and finding those equal
to two right ones, comes to know their equality to two
right ones.
3. Depends on proofs. J^ nsp inte.rvpning- ideas
which serve to show the agreement of any two others,
are called " proofs ; " and where the agreement or dis-
agreement is by this means plainly and clearly per-
ceived, it is called " demonstration," it being shown to
the understanding, and the mind made to see that it is
so. A quickness in the mind to find out these inter-
mediate ideas (that shall discover the agreement or
disagreement of any other), and to apply them right,
is, I suppose, that which is called "sagacity."
4. But not so easy. This knowledge by interven-
ing proofs though it be certain, yet the evidence of it is
not altogether so clear and bright, nor the assent so
ready, as^in^utuitlv^knowledge. For though in dem-
onstration the mind does at last perceive the agreement
or disagreement of the ideas it considers, yet it is not
without pains and attention! there must be more than
one transient view to find it. A steady application and
OF THE DEGREES OF OUR KNOWLEDGE. 277
pursuit are required to this discovery: and there must
be a progression by steps and degrees before the mind
can in this way arrive at certainty, and come to per-
ceive the agreement or repugnancy between two ideas
that need proofs and the use of reason to show it.
5. Not without precedent doubt. Another differ-
ence between intuitive and demonstrative knowledge,
is, that though in the latter all doubt be removed, when
by the intervention of the intermediate ideas the agree-
ment or disagreement is perceived; jret before the
demonstration there was a doubt; which in intuitive
knowledge cannot happen to the mind that has its
faculty of perception left to a degree capable of distinct
ideas, no more than it can be a doubt to the eye (that
can distinctly see white and black), whether this ink
and this paper be all of a colour. If there be sight in
the eyes, it will at first glimpse, without hesitation, per-
ceive the words printed on this paper, different from the
colour of the paper: aad--so, if the mind have the
faculty of distinct perception, it will perceive the agree-
ment or disagreement of those ideas that produce in-
tuitive knowledge. If the eyes have lost the faculty of
seeing, or the mind of perceiving, we in vain inquire
after the quickness of sight in one, or clearness of per-
ception in the other.
6. Not so clear. It is true, the perception pro-
duced by demonstration is also very clear ; yet it is
often with a greaLabaieaaeat of that evident lustre and
full assurance that always accompany that which I call
" intuitive ; " like a face reflected by several mirrors one
to another, where, as long as it retains the similitude
and agreement with the object, it produces a knowl-
edge ; but it is still in every successive reflection with a
'lessening; of that perfect clearness and distinctness
278 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
which is in the first, till at last, after many removes, it
has a great mixture of dimness, nnd is nnf at first night
so knowable. especially to weak eyes. Thus it is with
knowledge made out by a long train of proof.
7. Each step must have intuitive evidence. Now,
in every step reason makes in demonstrative knowl-
edge, there is an intuitive knowledge of that agreement
or disagreement it seeks with the next intermediate
idea, which it uses as a proof: for if it were not so,
that yet would need a proof ; since without the percep-
tion of such agreement or disagreement there is no
knowledge produced. If it be perceived by itself, it is
intuitive knowledge : if it cannot be perceived by itself,
there is need of some intervening idea, as a common
measure, to show their agreement or disagreement. By
which it is plain, that every step in reasoning that pro-
duces knowledge has intuitive certainty; which when
the mind perceives, thexe_is_jiomore required but to
remember it, to make the agreement or disagreement
of the ideas, concerning which we inquire, visible and
certain. So that to make any thing a demonstration, it
is necessary to perceive the immediate agreement of the
intervening ideas, whereby the agreement or disagree-
ment of the two ideas under examination (whereof the
one is always the first, and the other the last in the
account) is found. This intuitive perception of the
agreement or disagreement of the intermediate ideas,
in each step and progression of the demonstration, must
also be carried exactly in the mind, and a man must be
sure that no part is left out : which, because in long de-
ductions, and the use of many proofs, the memory does
not always so readily and exactly retain ; therefore, it
comes to pass, that this is more imperfect than intuitive
CX -* "~ j
OF THE DEGREES OF OUR KNOWLEDGE. 279
knowledge, and men embrace often falsehood for
demonstrations.
8. Hence the mistake, ex praecognitis et praecon-
cessis. The necessity of this intuitive knowledge, in
each step of scientifical or demonstrative reasoning,
gave occasion, I imagine, to that mistaken axiom, that
all reasoning was ex pracognitis et prceconcessis;
which, how far it is a mistake, I shall have occasion to
show more at large when I come to consider proposi-
tions, and particularly those propositions which are
called " maxims ; " and to show that it is by a mistake
that they are supposed to be the foundations of all our
knowledge and reasonings.
9. Demonstration not limited tq_quQtitUy^-[lt has
been generally taken for granted, that mathematics
alone are capable of demonstrative certainty: but to
have such an agreement or disagreement as may intui-
tively be perceived, being, as I imagine, not the privi-
lege of the ideas of number, extension, and figure
alone, it may possibly be the want of due method and
application in us, and not of sufficient evidence in
things, that demonstration has been thought to have so
little to do in other parts of knowledge, and been scarce
so much as aimed at by any but mathematicians.] For,
whatever ideas we have wherein the mind can perceive
the immediate agreement or disagreement that is be-
tween them, there the mind is capable of intuitive
knowledge ; and where it can perceive the agreement or
disagreement of any two ideas, by an intuitive percep-
tion of the agreement or disagreement they have with
any intermediate ideas, there the mind is capable of
demonstration, which is not limited to ideas of exten-
sion, figure, number, and their modes.
10. Why it has been so thought. The reason why
280 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
it has been generally sought for and supposed to be
only in those, I imagine, has been not only the general
usefulness of those sciences, but because, in comparing
their equality or excess, the modes of numbers have
every the least difference very clear and perceivable:
and though in extension every the least excess is not
so perceptible, yet the mind has found out ways to
examine and discover demonstratively the just equality
of two angles, or extensions, or figures ; and both these,
*. e., numbers and figures, can be set down by visible
and lasting marks, wherein the ideas under considera-
tion are perfectly determined ; which for the most part
they are not, where they are marked only by names and
words.
ii. But in other simple ideas, whose modes and
differences are made and counted by degrees, and not
quantity, we have not so nice and accurate a distinction
of their differences as to perceive or find ways to meas-
ure their just equality or the least differences. For,
those other simple ideas being appearances of sensations
produced in us by the size, figure, number, and motion
of minute corpuscles singly insensible, their different
degrees also depend upon the variation of some or all
of those causes ; which, since it cannot be observed by
us in particles of matter whereof each is too subtile to
be perceived, it is impossible for us to have any exact
measures of the different degrees of these simple ideas.
For, supposing the sensation or idea we name " white-
ness," be produced in us by a certain number of
globules, which, having a verticity about their own
centres, strike upon the retina of the eye with a certain
degree of rotation, as well as progressive swiftness ; it
will hence easily follow, that the more the superficial
parts of any body are so ordered as to reflect the
OF THE DEGREES OF OUR KNOWLEDGE. 281
greater number of globules of light, and to give them
the proper rotation which is fit to produce this sensa-
tion of white in us, the more white will that body ap-
pear that from an equal space sends to the retina the
greater number of such corpuscles with that peculiar
sort of motion. I do not say, that the nature of light
consists in very small round globules, nor of whiteness
in such a texture of parts as gives a certain rotation to
these globules when it reflects them ; for I am not now
treating physically of light or colours ; but this, I think,
I may say, that I cannot (and I would be glad any one
would make intelligible that he did) conceive how
bodies without us can any ways affect our senses, but
by the immediate contact of the sensible bodies them-
selves, as in tasting and feeling, or the impulse of some
sensible particles coming from them, as in seeing,
hearing, and smelling; by the different impulse of
which parts, caused by their different size, figure, and
motion, the variety of sensations is produced in us.
12. Whether then they be globules or no; or
whether they have a verticity about their own centres
that produces the idea of whiteness in us ; this is cer-
tain, that the more particles of light are reflected from
a body, fitted to give them that peculiar motion which
produces the sensation of whiteness in us, and possibly,
too, the quicker that peculiar motion is, the whiter does
the body appear from which the greatest number are
reflected, as is evident in the same piece of paper put
in the sunbeams, in the shade, and in a dark hole; in
each of which it will produce in us the idea of white-
ness in far different degrees.
13. Not knowing therefore what number of par-
ticles, nor what motion of them, is fit to produce any
precise degree of whiteness, we cannot demonstrate the
282 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
certain equality of any two degrees of whiteness ; be-
cause we have no certain standard to measure them by,
nor means to distinguish every the least real difference ;
the only help we have being from our senses, which in
this point fail us. But where the difference is so great
as to produce in the mind clearly distinct ideas, whose
differences can be perfectly retained, there these ideas
of colours, as we see in different kinds, as blue and red,
are as capable of demonstration as ideas of number and
extension. What I have here said of whiteness and
colours, I think, holds true in all secondary qualities
and their modes.
14. Sensitive knowledge of particular existence.
These two, viz., intuition and demonstration, are the
degrees of our knowledge; whatever comes short of
one of these, with what assurance soever embraced, is
but faith or opinion, but not knowledge, at least in all
general truths. There is, indeed, another perception of
the mind employed about the particular existence of
finite beings without us ; which, going beyond bare
probability, and yet not reaching perfectly to either of
the foregoing degrees of certainty, passes under the
name of " knowledge." There can be nothing more
certain, than that the idea we receive from an external
object is in our minds ; this is intuitive knowledge. But
whether there be anything more than barely that idea
in our minds, whether we can thence certainly infer the
existence of anything without us which corresponds to
that idea, is that whereof some men think there may be
a question made ; because men may have such ideas in
their minds when no such thing exists, no such object
affects their senses. But yet here, I think, we are pro-
vided with an evidence that puts us past doubting ; for
I ask any one, whether he be not invincibly conscious
OF THE DEGREES OF OUR KNOWLEDGE. 283
to himself of a different perception when he looks on
the sun by day, and thinks on it by night; when he
actually tastes wormwood, or smells a rose, or only
thinks on that savour or odour? We as plainly find
the difference there is between any idea revived in our
minds by our own memory, and actually coming into
our minds by our senses, as we do between any two
distinct ideas. If any one say, "A dream may do the
same thing, and all these ideas may be produced in us
without any external objects; " he may please to dream
that I make him this answer: (i.) That it is no great
matter whether I remove his scruple or no; where all
is but dream, reasoning and arguments are of no use,
truth and knowledge nothing. (2) That I believe he
will allow a very manifest difference between dreaming
of being in the fire, and being actually in it. But yet
if he be resolved to appear so sceptical as to maintain,
that what I call " being actually in the fire " is nothing
but a dream; and that we cannot thereby certainly
know that any such thing as fire actually exists without
us ; I answer, that we certainly finding that pleasure or
pain follows upon the application of certain objects to
us, whose existence we perceive, or dream that we per-
ceive, by our senses ; this certainty is as great as our
happiness or misery, beyond which we have no con-
cernment to know or to be. So that, I think, we may
add to the two former sorts of knowledge this also, of
the existence of particular external objects by that per-
ception and consciousness we have of the actual
entrance of ideas from them, and allow these three de-
grees of knowledge, viz., intuitive, demonstrative, and
sensitive : in each of which there are different degrees
and ways of evidence and certainty.
15. Knozvledge not always clear, where the ideas are
284 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
so. But since our knowledge is founded on and env
ployed about our ideas only, will it not follow from
thence that it is conformable to our ideas; and that
where our ideas are clear and distinct, or obscure and
confused, our knowledge will be so too? To which I
answer, No : for our knowledge consisting in the per-
ception of the agreement or disagreement of any two
ideas, its clearness or obscurity consists in the clear-
ness or obscurity of that perception, and not in the
clearness or obscurity of the ideas themselves ; v. g., a
man that has as clear ideas of the angles of a triangle,
and of equality to two right ones, as any mathematician
in the world, may yet have but a very obscure percep-
tion of their agreement, and so have but a very obscure
knowledge of it. [But ideas which by reason of their
obscurity or otherwise are confused, cannot produce
any clear or distinct knowledge ; because as far as any
ideas are confused, so far the mind cannot perceive
clearly whether they agree or disagree. Or, to express
the same thing in a way less apt to be misunderstood,
he that hath not determined ideas to the words he
uses cannot make propositions of them, of whose truth
he can be certain.]
CHAPTER III.
OF THE EXTENT OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE.
I. KNOWLEDGE, as has been said, lying in the per-
ception of the agreement or disagreement of any of
our ideas, it follows from hence that,
First, No farther than we have ideas. First, We
can have knowledge no farther than we have ideas.
OF THE EXTENT OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 285
2. Secondly, No farther than we can perceive their
agreement or disagreement. Secondly, That we can
have no knowledge farther than we can have percep-
tion of that agreement or disagreement: which per-
ception being, (i.) Either by intuition, or the imme-
diate comparing any two ideas; or, (2.) By reason,
examining the agreement or disagreement of two ideas
by the intervention of some others; or, (3.) By sensa-
tion, perceiving the existence of particular things;
hence it also follows,
3. Thirdly, Intuitive knowledge extends itself not
to all the relations of all our ideas. Thirdly, that we
cannot have an intuitive knowledge that shall extend it-
self to all our ideas, and all that we would know about
them ; because we cannot examine and perceive all the
relations they have one to another by juxtaposition, or
an immediate comparison one with another. Thus
having the ideas of an obtuse and an acute-angled tri-
angle, both drawn from equal bases, and between
parallels, I can by intuitive knowledge perceive the one
not to be the other ; but cannot that way know whether
they be equal or no: because their agreement or dis-
agreement in equality can never be perceived by an
immediate comparing them; the difference of figure
makes their parts incapable of an exact immediate ap-
plication ; and therefore there is need of some inter-
vening qualities to measure them by, which is demon-
stration or rational knowledge.
4. Fourthly, Nor demonstrative knowledge.
Fourthly, It follows also, from what is above observed,
that our rational knowledge cannot reach to the whole
extent of our ideas: because between two different
ideas we would examine, we cannot always find such
mediums as we can connect one to another with an in-
286 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
tuitive knowledge, in all the parts of the deduction;
and wherever that fails, we come short of knowledge
and demonstration.
5. Fifthly, Sensitive knowledge narrower than
either. Fifthly, Sensitive knowledge, reaching no
farther than the existence of things actually present to
our senses, is yet much narrower than either of the
former.
6. Sixthly, Our knowledge therefore narrower than
our ideas. From all which it is evident, that the ex-
tent of our knowledge comes not only short of the
reality of things, but even of the extent of our own
ideas. Though our knowledge be limited to our ideas,
and cannot exceed them either in extent or perfection :
and though these be very narrow bounds in respect of
the extent of all being, and far short of what we may
justly imagine to be in some even created understand-
ings not tied down to the dull and narrow information
that is to be received from some few and not very acute
ways of perception, such as are our senses ; yet it would
be well with us if our knowledge were but as large as
our ideas, and there were not many doubts and inquiries
concerning the ideas we have, whereof we are not, nor
I believe ever shall be in this world, resolved. Never-
theless, I do not question but that human knowledge,
under the present circumstances of our beings and con-
stitutions, may be carried much farther than it hitherto
has been, if men would sincerely, and with freedom of
mind, employ all that industry and labour of thought in
improving the means of discovering truth which they
do for the colouring or support of falsehood, to main-
tain a system, interest, or party they are once engaged
in. But yet, after all, I think I may, without injury to
human perfection, be confident that our knowledge
OF THE EXTENT OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 287
would never reach to all we might desire to know con-
cerning those ideas we have ; nor be able to surmount all
the difficulties, and resolve all the questions, that might
arise concerning any of them. We have the ideas of a
square, a circle, and equality: and yet, perhaps, shall
never be able to find a circle equal to a square, and cer-
tainly know that it is so. We have the ideas of matter
and thinking, but possibly shall never be able to know
whether [any mere material being] thinks or no; i be-
ing impossible for us, by the contemplation of our own
ideas without revelation, to discover whether Omnipo-
tency has not given to some systems of matter, fitly
disposed, a power to perceive and think, or else joined
and fixed to matter, so disposed, a thinking immaterial
substance : it being, in respect of our notions, not much
more remote from our comprehension to conceive that
God can, if he pleases, superadd to matter a faculty of
thinking, than that he should superadd to it another
substance with a faculty of thinking; since we know
not wherein thinking consists, nor to what sort of sub-
stances the Almighty has been pleased to give that
power which cannot be in any created being but merely
by the good pleasure and bounty of the Creator. For
[I see no contradiction in it, that the first eternal think-
ing Being, or Omnipotent Spirit, should, if he pleased,
give to certain systems of created senseless matter, put
together as he thinks fit, some degrees of sense, percep-
tion and thought : though, as I think I have proved (lib.
iv. chap. x. sec. 14, &c.), it is no less than a contradic-
tion to suppose matter (which is evidently in its own
nature void of sense and thought) should be that eternal
first thinking being. What certainty of knowledge can
any one have that some perception, such as v. g., pleas-
ure and pain, should not be in some bodies themselves],
288 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
after a certain manner modified and moved, as well as
that they should be in an immaterial substance upon the
motion of the parts of body ? body, as far as we can con-
ceive, being able only to strike and affect body ; and mo-
tion, according to the utmost reach of our ideas, being
able to produce nothing but motion : so that when we al-
low it to produce pleasure or pain, or the idea of a colour
or sound, we are fain to quit our reason, go beyond our
ideas, and attribute it wholly to the good pleasure of our
Maker. For, since we must allow he has annexed
effects to motion, which we can no way conceive
motion able to produce, what reason have we to con-
clude that he could not order them as well to be pro-
duced in a subject we cannot conceive capable of them,
as well as in a subject we cannot conceive the motion
of matter can any way operate upon? I say not this
that I would any way lessen the belief of the soul's
immateriality: I am not here speaking of probability,
but knowledge: and I think, not only that it becomes
the modesty of philosophy not to pronounce magisteri-
ally, where we want that evidence that can produce
knowledge ; but also, that it is of use to us to discern
how far our knowledge does reach; for the state we
are at present in, not being that of vision, we must, in
many things, content ourselves with faith and proba-
bility : and in the present question about the immateri-
ality of the soul, if our faculties cannot arrive at
demonstrative certainty, we need not think it strange.
All the great ends of morality and religion are well
enough secured, without philosophical proofs of the
soul's immateriality; since it is evident that he who
made us at the beginning, to subsist here, sensible intel-
ligent beings, and for several years continued us in such
a state, can and will restore us to the like state of sensi-
OF THE EXTENT OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 289
bility in another world, and make us capable there to
receive the retribution he has designed to men accord-
ing to their doings in this life. [And therefore it is not
of such mighty necessity to determine one way or the
other, as some, over zealous for or against the imma-
teriality of the soul, have been forward to make the
world believe: who either, on the one side, indulging
too much their thoughts immersed altogether in matter,
can allow no existence to what is not material : or who,
on the other side, finding not cogitation within the
natural powers of matter, examined over and over
again by the utmost intension of mind, have the con-
fidence to conclude that Omnipotency itself cannot give
perception and thought to a substance which has the
modification of solidity. He that considers how hardly
sensation is, in our thoughts, reconcilable to extended
matter, or existence to anything that hath no extension
at all, will confess that he is very far from certainly
knowing what his soul is. It is a point which seems
to me to be put out of the reach of our knowledge : and
he who will give himself leave to consider freely, and
look into the dark and intricate part of each hypothesis,
will scarce find his reason able to determine him fixedly
for or against the soul's materiality; since on which
side soever he views it, either as an unextended sub-
stance, or as a thinking extended. matter, the difficulty
to conceive either will, whilst either alone is in his
thoughts, still drive him to the contrary side : an unfair
way which some men take with themselves; who, be-
cause of the unconceivableness of something they find
in one, throw themselves violently into the contrary
hypothesis, though altogether as unintelligible to an
unbiassed understanding. This serves not only to show
the weakness and the scantiness of our knowledge, but
290 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
the insignificant triumph of such sort of arguments
which, drawn from our own views, may satisfy us that
we can find no certainty on one side of the question ; but
do not at all thereby help us to truth by running into the
opposite opinion, which on examination will be found
clogged with equal difficulties. For what safety, what
advantage to any one is it, for the avoiding the seem-
ing absurdities and, to him, insurmountable rubs he
meets with in one opinion to take refuge in the con-
trary, which is built on something altogether as inex-
plicable, and as far remote from his comprehension?
It is past controversy, that we have in us something
that thinks; our very doubts about what it is confirm
the certainty of its being, though we must content our-
selves in the ignorance of what kind of being it is : and
it is as vain to go about to be sceptical in this, as it is
unreasonable in most other cases to be positive against
the being of any thing, because we cannot comprehend
its nature. For I would fain know, what substance
exists that has not something in it which manifestly
baffles our understandings. Other spirits, who see and
know the nature and inward constitution of things,
how much must they exceed us in knowledge? To
which if we add larger comprehension, which enables
them at one glance to see the connexion and agreement
of very many ideas, and readily supplies to them the
intermediate proofs, which we, by single and slow
steps, and long poring in the dark, hardly at last find
out, and are often ready to forget one before we have
hunted out another, we may guess at some part of the
happiness of superior ranks of spirits, who have a
quicker and more penetrating sight, as well as a larger
field of knowledge.] But, to return to the argument in
hand : our knowledge, I say, is not only limited to the
OF THE EXTENT OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 291
paucity and imperfections of the ideas we have, and
which we employ it about, but even comes short of
that, too : but how far it reaches, let us now inquire.
7. How far our knowledge reaches. The affirma-
tions or negations we make concerning the ideas we
have, may, as I have before intimated in general, be
reduced to these four sorts, viz., identity, co-existence,
relation, and real existence. I shall examine how far
our knowledge extends in each of these :
8. First. Our knowledge of identity and diversity,
as far as our ideas. First, As to identity and diver-
sity, in this way of the agreement or disagreement
of ideas, our intuitive knowledge is as far extended as
our ideas themselves : and there can be no idea in the
mind which does not presently, by an intuitive knowl-
edge, perceive to be what it is, and to be different from
any other.
9. Secondly. Of co-existence, a very little way.
Secondly, As to the second sort, which is the agreement
or disagreement of our ideas in co-existence, in this
our knowledge is very short, though in this consists the
greatest and most material part of our knowledge con-
cerning substances. For our ideas of the species of
substances being, as I have showed, nothing but cer-
tain collections of simple ideas united in one sub-
ject, and so co-existing together; v. g., our idea of
" flame " is a body hot, luminous, and moving upward ;
of " gold," a body heavy to a certain degree, yellow,
malleable, and fusible. These, or some such complex
ideas as these in men's minds, do these two names
of the different substances, " flame " and " gold," stand
for. When we would know any thing farther concern-
ing these, or any other sort of substances, what do we
inquire but what other qualities or powers these sub-
292 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
stances have or have not ? which is nothing else but to
know what other simple ideas do or do not co-exist with
those that make up that complex idea.
10. Because the connexion between most simple
ideas is unknown This, how weighty and consider-
able a part soever of human science, is yet very nar-
row, and scarce any at all. The reason whereof is, that
the simple ideas whereof our complex ideas of sub-
stances are made up are, for the most part, such as
carry with them, in their own nature, no visible nec-
essary connexion or inconsistency with any other sim-
ple ideas, whose co-existence with them we would in-
form ourselves about.
11. Especially of secondary qualities. The ideas
that our complex ones of substances are made up of.
and about which our knowledge concerning substances
is most employed, are those of their secondary quali-
ties; which depending all *(as has been shown) upon
the primary qualities of their minute and insensible
parts, or, if not upon them, upon something yet more
remote from our comprehension, it is impossible we
should know which have a necessary union or incon-
sistency one with another: for, not knowing the root
they spring from, not knowing what size, figure, and
texture of parts they are on which depend and from
which result those qualities which make our complex
idea of gold, it is impossible we should know what
other qualities result from or are incompatible with
the same constitution of the insensible parts of gold ;
and so, consequently, must always co-exist with that
complex idea we have of it, or else are inconsistent with
it.
12. Because all connexion between any secondary
and primary qualities is undiscoverable. Besides this
OF THE EXTENT OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 293
ignorance of the primary qualities of the insensible
parts of bodies, on which depend all their secondary
qualities, there is yet another and more incurable part
of ignorance, which sets us more remote from a certain
knowledge of the co-existence or in-co-existence (if
I may so say) of different ideas in the same subject;
and that is, that there is no discoverable connexion be-
tween any secondary quality and those primary quali-
ties that it depends on.
13. That the size, figure, and motion of one body
should cause a change in the size, figure, and motion
of another body, is not beyond our conception. The
separation of the parts of one body upon the intrusion
of another, and the change from rest to motion upon
impulse ; these, and the like, seem to have some con-
nexion one with another. And if we knew these
primary qualities of bodies, we might have reason to
hope we might be able to know a great deal more of
these operations of them one upon another: but our
minds not being able to discover any connexion betwixt
these primary qualities of bodies, and the sensations that
are produced in us by them, we can never be able to es-
tablish certain and undoubted rules of the consequence
or co-existence of any secondary qualities, though we
could discover the size, figure, or motion of those in-
visible parts which immediately produce them. We are
so far from knowing what figure, size, or motion of
parts produce a yellow colour, a sweet taste, or a sharp
sound, that we can by no means conceive how any size,
figure, or motion of any particles can possibly produce
in us the idea of any colour, taste, or sound whatsoever ;
there is no conceivable connexion between the one and
the other.
14. In vain therefore shall we endeavour to discover
294 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
by our ideas (the only true way of certain and universal
knowledge) what other ideas are to be found con-
stantly joined with that of our complex idea of any
substance : since we neither know the real constitution
of the minute parts on which their qualities do depend ;
nor, did we know them, could we discover any neces-
sary connexion between them and any of the secondary
qualities ; which is necessary to be done before we can
certainly know their necessary co-existence. So that,
let our complex idea of any species of substances be
what it will, we can hardly, from the simple ideas con-
tained in it, certainly determine the necessary co-exist-
ence of any other quality whatsoever. Our knowledge
in all these inquiries reaches very little farther than our
experience. Indeed some few of the primary qualities
have a necessary dependence and visible connexion one
with another, as figure necessarily supposes extension,
receiving or communicating motion by impulse sup-
poses solidity. But though these and perhaps some
others of our ideas have, yet there are so few of them
that have, a visible connexion one with another, that we
can by intuition or demonstration discover the co-
existence of very few of the qualities are to be found
united in substances : and we are left only to the as-
sistance of our senses to make known to us what
qualities they contain. For, of all the qualities that
are co-existent in any subject, without this dependence
and evident connexion of their ideas one with another,
we cannot know certainly any two to co-exist any
farther than experience, by our senses, informs us.
Thus though we see the yellow colour, and upon trial
find the weight, malleableness, fusibility, and fixedness
that are united in a piece of gold ; yet, because no one
of these ideas has any evident dependence or neces-
OF THE EXTENT OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 295
sary connexion with the other, we cannot certainly
know that where any four of these are the fifth will
be there also, how highly probable soever it may be:
because the highest probability amounts not to certain-
ty; without which there can be no true knowledge.
For this co-existence can be no farther known than it
is perceived : and it cannot be perceived but either in
particular subjects by the observation of our senses, or
in general by the necessary connexion of the ideas
themselves.
15. Of repugnancy to co-existence, larger. As to
incompatibility or repugnancy to co-existence, we may
know that any subject may have of each sort of pri-
mary qualities but one particular at once ; v. g., each
particular extension, figure, number of parts, motion,
excludes all other of each kind. The like also is cer-
tain of all sensible ideas peculiar to each sense; for
whatever of each kind is present in any subject, ex-
cludes all other of that sort; -u. g., no one subject can
have two smells or two colours at the same time. To
this, perhaps, will be said, " Has not an opal or the
infusion of lignum nephriticum two colours at the same
time ? " To which I answer, that these bodies, to eyes
differently placed, may at the same time afford different
colours: but I take liberty also to say, that to eyes
differently placed it is different parts of the object that
reflect the particles of light: and therefore it is not
the same part of the object, and so not the very same
subject, which at the same time appears both yellow
and azure. For it is as impossible that the very same
particle of any body should at the same time differently
modify or reflect the rays of light, as that it should
have two different figures and textures at the same
time.
296 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
1 6. Of the co-existence of powers, a very little way.
But as to the power of substances to change the
sensible qualities of other bodies, which makes a great
part of our inquiries about them, and is no inconsider-
able branch of our knowledge; I doubt, as to these,
whether our knowledge reaches much farther than our
experience ; or whether we can come to the discovery of
most of these powers, and be certain that they are in
any subject, by the connexion with any of those ideas
which to us make its essence. Because the active and
passive powers of bodies, and their ways of operating,
consisting in a texture and motion of parts which we
cannot by any means come to discover, it is but in very
few cases we can be able to perceive their dependence
on or repugnance to any of those ideas which make our
complex one of that sort of things. I have here in-
stanced in the corpuscularian hypothesis, as that which
is thought to go farthest in an intelligible explication
of those qualities of bodies ; and I fear the weakness
of human understanding is scarce able to substitute
another, which will afford us a fuller and clearer dis-
covery of the necessary connexion and co-existence of
the powers which are to be observed united in several
sorts of them. This at least is certain, that whichever
hypothesis be clearest and truest (for of that it is not
my business to determine), our knowledge concerning
corporeal substances will be very little advanced by any
of them, till we are made to see what qualities and
powers of bodies have a necessary connexion or re-
pugnancy one with another ; which, in the present state
of philosophy, I think, we know but to a very small
degree: and I doubt whether, with those faculties we
have, we shall ever be able to carry our general knowl-
edge (I say not particular experience) in this part
OF THE EXTENT OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 297
much farther. [Experience is that which in this part we
must depend on. And it were to be wished that it were
more improved. We find the advantages some men's
generous pains have this way brought to the stock of
natural knowledge. And if others, especially the phi-
losophers by fire, who pretend to it, had been so wary
in their observations and sincere in their reports as
those who call themselves philosophers ought to have
been, our acquaintance with the bodies here about us,
and our insight into their powers and operations, had
been yet much greater.]
17. Of spirits yet narrower. If we are at a loss
in respect of the powers and operations of bodies, I
think it is easy to conclude we are much more in the
dark in reference to spirits, whereof we naturally have
no ideas but what we draw from that of our own, by
reflecting on the operations of our own souls within us,
as far as they can come within our observation. But
how inconsiderable a rank the spirits that inhabit our
bodies hold amongst those various^ and possibly in-
numerable, kinds of nobler beings ; and how far short
they come of the endowments and perfections of cher-
ubims and seraphims, and infinite sorts of spirits above
us, is what by a transient hint, in another place, I have
offered to my reader's consideration.
1 8. Thirdly, Of other relations, it is not easy to say
how far. As to the third sort of our knowledge, viz.,
the agreement or disagreement of any of our ideas in
any other relation : this, as it is the largest field of our
knowledge, so it is hard to determine how far it may
extend : because the advances that are made in this part
of knowledge depending on our sagacity in finding in-
termediate ideas that may show the relations and habi-
tudes of ideas, whose co-existence is not considered,
298 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
it is a hard matter to tell when we are at an end of
such discoveries, and when reason has all the helps it is
capable of for the finding of proofs, or examining the
agreement or disagreement of remote ideas. They
that are ignorant of algebra, cannot imagine the won-
ders in this kind are to be done by it : and what farther
improvements and helps, advantageous to other parts
of knowledge, the sagacious mind of man may yet
find out, it is not easy to determine. This at least I
believe, that the ideas of quantity are not those alone
that are capable of demonstration and knowledge ; and
that other, and perhaps more useful, parts of contem-
plation would afford us certainty, if vices, passions, and
domineering interest did not oppose or menace such
endeavoufs. '*
* * * *
21. Fourthly, Of real existence. W e have an IN-
TUITIVE knowledge of our own, DEMONSTRATIVE of
God's, SENSITIVE of some few other things. As to
the fourth sort of our knowledge, viz., of the real exist-
ence of things, we have an intuitive knowledge of our
own existence ; and a demonstrative knowledge of the
existence of a God ; of the existence of any thing else,
we have no other but a sensitive knowledge, which
extends not beyond the objects present to our senses.
CHAPTER IV.
OF THE REALITY OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE.
I. Objection. Knowledge placed in ideas may be
all bare vision. I doubt not but my reader by this time
may be apt to think that I have been all this while
OF REALITY OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 299
only building a castle in the air ; and be ready to say
to me, " To what purpose all this stir? ' Knowledge,'
say you, ' is only the perception of the agreement or
disagreement of our own ideas ; ' but who knows what
those ideas may be ? Is there any thing so extravagant
as the imaginations of men's brains? Where is the
head that has no chimeras in it ? Or if there be a sober
and a wise man, what difference will there be, by your
rules, between his knowledge, and that of the most
extravagant fancy in the world ? They both have their
ideas, and perceive their agreement and disagreement
one with another. If there be any difference between
them, the advantage will be on the warm-headed man's
side, as having the more ideas, and the more lively.
And so, by your rules, he will be the more knowing.
If it be true, that all knowledge lies only in the percep-
tion of the agreement or disagreement of our own ideas,
the visions of an enthusiast, and the reasonings of a
sober man, will be equally certain. It is no matter
how things are: so a man observe but the agreement
of his own imaginations, and talk conformably, it is all
truth, all certainty. Such castles in the air will be as
strongholds of truth as the demonstrations of Euclid.
That an harpy is not a centaur, is by this way as
certain knowledge, and as much a truth, as that a
square is not a circle.
" But of what use is all this fine knowledge of men's
own imaginations to a man that inquires after the real-
ity of things? It matters not what men's fancies are,
it is the knowledge of things that is only to be prized :
it is this alone gives a value to our reasonings, and pref-
erence to one man's knowledge over another's, that
it is of things as they really are, and not of dreams and
fancies."
300 CONCERNING PI U MAN UNDERSTANDING.
2. Answer. Not so where ideas agree with things.
To which I answer, That if our knowledge of our
ideas terminate in them, and reach no farther, where
there is something farther intended, our most serious
thoughts will be of little more use than the reveries of a
crazy brain; and the truths built thereon of no more
weight than the discourses of a man who sees things
clearly in a dream, and with great assurance utters
them. But I hope before I have done to make it evi-
dent that this way of certainty, by the knowledge of
our own ideas, goes a little farther than bare imagina-
tion ; and I believe it will appear, that all the certainty
of general truths a man has lies in nothing else.
3. It is evident the mind knows not things imme-
diately, but only by the intervention of the ideas it has
of them. Our knowledge therefore is real only so far
as there is a conformity between our ideas and the
reality of things. But what shall be here the criterion ?
How shall the mind, when it perceives nothing but its
own ideas, know that they agree with things them-
selves? This, though it seems not to want difficulty,
yet I think there be two sorts of ideas that we may be
assured agree with things.
4. As, First, all simple ideas do. First, The first
are simple ideas, which since the mind, as has been
showed, can by no means make to itself, must necessar-
ily be the product of things operating on the mind in
a natural way, and producing therein those perceptions
which by the wisdom and will of our Maker they are
ordained and adapted to. From whence it follows, that
simple ideas are not fictions of our fancies, but the nat-
ural and regular productions of things without us really
operating upon us ; and so carry with them all the con-
formity which is intended, or which our state requires ;
OF REALITY OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 301
for they represent to us things under those appearances
which they are fitted to produce in us, whereby we are
enabled to distinguish the sorts of particular substances,
to discern the states they are in, and so to take them
for our necessities, and apply them to our uses. Thus
the idea of whiteness or bitterness, as it is in the mind,
exactly answering that power which is in any body
to produce it there, has all the real conformity it can
or ought to have with things without us. And this
conformity between our simple ideas and the existence
of things is sufficient for real knowledge.
5. Secondly, All complex ideas except of substances.
Secondly, All our complex ideas except those of
substances being archetypes of the mind's own making,
not intended to be the copies of any thing, nor referred
to the existence of any thing, as to their originals, can-
not want any conformity necessary to real knowledge.
For that which is not designed to represent any thing
but itself, can never be capable of a wrong represen-
tation, nor mislead us from the true apprehension of
any thing by its dislikeness to it ; and such, excepting
those of substances, are all our complex ideas : which,
as I have showed in another place, are combinations of
ideas which the mind by its free choice puts together
without considering any connexion they have in nature.
And hence it is, that in all these sorts the ideas them-
selves are considered as the archetypes, and things no
otherwise regarded but as they are conformable to
them. So that we cannot but be infallibly certain,
that all the knowledge we attain concerning these ideas
is real, and reaches things themselves ; because in all
our thoughts, reasonings, and discourses of this kind,
we intend things no farther than as they are conform-
302 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
able to our ideas. So that in these we cannot miss of
a certain and undoubted reality.
6. Hence the reality of mathematical knowledge.
I doubt not but it will be easily granted that the knowl-
edge we have of mathematical truths, is not only certain
but real knowledge; and not the bare empty vision of
vain, insignificant chimeras of the brain; and yet, if
we will consider, we shall find that it is only of our own
ideas. The mathematician considers the truth and
properties belonging to a rectangle or circle, only as
they are in idea in his own mind. For it is possible
he never found either of them existing mathematically,
i. e., precisely true, in his life. But yet the knowledge
he has of any truths or properties belonging to a circle,
or any other mathematical figure, are never the less true
and certain even of real things existing; because real
things are no farther concerned, nor intended to be
meant by any such propositions, than as things really
agree to those archetypes in his mind. Is it true of the
idea of a triangle, that its three angles are equal to two
right ones? It is true also of a triangle wherever it
really exists. Whatever other figure exists, that it is not
exactly answerable to that idea of a triangle in his mind,
is not at all concerned in that proposition. And there-
fore he is certain all his knowledge concerning such
ideas is real knowledge: because, intending things no
farther than they agree with those his ideas, he is sure
what he knows concerning those figures when they have
barely an ideal existence in his mind, will hold true of
them also when they have a real existence in matter;
his consideration being barely of those figures, which
are the same wherever or however they exist.
7. And of moral. And hence it follows that moral
knowledge is as capable of real certainty as mathema-
OF REALITY OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 303
tics. For, certainty being but the perception of the
agreement or disagreement of our ideas, and demon-
stration nothing but the perception of such agreement
by the intervention of other ideas or mediums, our
moral ideas as well as mathematical being archetypes
themselves, and so adequate and complete ideas, all the
agreement or disagreement which we shall find in them
will produce real knowledge, as well as in mathematical
figures.
8. Existence not required to make it real. [For the
attaining of knowledge and certainty, it is requisite
that we have determined ideas:] and to make our
knowledge real, it is requisite that the ideas answer
their archetypes. Nor let it be wondered that I place the
certainty of our knowledge in the consideration of our
ideas with so little care and regard (as it may seem)
to the real existence of things : since most of those dis-
courses which take up the thoughts and engage the
disputes of those who pretend to make it their business
to inquire after truth and certainty, will, I presume,
upon examination, be found to be general propositions
and notions in which existence is not at all concerned.
All the discourses of the mathematicians about the
squaring of a circle, conic sections, or any other part of
mathematics, concern not the existence of any of those
figures : but their demonstrations, which depend on
their ideas, are the same, whether there be any square
or circle existing in the world, or no. In the same
manner, the truth and certainty of moral discourses
abstracts from the lives of men, and the existence of
those virtues in the world whereof they treat : nor are
Tully's Offices less true because there is nobody in the
world that exactly practises his rules, and lives up to
that pattern of a virtuous man which he has given us,
304 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
and which existed nowhere when he writ but in idea.
If it be true in speculation, i. e., in idea, that murder
deserves death, it will also be true in reality of any
action that exists conformable to that idea of murder.
As for other actions, the truth of that proposition con-
cerns them not. And thus it is of all other species of
things which have no other essences but those ideas
which are in the minds of men.
9. Nor will it be less true or certain because moral
ideas are of our own making and naming. But it will
here be said, that " if moral knowledge be placed in
the contemplation of our own moral ideas, and those,
as other modes, be of our own making, what strange
notions will there be of justice and temperance ! What
confusion of virtues and vices, if every one may make
what ideas of them he pleases ! " No confusion nor
disorder in the things themselves, nor the reasonings
about them; no more than (in mathematics) there
would be a disturbance in the demonstration, or a
change in the properties of figures and their relations
one to another, if a man should make a triangle with
four corners, or a trapezium with four right angles:
that is, in plain English, change the names of the fig-
ures, and call that by one name which mathematicians
called ordinarily by another. For, let a man make to
himself the idea of a figure with three angles, whereof
one is a right one, and call it, if he please, equilaterum
or trapezium, or any thing else, the properties of and
demonstrations about that idea will be the same as if
he called it a " rectangular triangle." I confess, the
change of the name by the impropriety of speech will
at first disturb him who knows not what idea it stands
for : but as soon as the figure is drawn, the consequences
and demonstrations are plain and clear. Just the same
OF REALITY OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 305
is it in moral knowledge; let a man have the idea of
taking from others, without their consent, what their
honest industry has possessed them of, and call this
" justice," if he please. He that takes the name here
without the idea put to it, will be mistaken by joining
another idea of his own to that name : but strip the idea
of that name, or take it such as it is in the speaker's
mind, and the same things will agree to it as if you
called it " injustice." Indeed, wrong names in moral
discourses breed usually more disorder, because they
are not so easily rectified as in mathematics, where the
figure once drawn and seen makes the name useless
and of no force. For what need of a sign when the
thing signified is present and in view? But in moral
names that cannot be so easily and shortly done, because
of the many decompositions that go to the making up
the complex ideas of those modes. But yet, for all this,
the miscalling of any of those ideas contrary to the usual
signification of the words of that language, hinders
not but that we may have certain and demonstrative
knowledge of their several agreements and disagree-
ments, if we will carefully, as in mathematics, keep to
the same precise ideas, and trace them in their several
relations one to another without being led away by
their names. If we but separate the idea under con-
sideration from the sign that stands for it, our knowl-
edge goes equally on in the discovery of real truth and
certainty, whatever sounds we make use of.
10. Misnaming disturbs not the certainty of the
knowledge. One thing more we are to take notice of,
that where God, or any other law-maker, hath defined
any moral names, there they have made the essence
of that species to which that name belongs : and there
it is not safe to apply or use them otherwise: but in
306 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
other cases it is bare impropriety of speech to apply
them contrary to the common usage of the country.
But yet even this too disturbs not the certainty of that
knowledge, which is still to be had by a due contem-
plation and comparing of those even nick-named ideas.
11. Ideas of substances have their archetypes with-
out us. Thirdly, There is another sort of complex
ideas, which being referred to archetypes without us
may differ from them, and so our knowledge about
them may come short of being real. Such are our
ideas of substances, which consisting of a collection
of simple ideas, supposed taken from the works of
nature, may yet vary from them, by having more or
different ideas united in them than are to be found
united in the things themselves : from whence it comes
to pass, that they may and often do fail of being exactly
conformable to things themselves.
12. So far as they agree with those, so far our
knowledge concerning them is real. I say, then, that
to have ideas of substances which, by being conform-
able to things, may afford us real knowledge, it is not
enough, as in modes, to put together such ideas as
have no inconsistence, though they did never before
so exist; v. g., the ideas of sacrilege or perjury, &c.,
were as real and true ideas before as after the exist-
ence of any such fact. But our ideas of substances,
being supposed copies, and referred to archetypes with-
out us, must still be taken from something that does
or has existed ; they must not consist of ideas put to-
gether at the pleasure of our thoughts without any real
pattern they were taken from, though we can perceive
no inconsistence in such a combination. The reason
whereof is, because we knowing not what real consti-
tution it is of substances w r hereon our simple ideas de-
OF REALITY OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 307
pend, and which really is the cause of the strict union
of some of them one with another, and the exclusion
of others ; there are very few of them that we can be
sure are or are not inconsistent in nature, any farther
than experience and sensible observation reach. Here-
in therefore is founded the reality of our knowledge
concerning substances, that all our complex ideas of
them must be such, and such only, as are made up of
such simple ones as have been discovered to co-exist
in nature. And our ideas, being thus true, though not
perhaps very exact copies, are yet the subjects of real
(as far as we have any) knowledge of them: which,
as has been already showed, will not be found to reach
very far; but so far as it does, it will still be real
knowledge. Whatever ideas we have, the agreement
we find they have with others will still be knowledge.
If those ideas be abstract, it will be general knowledge.
But to make it real concerning substances, the ideas
must be taken from the real existence of things. What-
ever simple ideas have been found to co-exist in any
substance, these we may with confidence join together
again, and so make abstract ideas of substances. For
whatever have once had an union in nature, may be
united again.
13. In our inquiries about substances we must con-
sider ideas, and not confine our thoughts to names or
species supposed set out by names. This if we rightly
consider, and confine not our thoughts and abstract
ideas to names, as if there were or could be no other
sorts of things than what known names had already
determined, and, as it were set out, we should think
of things with greater freedom and less confusion than
perhaps we do. It would possibly be thought a bold
paradox, if not a very dangerous falsehood, if I should
308 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
say, that some changelings who have lived forty years
together without any appearance of reason, are some-
thing between a man and a beast: which prejudice is
founded upon nothing else but a false supposition, that
these two names, " man " and " beast," stand for dis-
tinct species so set out by real essences, that there can
come no other species between them; whereas if we
will abstract from those names, and the supposition of
such specific essences made by nature, wherein all
things of the same denominations did exactly and equal-
ly partake; if we would not fancy that there were a
certain number of these essences wherein all things, as
in moulds, were cast and formed ; we should find that
the idea of the shape, motion, and life of a man without
reason is as much a distinct idea, and makes as much
a distinct sort of things from man and beast, as the
idea of the shape of an ass with reason would be differ-
ent, from either that of man or beast and be a species of
an animal between or distinct from both.
14. Objection against a changeling being something
between a man and a beast, answered. Here every
body will be ready to ask, " If changelings may be
supposed something between man and beast, pray what
are they ? " I answer, " Changelings," which is as
good a word to signify something different from the
signification of " man " or " beast," as the names
" man " and " beast " are to have significations differ-
ent one from the other. This, well considered, would
resolve this matter, and show my meaning without any
more ado. But I am not so unacquainted with the
zeal of some men, which enables them to spin conse-
quences, and to see religion threatened whenever any
one ventures to quit their forms of speaking, as not
to foresee what names such a proposition as this is
OF REALITY OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 309
like to be charged with: and without doubt it will be
asked, "If changelings are something between man
and beast, what will become of them in the other
world ? " To which I answer, First, It concerns me
not to know or inquire. To their own Master they
stand or fall. It will make their state neither better nor
worse, whether we determine any thing of it or no.
They are in the hands of a faithful Creator and a boun-
tiful Father, who disposes not of his creatures accord-
ing to our narrow thoughts or opinions, nor distin-
guishes them according to names and species of our
contrivance. And we that know so little of this present
world we are in, may I think, content ourselves without
being peremptory in defining the different states which
creatures shall come into when they go off this stage.
It may suffice us that He hath made known to all those
who are capable of instruction, discourse, and reason-
ing, that they shall come to an account, and receive
according to what they have done in this body.
15. But, Secondly, I answer, The force of these
men's question (viz., " Will you deprive changelings
of a future state? ") is founded on one of two suppo-
sitions, which are both false. The first is, that all
things that have the outward shape and appearance of
a man must necessarily be designed to an immortal fu-
ture being after this life. Or, secondly, that whatever
is of human birth must be so. Take away these imag-
inations, and such questions will be groundless and ri-
diculous. I desire, then, those who think there is no
more but an accidental difference between themselves
and changelings, the essence in both being exactly the
same, to consider whether they can imagine immor-
tality annexed to any outward shape of the body; the
very proposing it is, I suppose, enough to make them
310 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
disown it. No one yet that ever I heard of, how much
soever immersed in matter, allowed that excellency to
any figure of the gross sensible outward parts, as to
affirm eternal life due to it, or a necessary consequence
of it ; or that any mass of matter should, after its dis-
solution here, be again restored hereafter to an ever-
lasting state of sense, perception, and knowledge, only
because it was moulded into this or that figure, and had
such a particular frame of its visible parts. Such an
opinion as this, placing immortality in a certain super-
ficial figure, turns out of doors all consideration of
soul or spirit ; upon whose account alone some corpor-
eal beings have hitherto been concluded immortal,
and others not. This is to attribute more to the out-
side than inside of things ; to place the excellency of
a man more in the external shape of his, body than in-
ternal perfections of his soul : which is but little better
than to annex the great and inestimable advantage of
immortality and life everlasting, which he has above
other material beings, to annex it, I say, to the cut of
his beard, or the fashion of his coat. For, this or that
outward mark of our bodies no more carries with it the
hopes of an eternal duration, than the fashion of a
man's suit gives him reasonable grounds to imagine
it will never wear out, or that it will make him immor-
tal. It will perhaps be said, that nobody thinks that the
shape makes any thing immortal, but it is the shape is
the sign of a rational soul within, which is immortal.
I wonder who made it the sign of any such thing: for
barely saying it will not make it so. It would require
some proofs to persuade one of it. No figure that I
know speaks any such language. For it may as ra-
tionally be concluded, that the dead body of a man,
wherein there is to be found no more appearance or
OF REALITY OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 311
action of life than there is in a statue, has yet never-
theless a living soul in it, because of its shape ; as that
there is a rational soul in a changeling, because he has
the outside of a rational creature, when his actions
carry far less marks of reason with them in the whole
course of his life than what are to be found in many a
beast.
1 6. Monsters. " But it is the issue of rational par-
ents, and must therefore be concluded to have a rational
soul." I know not by what logic you must so con-
clude. I am sure this is a conclusion that men no
where allow of. For, if they did, they would not make
bold, as every where they do, to destroy ill-formed and
mis-shaped productions. " Ay, but these are mon-
sters." Let them be so ; what will your drivelling, un-
intelligent, intractable changeling be? Shall a defect
in the body make a monster ; a defect in the mind (the
far more noble and in the common phrase, the far more
essential part) not? Shall the want of a nose or a
neck make a monster, and put such issue out of the
rank of men; the want of reason and understanding
not ? This is to bring all back again to what was ex-
ploded just now : this is to place all in the shape, and to
take the measure of a man only by his outside. To
show that, according to the ordinary way of reasoning
in this matter, people do lay the whole stress on the
figure, and resolve the whole essence of the species of
man (as they make it) into the outward shape, how
unreasonable soever it be, and how much soever they
disown it, we need but trace their thoughts and prac-
tice a little farther, and then it will plainly appear.
The well-shaped changeling is a man, has a rational
soul, though it appear not : " This is past doubt," say
you. Make the ears a little longer and more pointed,
3 i2 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING
and the nose a little flatter, than ordinary, and then you
begin to boggle: make the face yet narrower, flatter,
and longer, and then you are at a stand : add still more
and more of the likeness of a brute to it, and let the
head be perfectly that of some other animal, then pres-
ently it is a monster ; and it is demonstration with you
that it hath no rational soul, and must be destroyed.
Where now, I ask, shall be the just measure of the
utmost bounds of that shape that carries with it a ra-
tional soul ? For, since there have been human foetuses
produced, half beast and half man ; and others three
parts one, and one part the other ; and so it is possible
they may be in all the variety of approaches to the one
or the other shape, and may have several degrees of
mixture of the likeness of a man or a brute ; I would
gladly know what are those precise lineaments which,
according to this hypothesis, are or are not capable
of a rational soul to be joined to them? What sort of
outside is the certain sign that there is or is not such an
inhabitant within? For, till that be done, we talk at
random of man ; and shall always, I fear, do so as long
as we give ourselves up to certain sounds, and the
imaginations of settled and fixed species in nature, we
know not what. But, after all, I desire it may be con-
sidered that those who think they have answered the
difficulty by telling us that a mis-shaped foetus is a mon-
ster, run into the same fault they are arguing against,
by constituting a species between man and beast. For
what else, I pray, is their monster in the case (if the
word " monster " signifies any thing at all), but some-
thing neither man nor beast, but partaking somewhat
of either? And just so is the changeling before men-
tioned. So necessary is it to quit the common notion
of species and essences, if we will truly look into the
OF REALITY OF HUMAN KNOWLEDGE. 3*3
nature of things, and examine them by what our facul-
ties can discover in them as they exist, and not by
groundless fancies that have been taken up about them.
17. Words and species. I have mentioned this
here, because I think we cannot be too cautious that
words and species, in the ordinary notions which we
have been used to of them, impose not on us. For, I
am apt to think, therein lies one great obstacle to our
clear and distinct knowledge, especially in reference to
substances ; and from thence has rose a great part of the
difficulties about truth and certainty. Would we ac-
custom ourselves to separate our contemplations and
reasonings from words, we might, in a great measure,
remedy this inconvenience within our own thoughts :
but yet it would still disturb us in our discourse with
others, as long as we retain the opinion, that species
and their essences were any thing else but our abstract
ideas, (such as they are,) with names annexed to them
to be the signs of them.
1 8. Recapitulation, Wherever we perceive the
agreement or disagreement of any of our ideas, there
is certain knowledge: and wherever we are sure those
ideas agree with the reality of things, there is certain
real knowledge. Of which agreement of our ideas with
the reality of things having here given the marks, I
think I have shown wherein it is that certainty, real
certainty, consists. Which, whatever it was to others,
was, I confess, to me heretofore one of those desiderata
which I found great want of.
f 14 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
CHAPTER IX.
OF OUP THREEFOLD KNOWLEDGE OF EXISTENCE.
1. General certain propositions concern not exist-
ence. Hitherto we have only considered the essences
of things, which, being only abstract ideas, and thereby
removed in our thoughts from particular existence,
(that being the proper operation of the mind in ab-
straction, to consider an idea under no other existence
but what it has in the understanding,) gives us no
knowledge of real existence at all. Where, by the way,
we may take notice, that universal propositions, of
whose truth or falsehood we can have certain knowl-
edge, concern not existence; and farther, that all par-
ticular affirmations or negations that would not be
certain if they were made general, are only concerning
existence; they declaring only the accidental union or
separation of ideas in things existing, which in their
abstract natures have no known necessary union or
repugnancy.
2. A threefold knowledge of existence. But leav-
ing the nature of propositions, and different ways of
predication, to be considered more at large in another
place, let us proceed now to inquire concerning our
knowledge of the existence of things, and how we
come by it. I say then, that we have the knowledge
of our own existence by intuition ; of the existence of
God by demonstration; and of other things by sensa-
tion.
3. Our knoivledge of our otvn existence is intuitive.
As for our own existence, we perceive it so plainly
and so certainly that it neither needs nor is capable
of any proof. For nothing can be more evident to us
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF EXISTENCE. 315
than our own existence. I think, I reason, I feel
pleasure and pain : can any of these be more evident to
me than my own existence? If I doubt of all other
things, that very doubt makes me perceive my own
existence, and will not suffer me to doubt of that. For,
if I know I feel pain, it is evident I have as certain
perception of my own existence, as of the existence of
the pain I feel : or if I know I doubt, I have as certain
perception of the existence of the thing doubting, as
of that thought which I call " doubt." Experience,
then, convinces us that we have an intuitive knowledge
of our own existence, and an internal infallible per-
ception that we are. In every act of sensation, reason-
ing, or thinking, we are conscious to ourselves of our
own being; and, in this matter, come not short of the
highest degree of certainty.
CHAPTER X.
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF THE EXISTENCE OF A GOD.
i. We are capable of knowing certainly that there
is a God. Though God has given us no innate ideas of
himself ; though he has stamped no original characters
on our minds, wherein we may read his being ; yet, hav-
ing furnished us with those faculties our minds are
endowed with, he hath not left himself without wit-
ness ; since we have sense, perception, and reason, and
cannot want a clear proof of him as long as we carry
ourselves about us. Nor can we justly complain of our
ignorance in this great point, since he has so plenti-
fully provided us with the means to discover and know
him, so far as is necessary to the end of our being,
and the great concernment of our happiness. But
316 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
though this be the most obvious truth that reason dis-
covers, and though its evidence be (if I mistake not)
equal to mathematical certainty ; yet it requires thought
and attention, and the mind must apply itself to a
regular deduction of it from some part of our intuitive
knowledge, or else we shall be as uncertain and igno-
rant of this as of other propositions which are in them-
selves capable of clear demonstration. To show,
therefore, that we are capable of knowing, i. e., being
certain, that there is a God, and how we may come by
this certainty, I think we need go no farther than our-
selves, and that undoubted knowledge we have of our
own existence.
2. Man knows that he himself is. I think it is
beyond question, that man has a clear idea of his
own being ; he knows certainly that he exists, and that
he is something. He that can doubt whether he be
any thing or no, I speak not to ; no more than I would
argue with pure nothing, or endeavour to convince
nonentity that it were something. If any one pretends
to be so sceptical as to deny his own existence (for
really to doubt of it is manifestly impossible), let him,
for me, enjoy his beloved happiness of being nothing,
until hunger or some other pain convince him of the
contrary. This, then, I think I may take for a truth,
which every one's certain knowledge assures him of
beyond the liberty of doubting, viz., that he is some-
thing that actually exists.
3. He knows also that nothing cannot produce a
being, therefore something eternal. In the next place,
man knows by an intuitive certainty that bare nothing
can no more produce any real being, than it can be
equal to two right angles. If a man knows not that
nonentity, or the absence of all being, cannot be equal
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF A GOD. 31?
to two right angles, it is impossible he should know
any demonstration in Euclid. If therefore we know
there is some real being, and that nonentity cannot
produce any real being, i is an evident demonstration,
that from eternity there has been something; since
what was not from eternity had a beginning ; and what
had a beginning must be produced by something else.
4. That Eternal Being must be most powerful.
Next, it is evident, that what had its being and begin-
ning from another, must also, have all that which is
in and belongs to its being from another too. All the
powers it has, must be owing to and received from the
same source. This eternal source, then, of all being,
must also be the source and original of all power ; and
so this Eternal Being must be also the most powerful.
5. And most knowing. Again: a man finds in
himself perception and knowledge. We have-then got
one step farther ; and we are certain now that there is
not only some being, but some knowing, intelligent
being in the world.
There was a time, then, when there was no knowing
being, and when knowledge began to be ; or else there
has been also a knowing Being from eternity. If it be
said, " There was a time when no being had any knowl-
edge, when that Eternal Being was void of all under-
standing ; " I reply, that then it was impossible there
should ever have been any knowledge ; it being as im-
possible that things wholly void of knowledge, and
operating blindly and without any perception, should
produce a knowing being, as it is impossible that a tri-
angle should make itself three angles bigger than two
right ones. For.it is as repugnant to the idea of sense-
less matter that it should put into itself sense, percep-
tion, and knowledge, as it is repugnant to the idea of a
318 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
triangle that it should put into itself greater angles
than two right ones.
6. And therefore God. Thus from the considera-
tion of ourselves, and what we infallibly find in our
own constitutions, our reason leads us to the knowl-
edge of this certain and evident truth, that there is an
eternal, most powerful, and most knowing Being;
which whether any one will please to call " God," it
matters not. The thing is evident ; and from this
idea duly considered, will easily be deduced all those
other attributes which we ought to ascribe to this
Eternal being. [If, nevertheless, any one should be
found so senselessly arrogant as to suppose man alone
knowing and wise, but yet the product of mere ig-
norance and chance; and that all the rest of the uni-
verse acted only by that blind hap-hazard ; I shall leave
with him that very rational and emphatical rebuke of
Tully, lib. ii. De Leg., to be considered at his leisure :
" What can be more sillily arrogant and misbecoming
than for a man to think that he has a mind and under-
standing in him, but yet in all the universe beside there
is no such thing? or that those things which, with the
utmost stretch of his reason, he can scarce comprehend,
should be moved and managed without any reason at
all ? " Quid est enim verius quam neminem esse opor-
tere tarn stulte arrogantem, tit in se mentem et rationem
putet inesse, in ccelo mundoque non putetf Aut ea
qua vix summa ingenii ratione comprehendat, nulla ra-
tione moveri putetf]
From what has been said, it is plain to me we have
a more certain knowledge of the existence of a God,
than of any thing our senses have not immediately
discovered to us. Nay, I presume I may say, that we
more certainly know that there is a God, than that there
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF A GOD. 319
is any thing else without us. When I say " we know,"
I mean there is such a knowledge within our reach
which we cannot miss, if we will but apply our minds
to that as we do to several other inquiries.
7. Our idea of a most perfect being, not the sole
proof of a God. How far the idea of a most perfect
being which a man may frame in his mind, does or
does not prove the existence of a God, I will not here
examine. For, in the different make of men's tempers,
and application of their thoughts, some arguments pre-
vail more on one, and some on another, for the confir-
mation of the same truth. But yet, I think this I may
say, that it is an ill way of establishing this truth and
silencing atheists, to lay the whole stress of so impor-
tant a point as this upon that sole foundation : and take
some men's having that idea of God in their minds (for
it is evident some men have none, and some worse than
none, and the most very different) for the only proof
of a Deity ; and out of an over-fondness of that darling
invention, cashier, or at least endeavour to invalidate,
all other arguments, and forbid us to hearken to those
proofs, as being weak or fallacious, which our own ex-
istence and the sensible parts of the universe offer so
clearly and cogently to our thoughts, that I deem it
impossible for a considering man to withstand them.
For I judge it as certain and clear a truth as can any
where be delivered, that " the invisible things of God
are clearly seen from the creation of the world, being
understood by the things that are made, even his eter-
nal power and Godhead." Though our own being fur-
nishes us, as I have shown, with an evident and incon-
testable proof of a Deity; and I believe nobody can
avoid the cogency of it who will but as carefully attend
to it as to any other demonstration of so many parts;
320 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
yet this being so fundamental a truth, and of that
consequence that all religion and genuine morality de-
pend thereon, I doubt not but I shall be forgiven by my
reader if I go over some parts of this argument again,
and enlarge a little more upon them.
8. Something from eternity. There is no truth
more evident than that something must be from eter-
nity. I never yet heard of any one so unreasonable,
or that could suppose so manifest a contradiction, as
a time wherein there was perfectly nothing ; this being
of all absurdities the greatest, to imagine. that pure
nothing, the perfect negation and absence of all beings,
should ever produce any real existence.
It being then unavoidable for all rational creatures
to conclude that something has existed from eternity,
let us next see what kind of thing that must be.
9. Two sorts of, beings cogitative and incogitative.
There are but two sorts of beings in the world that
man knows or conceives :
First, Such as are purely material, without sense,
perception, or thought, as the clippings of our beards
and parings of our nails.
Secondly, Sensible, thinking, perceiving beings, such
as we find ourselves to be; which, if you please, we will
hereafter call " cogitative and incogitative beings ; "
which, to our present^ purpose, if for nothing else, are
perhaps better terms than " material and immaterial."
10. Incogitative being cannot produce a cogitative.
If then there must be something eternal, let us see
what sort of being it must be. And to that it is very
obvious to reason, that it must necessarily be a cogita-
tive being. For it is as impossible to conceive that
ever bare incogitative matter should produce a thinking
intelligent being, as that nothing should of itself pro-
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF A GOD. 321
duce matter. Let us suppose any parcel of matter
eternal, great or small, we shall find it in itself able
to produce nothing. For example : Let us suppose the
matter of the next pebble we meet with, eternal, closely
united, and the parts firmly at rest together; if there
were no other being in the world, must it not eternally
remain so, a dead, inactive lump? Is it possible to
conceive it can add motion to itself, being purely mat-
ter, or produce any thing? Matter, then, by its own
strength, cannot produce in itself so much as motion :
the motion it has must also be from eternity, or else
be produced and added to matter by some other being
more powerful than matter : matter, as is evident, hav-
ing not power to produce motion in itself. But let us
suppose motion eternal too; yet matter, incogitative
matter and motion, whatever changes it might produce
of figure and bulk, could never produce thought.
Knowledge will still be as far beyond the power of mo-
tion and matter to produce, as matter is beyond the
power of nothing or nonentity to produce. And I
appeal to every one's own thoughts, whether he can-
not as easily conceive matter produced by nothing, as
thought to be produced by pure matter, when before
there was no such thing as thought or an intelligent be-
ing existing. Divide matter into as minute parts as
you will, which we are apt to imagine a sort of spirit-
ualizing or making a thinking thing of it ; vary the fig-
ure and motion of it as much as you please; a globe,
cube, cone, prism, cylinder, &c., whose diameters are
but ioo,oooth part of a gry,* will operate no otherwise
* A gry is one-tenth of a line, a line one-tenth of an inch, an
inch one-tenth of a philosophical foot, a philosophical foot
one-third of a pendulum, whose diadroms, in the latitude of
forty-five degrees, are each equal to one second of time, or
322 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
upon other bodies of proportionable bulk than those of
an inch or foot diameter; and you may as rationally
expect to produce sense, thought, and knowledge, by
putting together in a certain figure and motion
gross particles of matter, as by those that are the
very minutest that do any where exist. They knock,
impel, and resist one another just as the greater do,
and that is all they can do. So that, if we will sup-
pose nothing first or eternal, matter can never begin
to be; if we will suppose bare matter without motion,
eternal motion can never begin to be; if we suppose
only matter and motion first, or eternal, thought can
never begin to be. [For it is impossible to conceive
that matter, either with or without motion could have
originally in and from itself, sense, perception, and
knowledge, as is evident from hence, that then sense,
perception, and knowledge must be a property eternally
inseparable from matter and every particle of it. Not
to add, that though our general or specific conception
of matter makes us speak of it as one thing, yet really
all matter is not one individual thing, neither is there
any such thing existing as one material being, or one
single body, that we know or can conceive. And there-
fore, if matter were the eternal first cogitative being,
there would not be one eternal infinite cogitative being,
but an infinite number of eternal finite cogitative beings
independent one of another, of limited force and dis-
tinct thoughts, which could never produce that order,
harmony, and beauty, which are to be found in nature.
one-sixtieth of a minute. I have affectedly made use of this
measure here, and the parts of it, under a decimal division,
with names to them ; because I think it would be of general
convenience, that this should be the common measure in the
commonwealth of letters.
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF A GOD. 323
Since, therefore, whatsoever is the first eternal being
must necessarily be cogitative ; and] whatsoever is first
of all things must necessarily contain in it, and actually
have, at least, all the perfections that can ever after
exist ; nor can it ever give to another any perfection
that it hath not, either actually in itself or at least in a
higher degree; [it necessarily follows, that the first
eternal being cannot be matter.]
11. Therefore there has been an eternal wisdom.
If, therefore, it be evident that something necessarily
must exist from eternity, it is also as evident that that
something must necessarily be a cogitative being; for
it is as impossible that incogitative matter should pro-
duce a cogitative being, as that nothing, or the negation
of all being, should produce a positive being or mat-
ter.
12. Though this discovery of the necessary exist-
ence of an eternal mind does sufficiently lead us into
the knowledge of God, since it will hence follow that
all other knowing beings that have a beginning must
depend on him, and have no other ways of knowledge
or extent of power than what he gives them ; and there-
fore if he made those, he made also the less excellent
pieces of this universe, all inanimate beings, whereby
his omniscience, power, and providence will be estab-
lished, and all his other attributes necessarily follow :
yet, to clear up this a little farther, we will see what
doubts can be raised against it.
13. Whether material or no First, Perhaps it will
be said, that though it be as clear as demonstration can
make it, that there must be an eternal being, and that
being must also be knowing; yet, it does not follow
but that thinking being may also be material. Let it
be so ; it equally still follows that there is a God. For
324 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
if there be an eternal, omniscient, omnipotent being, it
is certain that there is a God, whether you imagine that
being to be material or no. But herein, I suppose, lies
the danger and deceit of that supposition : there being
no way to avoid the demonstration, that there is an
eternal knowing Being, men devoted to matter would
willingly have it granted that this knowing Being is
material; and then letting slide out of their minds,
or the discourse, the demonstration whereby an eternal
knowing Being was proved necessarily to exist, would
argue all to be matter, and so deny a God, that is, an
eternal cogitative Being ; whereby they are so far from
establishing, that they destroy, their own hypothesis.
For if there can be, in their opinion, eternal matter
without any eternal cogitative Being, they manifestly
separate matter and thinking, and suppose no neces-
sary connexion of the one with the other, and so es-
tablish the necessity of an eternal Spirit, but not of
matter ; since it has been proved already, that an eter-
nal cogitative Being is unavoidably to be granted.
Now, if 'thinking and matter may be separated, the
eternal existence of matter will not follow from the
eternal existence of a cogitative Being, and they sup-
pose it to no purpose.
14. Not material: First, Because every particle of
matter is not cogitative. But now let us see how they
can satisfy themselves or others, that this eternal think-
ing Being is material.
First, I would ask them, whether they imagine that
all matter, every particle of matter, thinks? This, I
suppose, they will scarce say, since then there would be
as many eternal thinking beings as there are particles
of matter and so an infinity of gods. And yet, if they
will not allow matter as matter, that is, every particle
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF A GOD. 325
of matter, to be as well cogitative as extended, they
will have as hard a task to make out to their own rea-
sons a cogitative being out of incogitative particles,
as an extended being out of unextended parts, if I
may so speak.
15. Secondly, One particle alone of matter cannot
be cogitative. Secondly, If all matter does not think,
I next ask, whether it be only one atom that does so?
This has as many absurdities as the other ; for then this
atom of matter must be alone eternal or not. If this
alone be eternal, then this alone, by its powerful thought
or will, made all the rest of matter. And so we have
the creation of matter by a powerful thought, which
is that the materialists stick at: for, if they suppose
one single thinking atom to have produced all the
rest of matter, they cannot ascribe that pre-eminency to
it upon any other account than that of its thinking,
the only supposed difference. But allow it to be by
some other way which is above our conception, it must
be still creation ; and these men must give up their
great maxim, Ex nihilo nil fit. If it be said, that " all
the rest of matter is equally eternal as that thinking
atom," it will be to say any thing at pleasure, though
ever so absurd : for to suppose all matter eternal, and
yet one small particle in knowledge and power infinitely
above all the rest, is without any the least appearance
of reason to frame any hypothesis. Every particle of
matter, as matter, is capable of all the same figures and
motions of any other; and I challenge any one, in his
thoughts, to add any thing else to one above another.
16. Thirdly, A system of incogitative matter cannot
be cogitative. Thirdly, If then neither one peculiar
atom alone can be this eternal thinking Being, nor all
matter, as matter, i. e., every particle of matter, can be
326 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
it; it only remains that it is some certain system of
matter duly put together, that is this thinking eternal
Being. This is that which, I imagine, is that notion
which men are aptest to have of God, who would have
him a material being, as most readily suggested to them
by the ordinary conceit they have of themselves and
other men, which they take to be material thinking
beings. But this imagination, however more natural,
is no less absurd than the other: for, to suppose the
eternal thinking Being to be nothing else but a com-
position of particles of matter, each whereof is in-
cogitative, is to ascribe all the wisdom and knowledge
of that eternal Being only to the juxtaposition of parts ;
than which nothing can be more absurd. For, unthink-
ing particles of matter, however put together, can have
nothing thereby added to them but a new relation of
position, which it is impossible should give thought
and knowledge to them.
17. Whether in motion, or at rest. But farther;
this corporeal system either has all its parts at rest,
or it is a certain motion of the parts wherein its think-
ing consists. If it be perfectly at rest, it is but one
lump, and so can have no privileges above one atom.
If it be the motion of its parts on which its think-
ing depends, all the thoughts there must be unavoid-
ably accidental and limited, since all the particles that
by motion cause thought, being each of them in itself
without any thought, cannot regulate its own motions,
much less be regulated by the thought of the whole,
since that thought is not the cause of motion, ( for then
it must be antecedent to it, and so without it,) but the
consequence of it, whereby freedom, power, choice, and
all rational and wise thinking or acting, will be quite
taken away ; so that such a thinking being will be no
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF A GOD. 327
better nor wiser than pure blind matter, since to resolve
all into the accidental unguided motions of blind mat-
ter, or into thought depending on unguided motions of
blind matter, is the same thing; not to mention the
narrowness of such thoughts and knowledge that must
depend on the motion of such parts. But there needs
no enumeration of any more absurdities and impossibil-
ities in this hypothesis (however full of them it be)
than that before mentioned ; since, let this thinking sys-
tem be all or a part of the matter of the universe, it is
impossible that any one particle should either know its
own or the motion of any other particle, or the whole
know the motion of every particular, and so regulate
its own thoughts or motions, or indeed have any
thought resulting from such motion.
18. Matter not co-eternal with an eternal Mind.
Others would have matter to be eternal, notwithstand-
ing that they allow an eternal cogitative, immaterial
being. This, though it take not away the being of a
God, yet, since it denies one and the first great piece
of his workmanship, the creation, let us consider it a
little. Matter must be allowed eternal ; why ? Because
you cannot conceive how it can be made out of nothing :
why do you not also think yourself eternal ? You will
answer, perhaps, Because about twenty or forty years
since you began to be. But if I ask you what that
"you" is, which began then to be, you can scarce tell
me. The matter whereof you are made began not then
to be ; for if it did then it is not eternal ; but it began to
be put together in such a fashion and frame as makes
up your body ; but yet that frame of particles is not you,
it makes not that thinking thing you are; (for I have
now to do with one who allows an eternal, immaterial,
thinking being, but would have unthinking matter eter-
328 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
nai too ;) therefore when did that thinking thing begin
to be? If it did never begin to be, then have you al-
ways been a thinking thing from eternity : the absurdity
whereof I need not confute till I meet with one who is
so void of understanding as to own it. If, therefore,
you can allow a thinking thing to be made out of
nothing, (as all things that are not eternal must be,)
why also can you not allow it possible for a material
being to be made out of nothing by an equal power,
but that you have the experience of the one in view,
and not of the other? though, when well considered,
creation [of a spirit will be found to require no less
power than the creation of matter. Nay, possibly, if
we would emancipate ourselves from vulgar notions,
and raise our thoughts, as far as they would reach,
to a closer contemplation of things, we might be able
to aim at some dim and seeming conception how mat-
ter might at first be made, and begin to exist, by the
power of that etefnal first Being; but to give begin-
ning and being to a spirit would be found a more in-
conceivable effect of omnipotent power. But this be-
ing what would, perhaps, lead us too far from the
notions on which the philosophy now in the world is
built, it would not be pardonable to deviate so far from
them, or to inquire so far as grammar itself would
authorize, if the common settled opinion opposes it ; es-
pecially in this place, where the received doctrine serves
well enough to our present purpose, and leaves this
past doubt, that,] the creation or beginning of any one
[substance] out of nothing being once admitted, the
creation of all other, but the Creator himself, may, with
the same ease, be supposed.
19. But you will say, " Is it not impossible to admit
of the making any thing out of nothing, since we can-
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF A GOD. 329
not possibly conceive it ? " I answer, No : Because
it is not reasonable to deny the power of an infinite
Being because we cannot comprehend its opera-
tions. We do not deny other effects upon this ground,
because we cannot possibly conceive the manner of their
production. We cannot conceive how any thing but
impulse of body can move body; and yet that is not
a reason sufficient to make us deny it possible, against
the constant experience we have of it in ourselves,
in all our voluntary motions, which are produced in us
only by the free action or thought of our own minds ;
and are not nor can be the effects of the impulse or
determination of the motion of blind matter, in or upon
our bodies; for then it could not be in our power or
choice to alter it. For example : my right hand writes
whilst my left hand is still ; what causes rest in one and
motion in the other? Nothing but my will, a thought
of my mind ; my thought only changing, the right hand
rests, and the left hand moves. This is matter-of-fact
which cannot be denied: explain this, and make it in-
telligible, and then the next step will be to ^understand
creation: [for the giving a new determination to the
motion of the animal spirits (which some make use of
to explain voluntary motion) clears not the difficulty
one jot, to alter the determination of motion being in
this case no easier nor less than to give motion itself ;
since the new determination given to the animal spirits
must be either immediately by thought, or by some
other body put in their way by thought, which was not
in their way before, and so must owe its motion to
thought; either of which leaves voluntary motion as
unintelligible as it was before.] In the mean time, it is
an overvaluing ourselves, to reduce all to the narrow
measure of our capacities, and to conclude all things
330 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
impossible to be done whose manner of doing exceeds
our comprehension. This is to make our comprehen-
sion infinite, or God finite, when what he can do is lim-
ited to what we can conceive of it. If you do not un-
derstand the operations of your own finite mind, that
thinking thing within you, do not deem it strange that
you cannot comprehend the operations of that eternal,
infinite Mind who made and governs all things, and
whom the heaven of heavens cannot contain.
CHAPTER XI.
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF THE EXISTENCE OF OTHER
THINGS.
1. It is to be had only by sensation. The knowl-
edge of our own being we have by intuition. The ex-
istence of a God reason clearly makes known to us, as
has been shown.
The knowledge of the existence of any other thing,
we can have only by sensation: for, there being no
necessary connexion of real existence with any idea a
man hath in his memory, nor of any other existence
but that of God with the existence of any particular
man, no particular man can know the existence of any
other being, but only when by actual operating upon
him it makes itself perceived by him. For, the having
the idea of any thing in our mind no more proves the
existence of that thing than the picture of a man evi-
dences his being in the world, or the visions of a dream
make thereby a true history.
2. Instance whiteness of this paper. It is there-
fore the actual receiving of ideas from without that
gives us notice of the existence of other things, and
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF OTHER THINGS. 331
makes us know that something doth exist at that time
without us which causes that idea in us, though per-
haps we neither know nor consider how it does it : for
it takes not from the certainty of our senses, and the
ideas we receive by them, that we know not the manner
wherein they are produced ; v. g., whilst I write this,
I have, by the paper affecting my eyes, that idea pro-
duced in my mind which whatever object causes, I call
" white ; " by which I know that that quality or acci-
dent (i. e., whose appearance before my eyes always
causes that idea) doth really exist and hath a being
without me. And of this the greatest assurance I can
possibly have, and to which my faculties can attain, is
the testimony of my eyes, which are the proper and
sole judges of this thing; whose testimony I have
reason to rely on as so certain that I can no more doubt,
whilst I write this, that I see white and black, and that
something really exists that causes that sensation in
me, than that I write or move my hand; which is a
certainty as great as human nature is capable of con-
cerning the existence of any thing but a man's self
alone and of God.
3. This, though not so certain as demonstration, yet
may be called " knowledge" and proves the existence
of things without us. The notice we have by our
senses of the existing of things without us, though it
be not altogether so certain as our intuitive knowledge,
or the deductions of our reason employed about the
clear abstract ideas of our own minds ; yet it is an as-
surance that deserves the name of knowledge. If we
persuade ourselves that our faculties act and inform
us right concerning the existence of those objects that
affect them, it cannot pass for an ill-grounded confi-
dence : for I think nobody can, in earnest, be so seep-
*32 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
tical as to be uncertain of the existence of those things
which he sees and feels. At least, he that can doubt
so far, (whatever he may have with his own thoughts,)
will never have any controversy with me : since he can
never be sure I say any thing contrary to his own opin-
ion. As to myself, I think God has given me assurance
enough of the existence of things without me; since,
by their different application, I can produce in myself
both pleasure and pain, which is one great concernment
of my present state. This is certain, the confidence
that our faculties do not herein deceive us is the great-
est assurance we are capable of concerning the exist-
ence of material beings. For we cannot act any thing
but by our faculties, nor talk of knowledge itself but
by the help of those faculties which are fitted to appre-
hend even what knowledge is. But, besides the assur-
ance we have from our senses themselves, that they do
not err in the information they give us of the existence
of things without us, when they are affected by them,
we are farther confirmed in this assurance by other
concurrent reasons.
4. First, Because we cannot have them but by the
inlet of the senses. First, It is plain those perceptions
are produced in us by exterior causes affecting our
senses, because those that want the organs of any sense
never can have the ideas belonging to that sense
produced in their minds. This is too evident to be
doubted : and therefore we cannot but be assured that
they come in by the organs of that sense, and no other
way. The organs themselves, it is plain, do not pro-
duce them ; for then the eyes of a man in the dark
would produce colours, and his nose smell roses in the
winter: but we see nobody gets the relish of a pine-
apple till he goes to the Indies where it is, and tastes it.
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF OTHER THINGS. 333
5. Secondly, Because an idea from actual sensation
and another from memory are very distinct perceptions.
Secondly, Because sometimes I find that I cannot
avoid the having those ideas produced in my mind:
for though when my eyes are shut, or windows fast, I
can at pleasure recall to my mind the ideas of light or
the sun, which former sensations had lodged in my
memory ; so I can at pleasure lay by that idea, and take
into my view that of the smell of a rose, or taste of
sugar. But if I turn my eyes at noon towards the sun,
I cannot avoid the ideas which the light or sun then
produces in me. So that there is a manifest difference
between the ideas laid up in my memory (over which,
if they were therejmly, I should have constantly the
same power to dispose of them, and lay them by at
pleasure), and those which force themselves upon me
and I cannot avoid having. And therefore it must
needs be some exterior cause, and the brisk acting of
some objects without me, whose efficacy I cannot re-
sist, that produces those ideas in my mind, whether I
will or no. Besides, there is nobody who doth not per-
ceive the difference in himself between contemplating
the sun as he hath the idea of it in his memory, and
actually looking upon it: of which two his perception
is so distinct, that few of his ideas are more distin-
guishable one from another: and therefore he hath
certain knowledge that they are not both memory, or
the actions of his mind and fancies only within him;
but that actual seeing hath a cause without.
6. Thirdly, Pleasure or pain, which accompanies
actual sensation, accompanies not the returning of
those ideas without the external objects. Thirdly,
Add to this, that many of those ideas are produced in
us with pain, which afterwards we remember without
334 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
the least offence. Thus the pain of heat or cold, when
the idea of it is revived in our minds, gives us no dis-
turbance ; which, when felt, was very troublesome, and
is again when actually repeated : which is occasioned
by the disorder the external object causes in our bodies
when applied to them. And we remember the pain of
hunger, thirst, or the headache, without any pain at
all ; which would either never disturb us, or else con-
stantly do it as often as we thought of it, were there
nothing more but ideas floating in our minds, and ap-
pearances entertaining our fancies, without the real
existence of things affecting us from abroad. The
same may be said of pleasure accompanying several
actual sensations; and, though mathematical demon-
stration depends not upon sense, yet the examining
them by diagrams gives great credit to the evidence of
our sight, and seems to give it a certainty approaching
to that of demonstration itself. For it would be very
strange that a man should allow it for an undeniable
truth, that two angles of a figure which he measures
by lines and angles of a diagram, should be bigger one
than the other, and yet doubt of the existence of those
lines and angles which, by looking on, he makes use
of to measure. that by.
7. Fourthly, Our senses assist one another's testi-
mony of the existence of outward things. Fourthly,
Our senses, in many cases, bear witness to the truth
of each other's report concerning the existence of sensi-
ble things without us. He that sees a fire may, if he
doubt whether it be any thing more than a bare fancy,
feel it too, and be convinced by putting his hand in it ;
which certainly could never be put into such exquisite
pain by a bare idea or phantom, unless that the pain be
a fancy too: which yet he cannot, when the burn is
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF OTHER THINGS. 335
well, by raising the idea of it, bring upon himself
again.
Thus I see, whilst I write this, I can change the
appearance of the paper ; and, by designing the letters,
tell beforehand what new idea it shall exhibit the very
next moment, by barely drawing my pen over it ; which
will neither appear (let me fancy as much as I will)
if my hand stand still, or though I move my pen, if my
eyes be shut ; nor, when those characters are once made
on the paper, can I choose afterwards but see them as
they are; that is, have the ideas of such letters as I
have made. Whence it is manifest that they are not
barely the sport and play of my own imagination, when
I find that the characters that were made at the pleas-
ure of my own thoughts do not obey them; nor yet
cease to be, whenever I shall fancy it, but continue to
affect my senses constantly and regularly, according to
the figures I made them. To which if we will add,
that the sight of those shall, from another man, draw
such sounds as I beforehand design they shall stand
for, there will be little reason left to doubt that those
words I write do really exist without me, when they
cause a long series of regular sounds to affect my ears,
which could not be the effect of my imagination, nor
could my memory retain them in that order.
8. This certainty is as great as our condition needs.
But yet, if after all this any one will be so sceptical
as to distrust his senses, and to affirm that all we see
and hear, feel and taste, think and do, during our whole
being, is but the series and deluding appearances of a
long dream whereof there is no reality, and therefore
will question the existence of all things or our knowl-
edge of any thing ; I must desire him to consider, that
if all be a dream, then he doth but dream that he makes
336 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
the question ; and so it is not much matter that a wak-
ing man should answer him. But yet, if he pleases, he
may dream that I make him this answer, that the cer-
tainty of things existing in rerum natura, when we
have the testimony of our senses for it, is not only as
great as our frame can attain to, but as our condition
needs. For, our faculties being suited not to the full
extent of being, nor to a perfect, clear, comprehensive
knowledge of things free from all doubt and scruple,
but to the preservation of us, in whom they are, and
accommodated to the use of life, they serve to our pur-
pose well enough, if they will but give us certain notice
of those things which are convenient or inconvenient
to us. For he that sees a candle burning, and hath ex-
perimented the force of its flame by putting his finger
in it, will little doubt that this is something existing
without him, which does him harm and puts him to
great pain; which is assurance enough, when no man
requires greater certainty to govern his actions by than
what is as certain as his actions themselves. And if
our dreamer pleases to try whether the glowing heat of
a glass furnace be barely a wandering imagination in
a drowsy man's fancy, by putting his hand into it, he
may, perhaps, be awakened into a certainty, greater
than he could wish, that it is something more than bare
imagination. So that this evidence is as great as we
can desire, being as certain to us as our pleasure or
pain, i. e., happiness or misery ; beyond which we have
no concernment either of knowing or being. Such an
assurance of the existence of things without us, is suf-
ficient to direct us in the attaining the good and avoid-
ing the evil which is caused by them, which is the
important concernment we have of being made ac-
quainted with them.
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF OTHER THINGS. 337
9. But reaches no farther than actual sensation.
In fine, then, when our senses do actually convey into
our understandings any idea, we cannot but be satis-
fied that there doth something at that time really exist
without us which doth affect our senses, and by them
give notice of itself to our apprehensive faculties, and
actually produce that idea which we then perceive : and
we cannot so far distrust their testimony as to doubt
that such collections of simple ideas as we have ob-
served by our senses to be united together, do really
exist together. But this knowledge extends as far as
the present testimony of our senses, employed about
particular objects that do then affect them, and no
farther. For if I saw such a collection of simple ideas
as is wont to be called " man " existing together one
minute since, and am now alone; I cannot be certain
that the same man exists now, since there is no neces-
sary connexion of his existence a minute since with
his existence now: by a thousand ways he may cease
to be, since I had the testimony of my senses for his
existence. And if I cannot be certain that the man I
saw last to-day is now in being, I can less be certain
that he is so who hath been longer removed from my
senses, and I have not seen since yesterday, or since
the last year; and much less can I be certain of the
existence of men that I never saw. And therefore,
though it be highly probable that millions of men do
now exist, yet, whilst I am alone writing this, I have
not that certainty of it which we strictly call " knowl-
edge ; " though the great likelihood of it puts me past
doubt, and it be reasonable for me to do several things
upon the confidence that there are men (and men also
of my acquaintance, with whom I have to do) now in
the world : but this is but probability, not knowledge.
338 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
10. Folly to expect demonstration in every thing.
Whereby yet we may observe how foolish and vain a
thing it is for a man of a narrow knowledge, who hav-
ing reason given him to judge of the different evidence
and probability of things, and to be swayed accord-
ingly; how vain, I say, it is to expect demonstration
and certainty in things not capable of it, and refuse
assent to very rational propositions, and act contrary
to very plain and clear truths, because they cannot be
made out so evident as to surmount every the least (I
will not say reason, but) pretence of doubting. He
that in the ordinary affairs of life would admit of noth-
ing but direct plain demonstration, would be sure oi
nothing in this world but of perishing quickly. The
wholesomeness of his meat or drink would not give him
reason to venture on it : and I would fain know what
it is he could do upon such grounds as were capable
of no doubt, no objection.
11. Past existence is known by memory As,
when our senses are actually employed about any ob-
ject, we do know that it does exist, so by our memory
we may be assured that heretofore things that affected
our senses have existed. And thus we have knowledge
of the past existence of several things, whereof our
senses having informed us, our memories still retain
the ideas ; and of this we are past all doubt so long as
we remember well. But this knowledge also reaches
no farther than our senses have formerly assured us.
Thus, seeing water at this instant, it is an unquestion-
able truth to me that water doth exist ; and remember-
ing that I saw it yesterday, it will also be always true,
and, as long as my memory retains it, always an un-
doubted proposition to me, that water did exist the loth
of July 1688, as it will also be equally true that a certain
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF OTHER THINGS. 339
number of very fine colours did exist, which at the
same time I saw upon a bubble of that water: but
being now quite out of sight both of the water and
bubbles too, it is no more certainly known to me that
the water doth now exist than that the bubbles or
colours therein do so; it being no more necessary that
water should exist to-day because it existed yesterday,
than that the colours or bubbles exist to-day because
they existed yesterday, though it be exceedingly much
more probable, because water hath been observed to
continue long in existence, but bubbles and the colours
on them quickly cease to be.
12. The existence of spirits not knowable. What
ideas we have of spirits, and how we come by them, I
have 'already shown. But though we have those ideas
in our minds, and know we have them there, the hav-
ing the ideas of spirits does not make us know that any
such things do exist without us, or that there are any
finite spirits, or any other spiritual beings but the eter-
nal God. We have ground from revelation, and sev-
eral other reasons, to believe with assurance that there
are such creatures; but, our senses not being able to
discover them, we want the means of knowing their
particular existences. For we can no more know that
there are finite spirits really existing by the idea we
have of such beings in our minds, than by the ideas
any one has of fairies or centaurs he can come to know
that things answering those ideas do really exist.
And therefore concerning the existence of finite spir-
its, as well as several other things, we must content
ourselves with the evidence of faith ; but universal
certain propositions concerning this matter are beyond
our reach. For, however true it may be, v. g., that all
the intelligent spirits that God ever created do still
340 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
exist, yet it can never make a part of our certain
knowledge. These and the like propositions we may
assent to as highly probable, but are not, I fear, in this
state capable of knowing. We are not, then, to put
others upon demonstrating, nor ourselves upon search
of, universal certainty in all those matters wherein we
are not capable of any other knowledge but what our
senses give us in this or that particular.
13. Particular propositions concerning existences
are knowable. By which it appears that there are two
sorts of propositions, (i.) There is one sort of prop-
ositions concerning the existence of any thing answer-
able to such an idea ; as having the idea of an elephant,
phoenix, motion, or an angel in my mind, the first and
natural inquiry is, whether such a thing does any
where exist. And this knowledge is only of particu-
lars. No existence of any thing without us, but only
of God, can certainly be known farther than our senses
inform us. (2.) There is another sort of propositions,
wherein is expressed the agreement or disagreement
of our abstract ideas, and their dependence one on
another. Such propositions may be universal and cer-
tain. So having the idea of God and myself, of fear
and obedience, I cannot but be sure that God is to be
feared and obeyed by me: and this proposition will be
certain concerning man in general, if I have made an
abstract idea of such a species, whereof I am one par-
ticular. But yet this proposition, how certain soever,
that men ought to fear and obey God, proves not to
me the existence of men in the world, but will be true
of all such creatures whenever they do exist: which
certainty of such general propositions depends on the
agreement or disagreement is to be discovered in those
abstract ideas.
OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF OTHER THINGS. 341
14. And general propositions concerning abstract
ideas. In the former case, our knowledge is the con-
sequence of the existence of things producing ideas in
our minds by our senses: in the latter, knowledge is
the consequence of the ideas (be they what they will)
that are in our minds, producing their general certain
propositions. Many of these are called ceternce veri-
tates, and all of them indeed are so; not from being
written all or any of them in the minds of all men, or
that they were any of them propositions in any one's
mind till he, having got the abstract ideas, joined or
separated them by affirmation or negation. But
wheresoever we can suppose such a creature as man
is, endowed with such faculties, and thereby furnished
with such ideas, as we have, we must conclude he must
needs, when he applies his thoughts to the considera-
tion of his ideas, know the truth of certain propositions
that will arise from the agreement or disagreement
which he will perceive in his own ideas. Such propo-
sitions are therefore called " eternal truths," not be-
cause they are eternal propositions actually formed,
and antecedent to the understanding that at any
time makes them; nor because they are imprinted
on the mind from any patterns that are any
where of them out of the mind, and existed before;
but because, being once made about abstract ideas
so as to be true, they will, whenever they can be
supposed to be made again at any time past or to come,
by a mind having those ideas, always actually be true.
For, names being supposed to stand perpetually for
the same ideas, and the same ideas having immutably
the same habitudes one to another, propositions con-
34 2 CONCERNING HUMAN UNDERSTANDING.
earning any abstract ideas that are once true must
xieeds be eternal verities.
INDEX.
Abstract ideas. See Ideas.
Abstraction, 85, 91.
Abstruse ideas. See Ideas.
Accident, 194, 207.
Action, 129, 190, 191.
Actions, 184; Voluntary, 174.
See also Mind.
Actual knowledge. See Knowledge.
Agreement of ideas, 267, 299, 313.
See also Knowledge.
Alteration, 233.
Angels, 79, 206.
Anger, 125, 155.
Animal, 243; Identity of, 241. See
also Brutes.
Animal spirits, 51, 54, 59, 73. 3*9-
Archetypes, 301, 303, 306.
Attention, 29, 73, 119, 120. See
also Memory.
Aversion, 155.
Bad, 176.
Beast, 308.
Beings, but two sorts, 320.
Birds, have memory, 79.
Blood, 202.
Bodies and spirits, 210 ff., 217.
Body, 196, 208, 210, 215, 217, 218,
253-
Boyle, Robert, 13.
Brain, 36, 54.
Brutes, have memory, 79; compare
ideas to some extent, 83 ; com-
pound ideas but little, 84; do
not abstract, 85; have reason,
86.
Capacities, Extent of, 20-22.
Cartesians, 250.
Cause, 232, 233; Privative, 50 ff.;
Cause and effect, vi, 232 ff.
Certainty, 303, 313; depends on
intuition, 274.
Changelings, 308 ff.
Christian, 25*.
Clearness, prevents confusion of
ideas, 82.
Cogitative beings, 320 ff.
Colors, 36; Modes of, 115.
Comparing ideas, 83, 225, 237.
Complex ideas, vi. See also Ideas.
Compounding ideas, 83.
Comprehension : See Knowledge.
Compulsion, 136.
Consciousness, 247 ff. ; makes per-
sonal identity, 33, 247, 251, 254,
256 ff. ; makes self, 247 ff., 255,
259 ff. ; necessary to thinking,
246; object of reward and pun-
ishment, 255.
Contemplation, 72, 118.
Creation, 233.
Delight, 45, 125.
Demonstration, 276, 285, 303;
each step must have intuitive
evidence, 278; not always to be
expected, 338; not limited to
quantity, 279 ff. ; not so clear
as intuitive knowledge, 273, 276,
277; preceded by doubt, 277.
Demonstrative knowledge. See
Knowledge.
Desire, 123, 149; confounded with
will, 147, 155; is uneasiness,
123, 149, 155, 187; misled by
wrong judgment, 174; moved
only by happiness, 157; Object
344
INDEX.
of, 176; raised by due conside-
ration, 162; Suspension of, 163,
1 88.
Despair, 124.
Discerning, vi, 80.
Diversity, vi, 237 ff., 268, 291.
Divisibility of matter, 53; incom-
prehensible, 218.
Doubt, 315.
Dreaming, 119, 121.
Duration, vi.
Duration, infinite, 99, 104, 1 08, 112.
Ecstasy, 119.
Effect, 232, 233.
Envy, 125, 155.
Essay of Human Understanding,
design of, 8, 12, 17; Editions,
iii, xi; Method, 18; Occasion, 9,
22.
Eternal Being, 317 ff. ; most know-
ing. 3'7; most powerful, 317;
not material, 324 ff. See also
God.
Eternal verities, 341.
Eternal wisdom, 323.
Eternity. See Duration.
Evil, 122, 158.
Existence, vii, 298, 314 ff. ; co-
existence, 269, 291, 295; Idea
of, 48; Our existence known
intuitively, 298, 314, 330; God's
existence known by demonstra-
tion, 298, 314; Existence of
other things known by our
senses, 298, 314, 330 ff.; Past
existence known only by mem-
ory, 338.
Experience, 26, 89, 216, 297.
Extension, of body and space dis-
tinguished, 42; of body, incom-
prehensible, 211 ff.; Relations
of, 235.
Faculties of the mind, 44, 140;
are powers, 131.
Faculty, 138, 140.
Faith, vii, 339; different from
knowledge, 339.
Fear, 124, 153.
Figure, 208.
Finite, 96; Idea of, 97; mode of
quantity, 96. See also Infinite.
Free, 166, 167; how far man is
free, 132, 141, 189; in respect
of willing, man not free, 136,
142.
Freedom, belongs to agents, 133,
136. '37; wherein it consists,
138, 145, 165. See also Lib-
erty.
Free will, 136, 163.
Future, The, 176 ff.
General ideas. See Ideas.
Generation, 233.
God, 315 ff.; Attributes of, 96,
220, 317, 323; Clear proof of
His existence is possible, 315;
Knowledge of His existence
more certain than of anything
else, 318; Idea of, 219 ff.; How
we come by our idea of God,
318; Our idea of Him, not the
sole proof of His existence, 319;
incapable of motion because in-
finite spirit, 210; Omniscience
of, 78. See also Cogitative Be-
ing, Eternal Being.
Good, 122, 158; Good and evil,
122, 174, 176; Greatest good,
167; Greatest good not desired,
158 ff.; Greatest positive good
determines not the will, 150,
154, 187; works on will by de-
sire, 149, 162.
Habit, 69, 184.
Habitual knowledge. See Knowl-
edge.
Hair, 202.
Happiness, 152, 157 ff., 160, 166
ff., 170, 175, 177, 182, 187; Fu-
ture, 176, 1 86.
Hardness, 40, 41.
Hatred, 123.
Heat and cold, 59.
Hope, 124.
Huygenius, Christiaan, 13.
Ideas, v, vi, 25 ff. ; Definition of,
23, 52, 73; Source of (see also
INDEX.
345
Sensation and Reflection), 25 ff.,
9O, 126, I3O t 192, 219, 221, 222,
231; Abstract, 85, 94; Abstruse,
94; Collective, 223, 224; Com-
plex, 90 ff., 103 ff., 301; General,
85, 91; Original, 192; Positive,
50 ff.; Simple, 33 ff, 49, 88, 91,
92, 95, 121, 218, 223, 230, 231,
292, 300; fade in the memory,
74; not always resemblances,
52. See also Existence, Finite,
God, Infinite, Infinity, Motion,
Passions, Power, Qualities, Re-
flection, Relation, Sensation,
Solidity, Space, Spirits, Sub-
stance, Succession, Unity.
Identity, vi, 237 ff., 268, 291; of
animals, 241; of man, 242, 257;
of a plant, 241 ; of substance,
238; Knowledge of, 268, 291;
made by continued existence,
264; not comprehended by unity
of substance, 243; personal
identity (246 ff.) depends upon
consciousness, 33, 247 ff., 254,
256 ff.
Idiots, 87.
Ignorance, 181.
Ill, why chosen, 171. See also
Evil.
Immensity, 104.
Immortality, 309 ff.
Inadvertency, 181.
Incogitative beings, 320, 325.
Incompatibility to co-existence,
295-
Individuationis principium, 239.
See Identity.
Infinite, 96; divisibility, 104; du-
ration, 99; Idea of, not appli-
cable to other ideas as well as
quantity, 99; Idea of, very ob-
scure, 102; difference between
idea of infinity of space or
number and idea of a space or
a number infinite, 100; number
affords us clearest idea of in-
finite, 103; No positive idea of,
105 ff., 113; What positive, what
nrgative in our idea of, 106 ff.,
no; Infinite space, 97 ff., 101.
Infinity, vi, 95 ff. ; applied to
God, 96; How we come by the
Idea of, 97, 100; Ideas of, arise
from sensation and reflection,
113; of space, number and du-
ration, 96, 101 ff.
Intension, 119.
Intuitive knowledge. See Knowl-
edge.
Invention, 78.
Involuntary, 131, 134.
Joy, 124, 156.
Judgment, vii, 67 ff., 81, 181; of
good and evil, 174; Wrong, 175
ff. ; Causes of wrong judgment,
179, 181.
Judgment, Day of, 259, 263.
Justice, 305.
Knowledge, vii, 267 ff.; Agreement
or disagreement of ideas, 267
ff., 299, 313; fourfold, 267; of
identity or diversity, 268, 291;
of relation, 268; of co-existence,
268, 269, 291, 295; of real ex-
istence, 268, 269, 298, 314 ff. ;
Actual, 270; Demonstrative, 275
ff., 285, 298; Habitual, 271 ff.;
Intuitive, 274, 277, 278, 285,
291, 298, 314, 330; Mathemat-
ical, 302; moral, 302, 304; Sen-
sitive, 282, 286, 298; of general
truths, 300; of substance, 291,
307; Beginning and progress,
89; Extent of, 19, 21, 284 ff.,
340; Reality of, 298 ff. ; not al-
ways clear when ideas are so,
284; intuitive of our own exist-
ence, 298, 314, 330; demonstra-
tive of the existence of God,
298, 314; sensitive of the exist-
ence of other things, 298, 314,
330 ff.
Language, vi; Abuse of, 13.
Liberty, 132 ff., 137, 163, 166, 171,
182, 187, 189; belongs not to
the will, 136, 140 ff., but to
man, 141; Foundation of, 167;
To be determined by judgment,
346
INDEX.
no restraint of liberty, 164. See
also Freedom.
Love, 122.
Madmen, 87.
Madness, 88.
Making, 233.
Man, 243, 246, 264, 308; not pro-
duct of ignorance and chance,
318.
Mathematical knowledge. See
Knowledge.
Mathematics, 273, 279.
Matter, 207, 216, 322; cannot
produce motion, 32; Its cohe-
sion and divisibility incompre- '
hensible, 211 ff., 218; not eter-
nal, 322 ff., 327 ff.
Maurice, Prince, 244. -,
Meliboeus, 264.
Memory, 73, 273, 333, 338; De-
fects of, 77; in brutes, 79; n
remembering, mind is often ac-
tive, 76; repetition, 76.
Mind, 208, 267; can neither make
nor destroy ideas, 34; deter-
mines the will, 146; has power
to revive perceptions, 73, 76;
its actions, 44. 69, 91, 131; Ope-
rations of the, a source of ideas,
26 ff.
Misery, 157. 158, 160; Future,
176, 186.
Modes, vi, vii, 92; Simple, 93, 95.
116; mixed, 93; of colours, 115;
of motion, 114, 115; of plea-
sure and pain, 121; of sounds,
115; of tastes, 115; of thinking,
itt.
Molineaux, William, quoted, 67 ff.
Monsters, 311 ff.
Moral knowledge. See Knowl-
edge.
Morality, determines choice, 185.
Motion, 215; Communication of,
215; Idea of, 40, 129, 209;
modes of, 114, us; of spirits,
209; Voluntary, 2:3, 329.
Motivity, 208, 215.
Names, 307; 111 use of, 264, 305;
Moral, 305.
Naming of ideas, 43, 84, 116 ff.;
of modes, 116.
Necessity, 132, 136.
Nestor, 252.
Newton, Sir Isaac, 13, 273.
Nothing, cannot produce real be-
ing, 316.
Number, vi, 103; affords clearest
idea of infinity, 103 ff. ; Infinity
of, 101 ff.
Opal, 295.
Operations, 27.
Organs, 332; suited to our state,
202 ff.
Pain, 45, 55, 73, 125. 179, 3341
its use, 46 ff., 74.
Parrot, 244, 245.
Pascal, Blaise, 78.
Passions, 122 ff., 156; government
of, 168; Ideas of, arise from
sensation and reflection, 126.
Perception, vi, 44, 64 ff., 332; be-
longs to all animals, 70; Con-
stitutes difference between ani-
mals and inferior beings, 70;
impression made on the mind,
64; in perception, mind is pas-
sive, 64; of three sorts, 131;
inlet of knowledge, 72, 332;
shows goodness of Maker, 71.
Person, 246, 257, 262; conscious-
ness makes same person, 262.
See also Personal identity, Self.
Personal identity, Reward and
punishment founded on, 251,
255, 263. See also Identity.
Philosophy, 13, 140, 288, 296.
Place, Relations of, 235.
Plato, 259.
Platonist, 252.
Pleasure; 45 ff., 73. I2 5. 179. 334!
Use of, 46.
Pleasure and pain, vi, 45, 48, 158,
176 ff.; Modes of, 121 ff.
Positive ideas. See Ideas.
Power, vi, 48, 127 ff. ; Active and
passive, 128, 191, 216, 296; a
great part of our ideas of sub-
stances, 198; Clearest idea of,
INDEX.
347
derived from spirit, 129; do not
operate on each other, 139; in-
cludes relation, 128; of the
mind, 73, 9:, 92, 129, 137; re-
ceived from sensation and re-
flection, 48.
Powers, 61, 139, 199, 201, 223;
Knowledge of, 296. See also
Qualities.
Present, The, 177 ff.
Principium individuationis, 239.
See Identity.
Principles, v; not innate, 66.
Privative causes. See Cause.
Proofs, 276.
Propositions, 273, 340; Particular,
340; Universal, 340.
Punishment, 172, 185; and reward,
follow consciousness, 251, 255,
263; of unconscious drunkard,
258.
Pursuits, Variety of, 170.
Pythagorean, 252.
Qualities, 53 ; Primary, 53, 60,
200, 202, 293 ff. ; How primary
qualities produce ideas, 54;
Ideas of primary qualities re-
semblances, 56 ff. ; Secondary,
54, 61, 63, 200, 202, 292, 293;
How secondary qualities pro-
duce ideas, 55; Ideas of sec-
ondary qualities not resem-
blances, 56 ff., 61; of sub-
stances, 53, 200 ff. ; the terms
"idea of quality" and "quality"
sometimes confused, 53.
Reality of knowledge. See Knowl-
edge.
Reason, vii, 81, 182.
Reasoning, 276.
Recollection, 118.
Reflection, 27, 29, 44, 219; source
of ideas, 25, 26 ff, 36, 126, 129,
*33> 1 9 2 , 2l6, 221, 222. See
Sensation.
Relation, vi, 94, 225 ff. ; All ter-
minate in simple ideas, 230; All
things capable of, 228; always
between two things, 228 ; Change
of relation may be without
change of subject, 227; different
from things related, 227 ; Ideas
of, clearer often than subjects
related, 229; without correlative
terms, not easily perceived, 226;
of cause and effect, 232 ff. ; of
identity and diversity, 237 ff. ;
of place and extension, 235; of
time, 234. See also Knowledge.
Relative terms, 227, 231, 236.
Remembrance, 118, 272.
Repetition. See Memory.
Restraint, 136.
Resurrection, 253.
Retention, vl, 72 ff.
Reverie, 118.
Rewards. See Punishment.
Sagacity, 276.
Same, 243, 254.
Sand, 202.
Sceptical, no one so sceptical as
to deny his own existence, 315,
316.
Self, 247, 255, 258, 261. See also
Person, Personal identity.
Sensation, 51, 56 ff., 67, 118, 207,
283. 33; source of ideas, 25,
26 ff., 36, 113, 126, 130, 192,
216, 219, 221, 222, 333. See
also Reflection.
Senses, 26, 35 ff., 331, 334; suited
to our state, 71, 202; Use of, 74.
Sensitive knowledge. See Knowl-
edge.
Shame, 126, 155.
Simple ideas, v. See Ideas.
Sleep, 119, 120.
Smell, 37.
Socrates, 33, 252, 256, 238.
Soft, 41.
Solidity, 38 ff., 219; distinct from
hardness, 40; distinct from
space, 39; fills space, 39; insep-
arable from body, 39; Impulse,
resistance and protrusion de-
pend upon it, 42; Idea of, re-
ceived from touch, 38; What it
U 43-
Something from eternity, 330.
Sorrow, 124.
348
INDEX.
Soul, 209, 210, 215; and body,
210; does not always think, 31
ff. ; does not alone make the
man, 242, 253; Immateriality of,
252, 263, 289; Our ignorance of,
263, 289, 290.* See also Spirits.
Sound, 115; Modes of, 115.
Space, vi, 39; Idea of, 97; In-
finite, 97 ff., 10 1, 104, no ff.
Species, 313.
Spirit, 196, 197, 208; pure, 216.
Spirits, 205, 216; capable of mo-
tion, 209, 218; Idea of, 207;
Knowledge of, 297; Existence
of, not knowable, 339; our ig-
norance of, 217, 221, 297. See
also Mind, Person, Soul.
Study, 119.
Stupidity, 77.
Substance, vi, vii, 92 ff. ; aggre-
gate of single ideas, 93, 194,
196, 197 ff., 206, 222, 291, 306;
Complex idea of, 193, 196, 206,
22 3> 37; Corporeal, 196, 200;
Immaterial, 207 (see Mind,
Soul, Spirits); identity of, 238;
Knowledge of, 291, 307; No
distinct idea of, 93, 194, 196,
207, 208, 216, 217, 222; Three
kinds of, 238.
Substratum, 194, 197, 198, 222,
223.
Succession, 109; Idea of, 49.
Summum bonum, 167, 170.
Suspension of desire, 163, 166 ff.,
169, 172.
Sydenham, Thomas, 13.
Tastes, 37, 82, 170; modes of, 115.
Thersites, 252 ff.
Things without us, 301 ; Existence
of, 331 ff., 336; Knowledge of,
330 ff.; Perception of, 282 ff.
Thinking, vi, 25, 44, 64, 129, 213;
an operation of the soul, 120;
Modes of, 118 ff. See also SouL
Time, Relations of, 234.
Touch, 37.
Tully, quoted, 318.
Understanding, 7, 17, 131, 133,
182; compared to a dark room,
90; Will and understanding two
powers, 130.
Uneasiness, 45, 123, 125; Causes
of, 173 ff. ; determines will, 123,
148 ff., 156, 159, 161, 162, 187.
Unity, Idea of, 48.
Universals, 85.
Vegetables, 70; Identity of, 240.
Volition, 131, 136, 146, 147, <"
also Will.
Voluntary, 131, 134.
See
Will, 44, 131, 133, 137 ff., 140,
142, 156, 187; confounded with
desire, 147, 149 ff. ; how deter-
mined, 144, 146, 148 ff., 156,
159, 162, 187; Object of, 157.
See also Volition.
Wit. 8 1.
Words, vi, vii, 313; Abuse of 13;
relative, 231, 237; Use of, 85.
* The term "soul" often used interchangeably with "spirit," e. g.
209 and 297.
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