THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 PROF. CHARLES A. KOFOID AND 
 MRS. PRUDENCE W. KOFOID 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 LL.D. F.R.S. &c. &c. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, LL.D. 
 
 H 
 F.R.S. &c. 
 
 MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY 
 
 FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AT THE COURT OF FRANCE, 
 AND FOR THE TREATY OF PEACE AND INDEPENDENCE WITH GREAT BRITAIN, 
 
 &c. &c. 
 
 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF TO A LATE PERIOD, 
 
 AND CONTINUED TO THE TIME OF HIS DEATH, 
 
 BY HIS GRANDSON; 
 
 WILLIAM TEMPLE FRANKLIN. 
 
 NOW FIRST PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINAL MSS. 
 COMPRISING THE 
 
 Cotresponoence ana Public Beg:otiation0 of Dr* jFranfelin, 
 
 AND A SELECTION FROM HIS 
 
 POLITICAL, PHILOSOPHICAL, AND MISCELLANEOUS WORKS. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED FOR HENRY COLBURN, 
 BRITISH AND FOREIGN PUBLIC LIBRARY, CONDUIT STREET. 
 
 1818. 
 
llOtl&Ott : 
 
 PRINTED BY A. J. VALPY, 
 TOQUE S COURT, CHANCERT LANE. 
 
 1818. 
 
FAT SIMILE OF THE HAPOD W3ULTIH <rF 1^ FlRAI* 
 
 J/ / ^^ S A 
 
 /^^v^x&e<K~ ^r (S <2^^^i>r^f<n^ 
 
 * ^^j 
 
 int/ .v frititsr l,<>n</<i . 
 
 / /.//,//./ In- h run < ,>lt>iirn I .-n.tiiit St,-n4.l.,<n<l,- 
 
THE 
 
 $rtbate Correspondence 
 
 OF 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, LL.D 
 
 n 
 
 F.R.S. &c. 
 
 MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AT THE COURT OF FRANCE, 
 AND FOR THE TREATY OF PEACE AND INDEPENDENCE WITH GREAT BRITAIN, &c. &c. 
 
 COMPRISING 
 
 A SERIES OF LETTERS 
 
 ON 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS, LITERARY, AND POLITICAL SUBJECTS: 
 
 WRITTEN BETWEEN THE YEARS 1753 AND 1790; 
 
 ILLUSTRATING THE 
 
 ts of 610 Pufclic ann Prtoate Hife, 
 
 AND DEVELOPING 
 
 THE SECRET HISTORY 
 
 POLITICAL TRANSACTIONS AND NEC OCIATIONS. 
 
 NOW FIRST PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINALS, 
 BY HIS GRANDSON 
 
 WILLIAM TEMPLE FRANKLIN. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR HENRY COLBURN, 
 
 BRITISH AND FOREIGN PUBLIC LIBRARY, CONDUIT STREET HANOVER SQUARE. 
 
 v 
 
 1817. 
 
> A -i a 
 
 ILon&on : 
 
 PRINTED BY A. J. VALPY, 
 
 lOUKE S COURT, CHANCERY LANE. 
 
 1817. 
 
W I 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO THE PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE, 
 
 FAMILIAR letters have been usually considered as exhibiting a por 
 traiture of the human mind ; and though perhaps they are not always 
 to be so regarded, especially in the intercourse of public men upon 
 subjects involving particular interests and questions of national policy, 
 yet even from these documents the most valuable materials of history 
 are drawn, and the secret springs of great events are disclosed. Hence 
 it is, that a deserved importance has ever been attached to the 
 correspondence of persons who have figured with distinction in 
 political revolutions, and the foundation of new states : for hereby 
 are unfolded the motives of individuals, and the influence of parties ; 
 from whose pertinacity and intrigues proceed conflicts, projects, and 
 establishments which the agitators never contemplated, and which the 
 most sagacious observers of human nature could not have anticipated. 
 Among the changes that have taken place in the condition of 
 political society, the separation of the American colonies from the 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 parent country has been by far the most prolific and extensive in its 
 effects of any in the history of modern ages. 
 
 Jt is presumed, therefore, that little need be said on the value of the 
 correspondence of Dit. FRANKLIN, whose extraordinary abilities as a 
 statesman wen; felt and acknowledged in both countries, and 
 by persons of opposite sentiments. But what renders his letters 
 on the public concerns in which he was engaged peculiarly interesting, 
 is the spirit of candour that runs through the whole of them, and the style 
 of simplicity by which they are recommended as models of epistolary 
 composition, and stamped beyond all question as authorities of the 
 first character, though certainly not written with a view to publica 
 tion. Here will be seen to equal advantage, the philosopher and 
 the man of business, the moralist and negociator, the profound 
 legislator, and the familiar friend, who opens his mind and delivers his 
 sentiments with the same ingenuousness on matters of science and 
 policy, the conduct of private life and the interests of nations. 
 The correspondence contained in this collection, is indeed a 
 store of the soundest lessons of practical wisdom upon subjects of 
 universal moment, and it is also a repository of information which will 
 afford the best instruction to politicians, and will prove a sure guide to 
 the future historian, who shall undertake the task of recording the 
 
 O 
 
 several stages that have led to the establishment of American 
 Independence, with the consequences of that event upon the states of 
 Europe. The MEMOIRS and CORRESPONDENCE of DR. FRANKLIN 
 will shew much more clearly the great chain on which the fate of nations 
 depends, than the debates of senates, the cabals of cabinets, or the details 
 
PREFACE. VI I 
 
 of battles; and to an Englishman, the Letters, now for the first time 
 published, will be curious and important in a very high degree, as 
 throwing a strong light upon the early part of the present reign, and 
 upon the characters of those persons who had a principal share 
 in the counsels which produced the dismemberment of the British 
 empire, and the creation of a power, which, from being a dependent 
 state, has become its most formidable rival. 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 Unavoidable circumstances having retarded the printing of the first 
 Volume of the MEMOIRS of DR. FRANKLIN, it has been deemed expe 
 dient to give his PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE the precedence in the 
 order of publication ; but as that portion of the work which contains 
 his Life is in a state of considerable forwardness at the press, the public 
 may be assured that its appearance will not be delayed beyond a few 
 weeks. 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 TO 
 
 VOLUME THE SECOND. 
 
 Correspondence, 
 
 PART I. 
 
 LETTERS ON MISCELLANEOUS SUBJECTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Rev. George Whitfield, the Preacher, June 6, 1753, On Faith and good Works, \ 
 to Miss Stevenson, afterwards Mrs. Hewson, May 16, 1760, Advice in Reading, 3 
 to Mr. John Baskerville (Printer) 
 
 to John Alleyne, Esq. August 9> 1768, On early Marriages 
 to Michael Collinson, Esq. 17&9> Respecting Mr. Peter Collinson - 
 to Michael Hillegras, Esq. March 17, 1770, On covering Houses with Copper - 
 to Samuel Rhoads, Esq. June 26, 1770, Method of covering Houses with Copper $ 
 to his Son Governor Franklin, August 19, 1772, On Exercise of the Body - 10 
 
 to Mr. Anthony Benzett, August 22, 1772, On the Slave Trade 1 1 
 
 to Dr. Priestley, September 19, 1772, Moral Algebra 19 
 
 to Rev. Dr. Mather, July 7, 1773, Dissenters 1 Petition. America known to 
 
 the Europeans before Columbus 1 ~ 
 
 to Samuel Danforth, Esq. July 25, 1773, 13 
 
 to His Most Serene Highness Don Gabriel of Bourbon, December 12, 177^, 
 
 On receiving his Version of S alias t 14 
 
 to Dr. Priestley, January 27, 1777, Philosopher s Stone American Affairs - 15 
 
 VOL. II. b 
 
X CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Mrs. Thompson, February 8, 1777 - 16 
 
 to Dr. Cooper, May 1, 1777 - 17 
 
 to Mr. Winthorp, May 1, 1777 18 
 
 to the Hon. Thomas Gushing, May 1, 1777 - 19 
 
 to Mr. Thomas Viny, May 4, 1 779 ... 50 
 
 to Mrs. Wright (niece to Rev. J. Westley), May 4, 1779 20 
 
 to Mr. Bridgen, October 2, 1779, On Copper Coinage for the United States 22 
 to B. Vaughan, Esq. November 9, 1779, On his Edition of some of Dr. 
 
 Franklin s Writings - - - . . -22 
 
 to Pere Beccaria, November 19, 1779 - 24 
 
 to Dr. Price, February 6, 1780 25 
 to Dr. Priestley, February 8, 1780, On true Science Inconveniences attend 
 ing all situations in Life ... -25 
 to His Excellency General Washington, March 5, 1780, Relative to the 
 
 Marquis de la Fayette Invitation to visit Europe 27 
 to Miss Georgiana Shipley, (daughter of the Bishop of St. Asaph), October 
 
 8, 1780 28 
 to Dr. Price, October 9, 1780, On the British Parliament Religious Tests, %c. 29 
 to M. Court de Gebelin, May 7, 1781, On the Indian Language The Ma 
 riner s Compass, SfC. 30 
 to Edmund Burke, Esq. M. P. October 15, 1781, Relative to Gen. Bourgoyne 
 
 and Mr. Lvurcns - 31 
 to General Washington, April 2, 1782, Capitulation of Lord Cornwallis 
 
 Introduction of Count de Segur ----- 32 
 to Dr. Priestley, June 7, 1782, On the conduct of Mankind to each other 
 Apologue Lavoisier s Experiments in the presence of the Grand Duke 
 of Russia - - 
 to Dr. Shipley, Bishop of St. Asaph, June 10, 1782 34 
 to Dr. Ingenhausz, June 21, 1782 35 
 to Miss Alexander, June 24, 1782 36 
 to Mr. James Hutton, July 7, 1782, Relative to the Murder of some Mo 
 ravian Indians - - 37 
 to Sir Joseph Banks, September 9, 1782 - 39 
 
CONTENTS. XI 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Mr. F. Hopkinson, December 24, 1782, On the planting of Trees in 
 
 Philadelphia Newspaper Abuse - 3y 
 
 to the Right Hon. Earl of Buchan, March 17, 1783, Acquisition of Lands, 
 
 and forming Settlements in America - 40 
 
 to Mrs. Hewson (formerly Miss Stevenson), January 27, 1783, On the Death 
 
 of her Mother Invitation to come to Passy . 41 
 
 to Dr. Shipley, Bishop of St. Asaph, March 17, 1783, On the Peace with America 42 
 to Sir Joseph Banks, July 27, 1783, On the Return of Peace 43 
 
 to Brand Hollis, Esq. October 5, 1783, Eulogium on Thomas Hollis 44 
 
 to His Excellency John Jay, Esq. January 6, 1784 45 
 
 to Mrs. Bache (Dr. Franklin s only Daughter), January 26, 1784, On the pro 
 posed order of the Cincinnati Hereditary Nobility and descending Honors 46 
 to His Excellency Henry Laurens, Esq. February 12, 1784, on the British 
 
 Government - - - 51 
 
 to W. Strahan, Esq. M.P. (King s Printer), February 16, 1784, Suggestions 
 
 as to the deplorable situation of the British Government 51 
 
 to Mr. Walter (Printer) April 17, 1784, On the logographical Mode of Printing 53 
 to Mr. Benjamin Webb, April 22, 1784, A new method of paying Money lent 54 
 
 to the Rev. Dr. Mather, May 12, 1784, On his Advice to the people of America 54 
 
 to Dr. Percival (founder of the Philosophical Society at Manchester), July 
 
 17,1784, Remarks on Duelling 55 
 
 to Messrs. Weems and Gant, July 18, 1784, On their wish to obtain Ordination 57 
 to B. Vaughan, Esq. July 26, 1784, Restraints on Commerce Luxury Industry 58 
 to Right Hon. Lord Viscount Howe, August 18, 1784, On receiving Captain 
 
 Cooke s Voyages by the order of the King - ft 3 
 
 to Dr. Price, August l6, 1784, Balloons English Constitution State of America 63 
 to William Strahan, Esq. M. P. August 19, 1784, Invitation to Passy Anni 
 hilation of profitable places American Congress British Parliament 
 The late War Gen. Clarke, fyc. - 6 5 
 
 to George Wheatley, Esq. August 21, 1?84, Tract on the Principles of Trade 
 
 Foundling Hospital Double Spectacles - 68 
 
 to B. Vaughan, Esq. September 7, and April 21, 1785, Introduction of Count 
 
 Mirabeau - 6 
 
Xli CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Dr. Franklin to B. Vaughau, Esq. April 21, 1785, On Manufactures Books and loose Printing 70 
 
 to an Engraver in Paris, Refusing Ms Eulogium and Dedication 72 
 
 to Dr. Ingenhousz, April 29, 1785, On the Stone Invitation to Passy, Sf-c. $c. 7 f J 
 to George Wheatley, Esq. May 19-23, 1785, On sending him his Medallion 
 
 Moral and Philosophical Reflections Foundling Hospital at Paris 
 
 Office for Nurses The Philadelphia Bank The Cincinnati "Constitution 
 
 of the United States Anecdote of Three Greenlandcrt Description of 
 
 Double Spectacles, #c. - - 74 
 to * * *, August 21, 1784, General Melvit Profession of Faith The Old 
 
 Testament 79 
 to * * *, June 28, 1785, Dissuading him from attempting crossing to 
 
 England in a Balloon - - 80 
 to Baron Maseres, June 26, 1785, Results of the American Contest State of 
 
 America, SfC. - SO 
 to Granville Sharp, Esq. July 5, 1785, Law of Gavel Kind Election of 
 
 Bishops, SfC. - 83 
 
 to General Washington, September 20, 1785, on his intended Bust, by Hondon 84 
 
 General Washington s Answer to Ditto, September 26, 1785 85 
 Dr. Franklin to Mr. and Mrs. Jay, September 21, 1785, Answer to their Congratulations on 
 
 his Arrival - - 85 
 
 to M. Mathon de la Cour, November 18, 1785, vn hu Writings 86 
 to Dr. Bancroft, November 26, 1785, on a proposed New Edition of Dr. 
 
 Franklin s Writings - 86 
 
 to Dr. Shipley, Bishop of St. Asaph, February 24, 1786, Various Matter - 87 
 
 to M. le Veillard, March 6, 1786, on the flourishing State of America 90 
 
 to Mrs. Hewson, May 6, 1786, Various Matter 91 
 
 to Noah Webster, Esq. June 18, 1786, on a Reformed Alphabet 93 
 
 to William Cooke, Esq. August 12, 1786, on naming the new State of FRANKLIN 93 
 
 to Colonel Hunter, November 24, 1786, on the State of America - 94 
 
 to Mr. Small, February 19, 1787> Improvement in the Common Prayer Book, fyc. 95 
 
 to M. le Veillard, April 15, 1787 96 
 to the Duke de la Rochefoucald, April 15, 1787> Reply to his Congratulations, fyc. 97 
 
 to the Marquis de Chastelleux, April 17, 1787, on receiving his Travels, <$-c. 99 
 
CONTENTS. X1U 
 
 PACK 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Messrs. Les Abbes Chalut and Arnaud, April 17, 1787 100 
 
 to M. le Marquis de la Fayette, April 17, 1787, Various Matter - - : 100 
 to M. L Abbe Morellet, April 22, 1787, On the freedom of Commerce State of 
 
 America ...... 102 
 
 to Mr. Jordain, May 18, 1787, Various Matter 103 
 to George Wheatley, Esq. May 18, 1787, The Philadelphia Bank Commercial 
 
 Treaty Scheme for Coining, fyc. - - - - - 104 
 
 to Count de Buffon, November 19, 1787, on the Stone 106 
 
 to * * *, December 15, 1787, Disorders in Holland, 4>c. - 106 
 
 to M. le Veillard, February 17, 1788, Various Matter 107 
 to the Editors of the Pennsylvania Gazette, March 30, 1788, on the Abuse 
 
 of the Press - 109 
 to M. le Veillard, April 22, 1788, Respecting Dr. Franklin s Memoirs New 
 
 Constitution - - - 111 
 
 to Madame Lavoisier, October 23, 1788, Thanking her for his Portrait 112 
 
 to Dr. Ingenhausz, October 24, 1788, State of his Health Steam Boat, $c. 113 
 
 to B. Vaughan, Esq. October 24, 17*>8, Relative to his Memoirs, tyc. 113 
 
 to Mrs. Partridge, November 25, 1788, on the Death of Ben Kent Orthodoxy 115 
 
 to Mrs. Mecom (Dr. Franklin s Sister), November 26, 1788 - 115 
 
 to Mr. Small, February 17, 1789, On the Stone Expedient to atsist hearing 1 \6 
 
 to Mrs. Greene, March 2, 1789 1 17 
 
 to Miss Catherine Louisa Shipley, April 27, 1789, on the Death of her Father 118 
 
 to Dr. Price, May 31, 1789, Re/lections on Life and Death - 118 
 
 to B. Vaughan, Esq. June 3, 1789, Relative to his own Memoirs 119 
 to Mr. Wright, November 4, 1789 State of America Abolition of the Slave 
 
 Trade 119 
 to Dr. Rush (no date), Requesting him to suppress his Encomium on the Writer 
 
 in one of his Discourses, if published - -121 
 
 to Samuel More, Esq. (Secretary to the Society of Arts), November 5, 1789 121 
 to Mr. Small, November 5, 1789, on the Poor Laws The American Royalists 
 
 The French and English Governments - - - 122 
 
 to Mr. Le Roy, November 13, 1789, on the Affairs of Trance 123 
 to David Hartley, Esq. December 4, 1789, Convulsions in France Friendship 
 
 between Great Britain and her antient Colonies - - - - 1 24 
 
XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Mrs. Mecom, December 17, 1/89, Baron Trench s History Sacred Music 125 
 
 to Noah Webster, Esq. December 26, 1789, On the English Language- 
 Improper Use of certain Words in America Universality of the French 
 Language Improvements in Printing recommended 125 
 
 Dr. Stiles, President of Yale College, to Dr. Franklin, January 28, 1790, Requesting his 
 Portrait for Yale College, and wishing to be made acquainted with his 
 religious Sentiments - ... 130 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Dr. Stiles, in Answer to the foregoing, March 9, 1790, - - 130 
 
 SUPPLEMENT TO PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART I. 
 
 (Being Letters accidentally omitted). 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Henry Laurens, Esq. March, 1784 - 134 
 
 to Mr. Jonathan Williams, May 19, 1785 - - 135 
 
 to David Hartley, Esq. July 5, 1785 135 
 
 to the same, October 27, 1785, State of America - 136 
 
 PART II. 
 
 LETTERS RELATING TO AMERICAN POLITICS. 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Joseph Galloway, Esq. Speaker of the House of Assembly, Pennsylvania, 
 June 13, 17^7, Repeal of Act restraining the legal tender of Paper 
 Money Mr. Grenville Mr. Townsend The Salt Duty Change of 
 Ministry predicted - - 137 
 
 to the same, August 8, 176"7, Attempt to form a Coalition of Parties, in a new 
 
 Ministry Right claimed to Tax the Colonies Paper Money - 140 
 
 to Governor Franklin, August 28, 17^7, Conversation with Lord Shelburne 
 and Mr. Con-way, on American Affairs Paper Money De Guerchy 
 Mons. Durand the French Plenipotentiaries, curious about American 
 Affairs 143 
 
 to the same, November 25, 17^7, Governor Bernard Conversation -with Lord 
 
 Shelburne Dean Tucker Lord Clare 144 
 
 to Joseph Galloway, Esq. December 1, 176/> Paper Money Mr. Grenville 
 
 Duke of Bedford - J47 
 
CONTENTS. XV 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Mr. Ross, December 12, 1767 148 
 
 to Governor Franklin, December 19, 1767, The Boston Resolutions concerning 
 
 Trade. Anecdote relative to Col. Onslow and Mr. Grenville - 149 
 
 Governor Pownall to Dr. Franklin, (no date), Concerning an equal Communication of Rights, 
 
 Privileges, SfC. to America by Great Britain - - - 150 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Governor Franklin, January 9. 1768, Change of Ministry 151 
 
 to Joseph Galloway, Esq. January 9, 1768, Change of Ministry American 
 
 Affairs - 152 
 
 to the same, February 17, 1768, Restraining Act relative to Paper Money 
 Conversation with Lord Hillsborough on the subject, and on a Change of 
 Government in Pennsylvania Farce acted by Parliament respecting the 
 Mayor and Aldermen of Oxford Borough Jobbing Mr. Beckford s Bill 
 to prevent Bribery and Corruption Sarcastic Reply to Mr. Thurlow, who 
 opposed it - - - - - - - 152 
 
 to T. Wharton, Esq. February 20, 1768, Mr, Secretary Con-way Boston 
 
 Proceedings - - -----155 
 
 to Governor Franklin, March 13, 1786", Lord Hillsborough The Farmer s 
 
 Letters American Manufactures New Elections in England - - 156 
 
 to the Committee of Correspondence, Pennsylvania, March 13, 1768, Boun 
 dary J,ine with the Indians General Gage Governor Penn - 1 59 
 
 to Joseph Galloway, Esq. March 13, 1768, Lord Hillsborough The old 
 Parliament gone First Instance of Bribery in Queen Elizabeth s Time 
 Monstrously risen since that time l60 
 
 to the Committee of Correspondence, Pennsylvania, April 16, 1768, Repeal 
 
 of the Duty Act Change of Government Legal Tender of Paper Money l6l 
 
 to Governor Franklin, April 16, 1768, New Parliamentary Elections Wilkes s 
 
 Election for Middlesex Illuminations on that occasion - l6l 
 
 to Mr. Ross, May 14, 1768, State of the Capital 162 
 
 to Joseph Galloway, Esq. May 14, J768, Disorders in London, occasioned by 
 
 Wilkes s party 163 
 
 to Governor Franklin, July 2, 1768, The Duke of Graf ton Mr. Cooper, 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury Lord Clare - l64 
 
 to Joseph Gailoway, Esq. July 2, 1768, Removal of Lord Clare Return of 
 Lord Hillsborough ------ 
 
 to * * *, London, November 28, 1768 
 
XTl CONTENTS. 
 
 PAUE 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Mr. Dubourg (Trauslator of Dr. Franklin s Philosophical Works), October 
 
 2, 1786, Great Britain no right to tax the N. American Colonies ) 70 
 
 to Governor Franklin, August 17, 1772, Removal of Lord Hilhborough 
 
 succeeded by Lord Dartmouth :v^ . _ . 171 
 
 to the same, August 19, 1772, Lord Hillsborough Refused admittance to 
 
 him, SfC. 171 
 
 to Joseph Galloway, Esq. August 22, 1772, Lord Hillsborough s Resignation^- 
 
 Lord Dartmouth succeeds him Lord Rockford 173 
 
 to the same, December 2, 1772 174 
 
 to the Hon. Thomas Gushing, December 2, 1772, Massachusets Petition 
 
 Reasons for delaying the presenting it - ] 76 
 
 to the same (private), January 5, 1773, Lord Dartmouth American Affairs 
 
 Great fall in India Stock - 177 
 
 to Governor Franklin, February 14, 1773, Affair of St. Vincent s Affair 
 
 of the India Company 179 
 
 to the Hon. Thomas Gushing, March 9, 1773, Proceedings of the Town of 
 
 Boston Governor Hutchinson s Speech - ISO 
 
 to ditto, April 3, 1773 180 
 
 to Governor Franklin, April 6, 1773, The Bishop of St. Asaph s Sermon 
 
 before the Society for propagating the Gospel 181 
 
 to the Hon. Thomas Gushing, May 6, 1773, Governor Hutchinson s Speech- 
 Conversation with Lord Dartmouth respecting the same 1S2 
 to the same, June 2, 1773, Petition to the King, and his answer 185 
 to the same, June 4, 1773, Duty on Tea - 185 
 to the same, June 7> 17/3, Controversy with Governor Hutchinson first 
 Idea of an American Congress Dr. Franklin s Justification of himself 
 against the charge of neglect, as Agent for Massachusets 1 8(5 
 to the same, July 7 1773, The Kings answer to the American Petitions 
 Proposed means of obtaining redress General Sentiments of the people in 
 England respecting America Captain Calef Sir Francis Bernard s Project 1 88 
 to the Rev. Dr. Mather, July 7> 177S, Remarks on the late proceedings 
 
 against America 1 9 2 
 
 to Dr. Cooper, July 7, 1773, Got. Hutchinson His Letters, SfC. - 193 
 
CONTENTS. xvii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Governor Franklin, July 14, 1773, Lord North Lord Dartmouth Anecdote 
 
 of Lord Hillsborough - -- -- * - : . . 195 
 
 to Mr. Wiuthorp, July 25, 1773 - - .. v^ ^>V - 197 
 
 to the Hon. Thomas Gushing, July 25, 1773> Printing of Hutchinson s Letters 197 
 to. Dr. Cooper, July 25, 1773 198 
 
 to the Hon. Thomas Gushing, August 24, 1773, Address ofMassachusets, for 
 
 the removal of their Governor and Lieutenant-Governor - 199 
 
 to Governor Franklin, September 1, 1773, Resolutions of the New England 
 
 Townships Project to form an Union with Ireland Hutchinson s Letters 200 
 to the Hon. Thomas Gushing, September 12, 1773, Project to avoid repealing 
 
 the American Tea Duty Pretended Prussian Edict - 193* 
 
 to Governor Franklin, October 6, 1773, The Right of Parliament to make 
 
 laws for America denied Lord Mansfield s Opinion of the pretended 
 
 Prussian Edict the reading of it at Lord Le Despencer s, by Paul Whitchead 197* 
 to the Hon. Thomas Gushing, November 1, 1773, Proposed Accommodation 
 
 with Great Britain Petition for removing the Governors - 198* 
 
 to Joseph Galloway, Esq. November, 3, 1773, Supposed Disposition to corn- 
 
 pose the Differences with America - 200* 
 
 to Governor Franklin, November 3, 17?3, Two papers written by Dr. Franklin 200* 
 to the Hon. Thomas Gushing, January 5, 1774, Petition for the removal of the 
 
 Governors of Massachusetts, presented by Lord Dartmouth Duel between 
 
 Mr. Temple and Mr. Wheatley, on account of Hutchinson s Letters 
 to Gov. Franklin, Jan. 5, 1774, Proposes returning to America Temple s Duel 
 to the Printer of the Public Advertiser (no date), On the Rise and Progress 
 
 of the Differences between Great Britain and her Colonies - 211 
 
 to the same, (no date) 217 
 
 to Dr. Price, Octobers, 1775, Situation of Affairs between Great Britain 
 
 and America - - 220 
 
 to Dr. Cooper, April 22, 1779, On the Depreciation of the American Paper Money 220 
 to the Hon. Josiah Quincy, April 22, 1779, Character of the French Nation 
 
 Censures the People of America 222 
 
 * These Pages have been repeated by mistake. 
 VOL. II. 
 
X\tu CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 to the Marquis de la Fayette (with the Sword ordered by Congress), August 
 
 1.9, 1779 223 
 Dr. Franklin to Dr. Cooper, August 27, 1779> Black Prince Privateer Commodore Jones 
 
 taking of the Ser aphis Rumor of Peace 224 
 
 to the same, May 25, 1781, New Constitution of the United States Main 
 tenance of the clergy - 22^ 
 
 to the Hon. Robert Morris (Superintendant of Finances, United States), July 
 
 26", 1781 226" 
 
 to Sir Edward Newenhara, Bart., October 2, 1783, Trade between Ireland 
 
 . and America - 226 
 
 to B. Vaughau, Esq. March, 1784, Various Matter 227 
 
 to David Hartley, Esq. January 7, 1784, Change in Administration Heredi 
 tary great Officers of State - 228 
 
 to the Hon. John Jay, January 8, 1785, Various Matter - 229 
 
 to Mr. Small, September 28, 1/87, Various Matter 230 
 
 to M. Dupont de Nemours January 9, 1788, American Constitutions Prin 
 ciple of Commerce - - - 231 
 
 to the Printer of the Evening Herald, (no date), National Reflections. 233 
 
 PART ITT. 
 
 [This Part being composed entirely of Letters relating to the same object, namely, THE 
 NEGOCIATIONS FOR PEACE; it has been thought unnecessary to detail the subject of each 
 particular "Letter. ~\ 
 
 Dr. Franklin to David Hartley, Esq. M.P. October 14, 1777 234 
 
 to Mr. Hutton, February 1, 1778 237 
 
 to Do., Feb. 12, 1778 238 
 
 to David Hartley, Esq. M.P. February 12, 1778 239 
 
 to the same, February 26, 1 778 24 1 
 
 to Mr. Hutton, March 24, 1 778 242 
 
 William Pultney, Esq. M. P. to Dr. Franklin, March 29, 1778 243 
 
 Dr. Franklin to William Pultney, Esq. M. P. March 30, 1778 - 243 
 
CONTENTS. xix 
 
 PACK 
 
 William Alexander, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, April 4, 1/78 " J i :; " 244 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Dr. Bancroft, F. R. S. April 16, 1/78 - 244 
 
 to His Excellency Joseph Reed, March 19, 1780 245 
 
 to Count de Vergennes, (Minister of Foreign Affairs, Versailles,) April 24, 1778 247 
 
 Count de Vergennes in Answer to the above, April 25, 1778 248 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. M. P. to Dr. Franklin, with the Doctor s Answer, April 9, 1778 249 
 
 Anonymous Note received by Dr. Franklin, May 20, 1778 249 
 
 Dr. Franklin s Answer to a Letter from Brussels, July 1, 1778 250 
 
 Dr. Franklin to David Hartley, Esq. M. P. in answer to propositions for quitting the Alliance 
 
 with France, February 3, 1779 254 
 
 to the same, February 22, 1779 - 256 
 
 to the same, March 21, 1779 25? 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. to Doctor Franklin, April 22, 1779 258 
 
 Dr. Franklin to David Hartley, Esq. May 4, 1779 262 
 
 to the same, February 2, 1780 264 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, with the draught of a proposed Bill of Conciliation 
 
 with America, July 17, 1780 266 
 
 Dr. Franklin to David Hartley, Esq. June 30, 1781 268 
 
 William Alexander, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, with the Doctor s Answer, Dec. 15, 1781 268 
 
 Dr. Franklin to David Hartley, Esq. M. P. December 15, 1781 269 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, January 2, 1782 - 269 
 
 Answer to the foregoing, January 15, 1782 274 
 
 D. Hartley, Esq. M. P. to Dr. Franklin, Jan. 24, 1782 277 
 
 the same to the same, Feb. 1, 1782 280 
 
 Dr. Franklin to D. Hartley, Esq. M. P. Feb. 16, 1782 281 
 
 ]>. Hartley, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, Feb. 28, 1782 282 
 
 - Colonel Hartley, M. P. to Dr. Franklin, Feb. 28, 1782 283 
 
 Edmund Burke, Esq. M. P. to Dr. Franklin, Feb. 28, 1782 285 
 
 William Alexander, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, March 3, 1782 285 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. M. P. to Dr. Franklin, March i 1, 1782 286 
 
 the same to the same, March 12, 1782 287 
 
 the same to the same, March 21, 1782 289 
 
 Mr. T. Digges to Dr. Franklin, March 22, 1782 - 290 
 
XX CONTENTS. 
 
 PACK 
 
 His Excellency John Adams, to Dr. Franklin, March 26, 1782 .;-* : - 293 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Hon. R. R. Livingston, (Secretary for Foreign Affairs,) March 30, 1782 295 
 
 to His Excellency J. Adams, March 31, 1782 - ,. 297 
 
 to D. Hartley, Esq. M. P. April . >, 1782 - 297 
 
 to Hon. R. R.Livingston, April 8, 1782 - . 299 
 
 to Ditto, April 12, 1782 - - 299 
 
 to the Hon. Henry Laurens, April 12, 1782 - 300 
 
 Communication from the Court of France to Dr. Franklin, on the Overtures for a separate 
 
 Treaty, April 12, 1782 301 
 
 Dr. Franklin to David Hartley, Esq. M.P. April 13, 1782 302 
 
 to His Excellency John Adams, April 13, 1782 302 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. M. P. to Dr. Franklin, May 1, 1782 - 303 
 
 PRIVATE JOURNAL relative to the Negociations for Peace between March 21st and July 1st, 
 
 1782, kept by Dr. Franklin . 310 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Lord Shelburne, March 22, 1782 311 
 
 Lord Shelburne to Dr. Franklin, April 6, 1782 311 
 
 Hon. Henry Laurens, to Dr. Franklin, April 7, 1782 312 
 
 Dr. Franklin to M.Le Compte de Vergennes, April 15, 1782 313 
 
 to Lord Shelburne, April 17, 1782 - 314 
 
 to His Excellency John Adauis, April 20, 1782 - 319 
 
 His Excellency J. Adams, to Dr. Franklin, April 16, 1782 ,. 322 
 
 Dr. Franklin to his Excellency J. Adams, April 2, 1782 323 
 
 His Excellency John Adams reply, May 2, 1782 324 
 
 Hon. Henry Laurens, to Dr. Franklin, April 30, 1782 326 
 
 Lord Shelburn to Dr. Franklin, April 28, 1782 327 
 
 Dr. Franklin to M. le Comte de Vergennes, May 4, 1782 329 
 
 to His Excellency John Adams, May 8, 1782 330 
 
 Charles J. Fox, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, May 1, 1782 331 
 
 Mr. Grenville to the same, May 10, 1782 335 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Charles J. Fox, Esq. May 10, 1782 335 
 
 to Lord Shelburn, May 10, 1782 335 
 
 to Ditto, May 13, 1782 337 
 
 to D. Hartley, Esq. M. P., May 13, 1782 - 339 
 
CONTENTS. XXI 
 
 PAGE 
 
 HOIK Henry Laurens, to Dr. Franklin, May 17, 1782 341 
 
 > * ; - vS av i - t 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Hon. Henry Laurens, May 25, J782 343 
 
 D. .Hartley, Esq. M. P. to Dr. Franklin, May 13, 1782 ^ : 346" 
 
 the same to the same, May 25, 1782 349 
 
 Lord Shelburn to Dr. Franklin, May 21, 1782 - : 351 
 
 the same to the same, May 26, 1782 351 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Mr. Grenville, May 31, 1782 354 
 
 to His Excellency John Adams, June 2, 1782 355 
 
 Lord Shelburn to Dr. Franklin, May 21, 1782 357 
 
 Colonel Hartley to Dr. Franklin, May 24, J782 36l 
 
 Richard Oswald, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, June 5, 1782 36 % 2 
 
 Dr. Franklin to R. Oswald Esq., June 6, 1782 362 
 
 the same to the same, June 11, 1782 365 
 
 The Marquis de la Fayette to Dr. Franklin, June 20, J782 372 
 
 His Excellency John Adams to Dr. Franklin, June 13, 1782 373 
 
 Dr. Franklin to R. Oswald, Esq. June 27, 1782 - 376 
 
 Dr. Franklin to the Hon. R. R. Livingston, June 28, 1782 - 377 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Doctor Cooper, June 28, 1782 378 
 
 to Hon. Henry Laurens, July 2, 1782 380 
 
 Governor Pownal to Dr. Franklin, July 5, 1782 380 
 
 Memorandum by D. Hartley, Esq. July 8, 1782 385 
 
 Marquis de la F~ayette to Dr. Franklin, July 9, 1782 386 
 
 Dr. Franklin s answer to Do., July 9, 1782 386 
 
 to David Hartley, Esq. July 10, 1782 387 
 
 to B. Vaughau, Esq. July 10, & 11, 1782 388 
 
 to Richard Oswald, Esq., July 12, 1782 - 389 
 
 to Lord Shelburn, July 12, 1782 - 390 
 
 to the Marquis de la Fayette, July 24, 1782 390 
 
 David Hartley Esq. to Dr. Franklin, July 26, 1782 391 
 
 Lord Grantham to Dr. Franklin, July 26, 1782 - 391 
 
 Lord Shelburn to Dr. Franklin, July 27, 1782 392 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Richard Oswald, Esq., July 28, 1782 392 
 
 to M. le Comte de Vergennes, August 8, 1782 393 
 
**" CONTENTS. 
 
 PAG E 
 
 Count de Verge-lines to Dr. Franklin, August 8, 1782 - 394 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Hon. R. R. Livingston, August 12, 1782 - - 394 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. M. P. to Dr. Franklin, August 16 , 1782 394 
 
 Dr. Franklin to His Excellency J. Jay, September 4, 1782 396 
 
 Richard Oswald, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, September 5, 1782 396 
 
 Mr. Secretary Towiishend to R. Oswald, Esq., September 1, 1782 - 396 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, September 7, 1782 397 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Richard Oswald, Esq., September 8, 1782 397 
 
 to the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Grantham, September 11, 1782 398 
 
 Dr. Franklin to D. Hartley, Esq. September 17, 1782 399 
 
 R. Oswald, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, September 24, 1782 399 
 
 Mr. Secretary Townshend to R. Oswald, Esq., September 20, 1782 399 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Hon. Rob. R. Livingston, September 26, 1782 - 400 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. M. P. to Dr. Franklin, October 4, 1782 402 
 
 Dr. Franklin to Hon. R. R. Livingston, October 14, 1782 403 
 
 to His Excellency John Adams, October 15, 1782 404 
 
 Mr. Secretary Townshend to Dr. Franklin, October 23, 1782 404 
 
 Dr. Franklin to the Rt. Hon. Thomas Townshend, November 4, 1782 405 
 
 W. Strachey, Esq. to the Ministers Plenipotentiary from the United States, November 5, 1782 405 
 
 Dr. Frankliu to W. Strachey, Esq. November 6, 1782 406 
 
 to Richard Oswald, Esq., November 6, and 26, 1782 406,407 
 
 Benjamin Vaughati, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, November 27, 1782 412 
 
 Dr. Franklin to M. le Comte de Vergennes, November 29, 1782 413 
 
 the same to the same, December 15, 1782 417 
 
 to Ditto, December 17, 1782 418 
 
 M. Le Comte de Vergennes to Dr. Franklin, December 25, 1782 419 
 
 Dr. Franklin to R. Oswald, Esq., January 14, 1783 420 
 
 M. le Comte de Vergennes to Dr. Franklin, January 18, 1783 422 
 
 Dr. Franklin to the Count de Vergennes, January 18, 1783 - 423 
 
 B. Vaughan, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, January 18, 1783 423 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. M P. to Dr. Franklin, March 12, 17 83 424 
 
 Dr. Franklin to David Hartley, Esq. M. P., March 23, 1783 428 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. M. P. to Dr. Franklin, March 31, 1783 428 
 
CONTENTS. xxiii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Right Hon. C. J. Fox to Dr. Franklin, April 19, 1783 431 
 
 Dr. Franklin to David Hartley, Esq.. M . P., May 8, 1783 - 433 
 
 to Hon. Henry Laurens, July 6, 1/83 432 
 
 to Hon. R. R. Livingston, July 22, 17S3 , 433 
 
 to Comte de Vergennes, August 16, 1/83 - 437 
 
 Mous. de Rayueval, Under Secretary of State for Foreign affairs, to Dr. Franklin, August 29, 
 
 1783 - 43 T 
 
 David Hartley, Esq. to Dr. Franklin, September 24, 1783 - 437 
 
 Dr. Franklin to David Hartley, Esq. M. P., October l6, & 22, 1783 438, 439 
 
 to the Hon. Robert Morris, December 25, 1783 . - 439 
 
 to Thomas Mifflin, Esq., (President of Congress,) December 25, 1783 - 440 
 
 to Charles Thomson, Esq. (Secretary of Congress,) May 13, 1784 - - 442 
 
 David Hartley, Esq., M. P. to Dr. Franklin, June 1, 1784 .... 443 
 
 Lord Carmarthen to David Hartley, Esq., June 1, 1784 - - ... 443 
 
 Dr. Franklin to David Hartley, Esq., June 2, 1784 - . 444,446 
 
 to Hon. John Jay, September 19, 1785 - 443 
 
 to * * *, Philadelphia, January 19, 1790 - - 449 
 
MEM O I R S 
 
 OF 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE: 
 
 PART T. 
 
 LETTERS ON MISCELLANEOUS SUBJECTS, 
 
 To GEORGE WHITEFIELD. * 
 
 Sill, Philadelphia, June 6, 1753. 
 
 I received your kind letter of the 2d instant, and am 
 
 <rlad to hear that you increase in strength ; I hope you will continue mending till 
 you recover your former health and firmness. Let me know whether you still use 
 the cold bath, and what effect it has. 
 
 As to the kindness you mention, I wish it could have been of more service to you- 
 But if it had, the only thanks I should desire is, that you would always be equally 
 ready to serve any other person that may need your assistance, and so let good offices 
 go round; for mankind are all of a family. 
 
 For my own part, when I am employed in serving others, I do not look upon my- 
 
 1 One of the founders of the Methodists; born at Glocester, 1714, died in New England, 1770. 
 Sec Vol. I. Part 2, p. 84. 
 
 VOL. II. A 
 
2 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Self as conferring favours, but as paying debts. In my travels, and since my settle 
 ment, I have received much kindness from men, to whom I shall never have any 
 opportunity of making the least direct return ; and numberless mercies from God, 
 who is infinitely above being benefited by our services. Those kindnesses from men, 
 I can therefore only return on their fellow men, and I can only show my gratitude 
 for these mercies from God, by a readiness to help his other children, and my bre 
 thren. For I do not think that thanks and compliments, though repeated weekly, 
 can discharge our real obligations to each other, and much less those to our Creator. 
 You will see in this my notion of good works, that I am far from expecting to merit 
 heaven by them. By heaven we understand a state of happiness, infinite in de 
 gree, and eternal in duration : lean do nothing to deserve such rewards. IIj that 
 for giving a draught of water to a thirsty person, should expect to be paid with a^ 
 good plantation, would be modest in his demands, compared with those who think 
 they deserve heaven for the little good they do on earth. Even the mixed imper 
 fect pleasures we enjoy in this world, are rather from God s goodness than our merit: 
 how much more such happiness of heaven ! For my part, I have not the vanity to. 
 think I deserve it, the folly to expect it, nor the ambition to desire it ; but content 
 myself in submitting to the will and disposal of that God who made me, who has 
 hitherto preserved and blessed me, and in whose fatherly goodness I may well con 
 fide, that he will never make me miserable ; and that even the afflictions I may at any 
 time suffer shall tend to my benefit 
 
 The faith you mention has certainly its use in the world : I do not desire to see it 
 diminished, nor would I endeavour to lessen it in any man. But I wish it were 
 more productive of good works, than I have generally seen it: I mean real good; 
 works; works of kindness, charity, mercy, and public spirit; not holiday-keeping,, 
 sermon-reading, or hearing; performing church ceremonies, or making long prayers,, 
 filled with flatteries and compliments, despised even by wise men, and much less 
 capable of pleasing the Deity. The worship of God is a duty ; the hearing and 
 reading of sermons may be useful ; but if men rest in hearing and praying, as too 
 many do, it is as if a tree should value itself on being watered and putting forth 
 leaves, though it never produced any fruit 
 
 Your great master thought much less of these outward appearances and profes 
 sions, than many of his modern disciples. He preferred the doers of the word to 
 the mere hearers; the son that seemingly refused to obey his father, and yet per 
 formed his commands, to him that professed his readiness but neglected the work ; 
 the heretical but charitable Samaritan, to the uncharitable though orthodox priest, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 and sanctified Levite ; and those who gave food to the hungry, drink to the thirsty, 
 raiment to the naked, entertainment to the stranger, and relief to the sick, though 
 they never heard of his name, he declares shall in the last day be accepted ; when 
 those who cry Lord ! Lord ! who value themselves upon their faith, though great 
 enough to perform miracles, but have neglected good works, shall be rejected. He 
 professed that he came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance ; which 
 implied his modest opinion that there were some in his time who thought themselves 
 iso good that they need not hear even him for improvement ; but now-a-days we 
 have scarce a little parson that does not think it the duty of every man within his 
 reach to sit under his petty ministrations; and that whoever omits them, offends God. 
 I v. ish to such more humility, and to you health and happiness; being 
 
 Your friend and servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To Miss STEVENSON, AT WANSTEAD* 
 
 Craven Street, May 16, 1760. 
 
 I send my good girl the books I mentioned to her last night. 
 
 I beg her to accept of them as a small mark of my esteem and friendship. They 
 are written in the familiar easy manner for which the French are so remarkable ; 
 and afford a good deal of philosophic and practical knowledge unembarrassed with 
 the dry mathematics, used by more exact reasoners, but which is apt to discourage 
 young beginners. 
 
 I would advise you to read with a pen in your hand, and enter w a little book 
 short hints of what you find that is curious, or that may be useful ; for this will be 
 the best method of imprinting such particulars in your memory, where they will be 
 ready, cither for practice on some future occasion, if they are matters of utility ; or at 
 least to adorn and improve your conversation, if they are rather points of curiosity. 
 And as many of the terms of science are such as you cannot have met with in your 
 common reading, and may therefore be unacquainted with, I think it would be well 
 for you to have a good dictionary at hand, to consult immediately when you meet 
 with a word you do not comprehend the precise meaning of. This may at first seem 
 troublesome and interrupting ; but it is a trouble that will daily diminish, as you will 
 daily find less and less occasion for your dictionary as you become more acquainted 
 with the terms ; and in the mean time you will read with more satisfaction, because 
 with more understanding. When any point occurs, in which you would be glad to 
 have farther information than your book affords you, I beg you would not in the least 
 apprehend, that I should think it a trouble to receive and answer your questions* 
 
4 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Jt will be a pleasure, and no trouble. For though I may Dot be able, out of my 
 own little stock of knowledge, to afford you what you icquire, I can easily direct 
 you to the books, where it may most readily be found. Adieu, and believe me ever, 
 my dear friend, Yours affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To JOHN BASKERVILLE, T THE PRINTER. 
 DEAR Siu, Craven Street, London, 1760. 
 
 Let me give you a pleasant instance of the prejudice some 
 have entertained against your work. Soon after I returned, discoursing with a 
 gentleman concerning the artists of Birmingham, he said you would be a means of 
 blinding all the readers in the nation ; for the strokes of your letters being too thin 
 and narrow, hurt the eye, and he could never read a line of them without pci;:i 
 thought, said I, you were going to complain of the gloss of the paper, sonic 
 to. " No, no," said he, " I have heard that mentioned, but it is not that ; it is in 
 the form and cut of the letters themselves ; they have not that height and thickness 
 of the stroke, which makes the common printing so much the more comfortable to 
 the eye." You see this gentleman was a connoisseur. In vain I endeavoured to 
 support your character against the charge ; he knew what he felt, and could see the 
 reason of it, and several other gentlemen among his friends had made the same 
 observation, &c. Yesterday he called to visit me, when, mischievously bent to try 
 his judgment, I stepped into my closet, tore off the top of Mr. Caslon s specimen, 
 and produced it to him as yours, brought with me from Birmingham ; saying, I had 
 
 1 JOHN BASKEIIVILLE, the celebrated type founder and printer, was born in 1706, at Wolverley, in 
 the County of Worcester. Having a small estate of about sixty pounds a year, he was not bred to any 
 profession ; but in 1726, he became a schoolmaster at Birmingham, which he continued many years. Af 
 terwards he entered upon the japanning business, which succeeded so well as to enable him to pnrcli^T 
 a country house and to set up his carriage ; each pannel of which was a distinct picture, and tin- u ii-Ic 
 might be considered as a pattern card of his trade. In 1750, he began business as a type-founder, on 
 which he spent many hundreds before he could produce a letter to please himself. By perseverance he 
 overcame all obstacles, and in 17.56 published an edition of Virgil in quarto, which was followed by 
 Paradise Lost, the Bible, Common Prayer, and several other works. In 1765, he applied to Dr. Frank 
 lin, then at Paris, to sound the literati there respecting the purchase of his types, but the proposal was 
 not accepted. They were many years after purchased by the celebrated M. De Beaumarchais, and 
 employed in the printing his edition of the works of Voltaire. Baskerville died at Birmingham, in 
 17/5 ; and as he had an aversion to churchyards, he was by his own direction buried in a mausoleum 
 erected on his own grounds. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 5 
 
 been examining it, since he spoke to me, and could not for my life perceive the 
 disproportion he mentioned, desiring him to point it out to me. He readily under 
 took it, and went over the several founts, shewing me every where what he thought 
 instances of that disproportion ; and declared, that he could not then read the 
 specimen without feeling very strongly the pain he had mentioned to me. I spared 
 him that time, the confusion of being told, that these were the types, he had been 
 reading all his life with so much ease to his eyes ; the types his adored Newton is 
 printed with, on which he lias pored not a little ; nay, the very types his own book 
 is printed with ; ( for he is himself an author) and yet never discovered this painful 
 disproportion in them, till he thought they were yours. I am &c. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To JOHN ALLEYNE, ESQ. 
 
 DEAR JACK, Craven Street, August 9, 1768. 
 
 You desire, you say, my impartial thoughts on the subject of an early marriage, 
 by way of answer to the numberless objections that have been made by numerous 
 persons to your own. You may remember, when you consulted me on the occasion, 
 that I thought youth on both sides to be no objection. Indeed, from the marriages 
 that have fallen under my observation, I am rather inclined to think, that early 
 ones stand the best chance of happiness. The temper and habits of the young are 
 not yet become so stiff and uncomplying, as when more advanced in life ; they form 
 more easily to each other, and hence many occasions of disgust are removed. And 
 if youth has less of that prudence which is necessary to manage a family, yet the 
 parents and elder friends of young married persons are generally at hand to afford 
 their advice, which amply supplies that defect; and by early marriage, youth is 
 sooner formed to regular and useful life ; and possibly some of those accidents or 
 connections, that might have injured the constitution, or reputation, or both, are 
 thereby happily prevented. Particular circumstances of particular persons, may 
 possibly sometimes make it prudent to delay entering into that state ; but in general 
 when nature has rendered our bodies fit for it, the presumption is in nature s favor, 
 that she has not judged amiss in making us desire it. Late marriages are often 
 attended, too, with this further inconvenience, that there is not the same chance 
 that the parents shall live to see their offspring educated. " Late children" says 
 the Spanish proverb, " are early orphans" A melancholy reflection to those whose 
 case it may be ! With us in America, marriages- are generally in the morning of 
 life; our children are therefore educated and settled in the world by noon; arul 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 thus, our business being done, we have an afternoon and evening; of cheerful leisure 
 
 o ~ 
 
 to ourselves ; such as our friend at present enjoys. By th ese early marriages we 
 are blessed with more children ; and from the mode among us, founded by nature, 
 of every mother suckling and nursing her own child, more of them are raised. 
 Thence the swift .progress ef population among us, unparalleled in Europe. In fine, 
 I am glad you are married, and congratulate you most cordially upon it. You are 
 now in the way of becoming a useful citizen ; and you have escaped the unnatural 
 state of celibacy for life the fate of many here, who never intended it, but who 
 having too long postponed the change of their condition, find, at length, that it is 
 too late to think of it, and so live all their lives in a situation that greatly lessens a 
 man s value. An odd volume of a set of books, bears not the value of its propor 
 tion to the set: what think you of the odd half of a pair of scissars ? it can t well 
 cut any thing ; it may possibly serve to scrape a trencher. 
 
 Pray make my compliments and best wishes acceptable to your bride. I am old 
 and heavy, or I should ere this have presented them in person. I shall make but 
 small use of the old man s privilege, that of giving advice to younger friends. Treat 
 your wife always with respect ; it will procure, respect to you, not only from her, 
 but from all that observe it. Never use a slighting expression to her, even in jest, 
 for slights in jest, after frequent bandyings, are apt to end in angry earnest. Be 
 studious in your profession, and you will be learned* Be industrious and frugal, 
 and you will be rich. Be sober and temperate, and you will be healthy. Be in 
 general virtuous, and you will be happy. At least, you will, by such conduct, 
 stand the best chance for such consequences. I pray God to bless you both ; 
 being ever your affectionate friend, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MICHAEL COLLINSON, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, [No date.] (supposed to be in 1768 or 1769.) 
 
 Understanding that an account of our dear departed friend, Mr. 
 Peter Collinson, is intended to be given to the public, I cannot omit expressing 
 
 1 PETER COLLINSON, F.R.S. a very celebrated botanist, was descended from a family of ancient 
 standing in the County of Westmoreland, but born himself in 1693, in Clement s Lane, Lombard Street. 
 His parents realized a handsome fortune by trade in Gracechurch Street, the bulk of which coming to 
 Peter, who was the eldest son, he was enabled to follow his favourite pursuit of natural history. He 
 had one of the finest gardens in England, at Peckham, in Surrey, whence he removed in 1/49 to 
 Mill Hill, in the parish of Hendon in Middlesex, where he died in 1?68. Mr. Collinson kept up a cor 
 respondence with men of science in all parts of the world, and he sent the first electrical machine that 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 7 
 
 my approbation of the design. The characters of good men are exemplary, and 
 often stimulate the well disposed to an imitation, beneficial to mankind, and honor 
 able to themselves. And as you may be unacquainted with the following instances 
 of his zeal and usefulness in promoting knowledge, which fell within my observation, 
 I take the liberty of informing you, that in 1730, a subscription library being set 
 on foot at Philadelphia, he encouraged the design by making several very valuable 
 presents to it, and procuring others from his friends: and as the library company 
 had a considerable sum arising annually to be laid out in books, and needed a 
 judicious friend in London to transact the business for them, he voluntarily and 
 cheerfully undertook that service, and executed it for more than thirty years suc 
 cessively, assisting in the choice of books, and taking the whole care of collecting and 
 shipping them, without ever charging or accepting any consideration for his trouble. 
 The success of this library (greatly owing to his kind countenance and good advice) 
 encouraged the erecting others in different places on the same plan ; and it is 
 supposed there are now upwards of thirty subsisting in the several colonies, which, 
 have contributed greatly to the spreading of useful knowledge in that part of. the 
 world ; the books he recommended being all of that kind, and the catalogue of this- 
 first library being much respected and followed by those libraries that succeeded.. 
 
 During the same time he transmitted to the directors of the library the earliest 
 accounts of every new European improvement in agriculture and the arts.. and every 
 philosophical discovery ; among which, in 1745, he sent over an account of the new. 
 German experiments in electricity, together with, a glass tube, and some directions 
 for using it, so as to repeat those experiments. This was the first notice I had of 
 that curious subject, which I afterwards prosecuted with some diligence, being en 
 couraged by the friendly reception he gave to the letters I wrote to him upon it. 
 Please to accept this small testimony of mine to his memory, for which I shall ever 
 have the utmost respect; and believe me, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, 
 
 Your most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MICHAEL HILLEGRAS> ESQ. PHILADELPHIA. 
 DEAR Siu, London, March 17, 1770. 
 
 I received your favor of November 25, and have made in 
 quiries, as you desired, concerning the copper covering of houses. It has been used 
 
 was ever seen in America, as a present to the Philosophical Society at Philadelphia. He was also a 
 liberal contributor to the public library of that city ; and an intimate friend of Dr. .Franklin, who re 
 ceived from him many hints and papers on the subject of electricity. 
 
8 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 here in a few instances only, and the practice does not seem to gain ground. The 
 copper is about the thickness of a common playing card, and though a dearer metal 
 than lead, I am told that as less weight serves, on account of its being so much 
 thinner, and as slighter wood-work in the roof is sufficient to support it, the roof is 
 not dearer, on the whole, than one covered with lead. It is said that hail and rain 
 make a disagreeable drumming noise on copper; but this, I suppose, is rather 
 fancy ; for the plates being fastened to the rafters, must, in a great measure, deaden 
 such sound. The first cost, whatever it is, will be all, as a copper covering must 
 Last for as;es ; and when the house decays, the plates will still have intrinsic worth. 
 In Russia, I am informed, many houses are covered with plates of iron tinned, (such 
 as our tin pots and other wares are made of,) laid on over the edges of one another, 
 like tiles ; and which, it is said, last very long ; the tin preserving the iron from 
 much decay by rusting. In France and the Low Countries I have seen many spouts 
 or pipes for conveying the water down from the roofs of houses, made of the same 
 kind of tin plates, soldered together ; and they seem to stand very well. 
 
 With sincere regard, I am, yours, c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To SAMUEL RHOADS, ESQ. 
 
 DEAR FRIEND, London, June 26, 1770. 
 
 It is a long time since I had the pleasure of hearing from you 
 directly. Mrs. Franklin has, indeed, now and then acquainted me of your welfare, 
 which I am always glad to hear of. It is, I fear, partly, if not altogether, my fault 
 that our correspondence has not been regularly continued. One thins* I am sure 
 of, that it has been from no want of regard on either side, but rather from too much 
 business, and avocations of various kinds, and my having little of importance to 
 communicate. 
 
 One of our good citizens, Mr. Hillegras, anxious for the future safety of our town, 
 wrote to me some time since, desiring I would enquire concerning the covering of 
 houses here with copper. I sent him the best information I could then obtain, but 
 
 1 " The carpentry of the roof being formed with :ts proper descents, is, in the first place, sheeted or 
 covered with deals, nailed horizontally upon the rafters, after the same manner us when intended to be 
 covered with lead. The sheets of the copper fur this covering are two feet by four, and for covering the 
 slopes of the roof are cast so thin as to weigh eight or nine pounds, and for covering the flats or gutters, 
 ten or eleven pounds each, or about one pound, or a pound and a quarter to the superficial foot. 
 
 A string of strong cartridge paper (over-lapping a little at its joints) is regularly tacked down upon the 
 sheeting of wood, under the copper covering, as the work proceeds from eaves to ridge. It prevents the 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 9 
 
 have since received the inclosed from an ingenious friend, who is what they call here 
 a civil engineer. I should be glad you would peruse it, think of the matter a little, 
 and give me your sentiments of it. When you have done with the paper, please to 
 give it to Mr. Hillegras. I am told by Lord Despencer, who has covered a long 
 piazza, or gallery, with copper^ that the expence is charged in this account too high, 
 for his cost but one shilling and tenpence per foot, all charges included. I suppose 
 his copper must have been thinner. And, indeed, it is so strong a metal, that I 
 think it may well be used very thin. 
 
 It appears to me of great importance to build our cfwelling-houses, if we can, in a 
 manner more secure from danger by fire. We scarcely ever hear of fire in Paris. 
 When I was there, I took particular notice of the construction of their houses, and I 
 did not see how one of them could well be burnt. The roofs are slate or tile, the 
 
 jingling sound of hail or rain falling upon the roof, and answers another purpose, to be mentioned by 
 and by. 
 
 In order to shew the regular process of laying down the roof, we must begin with fastening two sheets 
 together lengthwise. The edges of two sheets are laid down so as to lap or cover each other an inch, 
 and a slip of the same copper, about three and a half inches broad, called the reeve, is introduced be 
 tween them. Four oblong holes or slits, are then cut or punched through the whole, and they are fast 
 ened or riveted together by copper nails, with small round shanks and flat heads. Indents are then cut 
 1| inch deep upon the seam at top and bottom. The right-hand sheet and the reeve are then folded 
 back to the left. The reeve is then folded to the right, and the sheets being laid on the roof in their 
 place, it is nailed down to the sheeting with flat-headed short copper nails. The right-hand sheet is 
 then folded over the reeve to the right, and the whole beat down flat upon the cartridge paper covering 
 the sheeting, and thus they are fastened and laid in their places, by nailing down the reeve only; and 
 by reason of the oblong holes through them and the reeve, have a little liberty to expand or contract 
 with the heat and cold, without raising themselves up from the sheeting, or tearing themselves or the 
 fastening to pieces. Two other sheets are then fixed together, according to the first and second opera 
 tions above, and their seam, with the reeve, introduced under the upper ends of the seam of the former, 
 so as to cover down about two inches upon the upper ends of the former sheets; and so far the cart 
 ridge paper is allowed to cover the two first sheets. This edge of the paper is dipt in oil, or in turpen 
 tine, so far before its application, and thus a body between the sheets is formed impenetrable to wet ; 
 and the reeve belonging to the two last sheets is nailed down to the sheeting as before, and the left-hand 
 sheet is turned down to the right. Four sheets are now laid down, with the scam or joint rising to the 
 ridge ; and thus the work is continued, both vertically and horizontally, till the roof be covered, the 
 sides and ends of each sheet being alternately each way, undermost and uppermost. 
 
 The price for copper, nails, and workmanship, runs at about eight pounds ten shillings per cwt. or two 
 shillings and threepence per fooc superficial, exclusive of the lappings; and about two shillings and 
 eightpence per foot upon the whole ; which is rather above half as much more as the price of doing it 
 well with lead." 
 
 VOL. II. B 
 
10 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 walls are stone, the rooms generally lined with stucco or plaster, instead of wainscot; 
 the floors of stucco, or of six-sided tiles painted brown, or of flag stone, or of mar 
 ble; if any floors were of wood, they were of oak wood, which is not so inflammable 
 as pine. Carpets prevent the coldness of stone or brick floors offending the feet in 
 winter, and the noise of treading on such floors, overhead, is less inconvenient than 
 on boards. The stairs too, at Paris, are either stone or brick, with only a wooden 
 edge or corner for the step ; so that, on the whole, though the Parisians commonly 
 burn wood in their chimnies, a more dangerous kind of fuel than that used here, yet 
 their houses escape extremely well, as there is little in a room that can be consumed 
 by fire except the furniture ; whereas in London, perhaps scarcely a year passes in 
 which half a million of property and many lives are not lost by this destructive 
 element. Of late, indeed, they begin here to leave off wainscoting their rooms, and 
 instead of it cover the walls with stucco, often formed into pannels, like wainscot, 
 which, being painted, is very strong and warm. Stone staircases too, with iron rails, 
 grow more and more into fashion here. But stone steps cannot, in some circum 
 stances be fixed ; and there, methinks, oak is safer than pine ; and I assure you, that 
 in many genteel houses here, both old and new, the stairs and floors are oak, and 
 look extremely well. Perhaps solid oak for the steps would be still safer than 
 boards ; and two steps might be cut diagonally out of one piece. Excuse my talk 
 ing to you on a subject with which you must be so much better acquainted than I 
 am. It is partly to make out a letter, and partly in hope that by turning your at 
 tention to the point, some methods of greater security in our future building may be 
 thought of and promoted by you, whose judgment I know has deservedly great 
 weight with our fellow-citizens. For though our town has not hitherto suffered very 
 greatly by fire, yet I am apprehensive that some time or other, by a concurrence of 
 unlucky circumstances, such as dry weather, hard frost, and high winds, a fire then 
 happening may suddenly spread far and wide over our cedar roofs, and do us im 
 mense mischief. I am, yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN, NEW JERSEY. 
 
 London, August 19, 1772. 
 
 In yours of May 14th, you acquaint me with your indisposition, 
 which gave me great concern. The resolution you have taken to use more exercise 
 is extremely proper ; and I hope you will steadily perform it. It is of the greatest 
 importance to prevent diseases, since the cure of them by physic is so very preca 
 rious. In considering the different kinds of exercise, I have thought that the quan- 
 
 * Dr. Franklin s son, to whom the first part of the Memoirs of his Life is addressed. See Vol. L 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 11 
 
 turn of each is to be judged of, not by time or by distance, but by the degree of 
 warmth it produces in the body : thus, when I observe if I am cold when I get into 
 a carriage in a morning, I may ride all day without being warmed by it ; that if on 
 horseback my feet are cold, I may ride some hours before they become warm ; but 
 if I am ever so cold on foot, I cannot walk an hour briskly, without glowing from 
 head to foot by the quickened circulation ; I have been ready to say, (using round 
 numbers without regard to exactness, but merely to make a great difference) that 
 there is more exercise in one mile s riding on horseback, than in Jive in a coach ; and 
 more in one mile s walking on foot, than in Jive on horseback ; to which I may add, 
 that there is more in walking one mile up and down stairs, than in Jive on a level 
 floor. The two latter exercises may be had within doors, when the weather dis 
 courages going abroad ; and the last may be had when one is pinched for time, as 
 containing a great quantity of exercise in a handful of minutes. The dumb bell is 
 another exercise of the latter compendious kind ; by the use of it I have in forty 
 swings quickened my pulse from sixty to one hundred beats in a minute, counted 
 by a second watch : and I suppose the warmth generally increases with quickness 
 of pulse. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. ANTHONY BENEZET, * PHILADELPHIA. 
 DEAR FRIEND, London, August 22, 1772. 
 
 I made a little extract from yours of April 27, of the number 
 of slaves imported and perishing, with some close remarks on the hypocrisy of this 
 country, which encourages such a detestable commerce by laws for promoting the 
 Guinea trade ; while it piqued itself on its virtue, love of liberty, and the equity of 
 its courts in setting free a single negro. This was inserted in the London Chronicle 
 of the QOth of June last. I thank you for the Virginia address, which I shall also 
 publish with some remarks. I am glad to hear that the disposition against keeping 
 negroes grows more general in North America. Several pieces have been lately 
 printed here against the practice, and I hope in time it will be taken into considera 
 tion and suppressed by the legislature. Your labours have already been attended 
 with great effects : I hope therefore you and your friends will be encouraged to 
 proceed : my hearty wishes of success attend you, being ever, my dear friend, 
 
 Yours affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 1 An American philanthropist. In 1767, he wrote a Caution to Great Britain and her Colonies, in a 
 short representation of the calamitous state of the enslaved negroes in the British dominions. In 1772, 
 he published Historical Accounts of Guinea ; with an Inquiry into the Rise and Progress of the Slave- 
 Trade, its nature and lamentable effects. This amiable man seemed to have nothing else at heart, but 
 
12 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DR. PRIESTLEY, 
 DEAR SIR, London, September 19, 1772. 
 
 In the affair of so much importance to you, wherein you ask 
 my advice ; I cannot for want of sufficient premises, counsel you what to determine , 
 but if you please, I will tell you how. When those difficult cases occur, they are 
 difficult chiefly because, while we have them under consideration, all the reasons 
 pro, and con, are not present to the mind at the same time ; but sometimes one set 
 present themselves ; and at other times another, the first being out of sight. Hence 
 the various purposes or inclinations that alternately prevail, and the uncertainty 
 that perplexes us. To get over this, my way is, to divide half a sheet of paper by 
 a line into two columns ; writing over the one pro, and over the other con : then 
 during three or four days consideration, I put down under the different heads, short 
 hints of the different motives that at different times occur to me, for or against 
 the measure. When I have thus got them all together in one view, I endeavour to 
 estimate their respective weights, and where I find two, (one on each side) that seem 
 equal, I strike them both out. If I find a reason pro equal to some two reasons con, 
 I strike out the three. If I judge some two reasons con, equal to some three rea 
 sons pro, I strike out the Jive ; and thus proceeding I find at length where the 
 balance lies ; and if after a day or two of farther consideration, nothing new that is 
 of importance occurs on either side, I come to a determination accordingly. And 
 though the weight of reasons cannot be taken with the precision of algebraic quanti 
 ties ; yet, when each is thus considered separately and comparatively, and the 
 whole lies before me, I think I can judge better, and am less liable to make a rash 
 step ; and in fact I have found great advantage from this kind of equation, in what 
 may be called moral or prudential algebra. 
 
 Wishing sincerely that you may determine for the best, I am ever, my dear friend, 
 Yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. MATHER. 
 
 /. a f - f i int;i v!^. {; --" 
 
 REVEREND SIR, London, July 7, 1773. 
 
 By a line of the 4th past, I acknowledged the receipt of your 
 favour of March 18; and sent you with it two pamphlets. I now add another, a 
 spirited address to the Bishops who opposed the dissenters petition. It is written 
 by a dissenting minister at York. There is preserved at the end of it, a little 
 fugitive piece of mine on the same occasion. 
 
 the good of his fellow-creatures ; and the last act of his life was to take from his desk six dollars for a 
 poor widow. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 13 
 
 I perused your tracts with pleasure : I see you inherit all the various learning ot 
 your famous ancestors, Cotton and Increase Mather. The father Increase, I once 
 heard preach at the Old South Meeting for Mr. Pemberton ; and remember his 
 mentioning the death of " that wicked old persecutor of God s people, Lewis the 
 XIV;" of which news had just been received; but which proved premature. 1 
 was some years afterwards at his house at the north end on some errand to him, 
 and remember him sitting in an easy chair apparently very old and feeble. But 
 Cotton I remember in the vigor of his preaching and usefulness. 
 
 You have made the most of your argument, to prove that America might be 
 known to the ancients. There is another discovery of it claimed by the Norwegians, 
 which you have not mentioned, unless it be under the words " of old viewed and 
 observed" page 7. About 25 years since Professor Kalm, a learned Swede, was 
 with us in Pennsylvania. He contended, that America was discovered by their 
 northern people, long before the time of Columbus ; which I doubting, he drew 
 up and gave me some time after, a note of those discoveries, which I send you 
 inclosed. It is his own hand-writing, and his own English ; very intelligible for 
 the time he had been among us. The circumstances give the account a great 
 appearance of authenticity. And if one may judge by the description of the winter, 
 the country they visited should be southward of New England, supposing no change 
 since that time of the climate. But if it be true as Krantz, I think, and some other 
 historians tell us, that old Greenland, once inhabited and populous, is now rendered 
 uninhabited by ice, it should seem that the almost perpetual northern winter had 
 gained ground to the southward ; and if so, perhaps more northern countries might 
 anciently have had vines, than can bear them in these days. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To SAMUEL DANFORTH, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, London, July 25, 1773. 
 
 It gave me great pleasure to receive so cheerful an epistle from 
 a friend of half a century s standing, and to see him commencing life a-new in so 
 valuable a son. I hope the young gentleman s patent will be as beneficial to him, 
 as his invention must be to the public. 
 
 I see by the papers, that you continue to afford that public your services, which makes 
 me almost ashamed of my resolutions for retirement. But this exile, though an 
 honourable one, 1 is become grievous to me, in so long a separation from my family, 
 
 Dr. Franklin was at that time agent for several of the American Colonies, in Great Britain. 
 
14 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 friends and country ; all which you happily enjoy ; and long may you continue to 
 enjoy them. I hope for the great pleasure of once more seeing and conversing with 
 you ; and though living on in one s children, as we both may do, is a good thing ; 
 I cannot but fancy it might be better to continue living ourselves at the same time. 
 I rejoice therefore, in your kind intentions of including me in the benefits of that 
 inestimable stone, which curing all diseases (even old age itself) will enable us to see 
 the future glorious state of our America, enjoying in full security her own liberties, 
 and offering in her bosom, a participation of them to all the oppressed of other nations. 
 I anticipate the jolly conversation we and twenty more of our friends may have 
 a hundred years hence on this subject ; over that well replenished bowl at 
 Cambridge commencement. I am, dear sir, for an age to come, and for ever, with 
 sincere esteem and respect, your most obedient; humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To His MOST SERENE HIGHNESS DON GABRIEL OF BOURBON. 
 
 On receiving his Version of Saliust. 
 ILLUSTRIOUS PRINCE, Philadelphia, December 12, 1775. 
 
 I have just received through the hands of the Ambassador of 
 Spain, the much esteemed present your most Serene Highness hath so kindly sent 
 me, of your excellent version of Saliust. 
 
 I am extremely sensible of the honor done me, and beg you would accept my 
 thankful acknowledgments. I wish I could send hence any American literary pro 
 duction worthy of your perusal ; but as yet the muses have scarcely visited these 
 remote regions. Perhaps, however, the proceedings of our American Congress, 
 just published, may be a subject of some curiosity at your court. I therefore take 
 the liberty of sending your Highness a copy, with some other papers which contain 
 accounts of the successes wherewith Providence has lately favored us. Therein 
 your wise politicians may contemplate the first efforts of a rising state, which seems 
 likely soon to act a part of some importance on the stage of human affairs, and 
 furnish materials for a future Saliust. I am very old and can scarce hope to see the 
 event of this great contest : but looking forward, I think I see a powerful dominion 
 growing up here, whose interest it will be to form a close and firm alliance with 
 Spain, (their territories bordering) and who being united, will be able, not only to 
 preserve their own people in peace, but to repel the force of all the other powers 
 in Europe. It seems, therefore, prudent on both sides to cultivate a good under 
 standing, that may hereafter be so useful to both ; towards which a fair foundation 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 15 
 
 is already laid in our minds, by the well-founded popular opinion entertained here of 
 Spanish integrity and honour. I hope my presumption in hinting this will be par 
 doned. If in any thing on this side the globe I can render either service or pleasure 
 to your Royal Highness, your commands will make me happy. With the utmost 
 esteem and veneration, I have the honour to be your Serene Highness s, most 
 obedient, and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DR. PRIESTLEY. 
 DEAR SIR, Paris, Jan. 27, 1777. 
 
 I received your very kind letter of February last, some time 
 
 in September. Major Carleton, who was so kind as to forward it to me, had not an 
 opportunity of doing it sooner. I rejoice to hear of your continual progress in those 
 useful discoveries ; I find that you have set all the philosophers of Europe at work 
 uponjro/ air ; and it is with great pleasure I observe how high you stand in their 
 opinion ; for I enjoy my friends fame as my own. 
 
 The hint you gave me jocularly, that you did not quite despair of the philosopher s 
 stone, draws from me a request, that when you have found it, you will take care to 
 lose it again ; for I believe in my conscience that mankind are wicked enough to con 
 tinue slaughtering one another as long as they can find money to pay the butchers. 
 But of all the wars in my time, this on the part of England appears to me the 
 wickedest ; having no cause but malice against liberty, and the jealousy of com 
 merce. And I think the crime seems likely to meet with its proper punishment ; a 
 total loss of her own liberty, and the destruction of her own commerce. 
 
 I suppose you would like to know something of the state of affairs in America. 
 In all probability we shall be much stronger the next campaign than we were in the 
 last ; better armed, better disciplined, and with more ammunition. When I was at 
 the camp before Boston, the army had not five rounds of powder a man ; this was 
 kept a secret even from our people. The world wondered that we so seldom fired 
 a cannon : we could not afford it ; but we now make powder in plenty. 
 
 To me it seems, as it has always done, that this war must end in our favor, and in 
 the ruin of Britain, if she does not speedily put an end to it. An English gentleman 
 here the other day, in company with some French, remarked, that it was folly in 
 France not to make war immediately. And in England, replied one of them, not 
 to make peace. 
 
 Do not believe the reports you hear of our internal divisions. We are, I believe, 
 as much united as any people ever were, and as firmly. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
16 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MRS. THOMPSON, AT LISLE. 
 
 Paris, Feb. 8, 1777. 
 
 You are too early, Hussy, as well as too saucy, in calling me 
 Rebel; you should wait for the event, which will determine whether it is a rebellion 
 or only a revolution. Here the ladies are more civil ; they call us les Insurgens, a 
 character that usually pleases them : and methinks all other women who smart, or 
 have smarted under the tyranny of a bad husband, ought to be fixed in revolution 
 principles, and act accordingly. 
 
 In my way to Canada last spring, I saw dear Mrs. Barrow, at New-York. Mr. 
 Barrow had been from her two or three months to keep Governor Tryon, and other 
 tories company on board the Asia, one of the King s ships which lay in the harbour; 
 and in all that time that naughty man had not ventured once on shore to see her. 
 Our troops were then pouring into the town, and she was packing up to leave it ; 
 fearing as she had a large house they would incommode her by quartering officers in 
 it. As she appeared in great perplexity, scarce knowing where to go, I persuaded her 
 to stay ; and I went to the general officers then commanding there, and recommended 
 her to their protection ; which they promised and performed. On my return from 
 Canada, where I was a piece of a governor (and I think a very good one) for a fort 
 night, and might have been so till this time if your wicked army, enemies to all good 
 government, had not come and driven me out, I found her still in quiet possession 
 of her house. I inquired how our people had behaved to her ; she spoke in high 
 terms of the respectful attention they had paid her, and the quiet and security they 
 had procured her. I said I was glad of it ; and that if they had used her ill, I 
 would have turned tory. Then, said she, (with that pleasing gaiety so natural to 
 her) / wish they had. For you must know she is a toryess as well as you, and can 
 as flippantly call rebel. I drank tea with her ; we talked affectionately of you and 
 our other friends the Wilkes s, of whom she had received no late intelligence ; what 
 became of her since, I have not heard. The street she lived in was some months 
 after chiefly burnt down ; but as the town was then, and ever since has been, in pos 
 session of the King s troops, I have had no opportunity of knowing whether she suf 
 fered any loss in the conflagration. I hope she did not, as if she did, I should wish 
 I had not persuaded her to stay there. I am glad to learn from you that that un 
 happy, though deserving family, the W. s, are getting into some business that may 
 afford them subsistence. I pray that God will bless them, and that they may see 
 happier days. Mr. Cheap s and Dr. H. s good fortunes please me. Pray learn, if 
 you have not already learnt, like me, to be pleased with other people s pleasures, and 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 17 
 
 happy with their happinesses when none occur of your own ; then perhaps you will 
 not so soon be weary of the place you chance to be in, and so fond of rambling to 
 get rid of your ennui. I fancy you have hit upon the right reason of your being 
 weary of St. Omers, viz. that you are out of temper, which is the effect of full living 
 and idleness. A month in Bridewell, beating hemp upon bread and water, would 
 give you health and spirits, and subsequent chearfulness and contentment, with every 
 other situation. I prescribe that regimen for you, my dear, in pure good will, with 
 out a fee. And let me tell you, if you do not get into temper, neither Brussels nor 
 Lisle will suit you. I know nothing of the price of living in either of those places ; 
 but I am sure a single woman as you are, might with economy upon two hundred 
 pounds a year, maintain herself comfortably any where ; and me into the bargain. 
 Do not invite me in earnest, however, to come and live with you ; for being posted 
 here, I ought not to comply, and I am not sure I should be able to refuse. Present 
 my respects to Mrs. Payne, and Mrs. Heathcoat, for though I have not the honor 
 of knowing them, yet as you say they are friends to the American cause, I am sure 
 they must be women of good understanding. I know you wish you could see me, 
 but as you can t, I will describe myself to yon. Figure me in your mind as jolly as 
 formerly, and as strong and hearty, only a few years older ; very plainly dressed, 
 wearing my thin grey straight hair, that peeps out under my only coiffure, a fine fur 
 cap ; which comes down my forehead almost to my spectacles. Think how this 
 must appear among the powdered heads of Paris ! I wish every lady and gentleman 
 in France would only be so obliging as to follow my fashion, comb their own heads 
 as I do mine, dismiss iheirfriseurs, and pay me half the money they paid to them. 
 You see the gentry might well afford this, and I could then enlist these Jriseurs, 
 (who are at least 100,000) and with the money I would maintain them, make a visit 
 with them to England, and dress the heads of your ministers and privy counsellors; 
 which I conceive at present to he un pen dtrangees. Adieu ! madcap ; and believe 
 me ever, your affectionate friend, and humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 P. S. Don t be proud of this long letter. A fit of the gout which has confined m e 
 five days, and made me refuse to see company, has given me a little time to trifle ; 
 otherwise it would have been very short, visitors and business would have interrupt 
 ed : and perhaps, with Mrs. Barrow, you wish they had. 
 
 To DR. COOTER, BOSTON. 
 
 Paris, May l t 1777. 
 
 I thank you for your kind congratulations on my safe arrival 
 VOL. IT. C 
 
18 MEMOIRS OP BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 here, and for your good wishes. I am, as you supposed, treated with great civility 
 and respect by all orders of people; but it gives me still greater satisfaction to find 
 that our being here is of some use to our country. On that head I cannot be more 
 explicit at present. 
 
 I rejoice with you in the happy change of affairs in America, last winter; I hope 
 the same train of success will continue through the summer. Our enemies are dis 
 appointed in the number of additional troops they purposed to send over. What 
 they have been able to muster will not probably recruit their army to the state it was 
 in the beginning of last campaign ; and ours I hope will be equally numerous, better 
 armed, and better clothed, than they have been heretofore. 
 
 All Europe is on our side of the question, as far as applause and good wishes can 
 carry them. Those who live under arbitrary power do nevertheless approve of li 
 berty, and wish for it : they almost despair of recovering it in Europe ; they read 
 the translations of our separate colony constitutions with rapture ; and there are such 
 numbers every where who talk of removing to America, with their families and for 
 tunes, as soon as peace and our independence shall be established, that it is gene 
 rally believed we shall have a prodigious addition of strength, wealth, and arts, from 
 the emigrations of Europe ; and it is thought that to lessen or prevent such emigra 
 tions, the tyrannies established there must relax, and allow more liberty to their 
 people. Hence it is a common observation here, that our cause is the cause of all 
 mankind; and that we are fighting for their liberty in defending our own. It is a 
 glorious task assigned us by Providence ; which has, I trust, given us spirit and vir 
 tue equal to it, and will at last crown it with success. 
 
 I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FIIANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. WINTHROF, BOSTON. 
 DEAR SIR, Paris, May 1, 1777. 
 
 I received your kind letter of February 28, which gave me 
 great pleasure. 
 
 I forwarded your letter to Dr. Price, who was well lately, but his friends, on his 
 account, were under some apprehensions from the violence of government, in con 
 sequence of his late excellent publications in favour of liberty. I wish all the friends 
 of liberty and man would quit that sink of corruption, and leave it to its fate. 
 
 The people of this country are almost unanimously in our favour. The govern 
 ment has its reasons for postponing a war, but is making daily the most diligent pre 
 parations ; wherein Spain goes hand in hand. In the mean time, America has the 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 19 
 
 whole harvest of prizes made upon the British commerce ; a kind of monopoly that 
 lias its advantages, as by affording greater encouragement to cruisers, it increases 
 the number of our seamen, and thereby augments our naval power. 
 
 The conduct of those Princes of Germany, who have sold the blood of their 
 people, has subjected them to the contempt and odium of all Europe. The Prince 
 of Anspach, whose recruits mutinied and refused to march, was obliged to disarm, 
 and fetter them, and drive them to the sea-side by the help of his guards ; himself 
 attending in person. In his return he was publicly hooted by mobs through every 
 town he passed in Holland, with all sorts of reproachful epithets. The King of 
 Prussia s humour of obliging those Princes to pay him the same toll per 
 head for the men they drive through his dominions, as used to be paid him for their 
 cattle, because they were sold as such, is generally spoken of with approbation ; as 
 containing a just reproof of those tyrants. I send you inclosed one of the many 
 satires that have appeared on this occasion. 
 
 With best wishes of prosperity to yourself and to my dear country, where I hope 
 to spend my last years, and lay my bones, 
 
 I am ever, dear Sir, your affectionate friend, and humble servant, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN, 
 
 To MR. GUSHING, BOSTON. 
 SIR, Paris, May \, 1777. 
 
 I thank you for your kind congratulations on my arrival here, 
 
 and shall be happy in finding that our negociations on this side the water are of 
 effectual service to our country. 
 
 The general news here is, that all Europe is arming and preparing for war, as if 
 it were soon expected. Many of the powers however, have their reasons for endea 
 vouring to postpone it, at least a few months longer. 
 
 Our enemies will not be able to send against us all the strength they intended 
 they can procure but few Germans; and their recruiting and impressing at home, 
 goes on but heavily. They threaten, however, and give out, that Lord Howe is to 
 bombard Boston this summer, and Burgoyne, with the troops from Canada, to de 
 stroy Providence, and lay waste Connecticut ; while Howe marches against Phila 
 delphia. They will do us undoubtedly as much mischief as they can : but the vir 
 tue and bravery of our countrymen, will, with the blessing of God, prevent part of 
 what they intend, and nobly bear the rest. This campaign is entered upon with a 
 mixture of rage and despair, as their whole scheme of reducing us depends upon its 
 
20 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 success ; the wisest of the nation being clear that if this fails, administration will not 
 be able to support another. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. THOMAS VINY, TENTERDEN, KENT. 
 DEAR SIR, P. assy, May 4, 1779. 
 
 I received with great pleasure your kind letter, as I learnt 
 
 by it that my hospitable friend still exists, and that his friendship for me had not 
 abated. 
 
 We have had a hard struggle, but the Almighty has favoured the just cause, and I 
 join most heartily with you in your prayers that he may perfect his work, and esta 
 blish freedom in the new world, as an asylum for those of the old, who deserve it. 
 I find that many worthy and wealthy families of this continent are determined to 
 remove thither and partake of it, as soon as peace shall make the passage safer ; for 
 which peace I also join your prayers most cordially, as I think the war a detestable 
 one ; and grieve much at the mischief and misery it occasions to many ; my only 
 consolation being that I did all in my power to prevent it. 
 
 When all the bustle is over, if my short remainder of life will permit my return 
 thither, what a pleasure will it be to me to see my old friend and his children settled 
 there. I hope he will rind vines and figtrees there for all of them, under which we 
 may sit and converse, enjoying peace and plenty, a good government, good laws and 
 liberty, without which men lose half their value. 
 
 I am with much esteem, dear friend, yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MRS. WRIGHT, l LONDON. 
 DEAR MADAM> Passy, May 4, 1779. 
 
 I received your favour of the 14th of March past, and 
 if you should continue in your resolution of returning to America, through France, I 
 
 1 Mrs. MEHETABEL WRIGHT, was altogether a very extraordinary woman. She was the niece of the 
 celebrated John Wesley, but was born at Philadelphia, in which city her parents settled at an early pe 
 riod. Mrs. Wriglit was greatly distinguished as a modeller in wax ; which art she turned to a remark 
 able account in the American war, by coming to England, and exhibiting her performances. 1 his 
 enabled her to procure much intelligence of importance, which she communicated to Dr. Franklin and 
 others, with wlrom she corresponded during the whole war. As soon as a general was appointed, or. a 
 squadron begun to be fitted out, the old lady found moans of access to some family where she could 
 gain information, and thus without being at all suspccttd, she contrived to transmit an account of the- 
 r of the troops, and the place of their destination to her political friends abroad. She at one time 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 21 
 
 shall certainly render you any of the little services in my power : but there are so 
 many difficulties at present in getting passages hence, particularly safe ones for wo 
 men, that uiethinks I should advise your stay till more settled times, and, till a more 
 frequent intercourse is established, 
 
 As to the exercise of your art here, I am in doubt whether it would answer your 
 expectations. Here are two or three who profess it, and make a show of 
 their works on the Boulevards ; but it is not the taste for persons of fashion to sit 
 to these artists for their portraits : and both house-rent and living at Paris is very 
 expensive. 
 
 I thought that friendship required I should acquaint you with these circumstances; 
 after which you will use your discretion. 
 
 I am, &c.. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 [Written in the envelope of the above.] 
 
 P. S. My grandson, whom you may remember when a little saucy boy at school* 
 being my amanuensis in writing the within letter, has been diverting me with his 
 remarks. He conceives that your figures cannot be packed up, without damage 
 from any thing you could rill the boxes with to keep them steady. He supposes 
 therefore, that you must put them into post-chaises, two and two, which will make a 
 long train upon the road, and be a very expensive conveyance; but as they will eat 
 nothing at the Inns, you may the better afford it. When they corne to Dover, he 
 is sure they are so like life and nature, that the master of the packet will not receive 
 them on board without passes ; which you will do well therefore to take out from 
 the Secretary s Office, before you leave London ; where they will cost you only the 
 modest price of two guineas and sixpence each, which you will pay without grumb 
 ling, because you are sure the money will never be employed against your country. 
 It will require, he says, five or six of the long wicker French stage coaches to carry 
 them as passengers from Calais to Paris, and a ship with good accommodations to 
 convey them to America ; where all the world will wonder at your clemency to Lord 
 
 N ; that having it in your power to hang, or send him to the lighters, you had 
 
 generously reprieved him for transportation. 
 
 had frequent access to Buckingham-House; and used, it was said, to speak IKT sentiments very freely to 
 their Majesties, who were amused with her originality. The great Lord Chatham honoured her with. 
 his visits, and she took his likeness which appears in Westminster Abb y, Mrs. Wright died very old 
 in February, 1786V * 
 
22 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 To MR. BRIDGEN, LONDON. 
 DEAR Sru, Passy, October 2, 1779- 
 
 I received your favor of the 17th past, and the two samples 
 
 of copper are since come to hand. The metal seems to be very good, and the price 
 reasonable, but I have not yet received the orders necessary to justify my making the 
 purchase proposed. There has indeed been an intention to strike copper coin that 
 may not only be useful as small change, but serve other purposes. Instead of re 
 peating continually upon every halfpenny the dull story that every body knows, (and 
 what it would have been no loss to mankind if nobody had ever known,) that Geo. 
 III. is King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, &c. &c. To put on one side, 
 some important Proverb of Solomon, some pious moral, prudential or economical 
 precept, the frequent inculcation of which, by seeing it every time one receives a 
 piece of money, might make an impression upon the mind, especially of young per 
 sons, and tend to regulate the conduct; such as on some, The fear of the Lord is 
 the beginning of wisdom ; on others, Honesty is the best policy ; on others, He that 
 by the plow would thrive, himself must either hold or drive ; on others, Keep thy 
 shop, and thy shop will keep thee; on others, a penny saved is a penny got ; on 
 others. He that buys what he has no need of, will soon be forced to sell his necessa 
 ries; on others, Early to bed, and early to rise, will make a man healthy, wealthy, 
 and wise ; and so on to a great variety. The other side it was proposed to rill with 
 good designs, drawn and engraved by the best artists in France, of all the different 
 species of barbarity with which the English have carried on the war in America, 
 expressing every abominable circumstance of their cruelty and inhumanity, that 
 figures can express, to make an impression on the minds of posterity as strong and 
 durable as that on the copper. This resolution has been a long time forborne, but 
 the late burning of defenceless towns in Connecticut, on the flimsy pretence that the 
 people fired from behind their houses, when it is known to have been premeditated 
 and ordered from England, will probably give the finishing provocation, and may 
 occasion a vast demand for your metal. 
 
 I thank you for your kind wishes respecting my health, I return them most cor 
 dially fourfold into your own bosom. Adieu. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. B. VAUCHAN. 
 i)Aii SIR, Passy, Nov. 9, 1779. 
 
 I have received several kind letters from you, which I have 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 23 
 
 not regularly answered. They gave me however great pleasure, as they acquainted 
 me with your welfare, and that of your fimily, and other friends: and I hope you 
 will continue writing to me as often as you can do it conveniently. 
 
 I thank you much for the great care and pains you have taken in regulating and 
 correcting the edition of those papers. Your friendship for me appears in almost 
 every page ; and if the preservation of any of them should prove of use to the 
 public, it is to you that the public will owe the obligation. In looking them over, I 
 have noted some faults of impression that hurt the sense, and some other little 
 matters, which you will find all in a sheet under the title of Errata. You can best 
 judge whether it may be worth while to add any of them to the errata already print 
 ed, or whether it may not be as well to reserve the whole for correction in another 
 edition, if such should ever be. Inclosed I send a more perfect copy of the 
 chapter. * 
 
 If I should ever recover the pieces that were in the hands of my son, and those I 
 left among my papers in America, I think there may be enough to make three more 
 such volumes, of which a great part would be more interesting. 
 
 As to the time of publishing, of which you ask my opinion ; I am not furnished 
 with any reasons, or ideas of reasons on which to form any opinion. Naturally I 
 should suppose the bookseller to be from experience the best judge, and I should 
 be for leaving it to him. 
 
 I did not write the pamphlet you mention. I know nothing of it. I suppose it is 
 the same, concerning which. Doctor Priestley formerly asked me the same question. 
 That for which he took it r was intitled, A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity > 
 Pleasure and Pain, with these lines in the title page. 
 
 " Whatever is, is right. But purblind man, 
 
 Sees but a part o the chain, the nearest link : 
 His eye not carrying to that equal beam 
 
 That poises a/I above Dryden. 
 
 London : printed MDCCXXF. * 
 
 I return the manuscripts you were so obliging as to send me; I am concerned at 
 your having no other copies, I hope these will get safe to your hands ; I do not re 
 member the Duke de Chartres showing me the letter you mention. I have received 
 Dr. Crawfurd s book, but not your abstract, which I wait for as you desire. 
 
 I send you also Mr. Dupont s Table Economique, which I think an excellent 
 
 1 A Parable against Persecution. See Papers on Miscellaneous Subjects. 
 
 2 Sec a full account of ihis Pamphlet in Memoirs of the Life, Vol. J. //. 45, 
 
34 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 thing, as it contains in a clear method all the principles of that new sect, called here 
 Ics Economistes. 
 
 Poor Henley s dying in that manner is inconceivable to me. Is any reason given 
 to account for it, besides insanity ? 
 
 Remember me affectionately to all the good family, and believe me with great 
 esteem, my dear friend, yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To PE RE BECCARIA. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, November 19, 1779. 
 
 Having some time since heard of your illness with great con 
 cern, it gave me infinite pleasure to learn this day from M. Chantel, (who did me 
 the honor of a visit) that you were so far recovered as to be able to make little ex 
 cursions on horseback ; I pray God that your convalescence may be quick and per 
 fect, and your health be again firmly established : science would lose too much in 
 losing one so zealous and active in its cause, and so capable of accelerating its pro 
 gress and augmenting its dominions. 
 
 I find myself here immersed in affairs, which absorb my attention, and prevent 
 my pursuing those studies in which I always found the highest satisfaction : and I 
 am now grown so old as hardly to hope for a return of that leisure and tranquillity 
 so necessary for philosophical disquisitions. I have however, not long since thrown 
 a few thoughts on paper relative to the Aurora Borealis, * which I would send you, 
 but that I suppose you may have seen them in the Journal of TAbbe" Rozier. If 
 not, I will make out a copy and send it to you ; perhaps with some corrections. 
 
 Every thing of your writing is always very welcome to me ; if, therefore, you 
 have lately published any new experiments or observations in physics, I shall be 
 happy to see them, when you have an opportunity of sending them to me. 
 
 With the highest esteem, respect, and affection, I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 1 GIOVANNI BATTJSBE BECCARIA, a religious of the school of Piety, was a native of Mondovi. His 
 celebrity as a teacher of mathematics and philosophy, first at Palermo, and afterwards at Rome, caused 
 him to be invited to Turin, where he filled the chair of experimental lecturer, and was employed in the 
 tuition of some branches of the Royal Family. His correspondence was sought by men of letters in 
 various countries; an,d he imparted to Dr. Franklin in particular, many important facts on philosophi 
 cal subjects. Father Bcccaria, died at Turin, in an advanced age, in 1781. His "Dissertations on 
 Elcciricity," have been published ; but the most curious of his pieces is an " Essay on the Cause of 
 Storms and Tempests." * See "papers on Philosophical Subjects. " 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 25 
 
 To DR. PRICE, LONDON. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, February 6, 1780. 
 
 I received but very lately your kind favor of October 14th. 
 
 Dr. Ingenhousz, who brought it, having staid long in Holland. I sent the enclosed 
 directly to Mr. L. It gave me great pleasure to understand that you continue well. 
 Your writings, after all the abuse you and they have met with, begin to make serious 
 impressions on those who at first rejected the counsels you gave ; and they will ac 
 quire new weight every day, and be in high esteem when the cavils against them are 
 dead and forgotten. Please to present my affectionate respects to that honest, sensi 
 ble, and intelligent society, who did me so long the honor of admitting me to share 
 in their instructive conversations. I never think of the hours I so happily spent in 
 that company, without regretting that they are never to be repeated ; for I see no 
 prospect of an end to this unhappy war in my time. Dr. Priestley, you tell me, 
 continues his experiments with success. We make daily great improvements in na 
 tural There is one I wish to see in moral Philosophy ; the discovery of a plan 
 that would induce and oblige nations to settle their disputes without first cutting one 
 another s throats. When will human reason be sufficiently improved to see the ad 
 vantage of this ? When will men be convinced that even successful wars at length 
 
 O O 
 
 become misfortunes to those who unjustly commenced them, and who triumphed 
 blindly in their success, not seeing all its consequences. Your great comfort and 
 mine in this war is, that we honestly and faithfully did every thing in our power to 
 prevent it. Adieu, and believe me ever, my dear friend, yours, c. B. F. 
 
 4 1 
 
 To DR. PRIESTLEY. 
 D E A R S i R, Passy, February 8, 1780. 
 
 Your kind letter of September 27th, came to hand but very 
 lately, the bearer having staid long in Holland*. 
 
 I always rejoice to hear of your being still employed in experimental researches 
 into nature, and of the success you meet with. The rapid progress true science now 
 makes, occasions my regretting sometimes that I was born so soon: it is impossible 
 to imagine the height to which may be carried in a thousand years, the power of man 
 over matter ; we may perhaps learn to deprive large masses of their gravity, and 
 give them absolute levity, for the sake of easy transport. Agriculture may diminish its 
 labour and double its produce: all diseases may by sure means be prevented or 
 cured, (not excepting even that of old age) and our lives lengthened at pleasure even 
 
 1 Supposed to allude to a club at the London Coffee-house. 
 VOL. II. D 
 
26 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 beyond the antediluvian standard. O that moral science were in as fair a way of 
 improvement, that men would cease to be wolves to one another, and that human 
 beings would at length learn what they now improperly call humanity ! 
 
 I am glad my little paper on the Aurora Borealis pleased. If it should occasion 
 farther inquiry, and so produce a better hypothesis, it will not be wholly useless. 
 
 I am ever, with the greatest and most sincere esteem, dear Sir, &c. B. F. 
 
 [Inclosed in the foregoing Letter; being an answer to a separate paper received 
 
 from Dr. Priestley. ] 
 
 I have considered the situation of that person very attentively; I 
 think that with a little help from the Moral Algebra, he might form a better judg 
 ment than any other person can form for him. But since my opinion seems to be 
 desired, I give it for continuing to the end of the term, under all the present disagree 
 able circumstances : the connection will then die a natural death. No reason will be 
 expected to be given for the separation, and of course no offence taken at reasons 
 given , the friendship may still subsist, and in some other way be useful. The time 
 diminishes daily, and is usefully employed. All human situations have their incon- 
 veniencies ; we feel those that we find in the present, and we neither feel nor see those 
 that exist in another. Hence we make frequent and troublesome changes without 
 amendment, and often for the worse. In my youth I was passenger in a little sloop, 
 descending the River Delaware. There being no wind, we were obliged when the 
 ebb was spent, to cast anchor, and wait for the next. The heat of the sun on the 
 vessel was excessive, the company strangers to me, and not very agreeable. Near 
 the river side I saw what I took to be a pleasant green meadow, in the middle of 
 which was a large shady tree, where it struck my fancy I could sit and read, (having a 
 book in my pocket) and pass the time agreeably till the tide turned ; I therefore pre 
 vailed with the captain to put me ashore. Being landed, I found the greatest part 
 of my meadow was really a marsh, in crossing which, to come at my tree, I was up 
 to my knees in mire : and I had not placed myself under its shade five minutes be 
 fore the muskitoes in swarms found me out, attacked my legs, hands, and face, and 
 made my reading and my rest impossible ; so that I returned to the beach, and call 
 ed for the boat to come and take me on board again, where I was obliged to bear 
 the heat I had strove to quit, and also the laugh of the company. Similar cases in 
 the affairs of life have since frequently fallen under my observation. 
 
 I have had thoughts of a college for him in America ; I know no one who might 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 27 
 
 he more useful to the public in the institution of youth. But there are possible 
 unpleasantnesses in that situation : it cannot be obtained but by a too hazardous 
 voyage at this time for a family : and the time for experiments would be all other 
 wise engaged. 
 
 To GENERAL WASHINGTON. 
 SIR, Passy, March 5, 1780, 
 
 I received but lately the letter your Excellency did me the 
 
 honor of writing to me in recommendation of the Marquis de la Fayette. His 
 modesty detained it long in his own hands. We became acquainted however from 
 the time of his arrival at Paris ; and his zeal for the honor of our country, his 
 activity in our affairs here, and his firm attachment to our cause, and to you, im 
 pressed me with the same regard and esteem for him that your Excellency s letter 
 would have done, had it been immediately delivered to me. 
 
 Should peace arrive after another campaign or two, and afford us a little leisure, 
 I should be happy to see your Excellency in Europe, and to accompany you if my 
 age and strength would permit, in visiting some of its ancient and most famous 
 kingdoms. You would on this side the sea, enjoy the great reputation you have 
 acquired, pure and free from those little shades that the jealousy and envy of a man s 
 countrymen and cotemporaries are ever endeavouring to cast over living merit. Here 
 you would know, and enjoy, what posterity will say of Washington. For a thousand 
 leagues have nearly the same effect with a thousand years. The feeble voice of 
 those grovelling passions cannot extend so far either in time or distance. At pre 
 sent I enjoy that pleasure for you : as I frequently hear the old Generals of this 
 martial country (who study the maps of America, and mark upon them all your 
 operations) speak with sincere approbation and great applause of your conduct, 
 and join in giving you the character of one of the greatest captains of the age. 
 
 I must soon quit the scene, but you may live to see our country florish, as it will 
 amazingly and rapidly after the war is over. Like a field of young Indian corn, 
 which long fair weather and sunshine had enfeebled and discolored, and which in 
 that weak state, by a thunder gust of violent wind, hail, and rain seemed to be 
 threatened with absolute destruction ; yet the storm being past, it recovers fresh 
 verdure, shoots up with double vigor, and delights the eye not of its owner only, 
 but of every observing traveller. 
 
 The best wishes that can be formed for your health, honor and. happiness, ever 
 attend you, from Yours &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
28 MEMOIRS QF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To Miss GEORGIANA SHIPLEY. l 
 
 Passy, October 8, 1 780. 
 
 It is long, very long, my dear friend, since I had the great 
 pleasure of hearing from you, and receiving any of your very pleasing letters. But 
 it is my fault. I have long omitted my part of the correspondence. Those who 
 love to receive letters should write letters. I wish I could safely promise an amend 
 ment of that fault. But besides the indolence attending age, and growing upon us 
 
 O ~ 7 O O I 
 
 with it, my time is engrossed by too much business, and I have too many induce 
 ments to postpone doing, what I feel I ought to do for my own sake, and what 
 I can never resolve to omit entirely. 
 
 Your translations from Horace, as far as I cart judge of poetry and translations, 
 are very good. That of the Quo quo ruitis is so suitable to the times, that the con 
 clusion (in your version) seems to threaten like a |>Faph&cy.4 and methinks there is 
 at least some appearance of danger that it may be fulfilled. I am unhappily an 
 enemy, yet I think there has been enough of blood spilt, and I wish what is left 
 in the veins of that once loved people, may be spared ; by a peace solid and ever 
 lasting. 
 
 It is a great while since I have heard any thing of the good Bishop. Strange 
 that so simple a character should sufficiently distinguish one of that sacred body ! 
 Donnez moi de sts Nouvelles. I have been sometime flattered with the expecta 
 tion of seeing the countenance of that most honoured and ever beloved friend, 
 delineated by your pencil. The portrait is said to have been long on the way, but 
 is not yet arrived: nor can I hear where it is. 
 
 Indolent as I have confessed myself to be, I could not, you see, miss this good 
 and safe opportunity of sending you a few lines, with my best wishes for your 
 happiness, and that of the whole dear and amiable family in whose sweet society I 
 have spent so many happy hours. Mr. Jones * tells me he shall have a pleasure in 
 being the bearer of my letter, of uhich I make no doubt; I learn from him, that 
 to your drawing, and music, and painting and poetry, and latin, you have added a 
 proficiency in chess ; so that you are, as the French say, remplie de Talen&\ 
 May they and you fall to the lot of one that shall duly value them, and love you as 
 much as I do. Adieu. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 1 Daughter of Dr. Shipley, Bishop of St. Asaph. 
 
 * Afterwards Sir William. Jones, who married into the Bishop of St. Asaph s family. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 29 
 
 To DOCTOR PRICE. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, October 9, 1780. 
 
 Besides the pleasure of their company, I had the great satisfac 
 tion of hearing by your two valuable friends, and learning from your letter, that you 
 enjoy a good state of health. May God continue it as well for the good of mankind 
 as for your comfort. I thank you much for the second edition of your excellent 
 pamphlet : I forwarded that you sent to Mr. Dana, he being in Holland. I wish also to 
 see the piece you have written, ( as Mr. Jones tells me) on toleration : I do not expect 
 that your new parliament will be either wiser or honester than the last. All projects 
 to procure an honest one, by place bills, &c. appear to me vain and impracticable. 
 The true cure I imagine is to be found only in rendering all places unprofitable, 
 and the king too poor to give bribes and pensions. Till this is done, which can 
 only be by a revolution, and I think you have not virtue enough left to procure one, 
 your nation will always be plundered; and obliged to pay by taxes the plunderers 
 for plundering and ruining. Liberty and virtue therefore join in the call, COME 
 OUT OF HER, MY PEOPLE ! I am fully of your opinion respecting religious tests ; 
 but though the people of Massachusetts have not in their new constitution kept 
 quite clear of them ; yet if we consider what that people were one hundred years 
 ago, we must allow they have gone greater lengths in liberality of sentiment, on 
 religious subjects : and we may hope for greater degrees of perfection when their 
 constitution some years hence shall be revised. If Christian preachers had con 
 tinued to teach as Christ and his apostles did, without salaries, and as the Quakers 
 now do, I imagine tests would never have existed : for I think they were invented not 
 so much to secure religion itself, as the emoluments of it. When a religion is good, 
 I conceive that it will support itself; and when it cannot support itself, and God 
 does not take care to support it, so that its professors are obliged to call for the 
 help of the civil power, tis a sign, I apprehend, of its being a bad one. But I shaJl 
 be out of my depth if I wade any deeper in theology, and I will not trouble you 
 with politics, nor with news which are almost as uncertain : but conclude with a 
 heartfelt wish to embrace you once more, and enjoy your sweet society in. peace, 
 among our honest, worthy, ingenious friends at the London. Adieu, &c. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
30 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To M. COURT DE GEBELIN, Paris. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, May 7, 1781. 
 
 I am glad the little book l proved acceptable. It does not ap 
 pear to me intended for a grammar to teach the language : It is rather what we call 
 in English a spelling-book, in which the only method observed, is, to arrange the 
 words according to their number of syllables, placing those of one syllable together, 
 then those of two syllables, and so on. And it is to be observed, that Sa ki ma, for 
 tastance, is not three words, but one word of three syllables ; and the reason that hy 
 phens are not placed between the syllables is, that the printer had not enough of them 
 
 As the Indians had no letters, they had no orthography. The Delaware language 
 being differently spelt from the Virginian, may not always arise from a difference in 
 the languages ; for strangers who learn the language of an Indian nation, rinding 
 no orthography, are at liberty in writing the language to use such compositions of 
 letters as they think will best produce the sounds of the words. I have observed that 
 our Europeans of different nations, who learn the same Indian language, form each 
 his own orthography according to the usual sounds given to the letters in his own 
 language. Thus the same words of the Mohock language written by an English, a 
 French, and a German interpreter, often differ very much in the spelling ; and with 
 out knowing the usual powers of the letters in the language of the interpreter, one 
 cannot come at the pronunciation of the Indian words. The spelling-book in ques 
 tion was, I think, written by a German. 
 
 You mention a Virginian Bible. Is it not the Bible of the Massachusetts Ian- 
 
 o 
 
 guage, translated by Elliot, and printed in New England, about the middle of the 
 last century? I know this Bible, but have never heard of one in the Virginian lan 
 guage. Your observations of the similitude between many of the words, and those 
 of the ancient world, are indeed very curious. 
 
 The inscription which you find to be Phenician, is, I think, near Taunton (not 
 
 1 ANTOINE COURT DE GEBELIN, born atNismes, in 1725, of a Protestant family, became a mi 
 nister in that communion, first in the Cevcnncs, and next at Lausanne ; which however he quitted, to 
 gether with the clerical function, for the profession of literature at Paris, where he acquired so great a 
 reputation as an antiquary and philologer, that he was appointed to superintend one of the museums. 
 He lost much of his reputation, however, by his enthusiastic zeal in favour of animal magnetism. He 
 died at Paris, May 13, 1/84. His great work is entitled, " Monde Primitif, analyse et compare avec 
 le Monde Moderne," 9 torn. 4to. The excellence of his character may be appreciated from the single 
 fact, that on quitting Switzerland, he voluntarily gave to his sister the principal part of his patrimony, 
 reserving little for himself, and depending for a maintenance upon the exercise of his talents. 
 
 2 A Vocabulary of the Language of one of the Indian tribes in North America. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 31 
 
 Jannston, as you write it). There is some account of it in the old Philosophical 
 Transactions ; I have never been at the place, but shall be glad to see your remarks 
 on it. 
 
 The compass appears to have been long known in China, before it was known in 
 Europe ; unless we suppose it known to Homer, who makes the Prince, that lent 
 ships to Ulysses, boast that they had a spirit in them by whose directions they could 
 find their way in a cloudy day, or the darkest night. If any Phenicians arrived in 
 America, I should rather think it was not by the accident of a storm, but in the 
 course of their long and adventurous voyages; and that they coasted from Den 
 mark and Norway, over to Greenland, and down southward by Newfoundland, 
 Nova Scotia, Sec. to New England ; as the Danes themselves certainly did some 
 ages before Columbus. 
 
 Our new American society will be happy in the correspondence you mention, and 
 when it is possible for me, I shall be glad to attend the meetings of your society, 
 which I am sure must be very instructive. With great and sincere esteem, I have 
 the honour to be, &c. 13. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To EDMUND BURKE, ESQ. M.P. 
 SIR, Passy, Oct. 15, 1781. 
 
 I received but a few days since your very friendly letter of August 
 last, on the subject of General Burgoyne. 
 
 Since the foolish part of mankind will make wars from time to time with each 
 other, not having sense enough otherwise to settle their differences, it certainly be 
 comes the wiser part, who cannot prevent those wars, to alleviate as much as possible 
 the calamities attending them. Mr. Burke always stood high in my esteem; but bis 
 affectionate concern for his friend renders him still more amiable, and makes the ho 
 nour he does me of admitting me of the number, still more precious. 
 
 I do not think the Congress have any wish to persecute General Burgoyne. I 
 never heard till I received your letter that they had recalled him ; if they have made 
 such a resolution, it must be, I suppose, a conditional one, to take place in case their 
 Coffer of exchanging him for Mr. Laurens should not be accepted; a resolution in 
 tended merely to enforce that offer. 
 
 I have just received an authentic copy of the resolve containing that offer ; and 
 authorising me to make it. As I have no communication with your ministers, I send 
 it inclosed to you. I If you can find any means of negociating this business, I am 
 
 1 Wanting. 
 
32 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 sure the restoring another worthy man to his family and friends, will be an addition 
 to your pleasure. With great and invariable respect and affection, I am, Sir, your 
 most obedient, and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To His EXCELLENCY, GENERAL WASHINGTON. 
 
 SIR, Passy, April <2, 1?82, 
 
 I received duly the honor of your letter, accompanying the 
 
 capitulation of Gen. Cornwallis. All the world agree that no expedition was ever 
 better planned or better executed ; it has made a great addition to the military re 
 putation you had already acquired, and brightens the glory that surrounds your 
 name, and that must accompany it to our latest posterity. No news could possibly 
 make me more happy. The infant Hercules has now strangled the two serpents 
 that attacked him in his cradle, and I trust his future history will be answerable. 
 
 This will be presented to you by the Count de Segur. He is son of tlie Marquis 
 de Segur, Minister of War, and our very good friend : but I need not claim your 
 regards to the young gentleman on that score ; his amiable personal qualities, his 
 very sensible conversation, and his zeal for the cause of liberty, will obtain and bc- 
 cure your esteem, and be better recommendation than any I can give him. 
 
 The English seem not to know either how to continue the war, or to make peace 
 \vith us. Instead of entering into a regular treaty, for putting an end to a contest 
 they are tired of, they have voted in Parliament, that the recovery of America by 
 force is impracticable, that an offensive war against us ought not to be continued, 
 and that whoever advises it shall be deemed an enemy to his country. 
 
 Thus the garrisons of New- York, and Charlestown, if continued there, must sit 
 still, being only allowed to defend themselves. The ministry not understanding or 
 approving this making of peace by halves, have quitted their places, but we have no 
 certain account here who is to succeed them, so that the measures likely to be taken 
 are yet uncertain ; probably we shall know something of them before the Marquis 
 de ia Fayette takes his departure. There are grounds for good hopes however; but 
 I think we should not therefore relax in our preparations for a vigorous campaign, 
 as that nation is subject to sudden fluctuations; and though somewhat humiliated at 
 present, a little success in the West Indies may dissipate their present fears, recal 
 their natural insolence, and occasion the interruption of negotiation, and a conti 
 nuance of the war. We have great stores purchased here for the use of your army, 
 which will be sent as soon as transports can be procured for them to go under good 
 convoy. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 33 
 
 My best wishes always have, and always will attend you, being with the greatest 
 and most sincere esteem and respect, Sir, your Excellency s most obedient, and most 
 humble servant, . B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE REV. DR. PRIESTLEY. 
 DEAR Siu, Passy, June 7, 1782. 
 
 I received your kind letter of the 7th of April, also one of 
 
 the 3d of May. I have always great pleasure in hearing from you, in learning that 
 you are well, and that you continue your experiments. I should rejoice much if I 
 could once more recover the leisure to search with you into the works of nature ; I 
 mean the inanimate, not the animate or moral part of them : the more I discovered 
 of the former, the more I admired them ; the more I know of the latter, the more I 
 am disgusted with them. Men, I find to be a sort of beings very badly constructed, 
 as they are generally more easily provoked than reconciled, more disposed to do 
 mischief to each other than to make reparation, much more easily deceived than un 
 deceived, and having more pride and even pleasure in killing than in begetting one 
 another ; for without a blush they assemble in great armies at noon-day to destroy, 
 and when they have killed as many as they can, they exaggerate the number to aug 
 ment the fancied glory ; but they creep into corners, or cover themselves with the 
 darkness of night when they mean to beget, as being ashamed of a virtuous action. 
 A virtuous action it would be, and a vicious one the killing of them, if the species 
 were really worth producing or preserving; but of this I begin to doubt. I know 
 you have no such doubts, because in your zeal for their welfare, you are taking a 
 great deal of pains to save their souls. Perhaps as you grow older, you may look 
 upon this as a hopeless project, or an idle amusement, repent of having murdered in 
 mephitic air so many honest, harmless mice, and wish that to prevent mischief you 
 had used boys and girls instead of them. In what light we are viewed by superior 
 beings, may be gathered from a piece of late West-India news, which possibly has 
 not yet reached you. A young angel of distinction being sent down to this world on 
 some business, for the first time, had an old courier-spirit assigned him as a guide; 
 they arrived over the seas of Martinico, in the middle of the long day of obstinate 
 fight between the fleets of Rodney, and De Grasse. When through the clouds of 
 smoke, he saw the fire of the guns, the decks covered with mangled limbs, and bo 
 dies dead or dying, the ships sinking, burning, or blown into the air, and the quan 
 tity of pain, misery, and destruction, the crews yet alive were thus with so much 
 eagerness dealing round to one another ; he turned angrily to his guide, and said, 
 VOL. II. E 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 you blundering blockhead, you are ignorant of your business ; you undertook to con 
 duct me to the earth, and you have brought me into hell ! No, Sir, says the guide, I 
 have made no mistake; this is really the earth, and these are men. Devils never 
 treat one another in this cruel manner ; they have more sense, and more of what 
 men (vainly) call humanity. 
 
 But to be serious, my dear old friend, I love you as much as ever, and I love all 
 the honest souls that meet at the London Coffee- House. I only wonder how it hap 
 pened that they and my other friends in England, came to be such good creatures in 
 the midst of so perverse a generation. I long to see them and you once more, and 
 I labour for peace with more earnestness, that I may again be happy in your sweet 
 society. 
 
 I showed your letter to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, who thinks with me that the 
 new experiments you have made are extremely curious, and he has given me there 
 upon a note which I inclose, and I request you would furnish me with the answer 
 desired. 
 
 Yesterday the Count du Nord was at the Academy of Sciences, when sundry ex 
 periments were exhibited for his entertainment ; among them, one by M. Lavoisier, 
 to show that the strongest fire we yet know is made in a charcoal blown upon with 
 dephlogisticated air. In a heat so produced, he melted platina presently, the fire 
 being much more powerful than that of the strongest burning mirror. Adieu, and 
 believe me ever, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DR. SHIPLEY, BISHOP OF ST. ASAPH.* 
 
 Passy, June 10, 1782. 
 
 I received and read the letter from my dear and much respected friend, 
 with infinite pleasure. After so long a silence, and the long continuance of its un 
 fortunate causes, a line from you was a prognostic of happier times approaching, 
 when we may converse and communicate freely, without danger from the malevo 
 lence of men enraged by the ill success of their distracted projects. 
 
 I long with you for the return of peace, on the general principles of humanity. 
 
 1 The Grand Duke of Russia, afterwards Emperor, Paul I. 
 
 * JONATHAN SHIPLEY took his degrees at Christ Church, and in 1743, was made Prebendary of 
 Winchester. After travelling in 1745, with the Duke of Cumberland, he was promoted in 1749 to a 
 Canonry at Christ Church, became Dean of Winchester in 1760, and in 1769, Bishop of St. Asaph. 
 He was author of some elegant verses on the death of Queen Caroline, and published besides, some 
 poems and sermons, and died 1788. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 35 
 
 The hope of being able to pass a few more of my last days happily in the sweet 
 conversations and company I once enjoyed atTwyford, is a particular motive that 
 adds strength to the general wish, and quickens my industry to procure that best of 
 blessings. After much occasion to consider the folly and mischiefs of a state of war 
 fare, and the little or no advantage obtained even by those nations who have con 
 ducted it with the most success ; I have been apt to think that there has never been, 
 nor ever will be any such thing as a good war, or a bad peace. 
 
 You ask if I still relish my old studies? I relish them, but I cannot pursue thetn~ 
 My time is engrossed unhappily with other concerns. I requested of the Congress 
 last year, my discharge from this public station, that I might enjoy a little leisure in 
 the evening of a long life of business : but it was refused me, and I have been obliged 
 to drudge on a little longer. 
 
 You are happy as your years come on, in having that dear and most amiable 
 family about you. Four daughters ! how rich ! I have but one, and she, necessarily 
 detained from me at a thousand leagues distance. I feel the want of that tender care 
 of me which might be expected from a daughter, and would give the world for one. 
 Your shades are all placed in a row over my fire-place, so that I not only have you 
 always in my mind, but constantly before my eyes. 
 
 The cause of liberty and America, has been greatly obliged to you. I hope you 
 will live long to see that country flourish under its new constitution, which I am sure 
 will give you great pleasure. Will you permit me to express another hope, that now 
 your friends are in power, they will take the first opportunity of showing the sense 
 they ought to have of your virtues and your merit ? 
 
 Please to make my best respects acceptable to Mrs. Shipley, and embrace for me 
 tenderly all our dear children. With the utmost esteem, respect, and veneration, I 
 am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DR. INGENHAUSZ.* 
 
 Passy, June 21, 1782. 
 I am sorry that any misunderstanding should arise between you 
 
 and Dr. . The indiscretions of friends on both sides, often occasion such 
 
 misunderstandings. When they produce public altercations, the ignorant are diverted 
 at the expence of the learned. I hope therefore, that you will omit the polemic 
 piece in your French edition, and take no public notice of the improper behaviour of 
 
 1 The country residence of the Bishop. 
 JOHN INGENHAUSZ, F.R.S. an eminent physician and chemist, born at Breda, 1/30, died in 179 ( J. 
 
36 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 your friend ; but go on with your excellent experiments, produce facts, improve 
 science, and do good to mankind. Reputation will follow, and the little injustices 
 of cotemporary labourers will be forgotten; my example may encourage you, or 
 else I should not mention it. You know that when my papers were first published, 
 the Abb6 Nollet, then high in reputation, attacked them in a book of letters. An 
 answer was expected from me, but I made none, to that book nor to any other. 
 They are now all neglected, and the truth seems to be established : you can always 
 employ your time better than in polemics. 
 
 Monsieur Lavoisier, the other day showed an experiment at the Academy of 
 Sciences, to the Comte du Nord, that is said to be curious. He kindled an hollow 
 charcoal, and blew into it a stream of dephlogisticated air. In this focus, which is 
 said to be the hottest fire human art has yet been able to produce, he melted platina 
 in a few minutes. 
 
 Our American affairs wear a better aspect now than at any time heretofore. Our 
 councils are perfectly united ; our people all armed and disciplined. Much and fre 
 quent service as militia has indeed made them all soldiers. Our enemies are much 
 diminished, and reduced to two or three garrisons; our commerce and agriculture 
 flourish. England at length sees the difficulty of conquering us, and no longer de 
 mands submission, but asks for peace. She would now think herself happy to obtain 
 a federal union with us, and will endeavour it ; but perhaps will be disappointed, as 
 it is the interest of all Europe to prevent it. I last year requested of Congress to 
 release me from this service, that I might spend the evening of life more agreeably 
 in philosophic leisure ; but I was refused. If I had succeeded, it was my intention to 
 make the tour of Italy, with my grandson, pass into Germany, and spend some time 
 happily with you whom I have always loved, ever since I knew you, with uninter 
 rupted affection. We have lost our common friend, the excellent Pringle ! How 
 many pleasing hours you and I have passed together in his company ! I must soon 
 follow him, being now in my seventy-seventh year ; but you have yet a prospect of 
 many years of usefulness still before you, which I hope you will fully enjoy ; and I 
 am persuaded you will ever kindly remember your truly affectionate friend, B. F. 
 
 To Miss ALEXANDER. 
 
 P assy, June 24, 1782. 
 I am not at all displeased that the thesis and dedication with 
 
 * Sir John Pringle, Bart, born in Roxburghshire, in 1707, Physician to the Queen s household, after 
 wards to the King, and President of the Royal Society ; died in 1782. He wrote " Observations on 
 Diseases of the Army," tyc. <^c. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. J7 
 
 \vhich we were threatened are blown over, for I dislike much all sorts of mummery. 
 The republic of letters has gained no reputation, whatever else it may have gained, 
 by the commerce of dedications ; I never made one, and I never desired that one 
 should be made to me. When I submitted to receive this, it was from the bad ha 
 bit I have long had of doing every thing that ladies desire me to do : there is no re 
 fusing any thing to Madame la Marck, nor to you. I have been to pay my respects 
 to that amiable lady, not merely because it was a compliment due to her, but be 
 cause I love her ; which induces me to excuse her not letting me in ; the same rea 
 son I should have for excusing your faults, if you had any. I have not seen your 
 papa since the receipt of your pleasing letter, so could arrange nothing with him re 
 specting the carriage. During seven or eight days, I shall be very busy : after that 
 you shall hear from me, and the carriage shall be at your service. How could you 
 think of writing to me about chimneys and fires, in such weather as this ! Now is the 
 time for the frugal lady you mention to save her wood, obtain plus de chaleur, and 
 lay it up against winter, as people do ice against summer. Frugality is an enriching 
 virtue; a virtue I never could acquire in myself: but I was once lucky enough to 
 find it in a wife, who thereby became a fortune to me. Do vou possess it ? If you 
 do, and I were twenty years younger, I would give your father one thousand guineas 
 for you. I know you would be worth more to me as a menagere, but I am covetous 
 and love good bargains. Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever, yours most 
 affectionately, B. FKANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. HUTTON, 
 MY OLD AND DEAR FRIEND, Passy, July 7, 1782. 
 
 A letter written by you to M. Berlin, Ministre d Etat, contain- 
 
 1 JAMES HUTTON, son of Doctor Hutton, (who in the early part of his life had been a bookseller) 
 was for many years Secretary to the Society of Moravians. He died April 25, 1795, in his 80th year, 
 at Oxstead Cottage, Surrey ; and was buried in the Moravian ccmetry at Chelsea. He was a well 
 known character, and very generally esteemed. He was a faithful brother of the Moravian fraternity 
 fifty-five years ; the latter part of his life was spent literally in going about doing good, and his charities 
 were confined to no sect. He married a lady of the Moravian nation and religion, but had no chil 
 dren, and was a wklower some years before his death. Mr. Hutton possessed strong sense, with quick 
 feelings and apprehensions, which the illumination of his countenance evinced even at seventy, though 
 his difficulty of hearing was such, that he could only converse by the assistance of an car-trumpet. He 
 was highly esteemed by their present Majesties, and well known to many of the nobility and men of let 
 ters: nor was he refused admittance to the highest ranks, (even at Buckingham-House) though his ar 
 dent benevolence inclined him greatly to neglect his own dress, that he might the better feed the hun 
 gry and cover the naked. 
 
38 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 ing an account of the abominable murders committed by some of the frontier peo 
 ple on the poor Moravian Indians, has given me infinite pain and vexation. The 
 dispensations of Providence in this world puzzle my weak reason ; I cannot com 
 prehend why cruel men should have been permitted thus to destroy their fellow-crea 
 tures. Some of the Indians may be supposed to have committed sins, but one can 
 not think the little children had committed any worthy of death. Why has a single 
 man in England, who happens to love blood, and to hate Americans, been permit 
 ted to gratify that bad temper by hiring German murderers, and joining them with 
 his own, to destroy in a continued course of bloody years, near 100,000 human 
 creatures, many of them possessed of useful talents, virtues, and abilities, to which 
 he has no pretension ! It is he who has furnished the savages with hatchets and 
 scalping knives, and engages them to fall upon our defenceless farmers, and murder 
 them with their wives and children, paying for their scalps, of which the account 
 kept in America, already amounts, as I have heard, to near two thousand ! Per 
 haps the people of the frontiers, exasperated by the cruelties of the Indians, have 
 been induced to kill all Indians that fall into their hands without distinction ; so that 
 even these horrid murders of our poor Moravians may be laid to his charge. And 
 yet this man lives, enjoys all the good things this world can afford, and is surround 
 ed by flatterers, who keep even his conscience quiet by telling him he is the best of 
 Princes ! I wonder at this, but I cannot therefore part with the comfortable belief of a 
 Divine Providence ; and the more I see the impossibility, from the number and ex 
 tent of his crimes, of giving equivalent punishment to a wicked man in this life, the 
 more I am convinced of a future state, in which all that here appears to be wrong 
 shall be set right, all that is crooked made straight. In this faith let you and I, my 
 dear friend, comfort ourselves ; it is the only comfort in the present dark scene of 
 things that is allowed us. 
 
 I shall not fail to write to the Government of America, urging that effectual care 
 may be taken to protect and save the remainder of those unhappy people. 
 
 Since writing the above, I have received a Philadelphia paper, containing some 
 account of the same horrid transaction, a little different, and some circumstances al- 
 ledged as excuses or palliations, but extremely weak and insufficient. I send it to 
 you inclosed. With great and sincere esteem, I am ever, my dear friend, yours most 
 affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 39 
 
 To SIR JOSEPH BANKS, President of the Royal Society, London. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, Sept. 9, 1782. 
 
 I have just received the very kind, friendly letter you were 
 
 so good as to write to me by Dr. Broussonnet. Be assured that I long earnestly for 
 a return of those peaceful times, when I could sit down in sweet society with my 
 English philosophical friends, communicating to each other new discoveries, and 
 proposing improvements of old ones ; all tending to extend the power of man over 
 matter, avert or diminish the evils he is subject to, or augment the number of his 
 enjoyments. Much more happy should I be thus employed in your most desirable 
 company, than in that of all the grandees of the earth projecting plans of mischief, 
 however necessary they may be supposed for obtaining greater good. 
 
 I am glad to learn by the Doctor that your great work goes on. I admire your 
 magnanimity in the undertaking, and the perseverance with which you have pro 
 secuted it. 
 
 I join with you most perfectly in the charming wish you so well express, " that 
 such measures may be taken by both parties as may tend to the elevation of both, 
 rather than the destruction of either." If any thing has happened endangering one 
 of them, my comfort is, that I endeavoured earnestly to prevent it, and gave honest, 
 faithful advice, which if it had been regarded would have been effectual. And still, 
 if proper means are used to produce, not only a peace, but what is much more in 
 teresting, a thorough reconciliation ; a few years may heal the wounds that have 
 been made in our happiness, and produce a degree of prosperity of which at pre 
 sent we can hardly form a conception. With great and sincere esteem and respect, 
 I am, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. F. HOPKINSON, PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 Passy, Dec. 24, 1782. 
 
 I thank you for your ingenious paper in favor of the trees. I own I 
 now wish we had two rows of them in every one of our streets. The comfortable 
 shelter they would afford us when walking, from our burning summer suns, and the 
 greater coolness of our walls and pavements, would, I conceive, in the improved 
 health of the inhabitants amply compensate the loss of a house now and then by 
 fire, if such should be the consequence : but a tree is soon felled ; and as axes are 
 at hand in every neighbourhood, may be down before the engines arrive. 
 
 You do well to avoid being concerned in the pieces of personal abuse, so scan- 
 
40 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 dalously common in our newspapers, that I am afraid to lend any of them here, till 
 I have examined and laid aside such as would disgrace us ; and subject us among 
 strangers to a reflection like that used by a gentleman in a Coffee-house to two 
 quarrellers, who after a mutually free use of the words, rogue, villain, rascal, scoun 
 drel, &c. seemed as if they would refer their dispute to him : I know nothing of you, 
 or your affairs, said he ; I only perceive that you know one another. 
 
 The conductor of a newspaper, should, methinks, consider himself as in some de 
 gree the guardian of his country s reputation, and refuse to insert such writings as 
 may hurt it. If people will print their abuses of one another, let them do it in little 
 pamphlets, and distribute them where they think proper. It is absurd to trouble 
 all the world with them ; and unjust to subscribers in distant places, to stuff their 
 paper with matters so unprofitable and so disagreeable. With sincere esteem and 
 affection, I am, my dear friend, ever yours, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE RIGHT HON. EARL OF BUCHAN. 
 MY LORD, Passy, March 17, 1783. 
 
 I received the letter your Lordship did me the honor of 
 
 writing to me, and am obliged by your kind congratulations on the return of peace, 
 which I hope will be lasting. 
 
 With regard to the terms on which lands may be acquired in America, and the 
 manner of beginning new settlements on them, I cannot give better information than 
 may be found in a book lately printed in London, under some such title as Letters 
 from a Pensylvanian Farmer, by Hector St. John. The only encouragements we 
 hold out to strangers are, a good climate, fertile soil, wholesome air and water, 
 plenty of provisions and fuel, good pay for labour, kind neighbours, good laws, 
 liberty, and a hearty welcome : the rest depends on a man s own industry and vir 
 tue. Lands are cheap, but they must be bought. All settlements are undertaken 
 at private expence : the public contributes nothing but defence and justice. I should 
 not however expect much emigration from a country so much drained of men as 
 yours * must have been by the late war ; since the more have left it, the more room, 
 and the more encouragement remains for those who staid at home. But this you 
 can best judge of; and I have long observed of your people, that their sobriety, fru 
 gality, industry, and honesty, seldom fail of success in America, and of procuring 
 them a good establishment among us. 
 
 I do not recollect the circumstance you are pleased to mention of my having saved 
 a citizen at St. Andrew, by giving a turn to his disorder ; and I am curious to know 
 
 1 Scotland. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 41 
 
 what the disorder was, and what the advice I gave which proved so salutary. With 
 great regard I have the honour to be, my Lord, your Lordship s most obedient and 
 
 most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MRS. HEWSON. * 
 
 Passy, January 27, 1783. 
 
 The departure of my dearest friend, 3 which I learn from 
 your last letter greatly affects me. To meet with her once more in this life was 
 one of the principal motives of my proposing to visit England again before my 
 return to America. The last year carried off my friends Dr. Pringle and Dr. Fother- 
 gill, and Lord Kaimes and Lord Le Despencer ; this has begun to take away the 
 rest, and strikes the hardest. Thus the ties I had to that country, and indeed to the 
 world in general, are loosened one by one ; and I shall soon have no attachment 
 left to make me unwilling to follow. 
 
 I intended writing when I sent the eleven books, but lost the time in looking for 
 the first. I wrote with that ; and hope it came to hand. I therein asked your 
 counsel about my coining to England : on reflection, I think I can from my know 
 ledge of your prudence foresee what it will be ; viz. not to come too soon, lest it 
 should seem braving and insulting some who ought to be respected. I shall there 
 fore omit that journey till I am near going to America, and then just step over to 
 take leave of my friends, and spend a few days with you. I purpose bringing Ben 4 
 with me, and perhaps may leave him under your care. 
 
 At length we are in peace, God be praised ; and long, very long may it continue. 
 All wars are follies, very expensive and very mischievous ones : when will mankind 
 be convinced of this, and agree to settle their differences by arbitration ? were they 
 to do it even by the cast of a dye, it would he better than by fighting and destroying 
 each other. 
 
 Spring is coming on when travelling will be delightful. an you not, when your 
 children are all at school, make a little party and take a trip hither ? I have now a 
 large house, delightfully situated, in which I could accommodate you and two or 
 three friends; and I am but half an hour s drive from Paris. 
 
 1 It was a fever in which the Earl of Buchan, then Lord Cadross, lay sick at St. Andrew s ; and 
 the advice was, not to blister, according to the old practice and the opinion of the learned Dr. Simson, 
 brother of the celebrated geometrician at Glasgow. 
 
 * Widow of the eminent anatomist of that name, and formerly Miss STEVENSON, to whom several of 
 Dr. Franklin s letters on Philosophical subjects are addressed. 
 
 3 Refers to Mrs. Hewson s mother. 
 
 4 Benjamin Franklin Bachc, a grandson of Dr. Franklin, by his daughter. 
 
 VOL. II. F 
 
42 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 In looking forward, twenty-five years seems a long period ; but in looking back, 
 how short ! could you imagine that tis now full a quarter of a century since we 
 were first acquainted! it was in 1757. During the greatest part of the time I 
 lived in the same house with my dear deceased friend your mother ; of course you 
 and I saw and conversed with each other much and often. It is to all our honors, 
 that in all that time we never had among us the smallest misunderstanding. Our 
 friendship has been all clear sunshine, without any the least cloud in its hemis 
 phere. Let me conclude by saying to you what I have had too frequent occasions 
 to say to my other remaining old friends, the fewer we become, the more let us lorn- 
 one another. Adieu &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE LORD BISHOP OF ST. ASAPK, (Dr. Shipley.) 
 
 Passy, March 17, 1783. 
 
 I received with great pleasure my dear and respected friend s 
 
 letter of the 5th instant, as it informed me of the welfare of a family I so much 
 esteem and love. 
 
 The clamor against the peace in your parliament would alarm me for its dura 
 tion, if I were not of opinion with you, that the attack is rather against the minister. 
 I am confident none of the opposition would have made a better peace for England 
 if they had been in his place ; at least I am sure that Lord Stormont who seems 
 loudest in railing at it, is not the man that could have mended it. My reasons I 
 will give you when I have what I hope to have, the great happiness of seeing you 
 once more, and conversing with you. They talk much of there being no reciprocity 
 in our treaty : they think nothing then of our passing over in silence the atrocities 
 committed by their troops and demanding no satisfaction for their wanton burnings 
 and devastations of our fair towns and countries. They have heretofore confest 
 the war to be unjust, and nothing is plainer in reasoning than that the mischiefs 
 done in an unjust war should be repaired. Can Englishmen be so partial to them 
 selves, as to imagine they have a right to plunder and destroy as much as they 
 please, and then without satisfying for the injuries they have done, to have peace 
 on equal terms? We were favorable, and did not demand what justice entitled us 
 to. We shall probably be blamed for it by our constituents : and I still think it 
 would be the interest of England voluntarily to offer reparation of those injuries, 
 and effect it as much as may be in her power. But this is an interest she will 
 never see. 
 
 Let us now forgive and forget Let each country seek its advancement in its 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 45 
 
 own internal advantages of arts and agriculture, not in retarding or preventing 
 the prosperity of the other. America will, with God s blessing, become a great and 
 happy country ; and England, if she has at length gained wisdom, will have gained 
 something more valuable, and more essential to her prosperity, than all she has lost; 
 and will still be a great and respectable nation. Her great disease at present is the 
 number and enormous salaries and emoluments of office. Avarice and ambition 
 are strong passions, and separately act with great force on the human mind ; but 
 when both are united and may be gratified in the same object, their violence is 
 almost irresistible, and they hurry men headlong into factions and contentions 
 destructive of all good government. As long therefore as these great emoluments 
 subsist, your parliament will be a stormy sea, and your public counsels confounded 
 by private interests. But it requires much public spirit and virtue to abolish them ; 
 more perhaps than can now be found in a nation so long corrupted. B. F. 
 
 To SIR JOSEPH BANKS. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy July 27, 1783. 
 
 I received your very kind letter by Dr. Blagden, and esteem 
 myself much honored by your friendly remembrance. I have been too much and 
 too closely engaged in public affairs since his being here, to enjoy all the benefit 
 of his conversation you were so good as to intend me. I hope soon to have more 
 leisure, and to spend a part of it in those studies that are much more agreeable to 
 me than political operations. 
 
 I join with you most cordially in rejoicing at the return of peace. I hope it will 
 be lasting, and that mankind will at length, as they call themselves reasonable 
 creatures, have reason and sense enough to settle their differences without cutting 
 throats : for in my opinion there mver was a good war, or a bad peace. What 
 vast additions to the conveniences and comforts of living might mankind have ac 
 quired, if the money spent in wars had been employed in works of public utility. 
 What an extension of agriculture even to the tops of our mountains ; what rivers 
 rendered navigable, or joined by canals ; what bridges, aqueducts, new roads and 
 other public works, edifices and improvements, rendering England a compleat 
 paradise, might not have been obtained by spending those millions in doing good 
 which in the last war have been spent in doing mischief; in bringing misery into 
 thousands of families, and destroying the lives of so many thousands of working 
 people, who might have performed the useful labour ! 
 
 I am pleased with the late astronomical discoveries made by our Society. 
 
44 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Furnished as all Europe now is with academies of science, with nice instruments 
 and the spirit of experiment, the progress of human knowledge will be rapid and 
 discoveries made of which we have at present no conception. I begin to be almost 
 sorry I was born so soon, since I cannot have the happiness of knowing what will 
 be known one hundred years hence. 
 
 I wish continued success to the labours of the Royal Society, and that you may 
 long adorn their chair ; being with the highest esteem, Dear Sir &c. B. F. 
 
 Dr. Blagden will acquaint you with the experiment of a vast globe sent up into 
 the air, much talked of here and which if prosecuted may furnish means of new 
 knowledge. 
 
 To BRAND HOLLIS ESQ. 
 SIR, Pasay, near Paris, October 5, 1783. 
 
 I received but lately (though sent in June) your most valu 
 able present of the Memoirs of Thomas Hollis Esq. who was truly as you describe 
 him in your letter, a good " citizen of the world and a faithful friend of America." 
 America too is extremely sensible of his benevolence and great beneficence towards 
 her, and will ever revere his memory. These volumes are a proof of what I have 
 sometimes had occasion to say, in encouraging people to undertake difficult public 
 services, that it is prodigious the quantity of good that may be done by one man, 
 if he will make a business of it. It is equally surprizing to think of the very little 
 that is done by many ; for such is the general frivolity of the employments and 
 amusements of the rank we call gentlemen, that every century may have seen three 
 successions of a set of a thousand each, in every kingdom of Europe, (gentlemen too, 
 of equal or superior fortune) no one of which set in the course of their lives have 
 done the good effected by this man alone ! Good, not only to his own nation, and 
 to his cotemporaries, but to distant countries, and to late posterity : for such must 
 be the effect of his multiplying and distributing copies of the works of our best 
 English writers, on subjects the most important to the welfare of society. 
 
 I knew him personally but little. I sometimes met with him at the Royal Society 
 and the Society of Arts, but he appeared shy of my acquaintance, though he often 
 sent me valuable presents, such as Hamilton s works, Sydney s works, &c. which 
 are now among the most precious ornaments of my library. We might possibly, if 
 we had been more intimate, have concerted some useful operations together ; but 
 he loved to do his good alone and secretly, and I find besides, in perusing these 
 memoirs, that I was a doubtful character with him. I do not respect him less for 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 45 
 
 liis error ; and I am obliged to the editors for the justice they have done me. 
 They have made a little mistake in page 400 where a letter which appeared in a 
 London paper, January 7th 1768, is said to have been written by Mr. Adams. It 
 was written by me, and is reprinted in Mr. Vaughan s collection of my political 
 pieces, p. 23 1 . This erratum is of no great importance, but may be corrected in a 
 future edition. 
 
 I see Mr. Hollis had a collection of curious medals. If he had been still living, 
 I should certainly have sent him one of the medals that I have caused to be struck 
 here. I think the countenance of my Liberty would have pleased him. I suppose 
 you possess the collection, and have the same taste. I beg you therefore to accept 
 of one of these medals as a mark of my respect, and believe me to be with sincere 
 esteem &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To His EXCELLENCY JOHN JAY, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, January 6, 1784. 
 
 I received your kind letter of the 26th past and immediately 
 sent the inclosed to Mrs. Jay whom I saw a few days since with the children, all 
 perfectly well. It is a happy thing that the little ones are so finely past the small 
 pox and I congratulate you upon it most cordially. 
 
 It is true as you have heard, that I have the stone, but not that I have had 
 thoughts of being cut for it. It is as yet very tolerable. It gives me no pain but 
 when in a carriage on the pavement, or when I make some sudden quick movement. 
 If I can prevent its growing larger which I hope to do by abstemious living and gentle 
 exercise, I can go on pretty comfortably with it to the end of my journey, which 
 can now be at no great distance. I am cheerful, enjoy the company of my friends, 
 sleep well, have sufficient appetite, and my stomach performs well its functions. 
 The latter is very material to the preservation of health. I therefore take no drugs 
 lest I should disorder it. You may judge that my disease is not very grievous 
 since I am more afraid of the medicines than of the malady. 
 
 It gives me pleasure to learn from you that my friends still retain their regard 
 for me. I long to see them again, but I doubt I shall hardly accomplish it. If 
 our commission for the treaty of commerce were arrived, and we were at liberty to 
 treat in England, I might then come over to you, supposing the English ministry 
 disposed to enter into such a treaty. 
 
 I have as you observe some enemies in England, but they are my enemies as an 
 American ; I have also two or three in America, who are my enemies as a minis- 
 
46 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 ter ; but I thank God there are not in the whole world any who are tny enemies as a 
 man ; for by his grace, through a long life I have been enabled so to conduct my 
 self, that there does not exist a human being who can justly say, Ben Franklin has 
 wronged me. This, my friend, is in old age a comfortable reflection. You too 
 have, or may have, your enemies ; but let not that render you unhappy. If you 
 make a right use of them they will do you more good than harm. They point out 
 to us our faults ; they put us upon our guard, and help us to live more correctly. 
 
 My grandsons are sensible of the honour of your remembrance, and join their 
 respectful compliments and best wishes with those of, dear sir, your affectionate 
 humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MRS. BACHE. 
 Mr DEAR CHILD, Passy, January Z6, 1784. 
 
 Your care in sending me the news-papers is very agreeable 
 to me. I received by Captain Barney those relating to the Cincinnati. My 
 opinion of the institution cannot be of much importance: I only wonder that when 
 the united wisdom of our nation had, in the articles of confederation, manifested 
 their dislike of establishing ranks of nobility, by authority either of the congress or 
 of any particular state, a number of private persons should think proper to dis 
 tinguish themselves and their posterity, from their fellow citizens, and form an order 
 of hereditary knights, in direct opposition to the solemnly declared sense of their 
 country. I imagine it must be likewise contrary to the good sense of most of those 
 drawn into it, by the persuasion of its projectors, who have been too much struck 
 with the ribbands and crosses they have seen hanging to the button holes of foreign 
 officers. And I suppose those who disapprove of it have not hitherto given it much 
 opposition, from a principle somewhat like that of your good mother, relating to 
 punctilious persons who are always exacting little observances of respect, that "if 
 people can be pleased with small matters, it is a pity but they should have them" 
 In this view, perhaps, I should not myself, if my advice had been asked, have 
 objected to their wearing their ribband and badge themselves according to their 
 fancy, though I certainly should to the entailing it as an honour on their posterity. 
 For, honour worthily obtained, (as that for example of our officers) is in its nature a 
 personal thing, and incommunicable to any but those who had some share in obtain- 
 
 1 Dr. Frunklin b only daughter, married to a merchant in Philadelphia. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 ing it. Thus among the Chinese, the most ancient, and from long experience the 
 wisest of nations, honour does not descend, but ascends. If a man from his learn 
 ing, his wisdom, or his valour, is promoted by the Emperor to the rank of Mandarin, 
 his parents are immediately entitled to all the same ceremonies of respect from the 
 people, that are established as due to the Mandarin himself; on the supposition 
 that it must have been owing to the education, instruction and good example afford 
 ed him by his parents that he was rendered capable of serving the public. This 
 ascending honour is therefore useful to the state, as it encourages parents to give 
 their children a good and virtuous education. But the descending honour, to a 
 posterity who could have no share in obtaining it, is not only groundless and 
 absurd, but often hurtful to that posterity, since it is apt to make them proud, dis 
 daining to be employed in useful arts, and thence falling into poverty, and all the 
 meannesses, servility, and wretchedness attending it; which is the present 
 case with much of what is called the noblesse in Europe. Or if, to keep up the 
 dignity of the family, estates are entailed entire on the eldest male heir, another 
 pest to industry and improvement of the country is introduced, which will be follow 
 ed by all the odious mixture of pride, and beggary, and idleness that have half 
 depopulated and decultivated Spain ; occasioning continual extinction of families by 
 the discouragements of marriage, and neglect in the improvement of estates. I 
 wish therefore that the Cincinnati, if they must go on with their project, would direct 
 the badges of their order to be worn by their fathers and mothers, instead of hand 
 ing them down to their children. It would be a good precedent and might have 
 good effects. It would also be a kind of obedience to the fourth commandment, 
 in which God enjoins us to honour our father and mother, but has no where directed 
 us to honour our children. And certainly no mode of honouring those immediate 
 authors of our being can be more effectual, than that of doing praiseworthy actions 
 which reflect honour on those who gave us our education ; or more becoming than 
 that of manifesting by some public expression or token, that it is to their instruction 
 and example we ascribe the merit of those actions. 
 
 But the absurdity of descending honours is not a mere matter of philosophical 
 opinion, it is capable of mathematical demonstration. A man s son, for instance, 
 is but half of his family, the other half belonging to the family of his wife. His son 
 too, marrying into another family, his share in the grandson is but a fourth ; in the 
 great grandson by the same process it is but an eighth. In the next generation a 
 sixteenth ; the next a thirty second ; the next a sixty fourth ; the next an hundred 
 and twenty eighth ; the next a two hundred and rifty sixth ; and the next a five 
 hundred and twelfth : thus in nine generations which will not require more than 
 
48 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 300 years, (no very great antiquity for a family) our present Chevalier of the Order 
 of Cincinnatus s share in the then existing knight, will be but a 51 2th part ; which, 
 allowing the present certain fidelity of American wives to be insured down through 
 all those nine generations, is so small a consideration, that methinks no reasonable 
 man would hazard for the sake of it, the disagreeable consequences of the jealousy, 
 envy, and ill-will of his countrymen. 
 
 Let us go back with our calculation from this young noble, the 5 12th part of the 
 present Knight, through his nine generations till we return to the year of the institu 
 tion. He must have had a father and mother, they are two ; each of them had a 
 father and mother, they are four. Those of the next preceding generation will be 
 eight, the next sixteen, the next thirty-two, the next sixty-four, the next one hun 
 dred and twenty-eight, the next two hundred and fifty-six, and the ninth in this retro 
 cession five hundred and twelve, who must be now existing, and all contribute their 
 proportion of this future Chevalier de Cincinnatus. These, with the rest, make 
 together as follows : 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 16 
 
 32 
 
 64 
 128 
 256 
 512 
 
 Total 1022 
 
 One thousand and twenty-two men and women, contributors to the formation of one 
 knight. And if we are to have a thousand of these future knights, there must be 
 now and hereafter existing one million and twenty-two thousand fathers and mo 
 thers, who are to contribute to their production, unless a part of the number are 
 employed in making more knights than one. Let us strike off then the 22,000 on 
 the supposition of this double employ, and then consider whether after a reasonable 
 estimation of the number of rogues and fools, and scoundrels, and prostitutes, that 
 are mixed with, and help to make up necessarily their million of predecessors, pos 
 terity will have much reason to boast of the noble blood of the then existing set of 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 49 
 
 Chevaliers of Cincinnatus. The future genealogists too of these Chevaliers, in 
 
 o O * 
 
 proving the lineal descent of their honor through so many generations, (even suppo 
 sing honor capable in its nature of descending) will only prove the small share of this 
 honor which can be justly claimed by any one of them, since the above simple pro 
 cess in arithmetic makes it quite plain and clear, that in proportion as the antiquity 
 of the family shall augment, the right to the honor of the ancestor will diminish ; and 
 a few generations more would reduce it to something so small as to be very near an 
 absolute nullity. I hope therefore that the Order will drop this part of their project, 
 and content themselves as the Knights of the Garter, Bath, Thistle, St. Louis, and 
 other Orders of Europe do, with a life enjoyment of their little badge and ribband, 
 and let the distinction die with those who have merited it. This I imagine will give 
 no offence. For my own part, I shall think it a convenience when I go into a com 
 pany where there may be faces unknown to -me, if I discover, by this badge, the per 
 sons who merit some particular expression of my respect; and it will save modest 
 virtue the trouble of calling for our regard, by awkward round-about intimations of 
 having been heretofore employed as officers in the continental service. 
 
 The gentleman who made the voyage to France to provide the ribbands and me 
 dals, has executed his commission. To me they seem tolerably done; but all such 
 things are criticised. Some find fault with the Latin, as wanting classical elegance 
 and correctness; and since our nine universities were not able to furnish better La 
 tin, it was pity, they say, that the mottos had not been in English. Others object 
 to the title, as not properly assumable by any but General Washington, and a few 
 others, who served without pay. Others object to the bold eagle, as looking too 
 much like a Dindon or turkey. For my own part, I wish the bold eagle had not 
 been chosen as the representative of our country ; he is a bird of bad moral charac 
 ter : he does not get his living honestly : you may have seen him perched on some 
 dead tree, where, too lazy to fish for himself, he watches the labour of the fishing 
 hawk ; and when that diligent bird has at length taken a fish, and is bearing it to his 
 nest for the support of his mate and young ones, the hold eagle pursues him, and 
 takes it from him. With all this injustice he is never in good case, but like those 
 among men who live by sharping and robbing, he is gen3rally poor, and often very 
 lousy. Besides, he is a rank coward : ^ic little king bird, not bigger than a spar 
 row, attacks him boldly and drives him out of the district. He is therefore by no 
 means a proper emblem for the brave and honest Cincinnati of America, who have 
 driven all the king-birds from our country ; though exactly fit for that order of knights 
 which the French call Chevaliers if Industrie. I am on this account, no. displeased 
 
 VOL. II. G 
 
50 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 that the figure is hot known as a hold eagle, but looks more like a turkey. For in 
 truth, the turkey is in comparison a much more respectable bird, and withal a true 
 original native of America. Eagles have been found in all countries, but the turkey 
 was peculiar to ours; the first of the species seen in Europe, being brought to 
 France by the Jesuits from Canada, and served up at the wedding table of Charles 
 the Ninth. Pie is besides, (though a little vain and silly tis true, but not the worse 
 emblem for that) a bird of courage, and would not hesitate to attack a grenadier of 
 the British guards, who should presume to invade his farm yard with a red coat on. 
 
 I shall not enter into the criticisms made upon their Latin. The gallant officers 
 of America may not have the merit of being great scholars, but they undoubtedly 
 merit much as brave soldiers from their country, which should therefore not leave 
 them merely iufame for their virtutis premium, which is one of their Latin mottos. 
 Their esto perpetua, another, is an excellent wish, if they meant it for their country ; 
 bad, if intended for their order. The states should not only restore to them the 
 omnia of their first motto, l which many of them have left and lost, but pay them 
 justly, and reward them generously. They should not be suffered to remain with all 
 their new created chivalry entirely in the situation of the gentleman in the story, 
 which their omnia rdlquit reminds me of. You know every thing makes me recol 
 lect some story. He had built a very fine house, and thereby much impaired his 
 fortune. He had a pride however in showing it to his acquaintance. One of them 
 after viewing it all, remarked a motto over the door OIA VANITAS. What, says 
 he, is the meaning of this OIA ? tis a word I don t understand. I will tell you, 
 said the gentleman : I had a mind to have the motto cut on a piece of smooth mar 
 ble, but there was not room for it between the ornaments, to be put in characters 
 large enough to be read. I therefore made use of a contraction antiently very com 
 mon in Latin manuscripts, whereby the ms and ris in words are omitted, and the 
 omission noted by a little dash above, which you may see there, so that the word is 
 omnia, OMNIA VANITAS. O, said his friend, I now comprehend the meaning of 
 your motto, it relates to your edifice ; and signifies, that if you have abridged your 
 omnia, you have nevertheless left your VANITAS legible at full length. 
 
 I am, as ever, your affectionate father, B. FHANKLIKT. 
 
 1 Omnia rcliquit sen-are rernpublicam* 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 61 
 
 To His EXCELLENCY HENRY LAURENS, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, Feb. 12, 1784. 
 
 I received your favour of the 3d instant by your son, with. 
 
 the newspapers, for which I thank you. The disorders of that government whose 
 constitution has been so much praised, are come to a height that threatens some vio 
 lent convulsion, if not a dissolution ; and its physicians do not even seem to guess at 
 the cause of the disease, and therefore prescribe insufficient remedies, such as place 
 bills, more equal representation, more frequent elections, c. &c. In my humble 
 opinion, the malady consists in the enormous salaries, emoluments, and patronage of 
 great offices. Ambition and avarice are separately strong passions : When they 
 are united in pursuit of the same object, they are too strong to be governed by com 
 mon prudence, or influenced by public spirit and love of country ; they drive men 
 irresistibly into factions, cabals, dissentions, and violent divisions, always mis 
 chievous to public councils, destructive to the peace of society, and sometimes fatal 
 to its existence. As long as the immense profits of these offices subsist, members of 
 the shortest and most equally chosen parliaments will have them in view, and con 
 tend for them, and their contentions will have all the same ruinous consequences. 
 To me then there seems to be but one effectual remedy, and that not likely to be 
 adopted by so corrupt a nation ; which is, to abolish these profits, and make every 
 place of honor, a place of burthen. By that means the effect of one of the passions 
 above-mentioned would be taken away, and something would be added to counteract 
 the other. Thus the number of competitors for great offices would be diminished, 
 and the efforts of those who still would obtain them moderated. 
 
 Thank God we have now less connection with the affairs of these people, and are 
 more at liberty to take care of our own, which I hope we shall manage better. 
 
 We have a terrible winter here, such another in this country is not remembered 
 by any man living. The snow has been thick upon the ground ever since Christ 
 mas ; and the frost constant. 
 
 My grandson joins in best compliments to yourself and Miss Laurens. With 
 sincere esteem and affection I have the honour to be, dear Sir, &c; B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To W. STRAHAN, ESQ. M.P. KING S PRINTER, LONDON. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, Feb. 16, 1784. 
 
 I received and read with pleasure your kind letter of the first 
 
 instant, as it informed me of the welfare of you and yours. I am glad the accounts 
 you have from your kinswoman at Philadelphia are agreeable, and I shall be happy 
 
52 MEMOIKS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 if any recommendations from me can be serviceable to Dr. Ross, or any others, 
 friends of yours going to America. 
 
 Your arguments persuading me to come once more to England, are very power 
 ful. To be sure I long to see again my friends there, whom I love abundantly : 
 but there are difficulties and objections of several kinds, which at present I don t 
 see how to get over. 
 
 I lament \uth you the political disorders England at present labours under. Your 
 papers are full of strange accounts of anarchy and confusion in America, of which 
 we know nothing, while your own affairs are really in a situation deplorable. In 
 my humble opinion the root of the evil lies not so much in too long, or too unequal 
 ly chosen parliaments, as in the enormous salaries, emoluments, and patronage of 
 your great officers ; and that you will never be at rest till they are all abolished, and 
 every place of honor made at the same time, instead of a place of profit, a place of 
 expence and burthen. Ambition and avarice are each of them strong passions, and 
 when they are united in the same persons, and have the same objects in view for 
 their gratification, they are too strong for public spirit and love of country, and are 
 apt to produce the most violent factions and contentions. They should therefore be 
 separated, and made to act one against the other. Those places, to speak in our old 
 stile (brother type) may be good for the CHAPEL, but they are bad for the master, 
 as they create constant quarrels that hinder the business. For example, here are two 
 months that your government has been employed in getting its form to press; which 
 is not yet fit to work on, every page of it being squabbled, and the whole ready to fall 
 into pye. The founts too must be very scanty, or strangely out of sorts, since your 
 compositors cannot find either upper or lower-case letters sufficient to set the word 
 ADMINISTRATION, but are forced to be continually turning for them. However, to 
 return to common (though perhaps too saucy) language, don t despair; you have 
 still one resource left, and that not a bad one, since it may reunite the empire. We 
 have some remains of affection for you, and shall always be ready to receive and 
 take care of you in case of distress. So if you have not sense and virtue enough to 
 govern yourselves, e en dissolve your present old crazy constitution, and send mem 
 bers to congress. 
 
 You will say my advice smells of Madeira. You are right. This foolish letter is 
 mere chit-chat between ourselves, over the second bottle. If, therefore, you shew it 
 to any body (except our indulgent friends, Dagge and Lady Strachan) I will posi 
 tively solless you. Yours ever most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
PRIVATE COHRESPONDENCE. 53 
 
 To MR. WALTER, PRINTER, LONDON. 
 SIR, Passy, April 17, 1784. 
 
 I have received a book, for which, I understand I am 
 
 obliged to you, the Introduction to Logography. I have read it with attention, and 
 as far as I understand it, am much pleased with it. I do not perfectly comprehend 
 the arrangement of his cases ; but the reduction of the number of pieces by the roots 
 of words, and their different terminations is extremely ingenious ; and I like much 
 the idea of cementing the letters, instead of casting words or syllables, which I for 
 merly attempted and succeeded in, having invented a mould, and method by which I 
 could in a few minutes form a matrice and adjust it, of any word in any fount at 
 pleasure, and proceed to cast from it. I send inclosed a specimen of some of my 
 terminations, and would willingly instruct Mr. Johnson in the method if he desired 
 it, but he has a better. He mentions some improvements that have been proposed, 
 but takes no notice of one published here at Paris, in 1776; so I suppose he has 
 neither seen nor heard of it. It is in a quarto pamphlet, intitled, Nowoeau Systems 
 Typographique, ou Moyen de diminuer de moitie, dans toutes les Imprimeries de 
 I* Europe, le tr avail et les frais decomposition, dc Correction, et de Distribution, de- 
 couvert en 1774, par Madame de * * *. Frustra fit per plura quod potest fieri per 
 pauciora. A Paris de. L Imprimerie Royale, MDCCLXXVI. It is dedicated to 
 the King, who was at the expence of the experiments. Two commissaries were 
 named to examine and render an account of them ; they were M. Desmarets, of the 
 Academy of Sciences, and M. Barbou, an eminent printer. Their report concludes 
 thus; " Nous nous contenterons de dire ici que M. de St. Paul a rempli les en- 
 gagemens qu il avoit contracted avec le Gouvernement ; que ses experiences proje- 
 tees ont etc* conduites avec beaucoup de me thode et d intelligence desa part; etque 
 par des calculs longs et penibles, qui sont le fruit d un grand nombre de combinai- 
 sons raisonne es, il en a deduit plusieurs resuhats qui meritent d etre proposes aux 
 artistes, etqui nous paroissent prop res a e"clairer la pratique de rimprimerieactuelle, 
 et aenabr^ger certainement les procede es. Son projet ne peut que gagntr aux con- 
 radictions qu il essuiera sansdoute, de la part des gens de Tart. A Paris, le 8 Jan 
 vier, 1776." The pamphlet consists of sixty-six pages, containing a number of 
 tables of words and parts of words, explanations of those tables, calculations, an 
 swers to objections, &c I will endeavour to get one to send you if you desire it : 
 mine is bound up with others in a volume. It was after seeing tins piece that I cast 
 the syllables I send you a sample of. I have not heard that any of the printers here 
 make at present the least use of the invention of Madame de * * *. You *vill on- 
 
54 MEMOIRS OT BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 serve that it pretended only to lessen the work by one-half; Mr. Johnson s method 
 lessens it three-fourths. I should be glad to know with what the letters are cement 
 ed. I think cementing better than casting them together, because if one letter hap 
 pens to be battered, it may be taken away and another cemented in its place. I 
 received no letter with the pamphlet. I am, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. BENJAMIN WEBB. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, April 22, 1784. 
 
 I received your s of the 15th instant, and the memorial it in 
 closed. The account they give of your situation grieves me. I send you herewith 
 a bill for ten Louis d ors. I do not pretend to give such a sum ; I only lend it to 
 you. When you shall return to your country with a good character, you cannot fail 
 of getting into some business that will in time enable you to pay all your debts : in 
 that case, when you meet with another honest man in similar distress, you must pay 
 me by lending this sum to him ; enjoining him to discharge the debt by a like ope 
 ration when he shall be able, and shall meet with such another opportunity. I hope 
 it may thus go through many hands before it meets with a knave that will stop its 
 progress. This is a trick of mine for doing a deal of good with a little money. I 
 am not rich enough to afford much in good works, and so am obliged to be cunning 
 and make the most of a little. With best wishes for the success of your memorial, 
 and your future prosperity, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient servant, B. F. 
 
 To THE REV. DOCTOR MATHER, BOSTON. 
 REV. SIR, Pqssy, May 12, 1784. 
 
 I received your kind letter with your excellent advice to the 
 
 people of the United States, which I read with great pleasure, and hope it will be 
 duly regarded. Such writings, though they may be lightly passed over by many 
 readers, yet if they make a deep impression on one active mind in an hundred, the 
 effects may be considerable. Permit me to mention one little instance, which 
 though it relates to myself, will not be quite uninteresting to you. When I was a 
 hoy, I met with a book entitled Essays to do Good, which I think was written by 
 your father. It had been so little regarded by a former possessor, that several leaves 
 of it were torn out: but the remainder gave me such a turn of thinking as to have 
 an influence on my conduct through life; for I have always et a greater value on the 
 character of a doer of good, than on any other kind of reputation ; and if I have been, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 55 
 
 as you seem to think, a useful citizen, the public owes the advantage of it to that 
 book. You mention your being in your 78th year; I am in my 79th ; \ve are grown 
 old together. It is now more than sixty years since I left Boston, but I remember 
 wdl both your father and grandfather, having heard them both in the pulpit, and 
 seen them in their houses. The last time I saw your father was in the beginning of 
 1724, when I visited him after my first trip to Pennsylvania. He received me in his 
 library, and on my taking leave shewed me a shorter way out of the house through a 
 narrow passage, \vhich was crossed by a beam over head. We were still talking as 
 I withdrew, he accompanying me behind, and I turning partly towards him, when 
 he said hastily, stoop, stoop ! I did not understand him till 1 felt my head hit against 
 the beam. He was a man that never missed any occasion of giving instruction, and 
 upon this he said to me, you are young, and have the world before you ; STOOP as 
 you go through it, and you will miss many hard thumps. This advice thus beat into 
 rny head has frequently been of use to rne, and I often think of it, when I see pride 
 mortified, and misfortunes brought upon people by their carrying their heads too 
 high. 
 
 1 long much to see again my native place, and to lay my bones there. I left it in 
 1723; I visited it in 1733, 1743, 1753, and 1763. In 1773, I was in England ; 
 in 177-5, I had a sight of it, but could not enter, it being in possession of the enemy. 
 I did hope to have been there in 17&3, but could not obtain my dismission from this 
 employment here ; and now I fear I shall never have that happiness. My best 
 wishes however attend my dear country. Esto perpetua. It is now blest with an 
 excellent constitution ; may it last for ever! 
 
 This powerful monarchy continues its friendship for the United States. It is a 
 friendship of the utmost importance to our security, and should be carefully culti 
 vated. Britain has not yet well digested the loss of its dominion over us, and has 
 still at times some flattering hopes of recovering it. Accidents may increase those 
 hopes, and encourage dangerous attempts. A breach between us and France, would 
 infallibly bring the English again upon our backs; and yet we have some wild heads 
 among our countrymen, who are endeavouring to weaken that connection ! Let us 
 preserve our reputation by performing our engagements ; our credit by fulfilling our 
 contracts; and friends by gratitude and kindness ; for we know not how soon we may 
 again have occasion for all of them. With great and sincere esteem, I have the ho 
 nour to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
56 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To Da. PERCIVAL. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy.July 17, 1784. 
 
 I received yesterday by Mr. White, your kind letter of May 
 
 llth, with the most agreeable present of your new book. 1 I read it all before I 
 slept, which is a proof of the good effects your happy manner has of drawing your 
 reader on, by mixing little anecdotes and historical facts with your instructions. 
 Be pleased to accept my grateful acknowledgments for the pleasure it has afforded 
 me. 
 
 It is astonishing that the murderous practice of duelling, which you so justly con 
 demn, should continue so long in vogue. Formerly when duels were used to deter 
 mine law-suits, from an opinion that Providence would in every instance favour truth 
 and right, with victory, they were excusable. At present, they decide nothing. A 
 man says something, which another tells him is a lie. They fight; but whichever 
 is killed, the point in dispute remains unsettled. To this purpose they have a plea 
 sant little story here. A gentleman in a coffee-house desired another to sit further 
 from him. Why so? Because, Sir, you stink. That is an affront, and you must 
 iightme. I will fight you if you insist upon it; but I do not see how that will mend 
 the matter. For if you kill me, I shall stink too ; and if I kill you, you will stink, if 
 possible, worse than you do at present. How can such miserable sinners as we arc 
 entertain so much pride, as to conceit that every offence against our imagined honor 
 merits dtath ? These petty princes in their own opinion would call that sovereign a 
 tyrant, who should put one of them to death for a little uncivil language, though 
 pointed at his sacred person : Yet every one of them makes himself judge in his 
 own cause, condemns the offender without a jury, and undertakes himself to be the 
 executioner. With sincere and great esteem, I have the honor to be, Sir, your most 
 obedient, and most humble servant, B. FUANKLIN. 
 
 P. S. Our friend, Mr. Vaugban, may perhaps communicate to you sonic conjec 
 tures of mine relating to the cold of last winter, which I sent him in return for the 
 observations on cold ot Professor Wilson. If he should, and you think them worthy 
 so much notice, you may show them to your Philosophical Society, 1 to which I wish 
 all imaginable success. Their rules appear to rne excellent. 
 
 1 Moral and Literary Dissertations, 2<1 edition. 
 
 1 The Philosophical Society of Manch sttr of \vhich Dr. Pcrcival was one of the piinunai founders 
 a IK) ornaments. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 57 
 
 To MESS. WEEMS AND GA\T, CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES, LONDON. 
 GENTLEMEN, Passy, near Paris, July 18, 1784. 
 
 On receipt of your letter, acquainting me that the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury 1 would not permit you to be ordained unless you took the oath of allegiance; 
 I applied to a clergyman of my acquaintance for information on the subject of your 
 obtaining ordination here. His opinion was, that it could not be done ; and that if it 
 were done, you would be required to vow obedience to the Archbishop of Paris. I 
 next inquired of the Pope s Nuncio, whether you might not be ordained by their 
 Bishop in America, powers being sent him for that purpose, if he has them not al 
 ready. The answer was, the thing is impossible, unless the gentlemen become 
 Catholics. 
 
 This is an affair of which I know very little, and therefore I may ask questions 
 and propose means that are improper or impracticable. But what is the necessity 
 of your being connected with the Church of England ? Would it not be as well if 
 you were of the Church of Ireland ? The religion is the same, though there is a dif 
 ferent set of bishops and archbishops. Perhaps if you were to apply to the Bishop 
 of Derry,* who is a man of liberal sentiments, he might give you orders as of that 
 Church. If both Britain and Ireland refuse you ; and I am not sure that the Bishops 
 of Denmark or Sweden would ordain you, unless you became Lutherans : what is 
 to be done? Next to becoming Presbyterians, the Episcopalian Clergy of America> 
 in my humble opinion, cannot do better than to follow the example of the first 
 clergy of Scotland, soon after the conversion of that country to Christianity ; who, 
 when their King had built the Cathedral of St. Andrews, and requested the King of 
 Northumberland to lend his bishops to ordain one for them, that their clergy might 
 not as heretofore be obliged to go to Northumberland for orders, and their request 
 was refused : they assembled in the Cathedral, and the mitre, crozier, and robes of a 
 bishop being laid upon the altar, they : after earnest prayers for direction in their 
 choice, elected one of their own number; when the King said to him, Arise, go to 
 the altar, and receive your office at the hand of God. His brethren led him to the 
 altar, robed him, put the crosier in his hand, and the mitre on his head, and he be 
 came the first Bishop of Scotland. 
 
 If the British islands were sunk in the sea (and the surface of this globe has suf 
 fered greater changes) you would probably take some such method as this : and if 
 they persist in denying you ordination, it is the same thing. An hundred years 
 hence, when people are more enlightened, it will be wondered at, that men in Ame- 
 
 1 Dr. Moore. * Lord Bristol. 
 
 VOL. II. H 
 
.58 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 rica, qualified by their learning and piety to pray for and instruct their neighbours, 
 should not be permitted to do it till they had made a voyage of 6,000 miles out and 
 home, to ask leave of a cross old gentleman at Canterbury: who seems, by your 
 account, to have as little regard for the souls of the people of Maryland, as King 
 William s Attorney General, Seymour, had for those of Virginia. The Reverend 
 Commissary Blair, who projected the College of that Province, and was in England 
 to solicit benefactions and a charter ; relates, that the Queen in the King s absence, 
 having ordered Seymour to draw up the charter which was to be given, with jC-000 
 in money, he opposed the grant ; saying that the nation was engaged in an expensive 
 war, that the money was wanted for better purposes, and he did not see the least oc 
 casion for a college in Virginia. Blair represented to him, that its intention was to 
 educate and qualify young men to be ministers of the gospel, much wanted there ; 
 and begged Mr, Attorney would consider that the people of Virginia had souls to be 
 saved as well as the people of England. Souls! (said he,) damn your souls. Make 
 tobacco! I have the honor to be, gentlemen, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To B. V A UGH AN, ESQ. 
 DEAU FRIEND, Passy, July 26, 1784. 
 
 I have received several letters from you lately, dated 
 
 June 16, June 30, and July 13. I thank you for the information respecting the 
 proceedings of your West India merchants, or rather planters. The restraints, 
 whatever they may be upon our commerce with your islands, will prejudice their in 
 habitants, I apprehend, more than us. It is wonderful how preposterously the affairs 
 of this world are managed. Naturally one would imagine that the interests of a few 
 particulars, should give way to general interest. But particulars manage their affairs 
 with so much more application, industry, and address than the public do theirs, that 
 general interest most commonly gives way to particular. We assemble parliaments 
 and councils to have the benefit of their collected wisdom, but we necessarily have 
 at the same time the inconvenience of their collected passions, prejudices, and pri 
 vate interests. By the help of these, artful men overpower the wisdom, and dupe 
 its possessors; and if we may judge by the acts, decrees, and edicts all the world 
 over for regulating commerce, an assembly of wise men is the greatest fool upon 
 earth. 
 
 I have received Cook s voyages, which you put Mr. Oswald in the way of sending 
 to me. By some mistake the first volume was omitted, and instead of it a duplicate 
 sent of the third. If there is a good print of Cook, I should be glad to have it, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 59 
 
 being personally acquainted with him. I thank you for the pamphlets by Mr. Est- 
 lin. Every thing you send me gives me pleasure ; to receive your account would 
 give me more than all. 
 
 I am told that the little pamphlet of advice to such as would remove to America* 
 is reprinted in London, with my name to it, which I would rather had been omitted; 
 but wish to see a copy when you have an opportunity of sending it. 
 
 Mr. Hartley lias long continued here in expectation of instructions for making a 
 treaty of commerce, but they do not come, and I begin to suspect none are intend 
 ed ; though perhaps the delay is only occasioned by the over great burthen of busi 
 ness at present on the shoulders of your ministers. We do not press the matter, but 
 arc content to wait till they can see their interest respecting America more clearly, 
 being certain that we can shift as well as you without a treaty. 
 
 The conjectures I sent you concerning the cold of last winter still appear to me 
 probable : the moderate season in Russia and Canada, do not weaken them. I 
 think our frost here began about the 24th of December, in America, the 12th of 
 January. I thank you for recommending to me Mr. Arbuthnot ; I have had plea 
 sure in his conversation. I wish much to see the new pieces you had in hand. I 
 congratulate you on the return of your wedding-day, and wish for your sake and 
 Mrs. Yaughan s, that you may see a great many of them, all as happy as the first. 
 
 I like the young stranger very much : he seems sensible, ingenious, and modest, 
 has a good deal of instruction, and makes judicious remarks. He will probably dis 
 tinguish himself advantageously. 
 
 1 have not yet heard from Mr. Nairne. 
 
 Dr. Price s pamphlet of advice to America, is a good one, and will do good. You 
 ask " what remedy I have for the growing luxury of my country, which gives so much 
 o [fence to all English travellers without exception/ I answer, that I think it 
 exaggerated, and that travellers are no good judges, whether our luxury is growing 
 or diminishing. Our people are hospitable, and have indeed too much pride in 
 displaying upon their tables before strangers the plenty and variety that our country 
 affords. They have the vanity too of sometimes borrowing one another s plate to 
 entertain more splendidly. Strangers being invited from house to house, and meeting 
 every day with a feast, imagine what they see is the ordinary way of living of all the 
 families where they dine; when perhaps each family lives a week after upon the re 
 mains of the dinner given. It is, I own, a folly in our people to give such offence 
 to English travellers. The first part of the proverb is thereby verified, that/00/.? 
 
 1 See Papers on Miscellaneous Subjects. 
 
60 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 make feasts. I wish in this case the other were as true, and wise men eat them. 
 These travellers might, one would think, find some fault they could more decently 
 reproach us with, than that of our excessive civility to them as strangers. 
 
 I have not indeed yet thought of a remedy for luxury ; I am not sure that in a 
 great state it is capable of a remedy : nor that the evil is in itself always so great as 
 it is represented. Suppose we include in the definition of luxury all unnecessary 
 cxpence, and then let us consider whether laws to prevent such ex pence are possi 
 ble to be executed in a great country ; and whether, if they could be executed, our 
 people generally would be happier, or even richer. Is not the hope of one day being 
 able to purchase and enjoy luxuries a great spur to labour and industry? May not 
 luxury therefore produce more than it consumes, if without such a spur people 
 would be, as they are naturally enough inclined to be, lazy and indolent ? To this 
 purpose I remember a circumstance. The skipper of a shallop employed between 
 Cape May and Philadelphia, had done us some small service, for which he refused 
 pay. My wife understanding that he had a daughter, sent her as a present a new 
 fashioned cap. Three years after, this skipper being at my house with an old far 
 mer of Cape May, his passenger, he mentioned the cap, and how much his daughter 
 had been pleased with it ; but, said he, it proved a dear cap to our congregation. 
 How so? When my daughter appeared in it at meeting, it was so much admired, 
 that all the girls resolved to get such caps from Philadelphia; and my wife and I 
 computed that the whole could not have cost less than a hundred pounds. True, 
 said the fanner, but you do not tell all the story ; I think the cap was nevertheless an 
 advantage to us ; for it was the first thing that set our girls upon knitting worsted 
 mittens for sale at Philadelphia, that they might have wherewithal to buy caps and 
 ribbands there; and you know that that industry has continued, and is likely to con 
 tinue and increase to a much greater value, and answer better purposes. Upon the 
 whole, I was more reconciled to this little piece of luxury ; since not only the girls 
 were made happier by having fine caps, but the Philadelphians, by the supply of 
 warm mittens. 
 
 In our commercial towns upon the sea-coast, fortunes will occasionally be made. 
 Sjome of those who grow rich, will be prudent, live within bounds, and preserve what 
 they have gained for their posterity. Others fond of showing their wealth will be 
 extravagant and ruin themselves. Laws cannot prevent this, and perhaps it is not 
 always an evil to the public. A shilling spent idly by a fool, may be picked up by a 
 wiser person, who knows better what to do with it : it is therefore not lost. A vain, 
 silly fellow builds a fine house, furnishes it richly, lives in it expensively, and in a 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 6[ 
 
 few years ruins himself; but the masons, carpenters, smiths, and other honest 
 tradesmen, have been by his employ assisted in maintaining and raising their fami 
 lies ; the farmer has been paid for his labour and encouraged, and the estate is now 
 in better hands. In some cases indeed, certain modes of luxury may be a public 
 evil, in the same manner as it is a private one. If there be a nation, for instance, 
 that exports its beef and linen to pay for its importations of claret and porter, while 
 a great part of its people live upon potatoes, and wear no shirts, wherein does it dif 
 fer from the sot who lets his family starve, and sells his clothes to buy drink? Our 
 American commerce is, I confess, a little in this way. We sell our victuals to your 
 islands for rum and sugar; the substantial necessaries of life for its superfluities. 
 But we have plenty and live well nevertheless ; though by being soberer we might 
 be richer. By-the-by, here is just issued an arrct of council taking off all the du 
 ties upon the exportation of brandies, which, it is said, will render them cheaper in 
 America than your rum ; in which case there is no doubt but they will be preferred, 
 and we shall be better able to bear your restrictions on our commerce. There are 
 views here by augmenting their settlements, of being able to supply the growing peo 
 ple of America with the sugar that may be wanted there. On the whole, I believe 
 England will get as little by the commercial war she has begun with us, as she did by 
 the military. But to return to luxurv. 
 
 <j J 
 
 The vast quantity of forest lands we have yet to clear and put in order for cultiva 
 tion, will for a long time keep the body of our nation laborious and frugal. Forming an 
 opinion of our people and their manners, by what is seen among the inhabitants of 
 the sea- ports, is judging from an improper sample. The people of the trading towns 
 may be rich and luxurious, while the country possesses all the virtues that tend to 
 private happiness and public prosperity. Those towns are not much regarded by 
 the country ; they are hardly considered as an essential part of the States. And 
 the experience of the last war has shewn, that their being in possession of the enemy 
 did not necessarily draw on the subjection of the country, which bravely continued to 
 maintain its freedom and independence notwithstanding. 
 
 It has been computed by some political arithmetician, that if every man and wo 
 man would work four hours each day in something useful, that labour would produce 
 sufficient to procure all the necessaries and comforts of life ; want and misery would 
 be banished out of the world, and the rest of the twenty-four hours might be leisure 
 and pleasure. 
 
 What then occasions so much want and misery? It is the employment of men and 
 women in works that produce neither the necessaries nor conveniencies of life ; who 
 
(>2 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 with those who do nothing, consume the necessaries raised by the laborious. To 
 explain this, 
 
 The first elements of wealth are obtained by labour from the earth and waters. I 
 have land, and raise corn ; with this I feed a family that does nothing, my corn will 
 be consumed, and at the end of the year I shall be no richer than I was at the be 
 ginning. But if, while I feed them, I employ them, some in spinning, others in 
 hewing timber and sawing boards, others in making bricks &c. for building; the 
 value of my corn will be arrested, and remain with me, and at the end of the year 
 we may all be better clothed and better lodged. And if instead of employing a man 
 I feed, in making bricks, I employ him in fiddling for me, the corn he eats is gone, 
 and no part of his manufacture remains to augment the wealth and the conveniences 
 of the family ; I shall therefore be the poorer for this fiddling man, unless the rest of 
 my family work more or eat less to make up the deficiency he occasions. 
 
 Look round the world and see the millions employed in doing nothing, or in 
 something that amounts to nothing, when the necessaries and conveniences of life are 
 in question. What is the bulk of commerce for which we fight and destroy each 
 other, but the toil of millions for superfluities, to the great hazard and loss of many 
 lives by the constant dangers of the sea? How much labour spent in building and 
 fitting great ships to go to China and Arabia for tea and for coffee ; to the West Indies 
 for sugar, to America for tobacco ! These things cannot be called the necessaries of 
 life, for our ancestors lived very comfortably without them. 
 
 A question may be asked, could all these people now employed in raising, making, 
 or carrying superfluities, be subsisted by raising necessaries ? I think they might. 
 The world is large, and a great part of it still uncultivated. Many hundred millions 
 of acres in Asia, Africa, and America, are still forest, and a great deal even in Eu 
 rope. On 100 acres of this forest, a man might become a substantial farmer, and 
 100,000 men employed in clearing each his 100 acres, (instead of being, as they are, 
 French hair-dressers) would hardly brighten a spot big enough to be visible from the 
 moon, (unless with Herscheirs telescope,) so vast are the regions still in the world un 
 improved. 
 
 Tis however some comfort to reflect that upon the whole the quantity of industry 
 and prudence among mankind., exceeds the quantity of idleness and folly. Hence 
 the increase of good buildings, farms cultivated, and populous cities filled with 
 wealth all over Europe, which a few ages since were only to be found on the coasts 
 of the Mediterranean. And this, notwithstanding the mad wars continually raging, 
 by which are often destroyed in one year the works of many years peace. So that 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 63 
 
 we may hope the luxury of a few merchants on the sea coast will not be the ruin of 
 America. 
 
 One reflection more and I will end this long rambling letter. Almost all the 
 parts of our bodies require some expense. The feet demand shoes, the legs stock 
 ings, the rest of the body clothing, and the belly a good deal of victuals. Our 
 eves though exceedingly useful, ask when reasonable only the cheap assistance of 
 spectacles, which could not much impair our finances. But THE EYES OF OTHER 
 PEOPLE are the eyes that ruin us. If all but myself were blind, I should want 
 neither fine clothes, fine houses, nor fine furniture. Adieu, my dear friend. I am 
 Yours ever, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 P. S. This will be delivered to you by my grandson. I am persuaded you will 
 afford him your civilities and counsels. Please to accept a little present of books, I 
 send by him, curious for the beauty of the impression. 
 
 To THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD VISCOUNT HOWE. 
 MY LORD, Passy, August 18, 1784. 
 
 I received lately the very valuable voyage of the late Captain 
 
 Cook, kindly sent to me by your Lordship, in consideration of my good-will in issu 
 ing orders towards the protection of that illustrious discoverer from any interruption 
 in his return home by American cruisers. The reward vastly exceeds the small 
 merit of the action, which was no more than a duty to mankind. I am very sensible 
 of his Majesty s goodness in permitting this favor to me, and I desire that my 
 thankful acknowledgments may be accepted. With great respect, I am, my Lord, 
 your Lordship s most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DR. PRICE. 
 
 DEAR FRIEXD, Passy, August 16, 1784. 
 
 I some time since answered your kind letter of July 12, 
 
 returning the proof of Mr. Turgot s letter, with the permission of his friends to print 
 it. I hope it came safe to hand. 
 
 I had before received yours of April which gave me great pleasure, as it acquaint 
 ed rne with your welfare, and that of Dr Priestley. 
 
 The commencement here of the art of flying will, as you observe, be a new epoch. 
 The construction and manner of filling the balloons improves daily. Some of the 
 artists have lately gone to England. It will be well for your philosophers to obtain 
 
64 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN- 
 
 from them what they know, or you will be behind hand ; which in mechanic opera 
 tions is unusual for Englishmen. 
 
 I hope the disagreements in our Royal Society are composed : quarrels often 
 disgrace both sides ; and disputes even on small matters often produce quarrels 
 for want of knowing how to differ decently ; an art which tis said scarce any body 
 possesses but yourself and Dr. fViestley. 
 
 I had indeed thoughts of visiting England once more, and of enjoying the great 
 pleasure of seeing again my friends there ; but my malady otherwise tolerable, is I 
 find irritated by the motion in a carnage, and I fear the consequence of such a 
 journey ; yet I am not quite resolved against it. I often think of the agreeable 
 evenings I used to pass with that excellent collection of good men, the club at the 
 London, and wish to be again among them. Perhaps I may pop in some Thursday 
 evening when they least expect rue. You may well believe it very pleasing to me 
 to have Dr. Priestley associated with me among the foreign members of the 
 Academy of Sciences. I had mentioned him upon every vacancy that has happened 
 since my residence here, and the place has never been bestowed more worthily. 
 
 When you wrote the letter I am now answering, your nation was involved in the 
 confusion of your new election. When I think of your present crazy constitution 
 and its diseases, I imagine the enormous emoluments of place to be among the 
 greatest, and while they exist I doubt whether ever the reform of your representa 
 tion will cure the evils constantly arising from your perpetual factions. As it seems 
 to be a settled point at present that the minister must govern the parliament, who 
 are to do every thing he would have done ; and he is to brihe them to do this, and 
 the people are to furnish the money to pay these bribes. The parliament appears 
 to me a very expensive machine for government, and I apprehend the people will 
 find out iu time that they may as well be governed, and that it will be much 
 cheaper to be governed by the minister alone ; no parliament being preferable to 
 the present. 
 
 Your newspapers are full of fictitious accounts of distractions in America. We 
 know nothing of them. Mr. .Jefferson, just arrived here, after a journey through 
 all the States from Virginia to Boston, assures tne that ail is quiet, a general tran 
 quillity reigns, and the people well satisfied with their present forms of government, 
 a few insignificant persons only excepted. These accounts are I suppose intended 
 as consolatory, and to discourage emigrations. I think with you, that our revolution 
 is an important event for the advantage of mankind in general. It is to be hoped 
 that the lights we enjoy, which the ancient governments in their first establishment 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 could not have, may preserve us from their errors. In this the advice of wise friends 
 may do much good, and I am sure that which you have been so kind as to offer us 
 will be of great service. 
 
 Mr. Jay is gone to America ; but Mr. Adams is just arrived here, and I shall 
 acquaint him with your remembrance of him. 
 
 Many thanks for your kind wishes respecting my health and happiness, which 
 I return fourfold, being ever with the sincerest esteem, my dear friend, your most 
 affectionate B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To WILLIAM STRAHAN, ESQ. KING S PRINTER, LONDON. 
 DEAR FRIEND, Passy, Aug. 19, 1784. 
 
 I received your kind letter of April 17. You will have the 
 
 goodness to place rny delay in answering, to the account of indisposition and business, 
 and excuse it. I have now that letter before me ; and my grandson, whom you 
 may formerly remember a little scholar at Mr. Elphinston s, purposing to set out in 
 a day or two on a visit to his father in London, I set down to scribble a little to 
 you, first recommending him as a worthy young man to your civilities and counsels. 
 
 You press me much to come to England. I am not without strong inducements 
 to do so ; the fund of knowledge you promise to communicate to me is an addition 
 to them, and no small one. At present it is impracticable. But when my grand 
 son returns, come with him. We will talk the matter over, and perhaps you may 
 take me back with you. I have a bed at your service, and will try to make your 
 residence, while you can stay with us, as agreeable to you, if possible, as I am sure 
 it will be to me. 
 
 You do not " approve the annihilation of profitable places ; for you do not see 
 why a statesman who does his business well, should not be paid for his labour as 
 well as any other workman." Agreed. But why more than any other workman? 
 The less the salary the greater the honour. In so great a nation there are many 
 rich enough to afford giving their time to the public ; and there are I make no doubt 
 many wise and able men who would take as much pleasure in governing for nothing, 
 as they do in playing chess for nothing, It would be one of the noblest amuse 
 ments. That this opinion is not chimerical, the country I now live in affords a 
 proof; its whole civil and criminal law administration being done for nothing, or in 
 some sense for less than nothing, since the members of its judiciary parliaments 
 buy their places, and do not make more than three per cent, for their money, by 
 their fees and emoluments, while the legal interest is live ; so that in fact they give 
 
 VOL. II. I 
 
66 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FIlANKLiN. 
 
 two per cent to be allowed to govern, and all their time and trouble into the bar 
 gain. Thus profit, one motive for desiring place, being abolished, there remains 
 only ambition ; and that being in some degree balanced by loss, you may easily 
 conceive that there will not be very violent factions and contentions for such places ; 
 nor much of the mischief to the country that attends your factions, which have 
 often occasioned wars, and overloaded you with debts unpayable. 
 
 I allow you all the force of your joke upon the vagrancy of our congress. They 
 have a right to sit where they please, of which perhaps they have made too much 
 use by shifting too often. But they have two other rights ; those of sitting when 
 they please, and as long as they please, in which methinks they have the advantage 
 of your parliament; for they cannot be dissolved by the breath of a minister, or 
 sent packing as you were the other day, when it was your earnest desire to have 
 .remained longer together. 
 
 You " fairly acknowledge that the late war terminated quite contrary to your 
 expectation." Your expectation was ill founded; for you would not believe your 
 old friend, who told you repeatedly that by those measures England would lose 
 her colonies, as Epictetus warned in vain his master that he would break his leg. 
 You believed rather the tales you heard of our poltroonery and impotence of body 
 and mind. Do you not remember the story you told me of the Scotch serjeant 
 who met with a party of forty American soldiers, and though alone, disarmed them 
 all, and brought them in prisoners ? a story almost as improbable as that of the 
 Irishman, who pretended to have alone taken and brought in five of the enemy by 
 surrounding them. And yet, my friend, sensible and judicious as you are, but 
 partaking of the general infatuation, you seemed to believe it. The word general 
 puts me in mind of a general, your General Clarke, who had the folly to say in my 
 hearing at Sir John Pringle s that with a thousand British grenadiers he would 
 undertake to go from one end of America to the other, and geld all the males, partly 
 by force and partly by a little coaxing. It is plain he took us for a species of 
 animals very little superior to brutes. The parliament too believed the stories of 
 another foolish General, I forget his name, that the Yankies never felt bold. 
 Yankey was understood to be a sort of Yahoo, and the parliament did not think 
 the petitions of such creatures were fit to be received and read in so wise an 
 assembly. What was the consequence of this monstrous pride and insolence? You 
 first sent small armies to subdue us, believing them more than sufficient, but soon 
 found yourselves obliged to send greater ; these whenever they ventured to penetrate 
 our country beyond the protection of their ships, were either repulsed and obliged 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 6? 
 
 to scamper out, or were surrounded, beaten, and taken prisoners. An American 
 planter who had never seen Europe, was chosen by us to command our troops, andi 
 continued d tiring the whole war. This man sent home to you, one after another, 
 five of your best generals baffled, their heads bare of laurels, disgraced even in the 
 opinion of their employers. Your contempt of our understandings in comparison 
 with your own appeared to be not much better founded than that of our courage, 
 if we may judge by this circumstance, that in whatever court of Europe a Yank^y 
 negotiator appeared, the wise British minister was routed, put in a passion, picked 
 a quarrel with your friends, and was sent home with a flea in his ear. But after all, 
 my dear friend, do not imagine that I am vain enough to ascribe our success to any 
 superiority in any of those points. I am too well acquainted with all the springs 
 and levers of our machine, not to see, that our human means were unequal to our 
 undertaking, and that if it had not been for the justice of our cause, and the conse 
 quent interposition of Providence, in which we had faith, we must have been ruined. 
 If I had ever before been an Atheist, I should now have been convinced of the 
 Being and government of a Deity ! It is he who abases the proud and favours the 
 humble. May we never forget his goodness to us, and may our future conduct 
 manifest our gratitude. 
 
 But let us leave these serious reflections and converse with our usual pleasantry. 
 I remember your observing once to rne, as we sat together in the House of Commons, 
 that no two journeymen printers within your knowledge, had met with such success 
 in the world as ourselves. You were then at the head of your profession, and 
 soon afterwards became a member of parliament. I was an agent for a few pro 
 vinces and now act for them all. But we have risen by different modes. I as a 
 republican printer, always liked a form well plained down ; being averse to those 
 overbearing letters that hold their heads so high as to hinder their neighbours from 
 appearing. You as a monarchist chose to work upon croion paper, and found it 
 profitable; while I worked upon pro patria (often indeed called fools-cap) with no 
 less advantage. Both our heaps hold out very well, and we seem likely to make a 
 pretty good day s work of it. With regard to public affairs, (to continue in the same 
 stile) it seems to me that the compositors in your chapel do not cast off their* Copy 
 -well, nor perfectly understand imposing: their forms too are continually pestered 
 by the outs, and doubles, that are not easy to be corrected. And I think tlifey. 
 were wrong in laying aside some faces, and particularly certain head-pieces, thki 
 would have been both useful and ornamental. But, courage ! The business may 
 
68 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 still flourish with good management; and the master become as rich as any 
 of the company. 
 
 By the way the rapid growth and extension of the English language in America, 
 must become greatly advantageous to the booksellers, and holders of copy-rights 
 in England. A vast audience is assembling there for English authors, ancient* 
 
 O O O ? 
 
 present, and future, our people doubling every twenty years ; and this will demand 
 large and of course profitable impressions of your most valuable books. I would 
 therefore, if I possessed such rights, entail them, if such a thing be practicable, upon 
 my posterity ; for their worth will be continually augmenting. This may look a 
 little like advice and yet I have drank no madeira these six months. The subject 
 however leads me to another thought which is, that you do wrong to discourage the 
 emigration of Englishmen to America. In my piece on population, I have proved, 
 I think, that emigration does not diminish but multiplies a nation. You will not have 
 fewer at home for those that go abroad ; and as every man who comes among us, 
 and takes up a piece of land, becomes a citizen, and by our constitution has a voice 
 in elections, and a share in the government of the country, why should you be 
 against acquiring by this fair means a repossession of it, and leave it to be taken by 
 foreigners of all nations and languages, who by their numbers may drown and stifle 
 the English, which otherwise would probably become in the course of two centuries 
 the most extensive language in the world, the Spanish only excepted ? It is a fact, 
 that the Irish emigrants and their children are now in possession of the government 
 of Pennsylvania, by their majority in the assembly, as well as of a great part of the 
 territory ; and I remember well the first ship that brought any of them over. I am 
 ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, 13. FRANK LIN. 
 
 To GEORGE WHEATLEY, ESQ. 
 MY DEAR OLD FRIEND, Passy, near Paris, Aug. 21, 1784. 
 
 I received your kind letter of May 3 83. I am ashamed 
 
 that it has been so long unanswered. The indolence of old age, frequent indisposition 
 and too. much business, are my only excuses. I had great pleasure in reading it, 
 as it informed me of your welfare. 
 
 Your excellent little work, the Principles of Trade, is too little known. I wish 
 you would send me a copy of it by the return of my grandson and secretary, whom 
 I beg leave to recommend to your civilities. I would get it translated and printed 
 here. And if your bookseller has any quantity of them left, I should be glad he 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 69 
 
 would send them to America. The ideas of our people there, though rather better 
 than those that prevail in Europe, are not so good as they should be ; and that piece 
 might be of service among them. 
 
 Since and soon after the date of your letter, we lost unaccountably as well as un 
 fortunately that worthy valuable young man you mention, your namesake, Maddison. 
 He was infinitely regretted by all that knew him. 
 
 I am sorry your favourite charity 1 does not go on as you could wish it. It is 
 shrunk indeed by your admitting only 60 children in a year. What you have told 
 your brethren respecting America is true. If you find it difficult to dispose of 
 your children in England, it looks as if you had too many people. And yet you 
 are afraid of emigration. A subscription is lately set on foot here to encourage 
 and assist mothers in nursing their infants themselves at home ; the practice of 
 sending them to the Enfants trouves having risen here to a monstrous excess, as 
 by the annual bill it appears they amount to near one third of the children born 
 in Paris! The- subscription is likely to succeed and may do a great deal of good, 
 though it cannot answer all the purposes of a foundling Hospital. 
 
 Your eyes must continue very good since you can write so small a hand without 
 spectacles. I cannot distinguish a letter even of large print ; but am happy in the 
 invention of double spectacles, 1 which serving for distant objects as well as near ones, 
 make my eyes as useful to me as ever they were. If all the other defects and infir 
 mities were as easily and cheaply remedied, it would be worth while for friends to 
 live a good deal longer, but I look upon death to be as necessary to our constitution 
 as sleep. We shall rise refreshed in the morning. Adieu, and believe me ever 
 yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To B. VAUGHAN, ESQ. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Passy, Sept. 7, 1784. 
 
 This will be delivered to you by Count Mirabeau ; son of the 
 
 Marquis of that name ; author of L Aml des Hommes. This gentleman is esteemed 
 here, and I recommend him to your civilities and counsels, particularly with respect 
 to the printing of a piece he has written on the subject of hereditary nobility, pn 
 occasion of the order of Cincinnati lately attempted to be established in America, 
 which cannot be printed here. I find that some of the best judges think it extremely 
 well written, with great clearness, force and elegance. If you can recommend him 
 to an honest, reasonable bookseller, that will undertake it, you will do him service, 
 
 1 The Foundling Hospital. 4 See letter to George Whately, Esq. dated Passy, May 23, 1/35. 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIX. 
 
 perhaps some to mankind, who are too much bigotted in many countries to that 
 kind of imposition. I had formerly almost resolved to trouble you with no more 
 letters of recommendation : but I think you will find this gentleman to possess 
 .talents, that may render his acquaintance agreeable. With sincere esteem, I am 
 <ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To B. VAUGHAN, ESQ. 
 DEAR FRIEND, Passy, Aprils}, 1785. 
 
 I received your kind letter to the 23d past, by Mr, 
 
 Perry, with the other bottle of Blackrie. I thank you much for your care in send 
 ing them. I should have been glad to be of any use to Mr. Perry ; but he had 
 placed his children before I saw him, and he staid with me only a few minutes. 
 
 We see much in parliamentary proceedings, and in papers and pamphlets, of the 
 injury the concessions to Ireland, will do to the manufacturers of England, while the 
 people of England seem to be forgotten, as if quite out of the question. If the Irish 
 can manufacture cottons, and stuffs, and silks, and linens, and cutlery, and toys, and 
 books, &c. &c. &c. so as to sell them cheaper in England than the manufacturers of 
 England sell them, is not this good for the people of England, who are not manufac 
 turers? And will not even the manufacturers themselves share the benefit? Since.if 
 cottons are cheaper, all the other manufacturers who wear cottons will save in that 
 article; and so of the rest. If books can be had much cheaper from Ireland, (which 
 I believe, for I bought Blackstone there for 24s. when it was sold in England at 
 four guineas) is not this an advantage, not to English booksellers indeed, but to 
 English readers, and to learning ? And of all the complainants, perhaps these book 
 sellers are least worthy of consideration. The catalogue you last sent me amazes me 
 by the high prices (said to be the lowest) affixed to each article. And one can scarce 
 see a new book, without observing the excessive artifices made use of to puff up a 
 paper of verses into a pamphlet, a pamphlet into an octavo, and an octavo into a 
 quarto, with scab-boardings, white- lines, sparse titles of chapters, and exorbitant 
 margins, to such a degree, that the selling of paper seems now the object, and print 
 ing on it only the pretence. I inclose the copy of a page in a late comedy. Be 
 tween every two lines there is a white space equal to another line. You have a law, 
 I think, against butchers blowing of veal to make it look fatter ; why not one against 
 booksellers blow ing of books to make them look bigger. All this to yourself; you 
 can easily guess the reason. 
 
 My grandson is a little indisposed, but sends you two pamphlets, Figaro, and Le 
 Roy Voyageur. The first is a play of Bcauniarchais, which has had a great run 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 71 
 
 here. Tiie other a representation of all the supposed errors of government in this 
 country, some of which are probably exaggerated. It is not publicly sold ; we shall 
 send some more shortly. 
 
 Please to remember me very respectfully and affectionately to good Dr. Price. I 
 am glad that he has printed a translation of the Testament, it may do good. I am 
 ever, my dear friend, yours most sincerely, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 [Inclosed in the foregoing Letter.] 
 
 SCENE IV. 
 Sir JOHN and WILDMORE. 
 
 Sir JOHN. 
 
 Whither so fast? 
 
 WILDMORE. 
 To the Opera. 
 
 Sir JOHN. 
 
 It is not the ? 
 
 WILDMORE. 
 Yes it is. 
 
 SIR JOHN. 
 Never on a Sunday. 
 
 WILDMORE. 
 Is this Sunday? 
 
 / 
 
 Sir JOHN. 
 Yes sure. 
 
 WILDMORE. 
 I remember nothing ; I shall soon forget my Christian name. 
 
 If this page was printed running on like Erasmus s Colloquies, it would not have 
 made more than five lines, 
 
72 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 FROM DR. FRANKLIN, TO AN ENGRAVER IN PARIS. 
 
 Passy. 
 
 En relisant, Monsieur, le prospectus de votre estampe, je vois 
 
 que vous m attribuez toujours en entier le merite d avoir afiranchi rAmerique. J ay 
 cependant eu Thonneur de vous dire, dans notre premiere conversation, que je ne pou- 
 vois y corisentir sans me rendre coupable cl injustice envers tant d hommes sages et 
 courageux qui n ont pas craint de hazarder leur fortune etleur vie pour le succes de 
 cette entreprise ; je vous proposal done, et je persiste dans la rneme penst-e, de sub- 
 stituer a mon nom dans Timplication de 1 estampe, ces mots : " le congres represents 
 par un senateur habille a la romainc, $c." 
 
 Je ne puis non plus. Monsieur, en accepter la dedicace : je ne veux point que la 
 France, et mon pays me croyent assez presomptueux pour convenir que je merite des 
 louanges aussi excessives ; et vous concevez qu il me sieroit mal d appuyer de ma re 
 commendation le debit d un ouvrage qui les contiendroit. D apres ces considerations 
 je vous prie de vouloir bien changer votre explication dans un nouveau prospectus, 
 et de dedier votre estampe au Congres. J ai 1 honneur d etre, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DR. IXGENHOUSZ. 
 
 Passy, April 9, 1785. 
 
 I thank you much for the postscript respecting my disorder, the 
 stone. I have taken heretofore, and am now again taking the remedy you mention, 
 which is called Blackness Solvent. It is the soap lie, with lime water, and I believe 
 it may have some effect in diminishing the symptoms, and preventing the growth of 
 the stone, which is all I expect from it. It does not hurt my appetite, I sleep well, 
 and enjoy my friends in cheerful conversation as usual. But as I cannot use much 
 exercise, I eat more sparingly than formerly, and I drink no wine. 
 
 I admire that you should be so timid in asking leave of your good imperial master, 
 to make a journey for visiting a friend. I am persuaded you would succeed, and I 
 hope the proposition I have repeated to you in this letter will assist your courage, 
 and enable you to ask and obtain. If you come hither soon, you may when present, 
 get your book finished, and be ready to proceed with me to America. While writing 
 this, I have received from Congress my leave to return ; and I believe I shall be 
 ready to embark by the middle of July at farthest. I shall now be free from poli 
 tics for the rest of my life. Welcome again, my dear philosophical amusements ! 
 
 J see by a full page of your letter, you have been possessed with strange ideas of 
 America, that there is no justice to be obtained there, no recovery of debts, projects 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 73 
 
 of insurrection to overturn the present government, &c. &c. that a Virginia Colonel, 
 nephew of the Governor, had cheated a stranger of 100,000 livres, and that some 
 body was imprisoned for only speaking of it; and the like very improbable stories; 
 they are all fictions or misrepresentations. If they were truths, all strangers would 
 avoid such a country, and foreign merchants would as soon carry their goods to sell 
 in Newgate as America. Think a little on the sums England has spent to preserve 
 a monopoly of the trade of that people, with whom they had long been acquainted ; 
 and of the desire all Europe is now manifesting to obtain a share of that trade. Our 
 ports are full of their ships, their merchants buying and selling in our streets con- 
 tinually, and returning with our products. Would this happen ? Could such com 
 merce be continued with us, if we were such a collection of scoundrels and villains 
 as we have been represented to you ? And insurrections against our rulers are not 
 only unlikely, as the rulers are the choice of the people, but unnecessary ; as if not 
 liked they may be changed annually by the new elections. I own you have cause, 
 great cause to complain of * * *, but you are wrong to condemn a whole country 
 by a single sample. I have seen many countries, and I do not know a country in 
 the world in which justice is so well administered, where protection and favour have 
 so little power to impede its operations, and where debts are recovered with so much 
 facility. If I thought it such a country as it has been painted to you, I should cer 
 tainly never return to it. The truth, I believe, is, that more goods have been carried 
 thither from all parts of Europe, than the consumption of the country requires, and it 
 is natural that some of the adventurers are willing to discourage others from following 
 them, lest the prices should still be kept down by the arrival of fresh cargoes ; and 
 it is not unlikely that some negligent or unfaithful factors sent thither, may have 
 given such accounts to excuse their not making remittances. And the English mag 
 nify all this, and spread it abroad in their papers, to dissuade foreigners from at 
 tempting to interfere with them in their commerce with us. 
 
 Your account of the Emperor s condescending conversation with you concerning 
 me, is pleasing. I respect very much the character of that monarch, and think that 
 if I were one of his subjects, he would find me a good one. I am glad that his dif 
 ference with your country is likely to be accommodated without bloodshed. The 
 Courier de 1 Europe, and some other papers, printed a letter on that difference, which 
 they ascribed to me. Be assured, my friend, that I never wrote it, nor was ever pre 
 sumptuous enough to meddle with an affair so much out of rny way. Yours &c. 
 
 B. FBANKLIX. 
 VOL. II. K 
 
74 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To GEORGE WHEATLEY, ESQ. 
 DEAR OLD FRIEND, Passy, May 19> 1785. 
 
 I received the very good letter you sent me by my grand 
 son, together with your resemblance, which is placed in my chamber, and gives me 
 great pleasure. There is no trade, they say, without returns, and therefore I am 
 punctual in making those you have ordered. 
 
 I intended this should have been a long epistle, but I am interrupted, and can 
 only add, that I am ever yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To GEORGE WHEATLEY, ESQ. 
 
 
 
 DEAR OLD FRIEND, Passy, May 23, 1785. 
 
 I sent you a few lines the other day, with the medal 
 lion, when I should have written more, but was prevented by the coming in of a ba 
 yard, who worried me till evening. I bore with him, and now you are to bear with 
 me : for I shall probably bavarder in answering your letter. 
 
 I am not acquainted with the saying of Alphonsus, which you allude to as a 
 sanctification of your rigidity in refusing to allow me the plea of old age, as an excuse 
 for my want of exactness in correspondence. What was that saying? You do not 
 it seems feel any occasion for such an excuse, though you are, as you say, rising 75. 
 But I am rising (perhaps more properly falling) 80, and I leave the excuse with you 
 till you arrive at that age ; perhaps you may then be more sensible of its validity, 
 and see fit to use it for yourself. 
 
 I must agree with you that the gout is bad, and that the stone is worse. I am 
 happy in not having them both together, and I join in your prayer, that you may 
 live till you die without either. But I doubt the author of the epitaph you send me 
 was a little mistaken, when he, speaking of the world, says that, 
 
 he ne er cared a pin 
 
 What they said or may say of the mortal within. 
 
 It is so natural to wish to be well spoken of, whether alive or dead, that I imagine 
 he could not be quite exempt from that desire ; and that at least he wished to be 
 thought a wit, or he would not have given himself the trouble of writing so good an 
 epitaph to leave behind him. Was it not as worthy of his care that the world should 
 say he was an honest and a good man? I like better the concluding sentiment in the 
 old song, called the Old Man s Wish, wherein, after wishing for a warm house in a 
 country town, an easy horse, some good authors, ingenious and cheerful companions, 
 
UR1VATE CORRESPONDENCE. 75 
 
 a pudding on Sundays, with stout ale, and a bottle of Burgundy, &c. &c. in separate 
 stanzas, each ending with this burthen, 
 
 May I govern my passions with absolute sway, 
 
 Grow wiser and better as my strength wears away, 
 
 Without gout or stone, by a gentle decay. 
 He adds, 
 
 With a courage undaunted may I face my last day; 
 
 And when 1 am gone } may the better sort say ; 
 
 In the morning when sober, in the evening when mellow, 
 
 He s gone, and has not left behind him his fellow. 
 
 For he governed his passions, fyc. 
 
 But what signifies our wishing? Things happen, after all, as they will happen. I 
 have sung that wishing song a thousand times when I was young, and now find at 
 fourscore that the three contraries have befallen me, being subject to the gout, and 
 the stone, and not being yet master of all my passions. Like the proud girl in my 
 country, who wished and resolved not to marry a parson, nor a Presbyterian, nor an 
 Irishman, and at length found herself married to an Irish Presbyterian parson. You 
 see I have some reason to wish that in a future state, I may not only be as well as I 
 wat, but a little better. And I hope it: for I too, with your poet, trust in God. 
 And when I observe that there is great frugality as well as wisdom in his works, 
 since he has been evidently sparing both of labour and materials ; for by the various 
 wonderful inventions of propagation, he has provided for the continual peopling his 
 world with plants and animals, without being at the trouble of repeated new crea 
 tions ; and by the natural reduction of compound substances to their original ele 
 ments, capable of being employed in new compositions, he has prevented the neces 
 sity of creating new matter ; for that the earth, water, air, and perhaps fire, which 
 being compounded form wood, do when the wood is dissolved return, and again be 
 come air, earth, fire, and water ; I say, that when I see nothing annihilated, and not 
 even a drop of water wasted, I cannot suspect the annihilation of souls, or believe 
 that he will suffer the daily waste of millions of minds ready made that now exist, 
 and put himself to the continual trouble of making new ones. Thus finding myself 
 to exist in the world, I believe I shall in some shape or other always exist : and 
 with all the inconveniences human life is liable to, I shall not object to a new edi 
 tion of mine ; hoping however that the errata of the last may be corrected. 
 
 I return your note of children received in the Foundling Hospital at Paris, from 
 1741 to 1755 inclusive; and I have added the years succeeding down to 1770, 
 Those since that period, I have not been able to obtain. I have noted in the rjiarr 
 
76 MEMOIRS OP BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 gin the gradual increase, viz. from every tenth child so thrown upon the public, till it 
 comes to every third ! Fifteen years have passed since the last account, and proba 
 bly it may now amount to one half. Is it right to encourage this monstrous defi 
 ciency of natural affection ? A surgeon I met with here excused the women of Paris, 
 by saying seriously that they could not give suck, " Car, said he, ilstiont point de te- 
 tons." He assured me it was a fact, and bade me look at them, and observe how flat 
 they were on the breast ; they have nothing more there, said he, than I have upon 
 the back of my hand. I have since thought that there might be some truth in his 
 observation, and that possibly, nature, finding they made no use of bubbles, has left 
 off giving them any. Yet, since Rousseau pleaded with admirable eloquence for the 
 rights of children to their mother s milk, the mode has changed a little ; and some 
 ladies of quality now suckle their infants and find milk enough. May the mode de 
 scend to the lower ranks, till it becomes no longer the custom to pack their infants 
 away as soon as born, to the eufans trouvJs, with the careless observation, that the 
 King is better able to maintain them. I am credibly informed that nine-tenths of 
 them die there pretty soon, which is said to be a great relief to the institution, whose 
 funds would not otherwise be sufficient to bring up the remainder. Except the few 
 persons of quality above-mentioned, and the multitude who send to the hospital, the 
 practice is to hire nurses in the country to carry out the children, and take care of 
 them there. Here is an office for examining the health of nurses, and giving them 
 licences. They come to town on certain days of the week in companies to receive 
 the children, and we often meet trains of them on the road returning to the neighbour 
 ing villages, with each a child in arms. But those who are good enough to try this 
 way of raising their children, are often not able to pay the expence, so that the pri 
 sons of Paris are crowded with wretched fathers and mothers confined pour mois de 
 nourrice, though it is laudably a favourite charity to pay for them, and set such pri 
 soners at liberty. I wish success to the new project of assisting the poor to keep 
 their children at home, because I think there is no nurse like a mother, (or not 
 many) and that if parents did not immediately send their infants out of their sight, 
 they would in a few days begin to love them, and thence be spurred to greater in 
 dustry for their maintenance. This is a subject you understand better than I, and 
 therefore having perhaps said too much, I drop it. I only add to the notes a re 
 mark from the History of the Academy of Sciences, much in favour of the Foundling 
 Institution. 
 
 The Philadelphia bank goes on, as I hear, very well. What you call the Cincin 
 nati Institution, is no institution of our government, but a private convention 
 
PHIVATE CORRESPONDENCE, 7? 
 
 among the officers of our late army, and so universally disliked by the people, that 
 it is supposed it will be dropped. It was considered as an attempt to establish some 
 thing like an hereditary rank or nobility. I hold with you that it was wrong ; may 
 I add, that all descending honors are wrong and absurd ; that the honors of virtuous 
 actions appertain only to him that performs them, and is in its nature incommuni 
 cable. If it were communicable by descent, it must also be divisible among th.3 
 descendants ; and the more ancient the family, the less would be found existing in 
 any one branch of it; to say nothing of the greater chance of unlucky interruptions. 1 
 Our constitution seems not to be well understood with you. If the Congress were 
 a permanent body, there would be more reason in being jealous of giving it powers. 
 But its members are chosen annually, cannot be chosen more than three years suc 
 cessively, nor more than three years in seven ; and any of them may be recalled at 
 any time, whenever their constituents shall be dissatisfied with their conduct. They 
 are of the people, and return again to mix with the people, having no more durable 
 pre-eminence than the different grains of sand in an hourglass. Such an assembly 
 cannot easily become dangerous to liberty. They are the servants of the people, 
 sent together to do the people s business, and promote the public welfare ; their 
 powers must be sufficient, or their duties cannot be performed. They have no pro 
 fitable appointments, but a mere payment of daily wages, such as are scarcely equi 
 valent to their ex pences ; so that having no chance for great places, and enormous 
 salaries or pensions, as in some countries, there is no canvassing or bribing for elec 
 tions. I wish Old England were as happy in its government, but I do not see it. 
 Your people, however, think their constitution the best in the world, and affect to 
 despise ours. It is comfortable to have a good opinion of oneself, and of every 
 thing that belongs to us ; to think one s own religion, king, and wife, the best of all 
 possible wives, kings, or religions. I remember three Greenlanders, who had tra 
 velled two years in Europe, under the care of some Moravian missionaries, and had 
 visited Germany, Denmark, Holland, and England ; when I asked them at Phila 
 delphia (where they were in their way home) whether now they had seen how much 
 more commodiously the white people lived by the help of the arts, they would not 
 choose to remain among us ? their answer was, that they were pleased with having 
 had an opportunity of seeing so many fine things, but they chose to LIVE in their 
 own country. Which country, by the way, consisted of rock only, for the Moravians 
 
 See Letter to Mrs. Bacht>, Jan, 26, J?S4. p. 4(5. 
 
78 
 
 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN" FRAXKLIN. 
 
 were obliged to carry earth in their ship from New York, for the purpose of making 
 a cabbage garden. 
 
 By Mr. Dollond s saying that my double spectacles can only serve particular 
 eyes, I doubt he has not been rightly informed of their construction. I imagine it 
 will be found pretty generally true that the same convexity of glass through which 
 a man sees clearest and best at the distance proper for reading, is not the best for 
 greater distances. I therefore had formerly two pair of spectacles, which I shifted 
 occasionally, as in travelling I sometimes read and often wanted to regard the pros 
 pects. Finding this change troublesome and not always sufficiently ready, I 
 the glasses cut, and half of each kind associated in the same circle, thus, 
 
 least convex 
 for distant objects 
 
 By this means, as I wear my spectacles constantly, I have only to move my eyes up 
 or down as I want to see distinctly far or near, the proper glasses being always 
 ready. This I find more particularly convenient since my being in France, the 
 glasses that serve me best at table to see what I eat not being the best to see the 
 faces of those on the other side of the table who speak to me; and when one s ears 
 are not well accustomed to the sounds of a language, a sight of the movements in 
 the features of him that speaks helps to explain ; so that I understand French better 
 by the help of my spectacles. 
 
 My intended translator of your piece, the only one I know who understands the 
 subject as well as the two languages, (which a translator ought to do, or he cannot 
 make so good a translation,) is at present occupied in an affair that prevents his 
 undertaking it ; but that will soon be over. I thank you for the notes. I should be 
 .glad to have another of the printed pamphlets. ^ kjl ;>H ,, 
 
 We shall always be ready to take your children if you send them to us. I only 
 wonder, that since London draws to itself and consumes such numbers of your 
 country people, the country should not, to supply their places, want and willingly 
 receive the children you have to dispose of. That pircumstance, together with the 
 multitude who voluntarily part with their freedom as men, to serve for ,a time, as, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 79 
 
 lacqueys, or for life as soldiers, in consideration of small wages, seems to me proof 
 that your island is over-peopled. And yet it is afraid of emigrations ! 
 Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever, yours very affectionately, B. F. 
 
 ,1 jiu;-/ .)</ r* v Ajjf. fffUifi I :- 
 
 To * * * 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, August 21, 1784. 1 
 
 Understanding that my letter intended for you by General 
 Melvill was lost at the Hotel D Espagne, I take this opportunity by my grandson, 
 to give you the purport of it, as well as I can recollect. I thanked you for the 
 pleasure you had procured me of the General s conversation, whom I found a judici 
 ous, sensible and amiable man. I was glad to hear that you possessed a comfortable 
 retirement, and more so that you had thoughts of removing to Philadelphia, for 
 that it would make me very happy to have you there. Your companions would be 
 very acceptable to the library, but I hoped you would long live to enjoy their company 
 yourself. I agreed with you in sentiments concerning the old testament, and thought 
 the clause in our constitutions which required the members of assembly to declare their 
 belief, that the whole of it was given by divine inspiration, had better have been omit 
 ted. That I had opposed the clause ; but being overpowered by numbers, and fearing 
 more might in future times be grafted on it, I prevailed to have the additional clause, 
 " that no further or more extended profession of faith should ever be exacted." I 
 observed to you too, that the evil of it was the less, as 720 inhabitant, nor any officer 
 of government, except the members of assembly, was obliged to make that decla 
 ration. So much for that letter : to which I may now add, that there are several 
 things in the old testament, impossible to be given by divine inspiration ; such as 
 the approbation ascribed to the angel of the lord, of that abominably wicked and 
 dete stable action of Jael, the wife of Heber, the Kenite. If the rest of the book 
 were like that, I should rather suppose it given by inspiration from another quarter, 
 and renounce the whole. 
 
 By the way, how goes on the Unitarian church in Essex street ? and the honest 
 minister of it, 1 is he comfortably supported? your old colleague Mr. Radcliff, J is he 
 living? and what became of Mr. Denham? 
 
 1 This letter ought to have been placed in the order of its date, among these of 1784. 
 * Theophilus Lindsey M. A. 
 
 3 A Dissenting Minister at Wapping, who afterwards turned to the profession of the Law. He 
 published one or two sermons. 
 
80 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 My grandson who will have the honor of delivering this to you, may bring me a 
 line from you ; and I hope will bring me an account of your continuing well and 
 happy. 
 
 I jog on still, with as much health, and as few of the infirmities of old age as I 
 have any reason to expect. But notwithstanding the decay of my constitution, my 
 regard for my old friends remains firm and entire. You will always have a good 
 share of it, for I am ever with great and sincere esteem, dear sir, &c. B. F. 
 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, June 20, 1785. 
 
 I have just received the only letter from you that has given 
 me pain. It informs me of your intention to attempt passing to England in the 
 car of a balloon. In the present imperfect state of that invention, I think it much 
 too soon to hazard a voyage of that distance. It is said here by some of those who 
 have had experience, that as yet they have not found means to keep up a balloon 
 more than two hours ; for that by now and then losing air to prevent rising too 
 high and bursting ; and now and then discharging ballast to avoid descending too 
 low; these means of regulation are exhausted. Besides this all the circumstances of 
 danger by disappointment, in the operation of Soupapes &c. &c. seem not to be yet 
 well known, and therefore not easily provided against. For on Wednesday last M. 
 Pilatre de Rosier, who had studied the subject as much as any man, lost his support 
 in the air, by the bursting of his balloon, or by some other means we are yet unac 
 quainted with, and fell with his companion from the height of one thousand toises, 
 on the rocky coast, and was found dashed to pieces. You having lived a good life 
 do not fear death. But pardon the anxious freedom of a friend, if he tells you 
 that the continuance of your life being of importance to your family and your coun 
 try, though you might laudably hazard it for their good, you have no right to risque 
 it for a fancy. I pray God this may reach you in time and have some effect 
 towards changing your design : being ever, my dear friend, Yours affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 ,,f* 
 
 To BARON MA SERES. 
 
 *iil jjj V >* ", " ; " tj " >. 
 
 SIR, Passy, June 26, 1785. 
 
 I have just received your friendly letter of the 20th instant. 
 I agree with you perfectly in the opinion, that though the contest has been hurtful 
 to both our countries, yet the event, a separation, is better even for yours than 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 81 
 
 success. The reducing and keeping us in subjection by an armed force would have 
 cost you more than the dominion could be worth, and our slavery would have 
 brought on yours. The ancient system of the British empire was a happy one, by 
 which the colonies were allowed to govern and tax themselves. Had it been wisely 
 continued, it is hard to imagine the degree of power and importance in the world 
 that empire might have arrived at. All the means of growing greatness, extent of 
 territory, agriculture, commerce, arts, population, were within its own limits, and 
 therefore at its command. I used to consider that system as a large and beautiful 
 porcelain vase, I lamented the measures that I savr likely to break it, and strove 
 to prevent them ; because once broken I saw no probability of its being ever repair 
 ed. My endeavours did not succeed : we are broken, and the parts must now do as 
 well as they can for themselves. We may still do well though separated. I have 
 great hopes of our side, and good wishes for yours. The anarchy and confusion 
 you mention as supposed to prevail among us, exist only in your newspapers. I 
 have authentic accounts which assure me that no people were ever better governed 
 or more content with their respective constitutions and governments than the pre 
 sent thirteen states of America. A little reflection may convince any reasonable 
 man, that a government wherein the administrators are chosen annually by the free 
 voice of the governed, and may also be recalled at any time if their conduct dis 
 pleases their constituents, cannot be a tyrannical one, as your loyalists represent it ; 
 who at the same time inconsistently desire to return and live under it. And among 
 an intelligent enlightened people as ours is> there must always be too numerous 
 and too strong a party for supporting good government and the laws, to suffer what 
 is called anarchy. This better account of our situation must be pleasing to your 
 humanity, and therefore I give it you. 
 
 But we differ a little in our sentiments respecting the loyalists (as they call them 
 selves) and the conduct of America towards them, which you think "seems actuated 
 by a spirit of revenge ; aud that it would have been more agreeable to policy as well 
 as justice to have restored their estates upon their taking the oaths of allegiance to 
 the new governments. 1 That there should still be some resentment against them in 
 the breasts of those who have had their houses, farms, and towns so lately destroyed, 
 and relations scalped under the conduct of these royalists, is not wonderful; though 
 I believe the opposition given by many to their re-establishment among us is owing 
 to a firm persuasion, that there could be no reliance on their oaths ; and that the 
 effect of receiving those people again would be an introduction of that very anarchy 
 and confusion they falsely reproach us with. Even the example you propose of the 
 VOL. II. L 
 
82 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FltANKLIX. 
 
 English commonwealth s restoring the estates of the royalists after their being 
 subdued, seems rather to countenance and encourage our acting differently, as 
 probably if the power, which always accompanies property, had not been restored 
 to the royalists ; if their estates had remained confiscated and their persons had 
 been banished, they could not have so much contributed to the restoration of kingly 
 power, and the new government of the republic might have been more durable. 
 The majority of examples in your history are on the other side of the question. All 
 the estates in England and south of Scotland, and most of those possessed by the 
 descendants of the English in Ireland, are held from ancient confiscations made of 
 the estates of Caledonians, and Britons the original possessors in your island, or the 
 native Irish, in the last century only. It is but a few months since that your parlia 
 ment has in a few instances, given up confiscations incurred by a rebellion suppress 
 ed forty years ago. The war against us was begun by a general act of parliament 
 declaring all our estates confiscated, and probably one great motive to the loyalty 
 of the royalists was the hope of sharing in these confiscations. They have played a 
 deep game staking their estates against ours ; and they have been unsuccessful. 
 But it is a surer game, since they had promises to rely on from your government of 
 indemnification in case of loss ; and I see your parliament is about to fulfil those 
 promises. To this I have no objection, because though still our enemies, they are men; 
 they are in necessity ; and I think even an hired assassin has a right to his pay from 
 his employer : it seems too more reasonable that the expence of paying these should 
 fall upon the government who encouraged the mischief done, rather than upon us who 
 suffered it ; the confiscated estates making amends but for a very small part of that 
 mischief: it is not therefore clear that our retaining them is chargeable with in 
 justice. I have hinted above, that the name loyalists, was improperly assumed by 
 these people. Royalists they may perhaps be called. But the true loyalists, were 
 the people of America against whom they acted. No people were ever known 
 more truly loyal, and universally so, to their sovereigns : the protestant succession 
 in the House of Hanover was their idol. Not a Jacobite was to be found from 
 one end of the colonies to the other. They were affectionate to the people of 
 England, zealous and forward to assist in her wars, by voluntary contributions of men 
 and money, even beyond their proportion. The king and parliament had frequently 
 acknowledged this by public messages, resolutions, and reimbursements. But they 
 were equally fond of what they esteemed their rights, and if they resisted when 
 those were attacked, it was a resistance in favour of a British constitution, which 
 every Englishman might share in enjoying who should come to live among them : 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 83 
 
 it was resisting arbitrary impositions that were contrary to common right and to their 
 fundamental constitutions, and to constant ancient usage. It was indeed a resis 
 tance in favour of the liberties of England, which might have been endangered by 
 success in the attempt against ours ; and therefore a great man in your parliament 
 did not scruple to declare, he rejoiced that America had resisted. I for the same 
 reason may add this very resistance to the other instances of their loyalty. I have 
 already said that I think it just you should reward those Americans who joined your 
 troops in the war against their own country : but if ever honesty could be inconsistent 
 with policy, it is so in this instance B. EUAN KLIN. 
 
 To GRANVILLE SHARP, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, July 5, 1785. 
 
 I received the books you were so kind as to send me by Mr. 
 Drown. Please to accept my hearty thanks. Your writings, which always have 
 some public good for their object, I always read with pleasure. I am perfectly of 
 your opinion with respect to the salutary law of gavel kind, and hope it may in 
 time be established throughout America. In six of the states already the lands of 
 intestates are divided equally among the children if all girls ; but there is a double 
 share given to the eldest son, for which I see no more reason than in giving such 
 share to the eldest daughter ; and think there should be no distinction. Since my 
 being last in France, I have seen several of our eldest sons, spending idly their 
 fortunes by residing in Europe, and neglecting their own country ; these are from 
 the southern states. The northern young men stay at home, and are industrious 
 useful citizens ; the more equal division of their fathers fortunes not enabling them 
 to ramble and spend their shares abroad, which is so much the better for their 
 country. 
 
 I like your piece on the election of bishops. There is a fact in Hollingshead s 
 Chronicle, the latter part relating to Scotland, which shews, if my memory does not 
 deceive me, that the first bishop in that country was elected by the clergy : I men 
 tioned it some time past in a letter to two young men, 1 who asked my advice about 
 obtaining ordination, which had been denied them by the bishops in England, unless 
 they would take the oath of allegiance to the king ; and I said, I imagine that unless 
 a bishop is soon sent over, with a power to consecrate others, so that we may have 
 
 1 Sec Letter to Messrs. Wcems and Gant, July 18, 1784, Page !>7. 
 
g4 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 no future occasion of applying to England for ordination, we may think it right, after 
 reading your piece, to elect also. 
 
 The liturgy you mention, was an abridgment of that made by a noble lord of my 
 acquaintance, who requested me to assist him by taking the rest of the book, viz. 
 the catechism and the reading and singing psalms. These I abridged by retaining 
 of the catechism only the two questions, What is your duty to God ? What is your 
 duty to your neighbour? with answers. The psalms were much contracted by 
 leaving out the repetitions (of which I found more than I could have imagined) 
 and the imprecations, which appeared not to suit well the Christian doctrine of 
 forgiveness of injuries, and doing good to enemies. The book was printed for 
 Wilkie in St. Paul s church yard, but never much noticed. Some were given away, 
 very few sold, and I suppose the bulk became waste paper. In the prayers so 
 much was retrenched, that approbation could hardly be expected ; but I think with 
 you a moderate abridgment might not only be useful, but generally acceptable. 
 
 I am now on the point of departing for America, where I shall be glad occa 
 sionally to hear from you, and of your welfare; being with sincere and great esteem, 
 dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. Fu AN KLIN. 
 
 . To His EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON. 
 DEAR SIR, Philadelphia, Sept. 20, 1785. 
 
 I am just arrived from a country where the reputation of 
 General Washington runs very high, and where every body wishes to see him in person; 
 but being told that it is not likely he ever will favor them with a visit, they hope 
 at least for a sight of his perfect resemblance by means of their principal statuary, 
 Mr. Houdon, whom Mr. Jefferson and myself agreed with to come over for the 
 purpose of taking a bust, in order to make the intended statue for the state of 
 Virginia. He is here, but the materials and instruments he sent down the Seine 
 from Paris not being arrived at Havre when we sailed, he was obliged to leave them, 
 and is now busied in supplying himself here. As soon as that is done, he proposes 
 to wait on you in Virginia, as he understands there is no prospect of your coming 
 hither, which would indeed make me very happy; as it would give me the opportu 
 nity of congratulating with you personally on the final success of your long and 
 painful labours in the service of our country, which have laid us all under eternal 
 obligations. With the greatest and most sincere esteem and respect, I am, dear 
 Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 85 
 
 To THE HONOURABLE DR. FRANKLIN. 
 
 ANSWER TO THE FOREGOING. 
 DEAR SIR, Mount Fcrnon, Sept. 6, 1785. 
 
 I had just written, and was about to put into the hands of 
 Mr. Taylor, (a gentleman in the department of the secretary for foreign affairs,) 
 the inclosed letter, when I had the honor to receive your favor of the 20th instant. 
 
 I have a grateful sense of the partiality of the French nation towards me. And 
 I feel very sensibly for the indulgent expression of your letter, which does me great 
 honor. 
 
 When it suits Mr. Houdon to come hither, I will accommodate him in the best 
 manner I am able, and shall endeavour to render his stay as agreeable as I can. 
 
 It would give me infinite pleasure to see you. At this place I dare not look for 
 it, although to entertain you under my own roof would be doubly gratifying. When, 
 or whether ever, I shall have the satisfaction of seeing you at Philadelphia, is un 
 certain, as retirement from the walks of public life has not been so productive of 
 that leisure and ease, as might have been expected. With very great esteem and 
 respect, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant, G. WASHINGTON. 
 
 To MR. AND MRS. JAY. 
 DEAR FRIENDS, Philadelphia, Sept. 21, 1785. 
 
 I received your very kind letter of the 1 6th congratulating 
 
 me on my safe arrival with my grandsons ; an event that indeed makes me very 
 happy, being what I have long ardently wished, and considering the growing infirmi 
 ties of age, began almost to despair of. I am now in the bosom of my family, and 
 find four new little prattlers, who cling about the knees of their grandpapa, and afford 
 me great pleasure. The affectionate welcome I met with from my fellow-citizens, 
 is far beyond my expectation ; I bore my voyage very well, and find myself rather 
 better for it, so that I have every possible reason to be satisfied with my having 
 undertaken and performed it. When I was at Passy, I could not bear a wheel 
 carriage ; and being discouraged in my project of descending the Seine in a boat, 
 by the difficulties and tediousness of its navigation in so dry a season, J accepted 
 the offer of one of the king s litters, carried by large mules, which brought me well 
 though in walking slowly to Havre. Thence I went over in a packet boat to 
 Southampton, where I staid four days, till the ship came for me to Spithead. 
 Several of my London friends came there to see me, particularly the good Bishop 
 of St. Asaph and family, who staid with me to the last. In short I am now so well 
 as to think it possible that I may once more have the pleasure of seeing you both 
 
86 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 perhaps at New York, with my dear young friends (who I hope may not have quite 
 forgotten me) for I imagine that on the sandy road between Burlington and Amboy, 
 I could bear an easy coach, and the rest is water. I rejoice to hear that you con 
 tinue well, being with true and great esteem and affection, your most obedient 
 servant, 3^3, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To M. MATRON DE LA COUR. 
 SIR, Philadelphia, Nov. 18, 1785. 
 
 I received duly the letter you did me the honour of writing 
 to me the 25th of June past, together with the collection you have made des complex 
 rendus de vos controleurs generaux; and your Discours sur les moyens d encourager 
 le patriotisms dans les monarchies. The first is a valuable work, as containing a 
 great deal of useful information ; but the second I am particularly charmed with, 
 the sentiments being delightfully just, and expressed with such force and clearness, 
 that I am persuaded the pamphlet, though small, must have a great effect, on the 
 minds of both princes and people, and thence be productive of much good to man 
 kind. Be pleased to accept my hearty thanks for both. 
 
 It is right to be sowing good seed whenever we have an opportunity, since some 
 of it may be productive. An instance of this you should be acquainted with, as it 
 may afford you pleasure. The reading of Fortune Ricard s Testament, has put it 
 into the head and heart of a citizen to leave two thousand pounds sterling to two 
 American cities, who are to lend it in small sums at five per cent, to young beginners 
 in business ; and the accumulation, after an hundred years, to be laid out in public 
 works of benefit to those cities. 1 With great esteem, I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DR. BANCROFT, F. R. S. Sec. LONDON. 
 DEAR SIR, Philadelphia, Nov. 26, 1786. 
 
 I received your kind letter of September 5, informing me of 
 
 the intention Mr. Dilly has of printing a new edition of my writings, and of his 
 desire that I would furnish him with such additions, as I may think proper. At 
 present all my papers and manuscripts are so mixt with other things, by the 
 confusions occasioned in sudden and various removals during the Jate troubles, that 
 I can hardly find any thing. But having nearly finished an addition to my house, 
 which will afford me room to put all in order, I hope soon to be able to comply 
 
 1 See Dr. Fnyiklin s Will. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. $7 
 
 \vith such a request; but I hope Mr. Dilly will have a good understanding in the 
 affair, with Henry and Johnson, who having risqued the former impressions, may 
 suppose they thereby acquired some right in the copy. As to the Life proposed to 
 be written, if it be by the same hand who furnished a sketch to Dr. Lettsom, 
 which he sent me, I am afraid it will be found too full of errors for either you or 
 me to correct: and having been persuaded by my friends, Messrs. Vaughan and 
 Monsieur Le Veillard, Mr. James of this place, and some others, that such a Life, 
 written by myself, may be useful to the rising generation, I have made some 
 progress in it, and hope to finish it this winter : so I cannot but wish that project 
 of Mr. Dilly s biographer may be laid aside. I am nevertheless thankful to you 
 for your friendly offer of correcting it. 
 
 As to public affairs, it is long since I gave over all expectations of a commercial 
 treaty between us and Britain; and I think we can do as well, or better with 
 out one than, she can. Our harvests are plenty, our produce fetches a high 
 price in hard money, and there is in every part of our country, incontestable marks 
 of public felicity. We discover, indeed, some errors in our general and particular 
 constitutions ; which it is no wonder they should have, the time in which they were 
 formed being considered. But these we shall soon mend. The little disorders you 
 have heard of in some of the States, raised by a few wrong heads, are subsiding, 
 and will probably soon be extinguished. My best wishes, and those of my family 
 attend you. We shall be happy to see you here, when it suits you to visit us ! 
 being with sincere and great esteem, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To Du. SHIPLEY, BISHOP OF ST. ASAPH. 
 DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, Feb. 24, 1786. 
 
 I received lately your kind letter of November 27. My 
 
 reception here, was, as you have heard, very honourable indeed ; but I was betrayed 
 by it and by some remains of ambition, from which I had imagined myself free, 
 to accept of the Chair of Government for the State of Pennsylvania, when the 
 proper thing for me was repose and a private life. I hope however to be able to 
 bear the fatigue for one year, and then to retire. 
 
 I have much regretted our having so little opportunity for conversation when we 
 last met. 1 You could have given me informations and counsels that I wanted, but 
 \ve were scarce a minute together without being broken in upon. I am to thank 
 
 At Southampton, previous to Dr. Franklin s embarking for the United States. 
 
88 MEMOIRS OF SEtfJAMIIS* FHANKLIN. 
 
 you however for the pleasure I had after our parting, in reading the new book* you 
 gave me, which I think generally well written and likely to do good : though the 
 reading time of most people is of late so taken up with newspapers, and little peri 
 odical pamphlets, that few now a days venture to attempt reading a quarto volume. 
 I have admired to see that in the last century, a folio, Burton on Melancholy, 
 went through six editions in about forty years. We have, I believe, more readers 
 now, but not of such large books. 
 
 You seem desirous of knowing what progress we make here in improving our 
 governments. We are I think in the right road of improvement, for we are making 
 experiments. I do not oppose all that seem wrong, for the multitude are more 
 effectually set right by experience, than kept from going wrong by reasoning with 
 them. And I think we are daily more and more enlightened; so that I have no 
 doubt of our obtaining in a few years as much public felicity as good government is 
 capable of affording. Your newspapers are filled with fictitious accounts of anarchy, 
 confusion, distresses and miseries we are supposed to be involved in, as conse 
 quences of the revolution; and the few remaining friends of the old government 
 among us, take pains to magnify every little inconvenience a change in the course 
 of commerce may have occasioned. To obviate the complaints they endeavour to 
 excite, was written the inclosed little piece,* from which you may form a truer idea 
 of our situation, than your own public prints would give you. And I can assure 
 you that the great body of our nation find themselves happy in the change, and have 
 not the smallest inclination to return to the domination of Britain. There could not 
 be a stronger proof of the general approbation of the measures that promoted the 
 change, and of the change itself, than has been given by the Assembly and Council of 
 this State, in the nearly unanimous choice for their Governor, of one who had been 
 so much concerned in those measures ; the assembly being themselves the unbribed 
 choice of the people, and therefore may be truly supposed of the same sentiments. 
 I say nearly unanimous, because of between 70 and 80 votes, there were only mv 
 own, and one other in the negative. 
 
 As to rny domestic circumstances, of which you kindly desire to hear something, 
 they are at present as happy as I could wish them. I am surrounded by my 
 offspring, a dutiful and affectionate daughter in my house, with six grand children, 
 the eldest of which you have seen, who is now at College in the next street, 
 finishing the learned part of his education; the others promising both for parts and 
 
 1 Palcy s Moral Philosophy. * Uncertain what piece is alluded to. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 89 
 
 good dispositions. What their conduct may be when they grow up and enter the 
 important scenes of life, I shall not live to see, and I cannot foresee. I therefore 
 enjoy among them the present hour, and leave the future to Providence. 
 
 He that raises a large family, does indeed, while he lives to observe them, stand, 
 as Watts says, a broader mark for sorrow ; but then he stands a broader mark for 
 pleasure too. When we launch our little fleet of barks into the ocean, bound to 
 different ports, we hope for each a prosperous voyage; but contrary winds, hidden 
 shoals, storms and enemies come in for a share in the disposition of events; and 
 though these occasion a mixture of disappointment, yet considering the risk where we 
 can make no insurance, we should think ourselves happy if some return with success. 
 My son s son, (Temple Franklin) whom you have also seen, having had a line farm of 
 600 acres conveyed to him by his father when we were at Southampton, has dropped 
 for the present his views of acting in the political line, and applies himself ardently to 
 the study and practice of agriculture. This is much more agreeable to me, who 
 esteem it the most useful, the most independent, and therefore the noblest of em 
 ployments. His lands are on navigable water, communicating with the Delaware, 
 arid but about 16 miles from this city. He has associated to himself a very skilful 
 English farmer lately arrived here, who is to instruct him in the business, and par 
 takes for a term of the profits; so that there is a great apparent probability of their 
 success. You will kindly expect a word or two concerning myself. My health 
 and spirits continue, thanks to God ; as when you saw me. The only complaint I 
 then had, does not grow worse and is tolerable. I still have enjoyment in the 
 company of my friends; and being easy in my circumstances, have many reasons 
 to like living. But the course of nature must soon put a period to my present mode 
 of existence. This I shall submit to with less regret, as, having seen during a long 
 life a good deal of this world, I feel a growing curiosity to be acquainted with some 
 other; and can chearfully with filial confidence resign my spirit to the conduct of 
 that great and good parent of mankind who created it, and who has so graciously 
 protected and prospered me from my birth to the present hour. Wherever I am, I 
 hope always to retain the pleasing remembrance of your friendship, being with 
 sincere and great esteem, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B, F. 
 
 We all join in respects to Mrs. Shipley, and best wishes for the whole amiable 
 iahiily. 
 
 VOL. II. M 
 
90 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To M. LE VEILLARD OF PASSY. 
 My DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, March 6, 1786. 
 
 I received and read with great pleasure your kind letter of 
 
 October 9- It informed me of your welfare, and that of the best of good women, 
 and of her amiable daughter, who I think will tread in her steps. My effects came 
 all in the same ship, in good order; and we are now drinking every day les eaux 
 epurees de Passy with great satisfaction, as they kept well, and seem to be rendered 
 more agreeable by the long voyage. I am here in the bosom of my family, and am 
 not only happy myself, but have the felicity of seeing my country so. Be assured 
 that all the stories spread in the English papers of our distresses, and confusions, 
 and discontents with our new governments, are as chimerical as the history of my 
 being in chains at Algiers. They exist only in the wishes of our enemies. America 
 never was in higher prosperity, her produce abundant and bearing a good price, her 
 working people all employed and well paid, and all property in lands and houses of 
 more than treble the value it bore before the war; and our commerce being no 
 longer the monopoly of British merchants, we are furnished with all the foreign com 
 modities we need, at much more reasonable rates than heretofore. So that we have 
 no doubt of being able to discharge more speedily the debt incurred by the war than 
 at first was apprehended. Our modes of collecting taxes are indeed as yet imper 
 fect, and we have need of more skill in financering ; but we improve in that kind 
 of knowledge daily by experience. That our people are contented with the revo 
 lution, with their new constitutions, and their foreign connections, nothing can 
 afford a stronger proof than the universally cordial and joyous reception with which 
 they welcomed the return of one that was supposed to have had a considerable share 
 in promoting them. All this is in answer to that part of your letter in which you 
 seem to have been too much impressed with some of the ideas which those lying. 
 English papers endeavour to inculcate concerning us. 
 
 I am astonished by what you write concerning the Prince Evegue. 1 If the 
 charges against him are made good, it will be another instance of the truth of those 
 proverbs which teach us, that Prodigality begets necessity, that without Economy 
 no revenue is sufficient, and that it is hard for an empty sack to stand upright. 
 
 I am glad to hear of the marriage of Miss Brillon ; for every thing that may 
 contribute to the happiness of that beloved family, gives me pleasure. Be pleased to 
 offer them my felicitations, and assure them of my best wishes. 
 
 1 The Cardinal de Rohan, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 91 
 
 Will you also be so good as to present my respectful compliments to Madame la 
 Duchesse d Enville, and to M. le Due de la Rochefoucault ? You may communicate 
 the political part of this letter to that excellent man. His good heart will rejoice 
 to hear of the welfare of America. 
 
 I made no progress when at sea in the history you mention : but I was not idle 
 there, having written three pieces, each of some length : one on Nautical matters ; 
 another on Chimnies ; and the third a Description of my Vase for consuming 
 Smoke, with directions for using it.* These are all now printing in the Transactions 
 of our Philosophical Society, of which I hope soon to send you a copy. 
 
 My grandsons present their compliments. The eldest is very busy in preparing 
 for a country life, being to enter upon his farm the 25th instant. It consists of 
 about 600 acres, bounding on navigable water, \6 miles from Philadelphia. The 
 youngest is at College, very diligent in his studies. You know my situation, 
 involved in public cares, but they cannot make me forget that you and I love one 
 another, and that I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. F. 
 
 To MRS. HEWSON, LONDON. 
 MY DEAR. FRIEND, Philadelphia, May 6, 1786. 
 
 A long winter has passed and I have not had the pleasure of 
 
 a line from you, acquainting me with your and your children s welfare, since I left 
 England. I suppose you have been in Yorkshire out of the way and knowledge of 
 opportunities ; for I will not think you have forgotten me. To make me some 
 amends, I received a few days past a large packet from Mr. Williams, dated Sep 
 tember 1776, near ten years since, containing three letters from you, one of 
 December 12, 177-5. This packet had been received by Mr. Bache after my 
 departure for France, lay dormant among his papers during all my absence, and has 
 just now broke out upon me like words, that had been, as somebody says, con 
 gealed in Northern air. Therein I find all the pleasing little family history of your 
 children ; how William had begun to spell, overcoming by strength of memory all 
 the difficulty occasioned by the common wretched alphabet ; while you were con 
 vinced of the utility of our new one. How Tom, genius-like, struck out new paths, 
 and relinquishing the old names of the letters, called U Bell and P Bottle. How 
 Eliza began to grow jolly, that is fat and handsome, resembling Aunt Rooke whom 
 I used to call my lovely. Together with all the then news of Lady Blunt s having 
 produced at length a boy ; of Dolly s being well, and of poor good Catherine s 
 
 1 Dr. Franklin s " Memoirs of his Life" 
 * Inserted in " Letters and Papers on Philosophical Subjects" 
 
.92 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 decease. Of your affairs with Muir and Atkinson, and of their contract for feeding 
 the fish in the Channel. Of the Vinys, and their jaunt to Cambridge in the long 
 carriages. Of Dolly s journey to Wales with Mr. Scot. Of the Wilkes s, the 
 Pearces, Elphinston, &c. &c. Concluding with a kind of promise, -that as soon as 
 the Ministry and Congress agreed to make peace, I should have you with me in 
 America. That peace has been some time made, but alas ! the promise is not yet 
 fulfilled. And why is it not fulfilled ? 
 
 I have found my family here in health, good circumstances, and well respected 
 by their fellow citizens. The companions of my youth are indeed almost all departed, 
 but I lind an agreeable society among their children and grand children. I have 
 public business enough to preserve me from ennui, and private amusement besides, 
 in conversation, books, my garden, find cribbagc. Considering our well furnished 
 plentiful market as the best of gardens, I am turning mine, in the midst of which 
 my house stands, into grass plats, and gravel walks with trees and flowering shrubs. 
 Cards we sometimes play here in long winter evenings, but it is as they play at 
 chess, not for money but for honour, or the pleasure of beating one another. This 
 will not be quite a novelty to you ; as you may remember we played together in 
 that manner during the winter you helped me to pass so agreeably at Passy. I have 
 indeed now and then a little compunction in reflecting that I spend time so idly ; 
 but another reflection comes to relieve me, whispering, " You know the soul is im 
 mortal ; why then should you be such a niggard of a little time, when you have a 
 whole eternity before you ?" So being easily convinced, and, like other reasonable 
 creatures, satisfied with a small reason, when it is in favour of doing what I have 
 a mind to do, I shuffle the cards again and begin another game. 
 
 As to public amusements, we have neither plays nor operas, but we had yester 
 day a kind of oratorio, as you will see by the inclosed paper; and we have assem 
 blies, balls, and concerts, besides little parties at one another s houses, in which 
 there is sometimes dancing, and frequently good music ; so that we jog on in life 
 as pleasantly as you do in England, any where but in London ; for there you have 
 plays performed by good actors. That however is, I think, the only advantage 
 London has over Philadelphia. 
 
 Temple has turned his thoughts to agriculture, which he pursues ardently, being 
 in possession of a fine farm that his father lately conveyed to him. Ben is finishing 
 his studies at College, and continues to behave as well as when you knew him, so 
 that I still think he will make you a good son. His younger brothers and sisters are 
 also all promising, appearing to have good tempers and dispositions, as well as good 
 constitutions. As to myself, I think my general health and spirits rather better than 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 93 
 
 when you saw me, and the particular malady I then complained of, continues 
 tolerable. With sincere and very great esteem, I am ever, my dear dear friend, 
 yours most affectionately, B. FUANKLIN. 
 
 P. S. My children and grand children join with me in best wishes for you and 
 yours. My love to my godson, to Eliza, and to honest Tom. They will all find 
 agreeable companions here. Love to Dolly, 1 and tell her she will do well to come 
 with you. 
 
 To NOAH WEBSTER, ESQ. 
 SIK, Philadelphia, June 18, 1786". 
 
 I received the letter you did me the honour of writing to me 
 
 the 24th past, with the scheme enclosed of your reformed Alphabet. I think the 
 reformation not only necessary but practicable ; but have so much to say to you 
 on the subject, that I wish to see and confer with you upon it, as that would save 
 much time and writing. Sounds, till such an alphabet is fixed, not being easily 
 explained or discoursed of clearly upon paper. I have formerly considered this 
 matter pretty fully, and contrived some of the means of carrying it into execution, 
 so as gradually to render the reformation general. Our ideas are so nearly similar 
 that I make no doubt of our easily agreeing on the plan, and you may depend on 
 the best support I may be able to give it as a part of your institute, of which I wish 
 you would bring with you a complete copy, having as yet seen only a part of it : I 
 shall then be better able to recommend it as you desire. Hoping to have soon the 
 pleasure of seeing you, I do not enlarge, but am with sincere esteem, Sir, your 
 most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To WILLIAM COOKE, ESQ. 
 SIR, Philadelphia, August 12, 1786. 
 
 I received yesterday the letter you did me the honour of 
 
 writing to me on the 15th of June past. I had never before been acquainted that 
 the name of your intended New State, had any relation with my name, having 
 understood that it was called Frank Land. It is a very great honour indeed that 
 its inhabitants have done me, and I should be happy if it were in my power to 
 show how sensible I am of it, by something more essential than my wishes for their 
 prosperity. 
 
 1 Mrs, Dorothy Blunt. 
 
94 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN. 
 
 Having resided some years past in Europe, and being but lately arrived thence, 
 I have not had an opportunity of being well informed of the points in dispute 
 between you and the State of North Carolina. I can therefore only say, that I think 
 you are perfectly right in resolving to submit them to the discretion of Congress, and 
 to abide by their determination. It is a wise and impartial tribunal, which can have 
 no sinister views to warp its judgment. Tis happy for us all, that we have now in 
 our own country such a council to apply to, for composing our differences, without 
 being obliged, as formerly, to carry them across the ocean to be decided, at an 
 immense expence, by a council which knew little of our affairs, would hardly take 
 any pains to understand them, and which often treated our applications with con 
 tempt, and rejected them with injurious language. Let us therefore cherish and 
 respect our own tribunal, for the more generally it is held in high regard, the more 
 able it will be to answer effectually the ejids of its institution, the quieting of our 
 contentions, and thereby promoting our common peace and happiness. 
 
 I do not hear any talk of an adjournment of Congress concerning which you 
 inquire ; and I rather think it likely they may continue to sit out their year, as it 
 is but lately they have been able to make a quorum for business, which must there 
 fore probably be in arrear. If you proceed in your intended journey, I shall be 
 glad to see you as you pass through Philadelphia. In the mean time, I have the 
 honour to be, very respectfully, Sir, your most obedient servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To COLONEL HUNTER. 
 MY DEAR OLD FRIEND, Philadelphia, Nov. 24, 1786". 
 
 It rejoiced me much to learn by your kind letter of February 
 last, which I received about ten days since, that you are still in the land of the 
 living; and that you are snug at Bath, the very place that I think gives you the best 
 chance of passing the evening of life agreeably. I too arn got into my niche, after 
 being kept out of it 24 years by foreign employments. Tis a very good house that 
 I built so long ago to retire into, without being able till now to enjoy it. I am 
 again surrounded by my friends, with a fine family of grand children about my 
 knees, and an affectionate good daughter and son-in-law to take care of me. And 
 after fifty years public service, I have the pleasure to find the esteem of my country 
 with regard to me undiminishecl ; the late re-election of me to the Presidentship, 
 notwithstanding the different parties we are split into, being absolutely unanimous. 
 This I tell to you, not merely to indulge my own vanity, but because I know you 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE, 95 
 
 love me, and will be pleased to hear of whatever happens that is agreeable to your 
 friend. 
 
 I find Mr. Anstey, whom you recommend to me, a very agreeable sensible man, 
 and shall render him any service that may lie in my power. I thank vou for the 
 New Bath Guide : I had read it formerly, but it has afforded me fresh pleasure. 
 
 Your newspapers, to please honest John Bull, paint our situation here in frightful 
 colours, as if % ve were very miserable since we broke our connection with him. But 
 1 will give you some marks by which you may form your own judgment. Our 
 husbandmen, who are the bulk of the nation, have had plentiful crops, their produce 
 sells at high prices and for ready hard money : wheat for instance at 8s. a 8s. 6d. per 
 bushel. Our working people are all employed and get high wages, are well fed and well 
 clad. Our estates in houses are trebled in value by the rising of rents since the revo 
 lution. Buildings in Philadelphia increase amazingly, besides small towns arising 
 in every quarter of the country. The laws govern, justice is well administered, and 
 property as secure as in any country on the globe. Our wilderness lands are daily 
 buying up by new settlers, and our settlements extend rapidly to the westward. 
 European goods were never so cheaply afforded us, as since Britain has no longer 
 the monopoly of supplying us. In short all among us may be happy who have 
 happy dispositions, such being necessary to happiness even in paradise. 
 
 I speak these things of Pennsylvania, with which I am most acquainted : as to 
 the other States, when I read in all the papers of the extravagant rejoicings every 
 4th of July, the day on which was signed the declaration of Independence, I am 
 convinced that none of them are discontented with the revolution. 
 
 Adieu ! my dear friend ! and believe me ever with sincere esteem and affection, 
 yours most truly, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. SMALL. 
 DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, Feb. 19, 1787- 
 
 I received your favour of June last, and thank you for the kind 
 congratulations contained in it. What you have heard of my malady is true, " that 
 it does not grow worse." Thanks be to God I still enjoy pleasure in the society of 
 my friends and books, and much more in the prosperity of my country, concerning 
 which your people are continually deceiving themselves. 
 
 I am glad the improvement of the Book of Common Prayer has met with your 
 approbation and that of good Mrs. Baldwin. It is not yet that I know of, received 
 
96 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 in public practice any where ; but as it is said that good motions never die, perhaps 
 in time it may be found useful. 
 
 I read with pleasure the account you give of the flourishing state of your commerce 
 and manufactures, and of the plenty you have of resources to carry the nation 
 through all its difficulties. You have one of the finest countries in the world, and 
 if you can be cured of the folly of making war for trade, (in which wars more has 
 been always expended than the profits of any trade can compensate) you may make 
 it one of the happiest. Make the best of your own natural advantages instead of 
 endeavouring to diminish those of other nations, and there is no doubt but you may 
 yet prosper and flourish. Your beginning to consider France no longer as a natural 
 enemy, is a mark of progress in the good sense of the nation, of which posterity 
 will find the benefit ; in the rarity of wars, the diminution of taxes, and increase of 
 riches. 
 
 As to the refugees whom you think we were so impolitic in rejecting, I do not 
 find that they are missed here, or that any body regrets their absence. And cer 
 tainly they must be happier where they are, under the government they admire ; 
 and be better received among a people whose cause they espoused and fought for, 
 than among those who cannot so soon have forgotten the destruction of their habi 
 tations and the spilt blood of their dearest friends and near relations. 
 
 I often think with great pleasure on the happy days I passed in England with my 
 and your learned and ingenious friends, who have left us to join the majority in the 
 world of spirits. Every one of them now knows more than all of us they have left 
 behind. It is to me a comfortable reflection, that since we must live for ever in a 
 future state, there is a sufficient stock of amusement in reserve for us, to be found 
 in constantly learning something new to eternity, the present quantity of human 
 ignorance infinitely exceeding that of human knowledge. 
 
 Adieu ! my dear friend, and believe me in whatever world, yours most 
 affectionately, 13. FRANKLIN, 
 
 in his 82d Year. 
 
 To M. LE VEILLARD. 
 
 Philadelphia April 15, 1787. 
 
 I am quite of your opinion that our independence is not quite 
 complete till we have discharged our public debt. This State is not behind hand in 
 ils; proportion, and those who are in arrear, are actually employed in contriving 
 means to discharge their respective balances, but they are not ail equally diligent 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. <J7 
 
 in the business, nor equally successful, the whole will however be paid, I am per 
 suaded, in a few years. 
 
 The English have not yet delivered up the posts on our frontier, agreeable to 
 treaty ; the pretence is, that our merchants here have not paid their debts. I was a 
 little provoked when I first heard this, and I wrote some remarks upon it which I 
 send you : they have been written near a year, but I have not yet published them, 
 being unwilling to encourage any of our people who may be able to pay, in their 
 neglect of that duty. The paper is therefore only for your amusement and that of 
 our excellent friend the Duke de la Rochefoucauld. 
 
 As to my malady concerning which you so kindly enquire, I have never had the 
 least doubt of its being the stone : and I am sensible that it has increased ; but 
 
 O * 
 
 on the whole it does not give me more pain than when at Passy. People 
 who live long, who will drink of the cup of life to the very bottom, must expect to 
 meet with some of the usual dregs ; and when I reflect on the number of terrible 
 maladies human nature is subject to, I think myself favoured in having to my share 
 only the stone and gout. 
 
 You were right in conjecturing that I wrote the remarks on the " thoughts concern 
 ing executive justice? I have no copy of those remarks at hand, and forget how the 
 saying was introduced that it is better a thousand guilty persons should escape, than 
 one innocent suffer. Your criticisms thereon appear to be just, and I imagine you 
 may have misapprehended my intention in mentioning it. I always thought with 
 you, that the prejudice in Europe which supposes a family dishonoured by the 
 punishment of one of its members, was very absurd, it being on the contrary my 
 opinion, that a rogue hanged out of a family does it more honour than ten that 
 live in it. 
 
 To THE DUKE DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULD. Paris. 
 
 Philadelphia, April 15, 1787. 
 
 I have been happy in receiving three very kind letters from 
 my greatly respected and esteemed friend, since my being in America. They are 
 dated November 30, 85, February 8, 86, and January 14, 87. In mine of this 
 date to M. le Veillard, I have made the best apology I could for my being so bad 
 a correspondent. I will not trouble you with a repetition of it, as I know you 
 often see him. I will only confess my fault, and trust to your candour and good 
 ness for my pardon. 
 
 Your friendly congratulations on my arrival and reception here were very oblig 
 ing. The latter was, as you have heard, extremely flattering. The two parties in 
 VOL. II. N 
 
98 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 the assembly and council, the constitutionists and anti-constitutionists joined in 
 requesting my service as counsellor, and afterwards in electing me as president". 
 Of seventy four members in council and assembly who voted by ballot, there was in 
 my first election but one negative beside my own ; and in the second, after a year s 
 service, only mv own. And I experience from all the principal people in the 
 government, every attention and assistance that can be desired towards making the 
 task as little burtbensome to me as possible. So I am going on very comfortably 
 hitherto with my second year, and I do not at present see any likelihood of a 
 change : but future events are always uncertain, being governed by Providence or 
 -subject to chances ; and popular favor is very precarious, being sometimes lost as 
 well as gained by good actions, so I do not depend on a continuance of my present 
 happiness, and therefore shall not be surprized if before my time of service expires 
 something should happen to diminish it. 
 
 These states in general enjoy peace and plenty. There have been some disorders 
 in the Massachusetts and Rhode island governments; those in the former are quell 
 ed for the present : those of the latter, being contentions for and against paper 
 money, will probably continue some time. Maryland too is divided on the 
 same subject, the assembly being for it, and the senate against it. Each is now 
 employed in endeavouring to gain the people to its party against the next elections, 
 and tis probable the assembly may prevail. Paper money in moderate quantities 
 has been found beneficial ; when more than the occasions of commerce require, it 
 depreciated and was mischievous ; and the populace are apt to demand more thaa 
 is necessary. In this state we have some, and it is useful, and I do not hear any 
 clamour for more. 
 
 There seems to be but little thought at present in the particular states, of mendin^ 
 their particular constitutions ; but the grand federal constitution is generally blamed as 
 not having given sufficient powers to congress, the federal head. A convention is 
 therefore appointed to revise that constitution, and propose a better. You will see 
 by the inclosed paper that your friend is to be one in that business, though he doubts 
 his malady may not permit his giving constant attendance. I am glad to see that 
 you are named as one of a general assembly to be convened in France. I flatter 
 myself -that^greatgoQd_roay accrue to that dear nation from the deliberations of sueh 
 an assembly. I pray God to give it his blessing. 
 
 I sympathise with you and the family most sincerely, in the great loss sustained 
 by the decease of that excellent woman. 1 It must be indeed a heavy one. My best 
 
 1 The Duchess D Anville, mother of the Duke de la Rochefoucauld. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 99 
 
 wishes attend those that remain, and that the happiness of your sweet domestic 
 society may long continue without such another interruption. 
 
 I send herewith a volume of the transactions of our Philosophical Society for 
 you, another for M. de Condorcet, and a third for the academy. The war had 
 interrupted our attempts to improve ourselves in scientific matters, but we now 
 begin to resume them. 
 
 The bearer of this is Mr. Paine, the author of a famous piece entitled Common 
 Sense, published here with great effect on the minds of the people at the beginning 
 of the revolution. He is an ingenious, honest man, and as such I beg leave to 
 recommend him to your civilities. He carries with him the model of a bridge of a 
 new construction, his own invention, concerning which I intended to have recom 
 mended him to Mr. Peyronnet, but I hear he is no more. You can easily procure 
 Mr. Paine a sight of the models and drawings of the collection appertaining to the 
 Ponts et Chaussees ; they must afford him useful lights on the subject. We 
 want a bridge over our river Skuylkiil, and have no artist here regularly bred to that 
 kind of architecture. 
 
 My grandsons are very sensible of the honour of your remembrance, and desire 
 me to present their respects. 
 
 With the most sincere and perfect esteem and attachment, I am ever, my doar 
 friend, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE MARQUIS DE CHASTELLEUX. 
 DEAR SIR, Philadelphia, April 17, 1787. 
 
 Your most pleasing letter accompanied by the invaluable 
 
 present of your journal, and translation of Colonel Humphreys s poem, came to 
 hand but lately, though dated in June last. I believe they have been in the West 
 Indies. They have given me a great deal of pleasure in the perusal, as every thing 
 of yours always did. The portrait you have made of our country and people is 
 what in painting is called a handsome likeness, for which we are much obliged to 
 you. We shall be the better for it if w endeavour to merit what you kindly say in 
 our favour, and to correct what you justly censure. I am told the journal is trans- 
 
 JEAN MARQUIS DE CHASTELLEUX Camp Marshal in the French army, and a member 
 of Che Academy, died at Paris October 24, 1/88. He was of an illustrious family to which he was 
 an ornament by his military services and his literary works, of which the principal are, a Tieatiss on 
 Public Happiness Svo, and Tia.vels in North America in 1780; 17S2. 8vo. 
 
100 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FUANKLIN. 
 
 lated into English, and printed in one of the states, I know not which, not having; 
 seen the translation. 
 
 The newspapers tell us, that you are about to have an assembly of Notable, to 
 consult on improvements of your government. It is somewhat singular, that we 
 should be engaged in the same project here at the same time ; but so it is, and a 
 convention for the purpose of revising and amending our federal constitution is- to 
 meet at this place next month. I hope both assemblies will be blessed with 
 success, and that their deliberations and counsels may promote the happiness of 
 both nations. 
 
 In the state of Pennsylvania, government, notwithstanding our parties, goes ou 
 at present very smoothly, so that I have much less trouble in my station than was 
 expected. Massachusetts has lately been disturbed by some disorderly people^ 
 but they are now quelled. The rest of the states go on pretty well, except some 
 dissensions in Rhode island and Maryland respecting paper money. Mr. Paine 
 whom you know, and who undertakes to deliver this letter to you, can give you full 
 information of our affairs, and therefore I need not enlarge upon them. I beg 
 leave to recommend him to your civilities. I have fulfilled all your commissions 
 to the ladies here, who are much flattered by your kind remembrance of them. My 
 family join in every sentiment of esteem and respect with, my dear friend, yours 
 most affectionately,, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 tO30(;M> :;.-:- ! )ts* = l2lft lu-vni < 
 
 To MESSRS. LES ABBE S CHALUT AND AIINAUD. 
 DEAR FRIENDS, Philadelphia, April 17, 1787. 
 
 Your reflections, on our situation compared with that of 
 many nations of Europe, are very sensible and just. Let me add, that only a 
 virtuous people are capable of freedom. As nations become corrupt and vicious, 
 they have more need of masters. 
 
 Our public affairs go on as well as can reasonably be expected after so great an? 
 overturning. We have had some disorders in different parts of the country, but 
 we arrange them as they arise, and are daily mending and improving; so that I 
 have no doubt but all will come right in time. Yours, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To M. LE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 
 DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, April 17, 1787. 
 
 I received the kind letter you did me the honour of writing 
 in February 1 786. The indolence of old age, and the perpetual teasing of too 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE, 101 
 
 much business, have made me so bad a correspondent, that I have hardly written a 
 letter to any friend in Europe during ihe last twelvemonth : but as I have always; 
 a pleasure in hearing from them, which I cannot expect will be continued if I do 
 not write to them, I again take up my pen, and begin with those whose correspon 
 dence i.s of the greatest value; among which I reckon that of the Marquis de la 
 Fayette. 
 
 I was glad to hear of your safe return to Paris, after so long and fatiguing a 
 journey. That is the place where your enlightened zeal for the welfare of our 
 country can employ itself most to our advantage, and I know it is always at work, 
 and indefatigable. Our enemies are as you observe very industrious in depreciating 
 our national character. Their abuse sometimes provokes me, and I am almost 
 ready to retaliate ; but I have held my hand, though there is abundant room for 
 recrimination ; because I would do nothing that might hasten another quarrel 
 by exasperating those who are still sore from their late disgraces. Perhaps it 
 may be best that they should please themselves with fancying us weak, and poor, 
 and divided, and friendless; they may then not be jealous of our growing strength, 
 (which, since the peace, does really make rapid progress) and may be less intent on- 
 interrupting iU 
 
 I do not wonder that the Germans who know little of free constitutions, should 
 be ready to suppose that such cannot support themselves. We think they may, 
 and we hope to prove it. That there should be faults in our first sketches or plans of 
 government is not surprising; rather, considering the times, and the circumstances 
 under which they were formed, it is surprising that the faults are so few. Those in 
 the general confederating articles, are now about to be considered in a convention 
 called for that express purpose; these will indeed be the most difficult to rectify. 
 Those of particular states will undoubtedly be rectified as their inconveniences shall 
 by experience be made manifest And whatever difference of sentiment there may 
 be among us respecting particular regulations, the enthusiastic rejoicings with which 
 the day of declared independence is annually celebrated, demonstrate the universal 
 satisfaction of the people with the revolution and its grand principles* 
 
 I inclose the vocabulary you sent me, with the words of the Shawanese, and 
 Delaware languages, which Colonel Harmar has procured for me. He is promised, 
 one more complete, which I shall send you as soon as it comes to my hands. 
 
 My grandson whom you so kindly enquire after, is at his estate in the Jersies,, 
 and amuses himself with cultivating his lands. I wish he would seriously make a- 
 business of it, and renounce all thoughts of public employment, for I think agricul- 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 tqre the most honourable because the most independent of all professions. But I 
 believe he hankers a little after Paris, or some other of the polished cities of 
 Europe, thinking the society there preferable to what he meets with in the woods of 
 Ancocas ; as it certainly is. If he was now here, he would undoubtedly join with 
 me and the rest of my family (who are much flattered by your remembrance of 
 them) in best wishes for your health and prosperity, and that of your whole amiable 
 fireside. You will allow an old friend of fourscore to say he loves your wife, when 
 he adds and children, and prays God to bless them all. Adieu ! and believe me 
 ever, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To M. L ABBE MORELLET, PARIS. 
 MY VERY DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, April 22, 1787. 
 
 I received, though long after they were w r ritten, your very 
 agreeable favours of October 30, 85, and February 9, 86, with the pieces inclosed, 
 productions of the Auteuil Academy of belles lettres. Your kind and friendly 
 wishes and congratulations are extremely obliging. It gives me an infinite pleasure 
 to find that I still retain a favourable place in the remembrance of the worthy and 
 the good, whose delightful and instructive society I had the happiness of enjoying 
 while I resided in France. 
 
 But though I could not leave that dear nation without regret, I certainly did 
 right in coming home. I am here in my niche in my own house in the bosom of 
 mv family, my daughter and grand children all about me, among my old friends or 
 the sons of my friends who equally respect me ; and who all speak and understand 
 the same language with me ; and you know that if a man desires to be useful by the 
 exercise of his mental faculties, he loses half their force when in a foreign country, 
 where he can only express himself in a language with which he is not well acquaint 
 ed. In short I enjoy here every opportunity of doing good, and every thing else 
 I..co.uld wish for, except repose; and that I may soon expect either by the cessation 
 of my office, which cannot last more than three years, or by ceasing to live. 
 
 I am of the same opinion with you respecting the freedom of commerce, in 
 countries especially where direct taxes are practicable. This will be our case in 
 time, when our wide-extended country rills up with inhabitants. But at present 
 they are so widely settled, often five or six miles distant from one another in the 
 back country, that the collection of a direct tax is almost impossible, the trouble of 
 the collectors going from house to house amounting to more than the value of the 
 
 1 Member of the French Academy. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 103 
 
 tax. Nothing can be better expressed than your sentiments are on this point, 
 where you prefer liberty of trading, cultivating, manufacturing &c. even to civil 
 liberty, this being affected but rarely, the other every hour. Our debt occasioned 
 by the war being heavy, we are under the necessity of using imposts and every 
 method we can think of to assist in raising a revenue to discharge it; but in senti 1 - 
 ment we are well disposed to abolish duties on importation as soon as we possibly 
 can afford to do so. 
 
 Whatever may be reported by the English in Europe, you may be assured that 
 our people are almost unanimous in being satisfied with the revolution. Their un 
 bounded respect for all who were principally concerned in it, whether as warriors or 
 statesmen, and the enthusiastic joy with which the day of the declaration of indepen 
 dence is every where annually celebrated, are indubitable proof of this truth. In- 
 one or two of the states there have been some discontents on partial and local sub 
 jects ; these may have been fomented, as the accounts of them are exaggerated, by 
 our ancient enemies; but they are now nearly suppressed, and the rest of the states 
 enjoy peace and good order, and flourish amazingly. The crops have been good for 
 several years past, the price of country produce high, from foreign demand, and it 
 fetches ready money; rents are high in our towns, which increase fast by new 
 buildings ; labourers and artizans have high wages well paid, and vast tracts of new 
 land are continually clearing and rendered fit for cultivation. I am &c. B, F. 
 
 To MR. JOKDAIN, LONDON-. 
 DEAJI SLR, Philadelphia, May 18, 1787. 
 
 I received your very kind letter of February 27, together 
 
 with the cask of porter you have been so good as to send me. We have here at 
 present what the French call une assemblee des notables, a convention composed of 
 some of the principal people from the several states of our confederation. They 
 did me the honor of dining with me last Wednesday, when the cask was broached, 
 and its contents met with the most cordial reception and universal approbation. 
 In short the company agreed unanimously that it was the best porter they had ever 
 tasted. Accept my thanks, a poor return, but all I can make at present. 
 
 Your letter reminds me of many happy days we have passed together, and the 
 dear friends with whom we passed them ; some of whom, alas ! have left us, and 
 we must regret their loss, although our Hawkesworth 1 is become an adventurer in 
 more happy regions ; and our Stanley 1 gone, " where only his own harmony can be 
 
 1 John Hawkesworth LL.D. Author of the Adventurer and compiler of the account of the Discover 
 ies made in the South Seas, by Captain Cook. 
 
 * John Stanley an eminent musician and composer, became blind at the age of two years. 
 
104 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 exceeded." You give me joy in telling me that you are " on the pinnacle of con 
 tent? Without it no situation can be happy ; with it, any. One means of becom 
 ing content with one s situation is the comparing it with a worse. Thus when I 
 consider how many terrible diseases the human body is liable to, I comfort myself 
 that only three incurable ones have fallen to my share, viz, the gout, the stone, and 
 old age ; and that these have not yet deprived me of my natural cheerfulness, my 
 delight in books and enjoyment of social conversation. 
 
 I am glad to hear that Mr. Fitzmauriee is married and has an amiable lady and 
 children. It is a better plan than that he once proposed, of getting Mrs. Wright 
 to make him a wax-work wife to sit at the head of his table. For after all, wedlock 
 is the natural state of man. A batchelor is not a complete human being. He is 
 like the odd half of a pair of scissars, which has not yet found its fellow, and there 
 fore is not even half so useful as they might be together. 
 
 I hardly know which to admire most ; the wonderful discoveries made by 
 Herschel, 1 or the indefatigable ingenuity by which he has been enabled to make 
 them. Let us hope, my friend, that when free from these bodily embarrassments, 
 we may roam together through some of the systems he has explored, conducted by 
 some of our old companions already acquainted with them. Hawkesworth will 
 enliven our progress with his cheerful sensible converse, and Stanley accompany the 
 music of the spheres. 
 
 Mr. Watraaugh tells me, for I immediately enquired after her, that your daughter 
 is alive and well. I remember her a most promising and beautiful child, and 
 therefore do not wonder, that she is grown, as he says, a fine woman. God bless 
 her and you, my dear friend, and every thing that pertains to you, is the sincere 
 prayer of yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 in his 82d year. 
 
 To GEORGE WHEATLEY ESQ.. 
 
 Philadelphia, May 18, 1787. 
 
 I received duly my good old friend s letter of the lyth of 
 
 February. I thank you much for your notes on banks, they are just and solid as 
 far as I can judge of them. Our bank here has met with great opposition, partly 
 from envy, and partly from those who wish an emission of more paper money, 
 which they think the bank influence prevents. But it has stood all attacks, and 
 went on well notwithstanding the assembly repealed its charter. A new assembly 
 has restored it; and the management is so prudent, that I have no doubt of its 
 
 1 The Astronomer. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 105 
 
 continuing to go on well : the dividend has never been less than six per cent, nor 
 will that be augmented for some time, as the surplus profit is reserved to face 
 accidents. The dividend of eleven per cent which was once made, was from a 
 circumstance scarce avoidable. A new company was proposed ; and prevented 
 only by admitting a number of new partners. As many of the first set were averse 
 to this and chose to withdraw, it was necessary to settle their accounts, so all were 
 adjusted, the profits shared that had been accumulated, and the new and old 
 proprietors jointly began on a new and equal footing. Their notes are always 
 instantly paid on demand, and pass on all occasions as readily as silver, because 
 they will always produce silver. 
 
 Your medallion is in good company, it is placed with those of Lord Chatham, 
 Lord Camden, Marquis of Rockingham, Sir George Saville and some others who 
 honoured me with a show of friendly regard when in England. I believe 1 have 
 thanked you for it, but I thank you again. 
 
 I believe with you, that if our Plenipo is desirous of concluding a treaty of 
 commerce, he may need patience. If I were in his place, and not otherwise 
 instructed, I should be apt to say " take your own time, gentlemen." If the treaty 
 cannot be made as much to your advantage as to ours, don t make it. I am sure 
 the want of it, is not more to our disadvantage than to yours. Let the merchants 
 on both sides treat with one another. Laissez lesfaire. 
 
 I have never considered attentively the Congress s scheme for Coining, and I have 
 it not now at hand, so that at present I can say nothing to it. The chief uses of 
 coining seem to be the ascertaining the fineness of the metals, and saving the time 
 that would otherwise be spent in weighing to ascertain the quantity. But the con 
 venience of fixed values to pieces is so great as to force the currency of some whose 
 stamp is worn off that should have assured their fineness, and which are evidently 
 not of half their due weight : the case at present with the sixpences in England, 
 which one with another do not weigh three-pence. 
 
 You are now 78 and I am 82 ; you tread fast upon my heels : but though you 
 have more strength and spirit, you cannot come up with me till I stop, which must 
 now be soon ; for I am grown so old as to have buried most of the friends of my 
 youth, and I now often hear persons whom I knew when children called old Mr. 
 such-a-one, to distinguish them from their sons now men grown and in business ; so 
 that by living twelve years beyond David s period, I seem to have intruded myself 
 into the company of posterity, when I ought to have been a-bcd and asleep. Yet had 
 I gone at seventy it would have cut off twelve of the most active years of my life, 
 VOL. II. O 
 
AIEM01US OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 employed too in matters of the greatest importance ; but whether I have been doing 
 good or mischief is for time to discover. I only know that I intended well, and I 
 hope all will end well. 
 
 Be so good as to present my affectionate respects to Dr. Riley. I am under great 
 obligations to him, and shall write to him shortly. It will be a pleasure to him to 
 know that my malady does not grow sensibly worse, and that is a great point : for 
 it has always been so tolerable, as not to prevent my enjoying the pleasures of 
 society, and being cheerfol in conversation ; I owe this in a great measure to his 
 good counsels. 
 
 Adieu my dear friend, and believe me ever yours most affectionately, B. F. 
 
 To COUNT DE BUFFON, PARIS. 
 DEAR SIR, Philadelphia, Nov. 19, 1787- 
 
 I am honoured by your letter desiring to know by what means 
 I am relieved in a disorder, with which you are also unfortunately afflicted. I have 
 tried all the noted prescriptions for diminishing the stone, without perceiving any 
 good effect. But observing temperance in eating, avoiding wine and cyder, and 
 using daily the dumb bell, which exercises the upper part of the body without much 
 moving the parts in contact with the stone, I think I have prevented its increase. 
 As the roughness of the stone lacerates a little the neck of the bladder, I find that 
 when the urine happens to be sharp, I have much pain in making water and 
 frequent urgencies. For relief under this circumstance, I take, going to bed, the 
 bigness of a pigeon s egg of jelly of blackberries : the receipt for making it is inclosed. 
 While I continue to do this every night I am generally easy the day following, 
 making water pretty freely, and with long intervals. I wish most sincerely that this 
 simple remedy may have the same happy effect with you. Perhaps currant jelly, 
 or the jelly of apples, or of raspberries, may be equally serviceable ; for I suspect 
 the virtue of the jelly may lie principally in the boiled sugar which is in some degree 
 candied by the boiling of the jelly. Wishing you for your own sake much more 
 ease, and for the sake of mankind many more years, I remain with the greatest 
 esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obedient and affectionate servant, B. F. 
 
 To * * *. 
 
 Philadelphia y Dec. 15, 1787. 
 
 I hope the disorders in Brabant and Holland may be rectified 
 without bloodshed. But I fear the impending war with the Turks, if not prevented 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 107 
 
 by prudent negociation, may in its consequences involve great part of Europe. I 
 confide however that France and England will preserve their present peace with 
 each other, notwithstanding some contrary appearances : for I think that they have 
 both of them too much sense to go to war without an important cause, as well as too 
 little money at present. 
 
 As to the projected conquest from Turkey, I apprehend, that if the emperor arid 
 empress would make some use of arithmetic, and calculate what annual revenues 
 may be expected from the country they want, should they acquire it, and then offer 
 the grand Signior a hundred times that annual revenue, to be paid down for an 
 amicable purchase of it ; it would be his interest to accept the offer, as well as 
 theirs to make it, rather than a war for it should take place ; since a war to acquire 
 that territory and to retain it, will cost both parties much more, perhaps ten times 
 more, than such sum of purchase money. But the hope of glory and the ambition 
 of princes are not subject to arithmetical calculation. 
 
 My best wishes attend you ; being with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient and 
 most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To M. LE VEILLARD, OF PASSY. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, Feb. 17, 1788. 
 
 I received your kind letter of June 23 by Mr. Saugrain, and 
 
 it is the last of yours that is come to my hands. As you have so much leisure, and 
 love writing, I cannot think you have been so long silent ; you who are so good as 
 to love me, and who know how much pleasure your letters always afford me. I 
 therefore rather suspect you may probably have written something too freely con 
 cerning public affairs, and that your letters may be arrested in your post office, and 
 yourself lodged in the Bastille. You see I imagine any thing however extravagant 
 rather than suppose, (as your letters too often do) that my friends forget me. 
 
 I find Mr. Saugrain to answer well the good character you give of him, and shall 
 with pleasure render him any services in my power. He is now gone down the 
 Ohio, to reconnoitre that country. 
 
 I should have proceeded in the history you mention, 1 if I could well have 
 avoided accepting the Chair of President for this third and last year : to which I 
 was again elected by the unanimous voice of council and general assembly in 
 
 1 The Memoirs of his own Life, to the continuance of which all his friends who knew the importance 
 of such a History wished him anxiously to apply. 
 
30$ MEMOIRS OV BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 November. If I live to see this year expire I may enjoy some leisure, which I 
 promise you to employ in the work you do me the honour to urge so earnestly. 
 
 I sent you with my last a copy of the new constitution proposed for the United 
 States by the late general convention. I sent one also to our excellent friend the 
 Duke de la Rochefoucauld. I attended the business of the convention faithfully for 
 four months. Enclosed you have the last speech I made in it. 1 Six States have 
 already adopted the constitution, and there is now little doubt of its being accepted 
 by a sufficient number to carry it into execution, if not immediately by the whole. 
 It has however met with great opposition in some States, for we are at present a 
 nation of politicians. And though there is a general dread of giving too much power 
 to our governors, I think we are more in danger from too little obedience in the 
 governed. 
 
 We shall, as you suppose, have imposts on trade, and custom-houses, not because 
 other nations have them, but because we cannot at present do without them. We 
 want to discharge our public debt occasioned by the late war. Direct taxes are not 
 so easily levied on the scantily settled inhabitants of our wide extended country ; 
 and what is paid in the price of merchandize is less felt by the consumer, and less 
 the cause of complaint. When we are out of debt we may leave our trade free, for 
 our ordinary charges of government will not be great. 
 
 Where there is a free government, and the people make their own laws by their 
 representatives, I see no injustice in their obliging one another to take their own 
 paper money. It is no more so than compelling a man by law to take his own 
 note. But it is unjust to pay strangers with such money against their will. The 
 making of paper money with such a sanction is however a folly, since although you 
 may by law oblige a citizen to take it for his goods, you cannot fix his prices ; and 
 his liberty of rating them as he pleases, which is the same thing as setting what value 
 he pleases on your money, defeats your sanction. 
 
 I have been concerned to hear of the troubles in the internal government of the 
 country I love ;* and hope some good may come out of them ; and that they may 
 end without mischief. 
 
 In your letter to my grandson you asked some questions that had an appearance 
 as if you meditated a visit to us. Nothing in this world would give me greater 
 pleasure, than to receive and embrace here the whole family. But it is too great an 
 happiness to be expected. This family all join with me in best wishes of every 
 
 See Memoirs of his Life. * France. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 109 
 
 felicity to you and yours ; and I remain with unalterable and great esteem and 
 affection, my dear friend, yours most sincerely, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE EDITORS OF THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE, 
 
 On the Abuse of the Press. 
 Messrs. HALL and SELLERS, 
 
 I lately heard a remark, that on examination of the 
 
 Pennsylvania Gazette for fifty years, from its commencement, it appeared that during 
 that long period, scarce one libellous piece had ever appeared in it. This generally 
 chaste conduct of your paper is much to its reputation ; for it has long been the 
 opinion of sober judicious people, that nothing is more likely to endanger the liberty 
 of the press, than the abuse of that liberty, by employing it in personal accusation, 
 detraction, and calumny. The excesses some of our papers have been guilty of in 
 this particular, have set this State in a bad light abroad, as appears by the following 
 letter, which I wish you to publish, not merely to show your own disapprobation of 
 the practice, but as a caution to others of the profession throughout the United 
 States. For I have seen an European newspaper, in which the editor, who had 
 been charged with frequently calumniating the Americans, justifies himself by 
 saying, " that he had published nothing disgraceful to us, which he had not taken 
 from our own printed papers." I am, &c. A. B. 
 
 DEAR FRIEND, New York, March 30, 1788. 
 
 My gout has at length left me, after five months painful 
 
 confinement. It afforded me however the leisure to read, or hear read, all the packets 
 of your newspapers which you so kindly sent for my amusement. 
 
 Mrs. W. has partaken of it ; she likes to read the advertisements ; but she remarks 
 some kind of inconsistency in the announcing so many diversions for almost every 
 evening in the week, and such quantities to be sold of expensive superfluities, 
 fineries, and luxuries just imported, in a country, that at the same time fills its papers 
 with complaints of hard times, and want of money. I tell her that such complaints 
 are common to all times and all countries, and were made even in Solomon s time; 
 when as we are told, silver was as plenty in Jerusalem as the stones in the street, 
 and yet even then, there were people that grumbled, so as to incur this censure 
 from that knowing prince. Say not thou that the Jormer times were better than 
 these ; for thou dost not enquire rightly concerning that matter. 
 
110 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIX. 
 
 But the inconsistence that strikes me the most is that between the name of your 
 city, Philadelphia, brotherly love, and the spirit of rancour, malice and hatred 
 that breathes in its newspapers. For I learn from those papers, that your State is 
 divided into parties, that each party ascribes all the public operations of the other 
 to vicious motives ; that they do not even suspect one another of the smallest degree 
 of honesty ; that the antifederalists are such, merely from the fear of losing power, 
 places, or emoluments which they have in possession or in expectation ; that the 
 federalists are a set of conspirators, who aim at establishing a tyranny over the 
 persons and property of their countrymen, and to live in splendour on the plunder 
 of the people. I learn too that your justices of the peace, though chosen by their 
 neighbours, make a villainous trade of their office, and promote discord to augment 
 fees, and fleece their electors ; and that this would not be mended by placing the 
 choice in the executive council, who with interested or party views are continually 
 making as improper appointments ; witness a "pettyjiddler, sycophant and scoundrel" 
 appointed Judge of the Admiralty ; " an old woman andfomenter of sedition" to be 
 another of the Judges, and " a Jeffries" Chief Justice, &c. c. ; with " two harpies 
 the Comptroller and Naval Officers to prey upon the merchants and deprive them 
 of their property by force of arms, &c. I am informed also by these papers, that 
 your General Assembly, though the annual choice of the people, shows no regard 
 to their rights, but from sinister views or ignorance makes laws in direct violation of 
 the constitution, to divest the inhabitants of their property and give it to strangers 
 and intruders ; and that the council either fearing the resentment of their constituents, 
 or plotting to enslave them, had projected to disarm them, and given orders for that 
 purpose; and finally, that your President, the unanimous joint choice of the Council 
 and Assembly, is " an old rogue" who gave his assent to the federal constitution 
 merely to avoid refunding money he had purloined from the United States. There 
 is indeed a good deal of manifest inconsistency in all this, and yet a stranger seeing 
 it in your own prints, though he does not believe it all, may probably believe 
 enough of it to conclude that Pennsylvania is peopled by a set of the most 
 unprincipled, wicked, rascally, and quarrelsome scoundrels upon the face of the 
 globe. I have sometimes indeed suspected, that those papers are the manufacture 
 of foreign enemies among you, who write with the view of disgracing your country, 
 and making you appear contemptible and detestable all the world over : but, then 
 I wonder at the indiscretion of your printers in publishing such writings ! There is 
 however one of your inconsistency that consoles me a little, which is, that though 
 living, you give one another the characters of devils ; dead you are all angels ! It is 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. Ill 
 
 delightful when any of you die, to read what good husbands, good fathers, good 
 friends, good citizens, and good Christians you were, concluding with a scrap of 
 poetry that places you, with certainty, every one in heaven. So that I think 
 Pennsylvania a good country to die in, though a very bad one to live in. 
 
 To M. LE VEILLARD. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, April 22, 1788. 
 
 I received but a few days since your favour of November 30, 
 1787, in which you continue to urge me to finish the Memoirs. My three years of 
 service will expire in October, when a new President must be chosen ; and I had the 
 project of retiring then to my grandson s villa in New Jersey, where I might be free 
 from the interruption of visits, in order to complete that work for your satisfaction ; 
 for in this city my time is so cut to pieces by friends and strangers, that I have 
 sometimes envied the prisoners in the Bastille: but considering now the little 
 remnant of life I have left, the accidents that may happen between this and October, 
 and your earnest desire, I have come to a resolution to proceed in that work to 
 morrow, and continue it daily till finished, which if my health permits, may be in 
 the course of the ensuing summer. As it goes on I will have a copy made for you, 
 and you may expect to receive a part by the next packet. 
 
 It is very possible, as you suppose, that all the articles of the proposed new 
 government will not remain unchanged after the first meeting of the Congress. I 
 am of opinion with you, that the two chambers were not necessary, and I disliked 
 some other articles that are in, and wished for some that are not in the proposed 
 plan ; I nevertheless hope it may be adopted, though I should have nothing to do 
 with the execution of it, being determined to quit all public business with my present 
 employment. At 83 one certainly has a right to ambition repose. 
 
 We are not ignorant that the duties paid at the custom-house on the importation 
 of foreign goods are finally reimbursed by the consumer, but we impose them as the 
 easiest way of levying a tax from those consumers. If our new country was as 
 closely inhabited as your old one, we might without much difficulty collect 
 a land-tax, that would be sufficient for all purposes : but where farms are at five 
 or six miles distant from each other, as they are in a great part of our country, the 
 going of the collectors from house to house to demand the taxes, and being obliged 
 to call more than once for the same tax, makes the trouble of collecting in many 
 cases exceed the value of the sum collected* Things that are practicable in one 
 
112 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 country are not always so in another, where circumstances differ. Our duties are 
 however generally so small as to give little temptation to smuggling. 
 
 Believe me ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MADAME LAVOISIER. 
 
 Philadelphia, Oct. 23, 1788. 
 
 I have a long time been disabled from writing to my dear 
 
 friend by a severe tit of the gout, or I should sooner have returned my thanks for 
 her very kind present of the portrait, which she has herself done me the honour to 
 make of me. It is allowed by those who have seen it to have great merit as a 
 picture in every respect; but what particularly endears it to me is the hand that 
 drew it. Our English enemies when they were in possession of this city and my 
 house, made a prisoner of my portrait, and carried it off with them, leaving that of 
 its companion, my wife, by itself, a kind of widow. You have replaced the husband, 
 and the lady seems to smile as well pleased. 
 
 It is true, as you observe, that I enjoy here every thing that a reasonable mind 
 can desire; a sufficiency of income, a comfortable habitation of my own building, 
 having all the conveniences I could imagine ; a dutiful and affectionate daughter to 
 nurse and take care of me, a number of promising grandchildren, some old friends 
 still remaining to converse with, and more respect, distinction, and public honours 
 than I can possibly merit; these are the blessings of God, and depend on his 
 continued goodness : yet all do not make me forget Paris and the nine years 
 happiness I enjoyed there, in the sweet society of a people whose conversation is 
 instructive, whose manners are highly pleasing, and who above all the nations of 
 the world, have in the greatest perfection the art of making themselves beloved by 
 strangers. And now, even in my sleep, I find, that the scenes of all my pleasant 
 dreams are laid in that city, or in its neighbourhood. 
 
 I like much young M. Dupont. He appears a very sensible and valuable mar], 
 and I think his father will have a great deal of satisfaction in him. 
 
 Please to present my thanks to M. Lavoisier for the Nomenclature Chimique he 
 has been so good as to send me, (it must be a very useful book) and assure him of 
 my great and sincere esteem and attachment. My best wishes attend you both, and 
 I think I cannot wish you and him greater happiness than a long continuance of 
 the connexion. 
 
 With great regard and affection, I have the honour to be, my dear friend, your 
 most obliged and most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 113 
 
 To DR. INGENHAUZ. 
 
 October 24, 1788. 
 
 " You have always been kind enough to interest yourself in 
 what relates to my health : I ought therefore to acquaint you with what appears to 
 me something curious respecting it: you may remember the cutaneous malady, I 
 formerly complained of, and for which you and Dr. Pringle favoured me with 
 prescriptions and advice. It vexed me near fourteen years, and was the beginning 
 of this year as bad as ever, covering almost my whole body except my face and 
 hands : when a fit of the gout came on, without very much pain, but a. swelling in 
 both feet, which at last appeared also in both knees ; and then in my hands. As 
 these swellings increased and extended, the other malady diminished, and at length 
 disappeared entirely. Those swellings have some time since begun to fall, and are 
 now almost gone ; perhaps the cutaneous may return, or perhaps it is worn out. I 
 may hereafter let you know what happens. I am on the whole much weaker than 
 when it began to leave me. But possibly that may be the effect of age, for I am 
 now near 83, the age of commencing decrepitude. 
 
 I grieve at the wars Europe is engaged in, and wish they were ended ; for I fear 
 even the victors will be losers. I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 P. S. Our public affairs are drawing towards a settlement. I have served out 
 the three years term of my Presidentship, limited by the constitution ; and being 
 determined to engage no more in public business, I hope, if health permits, to be a 
 better correspondent. We have no philosophical news here at present, except that 
 a boat moved by a steam engine, rows itself against tide in our river, and it is 
 apprehended the construction may be so simplified and improved as to become 
 generally useful." 
 
 To B. VAUGHAN, ESQ. 
 
 October 24, 1788, 
 
 : " Having now finished my term in the Presidentship, 
 
 and resolving to engage no more in public affairs, I hope to be a better 
 correspondent for the little time I have to live. I am recovering from a long 
 continued gout, and am diligently employed in writing the History of my Life, to 
 the doing of which the persuasions contained in your letter of January 31, 1783, * 
 
 See MEMOIRS OF THE Lire. Page 59. 
 VOL. II. P 
 
114 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 have not a little contributed. I am now in the year 17.56 just before I was sent to 
 England. To shorten the work, as well as for other reasons, I omit all facts and 
 transactions that may not have a tendency to benefit the young reader, by showing 
 him from my example, and my success in emerging from poverty, and acquiring 
 Some degree of wealth, power, and reputation, the advantages of certain modes of 
 conduct which I observed, and of avoiding the errors which were prejudicial to me. 
 If a w r riter can judge properly of his own work, I fancy on reading over what is 
 already done, that the book may be found entertaining, interesting, and useful, more 
 so than I expected when I began it. If my present state of health continues, I 
 hope to finish it this winter : when done you shall have a manuscript copy of it, 
 that I may obtain from your judgment and friendship, such remarks as may 
 contribute to its improvement. 
 
 The violence of our party debates about the new constitution seems much 
 abated, indeed almost extinct, and we are getting fast into good order. I kept out 
 of those disputes pretty well, having wrote only one little piece, which I send you 
 inclosed. 
 
 I regret the immense quantity of misery brought upon mankind by this Turkish 
 war ; and I am afraid the King of Sweden may burn his fingers by attacking Russia. 
 When will princes learn arithmetick enough to calculate if they want pieces of one 
 another s territory, how much cheaper it would be to buy them, than to make war 
 for them, even though they were to give an hundred years purchase ? But if glory 
 cannot be valued, and therefore the wars for it cannot be subject to arithmetical 
 calculation so as to show their advantage or disadvantage, at least wars for trade, 
 which have gain for their object, may be proper subjects for such computation ; and 
 a trading nation as well as a single trader ought to calculate the probabilities of 
 profit and loss, before engaging in any considerable adventure. This however 
 nations seldom do, and we have had frequent instances of their spending more 
 money in wars for acquiring or securing branches of commerce, that an hundred 
 years profit or the full enjoyment of them can compensate. 
 
 Remember me affectionately to good Dr. Price and to the honest heretic Dr. 
 Priestly. I do not call him honest by way of distinction ; for I think all the heretics I 
 have known have been virtuous men. They have the virtue of fortitude or they would 
 not venture to own their heresy ; and they cannot afford to" be deficient in any of the 
 other virtues, as that would give advantage to their many enemies ; and they have 
 not like orthodox sinners, such a number of friends to excuse or justify them. Do 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 115 
 
 not, however mistake me. It is not to my good friend s heresy that I impute his 
 honesty. On the contrary, tis his honesty that has brought upon him the character 
 of heretic. I am ever, my dear friend, yours sincerely, B. FHANKLIN. 
 
 To MRS. PARTRIDGE. 
 
 Philadelphia, Nov. 25, 1788. 
 
 You tell me our poor friend Ben Kent is gone, I hope to the 
 
 regions of the blessed ; or at least to some place where souls are prepared for those 
 regions ! I found my hope on this, that though not so orthodox as you and I, he 
 was an honest man, and had his virtues. If he had any hypocrisy, it was of that 
 inverted kind, with which a man is not so bad as he seems to be. And with regard 
 to future bliss, I cannot help imagining that multitudes of the zealously orthodox of 
 different sects, who at the last day may flock together, in hopes of seeing each other 
 damned, will be disappointed, and obliged to rest content with their own salvation. 
 Yours, c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MRS. MECOM, BOSTON. 
 
 Philadelphia, Nov. 26, 1788. 
 
 I never see any Boston newspapers. You mention there 
 
 being often something in them to do me honour. I am obliged to them. On the 
 other hand, some of our papers here are endeavouring to disgrace me. I have long 
 been accustomed to receive more blame as well as more praise than I have 
 deserved. Tis the lot of every public man. And I leave one account to balance 
 the other. 
 
 As you observe, there was no d -n your souls in the story of the poker when 
 
 I told it. The late dresser of it was probably the same, or perhaps of kin to him, 
 who in relating a dispute that happened between Queen Anne and the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury concerning a vacant mitre, which the Queen was for bestowing on a 
 person the Archbishop thought unworthy, made both the Queen and the Archbishop 
 swear three or four thumping oaths in every sentence of the discussion ; and the 
 Archbishop at last gained his point. One present at the tale being surprised, said, 
 But did the Queen and the Archbishop swear so at one another ? O ! no, no, said 
 the relator; that is only my way of telling the story. Yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 1 Dr. Franklin s sister. 
 
116 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. SMALL. 
 DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, Feb. 17, 1789. 
 
 I have just received your kind letter of Nov. 29, and am 
 
 much obliged by your friendly attention in sending me the receipt, which on occa 
 sion I may make trial of; but the stone I have being a large one, as I find by the 
 weight it falls with when I turn in bed, I have no hope of its being dissoluble by 
 any medicine ; and having been for some time past pretty free from pain, I am 
 afraid of tampering. I congratulate you on the escape you had by voiding the 
 one you mention, that was as big as a kidney bean ; had it been retained it might 
 soon have become too large to pass, and proved the cause of much pain at times, as 
 mine has been to me. 
 
 Having served my time of three years as President, I have now renounced all 
 public business, and enjoy the otium curn dignitate. My friends indulge me with 
 their frequent visits, which I have now leisure to receive and enjoy. The Philoso 
 phical Society, and the society for Political Enquiries meet at my house, which I 
 have enlarged by additional building, that affords me a large room for those meetings, 
 another over it for my library now very considerable, and over all some lodging 
 rooms. I have seven promising grand-children by my daughter who play with 
 and amuse me, and she is a kind attentive nurse to me when I am at any time 
 indisposed ; so that I pass my time as agreeably as at my age (83) a man may 
 well expect, and have little to wish for, except a more easy exit than my malady 
 seems to threaten. 
 
 The deafness you complain of gives me concern, as if great it must diminish 
 considerably your pleasure in conversation. If moderate you may remedy it easily 
 and readily, by putting your thumb and finders behind your ear, pressing it out 
 wards, and enlarging it as it were, with the hollow of your hand. By an exact 
 experiment I found that I could hear the tick of a watch at forty five feet distance 
 by this means, which was barely audible at twenty feet without it. The experi 
 ment was made at midnight when the house was still. 
 
 I am glad you have sent those directions respecting ventilation to the Edinburgh 
 Society. I hope you have added an account of the experience you had of it at 
 Minorca. If they do not print your paper, send it to rne, and it shall be in the 
 third volume which we are about to publish of our transactions. 
 
 Mrs. Hewson joins with us in best wishes for your health and happiness. Her 
 eldest son has gone through his studies at our college, and takes his degree. The 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 117 
 
 youngest is still there, and will be graduated this summer. My grandson presents 
 his respects ; and I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. F. 
 
 You never mention the receipt of any letters from me. I wish to know if they 
 come to hand, particularly my last inclosing the apologue. You mention some of 
 my old friends being dead, but not their names. 
 
 To MRS. GREENE. 
 DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, March 2, 1789- 
 
 Having now done with public affairs, which have hitherto 
 
 taken up so much of my time, I shall endeavour to enjoy during the small remain 
 der of life that is left to me some of the pleasures of conversing with my old friends 
 by writing, since their distance prevents my hope of seeing them again. 
 
 I received one of the bags of sweet corn you was so good as to send me a long 
 time since, but the other never came to hand ; even the letter mentioning it, though 
 dated December 10, 1787, has been above a year on its way, for I received it but 
 about two weeks since from Baltimore in Maryland. The corn I did receive was 
 excellent, and gave me great pleasure. Accept my hearty thanks. 
 
 I am as you suppose in the above mentioned old letter much pleased to hear 
 that my young Friend Ray is " smart in the farming way" and makes such substan 
 tial fences. I think agriculture the most honourable of all employments, being the 
 most independent. The farmer has no need of popular favour, nor the favour of 
 the great. The success of his crops depending only on the blessing of God upon 
 his honest industry. I congratulate your good spouse, that he as well as myself is 
 now free from public cares, and that he can bend his whole attention to his farming, 
 which will afford him both profit and pleasure ; a business which nobody knows 
 better how to manage with advantage. I am too old to follow printing again 
 myself, but loving the business, I have brought up my grandson Benjamin to it, 
 arid have built and furnished a printing house for him, which he now manages 
 under my eye. I have great pleasure in the rest of my grand children who are now 
 in number eight and all promising, the youngest only six months old but shows 
 signs of great good nature. My friends here are numerous, and I enjoy as much 
 of their conversation as I can reasonably wish ; and I have as much health and 
 cheerfulness as can well be expected at my age, now eighty three. Hitherto this 
 long life has been tolerably happy, so that if I were allowed to live it over again, I 
 should make no objection, only wishing for leave to do, what authors do in a second 
 
118 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 edition of their works, correct some of my errata. Among the felicities of my life 
 I reckon your friendship, which I shall remember with pleasure as long as that life 
 lasts, being ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To Miss CATHERINE LOUISA SHIPLEY. 
 
 Philadelphia, April 27, 1789. 
 
 It is only a few days since the kind letter of my dear young 
 
 friend, dated December 24, came to my hands. I had before in the public papers 
 met with the afflicting news that letter contained. That excellent man has then 
 left us ! his departure is a loss not to his family and friends only, but to his 
 nation, and to the world : for he was intent on doing good, had wisdom to devise 
 the means, and talents to promote them. His sermon before the society for propa 
 gating the gospel, and " his speech intended to be spoken" are proofs of his ability 
 as well as his humanity. Had his counsels in those pieces been attended to by the 
 ministers, how much bloodshed might have been prevented, and how much expence 
 and disgrace to the nation avoided ! 
 
 Your reflections on the constant calmness and composure attending his death 
 are very sensible. Such instances seem to show, that the good sometimes enjoy in 
 dying a foretaste of the happy state they are about to enter. 
 
 According to the course of years I should have quitted this world long before him : 
 I shall however not be long in following. I am now in my eighty fourth year, and 
 the last year has considerably enfeebled me ; so that I hardly expect to remain 
 another. You will then, rny dear friend, consider this as probably the last line to 
 be received from me, and as a taking leave. Present my best and most sincere 
 respects to your good mother, and love to the rest of the family, to whom I wish 
 all happiness ; and believe me to be, while I do live, yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN, 
 
 To THE REV. DR. PRICE. 
 MY VERY DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, May 31, 1789. 
 
 I lately received your kind letter, inclosing one from Miss 
 
 Kitty Shipley, informing me of the good bishop s decease, which afflicted me greatly. 
 My friends drop off one after another, when my age and infirmities prevent my 
 making new ones, and if I still retained the necessary activity and ability, I hardly 
 see among the existing generation where I could make them of equal goodness. 
 So that the longerl live I must expect to be the more wretched. As we draw 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 119 
 
 nearer the conclusion of life, nature furnishes with more helps to wean us from it, 
 among which one of the most powerful is the loss of such dear friends. 
 
 I send you with this the two volumes of our transactions, as I forget whether you 
 had the first before. If you had, you will, please to give this to the French Ambas 
 sador, requesting his conveyance of it to the good Duke de la Rochfoucault 
 
 My best wishes attend you, being ever with sincere and great esteem, my dear 
 friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To B. VAUGHAN, ESQ. 
 MY DEAREST FRIEND, Philadelphia, June 3, 1789. 
 
 I received your kind letter of March 4, and wish I may be 
 
 able to complete what you so earnestly desire, the Memoirs of my life. But of 
 late I am so interrupted by extreme pain, which obliges me to have recourse to 
 opium, that between the effects of both, I have but little time in which I can write 
 any thing. My grandson however is copying what is done, which will be sent to you 
 for your opinion by the next vessel ; and not merely for your opinion but for your 
 advice ; for I find it a difficult task to speak decently and properly of one s own 
 conduct ; and I feel the want of a judicious friend to encourage me in scratching 
 out. 
 
 I have condoled sincerely with the Bishop of St. Asaph s family. He was an 
 excellent man. Losing our friends thus one by one, is the tax we pay for long 
 living ; and it is indeed a heavy one ! 
 
 I have not seen the King of Prussia s posthumous works ; what you mention 
 makes me desirous to have them. Please to mention it to your brother William, 
 and that I request he would add them to the books I have desired him to buy for 
 me. 
 
 Our new government is now in train, and seems to promise well. But events 
 are in the hand of God ! I am ever, my clear friend, yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To Mu. WRIGHT, LONDON. 
 DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, Nov. 4, 1789. 
 
 I received your kind letter of July the 31st, which gave me 
 
 great pleasure, as it informed me of the welfare both of yourself and your good lady, 
 to whom please to present my respects. I thank you for the epistle of your yearly 
 meeting, and for the card (a specimen of printing) which was inclosed. 
 
120 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 We have now had one session of congress which was conducted under our new 
 constitution, and with as much general satisfaction as could reasonably be expected. 
 I wish the struggle in France may end as happily for that nation. We are now in 
 the full enjoyment of our new government for eleven of the states, and it is generally 
 thought that North Carolina is about to join it. Rhode island will probably take 
 longer time for consideration. We have had a most plentiful year for the fruits of 
 the earth, and our people seem to be recovering fast from the extravagance and idle 
 habits which the war had introduced ; and to engage seriously in the contrary 
 habits, of temperance, frugality, and industry, which give the most pleasing pros 
 pect of future national felicity. Your merchants however, are I think imprudent in 
 crowding in upon us such quantities of goods for sale here, which are not written for 
 by ours, and are beyond the faculties of this country to consume, in any reasonable 
 time. This surplus of goods is therefore to raise present money, sent to the 
 vendues, or auction houses, of which we have six or seven in and near this city ; 
 where they are sold frequently for less than prime cost, to the great loss of the 
 indiscreet adventurers. Our newspapers are doubtless to be seen at your coffee 
 houses near the exchange : in their advertisements you may observe the constancy 
 and quantity of these kind of sales ; as well as the quantity of goods imported by 
 our regular traders. I see in your English newspapers frequent mention of our 
 being out of credit with you ; to us it appears that we have abundantly too much, 
 and that your exporting merchants are rather out of their senses. 
 
 I wish success to your endeavours for obtaining an abolition of the slave 
 
 trade. The epistle from your yearly meeting for the year 1758, was not the 
 
 first sawing of the good seed you mention; for I find by an old pamphlet in my 
 
 possession, that GEORGE KEITH near an hundred years since wrote a paper 
 
 against the practice, said to be " given forth by the appointment of the meeting held 
 
 by him, at Philip James s house in the city of Philadelphia, about the year 1693 ; 
 
 wherein a strict charge was given to friends, " that they should set their negroes at 
 
 liberty after some reasonable time of service &c. &c." And about the year 1728, or 
 
 29, 1 myself printed a book for Ralph Sandyford, another of your friends of this city, 
 
 against keeping negroes in slavery ; two editions of which he distributed gratis. 
 
 And about the year 1736 I printed another book on the same subject for Benjamin 
 
 Lay, who also professed being one of your friends, and he distributed the books 
 
 chiefly among them. By these instances it appears that the seed was indeed sown 
 
 in the good ground of your profession, (though much earlier than the time you 
 
 mention) and its springing up to effect at last, though so late, is some confirmation 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 121 
 
 of Lord Bacon s observation, that a good motion never dies ; and may encourage us 
 in making such ; though hopeless of their taking immediate effect. 
 
 I doubt whether I shall be able to finish my Memoirs, and if I finish them 
 whether they will be proper for publication : you seem to have too high an opinion 
 of them, and to expect too much from them. 
 
 I think you are right in preferring a mixed form of government for your country, 
 under its present circumstances ; and if it were possible for you to reduce the 
 enormous salaries and emoluments of great offices (which are at bottom the source 
 of all your violent factions) that form might be conducted more quietly and happily: 
 but I am afraid that none of your factions, Avhen they get uppermost, will ever have 
 virtue enough to reduce those salaries and emoluments, but will rather chuse to 
 enjoy them. I am, my dear friend, yours very affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DR. RUSH. 
 
 Philadelphia, 
 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, [without date, but supposed to be in 1789.] 
 
 During our long acquaintance you have shown many instances 
 of your regard for me, yet I must now desire you to add one more to the number, 
 \\ hich is, that if you publish your ingenious discourse on the moral sense, you will 
 totally omit and suppress that most extravagant encomium on your friend Franklin, 
 which hurt me exceedingly in the unexpected hearing, and will mortify me beyond 
 conception, if it should appear from the press. Confiding in your compliance with 
 this earnest request, I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. F. 
 
 To SAMUEL MORE, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, Philadelphia, Nov. 5, 1789- 
 
 I received your favour of July 25, but had no opportunity of 
 showing any civility to the bearer whom you mention as coming under the auspices 
 of William Franklin, Esq. as he did not shew himself to me. 
 
 I am obliged by your kind enquiries after my health, which is still tolerably good, 
 the stone excepted ; my constitution being such as, if it were not for that malady, 
 might have held out yet some years longer. 
 
 I hope the fire of liberty which you mention as spreading itself over Europe, will 
 act upon the inestimable rights of man, as common fire does upon gold ; purify 
 without destroying them ; so that a lover of liberty may find a country in any part 
 of Christendom ! 
 
 VOL. II. Q 
 
122 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN*. 
 
 I see with pleasure in the public prints, that our Society l is still kept up and 
 flourishes. I was an early member; for when Mr. Shipley sent me a list of the 
 subscribers, they were but seventy ; and though I had no expectation then of ever 
 going to England, and acting with them, I sent a contribution of twenty guineas ; 
 in consideration of which the Society were afterwards pleased to consider me a, 
 member. 
 
 I wish to the exertions of your manufacturers, who are generally excellent; and 
 to the spirit and enterprize of your merchants, who are famed for fair and honourable 
 dealing, all the success they merit in promoting the prosperity of your country. 
 
 I am glad our friend Small enjoys so much health, and his faculties so perfectly, 
 as I perceive he does by his letters. I know not whether he is yet returned from 
 his visit to Scotland, and therefore give you the trouble of the inclosed. My best 
 wishes attend you, being ever, dear sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 B. FHAXKLIX. 
 
 To MR. SMALL. 
 DEAR SIR, Philadelphia, Nov. 5, \7&J. 
 
 1 received your several favours of April 23, May ( J, and 
 
 June 2, together with the manuscript concerning Ventilation, which will be inserted 
 in our next volume. 
 
 I have long been of your opinion, that your legal provision for the poor is a very 
 .great evil operating as it does to the encouragement of idleness. We have followed 
 your example, and begin now to see our error; and I hope shall reform it. I tind 
 by your letters that every man has patience enough to bear calmly and coolly the 
 injuries done to other people: you have perfectly forgiven the Royalists, and you 
 seem to wonder that we should still retain any resentment against them for their 
 joining with the savages to burn our houses, and murder and scalp our friends, our 
 wives, and our children. I forget who it was that said, " we are commanded to 
 for-nvc our enemies, but we are no where commanded to forgive our friends ;" 
 certain it is however that atrocious injuries done to us by our friends are naturally 
 more deeply resented than the same done by enemies. They have left us to live 
 under the government of their King in England and Nova Scotia. We do not miss 
 them, nor wish their return ; nor do we envy them their present happiness. The 
 
 1 The London Society for promoting Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce, of which Mr. More was 
 Secretary. 
 
1 JUVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 accounts you give me of the great prospects you have respecting your manufactures, 
 agriculture, and commerce, are pleasing to me, for I still love England and wish it 
 prosperity. 
 
 You tell me that the government of France is abundantly punished for its 
 treachery to England in assisting us ; you might also have remarked that the 
 government of England had been punished for its treachery to France, in assisting 
 the Corsicans, and in seizing her ships in time of full peace, without any previous 
 declaration of war. I believe governments are pretty near equal in honesty, and 
 cannot with much propriety praise their own in preference to that of their 
 neighbours. 
 
 You do me too much honour in naming me with Timoleon. I am like him only 
 in retiring from my public lubours, which indeed my stone, and other infirmities of 
 age, have made indispensably necessary. 
 
 I hope you are by this time returned from your visit to your native country, and 
 that the journey has given a firmer consistence to your health. 
 
 Mr. Penn s property in this country which you enquire about, is still immensely 
 great; and I understand he has received ample compensation in England for the 
 part he lost. 
 
 I think you have made a happy choice of rural amusements ; the protection of 
 the bees, and the destruction of the hop insect. I wish success to your experiments, 
 and shall be glad to hear the result. Your Theory of Insects appears the most 
 ingenious and plausible of any that have hitherto been proposed by philosophers. 
 
 Our new constitution is now established with eleven States, and the accession of 
 a twelfth is soon expected. We have had one session of Congress under it, which 
 was conducted with remarkable prudence, and a good deal of unanimity. Our late 
 harvests were plentiful, and our produce still fetches a good price, through an 
 abundant foreign demand, and the flourishing state of our commerce. I am ever, 
 my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. LE ROY, OF PARIS. 
 
 Philadelphia, Nov. 13, 1789. 
 
 Tis now more than a year since I have heard from my dear 
 friend Le Roy. What can be the reason ? Are you still living? Or have the mob 
 of Paris mistaken the head of # monopoliser of knowledge, for a monopoliser of 
 corn, and paraded it about the streets upon a pole : 
 
124 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Great part of the news we have had from Paris, for near a year past, has been 
 very afflicting. I sincerely wish and pray it may all end well and happily both for 
 the king and the nation. The voice of Philosophy I apprehend can hardly be heard 
 among those tumults. If any thing material in that way had occurred, I am 
 persuaded you would have acquainted me with it. However pray let me hear from 
 you a little oftener ; for though the distance is great, and the means of conveying 
 letters not very regular, a year s silence between friends must needs give uneasiness, 
 
 Our new Constitution is now established, and has an appearance that promises 
 permanency; but in this world nothing can be said to be certain, except death and 
 taxes ! 
 
 My health continues much as it has been for some time, except that I grow 
 thinner and weaker, so that I cannot expect to hold out much longer. 
 
 My respects to your good brother, and to our friends of the Academy, which 
 always has my best wishes for its prosperity and glory. Adieu rny dear friend, and 
 believe me ever yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 
 Mr VERY DEAR FRIEND, Philadelphia, Dec, 4, 1789. 
 
 I received your favour of August last. Your kind condolences, 
 on the painful state of my health, are very obliging. I am thankful to God however 
 that among the numerous ills human life is subject to, one only of any importance 
 is fallen to my lot ; and that so late as almost to insure that it can be but of short 
 duration-. 
 
 The convulsions in France are attended with some disagreeable circumstances ; 
 but if by the struggle she obtains and secures for the nation its future liberty, and a 
 good constitution, a few years enjoyment of those blessings will amply repair all 
 the damages their acquisition may have occasioned. God grant that not only the 
 love of liberty, but a thorough knowledge of the rights of man, may pervade all the 
 nations of the earth, so that a philosopher may set his foot any where on its surface, 
 and say, this is my country ! Your wishes for a cordial and perpetual friendship 
 between Britain and her ancient colonies are manifested continually in every one of 
 your letters to me ; something of my disposition on the same subject may appear to 
 you in casting your eye over the inclosed paper. 1 I do not by this opportunity send 
 you any of our Gazettes; because the postage frona Liverpool would be more than 
 
 Uncertain what paper. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 125 
 
 they are worth. I can now only add my best wishes of every kind of felicity for 
 the three amiable Hartleys, to whom I have the honour of being an affectionate 
 friend and most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MRS. MECOM, THE WRITER S SISTER AT BOSTON. 
 DEAR SISTER, Philadelphia, Dec. 17, 178-. 
 
 You tell me you are desired by an acquaintance to ask my 
 opinion whether the general circumstances mentioned in the history of Baron Trenck 
 are founded in fact ; to which I can only answer, that of the greatest part of 
 those circumstances, the scene being laid in Germany, I must consequently be very 
 ignorant; but of what he says, as having passed in France, between the 1 ministers 
 of that country, himself, and me, I can speak positively that it is founded in false 
 hood, and that the fact can only serve to confound, as I never saw him in that 
 country, nor ever knew or heard of him any where, till I met with the above 
 mentioned history in print, in the German language, in which he ventured to relate 
 it as a fact, that I had with those ministers, solicited him to enter into the American 
 service. A translation of that book into French has since been printed, but the 
 translator has omitted that pretended fact, probably from an apprehension that its 
 being in that country known not to be true, might hurt the credit and sale of the 
 translation. 
 
 I thank you for the sermon on Sacred Music, I have read it with pleasure. I 
 think it a very ingenious composition. You will say this is natural enough, if you 
 read what I have formerly written on the same subject in one of my printed letters, 
 wherein you will find a perfect agreement of sentiment respecting the complex 
 music ; of late, in my opinion, too much in vogue ; it being only pleasing to learned 
 ears who can be delighted with the difficulty of execution instead of harmony and 
 melody. Your affectionate brother, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To NOAH WEBSTER ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, Philadelphia, December %6, 17#9> 
 
 I received some time since your " Dissertations on the 
 English Language." The book was not accompanied by any letter or message, 
 informing me to whom I am obliged for it, but I suppose it is to yourself. It is an 
 excellent work, and will be greatly useful in turning the thoughts of our countrymen 
 to correct writing. Please to accept my thanks for the great honour you have 
 
126" MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FIIANKLIN. 
 
 done me in its dedication. I ought to have made this acknowledgment sooner, 
 but much indisposition prevented me. 
 
 I cannot but applaud your zeal for preserving the purity of our language, both in 
 its expressions and pronunciation, and in correcting the popular errors several of 
 our states are continually falling into with respect to both. Give me. leave to 
 mention some of them, though possibly they may have already occurred to you. 
 I w ish however in some future publication of yours you would set a discountenan 
 cing mark upon them. The first I remember is the word improved. When I left 
 New England in the year 1723, this word had never been used amonii us as far as 
 
 o o 
 
 I know, but in the sense of ameliorated, or made better, except once in a very old 
 book of Dr. Mather s entitled " Remarkable Providences. " As that eminent man 
 wrote a very obscure hand, I remember that when I read that word in his book, 
 used instead of the woid imploycd, I conjectured it was an error of the printer, 
 who had mistaken a too short / in the writing for an r, and a y with too short a tail 
 for a v ; whereby imployed was converted into improved. But when I returned 
 to Boston in 1733 I found this change had obtained favour, and was then become 
 common ; for I met with it often in perusing the newspapers, where it frequently 
 made an appearance rather ridiculous. Such for instance as the advertisement of 
 a country house to be sold, which had been many years improved as a tavern ; and 
 in the character of a deceased country-gentleman, that he had been for more than 
 SO years improved as a justice of the peace. This use of the word improved 
 is peculiar to New England, and not to be met with among any other speakers of 
 English, either on this or the other side" of the water. 
 
 During my late absence in France, I find that several other new words have 
 been introduced into our parliamentary language ; for example, I find a verb form 
 ed from the substantive notice : I should not have NOTICED this were it not that 
 the gentleinan, &c. Also another verb from the substantive advocate, the gentleman 
 who ADVOCATES or has ADVOCATED that motion, &c. Another from the sub 
 stantive progress, the most awkward and abominable of the three, the committee 
 having PROGRESSED resolved to adjourn. The word opposed though not a new 
 word, I find used in a new manner, as, the gentlemen who are OPPOSED to this 
 measure; to which I have also myself always been OPPOSED. If you should 
 
 1 This verb has since been adopted, and is frequently employed in the British Parliament. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 127 
 
 happen to be of my opinion with respect to these innovations, you will use your 
 authority in reprobating them. 
 
 The Latin Language, long the vehicle used in, distributing knowledge among the 
 different nations of Europe, is daily more and more neglected ; and one of the 
 modern tongues, viz. the French, seems in p oint of universality to have supplied its 
 place ; it is spoken in all the courts of Europe ; and most of the literati, those even 
 who do not speak it, have acquired knowledge enough of it to enable them easily to 
 read the books that are written in it. This gives a considerable advantage to that 
 
 O 
 
 nation ; it enables its authors to inculcate and spread throughout other nations such 
 sentiments and opinions on important points as are most conducive to its interests, 
 or which may contribute to its reputation by -promoting the common interests of 
 mankind. It is perhaps owing to its being written in French, that Voltaire s 
 Treatise on Toleration has had so sudden and so great an effect on the bigotry of 
 Europe, as almost entirely to disarm it. The general use of the French lanauage 
 has likewise a very advantageous effect on the profits of the bookselling branch of 
 commerce, it being well known that the more copies can be sold that are struck 
 off from one composition of types, the profits increase in a much greater proportion 
 than they do in making a great number of pieces in any other kind of manufacture. 
 And at present there is no capital town in Europe without a French bookseller s 
 shop corresponding with Paris. Our English bids fair to obtain the second place. 
 The great body of excellent printed sermons in our language, and the freedom of 
 our writings on political subjects, have induced a number of divines of different 
 sects and nations, as well as gentlemen concerned in public affairs, to study it ; so 
 far at least as to read it. And if we were to endeavour the facilitating its progress, 
 the study of our tongue might become much more general. Those who have 
 employed some parts of their time in learning a new language, have frequently 
 observed, that while their acquaintance with it was imperfect, difficulties small in 
 tliemselves operated as great ones in obstructing their progress. A book, for 
 example, ill printed, or a pronunciation in speaking, not well articulated, would 
 render a sentence unintelligible ; which from a clear print or a distinct speaker 
 would have been immediately comprehended. If therefore we would have the 
 benefit of seeing our language more generally known among mankind, we should 
 endeavour to remove all the difficulties, however small, that discourage the learning 
 it. But 1 am sorry to observe that of late years those difficulties, instead of bein<* 
 diminished, have been augmented. In examining the English books that were printed 
 between the restoration and the accession of George the second, we may observe, 
 
KS MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN". 
 
 that all substantives were begun with a capital, in which- we imitated our motUcr 
 tongue the German; this was more particularly useful to those who were not well 
 acquainted with the English ; there being such a prodigious number of our words 
 that are both verbs and substantives and spelt in the same manner, though often 
 accented differently in the pronunciation. This method has, by the fancy of 
 printers, of late years been laid aside, from an idea that suppressing the capitals 
 shows the character to greater advantage ; those letters prominent above the line 
 disturbing its even regular appearance. The effect of this change is so consider 
 able, that a learned man of France who used to read our books, though not 
 perfectly acquainted with our language, in conversation with me on the subject of 
 our authors attributed the greater obscurity he found in our modern books, com 
 pared with those of the period above mentioned, to change of style for the worse 
 in our writers ; of which mistake I convinced him by marking for him each sub 
 stantive with a capital in a paragraph, which he then easily understood, though 
 before he could not comprehend it This shows the inconvenience of that 
 pretended improvement. From the same fondness for an even and uniform 
 appearance of characters in the line, the printers have of late banished also the 
 Italic types in which words of importance to be attended to in the sense of the 
 sentence, and words on which an emphasis should be put in reading, used to be 
 printed. And lately another fancy has induced some printers to use the short round 
 s instead of the long one, which formerly served well to distinguish a word readily 
 by its varied appearance. Certainly the omitting this prominent letter makes the 
 line appear more even; but renders it less immediately legible, as the paring all 
 men s noses might smooth and level their faces, but would render their physiogno 
 mies less distinguishable. Add to all these improvements backwards, another 
 modern fancy that grey printing is more beautiful than black ; hence the English 
 new books are printed in so dim a character as to be read with difficulty by old 
 eyes, unless in a very strong light and with good glasses. Whoever compares a 
 volume of the Gentleman s Magazine printed between the years 1731 and 1740, 
 with one of those printed in the last ten yearg, will be convinced of the much 
 greater degree of perspicuity given by black ink than by grey. Eord Chester 
 field pleasantly remarked this difference to Eaulkener, the printer of the Dublin 
 Journal, who was vainly making encomiums on his own paper, as the most complete 
 of any in the world," but Mr. Faulkener,"said my Lord, " don t you think it might 
 be still farther improved by using paper and ink not quite so near of a colour?" 
 For all these reasons I .cannot but wish that our American printers would in their 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 editions avoid these fancied improvements, and thereby render their works more 
 agreeable to foreigners in Europe, to the great advantage of our bookselling 
 commerce: 
 
 Further, to be more sensible of the advantage of clear and distinct printing, let 
 us consider the assistance it affords in reading well aloud to an auditory. In so 
 doing the eye generally slides forward three or four words before the voice. If the 
 sight clearly distinguishes what the coming words are, it gives time to order the 
 modulation of the voice to express them properly. But if they are obscurely printed 
 or disguised by omitting the capitals and long s s or otherwise, the reader is apt to 
 modulate wrong, and finding he has done so he is obliged to go back and begin the 
 sentence again, which lessens the pleasure of the hearers. This leads me to mention 
 an old error in our mode of printing. We are sensible that when a question is met 
 with in reading, there is a proper variation to be used in the management of the 
 voice. We have therefore a point called an interrogation, affixed to the question in 
 order to distinguish it. But this is absurdly placed at its end ; so that the reader 
 does not discover it, till he finds he has wrongly modulated his voice, and is therefore 
 obliged to begin again the sentence. To prevent this the Spanish printers, more 
 sensibly, place an interrogation at the beginning as well as at the end of a question. 
 We have another error of the same kind in printing plays, where something often 
 occurs that is marked as spoken aside. But the word aside is placed at the end of 
 the speech, when it ought to precede it, as a direction to the reader that he may 
 govern his voice accordingly. The practice of our ladies in meeting five or six 
 together to form a little busy party where each is employed in some useful work 
 while one reads to them, is so commendable in itself that it, deserves the attention 
 of authors and printers to make it as pleasing as possible, both to the reader and 
 hearers. 
 
 After these general observations permit me to make one that I imagine may 
 regard your interest. It is that your spelling book is miserably printed here, so as 
 in many places to be scarcely legible, and on wretched paper. If this is not 
 attended to, and the new one lately advertised as corning out, should be preferable 
 in these respects, it may hurt the future sale of yours. 
 
 I congratulate you on your marriage, of which the newspapers inform me. My 
 best wishes attend you, being with sincere esteem, Sir, your most obedient and 
 most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 VOL. II. R 
 
130 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 LETTER FROM DR. STILES, PRESIDENT OF YALE COLLEGE, &c. TO 
 
 DR. FRANKLIN. 
 SIR, Yale College, Jan. 28. 1790. 
 
 We have lately received Governor Yale s portrait from his 
 family in London, and deposited it in the College Library, where is also deposited 
 one of Governor Saltonstall s. I have also long wished that we might be honoured 
 also with that of Dr. Franklin. In the course of your long life, you may probably 
 have become possessed of several portraits of yourself. Shall I take too great a 
 liberty, in humbly asking a donation of one of them to Yale College ? You obliged 
 me with a mezzotinto picture of yourself many years ago, which I often view with 
 pleasure. But the canvass is more permanent. We wish to be possessed of the 
 durable resemblance of the American Patriot and Philosopher. You have merited 
 and received all the honours of the republic of letters ; and are going to a world, 
 where all sublunary glories will be lost in the glories of immortality. Should you 
 shine throughout the intellectual and stellary universe, with the eminence and 
 distinguished lustre with which you have appeared in this little detached part of the 
 creation, you would be what I most fervently wish to you, Sir, whatever may be 
 my fate in eternity. The grand climacteric in which I now am, reminds me of the 
 interesting scenes of futurity. You know, Sir, that I am a Christian, and would 
 to heaven all others were such as I am, except my imperfections and deficiencies 
 of moral character. As much as I know of Dr. Franklin, I have not an idea of his 
 religious sentiments. I wish to know the opinion of my venerable friend concerning 
 JESUS of Nazareth. He will not impute this to impertinence or improper curiosity, 
 in one, who for so many years has continued to love, estimate, and reverence his 
 abilities and literary character, with an ardour and affection bordering on adoration. 
 If I have said too much let the request be blotted out, and be no more ; and yet I 
 shall never cease to wish you that happy immortality which I believe Jesus alone 
 has purchased for the virtuous and truly good of every religious denomination in 
 Christendom, and for those of every age, nation, and mythology, who reverence 
 the deity, are filled with integrity, righteousness, and benevolence. Wishing you 
 every blessing, I am, Dear Sir, your most obedient servant, EZRA STILES. 
 
 His Excellency Dr. Benjamin Franklin, Philadelphia. 
 
 ANSWER TO THE REVEREND PRESIDENT STILES. 
 REVEREND AND DEAR SIR, Philadelphia, March 9, 1790. 
 
 I received your kind letter of January 28, and am glad you 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 131 
 
 have at length received the portrait of Governor Yale from his family, and deposited 
 it in the College library. He was a great and good man, and had the merit of 
 doing infinite service to your country by his munificence to that institution. The 
 honour you propose doing me, by placing mine in the same room with his, is much 
 too great for my deserts ; but you always had a partiality for me, and to that it 
 must be ascribed. I am however too much obliged to Yale College, the first learned 
 society that took notice of me and adorned me with its honours, to refuse a request 
 that comes from it through so esteemed a friend. But I do not think any one of 
 the portraits you mention as in my possession worthy of the situation and company 
 you propose to place it in. You have an excellent artist lately arrived. If he will 
 undertake to make one for you, I shall chearfully pay the expence : but he must 
 not delay setting about it, or I may slip through his fingers, for I am now in my 
 85th year, and very infirm. 
 
 I send with this a very learned work as it seems to me, on the antient Samaritan 
 Coins, lately printed in Spain, and at least curious for the beauty of the impression. 
 Please to accept it for your College library. I have subscribed for the Encyclopedia 
 now printing here, with the intention of presenting it to the College. I shall probably 
 depart before the work is finished, but shall leave directions for its continuance to 
 the end. With this you will receive some of the first numbers. 
 
 You desire to know something of my religion. It is the first time I have been 
 questioned upon it. But I cannot take your curiosity amiss, and shall endeavour 
 in a few words to gratify it. Here is my creed : I believe in one God, the creator 
 of the universe. That he governs it by his Providence. That he ought to be 
 worshipped. That the most acceptable service we render to him is doing good to 
 his other children. That the soul of man is immortal, and will be treated with 
 justice in another life respecting its conduct in this. These I take to be the 
 fundamental points in all sound religion, and I regard them as you do in whatever 
 sect I meet with them. As to Jesus of Nazareth, my opinion of whom you 
 particularly desire, I think the system of morals and his religion as he left them to 
 us, the best the world ever saw or is like to see ; but I apprehend it has received 
 various corrupting changes, and I have with most of the present dissenters in 
 England, some doubts as to his divinity ; though it is a question I do not dogmatise 
 upon, having never studied it, and think it needless to busy myself with it now, 
 when I expect soon an opportunity of knowing the truth with less trouble. I see 
 no harm however in its being believed, if that belief has the good consequence, as 
 probably it has of making his doctrines more respected and more observed, 
 
132 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 especially as I do not perceive that the Supreme takes it amiss by distinguishing the 
 believers in his government of the world with any peculiar marks of his displeasure. 
 I shall only add respecting myself, that having experienced the goodness of that 
 being in conducting me prosperously through a long life, I have no doubt of its 
 continuance in the next, though without the smallest conceit of meriting such 
 goodness. My sentiments on this head you will see in the copy of an old letter 
 inclosed, 1 which I wrote in answer to one from an old religionist whom I had 
 relieved in a paralitic case by electricity, and who being afraid I should grow proud 
 upon it, sent me his serious though rather impertinent caution. I send you also 
 the copy of another letter,* which will show something of my disposition relating to 
 religion. With great and sincere esteem and affection, I am, &c. 
 
 P. S. Had not your College some present of books from the King of France. 
 Please to let me know if you had an expectation given you of more, and the nature 
 of that expectation ? I have a reason for the enquiry. 
 
 I confide that you will not expose me to criticisms and censures by publishing 
 any part of this communication to you. I have ever let others enjoy their religious 
 sentiments without reflecting on them for those that appeared to me uosupportable 
 or even absurd. All sects here, and we have a great variety, have experienced my 
 good will in assisting them with subscriptions for the building their new places of 
 worship, and as I have never opposed any of their doctrines, I hope to .go out of 
 the world in peace with them all. 
 
 To * * *. 
 DEAR SIR, (Without date). 
 
 I have read your manuscript with some attention. By the 
 argument it contains against a particular Providence, though you allow a general 
 Providence, you strike at the foundations of all religion. For without the belief of 
 a Providence that takes cognizance of, guards and guides, and may favour particular 
 persons, there is no motive to worship a Deity, to fear its displeasure, or to pray 
 for its protection. I will not enter into any discussion of your principles, though 
 you seem to desire it. At present I shall only give you my opinion, that though 
 your reasonings are subtle, and may prevail with some readers, you will not succeed 
 so as to change the general sentiments of mankind on that subject, and the 
 
 * Supposed to be the Letter to George Whitfield, dated June 6, 1753. 
 * Uncertain: perhaps the following one? 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 133 
 
 consequence of printing this piece will be, a great deal of odium drawn upon 
 yourself, mischief to you, and no benefit to others. He that spits against the wind, 
 spits in his own face. But were you to succeed, do you imagine any good would 
 be done by it ? You yourself may find it easy to live a virtuous life without the 
 assistance afforded by religion ; you having a clear perception of the advantages of 
 virtue, and the disadvantages of vice, and possessing a strength of resolution 
 sufficient to enable you to resist common temptations. But think how great a 
 portion of mankind consists of weak and ignorant men and women, and of 
 inexperienced inconsiderate youth of both sexes, who have need of the motives of 
 religion to restrain them from vice, to support their virtue, and retain them in the 
 practice of it till it becomes habitual, which is the great point for its security. And 
 perhaps you are indebted to her originally, that is to your religious education, for 
 the habits of virtue upon which you now justly value yourself. You might easily 
 display your excellent talents of reasoning upon a less hazardous subject, and 
 thereby obtain a rank with our most distinguished authors. For among us it is not 
 necessary as among the Hottentots, that a youth to be raised into the company of 
 men should prove his manhood by beating his mother. I would advise you therefore 
 not to attempt unchaining the tiger, but to burn this piece before it is seen by any 
 other person, whereby you will save yourself a great deal of mortification from the 
 enemies it may raise against you, and perhaps a good deal of regret and repentance. 
 If men are so wicked with religion, what would they be if without it? I intend 
 this letter itself as a proof of my friendship, and therefore add no professions to it; 
 but subscribe simply yours, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
154 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 .Ml. 
 
 :... ,W r "..,.. SUPPLEMENT ;;;;;; 
 
 TO 
 
 i ( . - v i ! . , . I lK 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.-? ART I. 
 
 (being Letters accidentally omitted). 
 
 To HENRY LAURENS, ESQ. 
 
 DEAR SIR. Passy. March 1784. 
 
 * 
 
 I write this in great pain from the gout in both feet; but my 
 young friend your son having informed me that he sets out for London to-morrow, 
 I could not slip the opportunity, as perhaps it is the only safe one that may occur 
 before your departure for America. I wish mine was as near. I think I have reason 
 to complain that I am so long without an answer from Congress to my request of 
 recall. I wish rather to die in my own country than here ; and though the upper 
 part of the building appears yet tolerably firm, yet being undermined by the stone 
 and gout united, its fall cannot be far distant. You are so good as to offer me 
 your friendly services. You cannot do me one more acceptable at present than that 
 of forwarding my dismission. In all other respects as well as that, I shall ever look 
 on your friendship as an honour to me ; being with sincere and great esteem, dear 
 Sir, &c. &c. 
 
 P. S. March 13, 1784. 
 
 Having had a tolerable night, I find myself something better 
 this morning. In reading over my letter I perceive an omission of my thanks for 
 your kind assurances of never forsaking my defence should there be need. I 
 apprehend that the violent antipathy of a certain person to me, may have produced 
 some calumnies, which what you have seen and heard here may enable you to 
 refute. You will thereby exceedingly oblige one, who has lived beyond all other 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 135 
 
 ambition than that of dying with the fair character he has long endeavoured to 
 deserve. As to my infallibility, which you do not undertake to maintain, I am too 
 modest myself to claim it, that is in general ; though when we come to particulars, 
 I, like other people, give it up with difficulty. Steele says, that the difference 
 between the church of Rome, and the church of England on that point, is only this ; 
 that the one pretends to be infallible, and the other to be never in the wrong. In 
 this latter sense, we are most of us church of England men, though few of us 
 confess it and express it so naturally and frankly as a certain lady here, who said, 
 I dont know how it happens, but I meet with nobody, except myself, that is always 
 in the right. // n j/ a que moi qui a toujours raison. 
 
 My grandson joins me in affectionate respects to you and the young lady, with 
 best wishes for your health and prosperity. Yours, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. JONATHAN WILLIAMS. 
 
 Passy, May 19, 1785. 
 
 The conversations you mention respecting America are 
 suitable. Those people speak what they wish ; but she was certainly never in a 
 more happy situation. They are angry with us, and speak all manner of evil of 
 us ; but we flourish notwithstanding. They put me in mind of a violent high church 
 factor, resident in Boston, when I was a boy. He had bought upon speculation a 
 Connecticut cargo of onions, Avhich he flattered himself he might sell again to great 
 profit, but the price fell, and they lay upon hand. He was heartily vexed with 
 his bargain, especially when he observed they began to grow in the store he had 
 filled with them. He showed them one day to a friend. Here they are, says he, 
 and they are growing too ! I damn them every day ; but I think they are like the 
 Presbyterians ; the more I curse them, the more they grow. Yours, B. F. 
 
 To THE HONOURABLE DAVID HARTLEY. 
 
 Passy, July 5, 1785. 
 
 I cannot quit the coasts of Europe without taking leave of 
 my ever dear friend Mr. Hartley. We were long fellow labourers in the best of 
 all works, the work of peace. I leave you still in the field, but having finished my 
 day s task, I am going home to go to bed : Wish me a good night s rest, as I do 
 you a pleasant evening. Adieu ! and believe me ever, yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN, 
 in his 80th year. 
 
136 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, Philadelphia, Oct. 27, 1785. 
 
 I received at Havre de Grace 6 copies of your print, which 
 I have brought with me hither. I shall frame and keep one of them in my best 
 room. I shall send one to Mr. Jay, and give the others among some friends who 
 esteem and respect you as we do. 
 
 Your newspapers are filled with accounts of distresses and miseries that these 
 states are plunged into since their separation from Britain. You may believe 
 me when I tell you that there is no truth in those accounts. I find all property in 
 lands and houses augmented vastly in value ; that of houses and towns at least 
 four-fold. The crops have been plentiful, and yet the produce sells high, to the 
 great profit of the farmer. At the same time all imported goods sell at low rates, 
 some cheaper than the first cost. Working people have plenty of employ and high 
 pay for their labour. These appear to me as certain signs of public prosperity. 
 Some traders indeed complain that trade is dead ; but this pretended evil is not an effect 
 of inability in the people to buy, pay for, and consume the usual articles of commerce, 
 as far as they have occasion for them, it is owing merely to there being too many 
 traders who have crowded hither from all parts of Europe with more goods than 
 the natural demand of the country requires. And what in Europe is called the debt 
 of America is chiefly the debt of these adventurers and supercargoes to their principals, 
 with which the settled inhabitants of America, who never paid better, for what they 
 want and buy, have nothing to do. As to the contentment of the inhabitants with 
 the change of government, methinks a stronger proof cannot be desired, than what 
 they have given in my reception. You know the part I had in that change, and 
 you see in the papers the addresses from all ranks with which your friend was 
 welcomed home, and the sentiments they contain confirmed yesterday in the choice 
 of him for President by the council and new assembly, which was unanimous, a 
 single voice in seventy seven excepted, 
 
 I remember you used to wish for newspapers from America. Herewith I send 
 a few, and you shall be regularly supplied, if you can put me in a way of sending 
 them, so as that you may not be obliged to pay postage. 
 
 With unchangeable esteem and respect I am, my dear friend, yours most affec 
 tionately, : ^ B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 END OF PART I. 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 LETTERS RELATING TO AMERICAN ^POLITICS. 
 
 To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY OF 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 DEAR Sin, London, June 13, 1767. 
 
 In my last of May 20th, I mentioned my hopes that we 
 should at length get over all obstructions to the repeal of the act restraining the 
 legal tender of paper money ; but those hopes are now greatly lessened. 
 
 The ministry had agreed to the repeal and the notion that had possessed them 
 that they might make a revenue from paper money in appropriating the interest 
 by parliament, \vas pretty well removed by my assuring them, that it was my opinion 
 no colony would make money on those terms, and that the benefits arising to the 
 commerce of this country in America from a plentiful currency would therefore be 
 lost, and the repeal answer no end, if the assemblies were not allowed to appropriate 
 the interest themselves ; that the crown might get a great share upon occasional 
 VOL. II. S 
 
138 JMEMOIKS OF BENJAMIN FUANKLIX. 
 
 requisitions, I made no doubt by voluntary appropriations of the assemblies; but 
 they would never establish such funds as to make themselves unnecessary to 
 government &c. Those and other reafeons that were urged seemed to satisfy them, 
 and we began to think all would go smoothly, and the merchants prepared their 
 petition on which the repeal was to be founded. But in the house when the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer had gone through his proposed American revenue, 
 viz. by duties on glass, china ware, paper, pasteboard, colours, tea &c. Grenville 
 stood up and undervalued them all as trifles ; and says he, " I ll tell the honourable 
 gentleman of a revenue that will produce something valuable in America: make 
 paper money for the colonies, issue it upon loan there, take the interest and apply 
 it as you think proper." Mr. Tovvnserid finding the house listened to this, and 
 seemed to like it, stood up again, and said " that was a proposition of his own 
 which he had intended to make with the rest, but it had slipt his memory, and the 
 gentleman, who must have heard of it, now unfairly would take advantage of that 
 slip and make a merit to himself of a proposition that was another s, and as a proof 
 of it, assured the house a bill was prepared for the purpose and would be laid before 
 them." This startled all our friends ; and the merchants concluded to keep back 
 their petition for a while, till things appeared a little clearer, lest their friends in 
 America should blame them as having furnished foundation for an act that must; 
 have been disagreeable to the colonies. I found the rest of the ministry did not like 
 this proceeding of the Chancellor s, but there was no going on with our scheme against 
 his declaration, and as he daily talked of resigning, there being no good agreement 
 between him and the rest ; and as we found the general prejudice against the 
 colonies so strong in the house, that any thing in the shape of a favour to them all 
 was like to meet with great opposition, whether he was out or in, I proposed to 
 Mr Jackson, the putting our colony foremost as we stood in a pretty good light, 
 and asking the favour for us alone. This he agreed might be proper in case the 
 chancellor should go out, and undertook to bring in a bill for that purpose, provided 
 the Philadelphia merchants would petition for it, and he wished to have such 
 petition ready to present if an opening for it should offer. Accordingly I applied 
 to them and prepared a draft of a petition for them to sign, a copy of which I send 
 vou inclosed. They seemed generally for the measure ; but apprehending the 
 merchants of the other colonies, who liad hitherto gone hand in hand with us in all 
 American affairs, might take umbrage if we now separated from them, it was thought 
 right to call a meeting of the whole to consult upon this proposal. At this meeting 
 I represented to them as tbe ground of this measure, that the colonies being generally 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 139 
 
 out of favour at presentj any hard clause relating to paper money in the repealing 
 bill will be more easily received in parliament if the bill related to all the colonies : 
 that Pennsylvania being in some degree of favour might possibly alone obtain a 
 better act than the whole could da, as it might by government be thought as good 
 policy to show favour where there had been obedience, as resentment where there 
 had been the reverse. That a good act obtained by Pennsylvania might another 
 year, when the resentment against the colonies should be abated, be made use of as 
 a precedent &c. &c. But after a good deal of debate it was finally concluded not 
 to precipitate matters, it being very dangerous by any kind of petition to furnish the 
 chancellor with a horse on which he could put what saddle he thought fit : the other 
 merchants seemed rather averse to the Pennsylvania merchants proceeding alone, 
 but said they were certainly at liberty to do as they thought proper. The conclu 
 sion of the Pennsylvania merchants was to wait awhile holding the separate petition 
 ready to sign and present if a proper opening should appear this session, but other 
 wise to- reserve it to the next, when the complexion of ministers and measures may 
 probably be changed. And as this session now draws to a conclusion, I begin to 
 think nothing will be farther done in it this year. 
 
 Mentioning the merchants, puts me in mind of some discourse I heard among 
 them, that was by no means agreeable. It was said that in the opposition they 
 gave the Stamp act and their endeavours to obtain the repeal, they had spent at 
 their meetings, and in expresses to all parts of this country, and for a vessel to 
 carry the joyful news to North America, and in the entertainment s given our 
 friends of both houses Sec. near 1500/; that for all this except from the little colony 
 of Rhode island they had not received so much as a thank yc. That on the con 
 trary the circular letters they had written with the best intentions to the merchants 
 of the several colonies, containing their best and most friendly advice, were either 
 answered with unkind reflections, or contemptuously left without answer. And 
 that the captain of the vessel they sent express with the news, having met with 
 misfortunes, that obliged him to travel by land through all the colonies from New 
 Hampshire to Pennsylvania, was every where treated with neglect and contempt, 
 instead of civility and hospitality ; arid no where with more than at Philadelphia, 
 where, though he delivered letters to the merchants that must make him and his 
 
 * ft 
 
 errtmd known to them, no one took the least notice of him. I own I was ashamed 
 to hear all this, but hope there is some mistake in it. I should not have troubled 
 you with this account, but that I think we stand in truth greatly obliged to the 
 merchants whft are a very respectable body, and whose friendship is worth preserv- 
 
140 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FIIANKLIN. 
 
 ing, as it may greatly help us on future occasions ; and therefore I wish some 
 decent acknowledgments or thanks were sent from the assemblies of the colonies, 
 since their correspondents have omitted it. 
 
 I have said the less of late in my letters concerning the petitions, because I 
 hoped this summer to have an opportunity of communicating every thing viva vocc, 
 and there are particulars that cannot safely be trusted to paper. Perhaps I may 
 be more determined, as to returning or staying another winter, when I receive my 
 next letters from you and rny other friends in Philadelphia. 
 
 We got the chancellor to drop -his Salt duty* And the merchants trading to 
 Portugal and Spain, he says, have made such a clamour about the intention of 
 suffering ships to go directly with wine, fruit, and oil from those countries to America 
 that he has dropped that scheme, and we are it seems to labour a little longer under 
 the inconveniences of the restraint. 
 
 It is said the bill to suspend the legislatures of New York and Georgia till they 
 comply with the act of parliament for quartering soldiers will pass this session. 
 I fear that irnprudencies on both sides may step by step bring on the most mis 
 chievous consequences. It is imagined here that this act will enforce immediate 
 compliance; and if the people should be quiet, content themselves with the laws 
 they have, and let the matter rest, till in some future war the king wanting aids from 
 them, and finding himself restrained in his legislation by the act as much as the 
 people, shall think fit by his ministers to propose the repeal, the parliament will 
 be greatly disappointed ; and perhaps it may take this turn. I wish nothing worse 
 may happen. 
 
 The present ministry will probably continue through this session. But their 
 disagreement, with the total inability of Lord Chatham through sickness to do any 
 business must bring on some change before next winter. I wish it may be for the 
 better, but fear the contrary. 
 
 Please to present my dutiful respects to the assembly, and believe me ever, 
 dear sir, yours and the committee s most obedient and faithful humble servant, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIK, London, August 8, 1767. 
 
 I have before me your favours of April 23, May 21 and 26 . 
 
 The ^confusion among our great men still continues as much as ever, and a 
 melancholy thing it is to consider, that instead of employing the present leisure of 
 
PHIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. TART IT. 141 
 
 peace in such measures as miuht extend our commerce, pay off our debts, secure 
 allies and increase the strength and ability of the nation to support a future war, the 
 whole seems to he wasted in party contentions, about places of power and profit, 
 in court -intrigues and cabals, and in abusing one another. 
 
 There has lately been an attempt to make a kind of coalition of parties in a new 
 ministry, but it fell through, and the present set is like to continue tor some time 
 longer, which I am rather pleased with, as some of those who were proposed to be 
 introduced are professed adversaries to America, which is now made one of the 
 distinctions of party here, those who have in the two last sessions shown a disposition 
 to favour us, being called by way of reproach Americans, while the others adherents 
 to Grenville and Bedford value themselves on being true to the interests of Britain, 
 and zealous tor maintaining its dignity and sovereignty over the colonies. This 
 distinction will, it is apprehended, be carried much higher in the next session, for 
 the political purpose of influencing the ensuing election. It is already given out 
 that the compliance of New York in providing for the quarters, without taking 
 notice of its being done in obedience to the act of parliament, is evasive and 
 unsatisfactory. That it is high time to put the right and power of this country to 
 tax the colonies out of dispute, by an Act of Taxation effectually carried inta 
 execution, and that all the colonies should be obliged explicitly to acknowledge that 
 right. Every step is taking to render the taxing America a popular measure here, 
 by continually insisting on the topics of our wealth and flourishing circumstances, 
 while this country is loaded with debt, great part of it incurred on our account, the 
 distress of the poor here by the multitude and weight of taxes, &c\ &c. and though 
 the traders and manufacturers may possibly be kept in our interest, the idea of an 
 American tax is very pleasing to the landed men, who therefore readily receive and 
 propagate these sentiments wherever they have influence. If such a .bill should be 
 brought in, it is hard to say what would be the event of it, or what would be the 
 effects. Those who oppose it, though they should be strong enough to throw it out, 
 would be stigmatized as Americans, betrayers of Old England, Sec. and perhaps 
 our friends by this means being excluded, a majority of our adversaries may get in, 
 and then the act infallibly passes the following session. To avoid the danger of 
 such exclusion perhaps little opposition will be given, and then it passes immediately. 
 I know not what to advise on this occasion, but that we should all do our endeavours 
 on both sides the water to lessen the present unpopularity of the American cause, 
 conciliate the affections of people here towards us, increase by all possible means 
 the number of our friends, and be careful not to weaken their hands and strengthen 
 
142 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 those of our enemies, by rash proceedings on our side, the mischiefs of which are 
 inconceivable. Some of our friends have thought that a publication of my 
 examination here, might answer some of the above purposes, by removing prejudices 
 and refuting falsehoods, and demonstrating our merits with regard to this country. 
 It is accordingly printed and has a great run. I have another piece in hand which I 
 intend to put out about the time of the meeting of parliament, if those I consult with 
 shall judge that it may be of service. 
 
 The next session of parliament will probably be a short one, on account of the 
 following election. And I am now advised by some of our great friends here to see 
 that out, not returning to America till the spring. My presence indeed is necessary 
 there to settle some private affairs. Unforeseen and unavoidable difficulties have 
 hitherto obstructed our proceedings in the main intent of my coming over, and 
 perhaps (though I think my being here has not been altogether unserviceable) our 
 friends in the Assembly may begin to be discouraged and tired of the expence. If 
 that should be the case I would not have you propose to continue me as agent at 
 the meeting of the new Assembly; my endeavours to serve the province in what I 
 may while I remain here, shall not be lessened by that omission. 
 
 I am glad you have made a trial of paper money not a legal tender. The quantity 
 being small may perhaps be kept up in full credit notwithstanding ; and if that can 
 be avoided, I am not for applying here again very soon for a repeal of the restraining 
 Act. I am afraid an ill use will be made of it. The plan of our adversaries is to 
 render Assemblies in America useless ; and to have a revenue independent of their 
 grants, for all the purposes of their defence, and supporting governments among 
 them. It is our interest to prevent this. And that they may not lay hold of our 
 necessities for paper money, to draw a revenue from that article, whenever they 
 grant us the liberty we want of making it a legal tender, I wish some other method 
 may be fallen upon of supporting its credit. What think you of getting all the 
 merchants, traders, and principal people of all sorts to join in petitions to the 
 Assembly for a moderate emission, the petition being accompanied with a mutual 
 engagement to take it in all dealings at the rates fixed by law? Such an engagement 
 bad a great effect in fixing the value and rates of our gold and silver. Or, perhaps, 
 a bank might be established that would answer all purposes. Indeed I think with 
 you that those merchants here who have made difficulties on the subject of the legal 
 tender have not " understood their own interests. For there can be no doubt, that 
 should a scarcity of money continue among us, we shall take off less of their 
 merchandize and attend more to manufacturing and raising the necessaries and 
 
PRIVATE CORRKSPO.NDE.VCE. PART II. 143 
 
 superfluities of life among ourselves which we now receive from them." And 
 perhaps this consequence would attend our making no paper money at all of any 
 sort, that being thus by a want of cash driven to industry and frugality, we should 
 gradually become more rich without their trade, than we can possibly be with it, 
 and by keeping in the country the real cash that comes into it, have in time a 
 quantity sufficient for all our occasions. But I suppose our people will scarce have 
 patience to wait for this. 
 
 I have received the printed votes, but not the laws. I hear nothing yet of any 
 objection made by the proprietaries to any of them at the Board of Trade. 
 
 Please to present my duty to the Assembly, with thanks for their care of me, and 
 assure them of my most faithful services. With sincerest esteem and respect, I am, 
 my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN, NEW JERSEY. 
 DEAR SON, London, August 28, 17^7. 
 
 I have no letter of yours since my last, in which I answered 
 all preceding ones. 
 
 Last week I dined at Lord Shelburne s, and had a long conversation with him 
 and Mr. Conway (there being no other company), on the subject of reducing 
 American ex pence. They have it in contemplation to return the management of 
 Indian affairs into the hands of the several provinces on which the nations border, 
 that the colonies may bear the charge of treaties, &c. which they think will then be 
 managed more frugally, the treasury being tired with the immense drafts of the 
 superintendants, &c. I took the opportunity of urging it as one means of saving 
 ex pence in supporting the out-posts, that a settlement should be made in the 
 Illinois country ; expatiated on the various advantages, viz. furnishing provisions 
 cheaper to the garrisons, securing the country, retaining the trade, raising a strength 
 there which on occasion of a future war, might easily be poured down the Missisippi 
 upon the lower country, and into the Bay of Mexico, to be used against Cuba, or 
 Mexico itself, c. I mentioned your plan, its being approved by Sir William 
 Johnson, the readiness and ability of the gentlemen concerned to carry the 
 settlement into execution with very little ex pence to the crown, &c. &c. The 
 Secretaries appeared finally to be fully convinced, and there remained no obstacle 
 but the Board of Trade, which was to be brought over privately before the matter 
 should .be referred to them officially. In case of laying aside the Superintendants, a 
 provision was thought of for Sir William Johnson, c. We had a good deal of 
 
144 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 farther discourse on American affairs, particularly on paper money : Lord Shelburne 
 declared himself fully convinced of the utility of taking off the restraint, by my 
 answer to the report of the Board of Trade. General Conway had not seen it, and 
 desired me to send it to him, which I did next morning. They gave me expectation 
 of a repeal next session, Lord Clare being come over : but they said there was 
 some difficulty with others at the board who had signed that report : for there was 
 a good deal in what Soaine Jenyns had laughingly said when asked to concur in 
 some measure, I have no kind of objection to it, provided we have heretofore signed 
 nothing to the contrary. In this conversation I did not forget our main Pennsylvania 
 business, and I think made some farther progress, though but little. The two 
 Secretaries seemed intent upon preparing business for next parliament, which makes 
 me think, that the late projects of changes are now quite over, and that they expect 
 to continue in place. But whether they will do much or little, I cannot say. 
 
 Du Guerchy the French Ambassador is gone home, and Monsieur Durand is left 
 Minister Plenipotentiary. He is extremely curious to inform himself in the affairs 
 of America ; pretends to have a great esteem for me, on account of the abilities 
 shown in my examination ; has desired to have all my political writings, invited me 
 to dine with him, was very inquisitive, treated me with great civility, makes me 
 visits, &c. I fancy that intriguing nation would like very well to meddle on occasion, 
 and blow up the coals between Britain and her colonies ; but I hope we shall give 
 them no opportunity. 
 
 I write this in a great hurry, being setting out in an hour on another journey with 
 my steady good friend Sir John Pringle. We propose to visit Paris. Durand has 
 given me letters of recommendation to the Lord knows who. I am told I shall meet 
 with great respect there; but winds change and perhaps it will be full as well if I 
 do not. We shall be gone about six weeks. I have a little private commission to 
 transact of which more another time. Communicate nothing of this letter but 
 privately to our friend Galloway. I am your affectionate father, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 
 DEAR Sox, London, Nov. 25, 1767. 
 
 I think the New Yorkers have been verv discreet in forbearin** 
 
 > tr> 
 
 to write and publish against the late Act of Parliament. I wish the Boston people 
 hdd been as quiet,since Governor Bernard has sent over all their violent papers to 
 the ministry, and wrote them word that he daily expected a rebellion. He did 
 indeed afterwards correct this extravagance by writing again that he now understood 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 145 
 
 those papers were approved but by few, and disliked by all the sober sensible people 
 of the province. A certain noble Lord expressed himself to me with some disgust 
 and contempt of B. on this occasion ; saying he ought to have known his people 
 better, than to impute to the whole country sentiments that perhaps are only scribbled 
 by some madman in a garret ; that he appeared to be too fond of contention and 
 mistook the matter greatly in supposing such letters as he wrote were acceptable to 
 the ministry. I have heard nothing of the appointment of General Clark to New 
 York : but I know he is a friend of Lord Shelburne s, and the same that 
 recommended Mr. Me. Lean to be his secretary. Perhaps it might be talked of in 
 my absence. 
 
 The Commissioners for the American Board went hence while I was in France ; 
 you know before this time who they are and how they are received, which I want 
 to hear* Mr. Williams, who is gone in some office with them, is brother to our 
 cousin Williams of Boston ; but I assure you I had not the least share in his 
 appointment ; having, as I told you before, carefully kept out of the way of that 
 whole affair. 
 
 As soon as I received Mr. Galloway s, Mr. T. Wharton s, and Mr. Croghan s 
 letters on the subject of the Boundary, I communicated them immediately to Lord 
 Shelburne. He invited me the next day to dine with him. Lord Clare was to have 
 been there but did not come. There was nobody but Mr. Me. Lean. My Lord 
 knew nothing of the boundary s having ever been agreed on by Sir William, had sent 
 the letters to the Board of Trade, desiring search to be made there for Sir William s 
 letters, and ordered Air. Me. Lean to search the Secretary s office, who found 
 nothing. We had much discourse about it and I pressed the importance of 
 dispatching orders immediately to Sir William to complete the affair. His Lordship 
 asked who was to make the purchase, i. e. be at the expence ? I said that if the line 
 included any lands within the grants of the Charter Colonies, they should pay the 
 purchase money of such proportion. If any within the proprietary grants they 
 should pay their proportion, but that what was within Royal Governments where 
 the King granted the Lands, the Crown should pay for that proportion. His 
 Lordship was pleased to say, he thought this reasonable. He finally desired me to 
 go to Lord Clare as from him, and urge the business there, which I undertook to 
 do. Among other things at this conversation we talked of the new settlement ; his 
 Lordship told me he had himself drawn up a paper of reasons for those settlements 
 which he laid before the King in Council, acquainting them that he did not offer 
 them merely as his own sentiments, they were what he had collected from General 
 VOL. II. T 
 
146 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Amherst, Dr. Franklin, and Mr. Jackson, three gentlemen that were allowed to be 
 the best authorities for any thing that related to America. I think he added that the 
 council seemed to approve of the design : I know it was referred to the Board of 
 Trade, who I believe have not yet reported on it, and I doubt will report against 
 it. My Lord told me one pleasant circumstance, viz. that he had shewn his paper 
 to the Dean of Gloucester (Tucker), to hear his opinion of the matter ; who very 
 sagaciously remarked that he was sure that paper was drawn up by Dr. Franklin, 
 he saw him in every paragraph ; adding that Dr. Franklin wanted to remove the 
 seat of government to America ; that, says he, is his constant plan. 
 
 I waited next morning upon Lord Clare, and pressed the matter of the Boundary 
 closely upon him. He said they could not find they had ever received any letters 
 from Sir William concerning this Boundary, but were searching farther : agreed to 
 the necessity of settling it ; but thought there would be some difficulty about who 
 should pay the purchase money ; for that this country was already so loaded it 
 could bear no more. We then talked of the new colonies. I found he was inclined 
 to think one near the mouth of the Ohio might be of use, in securing the country, 
 but did not much approve that at Detroit. And as to the trade he imagined it would 
 be of little consequence if we had all the peltry to be purchased there, but supposed 
 our traders would sell it chiefly to the French and Spaniards, at New Orleans, as 
 he heard they had hitherto done. 
 
 At the same time that we Americans wish not to be judged of, in the gross by 
 particular papers written by anonymous scribblers and published in the colonies, it 
 would be well if we could avoid falling into the same mistake in America in judging 
 of ministers here by the libels printed against them. The inclosed is a very abusive 
 one, in which if there is any foundation of truth, it can only be in the insinuation 
 contained in the words " after eleven adjournments" that they are too apt to 
 postpone business : but if they have given any occasion for this reflection there are 
 reasons and circumstances that may be urged in their excuse. 
 
 It gives me pleasure to hear that the people of the other colonies are not insensible 
 of the zeal with which I occasionally espouse their respective interests as well as the 
 interests of the whole. I shall continue to do so as long as I reside here and am 
 able. 
 
 The present ministry seem now likely to continue through this session of 
 parliament ; and perhaps if the new parliament should not differ greatly in 
 complexion from this, they may be fixed for a number of years which I earnestly 
 wish as we have no chance for a better. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE/ PART II. 147 
 
 To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, London, Dec. 1, 1767. 
 
 I duly received your favours of August 22, September 20, 
 and October 8, and within these few days one of February 14, recommending Mr. 
 Morgan Edwards and his affair of the Rhode Island College, which I shall 
 endeavour to promote, deeming the Institution one of the most catholic and 
 generous of the kind. 
 
 I am inclined to think with you that the small sum you have issued to discharge 
 the public debts only will not be materially affected in its credit for want of the 
 legal tender, considering especially the present extreme want of money in the 
 province. You appear to me to point out the true cause of the general distress, 
 viz. the late luxurious mode of living introduced by a too great plenty of cash. It 
 is indeed amazing to consider that we had a quantity sufficient before the war began, 
 and that the war added immensely to that quantity by the sums spent among us by 
 the crown, and the paper struck and issued in the province ; and now in so few 
 years all the money spent by the crown is gone away, and has carried with it all the 
 gold and silver we had before, leaving us bare and empty, and at the same time 
 more in debt to England than ever we were ! But I am inclined to think that the 
 mere making more money will not mend our circumstances, if we do not return to 
 that industry and frugality which were the fundamental causes of our former 
 prosperity. I shall nevertheless do my utmost this winter to obtain the repeal of 
 the Act restraining the legal tender, if our friends the merchants think it practicable, 
 and will heartily espouse the cause ; and in truth they have full as much interest in 
 the event as we have. 
 
 The present ministry it is now thought are likely to continue at least till a new 
 parliament, so that our apprehensions of a change, and that Mr. Grenville would 
 come in again seem over for the present. He behaves as if a little out of his head 
 on the article of America, which he brings into every debate without rhime or reason, 
 when the matter has not the least connection with it : thus at the beginning of this 
 session on the debate upon the King s speech he tired every body, even his friends, 
 with a long harangue about and against America, of which there was not a word in 
 the speech. Last Friday he produced in the House a late Boston Gazette, which he 
 said denied the legislative authority of parliament, was treasonable, rebellious, &c. 
 and moved it might be read, and that the House would take cognizance of it, but 
 it being moved on the other hand that Mr. G. s motion should be postponed to that 
 day six months, it was carried without a division : and as it is known that this 
 
148 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 parliament will expire before that time it was equivalent to a total rejection of the 
 motion. The Duke of B. too it seems moved in vain for a consideration of this 
 paper in the house of Lords. These are favourable symptoms of the present dis 
 position of Parliament towards America which I hope no conduct of the Americans 
 will give just cause of altering. 
 
 Be so good as to present my best respects to the house and believe rrle with 
 sincere esteem and regard, Dear Sir, your affectionate friend and most obedient 
 servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. RosSj PHILADELPHIA. 
 DEAR SIR, London, Dec. 12, 1767. 
 
 I received your kind letter of October 18. I had before 
 
 seen with great pleasure your name in the papers as chosen for the city of Phila 
 delphia. 
 
 The instruction you mention as proposed by a certain great man was really a 
 wild one. The reasons you made use of against it were clear and strong, and 
 could not but prevail. It will be time enough to show a dislike to the coalition 
 when it is proposed to us. Meanwhile we have all the advantage in the agreement 
 of taxation which our not being represented will continue to give us. I think in 
 deed that such an event is very remote. This nation is indeed too proud to propose 
 admitting American representatives into their parliament; and America is not so 
 humble or so fond of the honour as to petition for it. In matrimonial matches 
 tis said when one party is willing the match is half made, but where neither party 
 is willing there is no great danger of their coming together. And to be sure such 
 an important business would never be treated of by agents unimpowered and un- 
 instructed ; nor would government here act upon the private opinion of agents 
 which might be disowned by their constituents. 
 
 The present ministry seem now likely to continue through this session ; and this 
 as a new election approaches, gives them the advantage of getting so many of their 
 friends chosen as may give a stability to their administration. I heartily wish it, 
 because they are all well disposed towards America. 
 
 With sincere esteem, I am, dear sir, your affectionate friend and most obedient 
 servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 149 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DILAR SON, London, Dec. 19, 1767. 
 
 The resolutions of the Boston people concerning trade, make 
 
 a great noise here. Parliament has not yet taken notice of them, but the news 
 papers are in full cry against America. Colonel Onslow told me at court last 
 Sunday, that I could not conceive how much the friends of America were run upon 
 and hurt by them, and how much the Grenvillians triumphed. I have just written 
 a paper for next Tuesday s Chronicle to extenuate matters a little. 
 
 Mentioning Colonel Onslow, reminds me of something that passed at the beginning 
 of this session in the house between him and Mr. Grenville. The latter had been 
 raving against America, as traitorous, rebellious &c. when the former, who has 
 always been its firm friend, stood up and gravely said, that in reading the Roman 
 history he found it was a custom among that wise and magnanimous people, when 
 ever the senate was informed of any discontent in the provinces, to send two or 
 three of their body into the discontented provinces to enquire into the grievances 
 complained of and report to the senate that mild measures might be used to remedy 
 what was amiss, before any severe steps were taken to enforce obedience. That 
 this example he thought worthy our imitation in the present state of our colonies, 
 for he did so far agree with the honourable gentleman that spoke just before him, as 
 to allow there were great discontents among them. He should therefore beg leave 
 to move that two or three members of parliament be appointed to go over to New 
 England on this service. And that it might not be supposed he was for imposing 
 burthens on others what he would not be willing to bear himself, he did at the same 
 time declare his own willingness if the house should think fit to appoint them, to go 
 over thither with that honourable gentleman. Upon this there was a great laugh 
 which continued sometime, and was rather increased by Mr. Grenville s asking, " will 
 the gentleman engage that I shall be safe there ? Can I be assured that I shall be 
 allowed to come back again to make the report ?" As soon as the laugh was so far 
 subsided as that Mr. Onslow could be heard again, he added, " I cannot absolutely 
 engage for the honourable gentleman s safe return, but if he goes thither upon this 
 service I am strongly of opinion the event will contribute greatly to the future quiet 
 of both countries." On which the laugh was renewed and redoubled. 
 
 If our people should follow the Boston example in entering into resolutions of 
 frugality and industry full as necessary for us as for them, I hope they will among 
 other things give this reason, that tis to enable them more speedily and effectually 
 
150 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 to discharge their debts to Great Britain ; this will soften a little and at the same 
 time appear honourable and like ourselves. Yours &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 LETTER FROM GOVERNOR POWNALL TO DR. FRANKLIN, 
 (Concerning an equal communication of rights, privileges 8$c. to America by 
 
 Great Britain.} 1 
 DEAR SIR, 
 
 The following objection against communicating to the colonies 
 the rights, privileges, and powers of the realm, as to parts of the realm, has been 
 made. I have been endeavouring to obviate it, and I communicate [it] to you, in 
 hopes of your promised assistance. 
 
 If, say the objectors, we communicate to the colonies the power of sending 
 representatives, and in consequence expect them to participate in an equal share 
 and proportion of all our taxes ; we must grant to them all the powers of trade and 
 manufacturing, which any other parts of the realm within the isle of Great Britain 
 enjoy : If so, perchance the profits of the Atlantic commerce may converge to 
 some centre in America ; to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, or to some of the 
 isles : If so, then the natural and artificial produce of the colonies, and in course 
 of consequences the landed interest of the colonies, will be promoted ; While the 
 natural and artificial produce and landed interest of Great Britain will be depressed 
 to its utter ruin and destruction ; and consequently the balance of the power of 
 government, although still within the realm, will be locally transferred from Great 
 Britain to the colonies. Which consequence, however it may suit a citizen of the 
 vorld, must be folly and madness to a Briton. My fit is gone off; and though 
 weak, both from the gout and a concomitant and very ugly fever, I am much better. 
 Would be glad to see you. Your friend, J. POWNALL, 
 
 On the back of the foregoing letter of Governor Pownall, are the following 
 
 minutes, by Dr. Franklin. 
 
 This objection goes upon the supposition, that whatever the 
 colonies gain, Britain must lose ; and that if the colonies can be kept from gaining 
 an advantage, Britain will gain it : 
 
 If the colonies are fitter for a particular trade than Britain, they should have it, 
 and Britain apply to what it is more fit for. The whole empire is a gainer. And 
 if Britain is not so fit or so well situated for a particular advantage, other countries 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 151 
 
 will get it, if the colonies do not. Thus Ireland was forbid the woollen manufacture 
 and remains poor : but this has given to the French the trade and wealth Ireland 
 might have gained for the British empire. 
 
 The government cannot long be retained without the union. Which is best 
 (supposing your case) to have a total separation, or a change of the seat of govern 
 ment? It by no means follows, that promoting and advancing the landed interest 
 in America will depress that of Britain : the contrary has always been the fact. 
 Advantageous situations and circumstances will always secure and fix manufactures : 
 Sheffield against all Europe these 300 years past. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR SON, London, Jan. 9, 1768. 
 
 We have had so many alarms of changes which did not 
 take place, that just when I wrote it was thought the ministry would stand their 
 ground. However immediately after the talk was renewed, and it soon appeared 
 the Sunday changes were actually settled. Mr. Conway resigns and Lord Wey- 
 mouth takes his place. Lord Gower is made president of the council in the room 
 of Lord Northington. Lord Shelburne is stript of the America business which is 
 given to Lord Hillsborough as Secretary of State for America, a new distinct 
 department. Lord Sandwich tis said comes into the Post Office in his place. 
 Several of the Bedford party are now to come in. How these changes may affect 
 us a little time will show. Little at present is thought of but elections which gives 
 me hopes that nothing will be done against America this session, though the Boston 
 gazette had occasioned some heats and the Boston resolutions a prodigious clamour. 
 I have endeavoured to palliate matters for them as well as I can : I send you my 
 manuscript of one paper, though I think you take the Chronicle. The editor of that 
 paper one Jones seems a Grenvillian, or is very cautious as you will see, by his 
 corrections and omissions. He has drawn the teeth and pared the nails of my 
 paper, so that it can neither scratch nor bite. It seems only to paw and mumble. 
 I send you also two other late pieces of mine. There is another which I cannot 
 find. 
 
 I am told there has been a talk of getting me appointed under secretary to Lord 
 Hillsborough ; but with little likelihood as it is a settled point here that I am too 
 much of an American. 
 
 I am in very good health, thanks to God : your affectionate father, B. F. 
 
152 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, London, Jan. 9, 1763. 
 
 I wrote to you vi Boston and have little to add except to 
 acquaint you that some changes have taken place since my last, which have not the 
 most promising aspect for America, several of the Bedford party being come into 
 employment again ; a party that has distinguished itself by exclaiming against us 
 on all late occasions. Mr. Con way one of our friends, has resigned and Lord 
 Weymouth takes his place. Lord Shelburne another friend, is stripped of the 
 American part of the business of his office which now makes a distinct department, 
 in which Lord Hillsborough is placed. I do not think this nobleman in general an 
 enemy to America ; but in the affair of paper money he was last winter strongly 
 against us. I did hope I had removed some of his prejudices on that head, but am 
 not certain. We have however increased the cry for it here, and believe shall 
 attempt to obtain the repeal of the act, though the Boston gazette and their resolu 
 tions about manufactures have hurt us much, having occasioned an immense clamour 
 here. I have endeavoured to palliate matters for them as well as I can, and hope 
 with some success. For having in a large company in which were some members 
 of parliament, given satisfaction to all by what I alleged in explanation of the 
 conduct of the Americans, and to show that they were not quite so unreasonable as 
 they appeared to be, I was advised by several present to make my sentiments 
 public, not only for the sake of America, but as it would be some ease to our 
 friends here, who are triumphed over a good deal by our adversaries on the occa 
 sion. I have accordingly done it in the enclosed paper. I shall write you fully 
 on other subjects very soon, at present can only add my respects to the committee, 
 and that I am, dear sir, your faithful humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, London, Feb. 17, 1768. 
 
 In mine of January 9, I wrote to you that I believed, not 
 withstanding the clamour against America had been greatly increased by the Boston 
 proceedings, we should attempt this session to obtain the repeal of the restraining 
 act relating to paper money. The change of administration with regard to Ameri 
 can affairs, which was agreed on some time before the new secretary kissed hands 
 and entered upon business, made it impossible to go forward with that affair, as the 
 minister quitting that department would not, and his successor could not engage 
 in it ; but now our friends the merchants have been moving in it, and some of them 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 153 
 
 have conceived hopes from the manner in which Lord Hillsborough attended to 
 their representations. It had been previously concluded among us, that if the 
 repeal was to be obtained at all, it must be proposed in the light of a favour to the 
 merchants of this country, and asked for by them, not by the agents as a favour to 
 America. But as my Lord had at sundry times before he came into his present 
 station, discoursed with me on the subject, and got from me a copy of my answer to 
 his report when at the head of the Board of Trade, which some time since he 
 thanked rne for, and said he would read again and consider carefully, I waited 
 upon him this morning, partly with intent to learn if he had changed his sentiments. 
 We entered into the subject and had a long conversation upon it, in which all the 
 arguments he used against the legal tender of paper money were intended to 
 demonstrate that it was for the benefit of the people themselves to have no such 
 money current among them , and it was strongly his opinion that after the experi 
 ence of being without it a few years we should all be convinced of this truth, as he 
 said, the New England colonies now were, they having lately on the rumour of an 
 intended application for taking off the restraint, petitioned here that it might be con 
 tinued as to them. However, his Lordship was pleased to say, that if such applica 
 tion was made for the three colonies of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York, 
 as I proposed, it should have fair play, he would himself give it no sort of opposi 
 tion, but he was sure it would meet with a great deal, and he thought it could not 
 succeed. He was pleased to make me compliments upon my paper, assuring me 
 he had read it with a great deal of attention, that I had said much more in favour 
 of such a currency than he thought could be said, and all he believed that the 
 subject would admit of; but that it had not on the whole changed his opinion, any 
 further than to induce him to leave the matter now to the judgment of others, and 
 let it take its course, without opposing it as last year he had determined to have 
 done. I go into the city to-morrow to confer with the merchants again upon it; 
 that if they see any hopes, we may at least try the event : but I own my expectn- 
 tations are now very slender, knowing as I do, that nothing is to be done in parlia 
 ment that is not a measure adopted by ministry and supported by their strength, 
 much less any thing they are averse to or indifferent about. 
 
 I took the opportunity of discoursing with his Lordship concerning our particular 
 affair of the change of government, gave him a detail of all proceedings hitherto, 
 the delays it had met with, and its present situation. He was pleased to say he 
 would enquire into the matter, and would talk with me farther upon it. He 
 
 VOL. II. U 
 
154 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 expressed great satisfaction in the good disposition that he said appeared now to 
 be general in America with regard to government here according to the latest 
 advices : and informed me that lie had by his Majesty s order wrote the most heal 
 ing letters to the several governors, which if shown to the assemblies as he supposed 
 they would be, could not but confirm that good disposition. As to the permission 
 we want to bring wine fruit and oil directly from Spain and Portugal, and to carry 
 iron direct to foreign markets, tis agreed on all hands that this is an unfavourable 
 time to move in those matters, G. Grenville and those in the opposition on every 
 hint of the kind making a great noise about the act of Navigation, that palladium 
 of England as they call it, to be given up to rebellious America &c. c. so that the 
 ministry would not venture to propose it if they approved. I am to wait on the 
 secretary again next Wednesday, and shall write you farther what passes, that is 
 material. 
 
 The parliament have of late been acting an egregious farce, calling before them 
 the Mayor and Aldermen of Oxford, for proposing a sum to be paid by their old 
 members on being rechosen at the next election ; and sundry printers and brokers 
 for advertising and dealing in Boroughs &c. The Oxford people were sent to 
 Newgate, and discharged after some days in humble petition, and receiving the 
 speaker s reprimand upon their knees. The house could scarcely keep counte 
 nances, knowing as they all do, that the practice is general. People say, they 
 mean nothing more than to beat down the price by a little discouragement of 
 borough jobbing, now that their own elections arc all coming on. The price 
 indeed is grown exorbitant, no less than 4000/. for a member. Mr. Beckford has 
 brought in a bill for preventing bribery and corruption in elections, wherein was a 
 clause to oblige every member to swear on their admission into the house, that he- 
 had not directly or indirectly given any bribe to any elector Sic. but this was so 
 universally exclaimed against as answering no end but perjuring the members that 
 he has been obliged to withdraw that clause. It was indeed a cruel contrivance of 
 his, worse than the gunpowder plot; for that was only to blow the parliament up to 
 
 heaven, this to sink them all down to . Mr. Thurlow opposed his bill by a long 
 
 speech. Beckford in reply gave a dry hit to the house, that is repeated every 
 where, "the honourable gentleman, says he, in his learned discourse gave us first 
 one definition of corruption, then he gave us another definition of corruption, and 
 I think he was about to give us a third. Pray does that gentleman imagine there 
 is any member of this house that docs not KNOW what corruption is?" which 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 
 
 occasioned only a roar of laughter, for they are so hardened in the practice that 
 they are very little ashamed of it. This between ourselves. I am with sincerest 
 esteem, clear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 13. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To T. WHAKTON, ESQ. PHILADELPHIA. 
 DEAR FRIEND, London, Feb. 20, 1768. 
 
 I received your favours of November 17, and 18, with another 
 dozen of excellent ^ine the manufacture of our friend Lievezy. I thank you for 
 the care you have taken in forwarding them, and for your kind good wishes that 
 accompany them. 
 
 The story you mention of Secretary Conway s wondering what I could be doing 
 in England, and that he had not seen me for a considerable time, savours strongly 
 of the channel through which it came and deserves no notice. But since his name 
 is mentioned it gives me occasion to relate what passed between us the last time I 
 had the honour of conversing with him. It was at court when the late changes 
 
 ^ o 
 
 were first rumoured, and it was reported he was to resign the secretary s office. 
 Talking of America, I said I was sorry to find that our friende were one after 
 another quitting the administration, that I was apprehensive of the consequences, 
 and hoped what I heard of his going out was not true. He said it was really true, 
 the employment had not been of his choice, he had never any taste for it, but had 
 submitted to engage in it for a time at the instance of his friends, and he believed 
 his removal could not be attended with any ill consequences to America. That he 
 was a sincere well wisher to the prosperity of that country as well as this, and 
 hoped the imprudencles of either side would never be carried to such a height as to 
 create a breach of the union, so essentially necessary to the welfare of both. That 
 as long as his Majesty continued to honour him with a share in his councils, 
 America should always find in him a friend &c. This I write as it was agreeable 
 to me to hear and I suppose will be so to you to read. For his character has more 
 in it of the frank honesty of the soldier, than of the plausible insincerity of the 
 courtier; and therefore what he says is more to be depended on. The proprietor s 
 dislike to my continuing in England to be sure is very natural ; as well as to the 
 repeated choice of assembly men not his friends ; and probably he would as they 
 so little answer his purposes wish to see elections as well as agencies abolished. 
 They make him very unhappy, but it cannot be helped. 
 
 The proceedings in Boston, as the news came just upon the meeting of parlia 
 ment and occasioned great clamour here, gave me much concern. And as every 
 
156 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 offensive thing done in America is charged upon all, and every province though 
 unconcerned in it, suffers in its interests through the general disgust given and the 
 little distinction here made, it became necessary I thought to palliate the matter a 
 little for our own sakes, and therefore I wrote the paper which probably you have 
 seen printed in the Chronicle of January 7, and signed F-|-S. Yours affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DJEAR SON, London, March 13, 1768. 
 
 I have received all together your letters of January 6, 21, 
 and 22 : it had been a great while that I had not heard from you. 
 
 The purpose of settling the new colonies seems at present to be dropped, the 
 change of American administration not appearing favourable to it. There seems 
 rather to be an inclination to abandon the posts in the back country as more 
 expensive than useful ; but counsels are so continually fluctuating here, that nothing 
 can be depended on. The new secretary, my Lord Hillsborough is I find of 
 opinion that the troops should be placed, the chief part of them, in Canada and 
 Florida, only three battalions to be quartered in New York, New Jersey, and 
 Pennsylvania; and that forts Pitt, Oswego, Niagara, &c. should be left to the 
 colonies to garrison and keep up if they think it necessary for the protection of their 
 trade, &c. Probably his opinion may be followed if new changes do not produce 
 other ideas. As to my own sentiments, I am weary of suggesting them to so many 
 different inattentive heads, though I must continue to do it while I stay among 
 them. The letters from Sir William Johnson relating to the boundary were at last 
 found, and orders were sent over about Christmas for completing the purchase [and 
 settlement of it. My Lord H. has promised me to send duplicates by this packet, 
 and urge the speedy execution, as we represented to him the danger that these 
 dissatisfactions of the Indians might produce a war. But I can tell you there are 
 many here to whom the news of such a war would give pleasure ; who speak of it 
 as a thing to be wished ; partly as a chastisement to the colonies, and partly to 
 make them feel the want of protection from this country, and pray for it. For it is 
 imagined that we could not possibly defend ourselves against the Indians without 
 such assistance, so little is the state of America understood here. 
 
 My Lord H. mentioned the Farmer s letters to me, said he had read them, that 
 they were well written, and he believed he could guess who was the author, looking 
 in my face at the same time as if he thought it was me. He censured the doctrines 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 157 
 
 as extremely wild, &c. I have read them as far as No. 8. I know not if any mote 
 have been published. I should have thought they had been written by Mr. Delancey, 
 not having heard any mention of the others you point out as joint authors. I am not 
 yet master of the idea these and the New England writers have of the relation 
 between Britain and her colonies. I know not what the Boston people mean by 
 the " subordination" they acknowledge in their Assembly to Parliament, while they 
 deny its power to make laws for them, nor what bounds the Farmer sets to the 
 power he acknowledges in Parliament to " regulate the trade of the colonies," it 
 being difficult to draw lines between duties for regulation and those for revenue, and 
 if the Parliament is to be the judge, it seems to me that establishing such principles 
 of distinction will amount to little. The more I have thought and read on the 
 subject the more I find myself confirmed in opinion, that no middle doctrine can be 
 well maintained, I mean not clearly with intelligible arguments. Something might 
 be made of either of the extremes ; that Parliament has a power to make all laws 
 for us, or that it has a power to make no laws for us ; and I think the arguments 
 for the latter more numerous and weighty than those for the former. Supposing 
 that doctrine established, the colonies would then be so many separate states, only 
 subject to the same King, as England and Scotland were before the Union. And 
 then the question would be, whether a union like that with Scotland would or would 
 not be advantageous to the whole. I should have no doubt of the affirmative, being 
 fully persuaded that it would be best for the whole, and that though particular parts 
 might find particular disadvantages in it, they would find greater advantages in the 
 security arising to every part from the increased strength of the whole. But such 
 union is not likely to take place while the nature of our present relation is so little 
 understood on both sides the water, and sentiments concerning it remain so widely 
 different. As to the Farmers combating, as you say they intend to do, my opinion 
 that the Parliament might lay duties though not impose internal taxes, I shall not 
 give myself the trouble to defend it. Only to you, I may say, that no tonly the 
 Parliament of Britain, but every state in Europe claims and exercises a right of 
 laying duties on the exportation of its own commodities to foreign countries. A duty 
 is paid here on coals exported to Holland, and yet England has no right to lay an 
 internal tax on Holland. All goods brought out of France to England, or any 
 other country, are charged with a small duty in France, which the consumers pay, 
 and yet France has no right to tax other countries. And in rny opinion the 
 grievance is not that Britain puts duties upon her own manufactures exported to us, 
 but that she forbids us to buy the like manufactures from any other country. This 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 she does however in virtue of her allowed right to regulate the commerce of the 
 whole empire, allowed I mean hy the Farmer, though I think whoever would dispute 
 that right might stand upon firmer ground and make much more of the argument : 
 but my reasons are too many and too long for a letter. 
 
 Mr. Grenville complained in ihe House that the Governor of New Jersey, New 
 Hampshire, East and West Florida, had none of them obeyed the orders sent them 
 to give an account of the manufactures carried on in their respective provinces. 
 Upon hearing this I went after the House was up and got a sight of the reports 
 made by the other governors. They are all much in the same strain, that there are 
 no manufactures of any consequence ; in Massachusetts a little coarse woollen only 
 made in families for their own wear : glass and linen have been tried and failed. 
 Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New York much the same. Pennsylvania has 
 tried a linen manufactory but it is dropped, it being imported cheaper ; there is a 
 glass-house in Lancaster county, but it makes only a little coarse ware for the 
 country neighbours. Maryland is clothed all with English manufactures. Virginia 
 the same, except that in their families they spin a little cotton of their own growing. 
 South Carolina and Georgia none. All speak of the dearness of labour that makes 
 manufactures impracticable. Only the Governor of North Carolina parades with 
 a large manufacture in his country that may be useful to Britain of pine boards ., 
 they having fifty saw mills on one river. These accounts are very satisfactory here, 
 and induce the parliament to despise and take no notice of the Boston resolutions. 
 I wish you would send your account before the meeting of next parliament. You 
 have only to report a glass-house for coarse window glass and bottles, and some 
 domestic manufactures of linen and woollen for family use that do not half clothe 
 the inhabitants, all the finer goods coming from England and the like. I believe 
 
 7 o o o 
 
 you will be puzzled to find any other, though I see great puffs in the papers. 
 
 The parliament is up and the nation in a ferment with the new elections. Great 
 -complaints are made that the natural interests of country gentlemen in their 
 neighbouring boroughs^ is overborne by the monied interest of the new people who 
 have got sudden fortunes in the Indies, or as contractors, c. 4000/. is now the 
 market price for a borough. In short this whole venal nation is now at market, 
 will be sold for about Two Millions ; and might be bought out of the hands of the 
 present bidders (if he would offer half a million more) by the very devil himself. 
 
 I sball wait on Lord H. again next Wednesday on behalf of the sufiercrs by 
 Indian and French depredations to have an allowance of lands out of any new 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 159 
 
 grant made by the Indians so long solicited (and perhaps still to be solicited) in 
 vain : I ain your affectionate father, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 I dined yesterday with General Monckton, Major Gates, Colonel Lee, and 
 other officers who have served in and are friends of America. Monckton enquired 
 kindly after your welfare. 
 
 To THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, London, March 13, 1768. 
 
 On receipt of your letter of January 20, Mr. Jackson and 
 
 myself waited on Lord Hillsborongh, the new Secretary of State for American 
 affairs, and communicated to him the contents, pressing the necessity of enforcing 
 the orders already sent to Sir William Johnson for immediately settling the affair of 
 the boundary line with the Indians. His Lordship was pleased to assure us, that 
 he would cause duplicates of the orders to be forwarded by this packet and urge 
 the completion of them. 
 
 We communicated also the copy of General Gage s letter, and the messages that 
 had passed between the Governor and the House thereupon. His Lordship 
 acquainted us that a letter from Governor Penn had been shown him by the 
 proprietor importing that a horrid murder had lately been committed on the Indians, 
 upon which the Governor had issued a proclamation for apprehending the murderer,* 
 and that a bill was under his and the council s consideration to prevent future 
 settlements on Indian lands. But his Lordship remarked that these messages had 
 not been communicated to him by the proprietor. 
 
 Government here begins to grow tired of the enormous expence of Indian affairs, 
 and of maintaining po*ts in the Indian country, and it is now talked of as a proper 
 measure to abandon, these posts, demolishing all but such as the colonies may think 
 fit to keep up at their own expence; and also to return the management of their own 
 Indian affairs into the hands of the respective provinces as formerly. What the result 
 will be is uncertain, counsels here being so continually fluctuating. But I have 
 urged often that after taking those affairs out of our hands, it seems highly 
 incumbent on the ministry not to neglect them, but to see that they are well 
 managed and the Indians kept in peace. I think however that we should not too 
 much depend on their doing this, but look to the matter a little ourselves, taking 
 every opportunity of conciliating the affections of the Indians by seeing that they 
 always have justice done them, and sometimes kindness. For I can assure you that 
 
160 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 here are not wanting people who though not now in the ministry no one knows how 
 soon they may be, and if they were ministers would take no step to prevent an 
 Indian war in the colonies, being of opinion, which they express openly, that it 
 would be a very good thing, in the first place to chastise the colonists for their 
 undutifulness, and then to make them sensible of the necessity of protection by the 
 troops of this country. 
 
 Mr. Jackson being now taken up with his election business, will hardly have time 
 to write by this opportunity. But he joins with me in respects to you and the 
 Assembly, and assurances of our most faithful services. I am, Gentlemen, your 
 most obedient and most humble servant, . FRANKLIN. 
 
 To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. 
 
 London, March 13, 1768. 
 
 I wrote to you very fully per Falconer of February 17, and 
 have since received yours of Januar} T 21, together with one from the Committee, 
 and the messages which as you will see by my answer to the Committee I 
 communicated to Lord Hillsborough. His lordship read them deliberately, and 
 took notice that the message of the Assembly seemed to insinuate that the Governor 
 had been tardy in bringing the former murderers to justice, which gave me an 
 opportunity of explaining that matter to him ; whereby he might also understand 
 why the proprietor had not shown him the messages when he communicated the 
 Governor s letter concerning the Indian uneasinesses, the law under his consideration 
 for removing them, the late murder, and his proclamation. I shall wait on his 
 Lordship again next Wednesday on our affairs, and show him moreover your letter 
 with some other papers. 
 
 The old parliament is gone, and its enemies now find themselves at liberty to 
 abuse it. I inclose you a pamphlet published the very hour of its prorogation. All 
 the members are now in their counties and burroughs among their drunken electors; 
 much confusion and disorder in many places, and such profusion of money as never 
 was known before on any similar occasion. The first instance of bribery to be chosen 
 a member, taken notice of on the Journals, is no longer ago than Queen Elizabeth s 
 time, when the being sent to parliament was looked upon as a troublesome service, 
 and therefore not sought after, it is said that such a one, u being a simple man, 
 and conceiving it might be of some advantage to him, had given Jour pounds to the 
 Mayor and Corporation that they might chuse him to serve them in parliament." 
 The price is monstrously risen since that time, for it is now no less than 4000/. / 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 16] 
 
 It is thought that near two millions will be spent this election; but those who 
 understand figures and act by computation, say, the Crown has two millions a year 
 in places and pensions to dispose of, and it is well worth while to engage in such a 
 seven years lottery, though all that have tickets should not get prizes. I am, my 
 dear friend, yours affectionately, B. FRANK LI x. 
 
 To THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE, PENNSYLVANIA. 
 GENTLEMEN, London, Saturday, April 16, 1768. 
 
 I have just received your favour of February 20, directed to 
 
 Mr. Jackson and myself, containing instructions for our conduct relating to the 
 application for a repeal of the duty act, to the change of government, and to the 
 lec;al tender of paper money ; which instructions we shall observe to the best of our 
 abilities. Mr. Jackson has read your letter, and is now reading the messages and 
 other papers transmitted to us, which we shall lay before the Secretaries of State on 
 Monday, and thereupon press the necessity of a change in the administration of our 
 province. The parliament will have a short session, it is said, in May, when if any 
 application is made for the repeal of that act by the agents of the other colonies we 
 shall join them heartily, and do what we can likewise in the affair of paper money. 
 In the mean time should an Indian war make it necessary to emit paper money with 
 a legal tender, it may be considered bow far the fourth clause in the act of the 2-i 
 Geo. II. might give countenance to your providing in that way for the emergency 
 that act not being altered or repealed by any later, it seems as if the parliament 
 thought that clause not improper, though they have not expressly made the 
 same provision for the other colonies. The mail being to go this evening, I can 
 only add, that I am with the utmost respect for you and the Assembly, Gentlemen, 
 your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR Sox, London, April 16*, J76 8. 
 
 Since my last, a long one of March 13, nothing has been 
 
 talked or thought of here but elections. There have been amazing contests all over 
 the kingdom, ( 2() or S0,000 of a side spent in several places, and inconceivable 
 mischief done by debauching the people and making them idle, besides the 
 immediate actual mij-diief done by drunken mad mobs to houses, windows, &c. 
 Ihe scenes have been horrible. London was illuminated two nights running at the 
 command of the mob for the success of Wilkes in the Middlesex election ; the 
 VOL. II. X 
 
162 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN . 
 
 second night exceeded any thing of the kind ever seen here on the greatest occasions 
 of rejoicing, as even the small cross streets, lanes, courts, and other out-of-the-way 
 places were all in a blaze with lights, and the principal streets all night long, as the 
 mobs went round again after two o clock, and obliged people who had extinguished 
 their candles to light them again. Those who refused had all their windows 
 destroyed. The damage done and expense of candles has been computed at 5(),000/. 
 it must have been great, though probably not so much. The ferment is not yet 
 over, for he has promised to surrender himself to the Court next Wednesday, and 
 another tumult is then expected ; and what the upshot will be no one can yet 
 foresee. Tis really an extraordinary event, to see an outlaw and exile, of bad 
 personal character, not worth a farthing, come over from Fiance, set himself up as 
 candidate for the capital of the kingdom, miss his election only by being too late in 
 his application, and immediately carrying it for the principal county. The mob, 
 (spirited up by numbers of different ballads sung or roared in every street) requiring 
 gentlemen and ladies of all ranks as they passed in their carriages to shout for Wilkes 
 and liberty, marking the same words on all their coaches with chalk, and No. 45 
 on every door ; which extends a vast way along the roads into the country. I went 
 last week to Winchester, and observed that for fifteen miles out of town, there was 
 scarce a door or window shutter next the road unmarked ; and this continued here 
 and there quite to Winchester, which is 64 miles. 
 
 To MR. Ross, PHILADELPHIA. 
 DEAR Sin, London, May 14, 1768. 
 
 I received your favour of March 13, and am extremely 
 
 concerned at the disorders on our frontiers, and at the debility or wicked connivance 
 of our government and magistrates, which must make property and even life more 
 and more insecure among us, if some effectual remedy is not speedily applied. 1 
 have laid all the accounts before the ministry here. I wish I could procure more 
 attention to them. I have urged over and over the necessity of the change we 
 desire ; but this country itself being at present in a situation very little better, 
 weakens our argument that a Royal Government would be better managed and 
 safer to live under than that of a proprietary. Even this capital, the residence of 
 the King, is now a daily scene of lawless riot and confusion. Mobs patrolling the 
 streets at noon-day, some knocking all down that will not roar for Wilkes and 
 Liberty ; courts of justice afraid to give judgment against him ; coal-heavers and 
 porters pulling down the houses of coal merchants that refuse to give them more 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 163 
 
 wages ; sawyers destroying saw mills ; sailors unrigging all the outward bound ships, 
 and suffering none to sail till merchants agree to raise their pay ; watermen destroy 
 ing private boats and threatening bridges ; soldiers firing among the mobs and kill 
 ing men, women and children , which seems only to have produced an universal 
 sullenness, that looks like a great black cloud coming on, ready to burst in a general 
 tempest. What the event will be, God only knows. But some punishment seems 
 preparing for a people who are ungratefully abusing the best constitution and the 
 best king any nation was ever blessed with, intent on nothing but luxury, licentious 
 ness, power, places, pensions, and plunder ; while the ministry divided in their 
 councils, with little regard for each other, worried by perpetual oppositions, in con 
 tinual apprehension of changes, intent on securing popularity in case they should 
 lose favour, have for some years past had little time or inclination to attend to our 
 small affairs, whose remoteness makes them appear still smaller. 
 
 The Bishops here are very desirous of securing the Church of England in America 
 and promoting its interest and enlargement by sending one of their order thither : 
 but though they have long solicited this point with government here, they have 
 not as yet been able to obtain it. So apprehensive are ministers of engaging in any 
 novel measure. 
 
 I hope soon to have an opportunity of conferring with you, and therefore say no 
 more at present on this subject. I am, my dear friend, yours affectionately, B. F. 
 
 To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, London, May 14, 1768. 
 
 I received your favour of March 31. It is now with the 
 
 messages &c. in the hands of the minister, so I cannot be more particular at present 
 in answering it than to say, I should have a melancholy prospect in going home to 
 such public confusion if I did not leave greater confusion behind me. The news 
 papers and rny letter of this day to Mr. Ross will inform you of the miserable 
 situation this country is in. While J am writing, a great mob of coal porters 
 fill the street, carrying a wretch of their business upon poles to be ducked, and 
 otherwise punished at their pleasure for working at the old wages. All respect to 
 law and government seems to be lost among the common people, who are moreover 
 continually enflamed by seditious scribblers to trample on authority and every thing 
 that used to keep them in order. 
 
 The parliament is now sitting, but will not continue long together, nor undertake 
 any material business. The Court of King s Bench postponed giving sentence 
 
H)4 31 EM 01 US OF BK \JAMfN FilAXKLlX. 
 
 against Wilkcs on his outlawry till the next term, intimidated as some say by his 
 popularity, anil willing to get rid of the affair for a time till it should be seen what 
 the parliament would conclude as to his membership. The commons, at least some 
 of them, resent that conduct, which has thrown a burthen on them it might have 
 eased them of, by pillorying or punishing him in some infamous manner, that would 
 have given better ground for expelling him the house. His friends complain of it 
 as a delay of justice, say the court knew the outlawry 1o be defective, and that they 
 must finally pronounce it void, but would punish him by long confinement. Great 
 mobs of his adherents have assembled before the prison, the guards have fired on 
 them : it is said five or six are killed and sixteen or seventeen wounded, and some 
 circumstances have attended this military execution, such as its being done by the 
 Scotch regiment, the pursuing a lad and killing him at his father s house c. Sec. 
 that exasperate people exceedingly, and more mischief seems brewing. Several of 
 the soldiers are imprisoned. If they are not hanged it is feared there will be more 
 and greater mobs ; and if they are, that no soldier will assist in suppressing any mob 
 hereafter. The prospect either way is gloomy. It is said the English soldiers 
 cannot be confided in to act against these mobs, being suspected as rather inclined 
 to favour and join them. 
 
 I am preparing for my return and hope for the pleasure of finding you well, when 
 I shall have an opportunity of communicating to you more particularly the state of 
 things here relating to our American affairs which I cannot so well do by letter. 
 I inclose you the report of Sir M. L. counsel to the Board of Trade on one of 
 \our late acts. I suppose it has had its effect, so that the repeal will be of little 
 consequence. In the mean time I am with sincere esteem and affection, Sir, your 
 most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR SON, London, July 2, 1768. 
 
 Since my last I have received yours of May 10 dated at 
 
 Arnboy, which I shall answer particularly by next week s packet. I purpose now 
 to take notice of that part -wherein you say it was reported at Philadelphia I was to 
 be appointed to a certain office here, which my friends all wished, but you did not 
 believe it for the reason I had mentioned. Instead of my being appointed to a 
 new office, there has been a motion made to deprive rne of that I now hold, and 
 I believe for the same reason, though that was not the reason given out, viz. my 
 being too much of an American ; but, as it came from Lord Sandwich our new 
 
PUIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. K>5 
 
 Post Master General who is of the Bedford party, and a friend of Mr. Grenville, I 
 have no doubt that the reason he gave out, viz. my non-residence, was only the 
 pretence, and that the other was the true reason ; especially as it is the practice in 
 manv other instances to allow the non-residence of American officers who spend 
 their salaries here, provided care is taken that the business be done by deputy or 
 otherwise. 
 
 The first notice I had of this was from my fast friend Mr. Cooper, Secretary of 
 the Treasury. He desired me by a little note to call upon him there, which I did, 
 when he told me, that the Duke of Graf ton had mentioned to him some discourse 
 of Lord Sandwich s as if the office suffered by my absence, and that it would be 
 lit to appoint another, as I seemed constantly to reside in England : that Mr. Todd 
 the Secretary of the Post Office had also been with the Duke, talking to the same 
 purpose &c. That the Duke had wished him (Mr. Cooper) to mention this to me, 
 and to say to me at the same time that though my going to my post might remove the 
 objection, yet if I chose rather to reside in England, my merit was such in his 
 opinion, as to entitle me to something better here, and it should not be his fault if I. 
 was not well provided for. I told Mr. Cooper that without having heard any 
 exception had been taken to my residence here, I was really preparing to return 
 home, and expected to be gone in a few weeks. That however I was extremely 
 sensible of the Duke s goodness in giving me this intimation and very thankful 
 for his favourable disposition towards me ; that having lived long in England, and 
 contracted a friendship and affection for many persons here, it could not but be 
 agreeable to me to remain among them some time longer, if not for the rest of my 
 life ; and that there was no nobleman to whom I could from sincere respect for his 
 great abilities, and amiable qualities, so cordially attach myself, or to whom I 
 should so willingly be obliged for the provision he mentioned, as to the Duke of 
 Grafton, if his Grace should think I could, in any station where he might place me, 
 be serviceable to him and to the public. Mr. Cooper said he was very glad to 
 hear I was still willing to remain in England, as it agreed so perfectly with his 
 inclinations to keep me here. Wished me to leave my name at the Duke of 
 Grafton s as soon as possible and to be at the Treasury again the next board day. 
 I accordingly called at the Duke s, and left rny card; and when I went next to 
 the Treasury, his Grace not being there, Mr. Cooper carried me to Lord North, 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, who said very obligingly, after talking of some Ameri 
 can affairs, I am told by Mr. Cooper that you are not unwilling to stay with us, I 
 hope we shall find some way of making it worth your while, I thanked his lord- 
 
166 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 ship, and said I should stay with pleasure if I could any ways be useful to govern 
 ment. He made me a compliment, and I took my leave, Mr. Cooper carrying 
 me away with him to his country house at Richmond to dine and stay all night. 
 He then told me that Mr. Todd had heen again at the Duke of Grafton s and that 
 upon his (Mr. Cooper s) speaking in my behalf, Mr. Todd had changed his stile, 
 and said I had to be sure a great deal of merit with the office, having by my good 
 management regulated the posts in America, so as greatly to encrease the revenue ; 
 that he had had great satisfaction in corresponding with me while I was there, and he 
 believed they never had a better officer &c. The Thursday following, being the 
 birth-day, I met with Mr. Todd at Court ; he was very civil, took me with him in 
 his coach to the Kings Arms in the city, where I had been invited to dine by Mr. 
 Trevor, with the gentlemen of the Post-office; we had a good deal of chat after 
 dinner between us too, in which he told me Lord Sandwich (who was very sharp) 
 had taken notice of my stay in England, and said if one could do the business, why 
 should there be two &c. On my telling Mr. Todd that I was going home ; (which I 
 still say to every body, not knowing but that what is intimated above may fail of 
 taking effect) he looked blank and seemed disconcerted a little, which makes me 
 think some friend of his was to have been vested with my place ; but this is surmise 
 only. We parted very good friends. That day I received another note from Mr. 
 Cooper directing me to be at the Duke of Grafton s next morning, whose porter had 
 orders to let me in. I went accordingly, and was immediately admitted. But his 
 Grace being then engaged in some unexpected business, with much condescension 
 and politeness made that apology for his not discoursing with me then, but wished 
 me to be at the Treasury at twelve the next Tuesday. I went accordingly, when 
 Mr. Cooper told me something had called the Duke into the country, and the 
 board was put off, which was not known till it was too late to send me word ; but 
 was glad I was come, as he might then fix another day for me to go again with 
 him into the country ; the day fixed was Thursday. I returned yesterday, should 
 have stayed till Monday, but for writing by these vessels. He assures me the Duke 
 has it at heart to do something handsome for me. Sir John Pringle who is anxious 
 for my stay, says, Mr. Cooper is the honestest man of a courtier that he ever knew, 
 and he is persuaded they are in earnest to keep me. The piece I wrote against 
 smuggling in the Chronicle of November last, and one in April on the labouring 
 poor, (you will find it in the Gentleman s Magazine for that month) have been 
 lately shown by Mr. Cooper to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and to the Duke, 
 who have expressed themselves much pleased with them. I am to be again at the 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 167 
 
 Treasury on Tuesday next by appointment of Mr. Cooper. Thus particular I have 
 been, that you may judge of this affair. For my o\vn thoughts, I must tell you 
 that though I did not think fit to decline any favour so great a man expressed an 
 inclination to do me, because at court if one shews an unwillingness to be obliged 
 it is often construed as a mark of mental hostility, and one makes an enemy ; yet 
 so great is my inclination to be at home, and at rest, that I shall not be sorry if 
 this business falls through, and I am suffered to retire with my old post ; nor 
 indeed very sorry if they take that from me too on account of my zeal for America, 
 in which some of my friends have hinted to me I have been too open. I shall soon 
 be able, I hope by the next packet, to give you farther light. In the mean time as 
 no one but Sir J. knows of the treaty, I talk daily of going in the August packet at 
 farthest. And when the late Georgia appointment of me to be their agent is 
 mentioned as what may detain me, I say, I have yet received no letters from that 
 Assembly, acquainting me what their business may be ; that I shall probably hear 
 from them before that packet sails. That if it is extraordinary and of such a nature 
 as to make my stay another winter necessary, I may possibly stay, because there 
 would not be time for them to chuse another ; but if it is common business I shall 
 leave it with Mr. Jackson and proceed. I do not, by the way, know how that 
 appointment came about, having no acquaintance that I can recollect in that 
 country. It has been mentioned in the papers some time, but I have only just now 
 received a letter from Governor Wright, informing me that he had that day given 
 his assent to it, and expressing his desire to correspond with me on all occasions, 
 saying the Committee, as soon as they could get their papers ready, would write to 
 me and acquaint me with their business. We have lost Lord Clare from the Board 
 of Trade. He took me home from Court, the Sunday before his removal, that I 
 might dine with him as he said alone, and talk over American affairs. He seemed 
 as attentive to them as if he was to continue ever so long. He gave me a 
 great deal of flummery; saying that though at my examination I answered 
 some of his questions a little pertly, yet he liked me from that day, for 
 the spirit I showed in defence of my country ; and at parting, after we had drank a 
 bottle and half of claret each, he hugged and kissed me, protesting he never in his 
 life met with a man he was so much in love with. This I write for your amusement. 
 You see by the nature of this whole letter that it is to yourself only. It may serve 
 to prepare your mind for any event that shall happen. If Mr. Grenville comes into 
 power again in any department respecting America, I must refuse to accept of any 
 thing that may seem to put me in his power, because I apprehend a breach between 
 
168 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIX. 
 
 the two countries; and that refusal will give offence. So that you see a turn of a 
 die may make a great difference in our affairs. We may be either promoted, or 
 discarded ; one or the other seems likely soon to be the case, but tis hard to divine 
 which. I am myself grown so old as to feel much less than formerly the spur of 
 ambition, and if it were not for the flattering expectation, lhat by being fixed here 
 I might more effectually serve my country, I should certainly determine for retire 
 ment, without a moment s hesitation. I am as ever, your affectionate father, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, London, July 2, 1768. 
 
 Since my last nothing material has occurred here relating to 
 
 American affairs, except the removal of Lord Clare from the head of the Board of 
 Trade to the Treasuiy of Ireland, and the return of Lord liillsborough to the Board 
 of Trade as first Commissioner, retaining the title and powers of Secretary of State 
 for the colonies. This change was very sudden and unexpected. My Lord Clare 
 took me home from Court to dine with him but two days before, saying he should 
 be without other company, and wanted to talk with me on sundry American 
 businesses. We had accordingly a good deal of conversation on our affairs, in 
 which he seemed to interest himself with all the attention that could be supposed in 
 a minister who expected to continue in the management of them. This was on 
 Sunday, and on the Tuesday following he was removed. Whether my Lord 
 Hillsborough s administration will be more stable than others have been for a long 
 time is quite uncertain ; but as Ins inclinations are rather favourable towards us (so 
 far as he thinks consistent with what he supposes the unquestionable rights of 
 Britain), I cannot but wish it may continue, especially as these perpetual mutations 
 prevent the progress of all business. 
 
 But another change is now talked of that gives me great uneasiness. Several of 
 the Bedford party being now got in, it has been for some time apprehended that 
 they would sooner or later draw their friend Mr. Grenville in after them. It is now 
 said, he is to be Secretary of State in the room of Lord Shelburne. If this should 
 take place, or if in any other shape he comes again into power, I fear his sentiments 
 of the Americans and theirs of him, will occasion such clashiogs as mav be attended 
 
 O ** 
 
 with fatal consequences. The last accounts from your part of the \\orkl of the 
 combinations relating to commerce v\ith this country, and resolutions concerning the 
 duties here laid upon it, occasion much serious reflection, and tis thought the 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 169 
 
 points in dispute between the two countries will not fail to come under the 
 consideration of parliament early in next session. Our friends wonder that I 
 persist in my intention of returning this summer, alledging that I might be of much 
 more service to my country here than I can be there, and wishing me by all means 
 to stay the ensuing winter, as the presence of persons well acquainted with America, 
 and of ability to represent these affairs in a proper light, will then be highly 
 necessary. My private concerns, however, so much require my presence at home, 
 that I have not yet suffered myself to be persuaded by their partial opinion of me. 
 
 The tumults and disorders that prevailed here lately have now pretty well subsided. 
 Wilkes s outlawry is reversed, but he is sentenced to twenty-two months impri 
 sonment, and 1000/. fine, which his friends, who feared he would be pilloried, seem 
 rather satisfied with. The importation of corn, a pretty good hay harvest, now 
 near over, and the prospect of plenty from a fine crop of wheat makes the pobr 
 more patient, in hopes of an abatement in the price of provisions ; so that unless 
 want of employment by the failure of American orders should distress them, they 
 are like to be tolerably quiet. 
 
 I purpose writing to you again by the packet that goes next Saturday, and 
 therefore now only add that I am, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient 
 and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To * * *. 
 DEAR SIR, London, Nov. 28, 1768. 
 
 I received your obliging favour of the 12th instant. Your 
 
 sentiments of the importance of the present dispute between Great Britain and the 
 colonies, appear to me extremely just. There is nothing I wish for more than to 
 see it amicably and equitably settled. 
 
 But Providence will bring about its own ends by its own means ; and if it intends 
 the downfal of a nation, that nation will be so blinded by its pride, and other 
 passions, as not to see its danger, or how its fall may be prevented. 
 
 Being born and bred in one of the countries, and having lived long and made 
 many agreeable connexions of friendship in the other, I wish all prosperity to both ; 
 but I have talked, and written so much and so long on the subject, that rny 
 acquaintance are weary of hearing, and the public of reading any more of it, which 
 begins to make me weary of talking and writing; especially as I do not find that I 
 have gained any point, in either country, except that of rendering myself suspected, 
 by my impartiality ; in England, of being too much an American, and in America 
 ^Voi.. II. Y 
 
170 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 of being too much an Englishman. Your opinion, however, weighs with me, and 
 encourages me to try one effort more, in a full, though concise statement of facts, 
 accompanied with arguments drawn from those facts ; to be published about the 
 meeting of parliament, after the holidays. 1 
 
 If any good may be done I shall rejoice ; but at present I almost despair. 
 
 Have you ever seen the barometer so low as of late ? The 22d instant mine was 
 at 28, 41, and yet the weather fine and fair. With sincere esteem, I am, dear 
 friend, yours affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To M. DUBOURG,* PARIS. 
 
 London, October 2, 1 770. 
 
 I see with pleasure that we think pretty much alike on the 
 
 subjects of English America. We of the colonies have never insisted that we ought 
 to be exempt from contributing to the common expences necessary to support the 
 prosperity of the empire. We only assert, that having parliaments of our own, and 
 not having representatives in that of Great Britain, our parliaments are the only 
 judges of what we can and what we ought to contribute in this case; and that the 
 English parliament has no right to take our money without our consent. In fact, 
 the British empire is not a single state ; it comprehends many ; and though the 
 parliament of Great Britain has arro gated to itself the power of taxing the colonies, 
 it has no more right to do so, than it has to tax Hanover. We have the same king, 
 but not the same legislatures. 
 
 The dispute between the two countries has already lost England many millions 
 sterling, which it has lost in its commerce, and America has in this respect been a 
 proportionable gainer. This commerce consisted principally of superfluities \ objects 
 of luxury and fashion, which we can well do without; and the resolution we have 
 formed of importing no more till our grievances are redressed, has enabled many of 
 our infant manufactures to take root ; and it will not be easy to make our people 
 abandon them in future, even should a connection more cordial than ever succeed 
 the present troubles. I have indeed, no doubt, that the parliament of England will 
 finally abandon its present pretensions, and leave us to the peaceable enjoyment of 
 our rights and privileges. 
 
 1 Uncertain what is the publication promised in this Letter; unless it alludes to the one entitled 
 " Causes of the American Discontents before 1708." 
 1 Translator of Dr. Franklin s Philosophical Works. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART IT. 171 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR Sox, London, Aug. 17, 1772. 
 
 At length we have got rid of Lord Hillsborough, and Lord 
 
 Dartmouth takes his place, to the great satisfaction of all the friends of America. 
 
 You will hear it said among you (I suppose) that the interest of the Ohio planters 
 
 has ousted him, but the truth is, what I wrote you long since, that all his brother 
 
 ministers disliked him extremely, and wished for a fair occasion of tripping up hi3 
 
 heels; so seeing that he made a point of defeating our scheme, they made another 
 
 of supporting it, on purpose to mortify him, which they knew his pride could not 
 
 bear. I do not mean that they would have done this if they had thought our 
 
 proposal bad in itself, or his opposition well founded ; but I believe if he had been 
 
 on good terms with them, they would not have differed with him for so small a 
 
 matter. The K. too was tired of him, and of his administration, which had 
 
 weakened the affection and respect of the Colonies for a Royal Government, with 
 
 which (I may say it to you) I used proper means from time to time that his M. should 
 
 have due information and convincing proofs. More of this when I see you. The 
 
 K. s dislike made the others more firmly united in the resolution of disgracing H. 
 
 by setting at nought his famous report. But now that business is done, perhaps 
 
 our affair may be less regarded in the Cabinet and suffered to linger, and possibly 
 
 may yet miscarry. Therefore let us beware of every word and action, that may 
 
 betray a confidence in its success, lest we render ourselves ridiculous in case of 
 
 disappointment. We are now pushing for a completion of the business, but the 
 
 time is unfavourable, every body gone or going into the country, which gives room 
 
 for accidents. I am writing by Falconer, and therefore in this only add that I am 
 
 ever your affectionate father, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 " . - >..*) 
 
 P. S. The regard Lord D. has always done me the honour to express for me, 
 gives me room to hope being able to obtain more in favour of our Colonies upon 
 occasion, than I could for some time past. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. ,.,. 
 
 DEAR SON, London, August 19, 1772. 
 
 I received yours of June 30. I am vexed that my letter to 
 
 you, written at Glasgow, miscarried ; not so much that you did not receive it, as 
 that it is probably in other hands. It contained some accounts of what passed in 
 Ireland, which were for you only. 
 
172 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 As Lord Hillsborotigh in fact got nothing out of me, I should rather suppose he 
 threw me away as an orange that would yield no juice, and therefore not worth 
 more squeezing. When I had been a little while returned to London I waited on 
 him to thank him for his civilities in Ireland, and to discourse with him on a 
 Georgia affair. The porter told me he was not at home. I left my card, went 
 another time, and received the same answer, though I knew he was at home, 
 a friend of mine being with him. After intermissions of a week each, I made two 
 more visits, and received the same answer. The last time was on a levee day, when 
 a number of carriages were at his door. My coachman driving up, alighted and was 
 opening the coach door, when the porter, seeing me, came out, and surlily chid the 
 coachman for opening the door before he had enquired whether my lord was at 
 home ; and then turning to me, said, " My Lord is not at home." I have never 
 since been nigh him, and we have only abused one another at a distance. The 
 contrast as you observe is very striking between his conversation with the Chief 
 Justice, and his letter to you concerning your province. I know him to be as double 
 and deceitful as any man I ever met with. But we have done with him, I hope, for 
 ever. His removal has I believe been meditated ever since the death of the Princess 
 Dowager. For I recollect that on my complaining of him about that time to a 
 friend at Court whom you may guess, he told me, we Americans were represented 
 by Hillsborough as an unquiet people not easily satisfied with any ministry, that 
 however it was thought too much occasion had been given us to dislike the present : 
 and asked me, whether, if he should be removed, I could name another likely to 
 be more acceptable to us. I said, yes, there is Lord Dartmouth : we liked him 
 very well when he was at the head of the Board formerly, and probably should like 
 him again. This I heard no more of, but I am pretty sure it was reported where I 
 could wish it, though I know not that it had any effect. 
 
 As to my situation here nothing can be more agreeable, especially as I hope for 
 less embarrassment from the new minister. A general respect paid me by the 
 teamed, a number of friends and acquaintance among them with whom I have a 
 pleasing intercourse ; a character of so much weight that it has protected me when 
 some in power would have done me injury, and continued me in an office they 
 would have deprived me of; my company so much desired that I seldom dine at 
 home in winter, and could spend the whole summer in the country houses of 
 inviting friends if J chose it. Learned arid ingenious foreigners that come to 
 England, almost all make a point of visiting me, for my reputation is still higher 
 abroad than here ; several of the foreign ambassadors have assiduously cultivated 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 173 
 
 my acquaintance, treating me as one of their corps, partly I believe from the desire 
 they have from time to time of hearing something of American affairs, an object 
 become of importance in foreign courts, who begin to hope Britain s alarming power 
 uill be diminished by the defection of her Colonies ; and partly that they may have 
 an opportunity of introducing me to the gentlemen of their country who desire it. 
 The K. too has lately been heard to speak of me with great regard. These are 
 flattering circumstances, but a violent longing for home sometimes seizes me, which 
 I can no otherways subdue but by promising myself a return next spring or next 
 fall, and so forth. As to returning hither, if I once go back, I have no thoughts 
 of it. I am too far advanced in life to propose three voyages more. I have some 
 important affairs to settle at home, and considering my double expences here and 
 there, I hardly think my salaries fully compensate the disadvantages. The late 
 change however being thrown into the balance determines me to stay another 
 winter. 
 
 P. S. August 22. I find I omitted congratulating you on the honour of your 
 election in the Society for propagating the Gospel. There you match indeed my 
 Dutch honour. But you are again behind, for last night I received a letter from 
 Paris of which the inclosed is an extract, acquainting me that I am chosen Associc 
 ttranger (foreign member) of the Royal Academy there. There are but eight of 
 these Associes etrangers in all Europe, and those of the most distinguished names 
 for science. The vacancy I have the honour of rilling, was made by the death of 
 the late celebrated M. Van Swieten of Vienna. This mark of respect from the first 
 Academy in the world, which Abbe Nolet, one of its members, took so much pains 
 to prejudice against my doctrines, I consider as a kind of victory without ink-shed, 
 since I never answered him. I am told he has but one of his sect now remaining 
 in the Academy. All the rest who have in any degree acquainted themselves with 
 electricity arc as he calls them Franklinists. Yours, c. B. FRANKLIN, 
 
 To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. 
 DEAR FRIEND, London, August 22, 1772* 
 
 I acknowledged before the receipt of your favour of May 14, 
 
 since which I have no line from you. It will be a pleasure to render any service to 
 Mr. Tilghman whom you recommended. 
 
 The Acts passed in your winter and spring sessions I have not yet received, nor 
 have I heard from Mr. Wilmot that they have been presented. 
 
174- JVIEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN-. 
 
 Lord Hillsbor ough, mortified by the Committee of Council s approbation of our 
 grant in opposition to his report, has resigned. I believe when he offered to do se, 
 he had such an opinion of his importance that he did not think it would be accepted; 
 and that it would be thought prudent rather to set our grant aside than part with 
 him. His colleagues in the ministry were all glad to get rid of him, and perhaps 
 for this reason joined more readily in giving him that mortification. Lord Dartmouth 
 succeeds him, who lias much more favourable dispositions towards the colonies. 
 He has heretofore expressed some personal regard for me, and I hope now to find 
 our business with the board more easy to transact. 
 
 Your observations on the state of the Islands did not come to hand till after Lord 
 Rochford had withdrawn his petition. His Lordship and the promoters of it were 
 so roasted on the occasion, that I believe another of the kind will not very soon be 
 thought of. The proprietor was at the expence of the opposition, and as I knew it 
 would not be necessary, and thought it might be inconvenient to our affairs, I did 
 not openly engage in it, but I gave some private assistance that I believe was not 
 without effect; I think too that Mr. Jackson s opinion was of great service. I 
 would lodge a copy of your paper in the Plantation Office against any similar future 
 applications if you approve of it. I only think the Island holders make too great a 
 concession to the Crown when they suppose it may have a right to quit-rent. It 
 can have none in my opinion on the old grants from Indians, Swedes, and Dutch, 
 where none was reserved. And I think those grants so clearly good as to need no 
 confirmation, to obtain which I suppose is the only motive for offering such quit- 
 rent. I imagine too, that it may not be amiss to affix a caveat in the Plantation 
 Office in the behalf of holders of property in those Islands against any grant of them 
 that may be applied for, till they have had timely notice and an opportunity of being 
 fully heard. Mr. Jackson is out of town, but I shall confer with him on the subject 
 as soon as he returns. I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIX. 
 
 To JJDSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. 
 DEAR FRIEND, London, Dec. 2, 177- . 
 
 I am glad you are returned again to a seat in the Assembly, 
 
 where your abilities are so useful and necessary in the service of your country. We 
 must not in the course of public life expect immediate approbation and immediate 
 grateful acknowledgment of our services. But let us persevere through abuse and 
 even injury. The internal satisfaction of a good conscience is always present, and 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 17$ 
 
 time will do us justice in the minds of the people, even those at present the most 
 prejudiced against us. 
 
 I have given Dr. Denormandie a recommendation to a friend in Geneva, for 
 which place he set out this morning; and I shall be glad of any opportunity of 
 serving him when he returns to London. I see by the Pennsylvania gazette of 
 October 21, that you are continued speaker, and myself agent, but I have no line 
 from you or the committee relative to instructions. Perhaps I shall hear from you 
 by Falconer. I find myself upon very good terms with our new minister Lord 
 Dartmouth, who we have reason to think means well to the colonies. I believe all 
 are now sensible that nothing is to be got by contesting with or oppressing us. Two 
 circumstances have diverted me lately. One was, that being at the Court of 
 Exchequer on some business of my own, I there met with one of the commissioners 
 of the Stamp office, who told me he attended with a memorial from that board, to 
 be allowed in their accounts the difference between their expence i ne ndeavouring 
 to establish those offices in America, and the amount of what they received, which 
 from Canada and the West India islands was but about 1500/., while the expence 
 if I remember right was above 12,000/., being for stamps and stamping, with paper 
 and parchment returned upon their hands, freight &c. The other is the present 
 difficulties of the India Company and of government on their account. The 
 company have accepted bills which they find themselves unable to pay, though they 
 have the value of two millions in tea and other India goods in their stores, perishing 
 under a want of demand. Their credit thus suffering, and their stock falling 120 
 per cent, whereby the government will lose the 400,000/. per annum, it having been 
 stipulated that it should no longer be paid if the dividend fell to that mark. And 
 although it is known that the American market is lost by continuing the duty on 
 tea, and that we are supplied by the Dutch who doubtless take the opportunity of 
 smuggling other India goods among us with the tea, so that for the five years past 
 we might probably have otherwise taken off the greatest part of what the company 
 have on hand, and so- have prevented their present embarrassment, yet the honou r 
 of government is supposed to forbid the repeal of tha American tea duty; while 
 the amount of all the duties goes on decreasing, so that the balance of this year 
 docs not (as I have il from good authority) exceed BO/, after paying the collection ; 
 not reckoning the immense expence of guarda costas, &c. Can an American 
 help smiling at these blunders? though in a national light they are truly deplor 
 able. 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 With the sincerest esteem and inviolable attachment I am, my deaf friend, ever 
 most affectionately yours, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THOMAS GUSHING, ESQ. 
 SIR, London, Dec. 2, 1772. 
 
 The above is a copy of my last. A few days after my leaving your 
 petition with Lord Dartmouth, his lordship sent for me to discourse with me upon it. 
 After a long audience he was pleased tosay, that notwithstanding all I had said or could 
 say in support and justification of the petition, he was sure the presenting it at this time 
 could not possibly produce any good : that the king would be exceedingly offended, 
 but what steps his majesty would take upon it was uncertain ; perhaps he would 
 require the opinion of the judges or government lawyers which would surely be 
 against us ; perhaps he might lay it before parliament, and so the censure of both 
 houses would be drawn down upon us : the most favourable thing to be expected was, 
 a severe reprimand to the assembly by order of his Majesty, the natural consequence 
 of which must be more discontent and uneasiness in the province. That possessed 
 as he was with great good will for New England, he was extremely unwilling that one 
 of the first acts of his administration with resard to the Massachusetts should be of 
 
 O 
 
 so unpleasant a nature. That minds had been heated and irritated on both sides 
 the water, but he hoped those heats were now cooling, and he was averse to the addi 
 tion of fresh fuel ; that as I had delivered the petition to him officially, he must 
 present it if I insisted upon it r but he wished I would first consult my constituents, 
 who might possibly on reconsideration think fit to order its being deferred. I 
 answered that the great majority with which the petition and the resolves on which 
 it was founded were carried through the house, made it scarce expectable that their 
 order would be countermanded ; that the slighting, evading or refusing to receive 
 petitions from the colonies on some late occasions by the parliament had occasioned 
 a total loss of the respect for and confidence in that body formerly subsisting so 
 strongly in America, and brought on a questioning of their authority : that his lord 
 ship might observe that petitions came no more from thence to parliament, but to 
 the king only : that the king appeared to be now the only connexion between the 
 two countries ; and that as a continued union was essentially necessary to the well- 
 being of the whole empire, I should be sorry to see that link weakened as the other 
 had been, that I thought it a dangerous thing for any government to refuse receiv 
 ing petitions, and thereby prevent the subjects from giving vent to their griefs. 
 His lordship interrupted me by replying that he did not refuse to deliver the petition ; 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 177 
 
 that it should never justly be said of him, that he interrupted the complaints of his 
 majesty s subjects, and that he must and would present it, as he had said before, 
 whenever I should absolutely require it ; but from motives of pure good will to the 
 province, he wished me not to insist on it, till I should receive fresh orders. Finally, 
 considering that since the petition was ordered there had been a change in the 
 American administration, that the present minister was our friend in the repeal of 
 the stamp act, and seems still to have good dispositions towards us, that you had 
 mentioned to me the probability that the house would have remonstrated on all 
 their other grievances, had not their time been taken up with the difficult business 
 of a general valuation ; and since the complaint of this petition was likely alone to 
 give offence, it might perhaps be judged advisable to give the substance of all our 
 complaints at once, rather than in parts and after a reprimand received; I say, 
 upon the whole I thought it best not to disoblige him in the beginning of his adminis 
 tration by refusing him what he seemed so desirous of, a delay at least in presenting 
 the petition, till farther directions should be received from my constituents. If 
 after deliberation they should send me fresh orders I shall immediately obey them, 
 and the application to the crown itself may possibly derive greater weight, from the 
 reconsideration given it, while the temper of the house may be somewhat calmed by 
 the removal of a minister who had rendered himself so obnoxious to them. Accord 
 ingly I consented to the delay desired, wherein I hope my conduct will not be dis 
 approved. 
 
 With the greatest esteem and respect, I have the honour to be, sir, your and the 
 committee s most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. TuoatAs GUSHING, ESQ. 
 SIR, (Private) London, Jan, 5, 1773. 
 
 I did myself the honour of writing to you on the 2d of 
 December past, enclosing some original letters from persons in Boston, which I 
 hope got safe to hand. I have since received your favour of October 27, which 
 containing in a small compass so full an enumeration of our grievances, the steps 
 necessary to remove them, and the happy effects that must follow, I thought that 
 though marked private, it might be of use to communicate it to Lord Dartmouth, 
 the rather too, as he would there find himself occasionally mentioned with proper 
 respect, and learn that his character was esteemed in the colonies. Accordingly I 
 wrote him a few lines and enclosed it a day or two before I was to wait on his 
 lordship, that he might have a little time to consider the contents. When I next 
 VOL. II. Z 
 
178 MEMOIKS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 attended him, he returned me the letter with great complacence in his countenance, 
 said lie was glad to find that people in America were disposed to think so favour 
 ably of him ; that they did him but justice in believing he had the best disposition 
 towards them, for he wished sincerely their welfare, though possibly he might not 
 always think with them as to the means of obtaining that end. That the heads of 
 complaint in your letter were many, some of them requiring much consideration, 
 and therefore it could scarce be expected that a sudden change should be made in 
 so many measures, supposing them all improper to be continued, which perhaps 
 might not be the case. It was however his opinion that if the Americans continued 
 quiet, and gave no fresh offence to government, those measures would be recon 
 sidered, and such relief given as upon consideration should be thought reasonable. 
 I need not remark that there is not much in such general discourse, but I could 
 then obtain nothing more particular, except that his lordship expressed in direct 
 terms his disapprobation of the instruction for exempting the colonies from taxation : 
 which however was, as he said, in confidence to me, relying that no public mention 
 should be made of his opinion on that head. 
 
 In the mean time, some circumstances are working in our favour with regard to 
 the duties. It is found by the last year s accounts transmitted by the commissioners, 
 that the balance in favour of Britain is but about 8.5/. after payment of salaries &c. 
 exclusive of the charge of a fleet to enforce the collection. Then it is observed that 
 the India company is so out of cash, that it cannot pay the bills drawn upon it, and 
 its other debts, and at the same time so out of credit, .that the Bank does not care 
 to assist them, whence they find themselves obliged to lower their dividend ; the 
 apprehension of which has sunk their stock from 280 to 160, whereby several 
 millions of property are annihilated, occasioning private bankruptcies and other 
 distress, besides a loss to the public treasury of 400,000/. per annum which the 
 company are not to pay into it as heretofore if they are not able to keep up their 
 dividend at 12*. And as they have at the same time tea, and other India goods 
 in their warehouses to the amount of four millions as some say, for which they 
 want a market, and which, if it had been sold, would have kept up their credit, I 
 take the opportunity of remarking in all companies the great imprudence of losing 
 the American market by keeping up the duty on tea, which has thrown that trade 
 into the hands of the Dutch, Danes, Swedes and French, who, according to the 
 reports and letters of some custom-house officers in America, now supply by smug 
 gling the whole continent, not with tea only, but accompany that article with other 
 India goods amounting as supposed in the whole to 500 5 000/. sterling per annum. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART IT. 179 
 
 This gives, some alarm, and begins to convince people more and more of the impro 
 priety of quarrelling with America, \vho at that rate might have taken off two millions 
 and a half of those goods within these five years that the combination has subsisted, 
 it the duty had not been laid or had been speedily repealed. 
 
 But our great security lies, I think, in our growing strength both in numbers and 
 wealth, that creates an increasing ability of assisting this nation in its wars, which 
 will make us more respectable, our friendship more valued, and our enmity feared, 
 thence it will soon be thought proper to treat us not with justice only, hut with 
 kindness, and thence we may expect in a few years a total change of measures with 
 regard to us ; unless by a neglect of military discipline we should lose all martial 
 spirit, and our western people become as tame as those in the eastern dominions of 
 Britain, when we may expect the same oppressions, for there is much truth in the 
 Italian saying Make yourselves sheep and the wolves will eat you. In confidence of 
 this coming change in our favour, I think our prudence is meanwhile to be quiet, 
 only holding up our rights and claims on all occasions in resolutions, memorials, 
 and remonstrances ; but bearing patiently the little present notice that is taken 
 of them. They will all have their weight in time, and that time is at no great 
 distance. 
 
 With the greatest esteem, I have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient and. 
 most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR SON, London, Feb. 14, 1773. 
 
 The opposition are now attacking the ministry on the St. 
 
 Vincent s affair, which is generally condemned here, and some think Lord Hills- 
 borough will be given up as the adviser of that expedition. But if it succeeds 
 perhaps all will blow over. The ministry are more embarrassed with the India 
 affairs; the continued refusal of North America to take tea from hence has brought 
 infinite distress on the company, they imported great quantities in faith that that 
 agreement could not hold ; and now they can neither pay their debts nor dividends, 
 their stock has sunk to the annihilating near three millions of their property, and 
 government will lose its 400,0007. a year ; while their teas lie on hand : the bank 
 ruptcies brought on partly by this means have given such a shock to credit as has not 
 been experienced here, since the South Sea year. And this has affected the great 
 manufacturers so much, as to oblige them to discharge their hands, and thousands 
 of Spitalficlds and Manchester weavers are now starving, or subsisting on chanty. 
 
180 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Blessed effects of pride, pique, and passion in government, which should have no 
 passions. Yours, B. FUANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. THOMAS GUSHING, Eso> BOSTON. 
 
 SIR, London. March 9, 1773. 
 
 / i : > --}iO in 
 I did myself the honour of writing to you the 2d of Dec. 
 
 and the 5th January past. Since which I have received your favour of November 
 28, inclosing the votes and proceedings of the town of Boston, which I have reprinted 
 here with a preface. Herewith I send you a few copies. 
 
 Governor Hutchinson s speech at the opening of your January session has been 
 printed and industriously circulated here by (as I think) the ministerial people, 
 which I take to be no good sign. The assembly s answer to it is not yet arrived, 
 and in the mean while it seems to make impression on the minds of many not well 
 acquainted with the dispute. The tea duty however is under the consideration of 
 parliament, for a repeal on a petition from the East India Company, and no new 
 measures have been talked of against America as likely to be taken during the 
 present session ; I was therefore preparing to return home by the spring ships : but 
 have been advised by our friends to stay till the session is over ; as the commission 
 sent to Rhode island and discontents in your province, with the correspondence of 
 the towns may possibly give rise to something here, when my being on the spot 
 may be of use to our country. I conclude to stay a little longer. In the mean 
 time I must hope that great care will be taken to keep our people quiet, since 
 nothing is more wished for by our enemies than that by insurrections we should 
 give a good pretence for increasing the military among us, and putting us under 
 more severe restraints. And it must be evident to all that by our rapidly increas 
 ing strength we shall soon become of so much importance that none of our just 
 claims of privilege will be as heretofore unattended to, nor any security we can wish 
 for our rights be denied us. 
 
 With great respect I have the honour to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. THOMAS GUSHING, ESQ. 
 SIR, (Private) London, April 3, 1773. 
 
 My last was of the 9th past, since which nothing material 
 has occurred relating; to the colonies. The Assembly s answer to Governor 
 Hutchinson s speech is not yet come over, but I find that even his friends here are 
 apprehensive of some ill consequences from his forcing the Assembly into that 
 dispute, and begin to say it was not prudently done, though they believe it meant 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 181 
 
 well. I inclose you two newspapers in which it is mentioned. Lord Dartmouth 
 the other day expressed his wish to me, that some means could be fallen upon to 
 heal the breach. I took the freedom to tell him, that he could do much in it if he 
 would exert himself; I think I see signs of relenting in some others. The Bishop 
 of St. Asaph s sermon before the Society for propagating the Gospel is much talked 
 of for its Catholic spirit and favourable sentiments relating to the colonies. I will 
 endeavour to get a copy to send you. With great esteem and respect, I have the 
 honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR SON, London, April 6, 1773. 
 
 I received yours of February 2, with the papers of information 
 that accompany it. 
 
 I have sent to Mr. Galloway one of the Bishop of St. Asaph s sermons for your 
 Society for propagating the Gospel. I would have sent you one, but you will 
 receive it of course as a member. It contains such liberal and generous sentiments 
 relating to the conduct of government here towards America, that Sir. J. P. says it 
 was written in compliment to me. But from the intimacy of friendship in which I 
 live with the author, I know he has expressed nothing but what he thinks and feels ; 
 and I honour him the more, that through the mere hope of doing good, he has 
 hazarded the displeasure of the Court, and of course the prospect of further 
 preferment. Possibly indeed the ideas of the Court may change ; for I think I see 
 some alarm at the discontents in New England, and some appearance of softening 
 in the disposition of government, on the idea that matters have been carried too far 
 there. But all depends upon circumstances and events; We govern from hand to 
 mouth. There seems to be no wise regular plan. 
 
 I saw Lord Dartmouth about two weeks since. He mentioned nothing to me of 
 your application for additional salary, nor did I to him, for I do not like it. I fear 
 it will embroil you with your people. 
 
 While I am writing comes to hand yours of March 2. My letter by the October 
 packet must have been sent as usual to the office by the bell-man. That being as 
 you inform me, rubbed open as some of yours to me have been, gives an additional 
 circumstance of probability to the conjecture made in mine of December 2. For 
 the future I shall send letters of consequence to the office (when I use the packet 
 conveyance) by my clerk. 
 
182 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN. 
 
 Your accounts of the numbers of people, births, burials, &c. in your province, 
 will be very agreeable to me, and particularly so to Dr. Price. Compared with 
 former accounts, they will show the increase of your people, but not perfectly, as 
 I think a great many have gone from New Jersey to the more Southern Colonies. 
 
 The parliament is like to sit till the end of June, as Mr. Cooper tells me. I had 
 thoughts of returning home about that time. The Boston Assembly s answer to the 
 Governor s speech, which I have just received, may possibly produce something 
 here to occasion my longer stay. I am, your affectionate father, B. FRANKLIN . 
 
 To THE HON. THOMAS CUSHING, ESQ. 
 SIR, (Private) London, May 6, 171 3. 
 
 I have received none of your favours since that of November 
 
 28. I have since written to you of the following dates, December 2, January 5, 
 March 9, and April 3, which I hope got safe to hand. 
 
 The Council and Assembly s answer to Governor Hutchiason a speech I causrd 
 to be printed here as soon as I received them. His reply I see since printed also, 
 but their rejoinder is not yet come. If he intended by reviving that dispute to 
 recommend himself he has greatly missed his aim ; for the Administration are 
 chagrined with his officiousness, their intention having been to let all contention 
 subside, and by degrees suffer matters to return to the old channel. They are now 
 embarrassed by his proceedings ; for if they lay the Governor s dispatches containing 
 the declaration of the general court before parliament, they apprehend measures 
 may be taken that will widen the breach ; which would be more particularly 
 inconvenient at this time, when the disturbed state of Europe gives some appre 
 hensions of a general war ; on the other hand, if they do not lay them before 
 parliament they give advantage to opposition against themselves on some future 
 occasion, in a charge of criminal neglect. Some say he must be a fool, others that 
 through some misinformation he really supposed Lord Hillsborough to be again in 
 oftke. 
 
 Yesterday I had a conversation with Lord D. of which I think it right to give 
 you borne account. On my saying that I had no late advices from Boston, and 
 asking if his Lordship had any, he said, none since the Governor s second speech ; 
 but what difficulties that gentleman has brought us all into by his imprudence! 
 though I suppose he meant well : yet what can now be done? It is impossible that 
 parliament can suffer such a declaration of the General Assembly, asserting its 
 independency, to pass unnoticed. In my opinion, says I, it would be better and 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART IT. 183 
 
 more prudent to take no notice of it. It is words only. Acts of parliament are 
 still submitted to there. No force is used to obstruct their execution. And while 
 that is the case, parliament would do well to turn a deaf ear, and seem not to know 
 that such declarations had ever been made. Violent measures against the province 
 will not change the opinion of the people. Force could do no good. I do not 
 know, says he, that force would be thought of; but perhaps an act may pass to lay 
 them under some inconveniencies till they rescind that declaration. Can they not 
 withdraw it ? I wish they could be persuaded to reconsider the matter, and do it of 
 themselves voluntarily, and thus leave things between us on the old footing, the 
 points undiscussed. Don t you think (continues his Lordship) such a thing possible? 
 No, my Lord, says I, I think it is impossible. If they were even to wish matters 
 back in ihe situation before the Governor s speech, and the dispute obliterated, they 
 cannot withdraw their answers till he first withdraws his speech, which methinks 
 would be an awkward operation that perhaps he will hardly be directed to perform. 
 As to an act of parliament laying that country under inconveniencies, it is likely that 
 will only put them as heretofore on some method of incommoding this country till 
 the act is repealed ; and so we shall go on injuring and provoking each other, 
 instead of cultivating that good will and harmony so necessary to the general 
 welfare. He said, that might be, and he was sensible our divisions must weaken 
 the whole ; for we are yet one empire, says he, whatever may be the sentiments of 
 the Massachusetts Assembly, but he did not see how that could be avoided. He 
 wondered, as the dispute uas now of public notoriety, parliament had not already 
 called for the dispatches ; and he thought he could not omit much longer the 
 communicating them, however unwilling he was to do it from his apprehension of 
 the consequences. But what (his Lordship was pleased to say) if you were in my 
 place, would or could you do ? Would you hazard the being called to account in 
 some future session of parliament, for keeping back the communication of 
 dispatches of such importance? I said his Lordship could best judge, what in his 
 situation was fittest for him to do. I could only give my poor opinion with regard 
 to parliament, that supposing the dispatches laid before them, they would act most 
 prudently in ordering them to lie on the table, and take no farther notice of them. 
 For were I as much an Englishman as I am an American, and ever so desirous of 
 establishing the authority of parliament, I protest to your Lordship I cannot conceive 
 of a single step the parliament can take to increase it, that will not tend to diminish 
 it ; and after abundance of mischief they must finally lose it. The loss in itself 
 perhaps would not be of much consequence, because it is an authority they can 
 
184 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FUANKLIN. 
 
 never well exercise for want of due information and knowledge, and therefore it is 
 not worth hazarding the mischief topreserve it. Then adding my wishes that I 
 could be of any service in healing our differences, his Lordship said, I do not see 
 any thing of more service than prevailing on the General Assembly if you can doit, 
 to withdraw their answers to the Governor s speech. There is not, says I, the least 
 probability they will ever do that ; for the country is all of one mind upon the 
 subject. Perhaps the Governor may have represented to your Lordship, that these 
 are the opinions of a party only, and that great numbers are of different sentiments 
 which may in time prevail. But if he does not deceive himself he deceives your 
 Lordship : for in both houses, notwithstanding the influence appertaining to his 
 office, there was not, in sending up those answers, a single dissenting voice. I do not 
 recollect, says his Lordship, that the Governor has written any thing of that kind. 
 I am told, however, by gentlemen from that country who pretend to know it, that 
 there are many of the Governor s opinion, but they dare not show their sentiments. 
 I never heard, said I, that any one has suffered violence for siding with the 
 Governor. Not violence perhaps, said his Lordship, but they are reviled and held 
 in contempt, and people do not care to incur the disesteem and displeasure of their 
 neighbours. As I knew Governor Bernard had been in with his Lordship just 
 before me, I thought he was probably one of these gentlemen informants, and 
 therefore said, people who are engaged in any party or have advised any measures 
 are apt to magnify the numbers of those they would have understood as approving 
 their measures. His Lordship said, that was natural to suppose might be the 
 present case ; for whoever observed the conduct of parties here, must have seen it 
 a constant practice ; and he agreed with me, that though a mmine contradicente 
 did not prove the absolute agreement of every man in the opinion voted, it at least 
 demonstrated the great prevalence of that opinion. 
 
 Thus ended our conference. I shall watch this business till the parliament rises, 
 and endeavour to make people in general as sensible of the inconveniences to this 
 country that may attend a continuance of the contest, as the Spital -fields weavers 
 seem already to be in their petition to the King, which I herewith send you. I 
 have already the pleasure to find that my friend, the Bishop of St. Asaph s sermon, 
 is universally approved and applauded, which I take to be no bad symptom. With 
 sincere esteem and respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient 
 humble servant, B, FRANKLIN. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 185 
 
 To THE HON. THOMAS GUSHING, ESQ. 
 SIR, London, June 2, 1773. 
 
 Since my last of the 6 th past I have been honoured with 
 yours of March 6 and 24, inclosing a petition to the King, and a letter to Lord 
 Dartmouth. On considering the whole, I concluded that a longer delay of 
 presenting the first petition and remonstrance was not likely to answer any good 
 purpose, and therefore immediately waited on Lord Dartmouth, and delivered to 
 him the letter, and the second petition, at the same time re-delivering the first, and 
 pressed his Lordship to present them to his Majesty, which he promised to do. 
 Enclosed I send you the answer I have just received from him, as this day s packet 
 (the mail for which is to be made up and dispatched in a few hours) is the earliest 
 opportunity, the ships for Boston not being to sail till the beginning of next week. 
 By one of them I shall send a copy, with what observations occur to me on the 
 occasion, which the time will not now permit me to write. In the mean while I 
 would just beg leave to say that I hope the house will come to no hasty resolves 
 upon it. The longer they deliberate, the more maturely they consider, the greater 
 weight will attend their resolutions. With sincere respect, I am, Sir, your most 
 obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. THOMAS GUSHING, ESQ. 
 
 IR, London, June 4, 1775. 
 
 The above is a copy of mine per packet, which inclosed the 
 
 original of his Majesty s answer to our petitions and remonstrance. I now send an 
 exact copy of the same, which I did intend to accompany with some observations, 
 and my sentiments on the general state of our affairs in this country and the conduct 
 proper for us to hold on this occasion. But beginning to write I find the matter too 
 copious, and the subject (on reflection) too important to be treated of in an hasty 
 letter ; and being told the ships sail to-morrow, I must postpone it to another 
 opportunity. 
 
 It was thought at the beginning of the session, that the American duty on Tea 
 would be taken off. But now the wise scheme is to take off so much duty here, as 
 wilt make tea cheaper in America than foreigners can supply us, and to confine the 
 duty there to keep up the exercise of the right. They have no idea that any people 
 can act from any other principle but that of interest; and they believe that three 
 pence in a pound of tea, of which one does not perhaps drink ten pounds in a year, 
 is sufficient to overcome all the patriotism of an American. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 A. 
 
186 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 I purpose soon to write to you very fully. As to the letters I communicated to 
 you, though I have not been able to obtain leave to take copies or publish them, I 
 have permission to let the originals remain with you as long as you may think it of 
 any use to have them in possession. With great esteem and respect, I rmve the 
 honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. THOMAS GUSHING, ESQ. 
 SIR, London, July 7, 1773. 
 
 I thank you for the pamphlets you have sent me containing 
 
 the controversy between the Governor and the two houses. I have distributed them 
 where I thought they might be of use. He makes perhaps as much of his argument 
 as it will bear ; but has the misfortune of being on the weak side, and so is put to 
 shifts and quibbles, and the use of much sophistry and artifice to give plausibility 
 to his reasonings. The Council and the Assembly have greatly the advantage in 
 point of fairness, perspicuity, and force. His precedents of acts of parliament 
 binding the colonies, and our tacit consent to those acts are all frivolous. Shall a 
 guardian who has imposed upon, cheated and plundered a minor under his care* 
 who was unable to prevent it, plead those impositions after his ward has discovered 
 them, as precedents and authorities for continuing them. There have been 
 precedents time out of mind for robbing on Hounslow Heath r but the highwayman 
 who robbed there yesterday does nevertheless deserve hanging. 
 
 I am glad to see the resolves of the Virginia House of Burgesses. There are 
 brave spirits among that people. I hope their proposal will be readily complied 
 with by all the colonies. It is natural to suppose as you do, that if the oppressions- 
 continue, a congress may grow out of that correspondence. Nothing would more 
 alarm our ministers; but if the colonies agree to hold a congress, I do not see how 
 it can be prevented. 
 
 The instruction relating to the exemption of the commissioners I imagine is- 
 withdrawn ; perhaps the other also relating to the agents, but of that I have heard 
 nothing. I only wonder that the Governor should make such a declaration of his 
 readiness to comply with an intimation in acting contrary to any instructions, if he 
 had not already or did not soon expect a repeal of those instructions. I have not 
 and shall never use your name on this or any similar occasion. 
 
 I note your directions relating to public and private letters, and shall not fail to 
 observe them. At the same time 1 think all the correspondence should be in the 
 speaker s power, to communicate such extracts only as he should think proper for 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 
 
 the house. It is extremely embarrassing to an agent to write letters concerning his 
 transactions with ministers, which letters he knows are to be read in the house, 
 where there may be Governor s spies who carry away parts, or perhaps take copies 
 that are echoed back hither privately if they should not be, as sometimes they are, 
 printed in the votes. It is impossible to write freely in such circumstances, unless 
 he would hazard his usefulness, and put it out of his power to do his country any 
 farther service. I speak this now, not upon my own account, being about to 
 decline all public business, but for your consideration with regard to future agents. 
 
 And now we speak of agents, I must mention my concern that I should fall under 
 
 so severe a censure of the house as that of neglect in their business. I have 
 
 submitted to the reproof without reply in my public letter, out of pure respect. It 
 
 is not decent to dispute a father s admonitions. But to you in private permit me to 
 
 observe, that as to the two things I am blamed for not giving the earliest notice of, 
 
 viz. the clause in the act relating to dock yards, and the appointment of salaries for 
 
 the Governor and Judges ; the first only seems to have some foundation. I did not 
 
 know, but perhaps I ought to have known, that such a clause was intended. And 
 
 yet in a parliament, that during the whole session refused admission to strangers, 
 
 wherein near two hundred acts were passed, it is not so easy a matter to come at 
 
 the knowledge of every clause in every act, and to give opposition to what may 
 
 affect one s constituents, especially when it is not uncommon to smuggle clauses 
 
 into a bill whose title shall give no suspicion, when an opposition to such clauses is 
 
 apprehended. I say this is no easy matter. But had I known of this clause it is 
 
 -not likely I could have prevented its passing in the present disposition of government 
 
 towards America, nor do I see that my giving earlier notice of its having passed 
 
 could have been of much service. As to the other, concerning the Governor and 
 
 Judges, I should hardly have thought of sending the House an account of it, if the 
 
 minister had mentioned it to me, as I understood from their tirst letter to me, that 
 
 they had already the best intelligence " of its being determined by administration to 
 
 bestow large salaries on the Attorney General, Judges, and Governor of the 
 
 province." I could not therefore possibly " give the first notice of this impending 
 
 <jvil." I answered however " that there was no doubt of the intention of making 
 
 Governors and some other officers independent of the people for their support, 
 
 and that this purpose will be persisted in, if the American revenue is found 
 
 sufficient to defray the salaries." This censure, though grievous, does not so much 
 
 surprize me, as I apprehended all along from the beginning, that between the 
 
 iVieuds of an old agent, my predecessor who thought himself hardly used in his 
 
1S8 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FKANKLIX. 
 
 dismission, and those of a young one impatient for the succession, my situation was 
 not likely to be a very comfortable one, as my faults could scarce pass unobserved. 
 I think of leaving England in September. As soon as possible after my arrival in 
 America, I purpose (God willing) to visit Boston, when I hope to have the 
 pleasure of paying my respects to you. I shall then give every information in my 
 power, and offer every advice relating to our affairs, (not so convenient to be written) 
 that my situation here for so many years may enable me to suggest for the benefit 
 of our country. Some time before my departure, I shall put your papers into the 
 hands of Mr. Lee, and assist him with my counsel while I stay where there may 
 be any occasion for it. He is a gentleman of parts and ability, and though he 
 cannot exceed me in sincere zeal for the interest and prosperity of the province, 
 his youth will easily enable him to serve it with more activity. I am, Sir, very 
 respectfully, your obliged and most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 *)dl OlnJ }fofi<j ilOofoW II -. ZJrihtVT ri/;f . f- >>fi ID if i-vJt . i 
 
 To THE HON. THOMAS GUSHING, ESQ. 
 SIR, London, July 7, 1773. 
 
 The parliament is at length prorogued without meddling with 
 the state of America. Their time was much employed in the East India business : 
 and perhaps it was not thought prudent to lay before them the advices from New 
 England, though some threatening intimations had been given of such an intention. 
 The King s firm answer (as it is called) to our petitions, and remonstrances, has 
 probably been judged sufficient for the present. I forwarded that answer to you by 
 the last packet, and sent a copy of it by a Boston ship the beginning of last month. 
 Therein we are told u that his Majesty has well weighed the subject matter, and 
 the expressions contained in those petitions ; and that as he will ever attend to the 
 humble petitions of his subjects, and be forward to redress every real grievance, so 
 lie is determined to support the Constitution, and resist with firmness every attempt 
 to derogate from the authority of the supreme legislature." 
 
 By this it seems that some exception is taken to the expressions of the petitions 
 as not sufficiently humble, that the grievances complained of are not thought real 
 grievances, that parliament is deemed the supreme legislature, and its authority 
 over the colonies supposed to be the constitution. Indeed the last idea is expressed 
 more fully in the next paragraph, where the words of the act are used declaring 
 the right of the crown with the advice of parliament to make laws of sufficient force 
 find validity to bind its subjects in America in all cases whatsoever. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 1 8<) 
 
 M heii one considers the Kind s situation, surrounded by ministers, counsellors, 
 and judges learned in the law, who are all of this opinion, and reflect ho necessary 
 it is for him to he well with his parliament, from whose yearly grants, his fleets 
 and armies are to be supported, and the deficiencies of his civil list supplied, it is 
 not to be wondered at that he should be firm in an opinion established as far as an; 
 act of parliament could establish it, by even the friends of America at the time they 
 repealed the Stamp act; and which is so generally thought right by his lords and 
 commons, that any act of his, countenancing the contrary, would hazard his 
 embroiling himself with those powerful bodies. And from hence it seems hardly to 
 be expected from him that he should take any step of that kind. The grievous 
 instructions indeed might be withdrawn without their observing it, if his Majesty 
 thought fit so to do; but under the present prejudices of all about him, it seems 
 that this is not yet likely to be advised. 
 
 The question then arises, how are we to obtain redress? If we look back into the 
 parliamentary history of this country, we shall find, that in similar situations of the 
 subjects here, redress would seldom be obtained but by withholding aids when the 
 sovereign was in distress, till the grievances were removed. Hence the rooted 
 custom of the Commons to keep money bills in their own disposition, not suffering 
 even the Lords to meddle in grants, either as to quantity, manner of raising, or 
 even in the smallest circumstance. This country pretends to be collectively our 
 sovereign. It is now deeply in debt. Its funds are far short of recovering their par 
 since the last war : another would distress it still more. Its people diminish, as 
 well as its credit. Men will be wanted as well as money. The colonies are rapidly 
 increasing in wealth and numbers. In the last war they maintained an army of 
 25000. A country able to do that, is no contemptible ally. In another war they 
 may perhaps do twice as much with equal ease. Whenever a war happens our aid 
 will be wished for, our friendship desired and cultivated, our good will courted : 
 then is the time to say, redress our grievances. You take money from us by force, 
 and now you ask it of voluntary grant. You cannot have it both ways. If you 
 chuse to have it without our consent, you must go on taking it that way, and be 
 content with what little you can so obtain. If you would have our free gifts, desist 
 from your compulsive methods, and acknowledge our rights, and secure our future 
 enjoyment of them. Our claims will then be attended to, and our complaints 
 regarded. By what I perceived not long since, when a war was apprehended with 
 Spain, the different countenance put on by some great men here towards those who 
 were thought to have a little influence in America, and the language, that began 
 
190 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 to be held with regard to the then minister for the colonies, I am confident that if 
 
 o 
 
 that war had taken place he would have been immediately dismissed, all his 
 measures reversed, and every step taken to recover our affection and procure our 
 assistance. Thence I think it fair to conclude that similar effects will probably be 
 produced by similar circumstances. 
 
 But as the strength of an Empire depends not only on the union of its parts, but 
 on their readiness for united exertion of their common force; and as the discussion 
 of rights may seem unseasonable in the commencement, of actual war, and the 
 delay it might occasion be prejudicial to the common welfare : as likewise the refusal 
 of one or a few colonies, would not be so much regarded if the others granted 
 liberally, which perhaps by various artifices and motives they might be prevailed 
 on to do; and as this want of concert would defeat the expectation of general 
 redress that otherwise might be justly formed ; perhaps it would be best and fairest, 
 for the colonies in a general congress now in peace to be assembled, or by means of 
 the correspondence lately proposed after a full and solemn assertion and declaration 
 of their rights to engage firmly with each other, that they will never grant aids to 
 the crown in any general war till those rights are recognized by the King and both 
 houses of parliament; communicating at the same time to the crown this their 
 resolution. Such a step I imagine will bring the dispute to a crisis : and whether 
 our demands are immediately complied with, or compulsory measures thought of to 
 make us rescind them, our ends will finally be obtained, for even the odium 
 accompanying such compulsory attempts will contribute to unite and strengthen us, 
 and in the mean time all the world will allow that our proceeding has been 
 honourable. 
 
 No ooe doubts the advantage of a strict union between the mother-country and 
 the colonies, if it may be obtained and preserved on equitable terms. In every 
 fair connection each party should find its own interest. Britain will find her s in 
 our joining with her in every war she makes to the greater annoyance and terror of 
 her enemies; in our employment of her manufacturers and enriching her merchants 
 by our commerce; and her government will feel some additional strengthening of 
 its hands, by the disposition of our profitable posts and places. On our side, we 
 liavc to expect the protection she can afford us, and the advantage of a common 
 umpire in our disputes, thereby preventing wars we might otherwise have with each 
 other, so that we can \\ithout interruption go on with our improvements, and 
 increase our numbers. We ask no more of her, and she should not think of forcing 
 e from us. By the exercise of prudent moderation on her part, mixed with a 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 
 
 little kindness ; and by a decent behaviour on ours, excusing where we can excuse 
 from a consideration of circumstances, and bearing a little with the infirmities of 
 her government as we would with those of an aged parent, though firmly asserting 
 our privileges, and declaring that we mean at a proper time to vindicate them, this 
 advantageous union may still be long continued. We wish it, and we may 
 endeavour it, but God will order it as to his wisdom shall seem most suitable. The 
 friends of liberty here wish we may long preserve it on our side the water, that 
 they may find it there, if adverse events should destroy it here. They are therefore 
 anxious and afraid lest we should hazard it by premature attempts in its favour. 
 They think we may risque much by violent measures, and that the risque is 
 unnecessary, since a little time must infallibly bring us all we demand or desire, and 
 bring it us in peace and safety. I do not presume to advise. There are -many 
 wiser men among you, and I hope you will be directed by a still superior wisdom. 
 
 With regard to the sentiments of people in general here concerning America, I 
 must say that we have among them many friends, and well wishers. The dissenters 
 are all for us, and many of the merchants and manufacturers. There seems to be 
 even among the country gentlemen a general sense of our growing importance, a 
 disapprobation of the harsh measures with which we have been treated, and a wish 
 that some means may be found of perfect reconciliation. A few members of 
 parliament in both houses, and perhaps some in high office have in a degree the 
 same ideas, but none of these seem willing as yet to be active in our favour, lest 
 adversaries should take advantage and charge it upon them as a betraying the 
 interests of this nation. In this state of things no endeavour of mine or our other 
 friends here " to obtain a repeal of the acts so oppressive to the colonists, or the 
 orders of the crown so destructive of the charter rights of our province in particular, 
 can expect a sudden success." By degrees and a judicious improvement of events 
 we may work a change in minds and measures, but otherwise such great alterations 
 are hardly to be looked for. 
 
 I am thankful to the House for their kind attention in repeating their grant to 
 me of six hundred pounds. Whether the instruction restraining the Governor s 
 assent is withdrawn or not, or is likely to be I cannot tell r having never solicited 
 or even once mentioned it to Lord Dartmouth, being resolved to owe no obligation 
 to the favour of any minister. If from a sense of right, that instruction should be 
 recalled, and the general principle on which it was founded is given up, all will be 
 very well : but you can never think il^ worth while to employ an agent here if his 
 being paid or not is to depend on the breath of a minister, and I should think it a 
 
192 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 situation too suspicious and therefore too dishonourable for me to remain in a single 
 hour. Living frugally I am under no immediate necessity, and if I serve my con 
 stituents faithfully, though it should be unsuccessfully, I am confident they will 
 always have it in their inclination, and some time or other in their power to make 
 their grants effectual. 
 
 A gentleman of our province Captain Calef is come hither as an agent for some 
 of the eastern townships, to obtain a confirmation of their lands. Sir Francis 
 Bernard seems inclined to make use of this person s application for promoting a 
 separation of that country from your province and making it a distinct government, 
 to winch purpose he prepared a draft of a memorial for Calef to present, setting 
 forth not only the hardship of being without security in the property of their 
 improvements, but also of the distress of the people there for want of government ; 
 that they were at too great a distance from the seat of government in the Massa 
 chusetts to be capable of receiving the benefits of government from thence, and 
 expressing their willingness to be separated and formed into a new province &c. 
 With this draft Sir Francis and Mr. Calef came to me to have my opinion. I read 
 it, and observed to them that though I wished the people quieted in their posses 
 sions, and would do any thing I could to assist in obtaining the assurance of their 
 property, yet as I knew the province of Massachusetts had a right to that country, 
 of which they were justly tenacious, I must oppose that part of the memorial if it 
 should be presented. Sir Francis allowed the right, but proposed that a great tract 
 of land between Merrimack, and Connecticut rivers which had been allotted to 
 New Hampshire might be restored to our province by order of the crown, as a 
 compensation. This he said would be of more value to us than that eastern coun 
 try, as being nearer home &c. I said I would mention it in my letters, but must 
 in the mean time oppose any step taken in the affair before the sentiments of the 
 general court should be known, as to such an exchange if it were offered. Mr. 
 Calef himself did not seem fond of the draft, and I have not seen him, or heard any 
 .thing farther of it since, but I shall watch it. 
 
 Be pleased to present my dutiful respects to the house, and believe me with 
 sincere and great esteem, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. MATHER, BOSTON. 
 Ni) S:K, London, July 7, 1773. 
 
 The remarks you have added, on the late proceedings against 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 193 
 
 i -iJW t ; J^T^U MX* .",;< .MIJIW.** 
 
 America arc very just and judicious : and I cannot see any impropriety in 
 your making them, though a minister of the Gospel. This kingdom is a good deal 
 indebted for its liberties to the public spirit of its ancient clergy, who joined with 
 the Barons in obtaining Magna Charts, and joined heartily in forming the curses 
 of excommunication against the infringers of it. There is no doubt but the claim 
 of parliament, of authority to make laws binding on the colonies in all cases whatso 
 ever, includes an authority to change our religious constitution, and establish popery 
 or Mahometanism if they please in its stead, but, as you intimate, power does not 
 infer right ; and as the right is nothing and \hv power (by our increase) continually 
 diminishing, the one will soon be as insignificant as the other. You seem only 
 to have made a small mistake in supposing they modestly avoided to declare they 
 had a right, the words of the act being " that they have and of right ought to have 
 full power &c." 
 
 Your suspicion that sundry others besides Governor Bernard " had written hither 
 their opinions and counsels encouraging the late measures to the prejudice of our 
 country, which have been too much heeded and followed," is, I apprehend, but too 
 well founded. You call them " traitorous individuals," whence I collect, that you 
 suppose them of our own country. There was among the twelve Apostles one 
 traitor who betrayed with a kiss. It should be no wonder therefore, if among so 
 many thousand true patriots as New England contains, there should be found even 
 twelve Judases. ready to betray their country for a few paltry pieces of silver. 
 Their ends as well as their views ought to be similar. But all the oppressions 
 evidently work for our good. Providence seems by every means intent on making 
 us a great people. May our virtues public and private grow with us, and be dur 
 able, that liberty civil and religious, may be secured to our posterity, and to all 
 from every part of the old world that take refuge among us. 
 
 With great esteem and my best wishes for a long continuance of your usefulness, 
 lam, Reverend Sir, your most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DR. COOPER, BOSTON. 
 DEAR SIR, London, July 7, 1773. 
 
 I received your very valuable favours of March 15, and 
 
 April 23. It rejoices me to find your health so far restored that your friends can 
 again be benefited by your correspondence. 
 
 The governor was certainly out in his politics, if he hoped to recommend himself 
 thereby entering upon that dispute with the assembly. His imprudence in bring- 
 VOL. II. 2 B 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 ing it at all upon the tapis and his bad management of it, are almost equally 
 censured. The council and assembly on the other hand have by the coolness, clear 
 ness and force of their answers gained great reputation. 
 
 The unanimity of our towns in their sentiments of liberty gives me great pleasure, 
 as it shows the generally enlightened state of our people s minds and the falsehood of 
 the opinion much cultivated here by the partizans of arbitrary power in America, 
 that only a small faction among us were discontented with the late measures. If 
 that unanimity can be discovered in all the colonies, it will give much greater weight 
 to our future remonstrances. I heartily wish with you that some line could be drawn, 
 some bill of rights established for America, that might secure peace between the 
 two countries, so necessary for the prosperity of both. But I think little attention 
 is like to be afforded by our ministers to that salutary work till the breach becomes 
 greater and more alarming, and then the difficulty of repairing it will be greater in 
 a tenfold proportion. 
 
 You mention the surprize of gentlemen to whom those letters have been communi 
 cated, at the restrictions with which they were accompanied, and which they 
 suppose render them incapable of answering any important end. One great reason 
 of forbidding their publication, was an apprehension that it might put all the 
 possessors of such correspondence here upon their guard, and so prevent the obtain 
 ing more of it. And it was imagined that showing the originals to so many as 
 were named and to a few such others as they might think fit, would be sufficient to 
 establish the authenticity and to spread through the province so just an estimation 
 of the writers, as to strip them of all their deluded friends and demolish effectually 
 their interest and influence. The letters might be shown even to some of the 
 governor s and lieutenant governor s partizans and spoken of to every body ; 
 for there was no restraint proposed to talking of them, but only to copying. 
 However the terms given with them could only be those with which they were 
 received. 
 
 The great defect here is in all sorts of people a want of attention to what passes 
 in such remote countries as America, an unwillingness to read any thing about 
 them if it appears a little lengthy ; and a disposition to postpone the consideration 
 even of the things they know they must at last consider, that so they may have 
 time for what more immediately concerns them and withal enjoy their amusements, 
 and be undisturbed in the universal dissipation. In other respects, though some of 
 the great regard us with a jealous eye, and some are angry with us, the majority of 
 the nation rather wish us well, and have no desire to infringe our liberties. And 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 195 
 
 many console themselves under the apprehension of declining liberty here, that they 
 or their posterity shall be able to find her safe and vigorous in America. With 
 sincere and great esteem, I am &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR SON, London, July 14, 1773. 
 
 I am glad to find by yours of May 4, that you have been 
 
 able to assist Josiah Davenport a little ; but vexed that he and you should think of 
 putting me upon a solicitation which it is impossible for me to engage in. I am 
 not upon terms with Lord North to ask any such favour from him. Displeased 
 with something he said relating to America, I have never been at his levees, since 
 the first. Perhaps he has taken that amiss. For last week we met occasionally 
 at Lord Le Despencer s in our return from Oxford, where I had been to attend the 
 solemnity of his installation, and he seemed studiously to avoid speaking to me. 
 I ought to be ashamed to say that on such occasions I feel myself to be as proud as 
 any body. His lady indeed was more gracious. She came, and sat down by me 
 on the same sopha, and condescended to enter into a conversation with me agree 
 ably enough, as if to make some amends. Their son and daughter were with them. 
 They staid all night, so that we dined, supped, and breakfasted together, without 
 exchanging three sentences. But had he ever so great a regard for me, I could not 
 ask that office, trifling as it is, for any relation of mine. And detesting as I do the 
 whole system of American customs, believing they will one day bring on a breach 
 through the indiscretion and insolence of those concerned in the collection, I should 
 never wish to see one so near to me in that business. If you think him capable of 
 acting as deputy secretary, I imagine you might easily obtain that for him of Mr. 
 Morgann. He has lately been with me, is always very complaisant, and under 
 standing I was about returning to America, requested my interest to obtain for him 
 the Agency for your province. His friend Sir Watkin Lewes, who was formerly 
 candidate for the same great place, is now High Sheriff of London, and in the way 
 of being Lord Mayor. The new Sheriffs elect, are (could you think it r) both 
 Americans, viz. Mr, Sayre the New Yorker, and Mr. W. Lee, brother to Dr. Lee. 
 I am glad you stand so well with Lord Dartmouth. I am likewise well with him, 
 but he never spoke to me of augmenting your salary. He is truly a good man, 
 and wishes sincerely a good understanding with the colonies, but does not seem to 
 have strength equal to his wishes. Between you and me, the late measures have 
 been, I suspect, very much the king s own, and he has. in some cases a great 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 share of what his friends call firmness. Yet by some pains-taking and proper 
 management the wrong impressions he has received may be removed, which is 
 perhaps the only chance America has for obtaining soon the redress she aims at. 
 This entirely to yourself. 
 
 And now we are among great folks, let me tell you a little of Lord Hillsborough. 
 I went down to Oxford with and at the instance of Lord Le Despencer, who is 
 on all occasions very good to me, and seems of late very desirous of my Company. 
 Mr. Todd too was there, who has some attachment to Lord H. and in a walk 
 we were taking told me as a secret that Lord H. was much chagrined at 
 being out of place, and could never forgive me for " writing that pamphlet against 
 his report about the Ohio. I assured him, says Mr. T. that I knew you did not 
 write it ; and the consequence is, that he thinks I know the contrary, and wanted to 
 impose upon him in your favour; and so I find he is now displeased with me, and 
 for no other cause in the world. His friend Bamber. Gascoign too says that they 
 well knew it was written by Dr. F. who was one of the most mischievous men in 
 England." That same day Lord H. called upon Lord Le D. whose chamber and 
 mine were together in Queen s College. I was in the inner room shifting, and 
 heard his voice, but did not see him as he went down stairs immediately with Lord 
 Le D. who mentioning that I was above, he returned directly, and came to me in 
 the pleasantest manner imaginable. " Dr. F." says he, " I did not know till this 
 minute that you were here, and I am come back to make you my bow. I am glad 
 to see you at Oxford, and that you look so well &c." In return for this extravagance 
 I complimented him on his son s performance in the theatre, though indeed it was but 
 indifferent ; so that account \vas settled. For as people say when they are angry if 
 he strikes me, Fll strike him again, I think sometimes it may be right to say, if he 
 flatters me, I ll flatter him again. This is lex talionis, returning offences in kind. 
 His son however (Lord Fairford) is a valuable young man, and his daughters, ladies 
 Mary and Charlotte, most amiable young women. My quarrel is only with him, who 
 of all the men I ever met with is surely the most unequal in his treatment of people, the 
 most insincere, and the most wrong headed ; witness besides his various behaviour 
 to me, his duplicity in encouraging us to ask for more land, ask for enough to make 
 a province, when we at first asked only for 2, oOO,000 acres, were his words, pre 
 tending to befriend our application, then doing every thing to defeat it, and recon 
 ciling the first to the last by saying to a friend, that he meant to defeat it from the 
 beginning ; and that his putting us upon asking so much was with that very view, 
 supposing it too much to be granted. Thus by the way, his mortification becomes 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 197 
 
 double. He has served us by the very means he meant to destroy us, and tript up 
 his own heels into the bargain. Your affectionate father, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. WINTHROP, BOSTON. 
 DEAR SIR, London, July 25, 1773. 
 
 I am glad to see that you are elected into the council, and 
 are about to take part in our public affairs. Your abilities, integrity, and sober 
 attachment to the liberties of our county, will be of great use in this tempestuous 
 time, in conducting our little bark into safe harbour. By the Boston newspapers, 
 there seems to be among us some violent spirits, who are for an immediate rupture. 
 But I trust the general prudence of our countrymen will see, that by our growing; 
 strength we advance fast to a situation in which our claims must be allowed ; that 
 by a premature struggle we may be crippled and kept down another age ; that as 
 between friends every affront is not worth a duel, between nations every injury not 
 worth a war, SQ between the governed and governing every mistake in government, 
 every incroachment on right is not worth a rebellion. Tis in my opinion sufficient 
 for the present that we hold them forth on all occasions, not giving up any of them, 
 using at the same time every means to make them generally understood and valued 
 by the people ; cultivating a harmony among the colonies, that their union in the 
 same sentiments may give them greater weight : remembering withal, that this 
 Protestant country, (our mother though lately an unkind one) is worth preserving, 
 and that her weight in the scale of Europe, and her safety in a great degree may 
 depend on our union with her. Thus conducting, I am confident we may in a few 
 years, obtain every allowance of and every security for our inestimable privileges, 
 that we can wish or desire. 
 
 With great and sincere esteem, I am, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. THOMAS GUSHING, ESQ. 
 SIR, London, July 25, 1773. 
 
 I am favoured with yours of June 14 and 16, containing 
 some copies of the resolves of the committee upon the letters. I see by your 
 account of the transaction, that you could not well prevent what was done. As to 
 the report of other copies being come from England, I know that could not be. It 
 was an expedient to disengage the house. I hope the possession of the originals, 
 and the proceedings upon them will be attended with salutary effects to the pro 
 vince, and then I shall be well pleased. 
 
198 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 I observe that you mention that no person besides Dr. Cooper and one of the 
 committee knew they came from me. I did not accompany them with any request 
 of being myself concealed, for believing what I did to be in the way of my duty as 
 agent, though I had no doubt of its giving offence, not only to the parties exposed, 
 but to administration here, I was regardless of the consequences. However since 
 the letters themselves are now copied and printed contrary to the promise I made, 
 I am glad my name has not been heard on the occasion, and as I do not see it could 
 be of any use to the public, I now wish it may continue unknown; though I hardly 
 expect it. As to yours, you may rely on my never mentioning it, except that I may 
 be obliged to show your letter in my own vindication to the person only who might 
 otherwise think he had reason to blame me for breach of engagement. It must surely 
 be seen here, that after such a detection of their duplicity in pretending a regard 
 and affection to the province while they were undermining its privileges, it is im 
 possible for the crown to make any good use of their services, and that it can never 
 be for its interest to employ servants who are under such universal odium. The 
 consequence one would think should be their removal. But perhaps it may be to 
 titles, or to pensions if your revenue can pay them. 
 
 I am with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 13. F. 
 
 To DR. COOPER, BOSTON. 
 DEAR SIR, London^ July 25, 1773. 
 
 I wrote to you on the 7th instant pretty fully, and am since 
 favoured with yours of June 14. 
 
 I am much pleased with the proposal of the Virginia Assembly and the respect 
 ful manner in which it has been received by ours. I think it likely to produce very 
 salutary effects. 
 
 1 am glad to know your opinion that those letters carne seasonably, and may be 
 of public utility. I accompanied them with no restriction relating to myself ; rny 
 duty to the province as their agent, I thought required the communication of them, 
 as far as I could ; I was sensible I should make enemies there, and perhaps might 
 offend government here ; but those apprehensions I disregarded. I did not expect, 
 that my sending them could be kept a secret : but since it is such hitherto, I now 
 wish it may continue so, because the publication of the letters contrary to my engage 
 ment, has changed the circumstances. If they serve to diminish the influence and 
 demolish the power of the parties whose correspondence has been, and probably 
 would have continued to be so mischievous to the interests and rights of the pro- 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 199 
 
 vince, I shall on that account be more easy under any inconveniences I may suffer 
 either here or there ; and shall bear as well as I can the imputation of not having 
 taken sufficient care to insure the performance of my promise. 
 
 I think government can hardly expect to draw any future service from such 
 instruments, and one would suppose they must soon be dismissed. We shall see. 
 
 I hope to be favoured with a continuance of your correspondence and intelligence, 
 while I stay here, it is highly useful to me, and will be as it always has been 
 pleasing every where. 
 
 I am ever, dear Sir, your obliged and most obedient humble servant, B. F. 
 
 To THE HON. THOMAS GUSHING, ESQ. 
 SIR, London, Aug. 24, 1773. 
 
 I received duly your several favours of June 25, 26, and 
 
 SO, with the papers inclosed. My Lord Dartmouth being at his country seat 
 in Stafford shire, I transmitted to him the address for the removal of the Governor 
 and Lieutenant Governor, and Mr. Bollan and I jointly transmitted the letter to 
 his Lordship from both houses. I delivered to Mr. Bollan one set of the authenti 
 cated copies of the letters, and we shall co-operate in the business we are charged 
 with. 
 
 I am told that the Governor has requested leave to come home ; that some great 
 persons about the court do not think the letters, now they have seen them, a suffici 
 ent foundation for the resolves, that therefore it is not likely he will be removed, 
 but suffered to resign, and that some provision will be made for him here. But 
 nothing I apprehend is likely to be done soon, as most of the great officers of state 
 who composed the privy council, are in the country, and likely to continue till the 
 parliament meets, and perhaps the above may be chiefly conjecture. 
 
 I have informed Mr. Lee, that in case there should be an hearing, I was directed 
 to engage him as council for the province ; that though I had received no money 
 I would advance what might be necessary ; those hearings by council being expen 
 sive. 
 
 I purpose writing to you again by the packet, and am with the greatest respect, 
 Sir, your most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 No determination is yet public on the case of Mr. Lewis against Governor 
 Wentworth, which has been a very costly hearing to both sides. 
 
200 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR SON, . London, Sept. 1, 1773. 
 
 I have now before me yours of July 5 and 6. The August 
 packet is not yet arrived. 
 
 Dr. Cooper of New York s opinion of the author of the sermon, however 
 honourable to me, is injurious to the good Bishop; and therefore I must say in 
 justice and truth, that I knetv nothing of his intention to preach on the subject, and 
 saw not a word of the sermon till it was printed. Possibly some preceding conver 
 sation between us may have turned his thoughts that way; but if so, that is all. 
 
 I think the resolutions of the New England townships must have the effect they 
 seem intended for, viz. to show that the discontents were really general, and their 
 sentiments concerning their rights unanimous and not the fiction of a few dema 
 gogues, as their Governors used to represent them here. Arid therefore not useless 
 though they should not as yet induce government to acknowledge their claims. 
 That people may probably think it sufficient for the present to assert and hold forth 
 their rights, "secure that sooner or later they must be admitted and acknowledged. 
 The declaratory law here, had too its use, viz. to prevent or lessen at least a 
 clamour against the ministry that repealed the Stamp Act, as if they had given up 
 the right of this country to govern America. Other use indeed it could have none, 
 and I remember Lord Mansfield told the Lords, when upon that bill, that it was 
 nugatory. To be sure in a dispute between two parties about rights, the declaration 
 of one party can never be supposed to bind the other, 
 
 It is said there is now a project on foot to form an union with Ireland, and that 
 Lord Harcourt is to propose it at the next meeting of the Irish parliament. The 
 eastern side of Ireland are averse to it ; supposing that when Dublin is no longer 
 the seat of their government it will decline, the harbour being but indifferent, and 
 that the western and southern ports will rise and flourish on its ruins, being good in 
 themselves and much better situated for commerce. For these same reasons, the 
 western and southern people are inclined to the measure, and tis thought it may be 
 carried. But these are difficult affairs, and usually take longer time than the 
 projectors imagine. Mr. Crowley, the author of several proposals fpr uniting the 
 colonies with the mother-country, and who runs about much among the ministers, 
 tells me the Union of Ireland is only the first step towards a general union. He is 
 for having it done by the parliament of England without consulting the colonies, and 
 he will warrant, he says, that if the terms proposed are equitable they will all 
 come in one after the other. He seems rather a little cracked upon the subject. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 
 
 It is said here that the famous Boston letters were sent chiefly, if not all, to the 
 late Mr. Wheatly. They fell into my hands, and I thought it my duty to give some 
 principal people there a sight of them, very much with this view, that when they 
 saw the measures they complained of took their rise in a great degree from the 
 representations and recommendations of their own countrymen, their resentment 
 against Britain on account of those measures might abate, as mine had done, and a 
 reconciliation be more easily obtained. In Boston they concealed who sent them, 
 the better to conceal who received and communicated them. And perhaps it is 
 as well that it should continue a secret. Being of that country myself I think those 
 letters more heinous than you seem to think them ; but you had not read them all, 
 nor perhaps the council s remarks on them. I have written to decline their agency 
 on account of my return to America. Dr. Lee succeeds me. I only keep it while 
 I stay, which perhaps will be another winter. 
 
 I grieve to hear of the death of my good old friend Dr. Evans. I have lost so 
 many since I left America that I begin to fear I shall find myself a stranger among 
 strangers when I return. If so, I must come again to my friends in England. I 
 am ever your affectionate father, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. THOMAS GUSHING, ESQ, 
 SIR, London, Sept. 12, 1773. 
 
 The above is a copy of my last per packet. Inclosed is the 
 original letter therein mentioned. His Lordship continues in the country, but is 
 expected (Secretary Pownall tells me) the beginning of next month. 
 
 To avoid repealing the American tea duty and yet find a vent for tea, a project 
 is executing to send it from hence on account of the East India Company to be sold 
 in America, agreeable to a late act impowering the Lords of the Treasury to grant 
 licences to the Company to export tea thither under certain restrictions, duty free. 
 Some friends of Government (as they are called) of Boston, New York, Philadel 
 phia, &c. are to be favoured with the commission, who undertake by their interest 
 to carry the measure through in the colonies. How the other merchants thus 
 excluded from the tea trade will like this, I cannot foresee. Their agreement, if I 
 remember right, was not to import tea, till the duty shall be repealed. Perhaps 
 they will think themselves still obliged by that agreement notwithstanding this 
 temporary expedient ; which is only to introduce the tea for the present, and may 
 be dropped next year, and the duty again required, the granting or refusing such 
 licence from time to time remaining in the power of the treasury. And it will seem 
 
 VOL. II. <JC 
 
194 MEMOIRS OF BEXJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 hard, while their hands are tied, to see the profits of that article all engrossed by a 
 few particulars. 
 
 Enclosed * I take the liberty of sending you a small piece of mine, written to 
 
 A PRUSSIAN EDICT, &c. 
 
 Dantzic, September 5, 1773. 
 
 We have long wondered here at the supineness of the English nation, under the 
 Prussian impositions upon its trade entering our port. We did not, till lately, know the claims, 
 ancient and modern, that hang over that nation; and therefore could not suspect that it might submit 
 to those impressions from a sense of duty, or from principles of equity. The following edict, just made 
 public, may, if serious, throw some light upon this matter: 
 
 FREDERICK, by the grace of God, King of Prussia, &c, &c. &c. to all present and to come 
 health. The peace now enjoyed throughout Our dominions, having afforded us leisure to apply Our 
 selves to the regulation of commerce, the improvement of Our finances, and at the same time the easing 
 Our domestic subjects in their taxes : for these causes, and other good considerations Us thereunto 
 moving, We hereby make known, that, after having deliberated these affairs in Our council, present 
 Our dear brothers, and other great officers of the state, members of the same ; We, of Our certain 
 knowledge, full power, and authority royal, have made and issued this present edict, viz. 
 
 Whereas it is well known to all the world, that the first German settlements made in the island of 
 Britain, were by colonies of people, subjects to Our renowned ducal ancestors, and drawn from their 
 dominions, under the conduct of Hengist, Horsa, Hella, Uffa, Cerdicus, Ida, and others; And that 
 the said colonies have flourished under the protection of Our august house, for ages past ; have never 
 been emancipated therefrom; and yet have hitherto yielded little profit to the same: And whereas We 
 Ourself have in the last war fought for and defended the said colonies, against the power of France, 
 and thereby enabled them to make conquests from the said power in America; for which We have 
 not yet received adequate compensation : And whereas it is just and expedient that a revenue 
 should be raised from the said colonies in Britain, towards Our indemnification ; and that those who 
 are descendants of Our ancient subjects, and thence still owe Us due obedience, should contribute to 
 the replenishing of our royal coffers; (as they must have done, had their ancestors remained in the 
 territories now to Us appertaining): We do therefore hereby ordain and command, That, from and 
 after the date of these presents, there shall be levied, and paid to Our officers of the customs, on all goods, 
 wares, and merchandizes, and on all grain and other produce of the earth, exported from the said 
 island of Britain, and on all goods of whatever kind imported into the same ; a duty of four and a half 
 per cent, ad valorem, for the use of Us and Our successors. And that the said duty may more effec 
 tually be collected, We do hereby ordain, that all ships or vessels bound from Great Britain to any 
 other part of the world, or from any other part of the world to Great Britain, shall in their respective 
 voyages touch at Our port of Koningsberg, there to be unladen, searched, and charged with the said 
 duties, 
 
PRIVATE CO RJl ES.PO ND.ENCE. PART 11. 195 
 
 expose, in as striking alight as I could, to the nation, the absurdity of the measures 
 towards- America, and to spur the ministry if possible to a change of those measures. 
 
 And whereas there 1 hath been from time to time discovered in the said island of Great Britain, by 
 Our colonists there, many mines or beds of iron-stone ; and sundry subjects of Our ancient dominion, 
 skilful in converting the said stone into metal, have in time past transported themselves thither, carrying 
 with them and communicating that art; and the inhabitants of the said island, presuming that they had 
 a natural right to make the best use they could of the natural productions of their country, for their 
 own benefit, have not only built furnaces for smelting the said stone into iron, but have erected plating- 
 forges, slitting-mills, and steel-furnaces, for the more convenient manufacturing of the same; thereby 
 endangering a diminution of the said manufacture in Our ancient dominion ; We do therefore hereby 
 further ordain, That, from and after the date hereof, no mill or other engine for slitting or rolling of 
 iron, or any plating-forge to work with a tilt-hammer, or any furnace for makingsteel, shall beer.ected 
 or continued in the said.i&land of Great Britain: And the Lord Lieutenant of every county in the said 
 island is hereby commanded, on information of any such erection within his county, to order, and by 
 force to cause the same to be abated and destroyed ; as he shall answer the neglect thereof to Us at his 
 peril. But We are nevertheless graciously pleased to permit the inhabitants of the said island to 
 transport their iron into Prussia, there to be manufactured, and to them returned; they paying Our 
 Prussian subjects for the workmanship, with all the costs of commission, freight, and risk, coming and 
 returning; any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 We dp not, however, think fit to extend this Our indulgence to the article of wool; but meaning, to 
 encourage not only the manufacturing of woollen cloth, but also the raising of wool, in Our ancient 
 dominions; and to prevent both, as much as may be, in Our said island, We do hereby absolutely 
 forbid the transportation of wool from thence even to the mother-country, Prussia; And that those 
 islanders may be farther and more effectually restrained in making any advantage of their own woql, ,in 
 the way of manufacture, We command that none shall be carried out of one county into another; 
 nor shall any worsted, bay, or woollen-yarn, cloth, says, bays, kerseys, serges, frizes, druggets, cloth- 
 serges, shalloons, or any other drapery stuffs, or woollen manufactures whatsoever, made up or mixed 
 with wool in any of the said counties, be carried into any other county, or be water-borne even across 
 the smallest river or creek; on penalty of forfeiture of the same, together with the boats, carriages, 
 horses, &c. that shall be employed in removing them. Nevertheless, Our loving subjects there.-are 
 hereby permitted (if they think proper) to use all their wool as manure, for the improvement of their 
 lands. 
 
 And whereas the art and mystery of making hats hath arrived at great perfection in Prussia; and the 
 making of hats by Our remoter subjects ought to be as much as possible restrained : And forasmuch as 
 the islanders before mentioned, being in possession of wool, beaver, and other furs, have presumptuously 
 conceived they had a right to make some advantage thereof, by manufacturing the same into hats, to 
 the prejudice of Our domestic manufacture : We do therefore hereby strictly command and ordain, 
 that no hats or felts whatsoever, dyed or undyed, finished or unfinished, shall be loaden or put into or 
 upon any vessel, cart, carriage or horse; to be transported or conveyed out of one county in. the said 
 island into another county, or to any other place whatsoever, by any person or persons whatsoever; 
 
196 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Please to present my duty to the house, and respects to the Committee. I have 
 the honour to be, with much esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 on pain of forfeiting the same, with a penalty of five hundred pounds sterling for every offence. Nor 
 shall any hat-maker, in any of the said counties, employ more than two apprentices, on penalty of five 
 pounds sterling per month : We intending hereby that such hat-makers, being so restrained, both in the 
 production and sale of their commodity, may find no advantage in continuing their business. But, lest 
 the said islanders should suffer inconveniency by the want of hats, We are farther graciously pleased to 
 permit them to send their beaver furs to Prussia ; and We also permit hats made thereof to be exported 
 from Prussia to Britain ; the people thus favoured to pay all costs and charges of manufacturing, interest, 
 commission to Our merchants, insurance and freight going and returning; as in the case of iron. 
 
 And lastly, being willing farther to favour our said colonies in Britain, We do hereby also ordain and 
 command, that all the thieves, highway and street robbers, housebreakers, forgerers, murderers, 
 s-~d tes, and villains of every denomination, who have forfeited their lives to the law in Prussia; but 
 whom We, in our great clemency, do not think fit here to hang; shall be emptied out of Our gaols into 
 the said island of Great Britain, for the better peopling of that country. 
 
 We flatter ourselves that these Our royal regulations and commands will be thought just and 
 reasonable by Our much-favoured colonists in England ; the said regulations being copied from their 
 statutes of lOand 11 Will. III. c. 10. 5 Geo. II. c. 22. 23 Geo. II. c. 29. 4 Geo. I. c. 1 1. and from 
 other equitable laws made by their parliaments ; or from instructions given by their princes, or from 
 resolutions of both houses, entered into for the good government of their own colonies in Ireland and 
 America. 
 
 And all persons in the said island are hereby cautioned not to oppose in any wise the execution of this 
 Our edict, or any part thereof, such opposition being high-treason ; of which all who are suspected 
 shall be transported in fetters from Britain to Prussia, there to be tried and executed according to the 
 Prussian law. 
 
 Such is Our pleasure. 
 
 Given at Potsdam, this twenty-fifth day of the month of August, One thousand seven hundred and 
 seventy-three, and in the thirty-third year of Our reign. 
 
 By the King, in his council, 
 
 RECHTM.ESSIG, Sec. 
 
 Some take this edict to be merely one of the King s Jeux d Esprit : others suppose it serious, and 
 that he means a quarrel with England : but all here think the assertion it concludes with * that these 
 regulations are copied from acts of the English parliament respecting their colonies, a very injurious 
 one; it being impossible to believe, that a people distinguished for their love of liberty ; a nation so 
 wise, so liberal in its sentiments, so just and equitable towards its neighbours; should, from mean and 
 injudicious views of petty immediate profit, treat its own children in a manner so arbitrary and 
 tyrannical. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART IT. 197 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR SON, London, Oct. 6, 1773. 
 
 I wrote to you on the 1st of last month, since which I have 
 received yours of July 29, from New York. 
 
 I know not what letters of mine Governor H. could mean, as advising the people to 
 insist on their independency. But whatever they were, I suppose he has sent copies 
 of them hither, having heard some whisperings about them. I shall, however, be 
 able at any time to justify every thing I have written; the purport being uniformly 
 this, that they should carefully avoid all tumults and every violent measure, and 
 content themselves with verbally keeping up their claims, and holding forth their 
 rights whenever occasion requires ; secure, that from the growing importance of 
 America, those claims will ere long be attended to and acknowledged. From a long 
 and thorough consideration of the subject, I am indeed of opinion that the par 
 liament has no right to make any law whatever binding on the colonies. That the 
 King, and not the King, lords and commons collectively, is their sovereign ; and 
 that the King with their respective parliaments is their only legislator. I know your 
 sentiments differ from mine on these subjects. You are a thorough government 
 man, which I do not wonder at, nor do I aim at converting you. I only wish you 
 to act uprightly and steadily, avoiding that duplicity which in Hutchinson adds 
 contempt to indignation. If you can promote the prosperity of your people, and 
 leave them happier than you found them, whatever your political principles are, 
 your memory will be honoured. 
 
 I have written two pieces here lately for the Public Advertiser, on American 
 affairs, designed to expose the conduct of this country towards the colonies, in a 
 short, comprehensive, and striking view, and stated therefore in out-of-the-way 
 forms, as most likely to take the general attention. The first was called Rules by 
 which a great empire may be reduced to a small one ; the second, An Edict of the 
 King of Prussia. I sent you one of the first, but could not get enough of the 
 second to spare you one, though my clerk went the next morning to the printer s, 
 and wherever they were sold. They were all gone but two. In my own mind I 
 preferred the first as a composition for the quantity and variety of the matter 
 contained, and a kind of spirited ending of each paragraph. But I find that others 
 here generally prefer the second. I am not suspected as the author except by one 
 or two friends ; and have heard the latter spoken of in the highest terms as the 
 keenest and severest piece that has appeared here a long time. Lord Mansfield I 
 hear said of it, that it was very ABLE and very ARTFUL indeed; and would do 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 mischief by giving here a bad impression of the measures of government, and in the 
 colonies by encouraging them in their contumacy. It is reprinted in the Chronicle, 
 where you will see it, but stripped of all the capitalling and italiking, that intimate 
 the allusions and mark the emphasis of written discourses, to bring them as near as 
 possible to those spoken : printing such a piece all in one even small character 
 seems to me like repeating one of Whitfield s Sermons in the monotony of a school 
 boy. What made it the more noticed here was, that people in reading it, were, as 
 the phrase is, taken in, till they had got half through it, and imagined it a real 
 edict, to which mistake I suppose the King of Prussia s character must have 
 contributed. I was down at Lord le Despencer s when the post brought that day s 
 papers. Mr. Whitehead was there too (Paul Whitehead, the author of Manners) 
 who runs early through all the papers, and tells the company what he finds 
 remarkable. He had them in another room, and we were chatting in the breakfast 
 parlour, when he came running into us, out of breath, with the paper in his hand. 
 Here ! says he, here s news for ye ! Herts the King of Prussia claiming a right 
 to this kingdom ! All stared, and 1 as much as any body ; and he went on to read 
 it. When he had read two or three paragraphs, a gentleman present said, Damn 
 his impudence, I dare say, we shall hear by next post that he is upon his march 
 with 100,000 men to back this. Whitehead, who is very shrewd, soon after began 
 to smoke it, and looking in my face said, / // be hanged if this is not some of your 
 American jokes upon us. The reading went on and ended with abundance of 
 laughing, and a general verdict that it was a fair hit. And the piece was cut out 
 of the paper and preserved in my Lord s collection. 
 
 I don t wonder that Hutchinson should be dejected. It must be an uncomfortable 
 thing to live among people who he is conscious universally detest him. Yet I fancy- 
 he will not have leave to come home, both because they know not well what to do 
 with him, and because they do not very well like his conduct. I am ever your 
 affectionate father, B. FRANKLI-N. 
 
 To THE HON. THOMAS GUSHING, ESQ. 
 
 SI ; R, London, Nov. 1, 1773. 
 
 I duly received your favour of 26th August, with the letter 
 inclosed for Lord Dartmouth, which I immediately sent to him. As soon as he 
 Comes to town I shall wait upon his Lordship and discourse with him upon the 
 subject of it; and I shall immediately write to you what I can collect from the 
 conversation. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PAfiT II. 
 
 In my own opinion the letter of the two houses of the 29th June, proposing as a 
 satisfactory measure the restoring things to the state in which they were at the 
 conclusion of the late war, is a fair and generous offer on our part, and my discourse 
 here is, that it is more than Britain has a right to expect from us ; and that if she 
 has any wisdom left she will embrace it, and agree with us immediately ; for that 
 the longer she delays the accommodation which finally she must for her own sake 
 obtain, the worse terms she may expect, since the inequality of power and import 
 ance that at present subsists between us is daily diminishing, and our sense of our 
 own rights and of her injustice continually increasing. I arn the more encouraged to 
 hold such language, by perceiving that the general sense of the nation is for us ; a 
 conviction prevailing that we have been ill used, and that a breach with us would be 
 ruinous to this country. The pieces I wrote to increase and strengthen those 
 sentiments, were more read, and talked of, and attended to than usual. The first 
 as you will see by the inclosed has been called for, and reprinted in the same 
 paper, besides being copied in others, and in the Magazines. A long laboured 
 answer has been made to it (by Governor Bernard it is said) which I send you. I 
 am told it does not satisfy those in whose justification it was written, and that a 
 better is preparing. I think with you that great difficulties must attend an attempt 
 to make a new representation of our grievances, in which the point of right should 
 be kept out of sight, especially as the concurrence of so many colonies seems now 
 necessary. And therefore it would certainly be best and wisest for parliament 
 (which does not meet till after the middle of January) to make up the matter them 
 selves, and at once reduce things to the state desired. There are not wanting some 
 here who believe this will really be the case ; for, that a new election being now in 
 view, the present members are likely to consider the composing all differences with 
 America as a measure agreeable to the trading and manufacturing part of the 
 nation ; and that the neglecting it may be made use of by their opponents to their 
 disadvantage. 
 
 I have as yet received no answer to the petition for removing the Governors. I 
 imagine that it will hardly be complied with, as it would embarrass government to 
 provide for them otherwise, and it will be thought hard to neglect men who have 
 exposed themselves by adhering to what is here called the interest and rights of this 
 country. But this I only conjecture, as I have heard nothing certain about it. 
 Indeed I should think continuing them in their places would be rather a punishment 
 than a favour. For what comfort can men have in living among a people with whom 
 they are the object of universal odium. 
 
200 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 I shall continue here one winter longer, and use my best endeavours as long as I 
 stay for the service of our country. With great esteem, I have the honour to be, 
 Sir, your most obedient humble servant, B. FIIANKLIK. 
 
 To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, ESQ. PAJLADELPHIA. 
 SIR, London, Nov. 3, 1773. 
 
 There is at present great quietness here, and no prospect that 
 the war between the Turks and Russians will spread farther in Europe. The last 
 harvest is allowed to have been generally plentiful in this country ; and yet such was 
 the preceding scantiness of crops, that it is thought there is no corn to spare for 
 exportation, which continues the advantages to our corn provinces. 
 
 The parliament is not to meet till after the middle of January. It is said there 
 is a disposition to compose all differences with America before the next general 
 election, as the trading and manufacturing part of the nation are generally our well 
 wishers, think we have been hardly used, and apprehend ill consequences from a 
 continuance of the measures that we complain of: and that if those measures are 
 not changed an American interest may be spirited up at the election against the 
 present members who are in, or friends to administration. Our steady refusal to 
 take tea from hence for several years past has made its impressions. The scheme 
 for supplying us without repealing the act, by a temporary licence from the treasury 
 to export tea to America free of duty, you are before this time acquainted with. I 
 much want to hear how that tea is received. If it is rejected the act will undoubtedly 
 be repealed, otherwise I suppose it will be continued, and when we have got into 
 the use of the Company s tea, and the foreign correspondences that supply us at 
 present are broken off, the licences will be discontinued, and the act enforced. 
 
 I apprehend the better understanding that lately subsisted in our provincial 
 administration will hardly be continued with the new Governor ; but you will soon 
 see. I wish for the full letter you promise me by the next packet, which is now 
 daily expected. With unalterable esteem and attachment, I am ever, my dear 
 friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANK LIN. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR SON, London, Nov. 3, 1773. 
 
 I wrote you pretty fully by the last packet, and having had 
 no line from you of later date than the beginning of August, and little stirring here 
 lately, I have now little to write. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART- II. 209 
 
 In that letter I mentioned my having written two papers, of which I preferred 
 the first, but the public the last. It seems I was mistaken in judging of the public 
 opinion ; for the first was reprinted some weeks after in the same paper, the printer 
 giving for reason that he did it in compliance with the earnest request of many 
 private persons, and some respectable societies ; which is the more extraordinary 
 as it had been copied in several other papers and in the Gentleman s Magazine. 
 Such papers may seem to have a tendency to increase our divisions, but I intend a 
 contrary effect, and. hope by comprizing in little room and setting in a strong light 
 the grievances of the colonies, more attention will be paid to thetn by our adminis 
 tration, and that when, their unreasonableness is generally seen, some of them will be 
 removed, to the restoration of harmony between us. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 x;m *ilj*T# W llol r TlIOMAS GUSHING, ESQ. 
 iiftw^lfrxH imn9 London, Jan. 5, 1774. 
 
 Mhfidfiitttctoa 1 received the honour of yours dated October 8 with the 
 Journals of the ho use and Mr. Turner s Election Sermon. 
 
 I waited on Lord Dartmouth on his return to town, and learnt that he had pre 
 sented to his majesty our petition for the removal of the governors. No subsequent 
 step had yet been taken upon it : but his lordship said, the king would probably 
 refer the consideration of it to a committee of council, and that I should have notice 
 to be heard in support of it. By the turn of his conversation, though he was not 
 explicit, I apprehend the petition is not likely to be complied with: but we shall 
 see. His lordship expressed as usual much concern at the differences subsisting, 
 and wished they would be accommodated. Perhaps his good wishes are all that is 
 in his power. 
 
 The famous letters having unfortunately engaged Mr. Temple and Mr. Wbeatley 
 in. a duel, which being interrupted would probably be renewed, I thought it incum 
 bent on me to prevent as far as I could any farther mischief, by declaring publicly 
 the part J had .in the. affair of those letters, and thereby at the same time to rescue 
 Mr. Temple s character from an undeserved and groundless imputation, that bpre 
 hard upon his honour, viz. that of taking the letters from Mr. Wheatly, and in breach 
 
 1 Preface by the British Editor [Dr. Franklin] to the votes and proceedings of the freeholder* and 
 other inhabitants of the town of Boston in town meeting assembled, accovdjng to law, (published by 
 order of the, to^n) &c. Boston printed: London reprinted and sold by J. Wilkie, St. Paul s Church 
 Yard, 1/73. 
 
 VOL. II. CD 
 
210 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 of confidence. I did this with the more pleasure as I believe him a sincere friend 
 to our country. I am told by some that it was imprudent in me to avow the 
 obtaining and sending those letters, for that administration will resent it. I have 
 not much apprehension of this, but if it happens I must take the consequences. I 
 only hope it will not affect any friend on your side the water, for I have never 
 mentioned to whom they were transmitted. 
 
 A letter of mine to you, printed in one of the Boston papers has lately been 
 reprinted here, to show, as the publisher expresses it, that I am "one of the most 
 determined enemies of the welfare and prosperity of Great Britain. In the opinion 
 of some, every one who wishes the good of the whole empire, may nevertheless be 
 an enemy to the welfare of Great Britain, if he does not wish its good exclusively 
 of every other part, and to see its welfare built on their servitude and wretchedness. 
 Such an enemy I certainly am. But methinks tis wrong to print letters of mine at 
 Boston which give occasion to these reflections. 
 
 I shall continue to do all I possibly can this winter towards an accommodation 
 of our differences ; but my hopes are small. Divine Providence first infatuates the 
 power it designs to ruin. 
 
 With the great esteem and respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, your most 
 obedient humble servant, B. FEA N K LI N. 
 
 To GOVERNOR FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR SON, London, Jan. 5, 1774. 
 
 I received yours of October 29, and November 2. Your 
 December packet is not yet arrived. 
 
 No insinuations of the kind you mention, concerning Mr. G y have reached 
 
 me, and if they had, it would have been without the least effect ; as I have always 
 had the strongest reliance on the steadiness of his friendship, and on the best 
 grounds, the knowledge I have of his integrity, and the often repeated disinterested 
 services he has rendered me. My return will interfere with nobody s interest or 
 influence in public affairs as my intention is to decline all interest in them, and every 
 active part, except where it can serve a friend, and to content myself with communi 
 cating the knowledge of them my situation may have furnished me with, and be 
 content with giving my advice for the public benefit, where it may be asked, or 
 where I shall think it may be attended to : for being now about entering my sixty 
 ninth year, and having lived so great a part of my life to the public, it seems but 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 211 
 
 fair that I should he allowed to live the small remainder to myself and to my 
 friends. 
 
 If the honourable office you mention will be agreeable to him, I heartily wish it 
 him. I only hope that if offered to him, he will insist on its being not during 
 pleasure but quamdiu se bene gesserit. 
 
 Our friend Temple, as you will see by the papers, has been engaged in a duel 
 about an affair in which he had no concern. As the combat was interrupted and 
 understood to be unfinished, I thought it incumbent on me to do what I could for 
 preventing farther mischief, and so declared my having transmitted the letters in 
 question. This has drawn some censure upon myself, but as I grow old, I grow 
 less concerned about censure when I am satisfied that I act rightly, and I have the 
 pleasure of having exculpated a friend who lay undeservedly under an imputation 
 much to his dishonour. 
 
 I am now seriously preparing for my departure to America, I purpose sending 
 my luggage, books, instruments &c. by All or Falconer, and take my passage to 
 New York in one of the spring or summer packets partly for settling some business 
 with the Post office there, and partly that I may see you on my way to Philadelphia, 
 and learn thereby more perfectly the state of affairs there. Your affectionate 
 father, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. 
 SIR, 
 
 The inclosed paper was written just before Lord Hillsborough 
 quitted the American department. An expectation then prevailing, from the good 
 character of the noble lord who succeeded him, that the grievances of the colonies 
 would under his administration be redressed, it was laid aside; but as not a single 
 measure of his predecessor has since been even attempted to be changed, and on 
 the contrary new ones have been continually added farther to exasperate, render 
 them desperate, aad drive them if possible into open rebellion, it may not be amiss 
 now to give it the public, as it shows in detail the rise and progress of those 
 differences which are about to break the empire in pieces. I am Sir, yours &c. 
 
 A. P. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 It is a bad temper of mind that takes a delight in opposition, 
 
212 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN PHANKLIW. 
 
 and is ever ready to censure ministry in the gross, without discrimination. Charity 
 should be willing to believe that we never had an administration so bad, but there 
 might be some good and some wise men in it ; and that even such is our case at 
 present. The scripture saith, by their works shall ye know them. By their conduct 
 then, in their respective departments, and not by their company or their party 
 connections should they be distinctly and separately judged. 
 
 One of the most serious affairs to this nation that lias oflate required the atten 
 tion of government, is our misunderstanding with the colonies. They are in the 
 department of Lord Hillsborough, and from a prevailing opinion of his abilities,, 
 have been left by the other ministers very much to his management. If then our 
 American business has been conducted with prudence, to him chiefly will be due 
 the reputation of it. 
 
 Soon after the late war, it became an object with the ministers of this country 
 to draw a revenue from America. The first attempt was by a stamp act. It soon 
 appeared that this step had not been well considered ; that the rights, the ability, 
 the opinions and temper of that great people had not been sufficiently attended to. 
 They complained that the tax was unnecessary, because their assemblies had ever 
 been ready to make voluntary grants to the crown in proportion to their abilities, 
 when duly required so to do ; and unjust, because they had no representative in 
 the British parliament but had parliaments of their own, wherein their consent was 
 given as it ought to be, in grants of their own money. I do not mean to enter 
 into this question. The parliament repealed the act as inexpedient, but in another 
 act asserted a right of taxing America. And in the following year laid duties on 
 the manufactures of this country exported thither. On the repeal of the stamp act, 
 the Americans had returned to their wonted good humour and commerce with 
 Britain ; but this new act for laying duties renewed their uneasiness. They were 
 long since forbidden by the navigation act to purchase manufactures of any other 
 nation, and supposing that act well enforced, they saw that by this indirect mode, it 
 was in the power of Britain to burthen them as much us by any direct tax, unless 
 they could lay aside the use of such manufactures as they had been accustomed to 
 purchase from Britain, or make the same themselves. 
 
 In this situation were affairs when my Lord PI. entered on the American adminis 
 tration. Much was expected from his supposed abilities, application, and know 
 ledge of business in that department The newspapers were filled with his panegyrics, 
 and expectations raised perhaps inconveniently. 
 
 The Americans determined to petition their sovereign, praying his gracious 
 
P1UVATK CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 213 
 
 interposition in their favour with his parliament, that the imposition of these duties 
 which they considered as an infringement of their rights, might be repealed. The 
 assembly of the Massachusetts bay had voted that it should be proposed to the 
 other colonies to concur in that measure- This, for what reason I do not easily 
 conceive, gave great offence to his Lordship ; and one of his first steps was to 
 prevent these concurring petitions- To this end, he sent a mandate to that 
 assembly (the parliament of that country) requiring them to RESCIND that vote 
 and desist from the measure, threatening them with dissolution in case of dis 
 obedience. The governor communicated to them the instructions he received to 
 that purpose. They refused to obey, and were dissplved ! Similar orders were sent 
 at the same time to the governors of the other colonies, to dissolve their respective 
 parliaments if they presumed to accede to the Boston proposition of petitioning his 
 majesty, and several of them were accordingly dissolved. 
 
 Bad ministers have ever been averse to the right subjects claim of petitioning and 
 remonstrating to their sovereign : for through that channel the prince may be appriz 
 ed of the mal-administration of his servants ; they may sometimes be thereby 
 brought into danger, at least such petitions afford a handle to their adversaries, 
 whereby to give them trouble. But as the measure to be complained of was not his 
 lordships, it is rather extraordinary that he should thus set his face against the 
 intended complaints. In his angry letters to America, he called the proposal of 
 these petitions " a measure of most dangerous and factious tendency, calculated to 
 enflame the minds of his majesty s subjects in the colonies, to promote an un 
 warrantable combination, and to excite and encourage an open opposition to and 
 denial of the authority of the parliament, and, to subvert the true spirit of the 
 constitution ; and directed the governors immediately on the receipt of these orders, 
 to exert their utmost influence to defeat this FLAGITIOUS attempt. 
 
 Without entering into the particular motives to this piece of his Iprdship s con 
 duct, let us consider a little the wisdom of it. When subjects conceive themselves 
 oppressed or injured, laying their complaints before the sovereign or the governing 
 powers, is a kind of vent to griefs that gives some ease to their minds ; the receiving 
 with at least an appearance of regard their petitions, and taking them into considera 
 tion, gives present hope, and affords time for the cooling of resentment ; so that 
 even the refusal when decently expressed and accompanied with reasons, is made 
 less unpleasant by the manner, is half approved, and the rest submitted to with 
 patience. But when this vent to popular discontents is denied, and the subjects are 
 thereby driven to desperation, infinite mischiefs follow. Many princes have lost 
 
214 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 part, and some the whole of their dominions, and some their lives by this very 
 conduct of their servants. The secretary for America therefore seems in this 
 instance not to have judged rightly for the service of his excellent master. 
 
 But supposing the measure of discouraging and preventing petitions a right one, 
 were the means of effecting this end judiciously chosen? I mean, the threatening 
 with dissolution and the actual dissolving of the American parliaments. His lord 
 ship probably took up the idea from what he knows of the state of things in 
 England and Ireland, where to be rechosen upon a dissolution often gives a 
 candidate great trouble, and sometimes costs him a great deal of money. A 
 dissolution may therefore be both fine and punishment to the members, if they 
 desire to be again returned. But in most of the colonies there is no such thing as 
 standing candidate for election. There is neither treating nor bribing. No man 
 even expresses the least inclination to be chosen. Instead of humble advertisements 
 intreating votes and interest, you see before every new election, requests of former 
 members, acknowledging the honour done them by preceding elections, but setting 
 forth their long service and attendance on the public business in that station, and 
 praying that in consideration thereof some other person may be chosen in their 
 room. Where this is the case, where the same representatives may be and generally 
 are after a dissolution chosen without asking a vote or giving even a glass of cyder 
 to an elector, is it likely that such a threat could contribute in the least to answer 
 the end proposed. The experience of former governors, might have instructed his 
 lordship that this was a vain expedient. Several of them, misled by their 
 English ideas, had tried this practice to make assemblies submissive to their 
 measures, but never with success. By the influence of his power in granting offices/ 
 a governor naturally has a number of friends in an assembly ; these, if suffered to 
 continue, though a minority, might frequently serve his purposes, by promoting 
 what he wishes, or obstructing what he dislikes. But, if to punish the majority, 
 he in a pet dissolves the house, and orders a new election, he is sure not to see a 
 single friend in the new assembly. The people are put into an ill humour by the 
 trouble given them, they resent the dissolution as an affront, and leave out every 
 man suspected of having the least regard for the governor. This was the very 
 effect of my lord s dissolutions in America, and the new assemblies were all found 
 more untractable than the old ones. 
 
 But beside^ the imprudence of this measure, was it constitutional ? The crown 
 has doubtless the prerogative of dissolving parliaments, a prerogative lodged in its 
 hands for the, public good, which may in various instances require the use of it. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 
 
 But should a king of Great Britain demand of his parliament the rescission of any 
 vote they had passed or forbid them to petition the throne, on pain of dissolution, 
 and actually dissolve them accordingly, I humbly conceive the minister who advised 
 it would run some hazard of censure at least, for thus using the prerogative to the 
 violation of common right, and breach of the constitution. The American assembly 
 have no means of impeaching such a minister ; but there is an assembly, the parlia 
 ment of England, that have that power, and in a former instance exercised it well, 
 by impeaching a great man (Lord Clarendon) for having (though in one instance 
 only) endeavoured to introduce arbitrary government into the colonies. 
 
 The effect this operation of the American secretary had in America, was not a 
 prevention of those petitions as he intended, but a despair in the people of any 
 success from them, since they could not pass to the throne but through the hands 
 of one who showed himself so extremely averse to the existence of them. Thence 
 arose the design of interesting the British merchants and manufacturers in the event 
 of their petitions, by agreements not to import goods from Great Britain till their 
 grievances were redressed. Universal resentment occasioned these agreements to 
 be more generally entered into, and the sending troops to Boston who daily insulted 
 the assembly f and townsmen, instead of terrifying into a compliance with his 
 measures, served only to exasperate and sour the minds of people throughout the 
 continent, make frugality fashionable when the consumption of British goods was 
 the question, and determine the inhabitants to exert every nerve in establishing 
 manufactures among themselves. 
 
 Boston having grievously offended his lordship, by the refractory spirit they had 
 shown in re-chusing those representatives, whom he esteemed the leaders of the 
 opposition there, he resolved to punish that town by removing the assembly from 
 thence to Cambridge, a country place about four miles distant. Here too his lord 
 ship s English and Irish ideas seem to have misled him. Removing a parliament 
 from London or Dublin, where so many of the inhabitants are supported by the 
 ex pence of such a number of wealthy lords and commoners, and have a dependance 
 on that support, may be a considerable prejudice to a city deprived of such advan 
 tage ; but the removal of the assembly, consisting of frugal honest farmers, from 
 Boston could only affect the interest of a few poor widows who keep lodging houses 
 
 1 They mounted a numerous guard daily round the parliament house, with drums beating and 
 fifes playing while the members were in their debates, and had cannon planted and pointed at the 
 
 building. 
 
216 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 there. Whatever manufactures the members might want, were still purchased at 
 Boston. They themselves, indeed suffered some inconvenience, in being perhaps 
 less commodiously lodged, and being at a distance from the records ; but this and 
 the keeping them before so long prorogued, when the public affairs required their 
 meeting, could never reconcile them to ministerial measures, it could serve only 
 to put them more out of humour with Britain and its government so wantonly 
 exercised, and to so little purpose. Ignorance alone of the true state of that 
 country, can excuse (if it may be excused) these frivolous proceedings. 
 
 To have good ends in view and to use proper means to obtain them, shews the 
 minister to be both good and wise. To pursue good endt> by improper means, argues 
 him, though good, to be but weak. To pursue bad ends by artful means, shows 
 him to be wicked though able. But when his ends are bad and the means he uses 
 improper to obtain these ends, what shall we say of such a minister? Every step 
 taken for some time past in our treatment of America, the suspending their legisla 
 tive powers, for not making laws by direction from hence ; the countenancing their 
 adversaries by rewards and pensions paid out of the revenues extorted from them 
 by laws to which they have not given their assent ; the sending over a set of rash 
 indiscreet commissioners to collect that revenue, who by insolence of behaviour, 
 harassing commerce, and perpetually accusing the good people (out of whose 
 substance they are supported) to government here, as rebels and traitors, have 
 made themselves universally odious there, but here are caressed and encouraged ; 
 together with the arbitrary dissolution of assemblies, and the quartering troops 
 among the people, to menace and insult them ; all these steps if intended to 
 provoke them to rebellion that we might take their lives and confiscate their estates, 
 are proper means to obtain a bad end : but if they are intended to conciliate the 
 Americans to our government, restore our commerce with them, and secure the 
 friendship and assistance which their growing strength, wealth and power may in a 
 few years render extremely valuable to us, can any thing be conceived more in 
 judicious, more absurd ! His lordship may have in general a good understanding, 
 his friends say he has ; hut in the political part of it, there must surely be some 
 twist, some extreme obliquity. 
 
 A well wisher to the King and all his dominions. 
 
 To THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. 
 SIR, 
 
 Your Correspondent Britannicus inveighs violently against 
 
PRIVATE eoRRiispois 7 i>i;xcE. -PART 11. 217 
 
 Dr. Franklin for his ingratitude to the ministry of this nation, who have conferred 
 upon him so many favours. They gave him the Post Office of America ; they made 
 his Son a Governor ; and they offered him a post of five hundred a year in the Salt 
 Office, if he would relinquish the interests of his country ; but he has had the 
 wickedness to continue true to it, and is as much an American as ever. As it is u 
 settled point in government here, that every man has his price, tis plain they are 
 bunglers in their business, and have not given him enough. Their master has as 
 much reason to be angry with them as Rodrigue in the play, with his Apothecary, 
 for not effectually poisoning Pandolpho, and they must probably make use of the 
 Apothecary s justification, viz. 
 
 SCENE IV. 
 Rodrigue and Fell the Apothecary. 
 
 Rodrigue. You promised to have this Pandolpho upon his hier in less than a 
 week ; tis more than a month since, and he still walks and stares me in the face. 
 
 Felt. True ; and yet I have done rny best endeavours. In various ways I have- 
 given the miscreant as much poison as would have killed an elephant. He has 
 swallowed dose after dose ; far from hurting him, he seems the better for it. He 
 hath a wonderfully strong constitution. I find I cannot kill him but by cutting his 
 throat, and that, as I take it, is not my business. 
 
 Rodrigue. Then it must be mine. 
 
 To THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER. 
 SIR, 
 
 Nothing can equal the present rage of our ministerial writers 
 
 against our brethren in America, who have the misfortune to be whigs in a reign 
 when whiggism is out of fashion, who are besides Protestant dissenters and lovers 
 of liberty. One may easily see from what quarter comes the abuse of those people 
 in the papers ; their struggle for their rights is called REBELLION, and the people 
 REBELS; while those who really rebelled in Scotland (1745) for the expulsion of 
 the present reigning family, and the establishment of popery and arbitrary power on 
 the ruins of liberty and protestantism, who entered England and marched 
 on as far as Derby, to the astonishment of this great city, and shaking the public 
 credit of the nation ; have now all their sins forgiven on account of their modish 
 principles, and are called not rebels, but by the softer appellation of insurgents f 
 These angry writers use their utmost efforts to persuade us that this war with the 
 colonies (for a war it will be) is a national cause, when in fact it is merely a minis- 
 VOL. II. 2 
 
218 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FUANKLIN. 
 
 terial one. Administration wants an American revenue to dissipate in corruption. 
 The quarrel is about a paltry three penny duty on tea. There is no real clashing 
 of interests between Britain and America. Their commerce is to their mutual 
 advantage, or rather most to the advantage of Britain, which finds a vast market in 
 America for its manufactures; and as good pay, I speak from knowledge, as in any 
 country she trades to upon the face of the globe. But the fact needs not my 
 testimony, it speaks for itself, for if we could elsewhere get better pay and better 
 prices, we should not send our goods to America. 
 
 The gross calumniators of that people, who want us to imbrue our hands in 
 brothers blood, have the effrontery to tell the world that the Americans associated 
 in resolutions not to pay us what they owed us unless we repealed the Stamp act. 
 This is an INFAMOUS FALSEHOOD; they know it to be such. I call upon the 
 incendiaries who have advanced it, to produce their proofs. Let them name any 
 two that entered into such an association, or any one that made such a declaration. 
 Absurdity marks the very face of this lie. Every one acquainted with trade knows, 
 that a credited merchant daring to be concerned in such an association, could never 
 expect to be trusted again. His character on the Exchange of London would be 
 ruined for ever. The great credit given them since that time, nay the present debt 
 due from them, is itself a proof of the confidence we have in their probity. Another 
 villainous falsehood advanced against the Americans is, that though we have been at 
 such expence in protecting them they refuse to contribute their part to the public 
 general expence of the empire. The fact is, that they never did refuse a requisition 
 of that kind. A writer who calls himself Sagittarius (I suppose from his flinging 
 about, like Solomon s fool, firebrands, arrows, and death) in the Ledger of March 9th 
 asserts that the " Experiment has been tried, and lhat they did not think it expe 
 dient to return even an answer." How does he prove this? Why, " the colony 
 agents were told by Mr. Grenville, that a revenue would be required from them to 
 defray the expences of their protection." But was the requisition ever made? Were 
 circular letters ever sent by his Majesty s command from the Secretary of State to 
 the several colony governments according to the established custom, stating the 
 occasion and requiring such supplies as were suitable to their abilities and loyalty ? 
 And did they then refuse not only compliance but an answer? No such matter, 
 agents are not the channel through which requisitions are made. If they were told 
 by Mr. Grenville that a " revenue would be required, and yet the colonies made no 
 offer, no grant, nor laid any tax," does it follow they would not have done it if 
 they had been required ? Probably they thought it time enough when the requisition 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 219 
 
 should come, and in fact it never appeared there to this day. In the last war they 
 all gave so liberally, that we thought ourselves bound in honour to return them a 
 million. But we are disgusted with their free gifts; we want to have something that 
 is obtained by force, like a mad landlord who should refuse the willing payment of 
 his full rents, and chuse to take less by way of robbery. 
 
 This shameless writer would cajole the people of England with the fancy of their 
 being Kings of America, and that their honour is at stake by the Americans 
 disputing their government. He thrusts us into the throne cheek-by-jole with 
 Majesty, and would have us talk as he writes, of our subjects in America, and our 
 sovereignty over America : forgetting that the Americans, are subjects of the King, 
 not our subjects, but our fellow subjects ; and that they have parliaments of their 
 own, with the right of granting their own money by their own representatives, which 
 we cannot deprive them of but by violence and injustice. 
 
 Having by a series of iniquitous and irritating measures provoked a loyal people 
 almost to desperation, we now magnify every act of an American mob into 
 REBELLION, though the government there disapprove it and order prosecution, as 
 is now the case with regard to the tea destroyed. And we talk of nothing but 
 troops and fleets, and force, of blocking up ports, destroying fisheries, abolishing 
 charters, &c. &c. Here mobs of English sawyers can burn saw mills ; mobs of 
 English labourers destroy or plunder magazines of corn ; mobs of English coal- 
 heavers attack houses with fire arms ; English smugglers can fight regularly the 
 King s cruising vessels, drive them ashore and burn them, as lately on the coast of 
 Wales, and on the coast of Cornwall ; but upon these accounts we hear no talk of 
 England s being in rebellion ; no threats of taking away its Magna Charta, or 
 repealing its Bill of Rights : for we well know that the operations of a mob are 
 often unexpected, sudden and soon over, so that the civil power can seldom prevent 
 or suppress them, not being able to come in before they have dispersed themselves : 
 and therefore it is not always accountable for their mischiefs. 
 
 Surely the great commerce of this nation with the Americans is of too much 
 importance to be risked in a quarrel which has no foundation but ministerial pique 
 and obstinacy ! 
 
 To us in the way of trade comes now, and has long come, all the super lucration 
 arising from their labours. But will our reviling them as cheats, hypocrites, scoun 
 drels, traitors, cowards, tyrants, &c. &c. according to the present court mode in 
 all our papers, make them more our friends, more fond of our merchandize? Did 
 ever any tradesman succeed who attempted to drub customers into his shop ? And 
 
220 MEMOIRS OK BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 will honest JOHN BULL the farmer be long satisfied with servants that before his 
 face attempt to kill his plough horses ? 
 
 (Signed) A Londoner, (by B. F.) 
 
 To Du. PRICE. 
 DEAR SIR, Philadelphia, Oct. 3, 1775. 
 
 I wish as ardently as you can do for peace, and should 
 rejoice exceedingly in co-operating with you to that end. But every ship from 
 Britain brings some intelligence of new measures that tend more and more to 
 
 O v^ 
 
 exasperate, and it seems to me that, until you have found by dear experience the 
 reducing us by force impracticable, you will think of nothing fair and reasonable. 
 
 We have as yet resolved only on defensive measures. If you would recall your 
 forces and stay at home, we should meditate nothing to injure you. A little time 
 so given for cooling on both sides would have excellent effects. But you will goad 
 and provoke us. You despise us too much and you are insensible of the Italian 
 adage, that there is no little enemy. I am persuaded that the body of the British 
 people are our friends, but they are changeable, and by your lying gazettes may 
 soon be made our enemies. Our respect for them will proportionably diminish, 
 and I see clearly we are on the high road to mutual family hatred and detestation. 
 A separation of course will be inevitable. Tis a million of pities so fair a plan as 
 we have hitherto been engaged in for increasing strength and empire with public 
 felicity should be destroyed by the mangling hands of a few blundering ministers. 
 It will not be destroyed ; God will protect and prosper it, you will only exclude 
 yourselves from any share in it. We hear that more ships and troops are coming 
 out. We know that you may do us a great deal of mischief, but we are determined 
 to bear it patiently as long as we can. But if you flatter yourselves with beating us 
 into submission, you know neither the people nor the country. The Congress is 
 still sitting, and will wait the result of their last petition. Yours, &c. 
 
 B. Fit AN KLIN 1 . 
 
 To DR* COOPER. 
 MY DEAR Fin END, Passy, April 22, 1779- 
 
 I received your valuable letter by the Marquis de la Fayette ; 
 and another by Mr. Bradford. I can now only write a few words in answer to the 
 latter, the former not being at hand. The depreciation of our money, must, as 
 you observe, greatly affect salary men, widows, and orphans. Methinks this evil 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 221 
 
 deserves the attention of the several legislatures, and ought if possible to be remedied 
 by some equitable law, particularly adapted to their circumstances. I took all 
 the pains I could in Congress to prevent the depreciation, by proposing first that 
 the bills should bear interest : this was rejected, and they were struck as you see 
 them. Secondly, after the first emission I proposed that we should stop, strike no 
 more, but borrow on interest those we had issued. This was not then approved of, 
 and more bills were issued. When from the too great quantity they began to 
 depreciate, we agreed to borrow on interest, and I proposed that in order to fix 
 the value of the principal, the interest should be promised in hard dollars. This 
 was objected to as impracticable : but I still continue of opinion, that by sending 
 out cargoes to purchase it we might have brought in money sufficient for that 
 purpose, as we brought in powder, c. &c. And that though the attempt must 
 have been attended with a disadvantage, the loss would have been a less mischief 
 than any measure attending the discredit of the bills, which threatens to take out of 
 our hands the great instrument of our defence. The Congress did at last come 
 into the proposal of paying the interest in real money. But when the whole mass 
 of the currency was under way in depreciation, the momentum of its descent was 
 too great to be stopt by a power that might at first have been sufficient to prevent 
 the beginning of the motion. The only remedy now seems to be a diminution of 
 the quantity by a vigorous taxation, of great nominal sums, which the people are 
 more able to pay in proportion to the quantity and diminished value ; and the only 
 consolation under the evil is that the public debt is proportionably diminished with 
 the depreciation : and this by a kind of imperceptible tax, every one having paid a. 
 part of it in the fall of value that took place between the receiving and paying such 
 sums as passed through his hands. For it should always be remembered, that the 
 original intention was to sink the bills by taxes, which would as effectually extinguish 
 the debt as an actual redemption. This effect of paper currency is not understood 
 on this side the water. And indeed the whole is a mystery even to the politicians, 
 how we have been able to continue a war four years without money, and how we 
 could pay with paper that had no previously fixed fund appropriated specifically to 
 redeem it. This currency as we manage it is a wonderful machine. It performs 
 its office when we issue it ; it pays and clothes troops, and provides victuals and 
 ammunition ; and when we are obliged to issue a quantity excessive, it pays itself 
 off by depreciation. 
 
 Our affairs in general stand in a fair light throughout Europe. Our cause 1*5 
 universally approved. Our constitutions of government have been translated and 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 printed in most languages, and are so much admired for the spirit of liberty that 
 reigns in them, that it is generally agreed we shall have a vast accession of national 
 property after the war, from every part of this Continent, and particularly from the 
 British islands. We have only to persevere and to be happy. Yours, &c. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. JOSIAH QuiNCY, ESQ. 
 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, April 22, 1779. 
 
 I received your very kind letter by Mr. Bradford, who appears 
 a very sensible and amiable young gentleman, to whom I should with pleasure 
 render any service here, upon your much respected recommendation ; but I under 
 stand he returns immediately. 
 
 It is with great sincerity I join you in acknowledging and admiring the dispensa 
 tions of Providence in our favour. America has only to be thankful and persevere. 
 God will finish his work, and establish their freedom : and the lovers of liberty 
 will flock from all parts of Europe with their fortunes to participate with us of that 
 freedom as soon as the peace is restored. 
 
 I am exceedingly pleased with your account of the French politeness and civility, 
 as it appeared among the officers and people of their fleet. They have certainly 
 advanced in those respects many degrees beyond the English. I find them here a 
 most amiable nation to live with. The Spaniards are by common opinion supposed 
 to be cruel, the English proud, the Scotch insolent, the Dutch avaricious, &c. but 
 I think the French have no national vice ascribed to them. They have some 
 frivolities, but they are harmless. To dress their heads so that a hat cannot be put 
 on them, and then wear their hats under their arms, and to fill their noses with 
 tobacco, may be called follies perhaps, but they are not vices, they are only the 
 effects of the tyranny of custom. In short there is nothing wanting in the character 
 of a Frenchman that belongs to that of an agreeable and worthy man. They have 
 only some trifles, a surplus of which might be spared. 
 
 Will you permit me, while I do them this justice, to hint a little censure on our 
 own country people? which I do in good-will, wishing the cause removed. v You 
 know the necessity we are under of supplies from Europe, and the difficulty we have 
 at present in making returns* The interest bills would do a good deal towards 
 purchasing arms, ammunition, cloathing, sailcloth, and other necessaries for defence. 
 Upon enquiry of those who present those bills to me for acceptance, what the money 
 is to be laid out in, I find that most of it is for superfluities, and more than half of 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 223 
 
 it for tea ! How unhappily in this instance the folly of our people, and the avidity 
 of our merchants, concur to weaken and impoverish our country! I formerly 
 computed that we consumed before the war, in that single article, the value of 
 500,000/. sterling annually. Much of this was saved by stopping the use of it. I 
 honoured the virtuous resolution of our women in foregoing that little gratification, 
 and I lament that such virtue should be of so short duration ! Five hundred thousand 
 pounds sterling annually laid out in defending ourselves or annoying our enemies 
 would have great effects. With what face can we ask aids and subsidies from our 
 friends while we are wasting our own wealth in such prodigality r With great and 
 sincere esteem, I am, &c. B. FK AN KLIN. 
 
 To THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, August 19, 1779. 
 
 I have just now received your favour of the 17th. I wrote to 
 
 you a day or two ago, and have little to add. You ask my opinion what conduct 
 the English will probably hold on this occasion, and whether they will not rather 
 propose a negociation for a peace : I have but one rule to go by in judging of 
 those people, which is, that whatever is prudent for them to do they will omit ; and 
 what is most imprudent to be done, they will do it. This like other general rules, 
 may sometimes have its exceptions ; but I think it will hold good for the most part, 
 at least while the present ministry continues, or rather while the present madman 
 has the choice of ministers. You desire to know whether I am satisfied with the 
 ministers here ? It is impossible for any body to be more so. I see they exert them 
 selves greatly in the common cause, and do every thing for us they can. We can 
 wish for nothing more, unless our great want of money should make us wish for a 
 subsidy, to enable us to act more vigorously in expelling the enemy from their 
 remaining posts, and reducing Canada. But their own expences are so great, that 
 I cannot press such an addition to it. I hope however that we shall get some 
 supplies of arms and ammunition ; and perhaps when they can be spared, some ships 
 to aid in reducing New York and Rhode Island. At present I know of no good 
 opportunity of writing to America. There are merchant ships continually going, but 
 they are very uncertain conveyances. I long to hear of your safe arrival in England: 
 but the winds are adverse, and we must have patience. With the sincerest esteem 
 and respect, I am, ever &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTF-. 
 
 (JVith the Sword ordered by Congress). 
 Sin, Passy, Aug. 24, 1.779- 
 
 The Congress, sensible of your merit towards the United 
 States, but unable adequately to reward it, determined to present you with a Sword, 
 as a small mark of their grateful acknowledgment. They directed it to be orna 
 mented with suitable devices. Some of the principal actions of the war in which 
 you distinguished yourself by your bravery and conduct, are therefore represented 
 upon it. These with a few emblematic figures all admirably well executed make its 
 principal value. By the help of the exquisite artists France affords, I find it easy 
 to express every thing but the sense we have of your worth and our obligations to 
 you. For this, figures and even words are found insufficient. I therefore only 
 add, that with the most perfect esteem and respect, I have the honour to be, c. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 P. S. My Grandson goes to Havre with the sword, and will have the honour 
 of presenting it to you. 
 
 To Du. CoortR. 
 DEAR SIR, Fassy, Oct. 27, 1779- 
 
 It is a long time since I have had the pleasure of hearing from you. 
 The intelligence you were used to favour me with, was often useful to our affairs. 
 I hope I have not lost your friendship together with your correspondence. Our 
 excellent Mr. Winthrpp, I see, is gone. Pie was one of those old friends for the sake 
 of whose society I wished to return and spend the small remnant of my days in New 
 England. A few more such deaths will make me a stranger in my own country. 
 The loss of friends is the tax a man pays for living long himself. I find it a heavy 
 one. 
 
 You will see by the newspapers that we have given some disturbance to the 
 British coasts this year. One little privateer out of Dunkerque, the Black Prince, 
 with a Congress commission, and a few Americans mixed with Irish and Endish 
 
 o o 
 
 smugglers, went round their islands and took 37 prizes in less than three months,. 
 The little squadron of Commodore Jones, under the same commissions and colours, 
 has alarmed those coasts exceedingly, occasioned a good deal of internal ex pence, 
 done great damage to their trade, and taken t\vo frigates, with 400 prisoners. He 
 is now with his principal prizes in Holland, where he is pretty well received, but 
 jriust quit that neutral country as soon as his damages are repaired. The English 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART IT. 225 
 
 watch with a superior force, hi 1 * coming out, but we hope he will manage so as to 
 escape their vigilance. Few actions at sea have demonstrated such steady, cool 
 determin"d mavery as that of Jones in taking the Seraphis. 
 
 There has heen much rumour this summer throughout Europe, of an approaching 
 peace, through the mediation of Russia and Holland : but it is understood to arise 
 from the invention of stock-jobbers and others interested in propagating such 
 opinions. England seems not to be yet sufficiently humbled, to acknowledge the 
 independence of the American, States, or to treat with them on that footing, and 
 our friends will not make a peace on any other. So we shall probably see another 
 campaign. 
 
 By the invoices I have seen and heard of, sent hither with Congress Interest 
 Bills of Exchange to purchase the goods, it should seem that there is not so great a 
 want of necessaries as of superfluities among our people. It is difficult to conceive 
 that your distresses can be great, when one sees that much the greatest part of that 
 money is lavished in modes, gewgaws, and tea ! Is it impossible for us to become 
 wiser, when by simple economy arid avoiding unnecessary expences we might more 
 than defray the charge of the war. We export solid provision of all kinds which is 
 necessary for the sustenance of man, aod we import fashions, luxuries, and trifles. 
 Such trade may enrich the traders, but never the country. 
 
 The good will of all Europe to our cause, as being the cause of liberty, which is 
 the cause of mankind, still continues, as does the universal wish to see the English 
 pride humiliated, and their power curtailed. Those circumstances are encouraging, 
 and give hopes of a happy issue. Which may God grant, and that you my friend, 
 may live long a blessing to your country. I am, &c, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE REV. DR. COOPER. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, May 25 y 1781. 
 
 It gives me great pleasure to learn that your new constitution 
 is at length settled with so great a degree of unanimity and general satisfaction. It 
 seems to me upon the whole an excellent one ; and that if there are some particulars 
 that one might have wished a little different, they are such as could not in the 
 present state of things have been well obtained otherwise than they are, and if 
 by experience found inconvenient, will probably be changed hereafter. I would, 
 only mention at present one article, that of maintenance for the clergy. It seems 
 to me that by the constitution the Quakers may be obliged to pay the tax for that 
 purpose. But as the great end in imposing it is professedly the promotion of piety,, 
 VOL. II. 2 F 
 
226 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 religion, and morality, and those people have found means of securing that end 
 among themselves without a regular clergy, and their teachers are not allowed to 
 receive money ; I should think it not right to tax them and give the money to the 
 teacher of the parish ; but I imagine that in the laws to be made for levying parish 
 taxes, this matter may be regulated to their contentment. Yours, &c. 13. F. 
 
 To THE HON. ROBERT MORRIS, ESQ. 
 Superintendant of the Finances of the United States. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, July 26, 1781. 
 
 I have just received your very friendly letter of the 6 th of 
 
 June past, announcing your appointment to the superintendance of our finances. 
 This gave me great pleasure, as from your intelligence, integrity, and abilities, 
 there is reason to hope every advantage the public can possibly receive from such 
 an office. You are wise in estimating before hand, as the principal advantage you 
 can expect, the consciousness of having done service to your country. For the 
 business you have undertaken is of so complex a nature, and must engross so much 
 of your time and attention as necessarily to hurt your private interests ; and the 
 public is often niggardly even of its thanks, resembling those little dirty stinking 
 insects, that attack us only in the dark, disturb our repose, molesting and wounding 
 us while our sweat and blood is contributing to their subsistence. Every assistance 
 that my situation here, as long as it continues, may enable me to afford you, shall 
 certainly be given. For besides my affection for the glorious cause we are both 
 engaged in, I value myself upon your friendship, and shall be happy if mine can 
 be made of any use to you. With great and sincere esteem, I am ever, dear Sir, 
 &c. &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 P. S. With this I shall send an answer to your official letter of June 8. 
 
 To SIR EDWARD NEWENHAM, BART. IRELAND. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, Oct. 2, 1783. 
 
 I have just received your very kind letter of the 16th past. 
 
 I rejoice sincerely to hear of your safe return to your own country, family and 
 friends, and of the success of your election. 
 
 It is a pleasing reflection arising from the contemplation of our successful struggle 
 and the manly, spirited, and unanimous resolves at Dungannon, that liberty, which 
 some years since appeared in danger of extinction, is now regaining the ground she 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 227 
 
 had lost, that arbitrary governments are likely to become more mild, and reasonable, 
 and to expire by degrees, giving place to more equitable forms ; one of the effects 
 this of the art of printing which diffuses so general a light, augmenting with the 
 growing day, and of so penetrating a nature, that all the window shutters despotism 
 and priestcraft can oppose to keep it out, prove insufficient. 
 
 In answer to your question respecting what may be necessary to fix a trade 
 between Ireland and America, I may acquaint you between ourselves, that there 
 is some truth in the report you may have heard, of our desiring to know of Mr. 
 Hartley whether he was empowered or instructed to include Ireland in the treaty of 
 commerce proposed to us, and of his sending for instructions on that head, which 
 never arrived. That treaty is yet open, may possibly be soon resumed, and it 
 seems proper that something should be contained in it to prevent the doubts and 
 misunderstandings that may hereafter arise on the subject, and secure to Ireland 
 the same advantages in trade that England may obtain. You can best judge 
 whether some law or resolution of your parliament may not be of use towards 
 gaining that point. 
 
 My grandson joins me in wishes of every kind of felicity for you, Lady Newen- 
 ham and all your amiable family. God bless you and give success to your constant 
 endeavours for the welfare of your country. With true and great respect and 
 esteem, I have the honour to be &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To B. VAUGHAX ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, March 1784. 
 
 You mention that I may now see verified all you said about 
 
 binding down England to so hard a peace. I suppose you do not mean by the 
 American treaty ; for we were exceeding favourable in not insisting on the reparations 
 so justly due for the wanton burnings of our fine towns and devastations of our 
 plantations in a war now universally allowed to have been originally unjust. I 
 may add that you will also see verified all I said about the article respecting the 
 royalists, that it will occasion more mischief than it was intended to remedy, and 
 that it would have been better to have omitted all mention of them. England 
 might have rewarded them according to their merits at no very great expence. 
 After the harms they had done to us, it was imprudent to insist on our doing them 
 good. 
 
 I am sorry for the overturn you mention of those beneficial systems of commerce 
 
-228 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 that would have been exemplary to mankind. The making England entirely a 
 free port would have been the wisest step ever taken for its advantage. 
 
 I wish much to see what you say a respectable friend of mine has undertaken to 
 write respecting the peace. It is a pity it has been delayed. If it had appeared 
 earlier it might have prevented much mischief, by securing our friends in their 
 situations ; for we know not who will succeed them, nor what credit they will hold. 
 
 By my doubts of the propriety of my going soon to London, I meant no reflec 
 tion on my friends or yours. If I had any call there besides the pleasure of seeing 
 those I love, I should have no doubts. If I live to arrive there I shall certainly 
 embrace your kind invitation, and take up my abode with you. Make my compli 
 ments and respects acceptable to Mrs. Vaughan. 
 
 I know not what foundation there can be for saying that I abuse England as 
 much as before the peace. I am not apt, I think, to be abusive : of the two I 
 had rather be abused. 
 
 Inclosed are the letters you desire. I wish to hear from you more frequently, 
 and to have through you such new pamphlets as you may think worth my reading. 
 I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Passy, Jan. 7, 1784. 
 
 I have this moment received your favour of the 25th past, 
 
 acquainting me with the change in administration. I am not sure that in reforming 
 the constitution, which is sometimes talked of, it would not be better to make your 
 great officers of state hereditary than to suffer the inconvenience of such frequent 
 aiid total changes. Much faction and cabal would be prevented by having an 
 hereditary first Lord of the Treasury, an hereditary Lord Chancellor, Privy Seal, 
 President of Council, Secretary of State, first Lord of the Admiralty &c. &c. It 
 \vill not be said that the duties of these offices being important, we cannot trust to 
 nature for the chance of requisite talents, since we have an hereditary set of judges 
 in the last resort, the House of Peers ; an hereditary King ; and in a certain Ger 
 man University, an hereditary professor of Mathematics. 
 
 We have not yet heard of the arrival of our express in America, who carried the 
 definitive treaty. He sailed the 26th of September. As soon as the ratification 
 .arrives, I shall immediately send you word of it. 
 
 With great esteem I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 229 
 
 To THE HON. JOHN JAY NEW YORK. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, Feb. 8, 1785. 
 
 I received by the Marquis de la Fayette your kind letter of 
 the 13th of December. It gave me pleasure on two other accounts, as it informed 
 me of the public welfare, and that of your, I may almost say our dear little family ; 
 for since I had the pleasure of their being with me in the same house, I have ever 
 felt a tender affection for them, equal I believe to that of most fathers. I did hope 
 to have heard by the last packet of your having accepted the secretaryship of 
 foreign affairs, but was disappointed. I write to you now therefore only as a 
 private friend ; yet I may mention respecting public affairs, that as far as I can 
 perceive, the good disposition of this court towards us continues. I wish I could 
 say as much for the rest of the European courts. I think that their desire of 
 being connected with us by treaties is of late much abated ; and this I suppose 
 occasioned by the pains Britain takes to represent us every where as distracted with 
 divisions, discontented with our governments, the people unwilling to pay taxes, 
 the congress unable to collect them, and many desiring the restoration of the old 
 government. The English papers are full of this stuff, and their ministers get it 
 copied into the foreign papers. The moving about of the congress from place to 
 place, has also a bad effect, in giving colour to the reports of their being afraid of 
 the people. I hope they will soon settle some where, and by the steadiness and 
 wisdom of their measures dissipate all those mists of misrepresentation mised by 
 the remaining malice of ancient enemies, and establish our reputation for national 
 justice and prudence as they have done for courage and perseverance. 
 
 It grieves me that we have not been able to discharge our first year s payment of 
 interest to this court, due the beginning of last month. I hope it will be the only 
 failure, and that effectual measures will be taken to be exactly punctual hereafter. 
 The good paymaster, says the proverb, is lord of another mans purse. The bad 
 one if he ever has again occasion to borrow, must pay dearly for his carelessness 
 and injustice. 
 
 You are happy in having got back safe to your country. I should be less un 
 happy, if I could imagine the delay of my conge useful to the states, or in the least 
 decree necessary. But they have many equally capable of doing all I have to do 
 1iere. The new proposed treaties are the most important things ; but two can go 
 through them as well as three, if indeed any are likely to be completed which I 
 be in to doubt, since the new ones make little progress, and the old ones which 
 
230 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 wanted only the fiat of congress seem now to be rather going backward ; I mean 
 those I had projected with Denmark and Portugal. 
 
 My grandsons are sensible of the honour of your remembrance and present their 
 respects to you and Mrs. Jay. I add my best wishes of health and happiness to 
 you all, being with sincere esteem and affection, dear Sir, your most obedient 
 humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. SMALL. 
 DEAR SIR, Philadelphia, Sept. 28, 1787. 
 
 I received your kind letter of June 6, 86, and I answered it, 
 
 though long after the receipt. I do not perceive by your second favour of July 
 87, that my answer had then come to hand, but hope it may since that time. 
 
 I have not lost any of the principles of public economy you once knew me 
 possessed of; but to get the bad customs of a country changed, and new ones, 
 though better, introduced, it is necessary first to remove the prejudices of the 
 people, enlighten their ignorance, and convince them that their interest will be 
 promoted by the proposed changes : and this is not the work of a day. Our 
 legislators are all land holders ; and they are not yet persuaded that all taxes are 
 finally paid by the land. Besides our country is so sparely settled, the habitations 
 particularly in the back countries, being perhaps five or six miles distant from 
 each other, that the time and labour of the collector in going from house to house, 
 and being obliged to call often before he can recover the tax, amounts to more than 
 the tax is worth, and therefore we have been forced into the mode of indirect 
 taxes i. e. duties on importation of goods, and excises. 
 
 I have made no attempt to introduce the form of prayer here, which you, and 
 good Mrs. Baldwin do me the honour to approve. The things of this world take 
 up too much of my time, of which indeed I have too little left, to undertake any 
 thing like a reformation in matters of religion. When we can sow good seed, we 
 should however do it, and wait, when we can do no better, with patience nature s 
 time for their sprouting. Some lie many years in the ground, and at length certain 
 favourable seasons or circumstances bring them forth with vigorous shoots and 
 plentiful productions. 
 
 Had I been at home as you wish, soon after the peace, I might possibly have 
 mitigated some of the severities against the royalists, believing as I do that fear and 
 error rather than malice occasioned their desertion of their country s cause, and 
 adoption of the King s. The public resentment against them is now so far abated, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 231 
 
 that none who ask leave to return are refused, and many of them now live among 
 us much at their ease. As to the restoration of confiscated estates, it is an operation 
 that none of our politicians have as yet ventured to propose. They are a sort of 
 people that love to fortify themselves in their projects by precedent. Perhaps they 
 wait to see your government restore the forfeited estates in Scotland to the Scotch, 
 those in Ireland to the Irish, and those in England to the Welch. 
 
 I am glad that the distressed exiles who remain with you have received, or 
 arc likely to receive, some compensation for their losses, for I commiserate 
 their situation. It was clearly incumbent on the King to indemnify those he had 
 seduced by his proclamations : but it seems not so clearly consistent with the wisdom 
 of parliament to resolve doing it for him. If some mad King should think fit in a 
 freak to make war upon his subjects of Scotland, or upon those of England, by the 
 help of Scotland and Ireland (as the Stuarts did) may he not encourage followers 
 by the precedent of the.se parliamentary gratuities, and thus set his subjects to 
 cutting one another s throats, first with the hope of sharing in confiscations, and then 
 with that of compensation in case of disappointment ? The council of brutes without 
 a fable were aware of this. Lest that fable may perhaps not have fallen in your 
 way, I inclose a copy of it. 
 
 Your commercial treaty with France seems to show a growing improvement in 
 the sentiments of both nations in the economical science. All Europe might be a 
 great deal happier, with a little more understanding. We in America have lately 
 had a convention for framing a new constitution. Inclosed I send you the result of 
 their deliberations. Whether it will be generally acceptable and carried into 
 execution is yet to be seen ; but present appearances are in its favour. 
 
 I am always glad to hear from you, and of your welfare. I remember with 
 pleasure the happy days we have spent together. Adieu, and believe me ever, my 
 dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To M. DUPONT DE NEMOUHS, AT PARIS. 
 Snt, Philadelphia, June 9, 1788. 
 
 I have received your favour of December 31, with the 
 
 extract of a letter which you wish to have translated and published here. But seven 
 States having, before it arrived, ratified the new Constitution, and others being daily 
 expected to do the same, after the fullest discussion in convention, and in all the 
 public papers, till every body was tired of the argument; it seemed too late to 
 propose delay, and especially the delay that must be occasioned by a revision and 
 
232 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 correction of all the separate Constitutions. For it would take at least a year to 
 convince thirteen States that the Constitutions they have practised ever since the 
 revolution, without observing any imperfections in them so great as to be worth the 
 trouble of amendment, are nevertheless so ill formed as to be unfit for continuation, 
 or to be parts of a federal government. And when they should be so convinced, 
 it would probably take some years more to make the connections. An eighth State 
 has since acceded, and when a ninth is added, which is now daily expected, the 
 Constitution will be carried into execution. It is probable however that at the first 
 meeting of the new Congress, various amendments will be proposed and discussed, 
 when I hope your Ouvrage sur les principes et le bien des republiques en general 
 &c. &c. may be ready to put into their hands ; and such a work from your hand I 
 -am confident, though it may not be entirely followed, will afford useful hints, and 
 produce advantages of importance. But we must not expect that a new government 
 may be formed, as a game of chess may be played, by a skilful hand, without a 
 fault. The players of our game are so many, their ideas so different, their preju 
 dices so strong and so various, and their particular interests independent of the 
 general seeming so opposite, that not a move can be made that is not contested ; 
 the numerous objections confound the understanding; the wisest must agree to some 
 unreasonable things, that reasonable ones of more consequence may be obtained, 
 and thus chance has its share in many of the determinations, so that the play is more 
 like tric-trac with a box of dice. 
 
 We are much pleased with the disposition of your government to favour our 
 commerce, manifested in the late reglement. You appear to be possessed of a 
 truth which few governments are possessed of, that A must take some of B & 
 produce, otherwise B will not be able to pay for what he would take of A. But 
 there is one thing wanting to facilitate and augment our intercourse. It is a dic 
 tionary, explaining the names of different articles of manufacture, in the two 
 languages. When I was in Paris I received a large order for a great variety of 
 goods, particularly of the kind called hardwares, i. e. wares of iron and steel : and 
 when I shewed the invoice to your manufacturers, they did not understand what 
 kinds of goods or instruments were meant by the names : nor could any English and 
 French dictionary be found to explain them. So I sent to England for one of each 
 sort, which might serve both as explanation and as a model, the latter being of 
 importance likewise, since people are prejudiced in favour of forms they have been 
 used to, though perhaps not the best. They cost me 25 guineas, but were lost by 
 the way, and the peace coining on the scheme dropped. It would however, as I 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 233 
 
 imagine, be well worth receiving. For our merchants say we still send to England 
 for such goods as we want, because there they understand our orders, and can 
 execute them precisely. With great and sincere esteem, I am, &c. B. F. 
 
 To THE PRINTER OF THE EVENING HERALD. 
 SIR, 
 
 The British news-writers are very assiduous in their endea 
 vours to blacken America. Should we not be careful not to afford them any 
 assistance by censures of one another, especially by censures not well founded. 
 
 I lately observed in one of your papers, the conduct of the State of Massa- 
 phusetts reflected on as being inconsistent and absurd, as well as wicked, for 
 attempting to raise a tax by a Stamp Act, and for carrying on the Slave Trade. .<*. 
 
 The writer of those reflections might have considered, that their principal 
 objection to the Stamp Tax, was, its being imposed by a British parliament, which 
 had no right to tax them, for otherwise a tax by Stamps is perhaps to be levied 
 with as little inconvenience as any other that can be invented. Ireland has a Stamp 
 Act of its own ; but should Britain pretend to impose such a tax on the Irish 
 people they would probably give a general opposition to it, and ought not for that 
 to be charged with inconsistence. 
 
 One or two merchants in Boston, employing ships in the abominable African 
 trade, may deservedly be condemned, though they do not bring their slaves home, 
 but sell them in the West Indies. The State as such, has never, that I have heard 
 of, given encouragement to the diabolical commerce; and there has always been 
 fewer slaves in the New England governments, than in any other British colonies. 
 National reflections are seldom, just, and a whole people should not be decried fpr 
 the crimes of a few individuals. 
 
 Your inserting this may make that brave people some amends, and will oblige 
 one of your customers who is 
 
 A PENNSYLVANIA^. 
 
 END OF PART II. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 G 
 
TOtf 
 
 tt JU 
 
 dijji 
 
 iU,r 
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 El* . ; 
 
 OF 
 
 10 fc Hill 
 
 to 
 
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 .Eo .OJ Uiw 
 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 <! 10 
 
 ,> PART III. 
 
 LETTERS RELATING TO NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE, &c. 
 
 013 uoy :ju,i = 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, near Paris, Oct. 14, 1777. 
 
 I received duly your letter of May 2, 77, including a copy 
 
 of one you had sent me the year before, which never came to hand, and which it 
 seeins has been the case with some I wrote to you from America. Filled though 
 our letters have always been with sentiments of good will to bcth countries and 
 earnest desires of preventing their ruin and promoting their mutual felicity, I have 
 been apprehensive that if it were known a correspondence subsisted between us, 
 it might be attended with inconvenience to you. I have therefore been backward 
 in writing, not caring to trust the post, and not well knowing who else to trust with 
 my letters. But being now assured of a safe conveyance, I venture to write to you, 
 especially as I think the subject such a one as you may receive a letter upon with 
 out censure. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 235 
 
 Happy should I have been, if the honest warnings I gave of the fatal separation 
 of interests as well as of affections, that must attend the measures commenced 
 while I was in England, had been attended to, and the horrid mischief of this 
 abominable war been thereby prevented. I should still be happy in any successful 
 endeavours for restoring peace, consistent with the liberties, the safety and the 
 honour of America. As to our submitting to the government of Great Britain, tis 
 vain to think of it. She has given us by her numberless barbarities (by her malice 
 in bribing slaves to murder their masters, and savages to massacre the families of 
 farmers, with her baseness in rewarding the unfaithfulness of servants and debauch 
 ing the virtue of honest seamen entrusted with our property) in the prosecution of 
 the war, and in the treatment of the prisoners, so deep an impression of her 
 depravity, that we never again can trust her in the management of our affairs and 
 interests. It is now impossible to persuade our people, as I long endeavoured, that 
 the war was merely ministerial, and that the nation bore still a good will to us. 
 The infinite number of addresses printed in your Gazettes all approving the conduct 
 of your government towards us, and encouraging our destruction by every possible 
 means, the great majority in parliament constantly manifesting the same sentiments, 
 and the popular public rejoicings on occasion of any news of the slaughter of an 
 innocent and virtuous people fighting only in defence of their just rights ; these, 
 together with the recommendations of the same measures by even your celebrated 
 moralists and divines in their writings and sermons, that are still approved and 
 applauded in your great national assemblies, all join in convincing us that you are 
 no lunger the magnanimous enlightened nation we once esteemed you, and that 
 you are unfit and unworthy to govern us, as not being able to govern your own 
 passions. 
 
 But, as I have said, I should be nevertheless happy in seeing peace restored. 
 For though if my friends and the friends of liberty and virtue, who still remain 
 in England, could be drawn out of it, a continuance of this war to the ruin of the 
 rest, would give me less concern, I cannot, as that removal is impossible, but wish 
 for peace for their sakes, as well as for the sake of humanity and preventing further 
 carnage. 
 
 This wish of mine, ineffective as it may be, induces me to mention to you that 
 between nations long exasperated against each other in war, some act of generosity 
 and kindness towards prisoners on one side has softened resentment and abated 
 animosity on the other, so as to bring on an accommodation. You in England if you 
 wish for peace have at present the opportunity of trying this means, with regard to 
 
236* MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 the prisoners now in your gaols. They complain of very severe treatment. They 
 are far from their friends and families, and winter is coming on in which they 
 must suffer extremely if continued in their present situation, fed scantily on bad 
 provisions, without warm lodging, clothes or fire; and not suffered to invite or 
 receive visits from their friends or even from the humane and charitable of their 
 enemies. I can assure you from my own certain knowledge, that your people, 
 prisoners in America, have been treated with great kindness ; they have been served 
 with the same rations of wholesome provisions with our own troops, comfortable 
 lodgings have been provided for them, and they have been allowed large bounds of 
 villages in the healthy air, to walk and amuse themselves with on their parole. 
 Where you have thought fit to employ contractors to supply your people, these 
 contractors have been protected and aided in their operations. Some considerable 
 act of kindness towards our people would take off the reproach of inhumanity in 
 that respect from the nation, and leave it where it ought with more certainty to lay, 
 on the conductors of your war in America. This I hint to you, out of some remain 
 ing good will to a nation I once loved sincerely. But as things are and in my 
 present temper of mind, not being overfond of receiving obligations, I shall content 
 myself with proposing that your government would allow us to send or employ a 
 commissary to take some care of those unfortunate people. Perhaps on your 
 representations this might be speedily obtained in England, though it -was refused 
 most inhumanly at New York. 
 
 If you could have leisure to visit the gaols in which they are confined, and should 
 be desirous of knowing the truth relative to the treatment they receive, I wish you 
 would take the trouble of distributing among the most necessitous according to their 
 
 O O O 
 
 wants five or six hundred pounds for which your drafts on me here shall be punctu 
 ally honoured. You could then be able to speak with some certainty to the point 
 in parliament, and this might be attended with good effects. 
 
 If you cannot obtain for us permission to send a commissary, possibly you may 
 find a trusty humane discreet person at Plymouth, and another at Portsmouth, who 
 would undertake to communicate what relief we may be able to afford those un 
 fortunate men, martyrs to the cause of liberty. Your king will not reward you for 
 taking this trouble, but God will. I shall not mention the gratitude of America : 
 you will have what is better, the applause of your own good conscience. Our 
 captains have set at liberty above two hundred of your people made prisoners by 
 our armed vessels and brought into France, besides a great number dismissed at 
 sea on your coasts, to whom vessels were given to carry them in. But you have 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART II. 237 
 
 not returned us a man in exchange. If we had sold your people to the Moors at 
 Sallee, as you have many of ours to the African and East India Companies, could 
 you have complained ? 
 
 In revising what I have written, I found too much warmth in it, and was about 
 to strike out some parts. Yet I let them go as they will afford you this one reflec 
 tion. " If a man naturally cool, and rendered still cooler by old age, is so warmed 
 by our treatment of his country, how much must those people in general be exaspe 
 rated against us ! and why are we making inveterate enemies by our barbarity, not 
 only of the present inhabitants of a great country, but of their infinitely more 
 numerous posterity ; who will in all future ages detest the name of Englishman, 
 as much as the children in Holland now do those of Aha and Spaniard." This 
 will certainly happen unless your conduct is speedily changed, and the national 
 resentment falls, where it ought to fall heavily, on your ministry, or perhaps rather 
 on the whose will they only execute. 
 
 With the greatest esteem and affection, and best wishes for your prosperity, lo 
 have the honour to be, dear Sir, &c. B. FRANK LI Ku^ni 
 
 To MR. HuTTox. 1 
 MY DEAR OLD FRIEND, Passy, Feb. 1, 1778v 
 
 You desired that if I had no proposition to make, I would 
 at least give my advice. 
 
 I think it is Ariosto who says, that all things lost on earth, are to be found in 
 the moon ; on which somebody remarked that there must be a great deal of good 
 advice in the moon. If so there is a good deal of mine formerly given and lost in 
 this business. I will however at your request give a little more, but without the 
 least expectation that it will be followed ; for none but God can at the same time 
 <jive dood counsel, and wisdom to make use of it. 
 
 c> t~> 
 
 You have lost by this mad war, and the barbarity with which it has been carried 
 on, not only the government and commerce of America, and the public revenues 
 and private wealth arising from that commerce, but what is more, you have lost 
 the esteem, respect, friendship, and affection of all that great and growing people, 
 who consider you at present, and whose posterity will consider you, as the worst 
 and wickedest nation upon earth. A peace you may undoubtedly obtain,, by 
 
 1 See an account of this gentleman, Part 1. p. 37. 
 
238 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 dropping all your pretensions to govern us : and by your superior skill in huckstering 
 negociation, you may possibly make such an apparently advantageous bargain as 
 shall be applauded in your parliament ; but you cannot with the peace recover 
 the affections of that people, it will not be a lasting nor a profitable one, nor will it 
 afford you any part of that strength which you once had by your union with them, 
 and might (if you had been wise enough to take advice) have still retained. 
 
 To recover their respect and affection you must tread back the steps you have 
 taken. 
 
 Instead of honouring and rewarding the American advisers and promoters of this 
 war, you should disgrace them ; with all those who have inflamed the nation against 
 America by their malicious writings ; and all the ministers and generals who have 
 prosecuted the war with such inhumanity. This would show a national change of 
 disposition, and a disapprobation of what had passed. 
 
 In proposing terms, you should not only grant such as the necessity of your 
 affairs may evidently oblige you to grant, but such additional ones as may show your 
 generosity, and thereby demonstrate your good will. For instance, perhaps you 
 might by your treaty retain all Canada, Nova Scotia, and the Floridas. But if you 
 would have a real friendly as well as able ally in America, and avoid all occasion of 
 future discord which will otherwise be continually arising on your American frontiers, 
 you should throw in those countries. And you may call it if you please an indem 
 nification for the burning of their towns, which indemnification will otherwise be 
 some time or other demanded. 
 
 I know your people will not seethe utility of such measures, and will never follow 
 them, and even call it insolence and impudence in me to mention them. I have 
 however complied with your desire, and am as ever your affectionate friend, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To MR. HUTTON. 
 DEAR OLD FRIEND, Passy, Feb. 12, 1778. 
 
 I wrote the above some time before I received yours, 
 
 acquainting me with your speedy and safe return, which gave me pleasure. I 
 doubted after I had written it whether it would be well to send it ; for as your 
 proud nation despises us exceedingly, and demands and expects absolute and 
 humble submission, all talk of treaty must appear imprudence and tend to provoke 
 rather than conciliate. As you still press me by your last to say something; I 
 conclude to send what I had written, for I think the advice is good though it must 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 
 
 be useless ; and I cannot, as some amongst you desire, make propositions, having 
 none committed to me to make ; but we can treat if any are made to us ; which 
 however we do not expect. I abominate with you all murder, and I may add that 
 the slaughter of men in an unjust cause is nothing less than murder ; I therefore 
 never think of your present ministers and their abettors, but with the image 
 strongly painted in my view, of their hands, red, wet, and dropping with the 
 blood of my countrymen, friends, and relations. No peace can be signed by 
 those hands. Peace and friendship will nevertheless subsist for ever between Mr. 
 Hutton and his affectionate friend, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 > -!O ( ,JJV. 
 
 To D. HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, Ftb. 12, 1778. 
 
 A thousand thanks for your so readily engaging in the means 
 
 of relieving our poor captives, and the pains you have taken, and the advances you 
 have made for that purpose. I received your kind letter of the 3d instant, and send 
 you enclosed a bill of ]()()/. I much approve of Mr. Wren s prudent, as well as 
 benevolent conduct, in the disposition of the money, and wish him to continue doing 
 what shall appear to him and you to be right, which I am persuaded will appear 
 the same to me and my colleagues here. I beg you will present him when you write 
 my respectful acknowledgments. 
 
 Your " earnest caution and request that nothing may ever persuade America to 
 throw themselves into the arms of France ; for that times may mend, and that an 
 American must always be a stranger in France, but that Great Britain may for 
 ages to come be their home," marks the goodness of your heart, your regard for us, 
 and love of your country. But when your nation is hiring all the cut-throats it can 
 collect of all countries and colours to destroy us, it is hard to persuade us not to 
 ask or accept aid from any power that may be prevailed with to grant it; and this 
 only from the hope that though you now thirst for our blood and pursue us with 
 fire and sword, you may in some future time treat us kindly. Tins is too much 
 patience to be expected of us; indeed I think it is not in human nature. The 
 Americans are received and treated here in France with a cordiality, a respect and 
 affection they never experienced in England when thcv most deserved it ; and which 
 is now (after all the pains taken to exasperate the English against them, and render 
 themoclious as well as contemptible) less to be expected there- than ever. And I 
 cannot see why we may not, upon an alliance, hope for a continuance of it, at least 
 of as much as the Swiss enjoy with whom France have maintained a faithful frieu.l- 
 
240 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 ship for two hundred years past, and whose people appear to live here in as much 
 esteem as the natives. America has been/breed and driven into the arms of France. 
 She was a dutiful and virtuous daughter. A cruel mother-in-law turned her out of 
 doors, defamed her, and sought her life. All the world knows her innocence and 
 takes her part; and her friends hope soon to see her honourably married. They 
 can never persuade her return and submission to so barbarous an enemy. In her 
 future prosperity, if she forgets and forgives, tis all that can be reasonably expected 
 of her. I believe she will make as good and useful a wife as she did a daughter, 
 that her husband will love and honour her, and that the family from which she was 
 so wickedly expelled, will long regret the loss of her. 
 
 I know not whether a peace with us is desired in England. I rather think it is 
 not at present, unless on the old impossible terms of submission and receiving 
 pardon. Whenever you shall be disposed to make peace upon equal and reasonable 
 terms, you will find little difficulty if you get first an honest ministry. The present 
 have all along acted so deceitfully and treacherously as well as inhumanly towards 
 the Americans, that I imagine, the absolute want of all confidence in them, will 
 make a treaty at present between them and the Congress impracticable. 
 
 The subscription for the prisoners will have excellent effects in favour of 
 England and Englishmen. The Scotch subscriptions for raising troops to destroy 
 us, though amounting to much greater sums, will not do their nation half so much 
 good. If you have an opportunity I wish you would express our respectful 
 acknowledgments and thanks to your Committee and contributors, whose bene 
 factions will make our poor people as comfortable as their situation can permit. 
 Adieu, my dear friend. Accept my thanks for the excellent papers you inclosed to 
 me. Your endeavours for peace though unsuccessful will always be a comfort to 
 you, and in time when this mad war shall be universally execrated, will be a solid 
 addition to your reputation. I am ever with the highest esteem, c. 
 
 P. S. An old friend of mine, Mr. Hutton, a chief of the Moravians, who is 
 often at the Queen s palace, and is sometimes spoken to by the King, was over here 
 lately. He pretended to no commission, but urged me much to propose some terms 
 of peace, which I avoided. He has wrote to me since his return, pressing the same 
 thing, and expressing with some confidence his opinion that we might have every 
 thing short of absolute independence, c. Inclosed I send my answers ; open that 
 you may read them, and if you please copy before you deliver or forward them. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.- tART III. 241 
 
 They will serve to show you more fully my sentiments, though they serve no other 
 purpose. 
 
 To D. HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, Feb. 26, 1779. 
 
 I received yours of the 18th and 20th of this month, with 
 Lord North s proposed bills. The more I see of the ideas and projects of your 
 ministry and their little arts and schemes of amusing and dividin* us, the more I 
 
 " O O 
 
 admire the prudent, manly, and magnanimous propositions contained in your 
 intended motion for an address to the King. What reliance can we have on an act 
 expressing itself to be only a declaration of the intention of parliament concerning 
 the exercise of the RIGHT of imposing taxes in America, when in the bill itself, as 
 well as in tire title, a right is supposed and claimed which never existed ; and a 
 present intention only is declared not to use it, which may be changed by another act 
 next sessions, with a preamble that this intention being found inexpedient, it is 
 thought proper to repeal this act and resume the exercise of the right in its full 
 extent. If any solid permanent benefit was intended by this, why is it Confined to 
 the colonies of North America, and not extended to the loyal ones in the sugar 
 islands ? But it is now needless to criticise, as all acts that suppose your future 
 government of the colonies can be no longer significant. 
 
 In the act for appointing commissioners instead of full powers to agree upon 
 terms of peace and friendship, with a promise of ratifying such treaty as they shall 
 make in pursuance of those powers ; it is declared that their agreements shall have 
 no force nor effect, nor be carried into execution till approved of by parliament ; 
 so that every thing of importance will be uncertain. But they are allowed to 
 proclaim a cessation of arms, and revoke their proclamation as soon as in consequence 
 of it our militia have been allowed to go home : they may suspend the operation of 
 acts prohibiting trade, and take off that suspension when our merchants in conse 
 quence of it have been induced to send their ships to sea ; in short they may do 
 every thing that can have a tendency to divide and distract Us, but nothing that can 
 afford us security. Indeed, Sir, your ministers do not know us. We may not be 
 quite so cunning as they, but we have really more sense, as well as more courage 
 than they have ever been willing to give us credit for ; and I am persuaded these 
 acts will rather obstruct peace than promote it, and that they will not answer in 
 America the mischievous and malevolent ends for which they were intended. In 
 England they may indeed amuse the public creditors, give hopes and expectations 
 
 VOL. II. 2 H 
 
242 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FHANKLIX. 
 
 that shall be of some present use, and continue the mis-managers a little longer in 
 their places. Voila tout! 
 
 In return for your repeated advice to us not to conclude any treaty with the 
 House of Bourbon, permit me to give (through you) a little advice to the Whigs in 
 England. Let nothing induce them to join with the Tories in supporting and 
 continuing this wicked war against the Whigs of America, whose assistance they may 
 hereafter want to secure their own liberties; or whose country they may be glad to 
 retire to for the enjoyment of them. 
 
 If peace by a treaty with America upon equal terms, were really desired, your 
 Commissioners need not go there for it, supposing, as by the bill they are empowered 
 " to treat with such person or persons as in their wisdom and discretion they shall 
 think meet," they should happen to conceive that the Commissioners of the Congress 
 at Paris might be included in that description. I arn ever, dear Sir, &c. B. F. 
 
 P. S. Seriously on farther thoughts I am of opinion, that if wise and honest men, 
 such as Sir George Saville, the Bishop of St. Asaph, and yourself, were to come 
 ever here immediately with powers to treat, you might not only obtain peace with 
 America but prevent a war with France. 
 
 To MR. HUTTON. 
 
 Pasty, March 24-, 1778. 
 
 My dear old friend was in the right not " to call in question 
 the sincerity of my words, where I say, February 12, tve can treat if any propo- 
 positions are made to us" They were true then, and are so still, if Britain has not 
 declared war with France; for in that case we shall undoubtedly think ourselves 
 obliged to continue the war as long as she does. But methinks you should have 
 taken us at our word, and have sent immediately your propositions in order to 
 prevent such a war, if you did not chuse it. Still I conceive it would be well to do 
 it, if you have not already rashly begun the war. Assure yourself nobody more 
 sincerely wishes perpetual peace among men than I do ; but there is a prior wish 
 that they would be equitable and just, otherwise such peace is not possible, and 
 indeed wicked men have no right to expect it. Adieu ! I am ever yours most 
 affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 243 
 
 Note from WILLIAM PULTNEY, ESQ. M. P. (under the assumed Name o 
 
 Williams). 
 
 Mr. Williams returned this morning to Paris, and will be 
 
 glad to see Dr. Franklin, whenever it is convenient for the Doctor, at the Hotel 
 Frasilicre, Rue Tournou. It is near the Hotel where he lodged when the Doctor 
 saw him a fortnight ago. He dues not propose to go abroad, and therefore the 
 Doctor will find him at any hour. He understands that Mr. Alexander is not yet 
 returned from Dijon, which he regrets. 
 Sunday Morning, March 29, 1768. 
 
 [The following Letter to Mr. Pultney, was not sent, but contains what was said 
 in a Conversation Dr. Franklin had with him in Paris], 
 
 - iiW Hd 
 
 To WILLIAM PULTXEY, ESQ. 
 SJR, Passy, March 30, 1778. 
 
 When I first had the honour of conversing with you on the 
 
 subject of peace, I mentioned it as my opinion that every proposition which implied 
 our voluntarily agreeing to return to a dependence on Britain was now become 
 impossible, that a peace on equal terms undoubtedly might be made ; and that 
 though we had no particular powers to treat of peace with England, we had general 
 powers to make treaties of peace, amity, and commerce, with any state in Europe, 
 by which I thought we might be authorized to treat with Britain; who if sincerely 
 disposed to peace, might save time and much bloodshed by treating with us 
 directly. 
 
 I also gave it as my opinion, that in the treaty to be made, Britain should 
 endeavour by the fairness and generosity of the terms she offered, to recover the 
 esteem, confidence, and affection of America, without which the peace could not 
 be so beneficial, as it was not likely to be lasting. In this I had the pleasure to find 
 you of my opinion. 
 
 But I see by the propositions you have communicated to me, that the ministers 
 cannot yet divest themselves of the idea, that the power of parliament over us is 
 constitutionally absolute and unlimited ; and that the limitations they may be willing 
 now to put to it by treaty, are so many favours, or so many benefits for which we 
 are to make compensation. 
 
 As our opinions in America are totally different, a treaty on the terms proposed 
 appears to me utterly impracticable either here or there. Here we certainly cannot 
 
844 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 make it, having not the smallest authority to make even the declaration specified in 
 the proposed letter, without which, if I understood you right, treating with us cannot 
 be commenced. 
 
 I sincerely wish as much for peace as you do, and I have enough remaining of 
 good will for England to wish it for her sake as well as for our own, and for the 
 sake of humanity. In the present state of things, the proper means of obtaining it, 
 in my opinion, are to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and then 
 enter at once into a treaty with us for a suspension of arms, with the usual provi 
 sions relating to distances ; and another for establishing peace, friendship, and 
 commerce, such as France has made. This might prevent a war between you and 
 that kingdom, which in the present circumstances and temper of the two nations an 
 accident may bring on every day, though contrary to the interest and without the 
 previous intention of either. Such a treaty we might probably now make with the 
 approbation of our friends ; but if you go to war with them on account of their 
 friendship for us, we are bound by ties, stronger than can be formed by any treaty, 
 to fight against you with them, as long as the war against them shall continue. 
 
 May God at last grant that wisdom to your national councils which he seems 
 long to have denied them, and which only sincere, just, and humane intentions can 
 raerit or expect. With great personal esteem, 1 have the honour to be, Sir, &c. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 FROM MR. ALEXANDER TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR SIR, 
 
 Upon a night s reflection it is thought right that you be 
 possessed of the inclosed, 1 to be afterwards returned without taking copy in case 
 no business be done. Will you let me know by the bearer if we are to see you in 
 town to day, and when, that I may be at hand ? 
 Saturday Morning, April 4, 1778. 
 
 To DR. BANCROFT,* F. R. S. LONDON. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, April 16, 1778. 
 
 I wish you would assure our friend, that Dr. Franklin never 
 
 1 Some proposals on the part of the British ministry, disapprove ! of by Dr. Frariklin, and re-turned. 
 
 * An American gentleman of great worth and abilities ; an intimate and much respected friend of 
 Dr. Franklin s, to whom the United States are greatly indebted for his e.xertion and assistance in the 
 cause of their Independence. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 245 
 
 gave any such expectations to Mr. Pultney. On the contrary, he told him that the 
 Commissioners could not succeed in their mission, whether they went to recover 
 the dependance or to divide. His opinion is confirmed by the inclosed resolves, 
 which perhaps it may not be amiss to publish in England. Please to send me the 
 newspaper. Yours affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 His EXCELLENCY JOSEPH REED, ESQ. 
 
 President of the Slate of Pennsylvania. 
 SIR, Passy, March 19, 1780. 
 
 I have just received the pamphlet you did me the honour to 
 
 send me by M. Gerard, and have read it with pleasure ; not only as the clear state 
 of facts, it does you honour, but as it proves the falsehood of a man, who also showed 
 no regard to truth in what he said of me, " that I approved of the propositions he 
 carried over" The truth is this, his brother, Mr. Pultney, came here with those 
 propositions ; and after stipulating that if I did not approve of them, I should not 
 speak of them to any person, he communicated them to me. I told him frankly, 
 on his desiring to know my sentiments, that I DID NOT approve of them, and that 
 I was sure they WOULD NOT be accepted in America. But I said there are two 
 other Commissioners here. I will, if you please, show your propositions to them, 
 and you will hear their opinions. I will also show them to the ministry here, 
 without whose knowledge and concurrence we can take no step in such affairs. No, 
 said he ; as you do not approve of them, it can answer no purpose to shew them to 
 any body else : the reasons that weigh with you will also weigh with them : there 
 fore, I now pray that no mention may be made of my having been here, or my 
 business. To this I agreed, and therefore nothing could be more astonishing to me, 
 than to see in an American newspaper, that direct lie, in a letter from Mr. Johnstone, 
 joined with two other falsehoods, relating to the time of the treaty, and to the 
 opinion of Spain ! 
 
 In proof of the above, I inclose a certificate of a friend of Mr. Pultney s, the only 
 person present at our interview ; and I do it the rather at this time, because I am 
 informed that another calumniator (the same who formerly in his private letters to 
 particular members, accused you with Messrs. Jay, Duanes, Langdon, and Har 
 rison, of betraying the secrets of Congress in a correspondence with the ministry) 
 has made this transaction with Mr. Pultney, an article of accusation against me, as 
 having approved the same propositions. He proposes, I understand, to settle in 
 your government. I caution you to beware of him ; for in sowing suspicions and 
 
24(> MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 jealousies, in creating misunderstandings and quarrels among friends, in malice, 
 subtilty, and indefatigable industry, he ha?, I think, no equal. 
 
 I am glad to see that you continue to preside in our new State, as it shows that 
 your public conduct 1s approved by the people. You have had a difficult time, 
 which required abundance of prudence ; and you have been equal to the occasion. 
 The disputes about the constitution seem to have subsided. It is much admired 
 here and all over Europe, and will draw over many families of fortune, to settle 
 under it as soon as there is a peace. The defects that may on seven years trial be 
 found in it, can be amended, when the time comes for considering them. With 
 great and sincere esteem and respect, I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 I do hereby certify, whom it may concern, that I was with Mr. Pultney and 
 Dr. Franklin at Paris, when in a conversation between them on the subject of 
 certain propositions for a reconciliation with America, offered by Mr. Pultney, Dr. 
 Franklin said he did not approve of them, nor did he think they would be approved 
 in America, but that he would communicate them to his colleagues and the French 
 ministry. This Mr. Pultney opposed, saying that it would answer no good end, as 
 he was persuaded that what weighed with Dr. Franklin would weigh also with them; 
 and therefore desired that no mention might be made of his having offered such 
 propositions, or even of his having been here, on such business ; but that the whole 
 might be buried in oblivion, agreeable to what had been stipulated by Mr. Pultney, 
 and agreed to by Dr. Franklin, before the propositions were produced, which Dr. 
 Franklin accordingly promised. Paris, March 19, 1780. 
 
 (Signed) WILLIAM ALEXANDER. 
 
 DEAR Sin, 
 
 I send you adjoined, the certificate you desire ; and am 
 
 perfectly convinced from conversations I have since had with Mr. Pultney, that 
 nobody was authorized to hold the language which has been imputed to him on that 
 subject ; and as I have a high opinion of his candour and worth, I know it must be 
 painful to him to be brought into question in matters of fact with persons he 
 esteems. I could wish that this matter may receive no farther publicity than what is 
 necessary for your justification. lam, &c. W.ALEXANDER. 
 
 To Dr. Franklin, Passy. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART Ilf. 247 
 
 To COUNT DE VERGENNES, 
 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs, Fersailfas. 
 SIR, Passy, April 24, 1778. 
 
 Mr. Hartley, member of parliament, an old acquaintance of 
 
 mine, arrived here from London on Sunday las". He it generally in the opposition, 
 especially on American questions, but has some respect for Lord North. In con 
 versation he expressed the strongest anxiety for peace with America, and appeared 
 extremely desirous to know my sentiments of the tepms which might probably be 
 acceptable if offered; whether America would not to obtain peace grant some 
 superior advantages in trade to Britain, and enter into an alliance offensive and 
 defensive ; whether if war should be declared against France, we had obliged 
 ourselves by treaty to join with her against England. My answers have been, That 
 the LFnited States were not fond of war, and with the advice of their friends would 
 probably be easily prevailed with to make peace on equitable terms, but we had no 
 terms committed to us to propose, and I did not chuse to mention any. Tha* 
 Britain having injured us heavily by making this unjust war upon us, might think 
 herself well off, if on reparation of those injuries, we admitted her to equal 
 advantages with other nations in commerce ; but certainly she had no reason to 
 expect superior. That her known fondness for war, and the many instances of her 
 readiness to engage in wars on frivolous occasions, were probably sufficient to cause 
 an immediate rejection of every proposition for an offensive alliance with her. And 
 that if she made war against France on our account, a peace with us at the same 
 time was impossible ; for that having met with friendship from that generous nation 
 when we were cruelly oppressed by England, we were under ties stronger than 
 treaties cuuld form, to make common cause, which we should certainly do to the 
 utmost of our power. Here has also been with me a Mr. Chapman, who says he 
 is a member of the parliament of Ireland, on his way home from Nice, where he 
 had been for the recovery of his health. He pretended to call on me only from 
 motives of respect for my character, &c. But after a few compliments he entered 
 on a similar discourse, urging much to know what terms would satisfy America, 
 and whether on having peace and independence granted to us, we should not be 
 willing to submit to the Navigation Act, or give equivalent privileges in trade to 
 Britain. The purport of my answer to him was in short, that peace was of equal 
 value to England as to us, and independence we were already in possession of; 
 ihat therefore England s offer to grant them to us could not be considered as pro- 
 posing any favour, or as giving her a right to expect peculiar advantages in com/- 
 
248 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 merce. By his importunity I found his visit was not so occasional as he repre 
 sented it : and from some expressions I conjectured he might be sent by Lord 
 Shelburne, to sound me, and collect some information. On the whole, I gather 
 from these conversations, that the opposition as well as the ministry are perplexed 
 with the present situation of affairs, arid know not which way to turn themselves, 
 whether it is best to go backward or forward, or what steps to take to extricate that 
 nation from its present dangerous situation. 
 
 I thought it right to give your Excellency an account of these interviews, and to 
 acquaint you with my intention of avoiding such hereafter, as I see but little prospect 
 of utility in them, and think they are very liable to hurtful misrepresentations. 
 
 By advices from London we learn that a fleet for Quebec, with goods valued at 
 500, OOO/. sterling, is to sail about the end of this month under convoy onlv of a 
 single frigate of thirty guns, in which is to go Governor Haidimand. 
 
 Inclosed I send a paper I have just received from London. It is not subscribed 
 by any name, but I know the hand. It is from an old friend of general and great 
 acquaintance, and marks strongly the present distress and despair of considerate 
 people in England. I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, your 
 Excellency s, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 FROM COUNT DE VERGENNES TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 
 A Versailles, le April 25, 1778. 
 
 J ai rendu compte au Roi, Monsieur, du contenu de la lettre 
 
 que vous m avez fait 1 honneur de m ecrire hier, et sa majeste me charge de vous 
 
 temoigner toute sa satisfaction de votre empressernent a nous informer de 1 objet 
 
 de vos conferences avec M. Hartley. Le grand art de 1 Angleterre fut toujours de 
 
 chercher a diviser, c est un bon moyen en effet pour s assurer 1 empire ; mais ce 
 
 n est ni aupres de vous ni aupres de vos collegues qu il peut etre employe avec 
 
 succes ; je porte avec confiance le meme jugement des etats unis. Au reste il n est 
 
 pas possible, Monsieur, de repondre avec plus de noblesse, de franchise et de 
 
 fermete" que vous 1 avcz fait a M. Hartley : il n a pas lieu d etre content de sa 
 
 mission. J ignore si ce rnembre du parlement en a une pour nous ; il desire de me 
 
 voir, et je 1 attens dans la matinee. Je ne serois pas surpris qu il ne se proposal de 
 
 semer la defiance entre nous en introduisant une double negociation, mais je 
 
 saurai y obvier, et vous serez instruit de ce qui se passera entre nous pour peu 
 
 qu il y ait quelque chose d interessant. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 249 
 
 J ai 1 honneur d etre avec une tres parfaite consideration, Monsieur, votre tres 
 humble et tres obeissant serviteur, DE VERGENNES. 
 
 To DR. FRANKLIN, PASSY. 
 DEARS tit, Paris, April 29, 1778. 
 
 I will take care of all your commissions. This moment a 
 second packet of infinite value is received, which I shall cherish as a mark 
 of affection from you. I opened the letter by mistake which came with it, and 
 soon saw it was not for me. I hope you will excuse it. I chuse rather to throw 
 myself upon your goodness for the excuse, than any thing else. I shall not set out 
 till between one and two ; therefore if you will be so good as to send me another 
 copy, I will take care of it and deliver it safely. 
 
 God bless you, my dear friend. No exertion or endeavour on my part shall be 
 wanting, that we may some time or other meet again in peace. Your powers are 
 infinitely more influential than mine. To those powers I trust my last hopes. I 
 will conclude, blessed are the peace-makers. Your affectionate friend, 
 
 D. HARTLEY. 
 
 If tempestuous times should come, take care of your own safety : events are 
 uncertain, and men may be capricious. Yours, &c. 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 I thank you for your kind caution, but having nearly finished 
 a lon life, I set but little value on what remains of it. Like a draper, when one 
 chaffers with him for a remnant, I am ready to say, " As it is only the fag-end, I 
 will not differ with you about it, take it for what you please." Perhaps the best 
 use such an old fellow can be put to, is to make a martyr of him, B. F. 
 
 An anonymous letter delivered to me at 9 in the evening May 20, 78. It seems 
 intended to draw me out into those gardens for some bad purpose ; as the person 
 who pretended to have such urgent business with me has never since appeared ; 
 though (refusing to go out at that time of night) I appointed the next day at 1 1 
 o clock. B - FRANKLIN. 
 
 20th May, 1778. 
 
 Une personne qui aurois quelrme chose de tres interessant et 
 VOL. II. 2I 
 
250 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN 7 . 
 
 presse a vous communique!*, desirerois, Monsieur, que vous voulussiez bien luy 
 donner un, moment pour luy procurer 1 agr^ment tie s entrelenir avec vous sur le dont 
 il sagit. 
 
 L on sais que vouz venez quelquefois an jardin des eaux, et comme 1 on. ne vent 
 Tetre appercu d aucun de vos gens (et que 1 ori a des raisons tres fortes pour cela). 
 Ton sont transport^ icy tout expose" de Paris dans 1 cspoir que Ton aura 1 avantage 
 de vous voire et de vous parler d objet d autan plus important qu il conccrne des 
 personnes distingues. 
 
 ANSWER TO A LETTER FROM BRUSSELS. 
 
 Slit, Pa-ssy, July 1, 1778. 
 
 I received your letter dated at Brussels the 1 6th past. 
 
 My vanity might possibly be flattered by your expressions of compliment to 
 my understanding, if your proposals did not more clearly manifest a mean opinion 
 of it. 
 
 You conjure me in the n.me of the omniscient and just God before whom I 
 must appear, and by my hopes of future fame, to consider if some expedient cannot 
 be found to put a stop to the desolation of America, and prevent the miseries of a 
 general war. As I am conscious of having taken every step in my power to 
 prevent the breach and no one to widen it ; I can appear cheerfully before that 
 God, fearing nothing from his justice in this particular, though I have much occa 
 sion for his mercy in many others. As to my future fame I am content to rest 
 it on my past and present conduct, without seeking an addition to it in the crooked, 
 dark paths you propose to me, where I should most certainly lose it. This your 
 solemn address would therefore have been more properly made to your sovereign 
 and his venal parliament. He and they who wickedly began and madly continue 
 a war for the desolation of America, are alone accountable for the consequences. 
 
 You endeavour to impress me with a bad opinion of French faith ; but the 
 instances of their friendly endeavours to serve a race of weak princes who by their 
 own imprudence defeated every attempt to promote their interest weigh but little 
 with me, when I consider the steady friendship of France to the thirteen United 
 States of Switzerland which has now continued inviolate two hundred years. You 
 tell me that she will certainly cheat us, and that she despises us already. I do not 
 believe that she will cheat us, and I am not certain that she despises us, but I see 
 clearly that you are endeavouring to cheat us by your conciliatory bills ; that you 
 actually despised our understandings when you flattered yourselves those artifices 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 251 
 
 would succeed ; and that not only France but all Europe, yourselves included, most 
 certainly and for ever would despise us if we were weak enough to accept your 
 insidious propositions. 
 
 Our expectations of the future grandeur of America, are not so magnificent, and 
 therefore not so vain or visionary as you represent them to be. The body of our 
 people are not merchants, but humble husbandmen, who delight in the cultivation 
 of their lands, which from their fertility and the variety of our climates, are capable 
 of furnishing all the necessaries and conveniences of life without external commerce. 
 And we have too much land to have the least temptation to extend our territory 
 by conquest from peaceable neighbours, as well as too much justice to think of it. 
 Our militia you find by experience are sufficient to defend our lands from 
 invasion ; and the commerce with us will be defended by all the nations who find 
 an advantage in it. We therefore have not the occasion you imagine of fleets, or 
 standing armies, but may leave those expensive machines to be maintained for the 
 pomp of princes, and the wealth of ancient states. We propose, if possible, to live 
 in peace with all mankind ; and after you have been convinced, to your cost, that 
 there is nothing to be got by attacking us, we have reason to hope that no other 
 power will judge it prudent to quarrel with us, lest they divert us from our own 
 quiet industry, and turn us into corsairs preying upon theirs. The weight therefore 
 of an independent empire, which you seem so certain of our inability to bear, will 
 not be so great as you imagine. The expence of our civil government we have 
 always borne, and can easily bear, because it is small. A virtuous and laborious 
 people may be cheaply governed. Determining as we do to have no offices of 
 profit, nor any sinecures or useless appointments, so common in ancient and 
 corrupted states, we can govern ourselves a year for the sum you pay in a single 
 department, or for what one jobbing contractor, by the favour of a minister, can 
 cheat you out of in a single article. 
 
 You think vve flatter ourselves and are deceived into an opinion that England 
 must acknowledge our independency. We on the other hand think you flatter 
 yourselves in imagining such an acknowledgment a vast boon which we strongly 
 desire, and which you may gain some great advantage by granting or withholding. 
 We have never asked it of you. We only tell you, that you can have no treaty 
 with us but as an independent State ; and you may please yourselves and your 
 children with the rattle of your right to govern us, as long as you have done with 
 that of your King s being King of France, without giving us the least concern, if 
 joa do not attempt to exercise it. That this pretended right is indisputable, as you 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 say, we utterly deny. Your parliament never had a right to govern us, and your 
 King has forfeited it by his bloody tyranny. But I thank you for letting me know 
 a little of your mind, that even if the parliament should acknowledge our indepen<- 
 dency, the act would not be binding to posterity, and that your nation would 
 resume and prosecute the claim as soon as they found it convenient from the influ 
 ence of your passions, and your present malice against us. We suspected before, 
 that you would not be actually bound by your conciliatory acts longer than till they 
 had served their purpose of inducing us to disband our forces, but we were net 
 certain that you were knaves by principle and that we ought not to have the least 
 confidence in your offers, promises or treaties, though confirmed by parliament. I 
 now indeed recollect my being informed long since, when in England, that a certain 
 very great personage, then young, studied much a certain book entitled Arcana 
 imperil. 1 had the curiosity to procure the book and read it. There are sensible 
 and good things in it, but some bad ones ; for if I remember right, a particular 
 king is applauded for his politically exciting a rebellion among his subjects at a 
 time when they had not strength to support it, that he might in subduing thena 
 take away their privileges which were troublesome to him : and a question is 
 formally stated and discussed, Whether a prince, to appease a revolt, malt es promises 
 of indemnity to the revolters, is obliged to fulfil those promises? Honest and good 
 men would say, aye : but this politician says as you say, no. And he gives this 
 pretty reason, that though it was right to make the promises, because otherwise 
 the revolt would not be suppressed ; yet it would be wrong to keep them, because 
 revolters ought to be punished to deter future revolts. If these are the principles 
 of your nation, no confidence can be placed in you, it is in vain to treat with you-, 
 and the wars can only end in being reduced to an utter inability of continuing 
 them. 
 
 One main drift of your letter seems to be to impress me with an idea of your 
 own impartiality, by just censures of your ministers and measures, and to draw 
 from me propositions of peace, or approbations of those you have enclosed me, 
 which you intimate may by your means be conveyed to the king directly without the 
 intervention of those ministers. Would you have me give them to, or drop them 
 for a stranger I may find next Monday in the church of Notre Dame, to be known 
 by a rose in his hat? You yourself, Sir, are quite unknown to me, you have not 
 trusted me with your true name. Our taking the least step towards a treaty with 
 England through you, might, if you are an enemy, be made use of to ruin us with 
 our new and good friends. I may be indiscreet enough in many things ; but 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART 111. 253 
 
 certainly if I were disposed to make propositions (which I cannot do, having none 
 committed to me to make) I should never think of delivering them to the Lord 
 knows who, to be carried to the Lord knows where; to serve no one knows what 
 purposes. Bting at this time one of the most remarkable figures in> Paris, everv 
 my appearance in the church of Notre Dame, where I cannot have any conceivable 
 business, and especially being seen to leave or drop any letter to any person there,, 
 would be a. matter of some speculation, and might from the suspicions it must 
 naturally give, have very mischievous consequences to our credit here. The very 
 proposing of a correspondence so to be managed, in a manner not necessary where 
 J-air dealing is intended, gives just reason to suppose you intend the contrary* 
 Besides, as your court has sent commissioners to treat with the congress, with all 
 the powers that would be given them by the crown under the act of parliament, 
 what good purpose can be served by privately obtaining propositions from u&P- 
 Before those commissioners went, we might have treated in virtue of our general 
 powers, (with the knowledge, advice, and approbation of our friends) upon any 
 propositions made to us. But under the present circumstances for us to make 
 propositions, while a treaty is supposed to be actually on foot with the congress, 
 would be extremely improper, highly presumptous with regard to our honourable 
 constituents, and answer no good* end whatever. 
 
 I write this letter to you, notwithstanding (which I think I can convey in a less 
 mysterious manner ; and guess it may come to your hands ;) I write it because 
 I would let you know our sense of your procedure which appears as insidious as 
 that of your conciliatory bills. Your true way to obtain peace, if your ministers 
 desire it, is to propose openly to the congress fair and equal terms ; and you may. 
 possibly come sooner to such a resolution, when you find that personal flatteries, 
 genera! cajolings, and panegyrics on our virtue and wisdom are not likely to have 
 the effect you seem to expect, the persuading us to act basely and foolishly in 
 betraying our country and posterity into the hands of our most bitter enemies, 
 giving up or selling of our arms, and warlike stores, dismissing our ships of war and 
 troops, and putting those enemies in possession of our forts and ports. This 
 proposition of delivering ourselves bound and gagged, ready for hanging without 
 even a right to complain, and without a friend to be found afterwards among all 
 mankind, you would have us embrace upon the faith of an act of parliament ! Good 
 God ! an act of your parliament 1 This demonstrates that you do not yet know us, 
 and that you fancy we do not know you : but it is not merely this flimsy faith that 
 we are to act upon; you offer us hope, the hope of PLACES, PENSIONS and; 
 
254 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 PEERAGE. These, judging from yourselves, you think are motives irresistible. 
 This offer to corrupt us, Sir, is with me your credential, and convinces me that you 
 arc not a private volunteer in your application. It bears the stamp of British 
 Court intrigue, and the signature of your King. But think for a moment in 
 vvhat light it must be viewed in America. By PLACES which cannot come among 
 us, for you take care by a special article to keep them to yourselves. We must 
 then pay the salaries in order to enrich ourselves with these places. But you 
 will give us PENSIONS; probably to be paid too out of your expected American 
 revenue; and which none of us can accept without deserving and perhaps obtaining 
 a suspension. PEERAGES! alas! Sir, our long observation of the vast servile 
 majority of your peers voting constantly for every measure proposed by a minister, 
 however weak or wicked, leaves us small respect for them, and we consider it as 
 a sort of tar-and-feather honour, or a mixture of foulness and folly; which every 
 man among us who should accept from your King, would be obliged to renounce 
 or exchange for that conferred by the mobs of their own country, or wear it with 
 everlasting shame. I am, Sir, your humble servant, B* FRANKLIN. 
 
 [Letter in anwoer to the Propositions of quitting the alliance with France. 
 
 Supposed to be to DAVID HARTLEY, Esq.] 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, Feb. 3, 1779. 
 
 I have just received your favour of the 23d past, in which 
 
 you mention, "that the alliance between France and America is the great stumbling 
 block, in the way of making peace ;" and you go on to observe, that " whatever 
 engagements America may have entered into, they may, at least by the consent of 
 parties, be relinquished, for the purpose of removing so material an obstacle to any 
 general treaty of free and unengaged parties." Adding that " if the parties could 
 meet for the sake of peace upon free and open ground, you should think that a very 
 fair proposition to be offered to the people of England, and an equitable proposition 
 in itself." The long, steady, and kind regard you have shewn for the welfare of 
 America by the whole tenor of your conduct in parliament, satisfies me, that this 
 proposition never took its rise with you, but has been suggested from some other 
 quarter ; and that your excess of humanity, your love of peace, and your fear for 
 us that the destruction we are threatened with, will certainly be effected, have 
 thrown a mist before your eyes which hindered you from seeing the malignity and 
 mischief of it. We know that your K. hates Whigs and Presbyterians; that he 
 thirsts for our blood ; of which he has already drunk large draughts; that weak 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 255" 
 
 and unprincipled ministers are readv to execute the wickedest of his orders, and 
 his venal parliament equally ready to vote them just. Not the smallest appearance 
 of a reason can be imagined capable of inducing us to think of relinquishing a solid 
 alliance \\ith one of the most amiable as well as most powerful princes of Europe, 
 for the expectation of unknown terms of peace to be afterwards offered to us by 
 such a government. A government that has already shamefully broken all the com 
 pacts it ever made with us. This is worse than advising us to drop the substance 
 for the shadow. The dog after he found his mistake might possibly have recovered 
 his mutton ; but we could never hope to be trusted again by France, or indeed by 
 any other nation under heaven. Nor does there appear any more necessity for 
 dissolving an alliance with France before you can treat with us, than there would 
 of dissolving your alliance with Holland, or your union with Scotland before we 
 could treat with you. Ours is therefore no material obstacle to a treaty as you 
 suppose it to be. Had Lord North been the author of such a proposition, all the 
 world would have said it was insidious, and meant only to deceive and divide us 
 from our friends, and then to ruin us : supposing our fears might be strong enough 
 to procure an acceptance of it. But thanks to God that is not the case ! We have 
 long since settled all the account in our own minds. We know the worst you can 
 do to us, if you have your wish, is to confiscate our estates and lake our lives, to 
 rob and murder us; and this you have seen we are ready to hazard, rather than 
 come again under your detested government. 
 
 You must observe, my dear friend, that I am a little warm. Excuse me ! Tis 
 over. Only let me counsel you not to think of being sent hither on so fruitless an 
 errand as that of making such a proposition. 
 
 It puts me in mind of the comic farce intitled God-send, or the Wreckers. You 
 may have forgotten it ; but I will endeavour to amuse you by recollecting a little 
 of it. 
 
 Scene. Mounts Bar/. A ship riding at anchor in a great storm. A lee shore 
 full of rocks, and lined with people, furnished with axes and carriages to cut up 
 wrecks, knock the sailors on the head, and carry off the plunder; according to 
 custom. 
 
 1st Wrecker. This ship rides it out longer than I expected. She must have good 
 ground tackle. 
 
 2d Wrecker. We had better send off a boat to her, and persuade her to take a 
 pilot, who can afterwards run her a-shore where we can best come at her. 
 
256 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 3d Wrecker. I doubt whether the boat can live in this sea. But if there are 
 any brave fellows willing to hazard themselves for the good of the public, and a 
 double share let them say Aye. 
 
 Several JVreckers. I, I, I, I. 
 
 The boat goes off, and comes under the ship s stern. 
 
 Spokesman. So ho, the Ship, ahoa ! 
 
 Captain. Hulloa. 
 
 Sp. Would you have a pilot? 
 
 Capt. No, no! 
 
 Sp. It blows hard, and you are in danger. 
 
 <Capt. I know it. 
 
 Sp. Will you buy a better cable ? we have one in the boat here. 
 
 Capt. What do you ask for it ? 
 
 Sp. Cut that you have, and then we ll talk about the price of this. 
 
 Capt. I shall do no such foolish thing. I have lived in your parish formerly, 
 and know the heads of ye too welUo trust ye : keep off from my cable there ; I see 
 you have a mind to cut it yourselves. If you go any nearer to it, I ll fire into you 
 and sink you. 
 
 Sp. It is a damn d rotten French cable, and will part of itself in half an hour. 
 Where will you be then, Captain ? you had better take our offer. 
 
 Capt. You offer nothing, you rogues, but treachery and mischief. My cable is 
 good and strong, and will hold long enough to baulk all your projects. 
 
 Sp. You talk unkindly, Captain, to people who came here only for your 
 good. 
 
 Capt. I know you come for all our goods, but, by God s help, you shall have 
 none of them. You shall not serve us as you did the Indiamen. 
 
 Sp. Come, my lads, let s be gone. This fellow is not so great a fool as we took 
 him to be. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 
 Passy, Feb. 22, 1779. 
 I received your proposition for removing the stumbling-block, 
 ll our constant desires of peace ought to endear you to both sides ; but this 
 proposition seems to be naturally impracticable. We can never think of quitting a 
 .solid alliance made and ratified, in order to be in a state for receiving unknown 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 257 
 
 proposals of peace which may vanish in the discussion. The truth is we have no 
 kind of faith in your government, which appears to us as insidious and deceitful as 
 it is unjust and cruel. Its character is that of the spider in Thomson, 
 
 cunning, and fierce, 
 
 Mixture abhorr d! 
 
 Besides we cannot see the necessity of our relinquishing our alliance with France in 
 order to a treaty, any more than of your relinquishing yours with Holland. I am, 
 very affectionately, yours, N. A. 1 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, March 21, 1779. 
 
 I received duly yours of the 2d instant. I am sorry you 
 have had so much trouble in the affair of the prisoners. You have been deceived 
 as well as we. No cartel ship has yet appeared, and it is now evident that the 
 delays have been of design, to give more opportunity of seducing the men by 
 promises and hardships to seek their liberty in engaging against their country. For 
 we learn from those who have escaped, that there are persons continually employed 
 in cajoling and menacing them, representing to them that we neglect them, that 
 your government is willing to exchange them, and that it is our fault it is not done : 
 that all the news from America is bad on their side ; we shall be conquered and 
 they will be hanged, if they do not accept the gracious offer of being pardoned on 
 condition of serving the King, &c. A great part of your prisoners have been kept 
 these six months on board a ship in Brest Road ready to be delivered : where I am 
 afraid they were not so comfortably accommodated as they might have been in the 
 French prisons. They are now ordered on shore. Doctor Bancroft has received 
 your letter here. He did not go to Calais. 
 
 Knowing how earnestly and constantly you wish for peace, I cannot end a letter 
 to you without dropping a word on that subject, to mark that my wishes are still 
 in unison with yours. After the barbarities your nation has exercised against us, I 
 am almost ashamed to own that I feel sometimes for her misfortunes and her 
 insanities. \our veins are open, and your best blood continually running. You 
 have now got a little army into Georgia, and are triumphing in that success. Do 
 you expect ever to see that army again ? I know not what General Lincoln or 
 General Thomson may be able to effect against them ; but if they stay through the 
 summer in that climate, there is a certain General Fever that I apprehend will give 
 
 1 North America. 
 
 VOL. II. a K 
 
3.58 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN". 
 
 a good account of most of them. Perhaps you comfort yourselves that our loss of 
 blood is as great as yonrs. But as physicians say, there is a great difference in the 
 facility of repairing that loss, between an old body and a young one. America adds 
 to her numbers annually 150,000 souls. She therefore grows faster than you can 
 diminish her, and will out-grow all the mischief you can do her. Have you the same 
 prospects ? But it is unnecessary for me to represent to you, or you to me, the 
 mischiefs each nation is subjected to by the war: we all see clear enough the 
 nonsense of continuing it ; the difficulty is where to find sense enough to put an end 
 to it. Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me, &c. B. FRAN&LIN. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, London, April 22, 1779: 
 
 The bearer of this and some other papers (Mr. - ) is a 
 
 very sensible and worthy gentleman, with whom I had the pleasure of contracting 
 an acquaintance since the commencement of the American troubles, originally upon 
 the business of the American prisoners. It is a satisfaction to me at all times to 
 have found him a friend to the restoration of peace between the two countries. It 
 has likewise been an additional satisfaction and confirmation to me in my own 
 thoughts upon that subject, to find that his sentiments, I think upon most, or all of 
 the subjects upon which we have conversed, have coincided with mine. We both 
 seem possessed of the opinion, that some plan of opening a negociation, upon 
 preliminaries, which each side might find to be a sufficient security to itself, mi^ht 
 be practicable : and then, your sentiment, which you gave me in a letter some years 
 ago might have its free scope and effect, viz. A little lime given for cooling 
 might have excellent effects. 
 
 The sentiments I have opened to you in my late letters for some months past, 
 and which I have reduced in an inclosed paper, into a more specific shape, seem to 
 ine, upon very repeated reflection, to promise the fairest ground of good expectation. 
 These propositions originate from myself, as a mediator : I have communications 
 with both sides, but certainly no authority to make proposals from either; and 
 perhaps neither side, if I were to put the propositions separately to each (being 
 myself unauthorized) might give me positive consent. Each side separately might 
 say No, from what is called political prudence ; and yet each side might secretly 
 wish that the offer could be made, with a done first from the other party. I think 
 the proposition of a truce for five or beven years, leaving all things in the present 
 dispute in stain quo must be advantageous to all parties, if it were only in consideration 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 259 
 
 that a general satisfactory peace to all parties may come among the excellent effects 
 qf* time given for cooling. We can but fight it out at last. War never comes too 
 late; wisdom may step in between. These matters have stolen upon us, and 
 have arisen to great and formidable consequences from small and unexpected 
 beginnings ; but henceforward, we should know by experience what to expect. If 
 the rage of war could but be abated, for a sufficient length of time for reason and 
 reflection to operate, I think it would never revive. I cannot pretend to forecast 
 the result of any negociation, but I think war would not revive ; which is all that I 
 want for my argument. Peace is a bonum in se ; whereas the most favourable events 
 of war are but relatively lesser evils : certainly they are evils : mala in se, not bona 
 in se. 
 
 I hope that a cessation of hostilities would produce a renewal of reflection: but 
 even to take the argument at the worst advantage, the two parties are at a cooling 
 distance of three thousand miles asunder. If the flames of war could be but 
 once extinguished, does not the Atlantic ocean contain cold water enough to prevent 
 their bursting out again ? I am very strongly of opinion that the two nations of 
 Great Britain and North America, would accord to the proposition of a truce for 
 cooling. I cannot say whether a British ministry would accord to it, because they 
 wont tell me : nor can I say whether an American plenipotentiary would accord to 
 it, because probably you will net tell me. I put myself into your hands however, 
 when I tell you frankly I am of opinion that both would accord to it, if there could 
 be a done first on either side, to bind the bargain fast. You have the odds of me in 
 this matter, because you know one half of the question ; and I cannot give you any 
 proof on the other side, but only my own presumptive judgment, upon observation, 
 and upon a course of reasoning in my own thoughts. 
 
 But for France my judgment would be, that if the proposition of the proposed 
 preliminaries should be agreeable to America, France would do very unhandsomely 
 to defeat it by their refusal. I likewise think it the interest of France ; because 
 their interest leads them to go to a certain point, and no further. There is a 
 disparity in the operation of the terms of the alliance on the part of France, and on 
 the part of America. The more vigorously France interposes, the better for 
 America ; in proportion to their exertions they create, less or more, a diversion of 
 the British force ; this reasoning goes straight forward for America ; but it is not so 
 with France. There is a certain point, to France, beyond which their work would 
 fail and recoil upon themselves ; if they were to drive the British ministry totally to 
 .abandon the American war, it would become totally a French war. The events of 
 
260 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 a twelvemonth past seem to bear testimony to this course of reasoning. The dis 
 advantage upon the bargain, to America, is, that the efficacy of the French 
 alliance to them, presupposes their continuance in the war. The demur to France 
 is, that the liberation of their new ally recoils with double weight of the war upon 
 themselves, without any ulterior points of advantage in view, as dependent upon 
 that alliance. I think the interest of all parties coincides with the proposition of 
 preliminaries. The proposed preliminaries appear to rne to be just and equitable 
 to all parties ; but the great object with me is to come to some preliminaries ; I 
 could almost add, whatever those preliminaries might be, provided a suspension of 
 arms for an adequate term of years were one, I think it would be ten thousand to 
 one against any future renewal of the war. It is not necessary to enter at large 
 into the reasons which induce me to think, that the British ministry as well as the 
 American plenipotentiary would consent to the terms of the proposed preliminaries; 
 for indeed I do not know that I am founded in that opinion with respect to either, 
 but still I believe it of both. But what can a private person do in such a case, 
 wishing to be a mediator for peace, having access to both parties, but equally 
 uncertain of the reception of his mediation on either side? I must hesitate to take 
 any public step, as by a proposition in parliament, or by any other means to drive 
 the parties to an explanation upon any specific proposals : and yet I am very 
 unwilling to let the session pass without some proposition, upon which the parties 
 may meet, if they should be so inclined, as I suspect them to be. I have been 
 endeavouring to feel pulses for some months, but all is dumb show, I cannot say 
 indeed that I meet with any thing discouraging, to my apprehension, either as to 
 cquitableness or practicability of the proposition for preliminaries. If I could but 
 simply receive sufficient encouragement that I should not run any hazard of 
 obstructing any other practicable propositions, by obtruding mine, I should be very 
 much satisfied to come forward, in that case, with mine, to furnish a beginning at 
 least which might lead to peace. 
 
 There is nothing that I wish so much as to have an opportunity of seeing and 
 conversing with you, having many things to say to you ; but if that cannot yet 
 happen, I have only to say, that whatever communication you may think proper to 
 make to me which may lead to peace, you may be assured that I shall be most 
 strenuous in applying it to that end. In all cases of difficulty in human life there 
 must be confidence somewhere to enable us to extricate nations from the evils 
 attendant upon national disputes, as they arise out of national passions, interests, 
 jealousies, and points of honour. I am not sure whether the extreme caution and 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 26*1 
 
 diffidence of persons in political life be not the cause almost as frequently of the 
 unnecessary protraction of the miseries of war, as of the final production of any 
 superior good to any state. Peace now is better than peace a twelvemonth hence, 
 at least by all the lives that may be lost in the meanwhile, and by all the accumu 
 lated miseries that may intervene by that delay. When I speak of the necessity of 
 confidence, I would not have you to think that I trust to all professions, promis 
 cuously, with confidence : my thoughts are free respecting all parties ; and for 
 myself if I thought it necessary for the end of attaining any additional confidence 
 in your esteem to enable me to co-operate the more effectually towards the restora 
 tion of peace, there is nothing that I would wish you to be assured of but this ; 
 that no fallacious offers of insincerity, nor any pretexts for covering secret designs, 
 or for obtaining unfair advantages, shall ever pass through my hands. Believe me 
 truly to be, not only a lover of my country, but a sincere friend to peace, and to 
 the rights of mankind ; and ever most affectionately yours, D. HARTLEY. 
 
 Lord North consented to Mr. Hartley s proposition for endeavouring to procure 
 from the American plenipotentiary or plenipotentiaries some opening that they 
 would be willing to commence a parley, on propositions of peace between Great 
 Britain and America, and supposed the terms which Mr. Hartley had in view 
 would be something like a tacit cession of independence to America, with a truce 
 for a certain term of years, to serve as a basis for a general treaty of accommodation 
 and final settlement. 
 
 This last application (which was made on the 20th of April 1779) of Mr. 
 Hartley s to Lord North, after several previous conferences on the subject, is the 
 ground of the present confidential communication with Dr. Franklin, on the part of 
 Mr. Hartley, who states to Dr. Franklin as he did to Lord North, that an 
 auspicious beginning of a negociation is dimidium facti. 
 
 Mr. Hartley s ideas of the probable course of the negociation, would be to the 
 following effect. 
 
 Five commissioners (or any three of them) to be appointed on the part of his 
 Britannic Majesty to treat, consult, and agree upon the final settlement and pacifi 
 cation of the present troubles, upon safe, honourable, and permanent terms, subject 
 to ratification by parliament. 
 
 That any one of the aforesaid commissioners may be impowered to agree as a 
 preliminary, to a suspension of all hostilities by sea and land for a certain term of 
 five or seven years. 
 
252 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 That any one of the aforesaid commissioners be impovvered to agree as a second 
 preliminary, to suspend the operation and effect of any and all acts of parliament 
 respecting America, for a certain term of five or seven years. 
 
 That it is expected, as a third preliminary, that America should be released free 
 and unengaged from any treaties with foreign powers, which may tend to embarrass 
 or defeat the present proposed negociation. 
 
 That a general treaty for negociation shall be set on foot as soon as may be after 
 the agreement of the foregoing preliminaries. 
 
 N. 13. A doubt seeming to arise from Lord North relative to the probability 
 of any explanatory communication on the part of Dr. Franklin, Mr. Hartley 
 expressed he thought it possible, that as a known friend to peace, he might be 
 considered by Dr. Franklin as a depot of any communications which may serve 
 from time to time to facilitate the terms of peace : which therefore prevents this 
 communication being considered as any direct overture from Lord North to Dr. 
 Franklin, or from Dr. Franklin to Lord North, but as it is, merely, a mediatorial 
 proposition of Mr. Hartley as a private person, for the purpose of bringing the 
 parties to a parley. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, May 4, 1779- 
 
 I received your several favors, viz. one of April the 10th, 
 
 one of the 20th and two of the 22d, all on the same day, but by different convey 
 ances. 
 
 I need not repeat what we have each of us so often repeated, the wish for peace. 
 I will begin by frankly assuring you, that though I think a direct, immediate peace, 
 the best mode of present accommodation for Britain as well as for America, yet 
 if that is not at this time practicable, and a truce is practicable, I should not be 
 against a truce ; but this is merely on motives of general humanity, to obviate the 
 evils men devilishly inflict on men in time of war, and to lessen as much as possible 
 the similarity of earth and hell. For with regard to particular advantages respect 
 ing the states I am connected with, I am persuaded it is theirs to continue the 
 war, till England shall be reduced to that perfect impotence of mischief, which 
 alone can prevail with her to let other nations enjoy, " Peace, Liberty, and Safety" 
 I think, however, that a short truce, which must therefore be an armed truce, 
 .nd put all parties to an almost equal expence with a continued war, is by no means 
 4esirablc. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 263 
 
 But this proposition of a truce, if made at all, should be made to France at the 
 same time it is made to America. They have each of them too much honour as 
 well as too much sense, to listen separately to any propositions which tend to 
 separate them from each other. 
 
 I will now give you my thoughts on your ideas of a negociation in the order you 
 have placed them. If you will number them in your copy, you will readily see 
 to which rny observations refer, and I may therefore be more concise. 
 
 To the \st. I do not see the necessity or use of five commissioners. A number 
 of talkers lengthen discussions, and often embarrass instead of aiding a settlement. 
 Their different particular views, private interests and jealousies of each other are 
 likewise so many rubs in the way, and it sometimes happens that a number cannot 
 agree to what each privately thinks reasonable, and w ? ould have agreed to, or perhaps 
 proposed if alone. But this as the parties please. 
 
 To the ( 2d. The term of 2 1 years, would be better for all sides. The suspension 
 of hostilities should be expressed to be between all parties at war. And that the 
 British troops and ships of war now in any of the United States be withdrawn. 
 
 To the 3d. This seems needless, and is a thing that may he done or omitted as 
 you please. America has no concern about those acts of parliament. 
 
 To the 4th. The reason of proposing this is not understood, nor the use of it, 
 nor what inducement there can be for us to agree to it. When you come to treat 
 with both your enemies, you may negociate away as much of these engagements as 
 you can ; but powers who have made a firm solid league evidently useful to both, can 
 never be prevailed with to dissolve it, for the vague expectation of another in 
 nubibus ; nor even on the certainty that another will be proposed without knowing 
 what are to be its articles. America has no desire of being free from her encrage- 
 
 ~ o o 
 
 ments to France. The chief is that of continuing the war in conjunction with her, 
 and not making a separate peace : and this is an obligation not in the power of 
 America to dissolve, being an obligation of gratitude and justice towards a nation 
 which is engaged in a war on her account, and for her protection) and would be 
 for ever binding whether such an article existed or not in the treaty, and though it 
 did not exist, an honest American would cut off his right hand rather than sign an, 
 agreement with England contrary to the spirit of it. 
 
 To the 5th. As soon as you please. 
 
 If you had mentioned France in your proposed suspension of arms, I should 
 immediately have shewn it to the minister, and have endeavoured to support that 
 idea. As it stands I am in doubt whether I shall communicate your paper or not, ; 
 
264 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 though by your writing it is so fair it seems as if you intended it. If I do, I shall 
 acquaint you with the result. 
 
 The hill of which you send me a copy was an excellent one at the time, and might 
 have had great and good effects, if instead of telling us haughtily that our humble 
 petition should receive no answer, the ministry had received and enacted that bill 
 into a law. It might have erected a wall of brass round England, if such a measure 
 had been adopted when Fryer Bacon s brazen head cried out TIME is ! But the 
 wisdom of it was not seen till after the fatal cry of TIME S PAST ! I am, my dear 
 friend, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR FRIEND, Passy, Feb. 2, 1780. 
 
 It is some time since I procured the discharge of your 
 Captain Stephenson. He did not call here in his way home. I hope he arrived 
 safely and had a happy meeting with his friends and family. 
 
 I have long postponed answering your letter of the 29th June. A principal 
 point in it on which you seemed to desire my opinion, was, the conduct you thought 
 America ought to hold in case her allies should, from motives of ambition or resent 
 ment of former injuries, desire her to continue the war beyond what should be 
 reasonable and consistent with her particular interests. As often as I took up 
 your letter in order to answer it, this suggestion displeased me, and I laid it down 
 again. I saw no occasion for discussing such a question at present, nor any good 
 end it could serve to discuss it before the case should happen ; and I saw inconveni 
 ences in discussing it. I wish therefore you had not mentioned it. For the rest, I 
 am as much for peace as ever I was, and as heartily desirous of seeing the war ended, 
 as I was to prevent its beginning ; of which your ministers know I gave a strong proof 
 before I left England, when in order to an accommodation, I offered at my own risque, 
 without orders for so doing, and without knowing whether I should be owned in 
 doing it, to pay the whole damage of destroying the tea at Boston, provided the 
 acts made against that province were repealed. This offer was refused. I still 
 think it would have been wise to have accepted it. If the congress have therefore 
 entrusted to others rather than to me, the negociations for peace, when such shall 
 be set on foot, as has been reported ; it is perhaps because they may have heard of 
 a very singular opinion of mine, that there hardly ever existed such a thing as a 
 bad peace, or a good war : and that I might therefore easily be induced to make 
 improper concessions. But at the same time they and you may be assured, that I 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART Ilf. 26*5 
 
 should think the destruction of our whole country, and the extirpation of our whole 
 people, preferable to the infamy of abandoning our allies. 
 
 As neither you nor I are at present authorised to treat of peace, it seems to little 
 purpose to make or consider propositions relating to it. I have had so many such 
 put into my hands that I am tired of them. I will however give your proposal of 
 a ten years truce this answer : that though I think a solid peace made at once, a 
 much better thing : yet if the truce is practicable and the peace not, I should be 
 for agreeing to it. At least I see at present no sufficient reasons for refusing it, 
 provided our allies approved of it. But this is merely a private opinion of mine, 
 which perhaps may be changed by reasons that at present do not offer themselves. 
 This, however, I am clear in, that withdrawing your troops will be best for you, 
 if you wish a cordial reconciliation, and that the truce should produce a peace, 
 To show that it was not done by compulsion, being required as a condition of the 
 truce, they might be withdrawn before-hand, for various good reasons. But all this 
 is idle chat, as I am persuaded that there is no disposition for peace on your side, 
 and that this war will yet last many years. I know nothing and believe nothing of 
 any terms offered unto Sir Henry Clinton. 
 
 The prisoners taken in the Serapis and Countess of Scarborough being all 
 treated for in Holland, and exchanged there, I hope Mr. Brown s son is now safe 
 at home with his father. It grieved me that the exchange there, which you may 
 remember I immediately proposed, was so long delayed. Much human misery 
 might have been prevented by a prompt compliance. And so might a great deal 
 by the execution of parole promises taken at sea ; but since I see no regard is paid 
 to them in England, I must give orders to our armed ships that cruise in Europe 
 to secure their prisoners as well as they can, and lodge them in French or Spanish 
 prisons. I have written something on this affair to Mr Hodgson, and sent to him 
 the second passport for a cartel to Morlaix, supposing you to be out of town. The 
 number of prisoners we now have in France is not easily ascertained. I suppose it 
 exceeds 100 ; but you may be assured that the number which may be brought over 
 by the two cartels, shall be fully exchanged by adding to those taken by us as many 
 as will make up the compliment out of those taken by the French, with whom we 
 have an account since the exchange in Holland of those we carried in there. I 
 
 o 
 
 wish therefore you would, as was proposed, clear your prisons of die Americans 
 who have been so long confined there. The cartels that may arrive at Morlaix, 
 will not be detained. 
 
 VOL. \l 21, 
 
266 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 You may have heard that accounts upon oath have been taken in America by 
 order of congress, of the British barbarities committed there. It is expected of me 
 to make a school-hook of them, and to have thirty-five prints designed here by 
 good artists and engraved, each expressing one or more of the different horrid facts, 
 to be inserted in the book, in order to impress the minds of children and posterity 
 \vith a deep sense of your bloody and insatiable malice and wickedness. Every 
 kindness I hear of done by an Englishman to an American prisoner, makes me 
 resolve not to proceed in the work : hoping a reconciliation may yet take place. 
 But every fresh instance of your devilism weakens that resolution, and makes me 
 abominate the thought of a reunion with such a people. You, my friend, have 
 often persuaded me, and I believed it, that the war was not theirs, nor approved 
 by them. But their suffering it so long to continue, and the wretched rulers to 
 remain who carry it on, makes me think you have too good an opinion of them. 
 Adieu, my dear friend, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DOCTOR FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, London, July 17, 1780. 
 
 Inclosed I send you a copy of a conciliatory bill which was 
 proposed in the house of commons on tbe 27th of last month. It was rejected. 
 
 Draught of a proposed Bill for Conciliation with America. 
 
 A Bill to invest the crown with sufficient powers to treat, consult, and finally to agree upon the means 
 
 of restoring peace with the provinces of Norlh America. 
 
 Whereas many unfortunate subjects of contest, have of late years subsisted between Great Britain 
 and the several provinces of North Amenta herein after recited, viz. New Hampshire, Massachusetts 
 Lny, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, New- Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Three lower Counties on 
 Dflaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, which have brought 
 on the calamities of war between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces: to the end therefore that 
 the farther effusion of blood may be prevented, and that peace may be restored, may it please your 
 Majesty, that it be enacted, and be it enacted by the King s Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the 
 advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons in this present parliament acsrm- 
 bled, and by the authority of the same : that it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty bj letters 
 patent, under the great seal of Great Britain, to authorise and empower any person or persons, to 
 treat, consult, and finally to agree with any person or persons, properly authorised on the part of 
 the aforesaid provinces of North America , upon the means of restoring peace between Great Britain 
 and the aforesaid provinces, according to the powers in this act contained. 
 
 And be it fuither enacted, that in order to facilitate the good purposes of this act, his Majesty may 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 267 
 
 You and I have had so much intercourse upon the subject of restoring peace 
 between Great Britain and America, that I think there is nothing farther left to be 
 said upon the subject. You will perceive by the general tenor of the bill that it 
 proposes a general power to treat. It chalks out a line of negociation in very 
 general terms. I remain in the sentiments which I ever have, and which I believe 
 I ever shall entertain, viz. those of seeking peace upon honourable terms. I shall 
 
 lawfully enable any such person or persons, so appointed by his Majesty s letters patent, as aforesaid, 
 to order and proclaim a cessation of hostilities, on the part of his Majesty s forces by sea and land, 
 for any time, and under any conditions or restrictions. 
 
 And be it further enacted, that in order to lay a good foundation for a cordial reconciliation and 
 lasting peace, between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces of North America, by restoring an 
 amicable intercourse between the same, as soon as possible, his majesty may lawfully enable any such 
 person or persons, so appointed by his Majesty s letters patent, as aforesaid, to enter into, and to ratify 
 from time to time, any article or articles of intercourse and pacification, which article or articles, so 
 entered into and ratified from time to time, shall remain in full force and effect for the certain term of 
 ten years, from the first day of August, one thousand seven hundred and eighty. 
 
 Provided also, and be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that in order to remove any 
 obstructions which may arise to the full and effectual execution of any article or articles of intercourse 
 and pacification, as before mentioned ; that it shall, and may be lawful for his Majesty, by any instru 
 ment under his sign manual, countersigned by one or more of his Majesty s principal secretaries of 
 state, to authorise and empower any such person or persons, so appointed by his Majesty s letters 
 patent, as aforesaid, to suspend for the term of ten years, from the first day of August, one thousand 
 seven hundred and eighty, the operation and effect of any act or acts of parliament, which are 
 now in force, respecting the aforesaid provinces of North America or any clause or clauses, proviso 
 or provisos, in any such act or acts of parliament contained ; in as much as they, or any of them, may 
 obstruct the full effect and execution of any such article or articles of intercourse and pacification, 
 which may be entered into and ratified as before mentioned, between Great Britain and the aforesaid 
 provinces of North America. 
 
 And be it further enacted, that in order to establish perpetual reconcilement and peace, between 
 Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces of North America, it is hereby required, and be it enacted, 
 that all or any article or articles of intercourse and pacification, which shall be entered into, and 
 ratified, for the certain term of ten years as before mentioned, shall from time to time be laid before 
 the two houses of parliament, for their consideration, as the perpetual basis of reconcilement and peace, 
 between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces of North America ; and that any such article or 
 articles of intercourse and pacification as before mentioned, when the same shall have been confirmed 
 in parliament, shall remain in full force and effect for ever. 
 
 And be it further enacted, that this act shall continue to be in force until the thirty-first day of 
 December, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-one. 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 always be ready and most desirous to conspire in any measures which may facilitate 
 peace. I am ever, your most affectionate, D. HARTLEY. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 
 Passy, June, 30, 1781. 
 
 I received my dear friend s kind letter of the 15th instant, 
 
 and immediately communicated your request of a passport to M. le Comte de 
 Vergennes. His answer which I have but just received, expresses an apprehension 
 that the circumstance of his granting a passport to you, as you mention the purpose 
 of your coming to be the discoursing with me on the subject of peace, might, 
 considering your character, occasion many inconvenient reports and speculations ; 
 but that he would make no difficulty of giving it, if you assured me that you were 
 authorized for such purpose by your ministry, which he docs not think at all likely ; 
 otherwise he judges it best that I should not encourage your coming. Thus it seems 
 I cannot have at present the pleasure you were so kind as to propose for me. I 
 can only join with you in earnest wishes for peace, a blessing which I shall hardly 
 live to see. 
 
 With the greatest esteem and respect, I am ever, dear Sir, c. B. F. 
 
 FROM MR. WM. ALEXANDER TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR SIR, Paris, Dec. 15, 1781. 
 
 I told you last time I had the pleasure of seeing you at 
 
 Passy, that I would make a trip to London, but had no notion it would be so 
 soon. On coming to town last evening, I found such pressing letters that I propose 
 setting off this evening or to-morrow at latest. I would have called if possible to 
 receive your commands, but as I am pinched in time must content myself with 
 sending for them. The bearer will call for them an hour after receiving this letter. 
 
 I shall probably be interrogated about the dispositions in this country to peace. 
 My own idea is that you seek only your independence, and that this country, were 
 that secured, will be moderate in other matters, as the object of the war does not 
 seem to be conquest. Let me know if this is proper language. I notice that a 
 courtly argument has been used in parliament for continuing the continental war, 
 that withdrawing would make you insolent and give France exclusive advantages 
 were it not proper that this were contradicted flatly ? Any commissions you 
 may have will be taken care of, and I shall be back, barring accidents, in three 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART HI. $69 
 
 weeks. Wishing you every thing that is good, I remain with equal esteem and 
 respect, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant, W. ALEXANDER. 
 
 ANSWER TO MR. ALEXANDER. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, Dec. 15, 1781. 
 
 I thank you. for informing me of your intended journey. You 
 know so well the prevailing sentiments here, and mine in particular, that it is unne 
 cessary for me to express them ; and having never been believed on that side the 
 water, it would be useless. I will say however, that I think the language you 
 mention very proper to be held, as it is the truth ; though the truth may not always 
 be proper. Wishing you a good voyage, and happy return to your children, I am 
 with great esteem, dear Sir, yours, &c. c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 [Sent by Mr. Alexander, with a Pamphlet]. 
 My DEAR FRIEND, Passy, Dec. 15, 1781. 
 
 I received your favour of September Q6, containing your 
 very judicious proposition of securing the spectators in the opera and play-houses 
 from the danger of fire. I communicated it where I thought it might be useful. 
 You will see by the inclosed that the subject has been under consideration here. 
 Your concern for the security of life, even the lives of your enemies, does honour 
 to your heart and your humanity. But what are the lives of a few idle haunters of 
 play-houses compared with the many thousands of worthy men and honest indus 
 trious families butchered and destroyed by this devilish war ! O ! that we could 
 find some happy invention to stop the spreading of the flames, and put an end to so 
 horrid a conflagration ! Adieu, I am ever, yours most affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, London, Jan. 2, 1782. 
 
 I have received the favour of yours of the 15th of December 
 by Mr. Alexander. I most heartily join with you in the wish that we could find 
 some means to stop the spreading flames of this devilish zvar. I will not despair. 
 The communications which he has imparted to rne from you, have revived my hopes 
 of peace. I laid them before the minister immediately. We are at a suspense for 
 the present upon a very material preliminary. I did intend writing to you at the 
 
270 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 present pause, that we might make our ground good as we go on, but an incident 
 which has happened obliges me to do it without delay. For having had a most 
 essential question transmitted to me from Lord North for explanation, when I 
 would have applied to Mr. Alexander I could not hear of him ; and now I find that 
 he has left his hotel these four or five days, and his return uncertain, I must apply 
 to you. I will state to you what has passed. 
 
 Upon my first interview with Mr. Alexander, he told me that the late events 
 would make no difference in the prospect of peace ; that America had no other wish 
 than to see a termination of this war ; that no events would make them unreason 
 able on that subject, which sentiments likewise your letter expresses ; and that no 
 formal recognition of independence would be required. I thought this a very fair 
 opening, but the next point which he explained to me seemed to be still more 
 material towards peace, viz. that America was disposed to enter into a separate 
 treaty with Great Britain, and their allies were disposed to consent to it. I believe 
 that it has been the unfortunate union of common cause between America and 
 France, which has for the last three years turned aside the wish of the people of 
 England for peace. I verily believe (so deep is the jealousy between England and 
 France) that this country would fight for a straw to the last man, and the last 
 shilling, rather than be dictated to by France. I therefore consider this as the 
 greatest rub out of the way. I have often argued this point with you upon former 
 occasions, having at all times foreseen that it would be the greatest rub in the road 
 to peace, and I have often stated it to you as an act of justice due to America from 
 her allies, not to drag her through a war of European resentments and jealousies 
 beyond her original views and engagements, and moreover I think the separation of 
 the causes in the negociation promises much the shortest road to a general peace. 
 
 Upon Mr. Alexander s opening thus much to me, I told him I would apply for 
 the earliest opportunity of laying these matters before the minister. Accordingly on 
 Friday morning (December 21) I applied through the means of the Earl of 
 Guildford (father to Lord North) a nobleman of a most respectable character, 
 advanced in years, and attached by every possible tie to a son now in a most 
 arduous situation. I therefore requested the favour through his hands, as giving 
 me the most conciliatory access to the minister, to whom I was preparing to make 
 an application for peace. After the appointment was made with Lord North for 
 Friday evening, I returned to Mr. Alexander to consider the specific manner and 
 terms in which I should make my application, It had occurred to me from what Mr, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 271 
 
 Alexander had stated to me, that the conciliatory bill l which I had moved in the 
 last parliament, on June 27, 1780, would still serve as a foundation to proceed 
 upon. I therefore carried it with me. He told me that he and you knew the sense 
 of the bill very well, and that it would be entirely consonant to your sentiments, 
 that I should state it to Lord North, as drawing an outline for negociation of 
 peace. However to avoid all errors, I read the bill through to him, and explained 
 the view of each clause, viz. the style of provinces of North America a general 
 phrase to avoid any term denoting dependence or independence. The truce for an 
 indefinite term. The articles of intercourse for ten years certain to restore an 
 amicable correspondence and to abate animosities. The suspension of certain 
 acts of parliament to avoid every possible question of dependence or independence. 
 And to finish the work by a ratification of each article of intercourse as agreed to, 
 thereby to prevent all possible return of war. I compared the articles of intercourse 
 for a short term, and their ratification into a permanent peace, to a well known 
 mode of proceeding in the laws of England, by lease and release, from temporary 
 to perpetual amity and peace. Upon these grounds I took rny commission from 
 him for Lord North, viz. the question of dependence or independence sub silentio 
 a separate treaty with America, and to state the conciliatory bill of June 1780, 
 as the outline of negociation. I saw Lord North in the evening, and stated the 
 foregoing propositions to him, as I have now stated them to you. After having 
 stated the compromise sub silentio and the separate treaty, I left with Lord North 
 the copy of the bill of June 1780, together with a paper entitled Conciliatory 
 propositions, as explanatory of that bill (both inclosed with this). The next 
 morning (viz. Saturday, December 22), I saw Mr. Alexander and reported to him 
 what I had stated to Lord North, and shewed him a copy of the paper entitled con 
 ciliatory propositions. He told me that I had executed my commission perfectly to 
 his intelligence of the matter. I should tell yon that at the conclusion of my con 
 versation with Lord North, we both settled jointly the result thus, " I recommend to 
 your Lordship the propositions which I have had the honour of stating to you, as 
 general grounds of a proposed negociation leading towards peace, under liberal 
 constructions" Lord North said in answer, " so I understand them." 
 
 LFpon this footing matters rested for some days. On Sunday last (December 30) 
 I received a message from Lord North, through the means of Lord Guildford, 
 requesting an explanation of this point, viz. " Who is authorized to treat on the 
 
 1 Sec Mr. Hartley s letter of July, 
 
272 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 part of America ? whether you or Mr. Adams, or both jointly, and whether the 
 propositions above stated would be acknowledged as general grounds of negociation 
 towards peace, by the person or persons authorized to treat, because it was neces 
 sary before he could lay a matter of so great importance before the cabinet council, 
 that he should be entitled to say, These propositions and general outlines come to 
 me from responsible and authorized persons." The moment I received the request 
 of Lord North I agreed entirely with the necessity of an explanation on that head. 
 I .had partly expected such an enquiry, and it gave me satisfaction when- it came, 
 as I thought it the first reply towards a parley. If the propositions had not gained 
 some attention it would have been of very little importance to have enquired whence 
 they came. As to the caution itself, it appears to me not only prudent but indis 
 pensable. The forms of caution in such cases are the essentials of caution. I had 
 determined on my own account before this message to have writ to you, that I 
 might have received your sentiments directly from yourself without any other inter 
 vention, that we might proceed with caution and certainty in a matter of such 
 infinite importance. This message has only quickened rny dispatch. The two points 
 of explanation requested, I take to be these ; whether the outlines above recited are 
 properly stated, always considering that they imply no farther than general grounds 
 of negociation towards peace, under liberal constructions ; and secondly by what 
 authorized person or persons any answer on this subject would be accepted ; in 
 short a requisition of credentials preparatory to a formal answer which is so much 
 the more necessary on the supposition of a favourable reception of the first hint 
 towards negociation. 
 
 When I last saw Mr. A. viz. about four or five days ago, he had met with some 
 desponding impressions, as if the ministry were indisposed to peace, and that 
 things would not do, &c. He did not tell me upon what ground he had formed such 
 apprehensions, however, lest he should have imparted any such by letter to you, I 
 will state that point to you, because it may have infinite ill consequences to be too 
 touchy on such suspicions, A premature jealousy may create the very evil it 
 suspects. The ministry in this country are not every thing. The sense of the 
 people when really expressed and exerted, would be most prevalent. Suppose then 
 it were a proved point that every man in the ministry were in his heart adverse to 
 peace. What then ! withhold all overtures ! By no means. I should advise the 
 very contrary in the strongest manner. I should say, let the overtures be made so 
 much the more public and explicit, by those who do wish for peace. It is the 
 unfortunate state of things which has hitherto bound the cause of France to any 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. -PART II I. 273 
 
 possible treaty with America, and which has thereby thrown a national damp upon 
 any actual public exertions to procure a negociation for peace with America. I 
 have the strongest opinion that if it were publicly known to the people of England 
 that a negociation might be opened with America upon the terms above specified, 
 that all the ministry together, if they were ill disposed to a man, would not venture 
 to thwart such a measure. But why should it be supposed that the ministry to a 
 man are ill disposed to a peace? Suppose them to be half and half, and the public 
 wish and voice of the people in favour of negociation, it is evident on which side the 
 balance would incline. But why should we seek to throw a damp prematurely 
 upon any chance ? Why presume even against any individual ? I grant that it 
 would be a bitter trial of humility to be brought to a formal recognition of inde 
 pendence at the haughty command of France, and I believe every part of the nation 
 would proceed to every extremity before they would submit to that. But if that 
 touchy point can be provided for sub silentio, and if the proposed treaty with 
 America may be carried on free from controul by France, let us give the cause of 
 peace a fair trial ; at the worst we should but be where we were if we should fail. 
 But why should we expect to fail when the greatest rub is removed by the liberty 
 of entering separately into a treaty ? I think it a most favourable event leading 
 towards peace. Give us a truce with its concomitants, and a little time so given 
 for cooling will have most excellent effects on both sides. Eternal peace and con 
 ciliation may tlien follow. I send this to you by the quickest dispatch, that we may 
 bring this point to a fair issue before the meeting of parliament. God prosper the 
 blessed work of peace. I am ever yours most affectionately, D. H. 
 
 CONCILIATORY BILL. 
 
 In the title and preamble of the bill the words provinces of North America are 
 used as general words, neither implying dependence or independence. 
 
 Clause 1. The Truce is taken from the conciliatory act of 1778, and is inde 
 finite as to the proposed duration of the truce. Under this clause it might be 
 proposed to ncgociate three points, viz. the removal of the British troops from the 
 thirteen provinces of North America, and connectedly with this article a stipulation 
 for the security of the friends of the British government. The third article might 
 be a stipulation that the respective parties during the continuance of the truce should 
 not either directly or indirectly give assistance to the enemies of each other. 
 
 Clause 2. 1 Articles of intercourse and pacification. Under this clause some 
 arrangements might be settled for establishing a free and mutual intercourse, civil 
 
 VOL. II. 2 M 
 
274 MEMOIRS OF BEtfJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 and commercial, between Great Britain and the aforesaid provinces of North 
 America. 
 
 Clause 3. Suspension of certain acts of parliament. By this clause a free 
 communication may be kept open between the two countries, during the negociation 
 for peace, without stumbling against any claim of rights which might draw into 
 contest the question of dependence or independence. 
 
 Clause 4. The ratification by parliament. The object of this clause is to conso 
 lidate peace and conciliation step by step as the negociation may proceed,, and. to 
 prevent, as far as possible, any return of war, after the first declaration of a truce.. 
 By the operation of this clause a temporary truce may be converted into a perpetual 
 and permanent peace. 
 
 Clause 5. A temporary act. This clause creating a temporary act for a specific 
 purpose of negociation in view, is taken from the act of 1773. 
 
 P. S. January 8, 1782. 
 
 Since writing this letter I have seen Mr. Alexander, and shall 
 see him from time to time to communicate with him. I do not suppose I shall 
 have an answer from Lord North till the preliminary points are so settled as to 
 enable him to give an answer in form. Ministry might undoubtedly give a short 
 negative if they thought proper, but I do not expect that. You may be assured 
 that I have and shall continue to enforce every argument in the most conciliatory 
 manner to induce a negociation. I am very sorry for Mr. A. s confinement on his 
 own account, and on that of his friends, and because probably in the future state, 
 of this business^ his personal exertions may be very serviceable in the cause of peace. 
 Every assistance and every exertion of mine will always be most heartily devoted to 
 that cause. I have nothing farther to add, either upon my own reflections or from 
 my subsequent conversations with Mr. A. to what I have stated in the foregoing 
 letter. If we once make a good beginning upon the plan there stated, I should hope 
 that such a negociation, founded on such principles, would promise fair to produce 
 every salutary and pacific consequence in the event. 
 
 [Answer to the foregoing, ,] 
 To D. HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, January 15, 1782. 
 
 I received a few days since your favour of the 2d instant, in 
 which you tell me, that Mr. Alexander had informed you " America was disposed to 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 
 
 enter into a separate treaty with Great Britain." I am persuaded that your strong 
 desire for peace has misled you, and occasioned your greatly misunderstanding Mr- 
 Alexander, as I think it scarce possible he should have asserted a thing so utterly 
 void of foundation. I remember that you have, as you say, often urged this on 
 former occasions, and that it always gave me more disgust than my friendship for 
 you permitted me to express. But since you have now gone so far as to carry such 
 a proposition to Lord North, as arising from us, it is necessary that I should be 
 explicit with you, and tell you plainly, that I never had such an idea, and I 
 believe there is not a man in America, a few English Tories excepted, that would 
 not spurn at the thought of deserting a noble and generous friend for the sake of a 
 truce with an unjust and cruel enemy. I have again read over your Conciliatory 
 Bill, with the manuscript propositions that accompany it ; and am concerned to find 
 that one cannot give vent to a simple wish for peace, a mere sentiment of humanity* 
 without having it interpreted as a disposition to submit to any base conditions that 
 may be offered us rather than continue the war : for, on no other supposition could 
 you propose to us a truce of ten years, during which we are to engage not to assist 
 France while you continue the war with her. A truce too wherein nothing is to be 
 mentioned that may weaken your pretensions to dominion over us, which you may 
 therefore resume at the end of the term or at pleasure ; when we have so covered 
 ourselves with infamy by our treachery to our first friend, as that no other nation 
 can ever after be disposed to assist us, how cruelly soever you might think fit to treat 
 us. Believe me, my dear friend, America has too much understanding and is too 
 sensible of the value of the world s good opinion to forfeit it all by such perfidy. 
 The Congress will never instruct their Commissioners to obtain a peace on such 
 ignominious terms ; and though there can be but few things in which I should 
 venture to disobey their orders, yet if it were possible for them to give me such an 
 order as this, I should certainly refuse to act, I should instantly renounce their 
 commission and banish myself for ever from so infamous a country. 
 
 We are a little ambitious too of your esteem ; and as I think we have acquired 
 sonic share of it, by our manner of making war with you, I trust we shall not 
 hazard the loss of it by consenting meanly to a dishonourable peace. 
 
 Lord North was wise in demanding of you some authorized acknowledgment of 
 the proposition from authorized persons. He justly thought it too improbable to 
 be relied on, so as to lay it before tiie privy council. You can now inform him that 
 the whole has been a mistake, and that no such proposition as that of a separate 
 peace has been, is, or is ever likely to be made by me, and I believe by no other 
 
276 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 authorized person whatever in behalf of America. You may farther, if you please,, 
 inform his Lordship, that Mr. Adams, Mr. Laurens, Mr. Jay and myself, have 
 long since been empowered by a special commission to treat of peace, whenever a 
 negociation shall be opened for that purpose : but it must always be understood that 
 this is to be in conjunction with our allies, conformably to the solemn treaties made 
 with them. 
 
 You have, my dear friend, a strong desire to promote peace, and it is a most 
 laudable and virtuous desire. Permit me then to wish that you would, in order to 
 succeed as a mediator, avoid such invidious expressions as may have an effect in. 
 preventing your purpose. You tell me that no stipulation for our independence 
 must be in the treaty, because you :f verily believe (so deep is the jealousy between 
 England and France) that England would fight for a straw to the last man and the 
 last shilling, rather than be dictated to by France." And again, that, " the nation 
 would proceed to every extremity rather than be brought to a formal recognition of 
 independence at the haughty command of France/ My dear Sir, if every propo 
 sition of terms for peace that may be made by one of the parties at war is to be 
 called and considered by the other as dictating, and a haughty command, and for 
 that reason rejected with a resolution of fighting to the last man rather than agree 
 to it, you see that in such case no treaty of peace is possible. In fact we began 
 the war for independence on your government, which we found tyrannical, and this 
 before France had any thing to do with our affairs ; the article in our treaty whereby 
 the " two parties engage that neither of them shall conclude either truce or peace 
 with Great Britain without the formal consent of the other first obtained; and 
 mutually engage not to lay down their arms until the independence of the United 
 States shall have been formally or tacitly assured by the treaty or treaties that shall 
 terminate the war, 5 was an article inserted at our instance, being in our favour. 
 And you see by the article itself, that your great difficulty may be easily got over, 
 as a formal acknowledgment of our independence is not made necessary. But we 
 hope by God s help to enjoy it, and I suppose we shall fight for it as long as we are 
 able. I do not make any remarks on the other propositions, because I think that 
 unless they were made by authority, the discussion of them is unnecessary and may 
 be inconvenient. The supposition of our being disposed to make a separate peace, 
 I could not be silent upon, as it materially affected our reputation and essential 
 interests. If I have been a little warm on that offensive point, reflect on your 
 repeatedly urging it, and endeavour to excuse me. Whatever may be the fate of 
 our poor countries, let you and I die as we have lived, in peace with each other. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDKNCE.v PART III. <277 
 
 Assuredly I continue with great and sincere esteem, my dear friend, yours most 
 affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 FROM D. HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR SIR, London^ Jan, 24, 1782. 
 
 I received yours of the 15th instant, this day. I must take 
 
 the earliest opportunity of setting you right in one mistake, which runs through your 
 whole letter, and which to you, under that mistake, must be a very delicate point. 
 You seem to apprehend that America has been stated in the proposition to Lord 
 North, as " disposed to enter into a separate treaty with Great Britain ;" but you 
 meet the condition ; viz. in the words immediately following, " and that their allies 
 were disposed to consent to it." 1 There cannot possibly be any supposition of 
 treachery to allies, in any proposition to which they may consent. A separate treaty 
 with the consent of the allies of America, was the proposition communicated to me 
 by Mr. Alexander, and which I laid before the minister, and which I reported 
 back again to Mr. Alexander, in writing, when I shewed him the paper entitled 
 " Conciliatory Propositions," which I took care to reduce to writing, with a view 
 of avoiding mistakes : therefore I have not misunderstood Mr. Alexander. I have 
 since seen Mr. A. many times, and he has always stated one and the same propo 
 sition, viz. that America was disposed to enter into a separate treaty because their 
 allies were disposed to consent that they should. Therefore there cannot exist a 
 suspicion of treachery. It occurred to me once whilst I was writing, to bar against 
 that misconstruction : but, having specified the consent of the allies of America, in 
 the same sentence, I could not conceive such a misconstruction to have been 
 possible. You have mistaken another point greatly. You say, " a truce for ten 
 years." There is not in the bill any such disposition or thought ; on the contrary, 
 it is specified in the enclosed paper, that it is kept indefinite, for the sole purpose of 
 avoiding the suspicion which you have suggested. The truce may be for 20, or 50, or 
 100 years, (in my opinion the longer the better). But in any case, what I mean 
 now to state is the indefinite term in the bill. The articles of intercourse are only 
 proposed for ten years certain, just to strew the way with inviting and conciliatory 
 facilities, in the hope that a little time given for cooling would confirm a perpetual 
 peace. If I were permitted to be the mediator I should certainly propose the truce 
 for 20 years : but if no more than ten years could be obtained, I would certainly 
 not refuse such a ground of pacification and treaty. I refer you to several of my 
 letters two or three years ago, for the justification of my sentiments on that head 
 
278 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Another point: look at all my letters since 1778 and see if I have at any time 
 suggested any breach of treaty or of honour : on the contrary, I think a faithless 
 nation, if exterminated, would not deserve the pity of mankind. I speak of all that 
 I know in the treaty between America and France, and what I think reasonable 
 upon the case itself. If America is farther bound than we know of, they must abide 
 by it. I speak to the apparent and public foundation of the treaty, article second 
 with the provision of tacitly from article eight : and now I refer you to my letter to 
 you, as long ago as April 10, 1779: "If beyond this essential and directed end, 
 and upon grounds totally unconnected with that alliance, not upon motives of 
 magnanimity for the relief of an innocent --people, but from distinct and unconnected 
 motives of private European sentiments, America should be dragged into the 
 Consequence of a general European war, she may apply to France the apostrophe 
 of the poet, speaking in the person of Helen to Paris " non hoc pollicitus tu<." 
 You see therefore that our sentiments have been uniform, and as I think reason 
 able, because I still remain in those sentiments. Suppose for instance (and you 
 call it the case of a straw if you please) that Great Britain and France should 
 continue the war for ten years, on the point of a commissary at Dunkirk, aye or 
 no : would it be reasonable or a casus Jcederis, that America should be precluded 
 from a separate treaty for ten years, and therefore involved in the consequential 
 war, after the essential and direct ends of the treaty of February 6, 1778, were 
 accomplished. As far as my judgment goes, upon the knov\ ledge of such facts as 
 are public, I should think it was neither reasonable nor a casus joederis. This is the 
 breviate of the argument, in which there is no thought or suggestion of any breach 
 of faith or honour. I did conclude that France was disposed to give their consent, 
 because Mr. Alexander informed me so, and because I thought it reasonable that 
 France should consent, and reasonable that America should enjoy the benefit of that 
 consult. I transmitted it to Lord North as a proposition temperate and pacific on 
 the part of America, and consented to by their a-llies, and on no other ground did 
 I transmit or propose it. All that your letter tells me, is, " that America will 
 not brcuk it uith her allies, and that her commissioners will not entertain such a 
 thought; hut give me leave to acid, that they, as honest men, cannot disdain such 
 a thought, more than 1 do, every honest man ought to disdain the office, or the 
 thought ot proposing a breach ot faith to them. I have often told you, that such 
 an cilice or .-uch a thought shall never he mine. But you have not lor! me that 
 France would not he disposed to consent to a separate treaty of peace, fur that ally 
 syjhose peace was the original declared object of the alliance. In the case supposed, 
 
PRIVATE COKrxSrONDE\CE.*~-PART III. 2*79 
 
 vk. of certain supposed or real punctilios between two proud and belligerent nations^ 
 which might possibly involve America, for years, in a war totally unconnected with 
 the objects of the alliance. Besides, if any rubs should occur in the road to a 
 general peace, France is too proud a nation to say, that beyond the- policy of 
 contributing to the separation of America from Great Britain in any contest of 
 rivalship, they cannot meet their rivals in war, without the assista?tce of America. 
 I cannot conceive that the minister of a great belligerent nation could entertain such 
 a thought, as affecting their own sense of honour, or be so unreasonable to their 
 allies, as to withhold consent to their peace, when the essential and direct ends of 
 the alliance were satisfied. Observe, I do not contend against a general peace : 
 on the contrary, I mean to recommend the most prudent means for producing it. 
 But, as an anxious lover of peace, I feel terrors which dismay me, and I consider 
 the dangers which may obstruct a general peace, arising from the pride and 
 prejudices of nations, which are not to be controuled in their heat by arguments of 
 reason or philosophy. Can any man in reason and philosophy tell me, why any 
 two nations in the world are called natural enemies, as if it were the ordinance of 
 God and nature. I fear it is too deeply engraved in the passions of man, and for 
 that reason I would elude and evade the contest with such passions. I would strew 
 the road to peace with flowers, and not with thorns. Haughty, and dictating, and 
 commands are no words of mine ; I abhor them, and I fear them. I would elude 
 their force by gentle means, and step by step. In article eight, there are the 
 following words : " By the treaty or treaties that shall terminate the war." Let us 
 have one treaty begun, and I think the rest would follow. I fear when contending 
 passions are raised lest we should lose all by grasping at too much. 
 
 January 25. I have just seen Mr. Alexander, and have talked the matter over 
 wkh him. I send you a copy of his sentiments upon it, which, for the sake of 
 avoiding farther mistakes, he committed to paper, and which, I think, justify me 
 ia saying that I understood from him, that France was disposed to give their consent, 
 as he explained it to me, and as I explained it to the minister. He did not say, nor 
 did I understand him to say, that he was authorized by the French ministry, or by 
 any one else, to declare that France had bound herself to consent, or that any such 
 requisition had been made to her ; but that it was his opinion that France would 
 consent, and that I might proceed upon that presumption, so far as to recommend 
 overtures of negociation. Accordingly the phrase of my letter to you, is, that he 
 explained to me, that their allies were disposed to consent. You see what his 
 opinion -is on this day ; and as you have not told uie that France will not .consent, , 
 
280 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 the reasonable probability which still remains with me, for the hopes of opening an 
 amicable treaty, remains as it did. I could not delay saying thus, by the very first 
 mail, upon a point equally delicate to me, as well as to yourself. My dear friend, 
 I beg of you not to think, either that you can be considered as capable of enter 
 taining, or that I should be capable of suggesting, any unworthy or dishonourable 
 propositions. If there has been any misunderstanding, it is now cleared up : and 
 the ground for negociation remains open as before. I therefore still entertain my 
 hopes. I am ever your affectionate, D. H. 
 
 Explanatory letter of Mr. ALEXANDER to Mr. HARTLEY, referred to in the 
 
 preceding. 
 DEAR SIR, 
 
 As I had not the opportunity of seeing your correspondence 
 at this time, I was unable to prevent the misunderstanding that seems to have arisen. 
 There is no proposition of which I am more convinced, than that, " Nothing can 
 be done without the concurrence of allies." But, as the chief obstruction towards 
 an accommodation seemed to me to lie in the personal character of some who have 
 great weight in this matter, and as the object of the war (the independence of 
 America) seems, in the opinion of all men, to be secured, my own opinion was and 
 still is, that there was so much wisdom and moderation where prejudice prevents us 
 from seeing it, that, provided the ends of the war are accomplished to the satis 
 faction of all parties, they will be very ready to let us out of it, in the most gentle 
 manner, by consenting equally that the business shall go on in one, two, or three 
 separate deeds, as shall be most palatable here : and to doubt that our friends are 
 desirous of finishing the contest, with the approbation of their allies, is to doubt 
 their understanding. I am, with the greatest esteem, yours, &c. 
 
 \\ r . ALEXANDER. 
 London, Jan. 25, 1782. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, London, Feb. I, 1782. 
 
 I write to you one line by this mail only to tell you that I 
 
 have seen the minister since I last wrote to you, and that he never did entertain 
 the idea one moment of any propositions being thrown out on your part in the least 
 degree inconsistent with the strictest honour and faith to the allies. I had no 
 occasion to guard against or to explain any such thought, having at ail times 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 281 
 
 conveyed the contrary to him in the most explicit terms. I transmit this to you 
 for your full satisfaction. We have had much conversation on the subject of peace, 
 which you may be sure I have most zealously endeavoured to enforce. / should 
 not do him jus tied/ I did not add that I believe his wishes are for peace, and that 
 he gives the most serious attention to every argument, and to the suggestion of 
 every practicable means on that subject. I have stated many things for his con 
 sideration, and for consultation with others, after which I shall see him again. I 
 heartily wisli the result may be favourable to the prospect of peace. I am ever, 
 your affectionate, D. HARTLEY. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DF.AU SIR, Passy, Feb. 16, 1782. 
 
 I received your favour of the 24th past. You have taken 
 
 pains to rectify a mistake of mine relating to the aim of your letters. I accept 
 kindly your replication, and I hope you will excuse my error, when you reflect that 
 I knew of no consent given by France to our treating separately of peace, and 
 that there has been mixed in some of your conversations and letters various reason 
 ings, to show that if France should require something of us that was unreasonable, 
 we then should not be obliged by our treaty to join with her in continuing the war. 
 As there had never been such requisition, what could I think of such discourses? 
 I thought as I suppose an honest woman would think, if a gallant should entertain 
 her with suppositions of cases in which infidelity to her husband would be justifiable. 
 Would not she naturally imagine, seeing no other foundation or motive for such 
 conversation, that if he could once get her to admit the general principle, his 
 intended next step would be to persuade her that such a case actually existed. 
 Thus knowing your dislike of France, and your strong desire of recovering America 
 to England, I was impressed with the idea that such an infidelity on our part would 
 not be disagreeable to you ; and that you were therefore aiming to lessen in my 
 mind the horror I conceived at the idea of it. But we will finish here by mutually 
 agreeing that neither you were capable of proposing nor I of acting on such 
 principles. 
 
 I cannot however forbear endeavouring to give a little possible utility to this 
 letter, by saying something on your case of Dunkirk. You do not see why two 
 nations should be deemed natural enemies to each other. Nor do I, unless one or 
 both of them are naturally mischievous and insolent. But I can see how enmities 
 long continued, even during a peace, tend to shorten that peace, and to re* 
 VOL. II. sN 
 
282 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 kindle a war. That is when either party, having an advantage in war, shall exact 
 conditions in the treaty of peace, that are goading and constantly mortifying 
 to the other. I take this to be the case of your " commissioner at Dunkirk." 
 What would be your feelings, if France should take, and hold possession of Ports 
 mouth, or Spain of Plymouth after a peace, as you formerly held Calais, and now 
 hold Gibraltar ? Or on restoring your ports should insist on having an insolent 
 commissioner stationed there, to forbid your placing one stone upon another by 
 way of fortification ? You would probably not be very easy under such a stipula 
 tion. If therefore you desire a peace that may bejirm and durable, think no more 
 of such extravagant demands. It is not necessary to give my opinion farther on 
 that point, yet I may add frankly, as this is mere private conversation between you 
 and me, that I do think a faithful ally, especially when under obligations for such 
 great and generous assistance as we have received, should fight as long as he is 
 able, to prevent (as far as his continuing to fight may prevent) his friends being 
 coiiipelled again to suffer such an insult. 
 
 My dear friend, the true pains you are taking to restore peace, whatever may be 
 the success, intitle you to the esteem of all good men. If your ministers really 
 desire peace, methinks they would do well to impower some person to make propo 
 sitions for that purpose. One or other of the parties at war must take the first 
 step. To do this belongs properly to the wisest. America being a novice in such 
 affairs has no pretence to that character , and indeed after the answer given by 
 Lord Stormont (when we proposed to him something relative to the mutual treat 
 ment of prisoners with humanity) that the King s ministers received no applications 
 from rebels, unless when they came to implore his majesty s clemency, it cannot be 
 expected that we should hazard the exposing ourselves again to such insolence. 
 All I can say farther at present is that in my opinion your enemies do not aim at 
 your destruction, and that if you propose a treaty you will find them reasonable in 
 their demands, provided that on your side they meet with the same good dispositions. 
 But do not dream of dividing us : you will certainly never be able to effect it. 
 
 With great regard and affection, I am ever, dear Sir, vour most obedient and 
 
 O O ** 
 
 most humble servant, B. FUANKLIN. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Feb. 28, 1782. 
 
 I have not as yet any thing to communicate to you. I have 
 upon many occasions recommended the road to peace in the most earnest way. I 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 283 
 
 am not without hopes. I think I may venture to say that the arguments \\hich I 
 have stated have made an impression. I have not expected to receive the final 
 answer from Lord North till after the parliamentary arrangements of the year are 
 settled. I am just for three or four days in the country upon a little business but 
 upon a furlough, as I may say, with the knowledge of Lord North, who during the 
 budget week, cannot possibly want to see me. I have therefore taken that week 
 for a little private business in the country, and if Lord N. should happen to wish 
 to see me, my brother keeps watch, and is to send express for me. Public report 
 will tell you that on Friday last there was a division in the house on an American 
 question of 104 to 193. I cannot answer for the dispositions of ministers, but in 
 point of justice I ought to say, that I think, and as far as I can judge from the 
 conferences which I have had, that 1 have found good dispositions towards peace. 
 I do not pledge myself, because I may be deceived ; however that is my opinion ; 
 and I say thus much lest my silence should appear suspicious, and create alienation 
 in other parties. I think I have seen good dispositions from the first commence 
 ment of my conferences on peace. My brother sends me word that Mr. Alexander 
 is to return by the next mail, I therefore write this to send either by him or at least 
 in the same packet. I have had much conversation with him, and he will tell you 
 that I have done my utmost to serve the cause of peace. I will conclude this 
 with a quotation which I have applied to another person in argument respecting 
 
 peace, 
 
 Consulere patriae, parcere afflictis, fera caede abstinere, 
 Irae tern pus dare, orbi quietem, seculo pacem suo, 
 Haec summa virtus, hac ccelum petitur via. -j.,^ { 
 
 God bless you and prosper our pacific endeavours. J shall probably write again 
 to you soon. Your affectionate, D. HARTLEY. 
 
 FROM MR. HARTLEY S BROTHER, COLONEL HARTLEY, M. P. TO DR. 
 
 FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR SIR, Soho Square, Feb. 28, 1782. 
 
 As I know how anxious my brother is to embrace every 
 opportunity of expressing those sentiments of peace and universal philanthropy, 
 which do you both so much honor, and of testifying his regard for yourself, I am 
 sorry he is not returned to town before Mr. Alexander s departure. His absence 
 from town has been occasioned by his being obliged to go into Gloucestershire for 
 
284 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN". 
 
 some papers relating to family concerns, and as I am sure nothing on his part will 
 be neglected, towards forwarding the great object of peace, 1 regret his absence the 
 less, because it affords me an opportunity of saying how entirely I agree with him 
 in opinion, and particularly in the respect and esteem I bear to a person who has 
 so ardently wished to prevent the effusion of blood and the dreadful effects of this 
 fatal and destructive war; a person who was, who would have been, permit me dear 
 sir, to add, perhaps who is, (would the conduct of this country permit him with 
 justice to be so) the real, the sincere friend of it. 
 
 That delusion, founded in falsehood, first made this country forget itself; its 
 honour, and its justice, and pursue this accursed and destructive war is certain; 
 happy will it be if the dereliction of it at last, shall show that its continuance has 
 not already extinguished in the breast of America every former degree of friendship, 
 and affection. That reason is beginning to return, and this country to see its errors, 
 I hope, from a majority of the, house of commons having yesterday agreed to a 
 resolution against the American war, and I believe almost all the people of Eng 
 land are against the war. I hope this will lay the foundation of peace between 
 the two countries, and that the horrors of war may be succeeded by lasting and 
 general tranquillity. The event is in the hand of Providence alone, but the 
 endeavour to contribute to such blessed purposes is not only in the power of men, 
 but the attempt carries with it its own reward. Should success not be the conse 
 quence, the consciousness of having exerted oneself in such a cause, will afford 
 the most pleasing reflexions, and make a man repose in peace upon his pillow, 
 whatever may be the distraction and confusion around him. You, sir, feel this in 
 the greatest degree, and may those sentiments of justice, of freedom and liberality, 
 which have marked your character, receive the reward they so justly merit, and by 
 the happy return of a general peace, may such sentiments revive in each British 
 and American breast to the mutual advantage of both countries. When I join my 
 name to my brother s in such a wish, and in every expression of regard, esteem and 
 friendship towards yourself, permit me to add, though far inferior in the power of 
 contributing to that happy event to which his abilities, industry, and attention to 
 public concerns, make him so equal, I cannot yield even to so near and dear 
 a relation the palrn of sincerity in and anxiety for promoting such a desirable 
 purpose. I am with the greatest respect, dear Sir, your s most sincerely, 
 
 W. H. HARTLEY. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART 111. 285 
 
 FROM EDMUND BURKE, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 [In answer to one requesting him to negociate the exchange of Mr. Laurens 
 
 for General Burgoyne.] 
 
 DEAR SIR, 
 
 Your most obliging letter demanded an early answer. It has 
 
 not received the acknowledgment which was so justly due to it. But providence 
 has well supplied my deficienccs ; and the delay of the answer has made it much 
 more satisfactory than at the time of my receipt of your letter I dared to promise 
 myself it could be. I congratulate you, as the friend of America, I trust, as not 
 the enemy of England, I am sure, as the friend of mankind, on the resolution of 
 the house of commons, carried by a majority of nineteen at two o clock this morning, 
 in a very full house. It was the declaration of two hundred and thirty jour ; I 
 think it was the opinion of the whole. I trust it will lead to a speedy peace between 
 the two branches of the English nation, perhaps to a general peace ; and that our 
 happiness may be an introduction to that of the world at large. I most sincerely 
 congratulate you on the event. I wish I could say, that I had accomplished my 
 commission. Difficulties remain. But as Mr. Laurens is released from his confine 
 ment, and has recovered his health tolerably, he may wait, I hope, without a great 
 deal of inconvenience, for the final adjustment of his troublesome business, lie is 
 an exceedingly agreeable and honourable man. I am much obliged to you for the 
 honour of his acquaintance. He speaks of you as I do; and is perfectly sensible 
 of your warm and friendly interposition in his favour. I have the honour to be 
 with the highest possible esteem and regard, dear Sir, your most faithful and 
 obedient humble servant, EDMUND BURKE. 
 
 London, Charles Street, Feb. 28, 1782. 
 
 General Burgoyne presents his best compliments to you with his thanks for your 
 obliging attentions towards him. 
 
 FROM WILLIAM ALEXANDER, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR SIR, Ostend, Sunday J> at night, March 3, J782. 
 
 Although I expect to see you in a day or two after this comes 
 
 to hand, I cannot let slip the opportunity of Mr. Moore, formerly with Mr. 
 Williams, to inform you that the address in consequence of the question carried or* 
 Wednesday, was carried to the king by the whole opposition on Friday ; that the 
 answer, after the common place phrases and the repetition of the substance of the 
 
286 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 address, was declaring his disposition to comply with it ; and that of pushing 
 the war with vigour against the ancient enemies of the kingdom, until a safe and 
 honourable peace could be obtained which was his most earnest wisJi. This is the 
 sense as delivered to me Friday evening by a member present. I have several 
 letters for you which I will deliver on my arrival, and can give you a good deal of 
 the sentiments of parties in England. I left London yesterday. You will have all 
 our public news up to Thursday. The 1st payment 15 per cent was made on the 
 new loan, Friday, and stock was got up at 2 per cent thereafter. Mr. Moore 
 goes away just now, so have only time to subscribe myself with the most sincere 
 esteem, dear Sir, you-r most obedient humble servant, W. ALEXANDER. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, London, March 11, 1782. 
 
 Mr. Digges who will deliver this to you informs me 
 
 that having been applied to for the purpose of communicating with Mr. Adams on 
 the subject of his commission for treating of peace, he is now setting out for 
 Amsterdam, and that he intends afterwards to go to Paris to wait upon you. I 
 understand the occasion to have arisen, by some mention having been made in 
 parliament by General Conway of persons not far off having authority to treat of 
 peace, which was supposed to allude to Mr. Adams, and some friends of his in 
 London. Ministry were therefore induced to make some enquiries themselves. 
 This is what I arn informed of the matter. When the proposal was made to Mr, 
 Digges he consulted me, I believe from motives of caution that he might know 
 what ground he had to stand upon, but not in the least apprized that I had been 
 in any degree in course of corresponding with you on the subject of negociation. 
 As I had informed the ministry from you that other persons besides yourself were 
 invested with powers of treating, I have nothing to say against their consulting the 
 several respective parties. That is their own concern. J shall at all times content 
 myself with observing the duties of my own conduct, attending to all circumstances 
 with circumspection, and then leaving the conduct of others to their own reasons. 
 I presume that ministry have only done what others would have done in their situa 
 tion, to procure the most ample information that the case will admit. I rest con 
 tented to act in my own sphere, and if my exertions can be applied to any public 
 good, I shall always be ready to take my part with sincerity and zeal. I am, my 
 dear friend, your ever affectionate-, P. HARTLEY. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 287 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, London, March 12, 1782. 
 
 Enclosed with this I transmit to you the public parliamentary 
 proceeding respecting the American war. If you will compare these proceedings 
 with some others in several of the counties of this kingdom about two years ago, 
 you will at once see the reason why many persons who from principles of general 
 and enlarged philanthropy do most certainly wish universal peace to mankind yet 
 seem restrained in their mode of endeavouring to obtain that object. We must 
 accommodate our endeavouis to practicabilities, in the strong hope that if the work 
 of peace was once begun, it would soon become general. Parliament having 
 declared their sentiments by their public proceedings ; a general bill will soon pass 
 to enable administration to treat with America and to conclude. As to the sincerity 
 of ministry that will be judged of by their conduct in any treaty. The first object 
 is to procure a meeting of qualified and authorized persons. You have told me 
 that four persons are empowered by a special commission to treat of peace. Are 
 \ve to understand that each separately has power to conclude, or in what manner ? 
 The four persons whom you have mentioned are in four different parts of the 
 world, viz. three of them in hostile states, and the fourth under circumstances very 
 peculiar for a negociator. When I told Mr. Laurens that his name was in the 
 commission I found him entirely ignorant of every circumstance relating to it. I 
 understand that the ministry will be ready to proceed towards opening a negocia- 
 tion as soon as the bill shall pass, and therefore it is necessary to consult of time, 
 and place and manner and persons on each side. The negociation itself will speak 
 the rest. I have been informed that some gentlemen in this country (not in 
 administration) have lately entered into a correspondence with Mr. Adams relating 
 to his commission of treating for peace, and that their previous enquiries having 
 been spoken of in public, the ministry have been induced to make some enquiry 
 themselves from Mr. Adams on that subject. In whatever way a fair treaty may 
 be opened, by whomsoever or with whomsoever, I shall heartily wish good success to 
 it for the common good and peace of mankind. I know these to be your senti 
 ments, and I am confident that they will ever remain so, and hope that you will 
 believe the same of me. I am ever, your most affectionate, D. HARTLEY. 
 
 Copy from the printed votes of the Commons 27 Feb. 1782. 
 Resolved. That it is the opinion of this house that the farther prosecution of 
 offensive war on the continent of North America, for the purpose of reducing the 
 
288 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 revolted colonies to obedience by force, will be the means of weakening the efforts 
 of this country against her European enemies, tends, under the present circumstan 
 ces, dangerously to increase the mutual enmity so fatal to the interests both of 
 Great Britain and America, and by preventing an happy reconciliation with that 
 counti y, to frustrate the earnest desire graciously expressed by his Majesty to 
 restore the blessings of public tranquillity. 
 
 Resolved. That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, that the 
 further prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America, tends, 
 c. &c. 
 
 March 4, Mr. Speaker reported to the house, that the house attended his 
 Majesty on Friday last with their address ; to which his Majesty was pleased to 
 give his most gracious answer : 
 
 Gentlemen of the House of Commons, 
 
 There are no objects nearer my heart than the ease, happiness, and prosperity 
 of my people. 
 
 You may be assured that, in pursuance of your advice, I shall take such measures 
 as shall appear to me most conducive to the restoration of harmony between Great 
 Britain and the revolted colonies, so essential to the prosperity of both ; and that 
 my efforts shall be directed in the most effectual manner against our European 
 enemies, until such a peace can be obtained as shall consist with the interests and 
 permanent welfare of my kingdoms. 
 
 Resolved, nemine contradicente, 
 
 That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, to return his Majesty 
 the thanks of this house, for his most gracious answer to their address presented to 
 his Majesty on Friday last, and for the assurances his Majesty has most graciously 
 been pleased to give them of his intention in pursuance of the advice of this house, 
 to take such measures as shall appear most conducive to the restoration of harmony 
 between Great l>ritain and the revolted colonies; and that his efforts shall be 
 directed in the most effectual manner against our European enemies, until such a 
 peace can be obtained as shall consist with the permanent welfare and prosperity 
 of his kingdoms ; this house being convinced that nothing can, in the present cir 
 cumstances of this country, so essentially promote those great objects of his Majesty s 
 paternal care for his people, as the measures which his faithful commons have most 
 humbly recommended to his Majesty. 
 
 Ordered, that the said address be presented &c. 
 
 Resolved. That, after the solemn declaration of the opinion of this house, in 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 289 
 
 their humble address presented to his Majesty on Friday last, and his Majesty s 
 assurance of his gracious intention in pursuance of their advice, to take such 
 measures as shall appear to his Majesty to be most conducive to the restoration of 
 harmony between Great Britain and the revolted Colonies, so essential to the 
 prosperity of both, this House will consider as enemies to his Majesty and this 
 country, all those who shall endeavour to frustrate his Majesty s paternal care for 
 the ease and happiness of his people, by advising, or by any means attempting, the 
 farther prosecution of offensive war on the continent of North America, for the 
 purpose of reducing the revolted Colonies to obedience by force. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, London, March 21, 1782. 
 
 You will have heard before this can reach you, that Lord 
 North declared yesterday in the House of Commons that his Majesty intended to 
 change his ministers. The House is adjourned for a few days to give time for the 
 formation of a new ministry. Upon this occasion therefore I must apply to you to 
 know whether you would wish me to transfer the late negociation to the successors 
 of the late ministry ; in these terms; (vide yours to me of January 15, 1782) viz. 
 " that you are empowered by a special commission to treat of peace whenever a 
 negociation for that purpose shall be opened. That it must always be understood 
 that it is to be in conjunction with your allies conformable to the solemn treaties 
 made with them. That the formal acknowledgment of the Independence of 
 America is not made necessary." And may I add that upon these terms you are 
 disposed to enter into a negociation. It is not known who will succeed the late 
 ministry, but from the circumstances which preceded its dissolution we are to hope 
 that they will be disposed to enter into a negociation of peace upon fair and 
 honourable terms. I have no doubt that there were some persons in the late 
 ministry of that disposition. 
 
 I told you in my last letters to you of the 1 1th and 12th instant, that I had 
 received information, whilst I was in the course of correspondence with the ministry 
 myself on the subject of peace, that some part of the ministry were transmitting 
 some communications or enquiries upon that subject with Mr. Adams, unknown to 
 me. I had informed the ministry from you the names of the four persons em 
 powered to treat. I saw the minister upon the occasion (I should now call him the 
 late minister). I took the liberty of giving him my opinion upon the matter itself. 
 So far as it related personally to me, I expressed myself fully to him that there 
 
 VOL. II. 2O 
 
290 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 was no occasion that such a step should have been taken unknown to me, for that 
 I was very free to confess that if they thought my partiality towards peace was so 
 strong that they could drive a better bargain through another channel, I could not 
 have any right of exclusion upon them. I relate this to you because I would wish 
 to have you make a corresponding application to your own case. If you should 
 think that my strong desire for peace, although most laudable and virtuous in itself, 
 should mislead me,, and that my being so as you may suppose misled, may be of 
 any prejudice to the cause committed to your trust, I desire by no means to 
 embarrass your free conduct, by any considerations of private or personal regard to 
 myself. Having said thus much, I will now add that I am not unambitious of the 
 office of a peace maker, that I flatter myself the very page which I now am writing 
 will bear full testimony from both sides of the impartiality of my conduct. And I 
 will add once more what I have often said and repeated to each side, viz. that no 
 fallacy or deception, knowing or suspecting it to be such, shall ever pass through 
 my hands. 
 
 Believe me I sympathize most cordially and sincerely with you in every anxiety 
 of yours for peace. I hope things are tending (although not without rubs) yet in 
 the main to that end. Soon ! as soon as the course of human life may be expected 
 to operate on the great scale and course of national events, or rather in the creation 
 and establishment of a new world. I am sometimes tempted to think myself in 
 patient expectation the elder sage of the two. I say the elder, not the better. 
 Yours, &c. D. H. 
 
 FROM MR. T. DIGGES TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 SIR, Amsterdam, March 22, 1782. 
 
 I left England a few days back, and until my conversation 
 and some consultations with Mr. Adams on a matter which will be mentioned to 
 you by him, and more particularly explained in this letter, my determination, was to 
 have seen you, as well on that business as on a matter of much consequence to my 
 private reputation. I feel the disadvantages under which I labour when writing to 
 you on a matter which cannot be explained or cleared up but by personal conver 
 sation. I do not give up my intended purpose of personally speaking to you, but 
 it being found better and more convenient to my purpose to return immediately 
 hence to England, and from thence to Paris, in preference of going first to Paris, 
 it must be unavoidably delayed for some days. 
 
PRIVATE CORfcESPONDENCE. PART III. 291 
 
 It would take up more than the length of a letter to explain the whole opening 
 and progression of a matter I am here upon, which was and is meant to be jointly 
 communicated to you with Mr. Adams ; I will therefore take the liberty to give you 
 an abbreviation of it in as few words as I can. 
 
 About a fortnight ago a direct requisition from ministry, through Lord Beauchamp, 
 was made to Mr. R. Penn to know if he could ascertain that any person or persons 
 in Europe were commissioned by Congress to treat for peace, whether they were 
 NOW- willing to avail themselves of such commission, and of the present sincere 
 disposition in ministry to treat, and whether they would receive an appointed com 
 missioner to speak for a truce, and mention a place for the meeting, $$e. 
 
 Mr. Penn s referring Lord Beauchamp to me, as knowing the nature of Mr. 
 Adams s former commission, was the sole cause of my being privy to or a party in 
 the matter. I had various meetings with Lord Beauchamp in company wilh Mr. 
 Penn on the subject; the particular memorandums of which, and Lord B. s 
 statement of what the ministry wanted to obtain, together with every other circum 
 stance relative to the matter, I regularly consulted Mr. Laurens and Mr. D. 
 Hartley upon ; and the result was my taking the journey hither, and to Paris in. 
 order to put the questions (as they are before stated from Lord B. to Mr. Penn) 
 and to bring an answer thereto. I am well convinced by Lord Beauchamp s 
 pledge of his personal honour, as well as from Mr. Hartley s telling me he knew 
 the matter to come directly from Lord North (for he visited him more than once to 
 ascertain the fact) that it is a serious and sincere requisition from ministry, and that 
 they will immediately take some steps to open a treaty provided I go back with 
 assurances that there is a power vested in Americans in Europe to treat and 
 conclude, and that they are willing to avail themselves of such power when 
 properly applied to. 
 
 I have stated the whole transaction to Mr. Adams, read every memorandum I 
 had made, informed him of every circumstance I knew, and when I put the 
 questions (as they are before stated from Lord B. to Mr. Penn) he replied, " that 
 there were certainly commissioners in Europe, of which body he was one, who had 
 powers to treat and conclude upon peace ; that he believed them willing to enter 
 into such a treaty, provided a proper offer was made ; but that no questions now or 
 to be made in future could be answered by him without previously consulting his 
 colleagues, and afterwards acquainting the ministers of the belligerent powers 
 thereof." Mr. Adams recommended that any future questions might be made 
 
292 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 directly to you, for that the present, as well as any subsequent propositions would 
 be immediately communicated to you and Mons. de Vergennes. 
 
 His answers to my questions were nearly what I foretold and expected, and is 
 substantially what Lord Beauchamp seemed so anxious to procure. When I relate 
 this answer to his Lordship my business will be finished in that quarter. I will 
 here explain to you my only motive for being a messenger from him whom I had 
 never known or been in company with before. It will enable me to say, I have 
 done one favour for you, and I claim of you another, viz. to obtain a restoration of 
 my papers from Lord Hillsborough s office, which were in a most illegal and 
 unjustifiable manner seized from me near a twelvemonth ago, and are yet withheld 
 notwithstanding the personal applications for them from Lord Coventry, Lord 
 Nugent, and Mr. Jackson, each of whom have explained the injury and very 
 extraordinary mischief the want of my papers for so long a time has and is now 
 doing me. 
 
 On my first conversation with Mr. Adams I had concluded to go to you, partly 
 by his advice to do so ; but as the expence of two jourm es where one may serve is 
 of some import to me, and from supposing your answer would be substantially the 
 same as that from Mr. Adams, I have thought it better to go back immediately to 
 London, and then set out for Paris with the probability of being able to bear my 
 papers. 
 
 I will take the liberty to trouble you with another letter if any thing occurs on my 
 arrival in London. I am to leave this with Mr. Adams for fonvardance ; and for 
 the present I have only to beg a line acknowledging the receipt of it. If your letter 
 is put under a cover to Mr. Stockdale, Bookseller, Piccadilly, London, it will the 
 more readily get to hand. I am, with great respect, Sir, your very obedient 
 servant, T. DIGGES. 
 
 Ostend, %6th March. 
 
 On my last visit to Mr. Adams, Friday evening, to explain 
 to him the substance of the foregoing letter, and ask his forwardance of it to you, 
 we had some farther conversation on the matter, the ultimate conclusion of which 
 was, that it was thought better I did not send the annexed letter to you, or mention 
 my business with him until my going in person from England. Mr. Adams s 
 reasons were these. That if I made the communication then he should be 
 necessitated to state the matter in a long letter to you and others of his colleagues ; 
 that the matter as it then stood was not of such importance but he could save 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 893 
 
 himself the trouble of the explanation ; and that as he recommended any future 
 questions or applications to be made directly to you, your situation making it more 
 convenient sooner to inform the French court thereof, he thought my letter had 
 better be postponed, and the substance of it given in person as soon as I could 
 possibly get from London to Paris. I acquiesced, though reluctantly, and having 
 thought much on the matter on my journey hither, I have at length determined to 
 forward the foregoing letter with this postscript, and at the same time to inform Mr. 
 Adams of my exact feelings on the matter, viz. that my wishes and intentions when 
 I left England were to see, and make known the matter to you ; that through Mr. 
 Hartley or some other channel you must hear that I had been at Amsterdam, and 
 my seemingly turning my back upon you might be thought oddly of; and finally that 
 I could not answer for carrying the inclosure from Mr. Hartley back to England, 
 not knowing the consequence it might be of. I hope and think I have done right 
 in this matter. The purpose for my moving in the business I went to Mr. A. upon, 
 has, I own, been with a double view of serving myself in a matter of much 
 consequence to me, for after delivering the explanations I carry, I can with some 
 degree of right and a very great probability of success, claim as a gratuity for the 
 trouble and expence I have been at, the restoration of my papers ; the situation of 
 which I have already explained to Lord Beauchamp, in order to get him to be a 
 mover for them, and I have very little doubt that a few days will restore them to 
 me, and give me an opportunity to speedily speak to you on a matter which gives 
 me much uneasiness, vexation, and pain. Excuse the hurry in which I write, for 
 I am very near the period of embarkation. Paul Wentworth embarked this day 
 for England, I trod on his heels chief of the way from the Hague which he left 
 suddenly. General Faucit is on his road hence to Hanover. 
 
 FROM His EXCELLENCY J. ADAMS, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 SIR, The Hague, March 26, 1782. 
 
 One day last week, I received at Amsterdam a card from 
 Digges, inclosing two letters to me, from Mr. David Hartley. The card desired 
 to see me, upon business of importance ; and the letters from Mr. Hartley 
 contained an assurance, that to his knowledge, the bearer came from the highest 
 authority. I answered the card, that in the present situation of affairs here and 
 elsewhere, it was impossible for me to see any one from England without witness ; 
 but if he were willing to see me in presence of Mr. Thaxter, my Secretary, and 
 that I should communicate whatever he should say to me to Dr. Franklin, and the 
 
294 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Compte de Vergennes, I would wait for him at home at ten o clock ; but that I had 
 rather he should go to Paris without seeing me, and communicate what he had to 
 say to Dr. Franklin, whose situation enabled him to consult the Court without loss 
 of time. At ten however he came, and told me a long story about consultations 
 with Mr. Perm,, Mr. Hartley, Lord Beauchamp, and at last Lord North, by whom 
 he was finally sent, to enquire of me, if I or any other had authority to treat 
 with Great Britain of a truce. I answered that " I came to Europe with full 
 powers to make peace, that those powers had been announced to the public upon 
 my arrival, and continued in force until last summer, when Congress sent a new 
 commission, containing the same powers to four persons, whom I named : that if 
 the King of England were my father, and I the heir apparent to his throne, I could 
 not advise him ever to think of a truce, because it would be but a real war, under a 
 simulated appearance of tranquillity, and would end in another open and bloody 
 war, without doing any real good to any of the parties." 
 
 He said that " the ministry would send some person of consequence over, 
 perhaps General Conway, but they were apprehensive, that he would be ill-treated 
 or exposed." I said, " that if they resolved upon such a measure, I had rather 
 they would send immediately to Dr. Franklin because of his situation near the 
 French court. But there was no doubt, if they sent any respectable personage 
 properly authorized, who should come to treat honourably, he would be treated 
 with great respect. But that if he came to me, I could give him no opinion upon 
 any thing without consulting my colleagues, and should reserve a right of commu 
 nicating every thing to them, and to our allies." 
 
 He then said that " his mission was finished. That the fact to be ascertained 
 was simply, that there was a commission in Europe to treat and conclude: but 
 that there was not one person in Great Britain who could affirm or prove that there 
 was such a commission, although it had been announced in the gazettes." 
 
 I desired him, and he promised me, not to mention Mr. Laurens to the ministry 
 without his consent (and without informing him that it was impossible he should 
 say any thing in the business, because he knew nothing of our instructions) because, 
 although it was possible that his being in such a commission might induce them to 
 release him, yet it was also possible it might render them more difficult, concerning 
 his exchange- 
 
 The picture he gives of the situation of things in England is gloomy enough for 
 them. The distresses of the people, and the distractions in administration an4 
 parliament, are such as may produce any effect almost that can be imagined. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 
 
 The only use of all this I think is to strike decisive strokes at New York and 
 Charlestown. There is no position so advantageous for negociation, as when we 
 have all an enemy s army prisoners. I must beg the favour of you, Sir, to send 
 me, by one of the Count de Vergennes s couriers to the Due de la Vauguion, a 
 copy in letters of your peace instructions. I have not been able to decypher one 
 quarter part of mine. Some mistake has certainly been made. 
 
 Ten or eleven cities of Holland have declared themselves in favour of American 
 Independence, and it is expected that to-day or to-morrow, this province will take 
 the decisive resolution of admitting me to my audience. Perhaps some of the other 
 provinces may delay it for three or four weeks. But the Prince has declared,, that 
 he has no hopes of resisting the torrent, and therefore that he shall not attempt it. 
 The Due de la Vauguion has acted a very friendly and honourable part in this 
 business, without, however, doing any ministerial act in it. With great respect, I 
 have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 J. ADAMS. 
 
 To ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, 
 
 Secretary for Foreign Affairs. 
 SIR, Passy, March 30, 1782. 
 
 The newspapers which I send you by this conveyance, will 
 
 acquaint you, with what has since my last passed in parliament. You will there 
 see a copy of the Bill brought in by the Attorney-General, for empowering the 
 King to make peace with the Colonies. They still seem to flatter themselves with 
 the idea of dividing us ; and rather than name the Congress they empower him 
 generally to treat with any body or bodies of men, or any person or persons, S$c. 
 They are here likewise endeavouring to get us to treat separately from France, at 
 the same time they are tempting France to treat separately from us, equally without 
 the least chance of success. I have been drawn into a correspondence on this 
 subject, which you shall have with my next. I send you a letter of Mr. Adams s 
 just received, which shows also that they are weary of the war, and would get out 
 of it if they knew how. They had not then received certain news of the loss of St. 
 Christopher s, which will probably render them still more disposed to peace. I see 
 that a bill is also passing through the House of Commons for the exchange of 
 American prisoners, the purport of which I do not yet know. 
 
 In my last I promised to be more particular with respect to the points you men 
 tioned as proper to be insisted on in the treaty of peace. My ideas on those points 
 
296 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 I assure you, are full as strong as yours. I did intend to have given you my 
 reasons for some addition, and if the treaty were to be held on your side the water, 
 I would do it : otherwise it seems on second thoughts to be unnecessary, and if my 
 letter should be intercepted may be inconvenient. Be assured I shall not willingly 
 give up any important right or interest of our country, and unless this campaign 
 should afford our enemies some considerable advantage, I hope more may be 
 obtained than is yet expected. 
 
 Our affairs generally go on well in Europe. Holland has been slow, Spain 
 slower, but time will I hope smooth away all difficulties. Let us keep up not only 
 our courage but our vigilance, and not be laid asleep by the pretended half peace 
 the English make with us without asking our consent. We cannot be safe while 
 they keep armies in our country. With great esteem I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To J. ADAMS, ESQ. 
 SIR, Passy, March SI, 1782. 
 
 I received yours of the l()th instant, and am of opinion with 
 
 you, that the English will evacuate New York and Charlestown, as the troops 
 there after the late resolutions of parliament must be useless, and are necessary to 
 defend their remaining islands, where they have not at present more than 3000 men. 
 The prudence of this operation is so obvious, that I think they can hardly miss it ; 
 otherwise I own, that considering their conduct for several years past, it is not 
 reasoning consequentially to conclude they will do a thing, because the doing it is 
 required by common sense. 
 
 Yours of the 26th is just come to hand. I thank you for the communication of 
 Digges s message. He has also sent me a long letter, with two from Mr. Hartley. 
 I shall see M. de Vergennes to-morrow and will acquaint you with every thing 
 material that passes on the subject. But the ministry by whom Digges pretends tq 
 be sent being changed, we shall by waiting a little see what tone will be taken by 
 their successors. You shall have a copy of the instructions by the next courier. J 
 congratulate you cordially on the progress you have made among those slow 
 people. Slow however as they are, Mr. Jay finds his * much slower. By an 
 American, who goes in about ten days to Holland, I shall send you a packet of 
 
 " ...... i .1. .1, ...... i..i. i. ,i ii i ,i . i i. T p . . i 
 
 * The Spaniards. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PAUTIII. 297 
 
 correspondence with Mr. Hartley, though it amounts to little. With great esteem, 
 I have the honour to be your Excellency s most obedient and most humble 
 servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR Si R, Passy, March 31, 1782. 
 
 I have just received your favours of March 11 and 12, 
 forwarded to me by Mr. Digges, and another of the 21st per post. I congratulate 
 you on the returning good disposition of your nation towards America, which 
 appears in the resolutions of parliament, that you have sent me : and I hope the 
 change of vour ministry will be attended with salutary effects. I continue in the 
 same sentiments expressed in my former letters ; but as I am but one of five in the 
 commission, and have no knowledge of the sentiments of the others, what has 
 passed between us is to be considered merely as private conversation. The five 
 persons are Messrs. Adam, Jay, Laurens, Jefferson and myself; and in case of 
 the death or absence of any, the remainder have power to act and conclude. I 
 have not written to Mr. Laurens, having constantly expected him here, but shall 
 write to him next post ; when I shall also write more fully to you, having now only 
 time to add, that 1 am ever with great esteem and affection, dear Sir, your most 
 pbedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Passy, April 5, 1782. 
 
 I wrote a few lines to you the 31st past, and promised to 
 
 write more fully. On perusing again your letters of the llth, 12th, and 21st. I do 
 not find any notice taken of one from me dated February 16. I therefore now send 
 vou " a copy made from it in the press. The uncertainty of free transmission dis- 
 coura^es a free communication of sentiments on these important affairs ; but the 
 inutility of discussion between persons, one of whom is not authorized, but in con- 
 iunction with others, and the other not authorized at all, as well as the obvious 
 inconveniences that may attend such previous handling of points, that are to be 
 considered when we come to treat regularly, are with me a still more effectual 
 discouragement, and determine me to waive that part of the correspondence. As to 
 Digges, I have no confidence in him, nor in any thing he says or may say of his 
 being sent by ministers. Nor will I have any communication with him, except in 
 receiving and considering the justification of himself which he pretends he shall" be 
 VOL. II. 2P 
 
98 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 able and intends to make, for his excessive drafts on me on account of the relief I 
 ordered to the prisoners, and his embezzlement of the money. You justly observe 
 in yours of the 12th, that the first object is to procure a " meeting of qualified and 
 authorized persons," and that you " understand ministry will be ready to proceed 
 towards opening a negociation as soon as the bill shall pass, and therefore it is 
 necessary to consult of time and place, and manner and persons on each side." 
 This you wrote while the old ministry existed. If the new have the same intentions, 
 and desire a general peace, they may easily discharge Mr. Lauren s from those 
 engagements which make his acting in the commission improper, and except Mr. 
 Jefferson who remains in America and is not expected here, we the Commissioners 
 of Congress can be easily got together ready to meet yours at such place as shall be 
 agreed to by all the powers at war, in order to form the treaty. God grant that 
 there may be wisdom enough assembled to make, if possible, a peace that shall be 
 perpetual, and that the idea of any nations being natural enemies to each other 
 may be abolished for the honour of human nature. 
 
 With regard to those who may be commissioned from your government, whatever 
 personal preferences I may conceive in my own mind, it cannot become me to 
 express them. I only wish for wise and honest men. With such, a peace may 
 be speedily concluded. With contentious wranglers the negociation may be drawn 
 into length and finally frustrated. 
 
 I am pleased to see in the votes and parliamentary speeches, and in your public 
 papers, that in mentioning America the word reconciliation is often used. It cer 
 tainly means more than a mere peace. It is a sweet expression. Revolve in your 
 mind, my dear friend, the means of bringing about this reconciliation. When you 
 consider the injustice of your war with us, and the barbarous manner in which it has 
 been carried on, the many suffering families among us from your burning of towns, 
 scalping by savages, &c. &c. will it not appear to you, that though a cessation of 
 the war may be a peace, it may not be a reconciliation? Will not some voluntary 
 acts of justice and even of kindness on your part have excellent effects towards 
 producing such a reconciliation ? Can you not find means of repairing in some 
 degree those injuries ? You have in England and Ireland twelve hundred of our 
 people prisoners, who have for years bravely suffered all the hardships of that 
 confinement rather than enter into your service to fight against their country. 
 Methinks you ought to glory in descendants of such virtue. What if you were to 
 begin your measures of reconciliation by setting them at liberty ? I know it would 
 procure for you the liberty of an equal number of your people, even without a 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 
 
 previous stipulation ; and the confidence in our equity with the apparent good will 
 in the action, would give very good impressions of your change of disposition towards 
 us. Perhaps you have no knowledge of the opinions lately conceived of your king 
 and country in America; the enclosed copy of a letter will make you a little 
 acquainted with them, and convince you how impossible must be every project of 
 bringing us again under the dominion of such a sovereign. With great esteem, I 
 am, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. ROBERT 11. LIVINGSTON, ESQ. 
 
 SIR, Passy, April 8, 1782. 
 
 Since my last an extraordinary revolution has taken place in 
 
 the court of England. All the old ministers are out, and the chiefs of the opposi 
 tion are in their places. The newspapers that I send will give you the names as 
 correctly as we yet know them. Our last advices mention their kissing hands; but 
 they had yet done nothing in their respective offices, by which one might judge of 
 their projected measures ; as whether they will ask a peace of which they have 
 great need, the nation having of late suffered many losses, men grown extremely 
 scarce, and Lord North s new taxes proposed as funds for the loan meeting with 
 great opposition ; or whether they will strive to find new resources and obtain 
 allies to enable them to please the king and nation by some vigorous exertions 
 against France, Spain, and Holland. With regard to America having while in 
 opposition carried the vote for making no longer an offensive war with us, they 
 seem to have tied their own hands from acting against us. Their predecessors had 
 been tampering with this court, for a separate peace. The king s answer gave me, 
 and will give you great pleasure. It will be sent to M. de la Luzerne and by him 
 be communicated to congress. None of their attempts to divide us met with the 
 least encouragement : and I imagine the present set will try other measures. 
 
 With great esteem I have the honour to be &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ, 
 SIR, Paxsy, April 12, 1782. 
 
 Being at court on Tuesday, I learnt from the Dutch minister, 
 that the new English ministry have offered, through the minister of Russia, a cessa 
 tion of arms to Holland, and a renewal of the treaty of 1674. M. du Berkenroode 
 seemed to be of opinion that the offer was intended to gain time, to obstruct the 
 concert of operations with France for the ensuing campaign, and to prevent the- 
 
SCO MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FHANKLIN. 
 
 conclusion of a treaty vfith America: it is apprehended that it may have some 
 t-ffect in strengthening the hands of the English party in that country, and retard 
 affairs a little, but it is hoped that the proposal will not be finally agreed to. It 
 would indeed render the Dutch ridiculous. A. having a cane in his hand meets his 
 neighbour B. who happens to have none, takes the advantage, and gives him a 
 sound drubbing : B. having found a stick, and coming to return the blows he 
 received; A. says, my old friend, why should we quarrel? We are neighbours, 
 let us be good ones, and live peaceably by each other as we used to do. If B. 
 is so easily satisfied, and lays aside his stick, the rest of the neighbours as well as 
 A. will laugh at him. This is the light in which I stated it. Enclosed I send 
 you a copy of the proposition. 
 
 I see by the newspapers that the Spaniards having taken a little post called St, 
 Joseph, pretend to have made a conquest of the Ilinois country. In what light 
 does this proceeding appear to congress ? While they decline our offered friendship, 
 are they to be suffered to encroach on our bounds, and shut us up within the 
 Apalachian Mountains ? I begin to fear they have some such project. 
 
 With great esteem, I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and most 
 humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. HENRY LAURENS, ESQ. 
 SIR, Passy, April 1C, 1782. 
 
 I should sooner have paid my respects to you by letter if I had not 
 -till lately expected you here, as I understood it to be your intention. Your enlarge 
 ment gave me great pleasure ; and I hope that the terms exacted by the late 
 ministry, will now be relaxed ; especially when they are informed that you are one 
 of the commissioners appointed to treat of peace. Herewith I send you a copy of 
 the commission ; the purport of which you can communicate to the ministers if 
 you find it proper. If they are disposed to make peace with us and our allies at 
 the same time, I will on notice from you send to Mr. Jay to prepare for meeting at 
 such time and place as shall be agreed on. As to our treating separately and quit 
 ting our present alliance, which the late ministry seemed to desire, it is impossible. 
 Our treaties, and our instructions, as well as the honour and interest of our country 
 forbid it. I will communicate those instructions to you as soon as I have the 
 pleasure of seeing you. If you have occasion for money, please to acquaint me 
 with the sum you desire, and I will endeavour to supply you. With very great 
 esteem and respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, c, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART IIT. 301 
 
 Communication from the Court of France to Du. FRANKLIN, on the overtures 
 
 for a separate Treaty. 
 
 A Versailles le 12 Avril. 1782. 
 
 J ai mis sous les yeux de M. le Compte de Vergennes, 
 
 Monsieur, les diffe rentes lettres que M. Hartley vous a ecrites ainsi que votre 
 projet de reponse ; ce ministere a donn6 ime entiere approbation a la maniere 
 dont vous vous exprimez. Je joins ici un post-scriptum concernant Mr. Forth ; M. 
 le Compte de Vergennes, qui en a pris lecture, trouve que vous pouvez sans in 
 convenient le transmettre a. votre correspondant. 
 
 J ai Thonneur d etre avec un ties sincere attachement, Monsieur, votre tres humble 
 et tres obeissant serviteur, (signe") DE RAYNEVAL. 
 
 P. S. Depuis ma lettre ecrite, Monsieur, j ai pes.e de nouveau les differentes 
 otivertures qu elle renferme. Selon vous 1 ancien ministere Anglois desiroit sincere- 
 inent une reconciliation avec nous, et il nous proposoit dans cette vue une paix 
 separee. Tandis que vous me transmettiez ce vceu du Lord North, cet ex-ministre 
 avoit ici un emissaire charge de sonder le ministere Francois sur ses dispositions 
 pacifiques, et de lui faire des propositions fort avantageuses. Vous pouvez juger 
 par la, Monsieur, de 1 opinion que je dois avoir des intentions du Lord North et de 
 ses collegues. Pour vous convaincre de la verite de la notion que je vous trans- 
 rnets, je vous confierai que 1 emissaire etoit un M. Forth, et qu on 1 a charge ici de 
 repondre aux rninistres Anglois, que le Roi de France desiroit la paix autant que 
 le Roi d Angleterre ; qu il s y preteroit des qu il le pourroit avec dignite et surete ; 
 mais qu il importoit avant tout a S. M. T. C. de savoir si la cour de Londres toit 
 disposed a trailer egalement avec les Allies de la France. M. Forth est parti 
 avec cette reponse pour Londres ; mais il y a apparence qu il ne sera arrive qu apres 
 la retraite des ministres qui 1 avoient envoye. Vous pourrez, Monsieur, sans aucun 
 inconvenient faire usage de ces details, si vous le jugez a propos : ils ieront 
 connoitre au ministere actuel les principes de la cour dc France, et ils le convain- 
 cront, j espere, que le projet de nous desunir seroit aussi illusoire qu il nous seroit 
 injurieux. Quant au probleme remis a M. Forth, je ne saurois prevoir (si les 
 nouveaux ministres en sont instruits) de quelle maniere ils croiront devoir le 
 resoudre ; s ils aiment la paix, comme ils 1 ont persuad^ a la nation Angloise et a 
 toute TEurope, ils ne doivent pas tre embarrasses : la France leur a ouvert une 
 voie qu ils peuvenr, scion moi, suivre sans blesscr la dignite" de leur maitre ; s ils ne 
 
302 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 la suivent pas, ils se flattent sans doute que le sort des armes procurera a 1 Angle- 
 terre des succes qu il leur a refuse jusqu a. present ; ce sera a la Providence a 
 couronrier ou a frustrcr leurs esp^rances. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, April 13, 1782. 
 
 Since mine of the 5th I have thought farther of the subject 
 of our late letters. You were of opinion, that the late ministry desired sincerely 
 a reconciliation with America, and with that view a separate peace with us was 
 proposed. It happened that at the same time Lord North had an emissary here to 
 sound the French ministers with regard to peace, and to make them very advan 
 tageous propositions in case they would abandon America. You may judge from 
 hence, my dear friend, what opinion I must have formed of the intentions of 
 your ministers. To convince you of the truth of this, I may acquaint you that the 
 emissary was a Mr. Forth ; and that the answer given him to carry back to the 
 English ministers was, que le roi de France desiroit la pair autant que. le rot 
 d Anglcterre ; qu il sy priteroit des quil le pourroit avec dignite et suret - ; mais 
 quil importoit avant tout a S. M. T. C. de savoir si la cour de Londres etoit 
 disposee a trailer egalement avec les allies de la France. Mr. Forth went off 
 with this answer for London, but probably did not arrive till after the dismission of 
 the ministers that sent him. You may make any use of this information as you 
 judge proper. The new ministry may see by it the principles that govern this 
 court ; and it will convince them, I hope, that the project of dividing us is as vain 
 as it would be to us injurious. I cannot judge what they will think or do in con 
 sequence of the answer sent by Mr. Forth (if they have seen it.) If they love peace, 
 as they have persuaded the English nation and all Europe to believe, they can be 
 under no difficulty. France has opened a path which in my opinion they may use, 
 without hurting the dignity of their master, or the honour of the nation. If they 
 do not choose it they doubtless flatter themselves that war may still produce successes 
 in favour of England that have hitherto been withheld. The crowning or frustrating 
 such hopes belongs to Divine Providence : may God send us all more wisdom ! I 
 am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN ADAMS, ESQ. 
 SIR, Passy, April 13, 1782. 
 
 Inclosed with this I send to your Excellency the packet of 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 303 
 
 correspondence between Mr. Hartley and me which I promised in my last. You 
 will see that we held nearly the same language, which gives me pleasure. 
 
 While Mr. Hartley was making propositions to me, with the approbation or 
 privity of Lord North to treat separately from France, that minister had an emissary 
 here, a Mr. Forth, formerly a secretary of Lord S torment s, making proposals to 
 induce this court to treat without us. I understand that several sacrifices were 
 offered to be made, and among the rest Canada to be given up to France. The 
 substance of the answer appears in my last letter to Mr. Hartley. But there is a 
 sentence omitted in that letter which I much liked, viz, "that whenever the two 
 crowns should come to treat, his most Christian Majesty would show how much the 
 engagements he might enter into, were to be relied on, by his exact observance of 
 those he already had with his present allies." 
 
 If you have received any thing in consequence of your answer by Digges, you 
 will oblige me by communicating it. The ministers here were much pleased with 
 the account given them of your interview by the ambassador. 
 
 With great respect I am, Sir, your Excellency s c. B. FRANKLIN, 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 My DEAR FRIEND, London, May 1, 1782. 
 
 I have received a packet from you containing several letters 
 
 of various dates. As I shall probably have a safe opportunity of conveyance to 
 you when Mr Laurens leaves this country, I am now sitting down to write to you 
 an omnium kind of letter of various matters as they occur. The late ministry being 
 departed I may now speak of things more freely. I will take a sentence in one of 
 your letters for ruy text. Vide yours of April 13, 1782 in which you say, you was 
 of opinion that the late ministry desired SINCERELY a reconciliation with America, 
 and with that view a separate peace with us was proposed. I must qualify this 
 sentence much before I can adopt it as my opinion. As to reconciliation, I never 
 gave much credit to them for that wish. It is a sweet expression. It certainly 
 means MORE than peace. The utmost I ever gave the late ministry credit for, was 
 a wish for peace. And I still believe that the wisest among them grew from day 
 to day more disposed to peace or an abatement of the war, in proportion as they 
 became more alarmed for their own situations and their responsibility. Had the 
 war been more successful, I should not have expected much relenting towards peace 
 or reconciliation. That this has always been the measure of my opinion of them 
 I refer you to some words in a letter from me to you, dated January 5, ] 780, for 
 
304 MEMOIRS OF BE1STJAMIX FRAiVKLIX. 
 
 proof " but for the point of sincerity ; why as to that I have not much to say; I 
 have at least expected some hold upon their prudence. My argument runs thus 
 It is a bargain for you (ministers) to be sincere now. Common prudence may 
 hint to you to look to yourselves. It has amazed me beyond measure, that this 
 principle of common selfish prudence has not had the effect which I expected. 
 I have not been disposed to be deceived by any conciliatory professions which I 
 considered only as arising from prudence and I hope that I have not led you into 
 any deception, having so fully explained myself to you on that head. Had the 
 American war been more prosperous on the part of the late ministry, I do not 
 believe the late resignation would have taken place. But it is evident from the 
 proposition to the court of France which you have communicated to me, (mid 
 which I have communicated to the present ministry with your letter) that even to 
 the last hour, some part of the late ministry were still set upon the American war 
 to the last extremity; and probably another more prudent part of the ministry 
 would proceed no farther ; which, if it be so, may reasonably be imputed as the 
 cause of the dissolution of the late ministry. These have been the arguments which 
 I have always driven and insisted upon with the greatest expectation of success, viz. 
 prudential arguments from the total impracticability of the war ; responsibility, &c. 
 I have been astonished beyond measure, that these arguments have not sooner had 
 their effect. If I could give you an idea of many conferences which I have had 
 upon the subject, I should tell you, that many times Felix has trembled. When 
 reduced by the terror of responsibility either to renounce the American war, or to 
 relinquish their places, they have chosen the latter; which is a most wretched and 
 contemptible retribution either to their country or to mankind, for the desolation in 
 which they have involved every nation that they have ever been connected with. 
 Peace they would not leave behind them. Their legacy to their country, and to 
 mankind has been ; let darkness be the burier of the dead! 
 
 As to the proposal of a separate peace arising from a desire of reconciliation, it 
 certainly was so on the part of the people of England, but on the part of the late 
 ministry, it probably arose from the hopes of suggesting to France ideas of some 
 infidelity on the part of Arneiica towards them. If you should ask me, why I 
 have seemed to conspire with this, my answer is very plain. In the first place, if I 
 could have prevailed with the late ministry to have actually made an irrevocable 
 offer, on their own parts, of a separate peace to America, that very offer would in 
 the same instant have become on their part also a consent to a general peace; be 
 cause they never had any wish to a separate contest with France, and America 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 305 
 
 being out of the question, they would have thought of nothing after that but a 
 general peace. I never could bring them even to this. They wished that America 
 should make the offer of a separate treaty (for obvious views). My proposal was 
 that they should offer irrevocable terms of peace to America. If they had meant 
 what they pretended, and what the people of England did really desire, they would 
 have adopted that proposition. Then the question would have come forward upon 
 the fair and honourable construction of a treaty between France and America the, 
 essential and direct end of which was fully accomplished. When I speak of Great 
 Britain offering irrevocable terms of peace to America, I mean such terms as 
 would have effectually satisfied the provision of the treaty, viz. tacit independence. 
 I send you a paper intitled a Breviate I which I laid before the late ministry, and 
 their not having acted upon it, was a proof to me that the disposition of their heart 
 to America was not altered, but that all their relenting arose from the impracticability 
 of that war, and their want of success in it. But desponding as they were at last, 
 it was not inconsistent with my expectations of their conduct, that they should 
 make great offers to France to abandon America. It was the only weapon left in 
 their hands. In course of negociating with the late ministry I perceived their 
 courage drooping from time to time, for the last three or four years, and it was 
 upon that ground I gave them credit for an increasing disposition towards peace. 
 Some dropped off; others sunk under the load of folly ; and at last they all failed. 
 My argument ad homines to the late ministry, might be stated thus. If you dotit 
 kill them, they will kill you. But the war is impracticable on your part ; ergo, 
 the best thing you can do for your own sake is to make peace. This was reasoning 
 to men, and through men to things. But there is no measure of rage in pride and 
 disappointment, 
 
 Spicula caca relinquunt 
 Infixa venis, animasque in vulnere ponunt. 
 
 So much for the argument of the breviate as far as it respected the late ministry. 
 It was a test which proved that they were not sincere to their professions. If they 
 had been in earnest to have given the war a turn towards the house of Bourbon, 
 and to have dropped the American war, a plain road lay before them. The senti 
 ment of the people of England was conformable to the argument of that breviate ; 
 or rather I should say what is the real truth, that the argument of the breviate was 
 
 1 Vide the same following this letter. 
 
 Vou II. 2 Q 
 
306 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 
 
 dictated by the notoriety of that sentiment in the people of England. My object 
 and wish always has been to strike at the root of the evil, the American war. If the 
 British nation have jealousies and resentments against the house of Bourbon, yet 
 still the first step in every case would be to rescind the American war, and not to 
 keep it lurking in the rear, to become hereafter, in case of certain events, a rever 
 sionary war with America for unconditional terms. This reversionary war was 
 never the object of the people of England : therefore the argument of the Breviate 
 was calculated bona fide to accomplish their views, and to discriminate the fallacious 
 pretences of the late administration from the real wishes of the country, as expressed 
 in the circular resolution of many counties in the year 1 780, first moved at York 
 on March 28, 1780. Every other principle and every mode of conduct only imply, 
 as you very justly express it, a secret hope that war may still produce successes, 
 and then . The designs which have been lurking under this pretext could not 
 mean any thing else than this. Who knows but that we may still talk to America 
 at last. The only test of clear intentions would have been this, to have cut up 
 the American war and all possible return to it for any cause, or under any pretext. 
 I am confident that the sentiment of the people of England is and always has been 
 to procure peace and reconciliation with America, and to vindicate the national 
 honour in the contest with the house of Bourbon. If this intention had been pursued 
 in a simple and direct manner, I am confident that the honour and safety of the 
 British nation would long ago have been established in a general peace with all the 
 belligerent powers. These are the sentiments to which I have always acted in 
 those negociations which I have had upon the subject of peace with the late 
 ministry. Reconciliation with America and peace with all the world upon terms 
 consistent with the honour and safety of my own country. 
 
 Peace must be sought in such ways as promise the greatest degree of practica 
 bility. The sentiments of individuals as philanthropists may be overborne by the 
 power of ancient prejudices which too frequently prevail in the aggregates of nations. 
 In such case the philanthropist who wishes the good of his own country, and of 
 mankind, must be the bull-rash bending to the storm, and not the sturdy oak 
 unavailingly resisting. National prejudices are, I hope, generally upon the decline. 
 Reason and humanity gain ground every day against their natural enemies, folly 
 and injustice. The ideas of nations being natural enemies to each other are 
 generally reprobated. But still jealousies and ancient rivalships remain, which 
 obstruct the road to peace among men. If one belligerent nation will entertain 
 a standing force of three or four hundred thousand fighting men, other nations must 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 307 
 
 have defended frontiers and barrier towns, and the barrier of a neighbouring island 
 whose constitution does not allow a standing military force, must consist in a 
 superiority at sea. It is necessary for her own defence. If all nations by mutual 
 consent will reduce their offensive powers, which they only claim under the pretext 
 of necessary defence, and bring forward the reign of the Millennium ; then away 
 with your frontiers and barriers, and your Gibraltars, and the key of the Baltic, and 
 all the hostile array of nations, 
 
 Aspera compositis nitescant sacula bellis. 
 
 These must be the sentiments of every philanthropist in his interior thoughts. But 
 if we are not to seek peace by some practicable method accommodated to the 
 remaining prejudices of the multitude, we shall not in our time, I fear, see that 
 happy day. If Great Britain and France are ancient rivals ; then, until the reign of 
 the Millennium shall approach, arrange that rivalship upon equitable terms ; as the 
 two leading nations of Europe, set them in balance to each other; the one by 
 land, the other by sea. Give to France her elevated rank among the nations of 
 Europe. Give to Great Britain the honour of her flag, and the security of her 
 island by her wooden walls, and there would be no obstruction to general and 
 perpetual peace. The prejudices of disrespect between nations prevail only among 
 the inferior ranks. Believe me, for one at least, I have the highest sentiments of 
 respect for the nation of France. I have no other sentiments of hostility but what are 
 honourable towards them, and which as a member of a rival state at war with 
 them, consists in the duty of vigilance which I owe towards the honour and interests 
 of my own country. I am not conscious of a word or a thought which on the point 
 of honour I would wish to have concealed from a French minister. In the mode 
 which I have proposed of unravelling the present subjects of jealousy and contest, I 
 would make my proposals openly to France herself. Let America be free, and 
 enjoy happiness and peace for ever. If France and Great Britain have jealousies 
 or rivalships between themselves, as European nations, I ihen say to France ; let 
 us settle these points between ourselves ; if unfortunately we shall not be able by 
 honourable negociation to compromise the indispensable points of national honour 
 and safety. This would be rny language to France, open and undisguised. In the 
 mean while I desire you to observe that it would not be with reluctance that I 
 should offer eternal freedom, happiness and peace to America. You know my thoughts 
 too well to suspect that. I speak only as in a state of war desirous to arrange the 
 complicated interests, and to secure the respective honour of nations. My wishes 
 are and always have been for the peace, liberty and safety of mankind. In the 
 
303 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 pursuit of those blessed objects not only this country and America, but France 
 herself and the house of Bourbon, may justly claim the conspiring exertions of every 
 free and liberal mind, even among their temporary enemies and rivals. I am, &c. 
 
 D. HARTLEY. 
 
 Breviate, Feb. 7, 1782. 
 [Inclosed in the Letter of D. HARTLEY, ESQ. of May 1, 1782.] 
 
 It is stated that America is disposed to enter into a nego- 
 
 ciation of peace with Great Britain without requiring any formal recognition of 
 Independence, always understood that they are to act in conjunction with their 
 allies, conformable to treaties, 
 
 It is therefore recommended to give for reply that the ministers of Great Britain 
 are likewise disposed to enter into a negociation for peace, and that they are ready 
 to open a general treaty for that purpose. 
 
 If the British ministers should see any objection to a general treaty, but should 
 still be disposed to enter into a separate treaty with America, it is then recommended 
 to them to offer such terms to America as shall induce her to apply to her allies for 
 their consent that she should be permitted to enter into a separate treaty with Great 
 Britain. The condition of which being the consent of allies, no proposition of any 
 breach of faith can be understood to be required by them by the requisition of a 
 separate treaty. 
 
 The British ministers are free to make any propositions to America which they 
 may think proper, provided they be not dishonourable in themselves, which in the 
 present case is barred by the supposition of consent being obtained. In this case 
 therefore if they should be inclined to offer a separate treaty it is recommended to 
 them to offer such terms to America as should induce her to be desirous of closing 
 with the proposal of a separate treaty on the grounds of national security and 
 interests, and likewise such as may constitute to them a case of reason and justice 
 upon which they may make requisition to their allies for their consent. It is sug 
 gested that the offer to America of a truce of sufficient length, together with the 
 removal of the British troops, would be equivalent to that case which is provided 
 for in the treaty of February 6, 1778, between America and France, viz. tacit 
 independence ; and the declared ends of that alliance being accomplished it would 
 not be reasonable that America should be dragged on by their allies in a war, the 
 continuance of which between France and Great Britain could only be caused by 
 separate European jealousies and resentments (if unfortunately for the public peace 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. -PART III. 309 
 
 any such should arise) between themselves, independent and unconnected with the 
 American cause. It is to be presumed that France would not in point of honour to 
 their allies refuse their consent so requested, as any rivalship or punctilios between 
 her and Great Britain, as European nations (principles which too frequently disturb 
 the peace of mankind), could not be considered as casus fcederis of the American 
 alliance ; and their pride as a belligerent power would not permit them to claim the 
 assistance of America as necessary to their support, thereby proclaiming their nation 
 unequal to the contest in case of the continuance of a war with Great Britain after 
 the settlement and pacification with America. Their -consent therefore is to be 
 presumed. But if they should demur on this point, if Great Britain should be 
 disposed to concede tacit independence to America by a long truce and the removal 
 of the troops, and if the obstruction should evidently occur on the part of France, 
 under any equivocal or captious construction of a defensive treaty of alliance between 
 America arid France, Great Britain would from thenceforward stand upon 
 advantage ground, either in any negociation with America, or in the continuance 
 of a war including America, but not arising from any farther resentments of Great 
 Britain towards America, but imposed reluctantly upon both parties by the conduct 
 of the Court of France. 
 
 These thoughts are not suggested with any view of giving any preference in favour 
 of a separate treaty above a general treaty, or above any plans of separate but 
 concomitant treaties, like the treaties of Munster and Osnaburgh, but only to draw 
 out the line of negociating a separate treaty in case the British ministry should think 
 it necessary to adhere to that mode. But in all cases it should seem indispensable 
 to express some disposition on the part of Great Britain to adopt either one mode 
 or the other. An absolute refusal to treat at all must necessarily drive America 
 into the closest connexion with France and all other foreign hostile powers who 
 would take that advantage for making every possible stipulation to the future 
 disadvantage of British interests, and above all things would probably stipulate that 
 America should never make peace with Great Britain without the most formal and 
 explicit recognition of their Independence, absolute and unlimited. 
 
310 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.* 
 
 Private Journal of proceedings, as kept by Dr. FRANKLIN, relative to the 
 Negociations for Peace between Great Britain and the United States of America, 
 in the period between the 21st March and 1st July 1782. 
 
 Fassy, May 9, 1782. 
 
 As since the change of ministry in England, some serious 
 professions have been made of their disposition to peace, and of their readiness to 
 enter into a general treaty for that purpose ; and as the concerns and claims of five 
 nations are to be discussed in that treaty, which must therefore be interesting to the 
 present age and to posterity, I am inclined to keep a journal of the proceedings as 
 far as they come to my knowledge, and to make it more complete will first 
 endeavour to recollect what has already past. 
 
 Great affairs sometimes take their rise from small circumstances. My good 
 friend and neighbour Madame Brillon being at Nice all last winter for her health, 
 with her very amiable family, wrote to me that she had met with some English 
 gentry there whose acquaintance proved agreeable ; among them she named Lord 
 Cholmondeley, who she said had promised to call in his return to England, and 
 drink tea with us at Passy. He left Nice sooner than she supposed, and came to 
 Paris long before her. On the 21st of March I received the following note. 
 
 :< Lord Cholmondeley s compliments to Dr. Franklin, he sets out for London 
 to-morrow evening, and should be glad to see him for five minutes before he went. 
 Lord C. will call upon him at any time in the morning he shall please to 
 appoint. 
 
 Thursday Evening, Hotel de Chartres." 
 
 I wrote for answer that I should be at home all the next morning, and glad to 
 see his Lordship, if he did me the honour of calling upon me. I had before no 
 personal knowledge of this nobleman. We talked of our friends whom he left at 
 Nice, then of affairs in England, and the late resolutions of the Commons on Mr. 
 Conway s motion. He told me that he knew Lord Shelburne had a great regard 
 for me, that he was sure his Lordship would be pleased to hear from me, and that 
 if I would write a line he should have a pleasure in carrying it. On which I wrote 
 the following. 
 
CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 311 
 
 To LORD SHELBURNE. 
 
 Passy, March 22, 1782. 
 
 Lord Cholmondeley having kindly offered to take a letter 
 from me to your Lordship, I embrace the opportunity of assuring the continuance 
 of my ancient respect for your talents and virtues, and of congratulating you on the 
 returning good disposition of your country in favour of America, which appears in 
 the late resolutions of the Commons. I am persuaded it will have good effects. I 
 hope it will tend to produce a general peace, which I am sure your Lordship with 
 all good men desires, which I wish to see before I die, and to which I shall with 
 infinite pleasure contribute every thing in my power. Your friends the Abb& 
 Morellet, and Madame Helvetius are well. With great and sincere esteem, I have 
 the honour to be, my Lord, your Lordship s most obedient and most humble 
 servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Soon after this we heard from England that a total change had taken place in the 
 ministry, and that Lord Shelburne was come in as Secretary of State. But I 
 thought no more of my letter till an old friend and near neighbour of mine, many 
 years in London, appeared at Passy, and introduced a Mr. Oswald, who he said 
 had a great desire to see me, and Mr. Oswald after some little conversation gave 
 me the following letters from Lord Shelburne, and Mr. Laurens. 
 
 DEAR SIR, London, April 6, 1782. 
 
 I have been favoured with your letter, and am much obliged 
 by your remembrance. I find myself returned nearly to the same situation, which 
 you remember me to have occupied nineteen years ago, and should be very glad to 
 talk to you as I did then, and afterwards in 1767, upon the means of promoting 
 the happiness of mankind, a subject much more agreeable to my nature, than the 
 best concerted plans for spreading misery and devastation. I have had an high 
 opinion of the compass of your mind, and of your foresight. I have often been 
 beholden to both, and shall be glad to be so again, so far as is compatible with your 
 situation. Your letter discovering the same disposition has made me send to you 
 Mr. Oswald. I have had a longer acquaintance with him, than even I have had 
 the pleasure to have with you. I believe him an honest man, and after consulting 
 some of our common friends, I have thought him the fittest for the purpose. He is 
 a practical man, and conversant in those negociations, which are most interesting 
 to mankind. This has made me prefer him to any of our speculative friends, or to 
 
312 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 any person of higher rank. He is fully apprized of my mind, and you may give full 
 credit to every thing he assures you of. At the same time if any other channel 
 occurs to you, I am ready to embrace it. I wish to retain the same simplicity and 
 food faith, which subsisted between us in transactions of less importance. I have 
 the honour to be, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your faithful and most 
 obedient servant, SHELBURNE. 
 
 FROM HENRY LAUREXS, ESQ. TO Du. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Hi .:il<i- 
 
 DEAR SIR, London, April 7, 1782. 
 
 Richard Oswald, Esq. who will do me the honour of 
 ./> . i 
 delivering this, is a gentleman of the strictest candor and integrity. I dare give 
 
 such assurance from an experience little short of thirty years ; and to add, you will 
 be perfectly safe in conversing freely with him on the business which he will 
 introduce ; a business in which Mr. Oswald has disinterestedly engaged from 
 motives of benevolence ; and from the choice of the man a persuasion follows that 
 the electors mean to be in earnest. Some people in this country who have too long 
 indulged themselves in abusing every thing American, have been pleased to circulate 
 an opinion that Dr. Franklin is a very cunning man; in answer to which I have 
 remarked to Mr. Oswald, " Dr. Franklin knows very well how to manage a 
 cunning man, but when the doctor converses or treats with a man of candor, there 
 is no man more candid than himself." I do not know whether you will ultimately 
 agree in political sketches, but I am sure, as gentlemen, you will part very wdl 
 pleased with each other. 
 
 Should you, Sir, think it proper to communicate to me your sentiments and 
 advice on our affairs, the more ample the more acceptable, and probably the more 
 serviceable. Mr. Oswald will take charge of your dispatches, and afford a secure 
 means of conveyance; to this gentleman I refer you for general information of a 
 journey which I am immediately to make partly in his company, at Ostend to file 
 off for the Hague. I feel a willingness, infirm as I am, to attempt doing as much 
 good as can be expected from such a prisoner on parole. As General Burgoyne is 
 certainly exchanged, a circumstance by the bye which possibly might have 
 embarrassed us had your late proposition been accepted, may I presume at my 
 return to offer another Lieutenant General now in England a prisoner upon parole, 
 in exchange ; or, what shall I offer in England for myself, a tiling in my own 
 estimation of no great value ? I have the honour to be, with great respect, and 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART 111. SIS 
 
 permit me to add, great reverence, Sir, your faithful fellow labourer and obedient 
 servant, (Signed) HENRY LAURENS. 
 
 I entered into conversation with Mr. Oswald. He was represented in the letter 
 as fully apprized of Lord Shelburne s mind, and I was desirous of knowing it. All 
 I could learn was, that the new ministry sincerely wished for peace ; that they 
 considered the object of the war to France and America as obtained. That if the 
 Independence of the United States was agreed to, there was no other point in 
 dispute, and therefore nothing left to hinder a pacification. That they were ready 
 to treat of peace, but intimated that if France should insist upon terms too 
 humiliating to England, they could still continue the war, having yet great strength 
 and many resources left. I let him know that America would not treat but in 
 concert with France, and that my colleagues not being here, I could do nothing of 
 importance in the affair; but that if he pleased I would present him to M. de 
 Vergennes, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He consenting I wrote and 
 sent the following letter. 
 
 To M. LE COMTE DE VERGENNES, 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs, fyc. Versailles. 
 SIR, Passi/ y April 15, 1782. 
 
 An English nobleman, Lord Cholmondeley, lately returning 
 from Italy called upon me here, at the time when we received the news of the first 
 resolutions of the House of Commons relating to America. In conversation he 
 said, that he knew his friend Lord Shelburne had a great regard for me, that it 
 \\ould be pleasing to him to hear of my welfare, and to receive a line from me, of 
 v.hich he, Lord Cholmondeley, should like to be the bearer; adding, that if there 
 should be a change of ministry he believed Lord Shelburne would be employed. I 
 thereupon wrote a few lines of which I inclose a copy. This day I received an 
 answer which I also inclose, together with another letter from Mr. Laurens. They 
 both, as your Excellency will see, recommend the bearer Mr. Oswald as a very 
 honest sensible man. I have had a little conversation with him. He tells me, that 
 there has been a desire of making a separate peace with America, and of continuing 
 the war with France and Spain, but that now all wise people give up that idea as 
 impracticable, and it is his private opinion that the ministry do sincerely desire a 
 general peace, and that they will readily come into it, provided France does not 
 insist upon conditions too humiliating for England, in which case she will make 
 VOL. II. 2 R 
 
314 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 great and violent efforts rather than submit to them, and that much is still in her 
 power, &c. I told the gentleman that I could not enter into particulars with him, 
 but in concert with the ministers of this Court, and I proposed introducing him to 
 your Excellency after communicating to you the letters he had brought me in case 
 you should think fit to see him ; with which he appeared to be pleased. I intend 
 waiting on you to-morrow^ when you will please to acquaint me with your intentions 
 and favour me with your counsels. He had heard nothing of Forth s mission and 
 imagined the old ministry had not acquainted the new with that transaction. Mr. 
 Lawrens came over with him in the same vessel, and went from Ostend to Holland. 
 I have the honour to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 The next day being at Court with the foreign ministers as usual on Tuesdays, I 
 saw M. de Vergennes, who acquainted me that he had caused the letters to be 
 translated, had considered the contents, and should like to see Mr. Oswald. We 
 agreed that the interview should be on Wednesday at 10 o clock. 
 
 Immediately on my return home, I wrote to Mr. Oswald, acquainting him with 
 what had passed at Versailles, and proposing that he should be with me at half-past 
 eight the next morning in order to proceed thither. 
 
 I received from him the following answer. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 I have the honour of yours by the bearer, and shall be sure 
 
 to wait on you to-morrow at half-past eight. I am with much respect, Sir, your 
 most obedient humble servant, RICHARD OSWALD. 
 
 Paris, 16 April. 
 
 He came accordingly, and we arrived at Versailles punctually. M. de Vergennes 
 received us with much civility. Mr. Oswald not being ready in speaking French, 
 M. de Rayneval interpreted. The conversation continued near an hour. Mr. 
 Oswald at first thought of sending an express with an account of it, and was offered 
 a passport, but finally concluded to go himself; and I wrote the next day to Lord 
 Shelburne the letter following. 
 
 MY LORD, Passy, April 13, 1782. 
 
 I have received the letter your Lordship did me the honour 
 of writing to me the 6th instant. I congratulate you on your new appointment to 
 the honourable and important office you formerly filled so worthily, an office which 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 315 
 
 must be so far pleasing to you as it affords you more opportunities of doing good 
 and of serving your country essentially in its great concerns. I have conversed a 
 good deal with Mr. Oswald, and am much pleased with him. He appears to me 
 a wise and honest man. I acquainted him, that I was commissioned with others 
 to treat of and conclude a peace. That full powers were given us for that purpose, 
 and that the Congress promised in good faith to ratify, confirm, and cause to be 
 faithfully observed, the treaty we should make : but that we would not treat 
 separately from France, and I proposed 1 introducing him to M. le Comte de 
 Vergennes, to whom I communicated your Lordship s letter containing Mr. 
 Oswald s character, as a foundation for the interview. He will acquaint you that 
 the assurance he gave of his Britannic Majesty s good dispositions towards peace, 
 was well received, and assurances returned of the same dispositions in his most 
 Christian Majesty. With regard to circumstances relative to a treaty, M. de 
 Vergennes observed, that the King s engagements were such as that he could not 
 treat without the concurrence of his allies ; that the treaty should therefore be for a 
 general not a partial peace : that if the parties were disposed to finish the war 
 speedily by themselves, it would perhaps be best to treat at Paris, as an ambassador 
 from Spain was already there, and the Commissioners from America might easily 
 and soon be assembled there. Or if they chose to make use of the proposed 
 mediation, they might treat at Vienna : but that the King was so truly willing to 
 put a speedy end to the war, that he would agree to any place the King of England 
 should think proper. I leave the rest of the conversation to be related to your 
 Lordship by Mr. Oswald, and that he might do it more easily and fully than he 
 could by letter, I was of opinion with him that it would be best to return 
 immediately, and do it viva voce. Being myself but one of the four persons now in 
 Europe commissioned by the Congress to treat of peace, I can make no proposition 
 of such importance without them ; I can only express my wish, that if Mr. Oswald 
 returns hither, he may bring with him the agreement of your Court to treat for a 
 general peace and the proposal of place and time, that I may immediately write to 
 Messrs. Adams, Laurens, and Jay. I suppose that in this case your Lordship 
 will think it proper to have Mr. Laurens discharged from the engagements he 
 entered into when he was admitted to bail. I desire no other channel of commu 
 nication between us than Mr. Oswald, which I think your Lordship has chosen 
 with much judgment. He will be witness of my acting with all the simplicity and 
 good faith which you do me the honour to expect from me ; and if he is enabled 
 when he returns hither to communicate more fully your Lordship s mind on the 
 
316 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRAXKLIX. 
 
 principal points to be settled, I think it may contribute much to the blessed work 
 our hearts are engaged in. 
 
 By the act of parliament relative to American prisoners, I see the King; is 
 empowered to exchange them. I hope those you have in England and Ireland may 
 be sent home soon to their country in flags of truce, and exchanged for an equal 
 number of your people; permit me to add that I think it would be well if some 
 kindness were mixed in the transaction with regard to their comfortable accommo 
 dation on ship board ; as those poor unfortunate people have been long absent from 
 their families and friends, and rather hardly treated. With great and sincere 
 respect, I have the honour to be, my Lord, your Lordship s, &c. &c. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN.. 
 
 To the account contained in this letter of what passed in the conversation with 
 the minister, I should add his frank declaration, that as the foundation of a good and 
 durable peace should be laid in justice, whenever a treaty was entered upon, he 
 had several demands to make of justice from England. Of this, says he, I give 
 you previous notice. What those demands were he did not particularly say ; 
 one occurred to me, viz. reparation for the injury done in taking a number of 
 French ships by surprize before the declaration of the preceding war, contrary to 
 the law of nations. Mr. Oswald seemed to wish obtaining some propositions to 
 carry back with him, but M. de Vergennes said to him very properly; " there are 
 four nations engaged in the war against you, who cannot till they have consulted 
 and know each other s minds, be ready to make propositions. Your Court being 
 without allies and alone, knowing its own mind, can express it immediately. It is 
 therefore more natural to expect the first propositions from you. 
 
 On our return from Versailles, Mr. Oswald took occasion to impress me with 
 ideas, that the present weakness of the government in England with regard to 
 continuing the war, was owing chiefly to the division of sentiments about it. That 
 in case France should make demands too humiliating for England to submit to, the 
 spirit of the nation would be roused, unanimity would prevail, and resources would 
 not be wanting. He said there was no want of money in the nation ; that the chief 
 difficulty lay in the finding out new taxes to raise it; and perhaps that difficulty 
 might be avoided by shutting up the Exchequer, stopping the payment of the 
 interests of the public funds, and applying that money to the support of the war. I 
 made no reply to this, for I did not desire to discourage their stopping payment, 
 which I considered as cutting the throat of their public credit, and a means of 
 
t 
 PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 317 
 
 adding fresh exasperation against them with the neighbouring nations : such menaces 
 were besides an encouragement with me, remembering the adage, that they who 
 threaten are afraid. 
 
 The next morning when I had written the above letter to Lord Shelburne, I 
 went with it to Mr. Oswald s lodgings, and gave it him to read before I sealed it, 
 that in case any thing might be in it with which he was not satisfied, it might be 
 corrected ; but he expressed himself much pleased. In going to him, I had also 
 in view the entering into a conversation, which might draw out something of the 
 mind of his court on the subject of Canada and Nova Scotia. I had thrown out 
 some loose thoughts on paper, which I intended to serve as memorandums for my 
 discourse, but without a fixed intention of showing them to him. On his saving 
 
 o * vj 
 
 that he was obliged to me for the good opinion I had expressed of him to Lord 
 She burne in my letter, and assuring that he had entertained the same of me ; I 
 observed that I perceived Lord S. placed great confidence in him, and as we had 
 happily the same in each other, we might possibly by a free communication of 
 sentiments, and a previous settling of our own minds on some of the important 
 points, be the means of great good, by impressing our sentiments on the minds of 
 those with whom they might have influence, and where their being received might 
 be of importance. I then remarked that his nation seemed to desire a reconciliation 
 with America ; that I heartily wished the same thing ; that a mere peace would not 
 produce half its advantages if not attended with a sincere reconciliation ; that to 
 obtain this the party which had been the aggressors, and had cruelly treated the 
 other, should shew some marks of concern for what was past, and some disposition 
 to make reparation : that perhaps there were things which America might demand 
 by way of reparation, and which England might yield, but that the effect would be 
 vastly greater if they appeared to be voluntary, and to spring from returning good 
 will ; that I therefore wished England would think of offering something to relieve 
 them who had suffered by its scalping and burning parties ; lives indeed could not 
 be restored nor compensated, but the villages and houses wantonly destroyed might 
 be rebuilt, &c. I then touched upon the affair of Canada, and as in a former 
 conversation he had maintained his opinion, that the giving up of that country to 
 the English at the last peace had been a politic act in France, for that it had 
 weakened the ties between England and her Colonies, and that he himself had 
 predicted from it the late revolution, I spoke of the occasions of future quarrels 
 that might be produced by her continuing to hold it, hinting at the same time, but 
 not expressing too plainly, that such a situation, to us .^o dangerous, would 
 
318 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 necessarily oblige us to cultivate and strengthen our union with France. He 
 appeared much struck with my discourse ; and as I frequently looked at my paper, 
 he desired to see it. After some little delay I allowed him to read it. The 
 following is an exact copy. 
 
 NOTES OF CONVERSATION. 
 
 " To make a peace durable, what may give occasion for future 
 wars should, if practicable, be removed. 
 
 The territory of the United States and that of Canada by long extended frontiers 
 touch each other. 
 
 The settlers on the frontiers of the American provinces are generally the most 
 disorderly of the people, who being far removed from the eye and controul of their 
 respective governments, are more bold in committing offences against neighbours, 
 and are for ever occasioning complaints, and furnishing matter for fresh differences 
 between their States. 
 
 By the late debates in parliament and public writings it appears that Britain 
 desires a reconciliation with the Americans. It is a sweet word. It means much 
 more than a mere peace, and it is heartily to be wished for. Nations make a peace 
 whenever they are both weary of making war. But if one of them has made war 
 upon the other unjustly, and has wantonly and unnecessarily done it great injuries, 
 and refuses reparation ; though there may for the present be peace, the resentment 
 of those injuries will remain, and will break out again in vengeance, when occasions 
 offer. Those occasions will be watched for by one side, feared by the other ; and 
 the peace will never be secure ; nor can any cordiality subsist between them. 
 
 Many houses and villages have been burnt in America, by the English and their 
 allies the Indians. I do not know that the Americans will insist on reparation. 
 Perhaps they may. But would it not be better for England to offer it ? Nothing 
 would have a greater tendency to conciliate. And much of the future commerce 
 and returning intercourse between the two countries may depend on the recon 
 ciliation. Would not the advantage of reconciliation by such means be greater than 
 the expence ? 
 
 If then a way can be proposed which may tend to efface the memory of injuries, 
 at the same time that it takes away the occasions of fresh quarrels and mischief, 
 will it not be worth considering, especially if it can be done not only without 
 expence, but be a means of saving. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 
 
 Britain possesses Canada. Her chief advantage from that possession consists in 
 the trade for peltry. Her expences in governing and defending that settlement 
 must be considerable. It might be humiliating to her to give it up on the demand 
 of America. Perhaps America will not demand it. Some of her political rulers 
 may consider the fear of such a neighbour as a means of keeping the thirteen States 
 more united among themselves and more attentive to military discipline. But in 
 the mind of the people in general, would it not have an excellent effect if Britain 
 should voluntarily offer to give up that province; though on these conditions, that 
 she should in all time coming have and enjoy the right of free trade thither unin- 
 cumbered with any duties whatsoever; that so much of the waste lands there shall 
 be sold as will raise a sum sufficient to pay for the houses burnt by the British 
 troops and their Indians, and also to indemnify the Royalists for the confiscation of 
 their estates. 
 
 This is mere conversation matter between Mr. O. and Mr. F. as the former is 
 not empowered to make propositions, and the latter cannot make any without the 
 concurrence of his colleagues." 
 
 He then told me that nothing in his judgment could be clearer, more satisfactory, 
 and convincing than the reasonings in that paper ; that he would do his utmost to 
 impress Lord Shelburne with them ; that as his memory might not do them justice, 
 and it would he impossible for him to express them so well, or state them so clearly 
 as I had written them, he begged I would let him take the paper with him, assuring 
 me that he would return it safely into my hands. I at length complied with this 
 request also. We parted exceeding good friends, and he set out for London. 
 
 By the first opportunity afterwards I wrote the following letter to Mr. Adams, 
 and sent the papers therein mentioned, that he might be fully apprized of the 
 proceedings. I omitted only the paper of notes jor conversation with Mr. Oswald, 
 but gave the substance as appears in the letter. The reason of my omitting it was, 
 that on reflection, I was not pleased with my having hinted a reparation to the 
 Tories for their forfeited estates ; and I was a little ashamed of my weakness in 
 permitting the paper to go out of ,my hands. 
 
 SIR, Passy, April 20, 1782. 
 
 I hope your Excellency received the copy of our instructions 
 
 which I sent by the courier from Versailles some weeks since. I wrote to you on 
 the 13th to go by Gapt. S medley, and sent a packet of correspondence with Mr. 
 Hartley. Smedley did not leave Paris so soon as I expected : but you should have 
 
30 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 it by this time. With this I send a fresh correspondence which I have been 
 drawn into, viz. 1. A letter I sent to Lord Shelburne before he was minister. 2. 
 His answer by Mr. Oswald since he was minister. 3. A letter from Mr. Laurens. 
 4. My letter to Mr. de Vergennes. 5. My answer to Lord Sheiburne. 6. My 
 answer to Mr. Laurens. 7. Copy of Digges s report. These papers will inform 
 you pretty well of what passed between me and Mr. Oswald, except that in a 
 conversation at parting I mentioned to him, that I observed they spoke much in 
 England of obtaining a reconciliation with the colonies : that this was more than a 
 
 O O * 
 
 mere peace ; that the latter might possibly be obtained without the former; that the 
 cruel injuries wantonly done us by burning our towns, &c. had made deep impres 
 sions of resentment that would long remain ; that much of the advantage to the 
 commerce of England from a peace, would depend pn a reconciliation ; that the 
 peace without a reconciliation would probably not be durable; that after a quarrel 
 between friends, nothing tended so much to conciliate, as offers made by the 
 aggressor of reparation for injuries done by him in his passion. And I hinted if 
 England should make us a voluntary offer of Canada expressly for that purpose, it 
 might have a good effect. Mr. Oswald liked much the idea, said they were too 
 much straitened for money to make us pecuniary reparation, but he should 
 endeavour to persuade their doing it in this way. He is furnished with a passport 
 to go and return by Calais, and I expect him back in ten or twelve days. I wish 
 you and Mr. Laurens could be here when he arrives : for I shall much want your 
 advice, and cannot act without your concurrence. If the present crisis of your 
 affairs prevents your coming, I hope at least Mr. Laurens will be here, and we 
 must communicate with you by expresses, for your letters to me per post are 
 generally opened. I shall write per next post requesting Mr. Jay to he here also 
 as soon as possible. 
 
 I received your letter advising of a draft on me for a quarter s salary, which will 
 be duly honoured. With great esteem, I have the honour to be your Excellency s, 
 &c. &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Supposing Mr. Laurens to be in Holland with Mr. Adams, I at the same time 
 wrote* the following letter ; 
 
 SIR, Passy, April 20, 1782. 
 
 I received by Mr. Oswald the letter you did me the honour 
 of writing to me the 7th instant ; he brought me also a letter from Lord Shelburne, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE;* PART in. 321 
 
 which gave him the same good character that you do, adding, " he is fully 
 apprized of my mind, and you may give full credit to every thing he assures you of." 
 Mr. Oswald however could give me no other particulars of his Lordship s mind, 
 but that he was sincerely disposed to peace. As the message seemed therefore 
 rather intended to procure or receive propositions than to make any, I told Mr. 
 Oswald that I could make none but in concurrence with my colleagues in the com 
 mission, and that if we were together we should not treat but in conjunction with 
 France, and I proposed introducing him to Mr. de Vergennes, which he accepted. 
 He made to that minister the same declaration of the disposition of England to 
 peace, who replied that France had already the same good dispositions ; that a 
 treaty might be immediately begun, but it must be for a general not particular 
 peace. That as to the place he thought Paris might be most convenient, as Spain 
 had here already an ambassador, and the American Commissioners could easily 
 be assembled here : this upon a supposition of the parties treating directly with 
 each other without the intervention of mediators. But if the mediation was to be 
 used, it might be at Vienna. The King his master however was so truly disposed 
 to peace, that he would agree to any place the King of England should chuse ; and 
 would at the treaty give proof of the confidence that might be placed in any 
 engagements he should enter into, by the fidelity and exactitude with which he 
 should observe those he already had with his present allies. Mr. Oswald is returned 
 with these general answers, by the way of Calais, and expects to be here again in 
 a few days. I wish it might be convenient for you and Mr. Adams to be here at 
 the same time : but if the present critical situation of affairs there, make his being 
 in Holland necessary just now, I hope you may nevertheless be here, bringing with 
 you his opinion and advice. I have proposed to Lord Shelburne to discharge you 
 from the obligations vou entered into at the time of your enlargement, that you may 
 act more freely in the treaty Ire desires. I had done myself the honour of writing 
 to you a few days before the arrival of Mr. Oswald. My letter went by Mr. 
 Young, your secretary, and inclosed a copy of our commission, with an offer of 
 money if you had occasion for any. Hoping that you will not return to England 
 before you huve been at Paris, I forbear enlarging on the state of our affairs here 
 and in Spain. M. de Vergennes told me he should be very glad to see you *here. 
 I found Mr. Oswald to answer perfectly the character you gave me of him, and 
 was much pleased with him. I have the honour to be, with great esteem and 
 respect, Sir, &c. &c. tf|!J B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 S 
 
322 MEMOIRS QF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Just after I had dispatched these letters, I received the following from Mr. 
 Adams. 
 
 SIR, Amsterdam, April 16, 1782. 
 
 Yesterday noon Mr. William Vaughan of London came to 
 
 my house with Mr. Laurens the son of the President, and brought me a line from 
 the latter, and told me that the President was at Ilaerlem, and desired to see me. 
 I went out to Haerlem and found my old friend at the Golden Lion. 
 
 lie told me he was come partly for his health, and the pleasure of seeing me, 
 and partly to converse with me, and see if he had at present just ideas and views of 
 things ; at least to see if we agreed in sentiment, and having been desired by several 
 of the new ministry to do so. 
 
 J asked him if he was at liberty ? He said, No, that he was still under parole, 
 but at liberty to say what he pleased to me. 
 
 I told him that I could not communicate to him, being a prisoner, even his own 
 instructions, nor enter into any consultation with him as one of our colleagues in the 
 commission for peace : that all I should say to him would be as one private citizen 
 conversing with another : but that upon all such occasions I should reserve a right 
 to communicate whatever should pass to our colleagues and allies. 
 
 He said that Lord Shelburne and others of the new ministers were anxious to 
 know whether there was any authority to treat of a separate peace, and whether 
 there could be an accommodation upon any terms short of Independence ; that he 
 had ever answered them, that nothing short of an express or tacit acknowledgment 
 of our independence in his opinion would ever be accepted, and that no treaty ever 
 would or could be made separate from France. He asked me if his answers had 
 been right ? 1 told him, I was fully of that opinion. 
 
 He said that the new ministers had received Digges s report, but his character 
 was such that they did not chuse to depend upon it : that a person by the name of 
 Oswald, I think, set off for Paris to see you, about the same time that he came 
 away to see me. 
 
 I desired him, between him and me, to consider, without saying any thing of it 
 to the ministry, whether we could ever have a real peace with Canada and Nova 
 Scotia in the hands of the English ? And whether we ought not to insist at least 
 upon a stipulation, that they should keep no standing army or regular troops, nor 
 erect any fortifications on the frontiers of either? That at present I saw no motive 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 323 
 
 that we had to be anxious for a peace, and if the nation was not ripe for it upon 
 proper terms, we might wait patiently, till they should be so. 
 
 I found the old gentleman perfectly sound in his system of politics. He has a 
 very poor opinion both of the integrity and abilities of the new ministry as well as 
 the old. He thinks they know not what they are about ; that they are spoiled by 
 the same insincerity, duplicity, falsehood, and corruption with the former. Lord 
 Shelhurne still flatters the king with ideas of conciliation and separate peace &c. 
 Yet the nation and the best men in it are for a universal peace, and an express 
 acknowledgment of American independence, and many of the best are for giving up 
 Canada and Nova Scotia. 
 
 His design seemed to be solely to know how far Digges s report was true. After 
 an hour or two of conversation, I returned to Amsterdam, and left him to return to 
 London. 
 
 These are all but artifices to raise the stocks, and if you think of any method to 
 put a stop to them, I will cheerfully concur with you. They now know sufficiently, 
 that our commission is to treat of a general peace, and with persons vested with 
 equal powers ; and if you agree to it I will never see another messenger that is not 
 a plenipotentiary. 
 
 It is expected that the seventh province, Guelderland, will this day acknowledge 
 American independence. I think we are in such a situation now that we ought not 
 upon any consideration to think of a truce, or any thing short of an express 
 acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States. I should be glad how 
 ever to know your sentiments upon this point. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 To the above I immediately wrote the following answer. 
 S i u, Passy, April 2, 1 782 . 
 
 I have just received the honour of yours dated the iGth 
 
 instant acquainting me with the interview between your Excellency and Mr. 
 Laurens. I am glad to learn that his political sentiments coincide with ours, and 
 that there is a disposition in England to give us up Canada and Nova Scotia. 
 
 I like your idea of seeing no more messengers that are not plenipotentiaries ; but 
 I cannot refuse seeing Mr. Oswald again, as the minister here considered the letter to 
 me from Lord Shelburne as a kind of authority given that messenger, and 
 
324 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 expects his return \vith some explicit propositions. I shall keep you advised of 
 what passes. 
 
 The late act of parliament for exchanging American prisoners as prisoners of 
 war, according to the law of nations, any thing in their commitments notwithstand 
 ing, seemed a renunciation of their pretensions to try our people as subjects guilty 
 of high treason, and to be a kind of tacit acknowledgment of our independence. 
 Having taken this step, it w ill be less difficult for them to acknowledge it expressly. 
 They are now preparing transports to send the prisoners home. I yesterday sent 
 the passports desired of me. 
 
 Sir George Grand shows me a letter from Mr. Fizeaux in which he says that if 
 advantage is taken of the present enthusiasm in favour of America, a loan might 
 be obtained in Holland of five or six millions of florins for America, and if their 
 house is impowered to open it he has no doubt of success ; but that no time is to 
 be lost. I earnestly recommend this matter to you, as extremely necessary to the 
 operations of our financier Mr. Morris, who not knowing that the greatest part of 
 the last five millions had been consumed by purchase of goods &c. in Europe, 
 writes me advice of large drafts that he shall be obliged to make upon me this 
 summer. This court has granted us six millions of livres for the current year; 
 but it will fall vastly short of our occasions, there being large orders to fulfil, and 
 near two millions and a half to pay M. Beaumarchais, besides the interest of bills 
 &c. The house of Fizeaux and Grand is now appointed banker for France by 
 a special commission from the king, and will on that as well as other accounts, 
 be in my opinion the fittest for this operation. Your Excellency being on the 
 spot, can better judge of the terms &c. and manage with that house the whole 
 business, in which I should be glad to have no other concern, than that of receiving 
 assistance from it when pressed by the dreaded drafts. 
 
 With great respect, I am, your Excellency s &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 In reply to this Mr. Adams wrote to me as follows. 
 SIR, Amsterdam, May 2, 1782. 
 
 I am honoured with your favour of the 20th April, and Mr. 
 
 Laurens sson proposes to carry the letter to his father forthwith. The instructions 
 by the courier from Versailles came safe, as also other dispatches by that channel 
 no doubt will do. The correspondence with Mr. Hartley, I received by Captain 
 Smedley, and will take the first good opportunity by a private hand to return it, as 
 well as that with the E. of S. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART I IT. 325 
 
 Mr. Laurens and Mr. Jay will I hope be able to meet at Paris, but when it will 
 be in my power to go I know not. Your present negociation about peace falls in 
 very well to aid a proposition which I am instructed to make, as soon as th6 
 court of Versailles shall judge proper, of a triple or quadruple alliance. This 
 matter, the treaty of commerce which is now under deliberation, and the loan will 
 render it improper for me to quit this station unless in case of necessity. If there 
 is a real disposition to permit Canada to accede to the American association, I 
 should think there could be no great difficulty in adjusting all things between 
 England and America, provided our allies are contented too. In a former letter 
 I hinted that I thought an express acknowledgment of our independence might now 
 be insisted on : but I did not mean that we should insist upon such an article in 
 the treaty. If they make a treaty of peace with the United States of America, this 
 is acknowledgment enough for me. The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety 
 and fatigue. It is true I may open a loan for five millions, but I confess I have no 
 hopes of obtaining so much. The money is not to be had. Cash is not infinite in 
 this country. Their profits by trade have been ruined for two or three years; and 
 there are loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and 
 several other powers, as well as their own national, provincial and collegiate loans. 
 The undertakers are already loaded with burthens greater than they can bear, and 
 all the Brokers in the republic are so engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat to be 
 lent but what is promised. 
 
 This is the true cause why we shall not succeed ; yet they will seek an hundred 
 other pretences. It is considered such an honour and such an introduction to Ameri 
 can trade to be the House, that the eagerness to obtain the title of American banker 
 is prodigious. Various houses have pretensions which they set up very high, and let 
 me chuse which I will, I am sure of a cry and a clamour. I have taken some 
 measures to endeavour to calm the heat and give general satisfaction, but have as 
 yet small hopes of success. I would strike with any house that would insure the 
 money, but none will undertake it now it is offered, although several were very 
 ready to affirm that they could when it began to be talked of. Upon enquiry they 
 do not find the money easy to obtain, which I could hav told them before. It is 
 tome personally perfectly indifferent which is the house, and the only question is, 
 which will be able to do best for the interest of the United States. This question 
 however simple is not easy to answer. But I think it clear, after very painful and 
 laborious enquiries tor a year and a half, that no house whatever will be able to do 
 much. Enthusiasm at some times and in some countries may do a great deal, but 
 
tIEMOrUS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 there has as yet been no enthusiasm in this country for America, strong enough to 
 untie many purses. Another year, if the war should continue, perhaps we may do 
 better. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 J. ADAMS. 
 
 "** .- iff) : . . r .- 
 
 During Mr. Oswald s absence I received the following; from Mr. Laurens. 
 
 o o 
 
 SIR, London, April 30, 17 82. 
 
 I writ to you on the 7th instant by Mr. Oswald, since 
 
 which, that is to say on the 28th, I was honoured with the receipt of your letter of 
 the 12th, inclosing a copy of the commission for treating for peace, by the hands of 
 Mr. Young. 
 
 The recognizance exacted from me by the late ministry lias been vacated and 
 done away by the present. These have been pleased to enlarge me without formal 
 conditions, but as I would not consent that the United States of America should be 
 outdone in generosity, however late the marks appeared on thb side, I took upon 
 me to assure Lord Shelburne in a letter of acknowledgment for the part which his 
 lordship had taken for obtaining my release, that Congress would not fail to make 
 a just and adequate return, the only return in my view is Lieutenant General 
 Lord Cornwallis ; Congress were pleased to offer some time ago a British Lieutenant 
 General for my ransom, and as I am informed the special exchange of Lord 
 Cornwallis for the same subject was lately in contemplation, it would afford me 
 very great satisfaction to know that you will join rne in cancelling the debt of 
 honour which we have im plied ly incurred, by discharging his lordship from the 
 obligations of his parole ; for my own part, though not a bold adventurer, I think I 
 shall not commit myself to the risque of censure by acting conjunctly with you in 
 such a bargain. I intreat you, sir, at least to reflect on this matter ; I shall take 
 the liberty of requesting your determination when I reach the continent, which will 
 probably happen in a few days. Lord Cornwallis in a late conversation with me 
 put the following case. Suppose, said his lordship, it shall have been agreed in 
 America that Lord Cornwallis should be offered in exchange for Mr. Laurens, do 
 not you think although you are now discharged, I ought to reap the intended 
 benefit? A reply from the feelings of my heart, as I love fair play, was prompt. 
 Undoubtedly, rny lord, you ought to be, and shall be in such case discharged, and 
 I will venture to take the burthen upon myself. Certain legal forms I apprehend 
 rendered the discharge of me without conditions unavoidable, but I had previously 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 327 
 
 refused to accept of myself for nothing, and what I now aim at was understood as 
 an adequate return ; tis not to be doubted, his lordship s question was built on this 
 ground. 
 
 I had uniformly and explicitly declared to the people here, people in the first 
 rank of importance, that nothing short of independence in terms of our alliances 
 could induce America to treat for a truce or a peace, and that no treaty could be 
 had without the consent of our ally first obtained : in a word, if you mean to have a 
 peace you must seek for a general peace. The doctrine was ill relished, especially 
 by those, whose power only could set the machine in motion, but having since my 
 return from Haerlern asserted in very positive terms, that I was confirmed in my 
 former opinions, the late obduracy has been more than a little softened, as you 
 will soon learn from the worthy friend by whom I addressed you on the 7th, who 
 two days ago set out on his return to Passy and Versailles with (as I believe) more 
 permanent commission than the former. 
 
 Accept my thanks, Sir, for the kind offer of a supply of money. I know too 
 well how much you have been harrassed for that article, and too well, how low our 
 American finances in Europe are : therefore, if I can possibly avoid it, I will not 
 further trouble you, nor impoverish them, or not till the last extremity : hitherto I 
 have supported myself without borrowing from any body, and I am determined to 
 continue living upon my own stock while it lasts. The stock is indeed small ; 
 my expenses have been and shall be in a suitably modest stile. I pray God to 
 bless you : I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 HENRY LAUREXS. 
 
 P. S. I judged it proper not only to show the peace commission to Lord Shel 
 burne, but to give his lordship a copy uf it, from an opinion that it would work no 
 evil being shown elsewhere. 
 
 On the 4th May Mr. Oswald returned and brought me the following letter 
 
 from Lord Shelburne. 
 DEAR SIR, Shelburne House, April 28, 1782. 
 
 I have received much satisfaction in being assured by you, 
 
 that the qualifications of wisdom and integrity, which induced me to make choice 
 of Mr. Oswald, as the fittest instrument for the renewal of our friendly intercourse, 
 have also recommended him so effectually to your approbation and esteem. I 
 most heartily wish that the influence of this first communication of our mutual senti 
 ments may be extended to a happy conclusion of all our public differences. 
 
S28 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 The candour with which M. le Comte de Vergennes expresses his most 
 Christian Majesty s sentiments and wishes on the subject of a speedy pacification, 
 is a pleasing omen of its accomplishment. His Majesty is not less decided in the 
 same sentiments and wishes, and it confirms his Majesty s ministers in their 
 intention to act in like manner, as most consonant to the true dignity of a great 
 nation. 
 
 In consequence of these reciprocal advances Mr. Oswald is sent back to Paris, 
 for the purpose of arranging and settling with you the preliminaries of time and 
 place : and, I have the pleasure to tell you, that Mr. Laurens is already dis 
 charged from those engagements, which he entered into, when he was admitted to 
 bail. 
 
 It is also determined that Mr. Fox, from whose department that communication 
 is necessarily to proceed, shall send a proper person, who may confer and settle 
 immediately with M. de Vergennes the further measures and proceedings which 
 may be judged proper to adopt towards advancing the prosecution of this important 
 business. In the mean time Mr. Oswald is instructed to communicate to you my 
 thoughts upon the principal objects to be settled. 
 
 Transports are actually preparing for the purpose of conveying your prisoners to 
 America, to be there exchanged, and we trust, that you will learn, that due atten 
 tion has not been wanting to their accommodation and good treatment. 
 
 I have the honour to be with very sincere respect, dear Sir, your faithful and 
 obedient servant, SHELJJURNE. 
 
 Having read the letter, I mentioned to Mr. Oswald the part which refers me to 
 him for his lordship s sentiments. He acquainted me that they were very sincerely 
 disposed to peace ; that the whole ministry concurred in the same dispositions ; 
 that a good deal of confidence was placed in my character for open honest dealing ; 
 that it was also generally believed I had still remaining some part of my ancient 
 affection and regard for Old England, and it was hoped it might appear 
 on this occasion. He then showed me an extract from the minutes of council, 
 but did not leave the paper with me. As well as I remember it was to this 
 purpose. 
 
 At a Cabinet Council held April 27, 1782, present Lord Rockingham. Lord 
 Chancellor, Lord President, Lord Camden, &c. c. (to the number of fifteen or 
 twenty, being all ministers and great officers of state) 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 329 
 
 " It was proposed to represent to his Majesty, that it would be well for Mr. 
 Oswald to return to Dr. Franklin and acquaint him, that it is agreed to treat for a 
 general peace, and at Paris ; and that the principal points in contemplation are, 
 the allowing of American independence, on condition that England be put into the 
 same situation that she was left in by the peace of 1763." 
 
 Mr. Oswald also informed me, that he had conversed with Lord Shelburne on 
 the subject of my paper of notes relating to reconciliation. That he had shown 
 him the paper, and had been prevailed on to leave it with him a night, but it was 
 on his lordship s solemn promise of returning it, which had been complied with, and 
 he now returned it to me. That it seemed to have made an impression, and he 
 had reason to believe that matter might be settled to our satisfaction towards the 
 end of the treaty ; but in his mind he wished it might not be mentioned at the 
 beginning. That his lordship indeed said, he had not imagined reparation would 
 be expected ; and he wondered I should not know whether it was intended to 
 demand it. Finally Mr. Oswald acquainted me, that as the business, now likely to 
 be brought forward, more particularly appertained to the department of the other 
 secretary Mr. Fox, he was directed to announce another agent coming from that 
 department, who might be expected every day, viz. the Honourable Mr. Grenville, 
 brother of Lord Temple, and son of the famous Mr. George Grenville, formerly 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
 
 I immediately wrote the following note to M. le Cointe de Vergennes. 
 
 SIR, Passy, May 4*, 1782. 
 
 I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency that Mr. 
 Oswald is just returned from London, and now with me. He has delivered me a 
 letter from Lord Shelburne which I inclose for your perusal, together with a copy 
 of my letter to which it is an answer. He tells me, that it has been agreed in 
 council to treat at Paris, and to treat of a gcmral peace ; and that as it is more 
 particularly in the department of Mr. Fox to regulate the circumstantials, a gentle 
 man, (Mr. Grenville) to be sent by him for that purpose, may be daily expected 
 here. Mr. Oswald will wait on your Excellency whenever you shall think fit to 
 receive him. I am with respect your Excellency s most obedient and most &c. &c. 
 
 B. Fit A NK LIN. 
 
 VOL. II. 2T 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 -And the next day I received the following answer. 
 
 a Versailles, le 5 May, 1782. 
 
 J ai recu, Monsieur, la lettre que vous m avez fait 1 honneur 
 de rn ecrire le 4 de ce rnois, ainsi que celles qui y etoient jointes. Je vous verrai 
 avec plaisir avec votre ami demain matin a onze heures. 
 
 J ai 1 honneur d etre tres sincerement, Monsieur, votre tres humble et tres obeissant 
 serviteur, DE VERGENNES. 
 
 Accordingly on Monday morning I went with Mr. Oswald to Versailles, and we 
 saw the minister. Mr. Oswald acquainted him with the disposition of his court to 
 treat for a general peace and at Paris ; and he announced Mr. Grenville, who he 
 said was to set out about the same time with him, but as he would probably come 
 by way of Ostend, might be a few days longer on the road. Some general conver 
 sation passed, agreeable enough, but not of importance. In our return Mr. Oswald 
 repeated to me his opinion, that the affair of Canada would be settled to our satisfac 
 tion, and his wish that it might not be mentioned till towards the end of the 
 treaty. He intimated too, that it was apprehended the greatest obstructions in the 
 treaty might come from the part of Spain ; but said if she was unreasonable, there 
 were means to bring her to reason ; that Russia was a friend to England, had 
 lately made great discoveries on the back of North America, could make establish 
 ments there, and might easily transport an anny from Kamschatka to the Coast of 
 Mexico, and conquer all those countries. This appeared to me a little visionary 
 at present, but I did not dispute it. On the whole I was able to draw so little 
 from Mr. O. of the sentiments of Lord S\ who had mentioned him as entrusted with 
 the communication of them, that I could not but wonder at his being sent again to 
 me, especially as Mr. Grenville was so soon to follow. 
 
 On Tuesday I was at court as usual on that day, M. de Vergennes asked me if 
 Mr. Oswald had not opened himself farther to me? I acquainted him with the 
 sight I had had of the minute of council, and of the loose expressions contained in 
 it of what was in contemplation. He seemed to think it odd that he had brought 
 nothing more explicit. I supposed Mr. Grenville might be better furnished. 
 
 The next morning I wrote the following letter to Mr. Adams. 
 SIR, Passy, May 8, 1782. 
 
 Mr. Oswald, whom I mentioned in a former letter which I 
 find you have received, is returned and brought me another letter from Lord 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 331 
 
 Shelburne of which the above is a copy. It says, Mr. Oswald is instructed to 
 communicate to me his Lordship s thoughts. He is however very sparing of such 
 communication. All I have got from him is that the ministry have in contemplation 
 the " allowing Independence to America on condition of Britain being put again 
 into the state she was left in by the peace of 1763," which I suppose means being 
 put again in possession of the islands France has taken from her. This seems to 
 me a proposition of selling to us a thing that is already our own, and making France 
 pay the price they are pleased to ask for it. Mr. Grenville who is sent by Mr. Fox 
 is expected here daily. Mr. Oswald tells me that Mr. Laurens will soon be here 
 also. Yours of the 2d instant is just come to hand. I shall write to you on this 
 affair hereafter by the Court couriers, for I am certain your letters to me are 
 opened at the post office either here or in Holland. I suppose mine to you are 
 treated in the same manner. I enclose the cover of your last that you may see the 
 seal. With great respect I am, Sir, your Excellency s &c. &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 I had but just sent away this letter, when Mr. Oswald came in, bringing with 
 him Mr. Grenville, who was just arrived. He gave rne the following letter from 
 Mr. Secretary Fox. 
 
 SIR, St. James s, May 1, 1782. 
 
 Though Mr. Oswald will no doubt have informed you of the 
 nature of Mr. Grenville s commission, yet I cannot refrain from making use of the 
 opportunity his going offers me, to assure you of the esteem and respect which I 
 have borne to your character, and to beg you to believe, that no change in my 
 situation has made any in those ardent wishes for reconciliation which I have inva 
 riably felt from the very beginning of this unhappy contest. 
 
 Mr. Grenville is fully acquainted with my sentiments upon this subject, and with 
 the sanguine hopes which I have conceived that those with whom we are contending 
 are too reasonable to continue a contest, which has no longer any object either real 
 or even imaginary. 
 
 I know your liberality of mind too well to be afraid lest any prejudices against 
 Mr. Grenville s name may prevent you from esteeming those excellent qualities of 
 heart and head which belong to him, or from giving the fullest credit to the sincerity 
 of his wishes for peace, in which no man in either country goes beyond him. I am, 
 with great truth and regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 , J, Fox. 
 
IVI/EMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FBANKLIN. 
 
 I imagined the gentlemen had been at Versailles, as I supposed Mr. G. would 
 first have waited on M. de Vergennes, before he called on me. But finding in 
 conversation that he had not, and that he expected me to introduce him, I imme 
 diately wrote to that minister, acquainting him that Mr. G. was arrived, and desired 
 to know when his Excellency would think tit to receive him : and I sent an express 
 with my letter. I then entered into conversation with him on the subject of his 
 mission, Mr. Fox having referred me to him as being fully acquainted with his 
 sentiments. He said that peace was really wished for by every body, if it could 
 be obtained on reasonable terms ; and as the idea of subjugating America was given 
 up, and both France and America had thereby obtained what they had in view 
 originally, it was hoped that there now remained no obstacle to a pacification. That 
 England was willing to treat of a general peace with all the powers at war against 
 her, and that the treaty should be at Paris. I did not press him much for farther 
 particulars, supposing they were reserved for our interview with M. de Vergennes. 
 The gentlemen did me the honour of staying dinner with me, on the supposition 
 which I urged that my express might be back before we parted. This gave me an 
 opportunity of a good deal of general conversation with Mr. Grenville, who 
 appeared to me a sensible, judicious, intelligent, good-tempered, and well- 
 instructed young man, answering well the character Mr. Fox had given me of him. 
 They left me however about six o clock, and rny messenger did not return till near 
 nine. He brought me the answer of M. le Comte de Vergennes, that he was glad 
 to hear of Mr. Grenville s arrival, and would be ready to receive us to-morrow at 
 half-past 10 or 11 o clock. I immediately inclosed his note in one to Mr. 
 Grenville, requesting him to be with me at Passy by eight, that we might have 
 time to breakfast, before we set out. I have preserved no copy of these three 
 last mentioned notes, or I should have inserted them, as I think that though they 
 seem of almost too trifling a nature, they serve usefully sometimes to settle dates, 
 authenticate facts, and show something of the turn and manner of thinking of the 
 writers, on particular occasions. The answer I received was as follows : 
 
 " Mr.. Grenville presents his compliments to Mr. Franklin, and will certainly do 
 himself the honour of waiting upon Mr. Franklin to-morrow morning at 8 o clock. 
 Rue de Richelieu, Wednesday Night." 
 
 We set out accordingly the next morning in my coach from Passy, and arrived 
 punctually at M. de Vergennes who received Mr. Grenville in the most cordial 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE, PART JIT. 335 
 
 manner, on account of the acquaintance and friendship that had formerly subsisted 
 between his uncle and M. de Verjiennes when they were ambassadors together at 
 Constantinople. After some little agreeable conversation, Mr. Grenville presented 
 his letters from Mr. Secretary Fox, and I think from the Duke of Richmond. 
 When these were read the subject of peace was entered on. What my memory 
 retains of the discourse amounts to little more than this, that after mutual declara 
 tions of the good disposition of the two Courts, Mr. Grenville having intimated that 
 in case England gave America independence, France, it was expected, would restore 
 the conquests she had made of British Islands, receiving back those of Miquelon 
 and St. Pierre. And the original object of the war being obtained, it was supposed 
 that France would be contented with that. The minister seemed to smile at the 
 proposed exchange. America, says he, does not ask it of you ; there is Mr. 
 Franklin, he uill answer you as to that point. To be sure, I said, we do not 
 consider ourselves as under any necessity of bargaining for a thing that is our own, 
 which we have bought at the expence of much blood and treasure, and which we 
 are in possession of. As to our being satisfied with the original object of the war, 
 continued he, look back to the conduct of your nation in former wars. In the last 
 war, for example, what was the object? It was the disputed right to some waste 
 lands on the Ohio, and the frontier of Nova Scotia ; did you content yourselves 
 with the recovery of those lands ? No, you retained at the peace all Canada, all 
 Louisiana, all Florida, Grenada, and other West India islands, the greatest part 
 of Northern Fisheries; with all your conquests in Africa and the East Indies. 
 Something being mentioned of its not being reasonable that a nation, after making 
 an unprovoked and unsuccessful war upon its neighbours, should expect to sit down 
 whole, and have every thing restored which she had lost in such a war, I think Mr. 
 Grenville remarked that the war had been provoked by the encouragement given by 
 France to the Americans to revolt. On which M. de Ver^ennes grew a little warm, 
 
 O O * 
 
 and declared firmly, that the breach was made and our independence declared long 
 before we received the least encouragement from France ; and he defied the world 
 to give the smallest proof of the contrary. There sits, says he, Mr. Franklin who 
 knows the fact and can contradict me, if I do not speak the truth. He repeated to 
 Mr. Grenville, what he had before said to Mr. Oswald, respecting the King s 
 intention of treating fairly, and keeping faithfully the conventions he should enter 
 into ; of which disposition he should give at the treaty convincing proofs by the 
 fidelity and exactitude with which he should observe his engagements with his 
 present allies ; and added that the points which the King had chiefly in view were 
 
334 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN-tFRANKLIN. 
 
 justice and dignity, these he could not depart from. He acquainted Mr. CTrenville 
 that he should immediately write to Spain, and Holland, communicate to those 
 Courts what had passed, and report their answers ; that in the mean time he hoped 
 Mr. Grenville would find means of amusing himself agreeably, to which he should 
 be glad to contribute, that he would communicate what had passed to the King, 
 and he invited him to come again the next day. 
 
 On our return Mr. G. expressed himself as not quite satisfied with some part of 
 M. de Vergennes discourse, and was thoughtful. He told me, that he had brought 
 two state messengers with him, and perhaps after he had had another interview with 
 the minister, he might dispatch one of them to London : I then requested leave to 
 answer by that opportunity the letters I had received from Lord Shelburne and Mr. 
 Fox; and he kindly promised to acquaint me the time of the messenger s departure. 
 He did not ask me to go with him the next day to Versailles, and I did not 
 offer it. 
 
 The coming and going of these gentlemen was observed, and made much talk at 
 Paris ; and the Marquis de la Fayette having learned something of their business 
 from the ministers, discoursed with me about it. Agreeable to the resolutions of 
 Congress directing me to confer with him, and take his assistance in our affairs, I 
 communicated to him what had passed. He told me that, during the treaty at 
 Paris for the last peace, the Duke de Nivernois had been sent to reside in London, 
 that this Court might through him state what was from time to time transacted in 
 the light they thought best, to prevent misrepresentations and misunderstandings. 
 That such an employ would be extremely agreeable to him on many accounts ; that 
 as he was now an American citizen, spoke both languages, and was well acquainted 
 with our interests, he believed he might be useful in it ; and that as peace was 
 likely from appearances to take place, his return to America was perhaps not so 
 immediately necessary. He then wished I would make him acquainted with 
 Messrs. Oswald and Grenville, and for that end promised meeting them at breakfast 
 with me, which I proposed to contrive if I could, and endeavour to engage them 
 for Saturday. 
 
 Friday morning the 10th of May, I went to Paris and visited Mr.* Oswald. I 
 found him in the same friendly dispositions, and very desirous of doing good, and 
 of seeing an end put to this ruinous war. But I got no farther light as to the senti 
 ments of Lord S. respecting the terms. I told him the Marquis de la Fayette 
 would breakfast with me to-morrow, and he, Mr. Oswald, might have some curiosity 
 to see a person, who had in this war rendered himself so remarkable, I propose^ 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART TIT. 335 
 
 his doing me the same honour. He agreed to it cheerfully. I came home 
 intending to write to Mr. Grenville, whom I supposed might stay and dine at 
 Versailles, and therefore did not call on him. But he was returned, and I found 
 the following note from him. 
 
 Paris, May 10. 
 
 Mr. Grenville presents his compliments to Mr. Franklin, he 
 proposes sending a courier to England, at 10 o clock this night, and will give him 
 in charge any letters Mr. Franklin may wish to send by him. 
 
 I sat down immediately and wrote the two short letters following, to the 
 Secretaries of State. 
 
 To THE RIGHT HON. C. J. Fox, ESQ. 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 SIR, Passy, May 10, 1782. 
 
 I received the letter you did me the honour of writing to me 
 
 by Mr. Grenville, whom I find to be a very sensible, judicious, and amiable 
 gentleman. The name I assure you does not with me lessen the regard that his 
 excellent qualities inspire. I introduced him as soon as possible to M. de Ver- 
 gennes; he will himself give you an account of his reception. I hope his coming 
 may forward the blessed work of pacification, in which for the sake of humanity no 
 time should be lost ; no reasonable cause, as you observe, existing at present, for the 
 continuance of this abominable war. Be assured of my endeavours to put an end 
 to it. I am much flattered by the good opinion of a person whom I have long 
 highly esteemed, and I hope it will not be lessened by my conduct in the affairs 
 that have given rise to our correspondence. With great respect, I have the honour 
 to be, Sir, &c. &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To LORD SHELBURNE. 
 MY LORD, Passy, May 10, 1782. 
 
 I have received the honour of your Lordship s letter dated 
 
 the 28th past, by Mr. Oswald, informing me that he is sent back to settle with me 
 the preliminaries of time and place., Paris as the place, seemed to me yesterday 
 to be agreed on between Mr. Grenville and M. de Vergennes, and it is perfectly 
 agreeable to me. The time cannot well be settled till this Court has received 
 answers from Madrid and the Hague, and until my colleagues are arrived, I expect 
 
336 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 daily Messrs. Jay and Laurens : Mr. Adams doubts whether he can be here, but 
 that will not hinder our proceeding. 
 
 It gave me great pleasure to hear that Mr. Laurens is discharged entirely from 
 the obligations he had entered into. I am much obliged by the readiness with 
 which your Lordship has conferred that favour. Please to accept my thankful 
 acknowledgments. 
 
 I am too happy in understanding from your letter that transports are actually 
 preparing to convey our prisoners to America, and that attention will be paid to 
 their accommodation and good treatment. Those people on their return will be 
 dispersed through every part of America, and the accounts they will have to give 
 of any marks of kindness received by them under the present ministry, will lessen 
 much the resentment of their friends against the nation for the hardships they 
 suffered under the past. 
 
 Mr. Oswald rests here a while by my advice, as I think his presence likely to be 
 useful. With great and sincere respect, I have the honour to be, my Lord, your 
 Lordship s &c. c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 And I sent them to Mr. Grenville with the following note. 
 
 " Mr. Franklin presents his compliments to Mr. Grenville, 
 
 with thanks for the information of his courier s departure, and his kind offer of 
 forwarding Mr. F. s letters, who accepts the favour, and encloses two. 
 
 The Marquis de la Fayette and Mr. Oswald, will do Mr. Franklin the honour 
 of breakfasting with him to-morrow between 9 and 10 o clock. Mr. Franklin will 
 be happy to have the company also of Mr. Grenville, if agreeable to him. He 
 should have waited on Mr. Grenville to-day at Paris, but he imagined Mr. G. was 
 at Versailles. 
 
 Passy, Friday Evening, May 10." 
 
 To which Mr. G. sent me this answer. 
 
 " Mr. Grenville presents his compliments to Mr. Franklin, 
 and will with great pleasure do himself the honour of breakfasting with Mr. 
 Franklin to-morrow between 9 and 10 o clock. 
 
 Mr. Grenville was at Versailles to-day, and should have been sorry that Mr. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.- PART III. 337 
 
 Franklin should have given himself the trouble of calling at Paris this morning. 
 The courier shall certainly take particular care of Mr. Franklin s letters. 
 Paris, Friday Evening." 
 
 The gentlemen all met accordingly, had a good deal of conversation at and after 
 breakfast, staid till after one o clock, and parted much pleased with each other. 
 
 The Monday following I called to visit Mr. G. and found him with Mr. Oswald, 
 who told me, he was just about returning to London. I was a little surprized at 
 the suddenness of the resolution he had taken, it being as he said to set out the next 
 morning early. I conceived the gentlemen were engaged in business, so I 
 withdrew, and went to write a few letters, among which was the following to Lord 
 Shelburne, being really concerned at the thought of losing so good a man as Mr. 
 Oswald. 
 
 To LORD SHELBURNE. 
 Mr LORD, Passy, May 13, 1782. 
 
 I did myself the honour of writing to your Lordship a few 
 days since by Mr. Grenville s courier, acknowledging the receipt of yours of the 
 28th past by Mr. Oswald. I then hoped that gentleman would have remained here 
 some time, but his affairs it seems recal him sooner than he imagined. I hope he 
 will return again, as I esteem him more, the more I am acquainted with him, and 
 believe his moderation, prudent counsels, and sound judgment may contribute 
 much, not only to the speedy conclusion of a peace, but to the framing such a peace 
 as may be firm and long-lasting. With great respect, I am, your Lordship s most 
 obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 I went in the evening to Mr. Oswald s lodging with my letters ; when he 
 informed me his intention was to return immediately hither from England ; and to 
 make the more dispatch in going and returning, he should leave his carriage at 
 Calais, as the embarking and debarking of carriages in the packet-boats often 
 occasioned a tide s delay. I did not enquire the reason of this movement. We 
 had but little conversation, for Mr. Grenville coming in, I soon after wished him a 
 good journey and retired, that I might not interrupt their consultations. 
 
 Since his departure Mr. Grenville has made me a visit; and entering into a 
 conversation with me, exactly of the same tenor with the letters I formerly received 
 from Mr. Hartley, stating suppositions that France might insist on points totally 
 
 VOL. II. 2 U 
 
338 MEMOIRS OF BEXJAMIX FRANKLIN". 
 
 different from what had been the object of our alliance, and that in such case he 
 should imagine we were not at all bound to continue the war to obtain such points 
 for her, &c. I thought I could not give him a better answer to this kind of 
 discourse than what I had given in two letters to Mr. Hartley, and therefore calling 
 for those letters I read them to him. He smiled and would have turned the con 
 versation : but I gave a little more of my sentiments on the general subject of 
 benefits, obligation, and gratitude. I said I thought people had often imperfect 
 notions of their duty on those points, and that a state of obligation was to many so 
 uneasy a state, that they became ingenious in finding out reasons and arguments to 
 prove they had been laid under no obligation at all, or that they had discharged it : 
 and they too easily satisfied themselves with such arguments. To explain clearly 
 my ideas on the subject, I stated a case. A. a stranger to B. sees him about to 
 be imprisoned for a debt by a merciless creditor. He lends him the sum necessary 
 to preserve his liberty. B. then becomes the debtor of A. and after some time 
 repays the money. Has he then discharged the obligation? No. He has discharged 
 the money debt, but the obligation remains, and he is debtor for the kindness of 
 A. in lending the same so seasonably. If B. should afterwards find A. in the same 
 circumstances, that he, B., had been in when A. lent him the money, he may then 
 discharge this obligation or debt of kindness in part by lending him an equal sum. 
 In part, I said, and not wholly, because when A. lent B. the money, there had 
 been no prior benefit received to induce him to it. And therefore, if A. should a 
 second time need the same assistance, I thought B., if in his power, was in duty 
 bound to afford it to him. Mr. Grenville conceived that I was carrying gratitude 
 very far, to apply this doctrine to our situation in respect to France ; who^ \\SLS 
 really the party served and obliged by our separation from England, as it lessened 
 the power of her rival and increased her own. I told him I was so strongly im 
 pressed with the kind assistance afforded us by France in our distress, and the 
 generous and noble manner in which it was granted without exacting or stipulating 
 for a single privilege or particular advantage to herself in our commerce or other 
 wise ; that I could never suffer myself to think of such reasonings for lessening the 
 obligation, and I hoped, and indeed did not doubt, but my countrymen were all of 
 the same sentiments. Thus he gained nothing of the point he came to push ; we 
 parted however in good humour. His conversation is always polite and his manner 
 pleasing. 
 
 As he expressed a strong desire to discourse with me on the means of a recoil- 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PAHT lit. 339 
 
 ciliation with America, I promised to consider the subject, and appointed Saturday 
 the 1st of June, for our conversation, when he proposed to call on me. 
 
 The same day I received another letter from my old friend Mr. Hartley. Our 
 former correspondence on the subject of peace since the beginning of this year, I 
 have kept by itself, as it preceded this, was in the time of the old ministry, and 
 consisted wholly of letters unmixed with personal conversation. This being the first 
 letter from him under the new ministry, and as it may be followed by others which 
 may relate to the negociation, I insert it here, 1 with my answer, and shall continue 
 to insert the future letters I may receive from him relative to the same subject. 
 
 To D. HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Passy, May 13, 1782. 
 
 I have just received your favour of the 3rd instant. I thank 
 
 you much for the good news you give me, that " an order is issued by your 
 government for the release of all the American prisoners every where, an order not 
 partial or conditional, but general and absolute." I rejoice with you in this step 
 not only on account of the unhappy captives, who by it will be set at liberty, and 
 restored to their friends and families, but as I think it will tend greatly towards a 
 reconciliation, on which alone the hope of a durable peace can be founded. I am 
 much indebted to your good brother, for a very kind and obliging letter, which was 
 mislaid when it should have been answered. I beg you would present to him my 
 thankful acknowledgments, and my very sincere respects. I join with you most 
 heartily in the prayer that ends your letter, Da paccm, Domine, in diebus nostris ! 
 I am ever, my friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Our business standing still at present till the return of Mr. Oswald, gives me a 
 void, that I may fill up with two or three circumstances, not at present connected 
 with this intended treaty, but which serve to show something of the disposition of 
 Courts, who have, or may have, a concern in it. 
 
 Mr. Jay had written to me from time to time of the unaccountable delays he had 
 met with since his residence at the Court of Spain, and that he was now no nearer 
 in the business he had been charged with than when he first arrived. Upon the 
 first coming of Mr. Oswald, and the apparent prospect of a treaty, I wrote to press 
 his coming hither, and being a little out of humour with that Court, I said, they 
 
 This letter is missing; it was dated May 3, J782. 
 
340 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FUANKLIX. 
 
 have taken four years to consider whether they should treat with us, give them forty, 
 and let us mind our own business ; and I sent the letter under cover to a person at 
 Madrid, who I hoped would open and .read it. It seems to me that we have in 
 most instances hurt our credit and importance, by sending all over Europe begging 
 alliances, and soliciting declarations of our independence. The nations perhaps 
 from thence seem to think, that our independence is something they have to sell, 
 and that we do not offer enough for it. Mr. Adams has succeeded in Holland, 
 owing to their war with England, and a good deal to the late votes in the Commons 
 towards a reconciliation ; but the ministers of the other powers refused, as I hear, 
 to return his visits, because our independence was not yet acknowledged by their 
 Courts. I had heard here by good luck, that the same resolution was taken by 
 several of them not to return the visits I should make them (as they supposed) when 
 I was first received here as Minister Plenipotentiary, and I disappointed their 
 project by visiting none of them. In my private opinion the first civility is due from 
 the old resident to the stranger and new comer. My opinion indeed is good for 
 nothing against custom, which I should have obeyed, but for the circumstances, 
 that rendered it more prudent to avoid disputes and affronts, though at the hazard 
 of being thought rude or singular. While I am writing, something ridiculous enough 
 on this head has happened to me. The Comte du Nord who is son to the Empress 
 of Russia, arriving at Paris, ordered, it seems, cards of visit to be sent to all the 
 foreign ministers. One of them, on which was written Le Comte du Nord et le 
 Prince Bariatinski, was brought to me. It was on Monday evening last. Being at 
 Court the next day I enquired of an old minister, my friend, what was the etiquette, 
 and whether the Comte received visits. The answer was Non. On sefait ecrire. 
 Voila tout. This is done here by passing the door, and ordering your name to be 
 written in the porter s book. Accordingly on Wednesday I passed the house of 
 Prince Bariatinski, Ambassador of Russia, where the Comte lodged, and left my 
 name on the list of each. I thought no more of the matter. But this day, May 
 24, comes the servant who brought the card, and in a great affliction saying he was 
 like to be ruined by his mistake in bringing the card here, and wishing to obtain 
 from me some paper of I know not what kind, for I did not see him. In the 
 afternoon came my friend Mr. Le Roy, who is also a friend of the Prince s, telling 
 me how much he, the Prince, was concerned at the accident ; that both himself and 
 the Comte had great personal regard for me, and my character, but that our inde 
 pendence not yet being acknowledged by the Court of Russia it was impossible for 
 him to permit himself to make me a visit as minister. I told Mr. Le Roy it was 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART TIT. 
 
 not my custom to seek such honours, though 1 was very sensible of them when 
 conferred upon me ; that I should not have voluntarily intruded a visit ; and that 
 in this case I had only done what I was informed the etiquette required of me. 
 But if it would he attended with any inconvenience to Prince Bariatinski, whom 
 I much esteemed and respected, I thought the remedy was easy ; he had only to 
 raze my name out of his book of visits received, and I would burn their card. 
 
 All the northern princes are not ashamed of a little civility committed towards 
 an American. The King of Denmark travelling in England under an assumed 
 name, sent me a card expressing in strong terms his esteem forme, and inviting me to 
 dinner with him at St. James s. And the ambassador from the King of Sweden lately 
 asked me whether I had powers to make a treaty of commerce with their kingdom, 
 for he said his master was desirous of such a treaty with the United States, had 
 directed him to ask me the question, and had charged him to tell me, that it would 
 flatter him greatly to make it with a person whose character he so much esteemed, 
 &c. Such compliments might probably make me a little proud, if we Americans 
 were not naturally as much so already as the porter, who being told he had with 
 his burthen jostled the great Czar Peter (then in London, walking the street) poh I 
 says he, tee are all Czars here. 
 
 I did not write by Mr. Oswald to Mr. Laurens, because from some expressions in 
 his last to me, I expected him here, and I desired Mr. Oswald, if he found him 
 still in London, or met him on the road, to give him that reason. I am disappoint 
 ed in my expectation, for I have now received (May 25) the following letter from 
 him. 
 
 SIR, Ostend, May 17, 1782. 
 
 I had the honour of addressing you under the 30th ultimo 
 
 by post, a duplicate of which will accompany this in order to guard against the 
 effect of a miscarriage in the first instance, and I beg leave to refer to the contents. 
 On the 10th current, and no sooner, your very obliging favour of the 20th 
 preceding reached me in London. Being then on the point of leaving that place, 
 I deferred a reply until my arrival on this side ; this happened ^yesterday too late 
 to catch the post of the day, except by a single letter, put into my hands, I believe, 
 by Doctor Price, which I sent forward. I sincerely and heartily thank you, Sir, 
 for the cordial contents of your last letter, but from the most mature reflection, and 
 taking in consideration my present very infirm state of health, I have resolved to 
 decline accepting the honour intended me by congress in the commission for treat- 
 
342 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 ing with Great Britain, and I find the less difficulty in coming to this determination 
 from a persuasion in my own mind that my assistance is not essential, and that it 
 was not the view or expectation of our constituents that every one named in the 
 commission should act. I purpose to repair to, or near to, Mr. Adams, and enquire 
 of him vrhether I may yet be serviceable under the commission to which I had been 
 first appointed, that, for borrowing money for the use of the United States ; if he 
 speaks in the affirmative I shall, though much against my own grain, as is well 
 known at our little court, proceed in the mission with diligence and fidelity ; other 
 wise I shall take a convenient opportunity of returning to give an account there, of 
 having in the course of two years and upwards done nothing, excepting only the 
 making a great number of rebels in the enemy s country, and reconciling thousands 
 to the doctrine of absolute and unlimited independence a doctrine which I asserted 
 and maintained with as much freedom in the Tower of London, as ever I had done 
 in the State House at Philadelphia, and having contentedly submitted to the loss of 
 my estate, and being ready to lay down my life in support of it, I had the satisfac 
 tion of perceiving the coming in of converts every day. I must not however 
 conclude this head without assuring you, that should you think proper to ask 
 questions respecting American commerce, or the interest of any particular state, 
 I will answer with candour, and the best judgment I am possessed of, but of that 
 judgment I sincerely protest I have the utmost diffidence. God prosper your 
 proceedings in the great work ; you shall be called blessed by all the grateful of the 
 present generation, and your name will be celebrated by posterity. I feel myself 
 happy in reflecting that in the great outlines for treaty our opinions exactly coin 
 cide, that we shall not w ant the countenance and assistance of our great and good 
 ally, and that you have so honest a man as Mr. Oswald to deal with for prelimina 
 ries : I know him to be superior to all chicanery, and am sure he will not defile his 
 mind by attempting any dirty thing. 
 
 I intreat you, Sir, to present my humble respects to M. de Vergennes, and thank 
 his Excellency for his polite expressions respecting me, and be bo good as to say 
 all that shall appear necessary in excuse for my non-appearance at his court. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis called on me the day before I left London, and was, as you may 
 suppose, very anxious to know when he might probably hear from me on the 
 subject of his release : let me therefore request your opinion in answer to what I 
 had the honour of writing in my last concerning that affair. I wish it may prove 
 satisfactory to his lordship, by enabling me, with your consent and concurrence, to 
 cancel a debt which does not sit easy upon, and which cannot, with honour to our 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE, PART III. 343 
 
 country, remain unpaid. I think we shall not, tis impossible we should, incur 
 displeasure, by doing an act of common justice, and our authority may be fairly 
 implied. 
 
 His lordbhip declares he has no intention of returning to America, but desires 
 to be reinstated in his legislative and military characters in his own country, and I 
 am of opinion that in the former station he \vill be rather friendly to us than other 
 wise : for my own part, if the war continues, I should not be uneasy if his lordship 
 were to go to Chesapeke again. 
 
 I have a thousand compliments and good wishes to present to you from friends in 
 England; where males and females I am sure you have at least so many, your own 
 remembrance will lead you to individuals of your old acquaintance. To-morrow I 
 intend to proceed for Brussels, and thence probably to the Hague and Amsterdam. 
 My movements must unavoidably be as slow as water carriage. My weak under- 
 limbs cannot bear continual thumping on the pavement in the rough machines of this 
 country, and the feebleness of my pocket will not admit the indulgence of a more 
 convenient vehicle. I beg, Sir, you will write to me at the house of Mr. Edmund Jen 
 nings, or under the protection of any other friend in that city who will be at the 
 trouble of finding out a voyageur who is at all times, and in all places, with the 
 highest esteem and respect, Sir, your obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 HENRY LAUREXS. 
 
 To the above 1 wroce the following answer. 
 
 To Ma. PRESIDENT, HENRY LAURENS, ESQ. 
 SIR, Passy, May 25, 1782. 
 
 I am now honoured with yours of the 17th. I had before 
 
 received one of the 7th which remained unanswered, because from the words in it, 
 " when I reach the continent, which will probably happen in a few days" I 
 flattered myself with the pleasure of seeing you here. That hope is disappointed 
 by your last, in which you tell me you are deterrnint d not to act in the commission 
 for treating of peace with Britain. I regret your taking this resolution; principally 
 because I am persuaded your assistance must have been of great service to your 
 country. But I have besides some private or particular reasons that relate to myself. 
 To encourage me in the arduous task, you kindly tell me I shall be called blessed, 
 c. I have never yet known of a peace made, that did not occasion a great deal 
 of popular discontent, clamour and censure on both sides. This is perhaps owing to 
 
344 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN 1 FRANKLIN. 
 
 the usual management of the ministers and leaders of the contending nations, who, 
 to keep up the spirits of their people for continuing the war, generally represent the 
 state of their own affairs in a better light, and that of the enemy in a worse, than is 
 consistent with the truth ; hence the populace on each side expect better terms 
 than really can be obtained ; and are apt to ascribe their disappointment to 
 treachery. Thus the peace of Utrecht, and that of Aix la Chapelle were said in 
 England to have been influenced by French gold, and in France by English 
 guineas. Even the last peace, the most advantageous and glorious for England 
 that ever she made, was, you may remember, violently decried, and the makers as 
 violently abused. So that the blessing promised to peace-makers, I fancy, relates 
 to the next world, for in this they seem to have a greater chance of being cursed. 
 And as another text observes that in the multitude of counsellors there is safety, 
 \vhich I think may mean safety to the counsellors as well as to the counselled, 
 because if they commit a fault in counselling the blame does not fall on one or a 
 few, but is divided among many, and the share of each is so much the lighter, or 
 perhaps because when a number of honest men are concerned, the suspicion of their 
 being biassed is weaker as being more improbable ; or because defendit numerus ; for 
 all these reasons, but especially for the support your established character of 
 integrity would afford me against the attacks of my enemies, if this treaty takes 
 place, and I am to act in it, I wish for your presence, and for the presence of as 
 many of the commissioners as possible, and I hope you will re-consider and change 
 your resolution. In the mean time, as you have had opportunities of conversing 
 with the new ministers, and other leading people in England, and of learning their 
 sentiments relating to terms of peace, &c., I request you would inform me by 
 letters of what you think important. Letters from you will come safer by the 
 court courier than by the post ; and I desire you would, if you should determine 
 not. to act, communicate to me your ideas of the terms to be insisted on, and the 
 points to be attended to, respecting commerce, fisheries, boundaries, &c., every other 
 material circumstance, that may be of importance to all or any of the United 
 States. 
 
 Lord Shelburne having written to me on the subject of the wished for peace, I 
 acquainted him in my answer sent by our friend, Mr. Oswald, that you were one of 
 the commissioners appointed by Congress, to treat with Britain, and that I imagined 
 his lordship would therefore think it proper to discharge you entirely from the 
 obligations you entered into when you were admitted to bail, that you might be 
 at liberty to act freely in the commission. lie wrote to me in reply that you were 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 345 
 
 accordingly discharged immediately. His lordship mentioned nothing of any exchange 
 being expected for you ; nevertheless I honour your sensibility on the point, and 
 your concern for the credit of America, that she should not be outdone in generosity 
 by Britain, and will cheerfully join with you in any act that you may think proper to 
 discharge in return for the parole of Lord Cornwallis, as far as in our power may 
 lie ; but as we have no express authority for that purpose, and the Congress may 
 possibly in the mean time have made some other arrangement relative to his ex 
 change, I conceive that our act should contain a clause reserving lo Congress the 
 final approbation or disallowance of the proceeding. And I have some doubt 
 whether Lord Cornwallis will think himself well freed from his engagement and at 
 
 <<r^fr * 
 
 liberty to exercise his military employments, by virtue of any concessions in his favour, 
 made by persons who are not vested with authority for that purpose. So that on the 
 whole perhaps the best and surest way will be our writing immediately to Congress, 
 and strongly recommending the measure. However, I will do what you shall think 
 best, 
 
 I heartily wish you success in any endeavours you may use in Holland for rais 
 ing a loan of money. We have pressed rather hard on this court, and we still want 
 more than they can conveniently spare us. But I am sorry that too scrupulous a 
 regard to our wants and difficulties should induce you under the present infirmity 
 of your lower limbs, to deny yourself the necessary comfort of an easy carriage, 
 rather than make any use of the public assistance, when the public must be in your 
 debt. I beg you would get over that difficult} and take of me what you may 
 have occasion for. 
 
 The letter you forwarded to me, was from America s constant friend the good 
 Bishop of St. Asaph. He speaks of you in terms of the highest esteem and 
 respect. 
 
 Mr. Oswald is gone back to London, but intended to return immediately. Mr. 
 Grenville remains here, and has received power to treat ; but no farther steps can 
 be taken till Spain and Holland have rrapowered ministers for the same purpose. 
 I shall inform you and Mr. Adarns (if he does not come) of the proceedings from 
 time to time, and request your counsels in case of any difficulty. 
 
 I hope you will not think of hazarding a return to America, before a peace, if 
 we find any hopes of its being soon obtained. And that if you do not find you can 
 be useful in the manner you wish in Holland you will make me happy by your 
 company and counsels here. 
 
 With great and sincere esteem, I have the honour to be, Sir, c. &c. B, F. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 X 
 
346 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLJN. 
 
 May <2,6, I received the following from Mr. Hartley. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, London, May l:>, 1782. 
 
 I writ to you a long letter dated May 1, 1782. by Mr. 
 
 Laurens who left London on Saturday last, but I will add a few lines now bv a 
 conveyance which will I believe overtake him, just to tell you two or three things 
 which I believe I omitted in my last. Perhaps they may not be of any conse 
 quence, but as they relate to my own conduct I would wish to have you under 
 stand them. After several conferences with the late ministry I gave in the paper 
 called the breviate on the 7th of February ; but I never received any answer from 
 them. They resigned on the 20th of March. Upon the accession of the new 
 ministry I heard nothing from them upon the subject ; nor did I apply to them. I 
 did not know whether that paper would not come into their hands by succession, 
 and I doubted whether it might not be more proper for me to wait till I heard from 
 them. While I remained doubtful about this, I received your letters which 
 determined me to go to Lord Shclburne. (This was about the beginning of the 
 present month.) I communicated to him some extracts such as those about the 
 prisoners &c, and likewise the whole of your letter of the 13th of April, containing 
 the offer of the late ministry, the king of France s answer, together with your 
 reflections on the conclusion respecting peace. As yon had given me a general 
 permission I left with him a copy of the whole letter. Upon the occasion of this 
 interview Lord Shelburne told me that he had made much enquiry in the offices 
 for the correspondences and papers which had passed between the late ministry and 
 me, but that he could not meet with them. He expressed a regret that he had not 
 conversed with rne at an earlier day ; with many civilities of that kind. In short 
 I had been backward to intrude myself, and he expressed regret that he had not 
 sent to me. L T pon this opening on his part, I stated to him the substance of what 
 had passed between the late ministry and myself and I left a copy of the breviate 
 with him. He gave me a very attentive audience, and I took that opportunity of 
 stating my sentiments to him, as far as I could, upon every view of the question. 
 Upon his expressing regret that he had not seen me sooner, I told him that I always 
 had been, and always should be, most ready to give any assistance in my power 
 towards the work of peace. I say the same to you. I do not believe that there is 
 any difference in sentiment between you and me personally, in our own minds upon 
 independence, &c. &c. But we belong to different communities, and the right of 
 judgment or of consent and dissent is vested in the community. Divide indepen- 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDKNCE.-^PART III. 347 
 
 dence into six millions of shares, and you should have been heartily welcome to my 
 s-hare from the very beginning of the war. Divide Canada into six millions of 
 shares, I could find a better method of disposing of my share, than by offering it to 
 France to abandon America. Divide the rock of Gibraltar into six millions of 
 pieces, I can only answer for one portion. Let reason and equity decide in any 
 such case, as universal umpires between contending parties, and those who wish 
 well to the permanent peace of mankind, will not refuse to give and to receive 
 equal justice. 
 
 I agree with you, that the equitable and philosophical principles of politics can 
 alone form a solid foundation of permanent peace, and that the contraries to them, 
 though highly patronized by nations themselves, and their ministers, are no better 
 than vulgar errors. But nations are slow to convictions from the personal argu 
 ments of individuals. They are "jealous in honour, seeking that bubble reputation 
 even in the cannon s mouth." But until a confirmed Millennium founded upon wiser 
 principles shall be generally established, the reputation of nations is not merely a bub 
 ble. It forms their real security. To apply this all in one word, let all nations agree 
 with one accord to beat their swords into plough-shares, and their spears into pruning 
 books or give me wooden walls to Great Britain. I have nothing farther to add. 
 My reason for writing this was just to communicate to you, in what position I had 
 delivered over my conference and arguments with the late ministry into the hands 
 of the present. And I will conclude with your own words : may God send us all 
 more wisdom. I am ever most affectionately yours, D. HARTLEY. 
 
 The same day Mr. Grenville visited me. lie acquainted me that his courier was 
 returned, and had brought him full powers to treat for a peace with France and 
 her allies. That he had been to Versailles and had shown his power to M. de 
 Vergennes, and left a copy with him. That he had also a letter of credence which 
 he was not to deliver till France should think fit to send a minister of the same kind 
 to London ; that M. de Vergennes had told him he would lay it before the king, 
 and had desired to see him again on Wednesday. That Mr. Oswald had arrived 
 in London about an hour before the courier came away. That Mr. Fox in his 
 letter had charged him to thank me for that which I had written, and to tell me 
 he hoped I would never forget that he and I were of the same country. I answered 
 that I should always esteem it an honour to be owned ?is a countryman by Mr. 
 Fox. He had requested at our last interview that if I saw no impropriety in doing 
 it, I would favor him with a sight of J;he treaty of alliance between France and 
 
348 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 America. I acquainted him that it was printed, but if he could not readily meet 
 with a copy, I would have one written for him. And as he had not been able to 
 find one, I this day gave it to him. He lent rne a London Gazette, containing 
 Admiral Rodney s account of his victoryoverM.de Grasse, and the accounts of 
 other successes in the East Indies, assuring me however that those events made not 
 the least change in the sincere desire of his court to treat for peace. 
 
 In the afternoon the Marquis de la Fayette called upon me. I acquainted him 
 with what Mr. Grenville had told me respecting his confidential letter, and the 
 expectation that a person on the part of this court would be sent to London with 
 a commission similar to his. The Marquis told me that he was on his way to 
 Versailles, and should see M. de Vergeunes. We concluded that it would now be 
 proper fur him to make the proposition we had before talked of, that he should be 
 the person employed in that service. 
 
 On Monday the 27th I received a letter from Mr. Jay dated the 8th, acquaint 
 ing me, that he had received mine of the 21st, and 22d past, and had concluded to 
 set out for Paris about the 19th, so that he may be expected in a few days. 
 
 I dined this day with Count d Estaing, and a number of brave marine officers 
 that he had invited. We were all a little dejected and chagrined with the news. 
 I mentioned by way of encouragement the observation of the Turkish Bashaw 
 who was taken with his fleet at Lepanto by the Venitians. " Ships" says he, 
 "are like my master s beard, you may cut it, but it will grow again. He has cut 
 off from your government all the Morea, which is like a limb that you will never 
 recover." And his words proved true. 
 
 On Tuesday I dined at Versailles with some friends, so was not at home when 
 the Marquis de la Fayette called to acquaint me, that M. de V. informed him 
 that the full power received by Mr. Grenville from London, related to France 
 only. The Marquis left for me this information, which I could not understand. 
 
 On Wednesday I was at court and saw the copy of the power. It appeared 
 full with regard to treating with France, but mentioned not a word of her allies. 
 And as M. de Vergennes had explicitly and constantly from the beginning 
 declared to the several messengers, Mr. Forth, Mr. Oswald, and Mr. Grenville, 
 that France could only treat in concert with her allies, and it had in consequence 
 been declared on the part of the British ministry, that they consented to treat for 
 a general peace, and at Paris, the sending this partial power appeared to be 
 invidious, and a mere invention to occasion delay, the late disaster to the French 
 fleet having probably given the court of England fresh courage, and other views. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 34.9 
 
 M. de Vcrgennes said he should see Mr. Grenville on Thursday, and would speak 
 his mind to him on the subject very plainly. "They want," says he, " to treat 
 with us for you ; but this the king will not agree to. He thinks it not consistent 
 with the dignity of your state. You will treat for yourselves: and every one of 
 the powers at war witli England will make its own treaty. All that i* necessary 
 to ho observed for our common security is, that the treaties go hand in hand, and 
 are signed all on the same day." 
 
 Prince Bariatinski, the Russian ambassador, was particularly civil to me this day 
 nt court ; apoligizecl for what had passed relating to the visit, expressed himself 
 extremely sensible of my friendship in covering the affair, which might have occasi 
 oned to him very disagreeable consequences &c. The Compte du Nord, came to 
 M. de Vergennes s while we were taking coffee after dinner. He appears lively and 
 active. There was an opera at night for his entertainment. The house being 
 richly finished with abundance of carving and gilding, well illuminated with wax 
 tapers, and the company all superbly dressed, many of the men in cloth of tissue, 
 and the ladies sparkling with diamonds, formed altogether the most splendid 
 spectacle my eyes ever beheld. 
 
 I had some little conference to day with M. M. Berkenrode, Vanderpierre, and 
 Boeris, the ambassadors of Holland, and the agents of the Dutch East India 
 Company. They informed me that the second letter of Mr. Fox to the mediating 
 minister of Russia, proposing a separate peace with Holland, made no more 
 impression than the first, and no peace would be made but in concurrence with 
 France. 
 
 The Swedish minister told me, he expected orders from his court relative to a 
 treaty, c. 
 
 I had at our last interview given Mr. Grenville a rendezvous for Saturday morn 
 ing, and having some other engagements for Thursday and Friday, though I wished 
 to speak with him on the subject of his power, I did not go to him, but waited his 
 coming to me on Saturday. On Friday May 31, Mr. Oswald called on me, being 
 just returned, and brought me the following letter from D. fyTartley Esq, and two 
 letters from Lord Shelburne, the first of which had been written before Mr. O s 
 arrival in London. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ES.Q. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, London, May 25, 1782. 
 
 Yours of the 13th instant I received bv Mr. Oswald. I did 
 
Sv50 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 not doubt but that the news of a general and absolute release of the American 
 prisoners which Lord Shelburne was so good to communicate to me, in answer to 
 that part of your letter of the 5th of April in which you speak so pathetically of 
 sweet reconciliation, would give you much sincere and heartfelt pleasure. God 
 send that it may be the happy omen of final reconciliation and durable peace. I 
 should be very happy to hear that good news from you, and in any way to con 
 tribute to it. Having on that subject communicated, the preliminaries dated May 
 1782, to Lord Shelburne, you may be assured that I have no reservations upon 
 that head respecting America, in any circumstances or condition whatever. You 
 know all my thoughts upon that subject, and the principles upon which they are 
 founded, and therefore that they are not changeable. 
 
 It would give me the greatest pleasure if I could hope for any opportunity of 
 seeing you. I could say many things which are otherwise incommunicable, and 
 which perhaps would contribute to facilitate the road to peace. I think I see, in 
 many parts, much matter to work with, out of which a peace, honourable to all parties, 
 and upon durable principles, might be established. No degrading or mortifying 
 conditions, to shorten peace and rekindle war. Perhaps I might not say too much 
 if I were to add that simply the adoption of reason among nations, and the mere 
 rectification of obsolete and gothic absurdities, which carry no gratification, would 
 afford a fund of remuneration to all parties for renouncing those objects of mutual 
 contention, which, in the eye of reason, are no better than creatures of passion, 
 jealousy and false pride. Until the principles of reason and equity shall be adopted 
 in national transactions, peace will not be durable amongst men. 
 
 These are reflections general to all nations. As to the mutual concerns between 
 G. B. and N. A., reconciliation is the touch-stone to prove those hearts which are 
 without alloy. If I can be of any assistance to you in any communications or 
 explanations conducive to peace, you may command my utmost services. Even 
 if a French minister were to over hear such an offer, let him not take it in jealous 
 part. Zealously and affectionately attached to my own country and to America, I 
 am nevertheless most perfectly of accord with you, that justice and honour should 
 be observed towards all nations. Mr. Oswald will do me the favour to convey 
 this to you. I heartily wish him success in his pacific embassy. Yours ever most 
 affectionately, G. B. 
 
 Preliminaries (mentioned above) May 1782. 
 1. That the British troops shall be withdrawn from the thirteen provinces of 
 
rUlVATK CORRESPONDENCE.- PART III. 351 
 
 North America, and a truce made between Great Britain and the said provinces 
 for T ^- years. 
 
 2. That a negotiation for peace shall bona fide be opened between Great Britain 
 and the allies of America. 
 
 3. If the proposed negociation between Great Britain and the allies of America 
 should not succeed so as to produce peace, but that war should continue between the 
 said parties ; that America should act and be treated as a neutral nation. 
 
 4. That whenever peace shall take place between Great Britain and the allies of 
 America, the truce between Great Britain and America shall be converted into a 
 perpetual peace, the independence of America shall be admitted and guaranteed 
 by Great Britain and a commercial treaty settled between them. 
 
 5. That these propositions shall be made to the court of France for communi 
 cation to the American commissioners, and for an answer to the court of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 FROM LORD SHELBURNE, TO B. FRANKLIN, ESQ. 
 SIR, Whitehall, May 21, 1782. 
 
 I am honoured with your letter of the 1 1th instant, and am 
 
 very glad to find, that the conduct which the king has empowered me to observe 
 towards Mr. Laurens and the American prisoners has given you pleasure. 
 
 I have signified to Mr. Oswald his Majesty s pleasure, that he shall continue at 
 Paris till he receives orders from hence to return. 
 
 In the present state of this business there is nothing left for me to add but my 
 sincere wishes for a happy issue, and to repeat my assurances, that nothing shall be 
 wanting on my part, which can contribute to it. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with very great regard, Sir, your most obedient humble 
 servant, SHELBURNE. 
 
 FROM LORD SHELBUUXE TO B. FRANKLIN, ESQ. 
 SIR, Whitehall, May 6, 1782. 
 
 I have the honour to receive your letter of the 13th May by 
 Mr. Oswald. 
 
 It gives me great pleasure to find my opinion of the moderation, prudence, and 
 judgment of that gentleman confirmed by your concurrence. For I am glad to 
 
 1 Suppose ton or twenty years. 
 
352 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIX, 
 
 assure you, that we likewise concur in hoping that those qualities may enable him 
 to contribute to the speedy conclusion of a peace, and such a peace as may be firm 
 and long lasting. In that hope he has the king s orders to return immediately to 
 Paris, and you will find him, I trust, properly instructed to co-operate to so desirable 
 an object. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with very sincere respect and esteem, dear Sir, your 
 most obedient, humble servant, SHELBUUXE. 
 
 I had not then time to converse with Mr. Oswald and he promised to come and 
 breakfast with me on Monday. 
 
 Saturday June 1st, Mr. Grenvillc came according to appointment. Our conver 
 sation began by my acquainting him that I had seen M. de Vergennes, and had 
 perused the copy left with him of the power to treat. That after what Mr. 
 Gcenville had told me, of its being to treat with France and her allies, I was a 
 little surprized to find in it no mention of the allies, and that it was only to treat 
 with the king of France and his ministers : that at Versailles there was some 
 suspicion of its being intended to occasion delay, the professed desire of speedy 
 peace being perhaps abated in the British court since its late successes ; but that I 
 imagined the words relating to the allies might have been accidentally omitted in 
 transcribing, or that perhaps he had a special power to treat with us distinct from 
 the other. He answered, that the copy was right, and that he had no such special 
 power in form, but that his instructions were full to that purpose, and that he was 
 sure the ministers had no desire of delay, nor any of excluding us from the treaty, 
 since the greatest part of those instructions related to treating with me. That to 
 convince me of the sincerity of his court respecting us, he would acquaint me with 
 pne of his instructions, though perhaps the doing it now was premature and there 
 fore a little inconsistent with the character of a politician, but he had that confidence 
 in me, that he should not hesitate to inform me (though he wished that at present 
 it should go no farther) he was instructed to acknowledge the independence of 
 America, previous to the commencement of the treaty. And he said, he could 
 only account for the omission of America in the power, by supposing that it was 
 an old official form copied from that given to Mr, Stanley when he came over 
 hither before the last peace. Mr. Greuville added that he had immediately after 
 his interview with M. de Vergennes dispatched a courier to London, and hoped 
 that with his return the difficulty would be removed. That he was perfectly assured 
 their late success had made uo change iu the disposition of his court to peace , and 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 353 
 
 that he had more reason than M. de Vergennes to complain of delay, since five 
 days were spent before he could obtain a passport for his courier, and then it was 
 not to go and return by way of Calais, but to go by Ostend, which would occasion 
 a delay of five days longer. Mr. Grenville then spoke much of the high opinion 
 the present ministry had of me, and their great esteem for me ; their desire of a 
 perfect reconciliation between the two countries, and the firm and general belief in 
 England, that no man was so capable as myself of proposing the proper means of 
 bringing about such a reconciliation ; adding, that if the old ministers had formerly 
 been too little attentive to my counsels, the present were very differently disposed, 
 and he hoped that in treating with them I would totally forget their predecessors. 
 The time has been when such flattering language from great men, might have 
 made me vainer, and had more effect on my conduct than it can at present, when 
 I find myself so near the end of life, as to esteem lightly all personal interests and 
 concerns, except that of maintaining to the last, and leaving behind me, the tolerably 
 good character I have hitherto supported. 
 
 Mr. G. then discoursed of our resolution not to treat without our allies. This, 
 says he, can properly only relate to France, with whom you have a treaty of 
 alliance, but you have none with Spain, you have none with Holland. If Spain and 
 Holland, and even if France should insist on unreasonable terms of advantage to 
 themselves, after you have obtained all you want, and are satisfied, can it be right 
 that America should be dragged on in a war of their interests only ? He stated this 
 matter in various lights and pressed it earnestly. I resolved from various reasons to 
 evade the discussion, therefore answered, that the intended treaty not being yet 
 begun, it appeared unnecessary to enter at present into considerations of that kind. 
 The preliminaries being once settled and the treaty commenced, if any of the 
 other powers should make extravagant demands on England, and insist on our 
 continuing the war till those were complied with, it would then be time enough for 
 us to consider what our obligations were, and how far they extended. The first 
 thing necessary was for him to procure the full powers, the next for us to assemble 
 the plenipotentiaries of all the belligerent parties, and then propositions might be 
 mutually made, received, considered, answered, or agreed to. In the mean time I 
 would just mention to him, that though we were yet under no obligations to Spain 
 by treaty, we were under obligations of gratitude for the assistance she had afforded 
 us ; and as Mr. Adams had some weeks since commenced a treaty in Holland, the 
 terms of which I was not yet acquainted with, I knew not but that we might have 
 already some alliance and obligations contracted there. And perhaps we ought 
 
 VOL. II. 2Y 
 
354 MEMOIltS OF BKNJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 however to have some consideration for Holland on this account ; that it was in 
 vengeance for the friendly disposition shown by some of her people to make a treaty 
 of commerce with us, that England had declared the war against her. He said it 
 would be hard upon England, if having given reasonable satisfaction to one or two 
 of her four enemies, she could not have peace with those till she had complied with 
 Tphatever the others might demand, however unreasonable ; for so she might be 
 obliged to pay for every article four-fold. I observed that when she made her 
 propositions, the more advantageous they were to each, the more it would be the 
 interest of each to prevail with the others to accept those offered to them. We then 
 spoke of the reconciliation, but his full power not being yet come, I chose to defer 
 entering upon that subject at present. I told him I had thoughts of putting down 
 in writing the particulars that I judged would conduce to that end, and of adding 
 my reasons ; that this required a little time and I had been hindered by accidents, 
 which was true, for I had begun to write, but had postponed it on account of his 
 defective power to treat. But I promised to finish it as soon as possible. He 
 pressed me earnestly to do it, saying an expression of mine in a former conversation 
 that " there still remained roots of good will in America towards England, which if 
 j>roperly takes care of might produce a reconciliation," had made a great impression 
 on his mind, and given him infinite pleasure, and he hoped I would not neglect 
 furnishing him with the information of what would be necessary to nourish those 
 roots, and could assure me, that rny advice would be greatly regarded. 
 
 Mr. Grenville had shown me at our last interview a letter from the Duke of 
 Richmond to him, requesting him to prevail with me, to disengage a Captain 
 Macleod of the artillery from his parole, the Duke s brother, Lord George Lenox 
 being appointed to the command of Portsmouth, and desiring to have him as his 
 aid-de-camp. I had promised to consider of it, and this morning I sent him the 
 following letter. 
 
 SIR, Passy, May 31, t782. 
 
 I do not find that I have any express authority to absolve a 
 parole given by an English officer in America. But desirous of complying with a 
 request of the Duke of Richmond as far as in my power, and being confident that 
 the Congress will be pleased with whatever may oblige a personage they so much 
 respect, I do hereby consent that Captain Macleod serve in his military capacity, in 
 England only, till the pleasure of the Congress is known, to whom I will write 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 355 
 
 immediately, and who I make no doubt will discharge him entirely. I have the 
 honour to be, &c. &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 , . JfcUr 1 .. .*! urfj or>,-i3l.,i,", :. t: \ . .,< >, . liUt !*.:,-*# M-)*<)tj<tv- -.V-l) 
 
 America had been constantly befriended in parliament by the Duke of Richmond, 
 and I believed the Congress would not be displeased that this opportunity was 
 taken of obliging him, and that they would by their approbation, supply the defi 
 ciency of my power. Besides, I could not well refuse it after what had passed 
 between Mr. Laurens and me, and what I had promised to do for the satisfaction 
 of that gentleman. 
 
 Sunday, June 2. The Marquis de la Fayette called and dined with me. He 
 is uneasy about the delay, as he cannot resolve concerning his voyage to America, 
 till some certainty appears of there being a treaty, or no treaty. 
 
 This day, I wrote the following letter to Mr. Adams. 
 
 SIR, I? assy, June 2, 1782.. 
 
 Since mine of May 8 I have not had any thing material to 
 
 communicate to your Excellency. Mr. Grenville indeed arrived just after I had 
 dispatched that letter, and I introduced him to M. de Vergennes ; but as his 
 mission seemed only a repetition of that by Mr. Oswald, the same declarations of 
 the King of England s sincere desire of peace, and willingness to treat of a general 
 pacification with all the powers at war, and to treat at Paris, which were answered 
 by the same declarations of the good dispositions of this Court ; and that it could 
 not treat without the concurrence of its allies, I omitted writing till something 
 should be produced from a kind of agreement, that M. de Vergennes would 
 acquaint Spain and Holland of the overture, and that Mr. Grenville would write 
 for full powers to treat and make propositions, &c. nothing of importance being in 
 the mean time to be transacted. 
 
 Mr. Grenville accordingly dispatched a messenger for London, who returned in 
 about twelve days. Mr. G. called on me after having been at Versailles, and 
 acquainted me, that he had received the power, and had left a copy of it with M. 
 de Vergennes, and that he was thereby authorized to treat with France and her 
 allies. The next time I went to Versailles I desired to see that copy, and was 
 surprized to find in it no mention of the allies of France or any one of them ; and on 
 speaking with M. de Vergennes about it, I found he began to look upon the 
 whole as a piece of artifice to amuse us, and gain time, since he had uniformly 
 declared to every agent who had appeared here, viz. to Forth, Oswald, and 
 
356 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Grenville, that the King would not treat without the concurrence of his allies, and 
 yet England had given a power to treat with France only, which showed that she 
 did not intend to treat at all, but meant to continue the war. I had not till yesterday 
 an opportunity of talking with Mr. Grenville on the subject, and expressing my 
 wonder, after what he told me, that there should be no mention made of our states 
 in his Commission : he could not explain this to my satisfaction, but said he 
 believed the omission was occasioned by their copying an old commission given to 
 Mr. Stanley at the last treaty of peace, for that he was sure, the intention was, 
 that he should treat with us, his instructions being fully to that purpose. I 
 acquainted him that I thought a special commission was necessary, without which 
 we could not treat with him. I imagine that there is a reluctance in their King to 
 take this first step, as the giving such a commission would itself be a kind of 
 acknowledgment of our Independence ; their late success against Count de Grasse 
 may also have given them hopes that by delay, and more successes they may make 
 that acknowledgment and a peace less necessary. 
 
 Mr. Grenville has written to his Court for farther instructions. We shall see 
 what the return of his couriers will produce. If full power to treat with each of the 
 powers at war against England does not appear, I imagine the negotiation will be 
 broken off. 
 
 Mr. G. in his conversations with me, insists much on our being under no engage 
 ments not to make peace without Holland. I have answered that I know not but 
 you may have entered into some, and that if there should be none, a general paci 
 fication made at the same time, would be best for us all ; and that I believe neither 
 Holland nor We could be prevailed on to abandon our friends. What happens 
 farther shall be immediately communicated. Be pleased to present my respects to 
 Mr. Laurens, to whom I wrote some days since. Mr. Jay I suppose is on his way 
 hither. With great respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, your Excellency s &c. 
 &c. &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 On Monday the 3rd Mr. Oswald came according to appointment. He told me 
 he had seen and had conversations with Lord Shelburne, Lord Rockingham, and 
 Mr. Fox. That their desire of peace continued uniformly the same, though he 
 thought some of them were a little too much elated with the late victory in the West 
 Indies ; and when observing his coolness they asked him, if he did not think it a 
 very good thing; yes, says he, if you do not rate it too high. He went on with 
 the utmost frankness to tell me, that the peace was absolutely necessary for them. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 357 
 
 That the nation had been foolishly involved in four wars, and would no longer 
 raise money to carry them on, so that if they continued it would be absolutely neces 
 sary to stop payment of the interest money on the funds, which would ruin their 
 future credit. He spoke of stopping on all sums above 1000/. and continuing to 
 pay on those below ; because the great sums belonged to the rich, who could better 
 bear the delay of their interest ; and the smaller sums to poorer persons who would 
 be more hurt, and make more clamour ; and that the rich might be quieted by 
 promising them interest upon their interest. All this looked as if the matter had 
 been seriously thought on : Mr. Oswald has an air of great simplicity and honesty, 
 yet I could hardly take this to be merely a weak confession of their deplorable 
 state ; and thought it might be intended as a kind of intimidation, by showing us 
 that they had stiil that resource in their power, which he said would furnish five 
 millions a year. But he added, our enemies may now do what they please with us, 
 they have the ball at their foot, was his expression, and we hope they will show 
 their moderation, and their magnanimity. He then repeatedly mentioned the great 
 esteem the ministers had for me, that they with all the considerate people of England 
 looked to and depended on me for the means of extricating the nation from its 
 present desperate situation, and that perhaps no single man had ever in his hands 
 an opportunity of doing so much good, as I had at this present, with much more 
 to that purpose : he then showed me a letter to him from Lord Shelburne, partly 
 I suppose that I might see his Lordship s opinion of me, which as it has some 
 relation to the negociation is here inserted. He left it with me requesting that I 
 
 would communicate it to Mr. Walpole. 
 
 .... . // . 
 
 SIR, Whitehall, May<l\, 1782. 
 
 It has reached me that Mr. Walpole esteems himself much 
 injured by your going to Paris, and that he conceives it was a measure of mine 
 intended to take the present negociation with the Court of France out of his hands, 
 which he conceives to have been previously commenced through his channel by Mr. 
 Fox. I must desire that you will have the goodness to call upon Mr. Walpole, and 
 explain to him distinctly, how very little foundation there is for so unjust a suspicion, 
 as I know of no such intercourse. Mr. Fox declares, he considered what had 
 passed between him and Mr. Walpole of a mere private nature, not sufficiently 
 material to mention to the King or the cabinet, and will write to Mr. Walpole to 
 explain this distinctly to him. But if you find the least suspicion of this kind has 
 reached Dr. Franklin, or M. le Comte de Vergennes, I desire this matter may be 
 
358 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 clearly explained to both. I have too much friendship for Dr. Franklin, and too 
 much respect for the character of M. le Comte de Vergennes with which I am 
 perfectly acquainted, to be so indifferent to the good opinion of either, as to suffer 
 them to believe me capable of an intrigue, where I have both professed and 
 observed a direct opposite conduct. In truth I hold it in such perfect contempt, 
 that however proud I may be to serve the King in my present station or in any 
 other, and however anxious I may be to serve my country, I should not hesitate a 
 moment about retiring from any situation which required such services. But I must 
 do the King the justice to say, that his Majesty abhors them, and I need not tell 
 you, that it is my fixed principle that no country in any moment can be advantaged 
 by them. I am, with great truth and regard, Sir, your most obedient humble 
 servant, SHELBUUNE. 
 
 Richard Oswald, Esq. 
 
 In speaking farther of the ministry s opinion of the great service it might be in 
 my power to render, Mr. Oswald said he had told them in one of his conversations, 
 that nothing was to be expected of me but consistence, nothing unsuitable to my 
 character, or inconsistent with my duty to my country ; I did not ask him the 
 particular occasion of his saying this, but thought it looked a little as if something 
 inconsistent with my duty had been talked of or proposed. 
 
 Mr. Oswald also gave me a copy of a paper of memorandums written by Lord 
 Shelburne, viz. 
 
 1. That I am ready to correspond more particularly with Dr. Franklin if 
 wished. 
 
 2. That the enabling act is passing with the insertion of Commissioners recom 
 mended by Mr. Oswald, and on our part Commissioners will be named, or any 
 character given to Mr. Oswald, which Dr. Franklin and he may judge conducive to 
 a final settlement of things between Great Britain and America. Which Dr. 
 Franklin very properly says requires to be treated in a very different manner from 
 the peace between Great Britain and France, who have been always at enmity with 
 each other. 
 
 3. That an establishment for the loyalists must always be upon Mr. Oswald s 
 mind, as it is uppermost in Lord Shelburne s, besides other steps in their favour, 
 to influence the several States to agree to a fair restoration or compensation for 
 whatever confiscations have taken place. 
 
 4. To give Lord Shelburne s letter about Mr. Walpole to Dr. Franklin, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 359 
 
 On perusing this paper, I recollected that a bill had been some time since 
 proposed in parliament to enable his Majesty to conclude a peace or truce with the 
 revolted Colonies in America, which I supposed to be the enabling bill mentioned ; 
 that had hitherto slept, and not having been passed was perhaps the true reason why 
 the Colonies were not mentioned in Mr. Grenville s commission. Mr. Oswald 
 thought it likely, and said that the words " insertion of Commissioners recommended 
 by Mr. Oswald" related to his advising an express mention in the bill of the 
 commissioners appointed by Congress to treat of peace, instead of the vague 
 denominations of any person or persons, &c. in the first draft of the bill. As to the 
 loyalists I repeated what I said to him when first here, that their estates had been 
 confiscated by the laws made in the particular States where the delinquents had 
 resided, and not by any law of Congress, who indeed had no power either to make 
 such laws, or to repeal them, or to dispense with them, and therefore could give 
 no power to their Commissioners to treat of a restoration for those people : that it 
 was an affair appertaining to each State. That if there were justice in compensating 
 them, it must be due from England rather than from America ; but in my opinion 
 England was not under any very great obligations to them, since it was by their 
 misrepresentations and bad counsels that she had been drawn into this miserable 
 war. And that if an account was to be brought against us for their losses, we 
 should more than balance it, by an account of the ravages they had committed all 
 along the coasts of America. Mr. Oswald agreed to the reasonableness of all this, 
 and said he had, before he came away, told the ministers, that he thought no 
 recompence to those people was to be expected from us; that he had also, in 
 consequence of our former conversation on that subject, given it as his opinion that 
 Canada should be given up to the United States, as it would prevent the occasions 
 of future difference, and as the government of such a country was worth nothing, 
 and of no importance if they could have there a free commerce ; that the Marquis 
 of Rockingham and Lord Shelburne, though they spoke reservedly, did not seem 
 very averse to it; but that Mr. Fox seemed startled at the proposition. He was 
 however not without hopes that it would be agreed to. 
 
 We now came to another article of the note, viz. " On our part Commissioners 
 will be named, or any character given to Mr. Oswald which Dr. Franklin and he 
 may judge conducive to a final settlement of things between Great Britain and 
 America." This he said was left entirely to me, for he had no will in the affair ; 
 he did not desire to be farther concerned than to see it en train ; he had no 
 personal views either of honour or profit. He had now seen and conversed with 
 
360 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Mr. Grenville, thought him a very sensible young gentleman, and very capable of 
 the business; he did not therefore see any farther occasion there was for himself; 
 but if I thought otherwise, and conceived he might be farther useful, he was 
 content to give his time and service in any character or manner I should think 
 proper. I said his knowledge of America, where he had lived, and with every part 
 of which and of its commerce and circumstances he was well acquainted, made me 
 think that in persuading the ministry to things reasonable relating to that country, 
 he could speak or write with more weight than Mr. Grenville, and therefore I 
 wished him to continue in the service : and I asked him whether he would like to 
 be joined in a general commission for treating with all the powers at war with 
 England, or to have a special commission to himself for treating with America 
 only : he said he did not chuse to be concerned in treating with the foreign powers, 
 for he was not sufficiently a master of their affairs, or of the French language, which 
 probably would be used in treating ; if therefore he accepted of any commission it 
 should be that of treating with America. I told him I would write to Lord 
 Shelburne on the subject, but Mr. Grenville having some time since dispatched a 
 courier partly on account of the commission, who was not yet returned, I thought 
 it well to wait a few days till we could see what answer he would bring or what 
 measures were taken ; this he approved of. The truth is, he appears so good and 
 so reasonable a man, that though I have no objection to Mr. Grenville, I should 
 be loth to lose Mr. Oswald. He seems to have nothing at heart but the good of 
 mankind, and putting a stop to mischief; the other, a young statesman, may be 
 supposed to have naturally a little ambition of recommending himself as an able 
 negociator. 
 
 In the afternoon Mr. Boeris of Holland, called on me and acquainted me that 
 the answer had not yet been given to the last memorial from Russia, relating to the 
 mediation ; but it was thought it would be in respectful terms to thank her Imperial 
 Majesty for her kind offers, and to represent the propriety of their connection with 
 France in endeavours to obtain a general peace, and that they conceived it would 
 be still more glorious for her Majesty to employ her influence in procuring a general 
 than a partial pacification. Mr. Boeris farther informed me, that they were not 
 well satisfied in Holland with the conduct of the Russian Court, and suspected 
 views of continuing the war for particular purposes. 
 
 Tuesday, June 4. I received another packet from Mr. Hartley. It consisted of 
 duplicates of the former letters and papers already inserted, and contained nothing 
 new but the following letter from Colonel Hartley, his brother, viz. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.- PART 111. 361 
 
 DEAR SIR, Soho Square, May 24, 1782. 
 
 It is with the greatest pleasure I take up my pen to 
 
 acknowledge your remembrance of me in yours to my brother, and to thank you 
 for those expressions of regard xvhich I can assure you are mutual. My brother has 
 desired me to copy some letters and papers by way of sending you duplicates. I 
 am particularly happy at the employment, because the greatest object of my par 
 liamentary life has been to co-operate with him in his endeavours to put a period to 
 this destructive war, and forward the blessed work of peace. I hope to see him 
 again in that situation where he can so well serve his country with credit to himself, 
 and while I have the honour of being in parliament, my attention will be continued 
 to promote the effects, which will naturally flow from those principles of freedom 
 and universal philanthropy you have both so much supported. While I copy his 
 words my own feelings and judgment are truly in unison, and I have but to add 
 the most ardent wish that peace and happiness may crown the honest endeavours 
 towards so desirable an end. I am, dear Sir, with the greatest respect and 
 esteem, yours sincerely, W. H. HARTLEY. 
 
 Dr. Franklin. 
 
 r-i L-jt/ : ii 
 
 Wednesday, June 5. Mr. Oswald called again to acquaint me that Lord 
 Cornwallis being very anxious to be discharged from his parole as soon as possible, 
 had sent me a Major Ross hither to solicit it, supposing Mr. Laurens might be here 
 with me. Mr. Oswald told me, what I had not before heard, that Mr. Laurens 
 while prisoner in the tower, had proposed obtaining the discharge of Lord Corn 
 wallis in exchange for himself, and had promised to use his utmost endeavours to 
 that purpose, in case he was set at liberty, not doubting the success. I commu 
 nicated to Mr. Oswald what had already passed between Mr. Laurens and me 
 respecting Lord Cornwallis ; which appears in the preceding letters, and told him, , 
 I should have made less difficulty about the discharge of his parole, if Mr. Laurens 
 had informed me of his being set at liberty in consequence of such an offer and pro 
 mise; and I wished him to state this in a letter to me, that it might appear for my 
 justification in what I might with Mr. Laurens do in the affair; and that he would 
 procure for me from Major Ross a copy of the parole, that I might be better 
 acquainted with the nature of it. lie accordingly in the afternoon sent me the 
 following letter. 
 
 VOL. II. 2 Z. 
 
362 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 SIR, Paris, June 5, 1782. 
 
 While Mr. Laurens was under confinement in England, he 
 
 O 
 
 promised, that on condition of his being liberated upon his parole, he would apply 
 to you for an exchange in favour of my Lord Cornwallis, by a discharge of his 
 Lordship s granted upon the surrender of his garrison at the village of York in 
 Virginia: and, in case of your being under any difficulty in making such exchange, 
 he undertook to M rite to the Congress, and to request it of that Assembly; making 
 no doubt of obtaining a favourable answer without loss of time. 
 
 This proposal, signed by Mr. Laurens s hand, I carried and delivered, I think, 
 in the month of December last, to his Majesty s then Secretaries of State, which 
 was duly attended to ; and in consequence thereof, Mr. Laurens was soon after set 
 at full liberty. And though not a prisoner under parole, yet it is to be hoped a 
 variation in the mode of discharge will not be supposed of any essential difference. 
 
 And with respect to Mr. Laurens, I am satisfied he will consider himself as much 
 interested in the success of this application as if his own discharge had been 
 obtained under the form as proposed by the representation which I delivered to the 
 Secretaries of State ; and I make no doubt will sincerely join my Lord Corn 
 wallis in an acknowledgment of your favour and good offices in granting his Lordship 
 a full discharge of his parole abovementioned. I have the honour to be, with much 
 respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, RICHARD OSWALD. 
 
 P. S. Major Ross has got no copy of Lord Cornwallis s parole. He says it was 
 in the common form, as in like cases. 
 
 Since writing the above, I recollect I was under a mistake, as if the proposal of 
 exchange came first from Mr. Laurens ; whereas it was made by his Majesty s 
 Secretaries of State to me, that Mr. Laurens should endeavour to procure the 
 exchange of Lord Cornwallis, so as to be discharged himself. Which proposal I 
 carried to Mr. Laurens, and had from him the obligation abovementioned, upon 
 which the mode of his discharge was settled. R. O. 
 
 To which I wrote this answer. 
 
 SIR, Passy, June 6, 1782. 
 
 I received the letter you did me the honour of writing to me, 
 
 respecting the parole of Lord Cornwallis. You are acquainted with what I wrote 
 some time since to Mr. Laurens. To-morrow is post day from Holland, when 
 possibly I may receive an answer, with a paper drawn up by him for the purpose 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 563 
 
 of discharging that parole, to be signed by us jointly. I suppose the staying at 
 Paris another clay will not be very inconvenient to Major Ross; and if I do not 
 hear to-morrow from Mr. Laurens, I will immediately, in compliance with your 
 request, do what I can towards the liberation of Lord Cornwallis. I have the 
 honour to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
 R. Oswald, Esq. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Friday, June 7. Major Ross called upon me, to thank me for the favourable 
 intentions I had expressed in my letter to Mr. Oswald respecting Lord Cornwallis, 
 and to assure me his Lordship would for ever remember it with gratitude, &c. I 
 told him it was our duty to alleviate as much as we could the calamities of war ; 
 that I expected letters from Mr. Laurens relating to the affair, after the receipt of 
 which I would immediately compleat it. Or if I did not hear from Mr. L. I would 
 speak to the Marquis de la Fayette, get his approbation, and finish it without 
 farther waiting. 
 
 Saturday, June 8. I received some newspapers from England, in one of which 
 is the following paragraph. 
 
 Extract from the London Evening Post of May 30, 1782. 
 
 " If reports on the spot speak truth, Mr. Grenville, in his first visit to Dr. 
 Franklin, gained a considerable point of information as to the powers America had 
 retained for treating separately with Great Britain, in case her claims or demands 
 were granted. 
 
 The treaty of February 6, 1778, was made the basis of this conversation; and 
 by the spirit and meaning of this treaty, there is no obligation on America not to 
 treat separately for peace, after she is assured England will grant her independence, 
 and a free commerce with all the world. 
 
 The first article of that treaty engages America and France to be bound to each 
 other as long as circumstances may require ; therefore the granting America all 
 that she asks of England, is breaking the bond by which the circumstances may 
 bind America to France. 
 
 The second article says, the meaning and direct end of the alliance is, to insure 
 the freedom and independence of America. Surely, then, when freedom and 
 independence is allowed by Britain, America may or may not, as she chuses, put 
 an end to the present war between England and America, and leave France to war 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRAXKLIN. 
 
 on through all her mad projects of reducing the power and greatness of England, 
 while America feels herself possessed of what she wishes. 
 
 By the eighth article of the treaty neither France or America can conclude peace 
 without the assent of the other ; and they engage not to lay down their arms, until 
 the independence of America is acknowledged ; but this article does not exclude 
 America from entering into a separate treaty for peace with England, and evinces 
 more strongly than the former article, that America may enter into a separate treaty 
 with England, when she is convinced that England has insured to her, all that she 
 fan reasonably ask." 
 
 I conjecture that this must be an extract from a letter of Mr. Grenville s. But 
 it carries an appearance as if he and I hud agreed in these imaginary discourses of 
 America s being at liberty to make peace without France, &c. Whereas my whole 
 discourse in the strongest terms declared our determinations to the contrary, and 
 the impossibility of our acting not only contrary to the treaty, but the duties of 
 gratitude and honour, of which nothing is mentioned. This young negociator seems 
 to value himself on having obtained from me a copy of the treaty. I gave it him 
 freely, at his request ; it being not so much a secret as he imagined, having been 
 printed, first in all the American papers, soon after it was made ; then at London 
 in Almon s Remembrancer, which I wonder he did not know ; and afterwards in 
 a collection of the American Constitutions published by order of Congress. As such 
 imperfect accounts of our conversations find their way into the English papers, I 
 must speak to this gentleman of its impropriety. 
 
 Sunday, June 9- Dr. Bancroft being intimately acquainted with Mr. Walpole, 
 I this day gave him Lord Shelburne s letter to Mr. Oswald, requesting he would 
 communicate it to that gentleman. Dr. Bancroft said it was believed, both Russia 
 and the Emperor wish the continuance of the war, and aimed at procuring for Eng 
 land a peace with Holland, that England might be better able to continue it 
 against France and Spain. 
 
 The Marquis de la Fayette having proposed to call on me to-day, I kept back 
 the discharge of Lord Cornwallis, which was written and ready, desiring to have 
 his approbation to it, as he had in a former conversation advised it. He did not 
 come, but late in the evening sent me a note, acquainting me, that he had been 
 prevented by accompanying the Great Duke to the review, but would breakfast 
 with me to-morrow morning. 
 
 This day I received a letter from Mr. Dana, dated at St. Petersburgh, April 
 29, in which is the following passage. " We yesterday received the news that the 
 
PIUVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 365 
 
 States General had on the 19th of this month (N. S.) acknowledged the indepen 
 dence of the United States. This event gave a shock here, and is not well received, 
 as they at least profess to have flattered themselves that the mediation would have 
 prevented it, and otherwise brought on a partial peace between Britain and Holland. 
 This resentment will not be productive of any ill consequences to the Dutch 
 republic." It is true that while the war continues Russia feels a greater demand 
 for the naval stores, and perhaps at a higher price : but is it possible that for such 
 petty interests mankind can wish to see their neighbours destroy each other? Or t 
 has the project lately talked of, some foundation, that Russia and the Emperor 
 intend driving the Turks out of Europe; and do they therefore wish to see France 
 and England so weakened as to be unable to assist those people ? 
 
 Monday, June 10. The Marquis de la Fayette did not come till between 11 
 and 12. He brought with him Major Ross. After breakfast he told me (Major 
 Ross being gone into another room) that he had seen Mr. Grenville lately, \vho 
 asked him when he should go to America. That he had answered, " I have stayed 
 here longer than I should otherwise have done, that I might see whether we were 
 to have peace or war, but as I see that the expectation of peace is a joke, and that 
 you only amuse us without any real intention of treating ; I think to stay no longer, 
 but set out in a few days." On which Mr. Grenville assured him, it was no joke, 
 that they were very sincere in their proposal of treating, and that four or five days 
 would convince the Marquis of it. The Marquis then spoke to me about a request 
 of Major Ross s in behalf of himself, Lord Chewton, a lieutenant-colonel, and 
 Lieutenant Haldane, who were aids-de-camp to Lord Cornwallis, that they too 
 might be set at liberty with him. I told the Marquis that he was better acquainted 
 with the custom in such cases than I, and being himself one of the Generals to 
 whom their parole had been given, he had more right to discharge it than I had, and 
 that if he judged it a thing proper to be done, I wished him to do it. He went unto 
 the bureau, saying, he would write something, which he accordingly did. But it 
 was not as I expected, a discharge that he was to sign, it was for me to sign. And 
 the Major not liking that which I had drawn for Lord Cornwallis, because there 
 was a clause in it, reserving to Congress the approbation or disallowance of my act, 
 went away without taking it. Upon which I the next morning wrote the following 
 to Mr. Oswald. 
 
 SIR, Passy, June 11, 1782. 
 
 I did intend to have waited on you this morning to enquire 
 
366 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 after your health, and deliver the inclosed paper relating to the parole of Lord 
 Cormvallis, but being obliged to go to Versailles, I must postpone my visit till to 
 morrow. I do not conceive that I have any authority in virtue of my office here 
 to absolve that parole in any degree : I have therefore endeavoured to found it 
 as well as I could on the express power given me by Congress to exchange General 
 Burgoyne for Mr. Laurens. A reservation is made, of confirmation or disappro 
 bation by Congress, not from any desire in me to restrain the entire liberty of that 
 General ; but because I think it decent and my duty to make such reservation, and 
 that I might otherwise be blamed as assuming a power not given me, if I undertook 
 to discharge absolutely a parole given to Congress, without any authority from 
 them for so doing. With great esteem and respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 your most obedient servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 I have received no answer from Mr. Laurens. 
 
 . 
 
 The following is the paper mentioned in the above letter. 
 
 " The Congress having, by a resolution of the 14th of June last, empowered me 
 to offer an exchange of General Burgoyne for the honourable Mr. Laurens, then a 
 prisoner in the Tower of London, and whose liberty they much desired to obtain ; 
 which exchange, though proposed by me according to the said resolution, had not 
 been accepted or executed, when advice was received that General Burgoyne was 
 exchanged in virtue of another agreement ; and Mr. Laurens having thereupon 
 proposed another Lieutenant-General, viz. Lord Cornwallis, as an exchange for 
 himself, promising that if set at liberty he would do his utmost to obtain a 
 confirmation of that proposal : and Mr. Laurens being soon after discharged, and 
 having since urged me earnestly in several letters, to join with him in absolving the 
 parole of that General, which appears to be a thing just and equitable in itself, and 
 for the honour therefore of our country; I do hereby as far as in my power lies, in 
 virtue of the above-mentioned resolution or otherwise, absolve and discharge the 
 parole of Lord Cornwallis given by him in Virginia ; setting him at entire liberty 
 to act in his civil and military capacity until the pleasure of Congress shallbe 
 known, to whom is reserved the confirmation or disapprobation of this discharge, 
 in case they have made, or shall intend to make a different disposition. Given at 
 Passy, this 9th day of June, 1782. 
 
 (Signed) B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States 
 of America at the Court of France." 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 367 
 
 I did not well comprehend the Major s conduct in refusing this paper. He was 
 come express from London to solicit a discharge of Lord C. s parole. He had said 
 that his Lordship was very anxious to obtain that discharge, being unhappy in his 
 present situation. One of his objections to it was, that his Lordship with such a 
 limited discharge of his parole could not enter into foreign service. He declared 
 it was not his Lordship s intention to return to America. He would not accept the 
 paper, unless the reservation was omitted. I did not chuse to make the alteration ; 
 and so he left it, not well pleased with me. 
 
 This day, Tuesday, June 11, I was at Versailles and had a good deal of 
 conversation with M. de Rayneval, Secretary to the Council. I showed him the 
 letters I had received bv Mr. Oswald from Lord Shelburne, and related all the 
 consequent conversation I had with Mr. Oswald. I related to him also the conver 
 sation I had had with Mr. Grenville. We concluded that the reason of his courier 
 not being returned might be the formalities occasioning delay in passing the enabling 
 bill. I went down with him to the cabinet of M. de Vergennes, where all was 
 repeated and explained. That minister seemed now to be almost persuaded that 
 the English Court was sincere in its declarations of being desirous of peace. We 
 spoke of all its attempts to separate us, and of the prudence of our holding together, 
 and treating in concert. I made one remark, that as they had shown so strong u 
 desire of disuniting us, by large offers to each particular power, plainly in the view 
 of dealing more advantageously with the rest; and had reluctantly agreed to make 
 a general treaty, it was possible that after making a peace with all, they might pick 
 out one of us to make war with separately. Against which project, I thought it 
 would not be amiss if before the treaties of peace were signed, we who were at war 
 against England, should enter into another treaty, engaging ourselves that in such 
 case we should again make it a common cause, and renew the general war ; which 
 he seemed to approve of. He read Lord Shelburne s letter relating to Mr. 
 Walpole, said that gentleman had attempted to open a negociation through the 
 Marquis de Castries, who had told him he was come to the wrong house, and 
 should go to M. de Vergennes ; but he never had appeared. That he was an 
 intriguer, knew many people about the Court, and was accustomed to manage his 
 affairs by hidden round-about ways ; " but," says he, " when people have any tiling 
 to propose that relates to my employment, I think they should come directly to me, 
 my cabinet is the place where such affairs are to be treated." On the whole, he 
 seemed rather pleased that Mr. Walpole had not come to him, appearing not to 
 like him. I learnt that Mr. Jay had taken leave on the 7th past of the Spanish 
 
560 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 minister in order to come hither, so that he may be daily expected. But I hear 
 nothing of Mr. Laurens or Mr. Adams. 
 
 Wednesday June 12. I visited Mr. Oswald this morning. He said he had 
 received the paper I sent him relating to the parole of Lord Cornwallis, and had 
 by conversing with Major Ross convinced him of his error in refusing it. That he 
 saw I had done every thing that could be fairly desired of me, and said every thing 
 in the paper that could give weight to the temporary discharge, and tend to prevail 
 with the Congress to confirm and compleat it. Major Ross coming in made an 
 apology for not having accepted it at first, declared his perfect satisfaction with it, 
 and said he was sure Lord Cornwalfis would be very sensible of the favour. He 
 then mentioned the custom among military people, that in discharging the parole of 
 a General, that of his Aid s was discharged at the same time. I. answered that I 
 was a stranger to the customs of the army ; that I had made the most of the 
 authority I had for exchanging General Burgoyne by extending it as a foundation 
 for the exchange of Lord Cornwallis ; but that I had no shadow of authority for 
 going farther : that the Marquis de la Fayette having been present when the parole 
 was given, and one of the Generals who received it, was I thought more competent 
 to the discharge of it than myself, and I could do nothing in it. He went then to 
 the Marquis, who in the afternoon sent me the draft of a limited discharge which 
 he should sign, but requested my approbation of it, of which I made no difficulty ; 
 though I observed he had put into it that it was by my advice. He appears very 
 prudently cautious of doing any thing that may seem assuming a power that he is 
 not vested with. 
 
 Friday the 14th Mr. Boeris called again, wishing to know if Mr. Grenville s 
 courier was returned, and whether the treaty was likely to go on. I could give him 
 no information. He told me that it was intended in Holland in answer to the last 
 Russian memorial to say, that they could not now enter into a particular treaty with 
 England, that they thought it more glorious for her Imperial Majesty to be the 
 mediatrix in a general treaty, and wished her to name the place. I said to him ? 
 " as you tell me that their H. M. are not well satisfied with Russia, and had rather 
 avoid her mediation, would it not be better to omit the proposition at least of her 
 naming the place, especially as France, and England, and America have already 
 agreed to treat at Paris r" He replied, " it might be better, but" says he "we 
 have no politicians among us." I advised him then to write, and get that omitted, 
 as I understood it would be a week, before the answer was concluded on. He 
 did not seem to think his writing would be of much importance. I have observed 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 2.Q 
 
 that his colleague M. Vanderpierre has a greater opinion by far of his own 
 influence and consequence. 
 
 Saturday 15th June. Mr. Oswald came to breakfast with me. We afterwards 
 took a walk in the garden, when he told me Air. Grenville s courier returned last 
 night : that he had received by him a letter from Mrs. Oswald, but not a line 
 from the ministry, nor had he heard a word from them since his arrival ; nor had 
 he heard of any news brought by the courier. That he should have gone to 
 see Mr. Grenville this morning, but had omitted it, that gentleman being subject 
 to morning head aches, which prevented his rising so early. I said I supposed 
 he would go to Versailles, and call on me in his return. We had but little 
 farther discourse having no new subject. 
 
 Mr. Oswald left me about noon, and soon after Mr. Grenville came, and 
 acquainted me with the return of his courier, and that he had brought the full 
 powers. That he Mr. G. had been at Versailles, and left a copy with M. de 
 Vergennes. That the instrument was in the same terms with the former, except 
 that after the power to treat with the king of France or his ministers, there was an 
 addition of words importing a power to treat with the ministers of any other prince 
 or state whom it might concern. That M. de Vergennes had at first objected to 
 these general words, as not being particular enough, but said he would lay it before 
 the king, and communicate it to the ministers of the belligerent powers, and that 
 Mr. Grenville should hear from him on Monday. Mr. Grenville added, that he 
 had farther informed M. de Vergennes of his being now instructed to make a 
 proposition, as a basis for the intended treaty, to wit, the peace of 1763. That 
 the proposition intended to he made under his first powers, not being then received, 
 was now changed, and instead of proposing to allow the independence of America 
 on condition of England s being put into the situation she was in at the peace of 
 1763, he was now authorized to declare the independence of America previous to 
 the treaty as a voluntary at, and to propose separately as a basis the treaty of 
 1763. This also M. de Vergennes undertook to lay before the king, and communi 
 cate to me. Mr. Greiwiile then said to me, he hoped all difficulties were now 
 removed, and that we might proceed in the good work. I asked him, if tbe 
 enabling bill was passed. He said, No. It had passed the commons and had 
 been once read in the house of lords, but was not yet completed. I remarked, 
 that the usual time approached for the prorogation of parliament, and possibly this 
 business might be omitted. He said there was no danger of that, the parliament 
 
 VOL. II. 5 A 
 
370 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 would not rise this year till the middle of July. The India affairs had put hack 
 other business, which must be done, and would require a prolongation of the 
 session till that time. I then observed to him, that though we Americans con 
 sidered ourselves as a distinct independent power or state, yet as the British 
 government had always hitherto affected to consider us only as rebellious subjects, 
 and as the enabling act was not yet passed, I did not think it could be fairly 
 supposed that his court intended by the general words any other prince or state to 
 include a people whom they did not allow to be a state ; and that therefore I 
 doubted the sufficiency of his power as to treating with America, though it might 
 be good as to Spain and Holland. He replied, that he himself had no doubt of the 
 sufficiency of his power, and was willing to act upon it. I then desired to have a 
 copy of the power, which he accordingly promised me. He would have entered into 
 conversation on the topic of reconciliation, but I chose still to wave it, till I should 
 find the negociation more certainly commenced ; and I showed him the London 
 paper containing the article above transcribed P. that he might see how our conver- 
 sationfe were misrepresented, and how hazardous it must be for me to make any 
 propositions of the kind at present. He seemed to treat the newspaper lightly as 
 of no consequence ; but I observed that before he had finished the reading of the 
 article, he turned to the beginning of the paper to see the date, which made me 
 suspect that he doubted whether it might not have taken its rise from some of his 
 letters. 
 
 When he left me I went to dine with M. de Chaumont, who had invited me to 
 meet there Mr. Walpole at his request. We shook hands, and he observed that 
 it was near two years since we had seen each other. Then stepping aside, he 
 thanked me for having communicated to him Lord Shelburne s letter to Mr. 
 Oswald ; thought it odd that Mr. Oswald himself had not spoke to him about it ; 
 said he had received a letter from Mr. Fox upon the affair of St. Eustatia, in which 
 there were some general words expressing a desire of peace ; that he had mentioned 
 this to M. de Castries, who had referred him to M. de Vergennes, but he did not 
 think it a sufficient authority to go to that minister. It was known that he had 
 business with the minister of the marine on the other affair, and therefore his going 
 to him was not taken notice of; but if he had gone to M. de Vergennes minister 
 of foreign affairs, it would have occasioned speculation and much discourse ; that 
 he had therefore avoided it till he should be authorized, and had written accord 
 ingly to Mr. Fox, but that in the mean time Mr. Oswald had been chosen upon 
 the supposition that he (Mr. Walpole) and I were at variance. He spoke of Mr. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.- PART III. 37 I 
 
 Oswald as an odd kind of man, but that indeed his nation were generally odd 
 people &c. We dined pleasantly together with the family,, and parted agreeably 
 without entering into any particulars of the business. Count d Estaing was at this 
 dinner, and I met him again in the evening at Madame Brillon s. There is at 
 present among the people much censure of Count de Grasse s conduct, and a 
 general wish that Count d Estaing had the command in America, I avoid meddling, 
 or even speaking on the subject, as improper for rne though I much esteem that 
 commander. 
 
 Sunday 1 6th I heard nothing from VersaillevS. I received a letter from Mr. 
 Adams acquainting me he had drawn upon me for a quarter s salary, which he hoped 
 would be the last, as he now found himself in a way of getting some money there, 
 though not much ; I have not a line from Mr. Laurens which I wonder at. I 
 received also a letter from Mr. Carmichael dated June 5th at Madrid. He speaks 
 of Mr. Jay being on his journey, and supposes he would be with me before that 
 letter, so that I may expect him daily. We have taken lodgings for him at Paris. 
 
 Monday 17th. I received a letter from Mr. Hodgson acquainting me that the 
 American prisoners at Portsmouth, to the number of 330, were all embarked on 
 board the transports ; that each had received twenty shillings worth of necessaries 
 at the expence of government, and went on board in good humour. That contrary 
 winds had prevented the transports arriving in time at Plymouth, but that the 
 whole number now there of our people, amounting to 700 with those arrived 
 from Ireland, would he soon on their way home. 
 
 In the evening the Marquis de la Fayette came to see me, and said he had seen 
 M. de Vergenne* who was satisfied with Mr. Grenville s powers. He asked me 
 what I thought of them, and I told him, what I had said to Mr. Grenville of their 
 imperfection with respect to us. He agreed in opinion with me. I let him know 
 that I proposed writing to M. de Vergennes to-morro\v. He said he had signed 
 the paper relating to Major Ross s parole, and hoped Congress would not take it 
 amiss ; and added, that in conversation with the Major, he had asked him, why 
 England was so backward to make propositions ? We are afraid, eays the Major, 
 of offering you more than you expect or desire. 
 
 I find myself in some perplexity, with regard to these two negociators. Mr. 
 Oswald appears to have been the choice of Lord Shelburne : Mr. Grenville that of 
 Mr. Secretary Fox. Lord Shelburne is said to have lately acquired much of the 
 King s confidence : Mr. Fox calls himself the minister of the people, and it is 
 certain his popularity is lately much increased. Lord S. seems* to wish to have 
 
372 MEMOIRS OF BEXJAMIX FRANK LI\ r . 
 
 the management of the treaty ; Mr. Fox seems to think it in his department. I 
 hear that the understanding between those ministers is not quite perfect. Mr. 
 Grenville is clever, and seems to feel reason as readily as Mr. Oswald, though not 
 so ready to own it. Mr. Oswald appears quite plain and sincere. I sometimes a 
 little doubt Mr. Grenville. Mr. Oswald, as an old man, seems to have now no desire 
 but that of being useful in doing good. Mr. Grenville, a young man, naturally 
 desirous of acquiring reputation, seems to aim at that of being an able negociator. 
 Oswald does not solicit to have any share in the business, but submitting the matter 
 to Lord S. and me expresses only his willingness to serve, if we think he may be 
 useful, and is equally willing to be excused if we judge there is no occasion for him. 
 Grenville seems to think the whole negociation committed to him, and to have no 
 idea of Oswald s being concerned in it; and is therefore willing to extend the 
 expressions in his commission, so as to make them comprehend America, and this 
 beyond what I think they will bear. I imagine we might however go on very well 
 with either of them, though I should prefer Oswald ; but I apprehend difficulties 
 if they are both employed, especially if there is any misunderstanding between their 
 principals. I must however write to Lord S. proposing something in consequence 
 of his offer of vesting Mr. Oswald with any commission that gentleman and I 
 should think proper. 
 
 Tuesday 1 8th. I found myself much indisposed with a sudden and violent cold, 
 attended with a feverishness and head-ache. I imagined it to be an effect of the 
 influenza, a disorder now reigning in various parts of Europe. This prevented my 
 going to Versailles. 
 
 Thursday 20th. Weather excessively hot, and my disorder continues, but is 
 lessened, the head-ache having left me. I am however not yet abje to go to 
 Versailles. 
 
 Friday 21st. I received the following note from the Marquis de la Fayette. 
 
 MY DKAH SIR, Versailles, Thursday Morning, June 20, 1782. 
 
 Agreeable to your desire I have waited upon Count de 
 
 Vergennes, and said to him what I had in command from your Excellency. He 
 intends taking the King s orders this morning, and expects he will be able to propose 
 Mr. Grenville a meeting for to-morrow, where he will have time to explain him 
 self respecting France and her allies, that he may make an official communication 
 both to the king and the allied ministers. What Count de Vergennes can make 
 out of this conversation will be communicated by him to your Excellency in case 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 373 
 
 you are not able to come, in the other case I shall wait upon you to-morrow evenin^ 
 with every information I can collect. I have the honour to be very respectfully, 
 rny dear Sir, your obedient servant, and affectionate friend, LA FAYETTE. 
 
 In the evening the Marquis called upon me, and acquainted me that Mr. 
 Grenville had been with Count de Vergennes, but could not inform me what had 
 passed. 
 
 Saturday ( 2 i(\. Messrs. Oswald and Whiteford came and breakfasted with me. 
 Mr. (). had received no letter or instructions. I told him I would write to Lord 
 Shelburne respecting him, and call on him on Monday morning to breakfast, arid 
 show him what I proposed to write, that it might receive such alterations as he 
 should judge proper. 
 
 Sunday C 23. In the afternoon Mr. Jay arrived to my great satisfaction. I pro 
 posed going with him the next morning to Versailles, and presenting him to M. 
 de Vergennes. He informed me, that the Spanish ministers had been much struck 
 with the news from England respecting the resolutions of parliament to discontinue 
 the war in America, &c., and that they had since been extremely civil to him, and 
 he understood intended to send instructions to the ambassador at this court, to 
 make the long talked of treaty with him here. 
 
 Monday 21th. Wrote a note of excuse to Mr. Oswald, promising to see him on 
 Wednesday, and went withM r. Jay to Versailles. M. de Vergennes acquainted 
 us, that he had given to Mr. Grenville the answer to his propositions, who had 
 immediately dispatched ife to his court. He read it to us, and I shall endeavour to 
 obtain a copy of it. M. de Vergennes informing us that a frigate was about to 
 be dispatched for America, by which we might write, and that the courier who was 
 to carry down the dispatches would set off on Wednesday morning, we concluded 
 to omit going to court on Tuesday, in order to prepare our letters. M. de 
 Vergennes appeared to have some doubts about the sincerity of the British court, 
 and the bonne foi of Mr. Grenville ; hut said the return of Mr. G. s courier might 
 give light. 
 
 I received the following letter from Mr. Adams, dated the Hague June 1 3, 1 785... 
 
 FROM His EXCELLENCY JOHN ADAMS, ESQ. TO Dit. FRANKLIN. 
 SIR, The Hague, June 13, 17 82. 
 
 I had yesterday at Amsterdam, the honour of receiving your; 
 Excellency s letter of June 2nd. 
 
374 MEMOIH6 OF BENJAMIN FUANKUN, 
 
 The discovery that Mr. Grenville s power was only to treat with France does 
 not surprize me at all. The British ministry are too divided among themselves, 
 and have too formidable an opposition against them, in the king and the old minis 
 ters, and are possessed of too little of the confidence of the nation, to have courage 
 to make concessions of any sort, especially since the news of their successes in the 
 East and West Indies. What their vanity will end in God only knows : for my 
 own part, I cannot see a probability, that they will ever make peace, until their 
 finances are ruined, and such distresses brought upon them, as will work up their 
 parties into a civil war. 
 
 I wish their enemies could by any means be persuaded to carry on the war 
 against them in places, where they might be sure of triumphs, instead of insisting 
 upon pursuing it, wtiere they are sure of defeat. But we must take patience, and 
 wait for time to do, what wisdom might easily and soon do. 
 
 I have not as yet taken any engagements with the Dutch not to make peace with 
 out them ; but I will take such engagements in a moment, if the Dutch will take 
 them, and I believe they would very cheerfully. I shall not propose it however till 
 I have the concurrence of the Duke de la Vauguyon, who will do nothing without the 
 instructions of his court. I would not delay it a moment from any expectation 
 that the English will acknowledge our independence and make peace with us, 
 because I have no such expectations. The permanent friendship of the Dutch 
 may be easily obtained by the United States. That of England never : it is gone with 
 the days before the flood. If we ever enjoy the smallest degree of sincere friend 
 ship again from England, I am totally incapable of seeing the character of a 
 nation or the connections of kings ; which however may be the case for what I 
 know. They have brought themselves into such a situation ! Spain, Holland, 
 America, the armed neutrality have all such pretensions and demands upon them, 
 that where is the English minister, or member of parliament that dares to vote for 
 the concession to them ? The pretensions of France I believe would be so mode 
 rate, that possibly they might be acceded to. But it is much to be feared that Spain, 
 who deserves the least will demand the most : in short, the work of peace appears 
 so impracticable and chimerical, that I am happy in being restrained to this 
 country, by my duty, and by this means excused from troubling my head much 
 about it. I have a letter from America that informed me, that Mr. Jay had 
 refused to act in the commission for peace ; but if he is on the way to Paris, as you 
 suppose, I presume nay information must be a mistake, which I am very glad of. 
 Mr. Laurens did me the honour of a very short visit, in his way to France, but I 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 375 
 
 was very sorry to learn from him, that in a letter to your Excellency from Ostend, 
 he had declined serving in the Commission for peace. I had vast pleasure in his 
 conversation, for I found him possessed of the most exact judgment concerning our 
 enemies, and of the same noble sentiments in all things, which I saw in him in 
 Congress. 
 
 What is the system of Russia ? Does she suppose that England has too many 
 enemies upon her, and that their demands and pretensions are too high ? Does she 
 seek to embroil affairs, and to light up a general war in Europe? Is Denmark in 
 concert with her, or any other power ? Her conduct is a phenomenon. Is there 
 any secret negociation or intrigue on foot to form a party for England among the 
 powers of Europe ? and to make a balance against the power of the enemies of 
 England ? 
 
 o 
 
 The states of Holland and several other provinces have taken a resolution against 
 the mediation for a separate peace, and this nation seems to be well fixed in its 
 system, and in the common cause. 
 
 My best respects and affections to my old friend Mr. Jay, if you please. I have 
 the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, J. ADAMS. 
 
 Wrote to Mr. Secretary Livingston, and Mr. Robert Morris, of which the following 
 
 are Extracts. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO THE HON. ROBERT MORRIS. 
 
 Passy, June 25, 1 782. 
 
 For what relates to war and peace, I must refer you to Mr. 
 
 Livingston, to whom I write fully. I will only say, that though the English a few 
 months since seemed desirous of peace, I suspect they now intend to draw out the 
 negociation into length, till they can see what this campaign will produce. I hope 
 our people will not be deceived by fair words, but be on their guard, ready against 
 every attempt that our insidious enemies may make upon us. I am, &c. 
 
 Wednesday, 26th. I sent away my letters, and went to see Mr. Oswald. I 
 shewed him the draft of a letter to be addressed to him instead of Lord Shelburne 
 respecting the commission or public character he might hereafter be vested with ; 
 this draft was founded on Lord S. s memorandums, which Mr. Oswald had 
 shown to me, and this letter was intended to be communicated by him to Lord 
 Shelburne. Mr. Oswald liked the mode, but rather chose that no mention should 
 
S7G MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 be made of his having shown me Lord S. s memorandums, though he thought they 
 were given him for that purpose. So I struck that out, and new modelled the 
 letter, which I sent him next day, as follows. 
 
 Sin, Passy, June 27, 1782. 
 
 The opinion I have of your candour, prohity, good under 
 standing, and good-will to both countries, made me hope that you would have been 
 vested with the character of plenipotentiary to treat with those from America. When 
 Mr. Grenville produced his first commission, which was only to treat with France, 
 I did imagine that the other to treat with us, was reserved for you, and kept back 
 only till the enabling bill should be passed. Mr. Grenville has since received a second 
 commission, which, as he informs me, has additional words, empowering him to treat 
 with the ministers of any other prince or state, whom it may concern ; and he seems 
 to understand that these general w r ords comprehend the United States of America. 
 There may be no doubt that they comprehend Spain and Holland, but as there 
 exist various public acts by which the government of Britain denies us to be States 
 and none in which they acknowledge us to be such, it hardly seems clear that we 
 could be intended, at the time that commission was given, the enabling act not 
 being then passed. So that though I can have no objection to Mr. Grenviile, nor 
 right to make it if I had any, yet as your long residence in America has given you 
 a knowledge of that country, its people, circumstances, commerce, &c. which, 
 added to your experience in business, may be useful to both sides in facilitating and 
 expediting the negociation, I cannot but hope that it is still intended to vest you 
 with the character above-mentioned respecting the treaty with America, either 
 separately or in conjunction with Mr. Grenville, as to the wisdom of your ministers 
 may seem best. Be it how it may, I beg you would accept this line as a testimony 
 of the sincere esteem and respect, with which J have the honour to be, Sir, c. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Friday, June 28. M. dc Rayneval called upon me and acquainted me that the 
 ministers had received intelligence from England, that besides the orders given to 
 General Carleton, to propose terms of re-union to America, artful emissaries 
 were sent over to go through the country, and stir up the people to call on the 
 Congress to accept those terms, they being similar to those now settling with 
 Ireland. That it would therefore be well for Mr. Jay and me to write, and caution 
 the Congress against these practices. He said M. de Vergennes wished also to 
 what I had written respecting the negociation, as it would be well for us to 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 377 
 
 hold pretty near the same language. I told him I did not apprehend the least 
 danger that such emissaries would meet with any success, or that the Congress 
 would make any treaty with General Carleton. That I would however write as he 
 desired ; and Mr. Jay coming in promised the same. He said the courier would 
 go to-morrow. I accordingly wrote to Mr. Secretary Livingston, and to my friend 
 Dr. Cooper, of which the following are extracts. 
 
 To THE HON. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. 
 SIR, Passy, June 28, 1782. 
 
 In mine of the S25th instant I omitted mentioning, that at the 
 
 repeated earnest instances of Mr. Laurens, who had given such expectations to the 
 ministry in England, when his parole or securities were discharged, as that he could 
 not think himself at liberty to act in public affairs till the parole of Lord Cornwallis 
 was absolved by me in exchange, I sent to that General the paper, of which the 
 enclosed is a copy ; and I see by the English papers, that his Lordship immediately 
 on the receipt of it, appeared at Court and has taken his seat in the House of 
 Peers, which he did not before think warrantable. My authority for doing this 
 appeared questionable to myself, but Mr. Laurens judged it deducible from that 
 respecting General Burgoyne, and by his letters to me, seemed so unhappy till it 
 was done, that I ventured it, with a clause however, (as you will see), reserving to 
 Congress the approbation or disallowance of it. 
 
 The enabling act is now said to be passed, but no copy of it is yet received here, 
 so that as the bill first printed has suffered alterations in passing through parliament, 
 and we know not what they are, the treaty with us is not yet commenced. Mr. 
 Grenville expects his courier in a few days, with the answer of his Court to a 
 paper given him on the part of this. That answer will probably afford us a clearer 
 understanding of the intentions of the British ministry, which for some weeks past 
 have appeared somewhat equivocal and uncertain. It looks as if, since their late 
 success in the West Indies, they a little repented of the advances they had made in 
 their declarations respecting the acknowledgment of our independence ; and we have 
 pretty good information that some of the ministry still flatter the King with the hope 
 of recovering his sovereignty over us on the same terms as are now making wjth 
 Ireland. However willing we might have been at the commencement of this contest 
 to have accepted such conditions, be assured that we can have no safety in them 
 at present. The King hates us most cordially. If he is once admitted to any 
 degree of power or government among us, however limited, it will soon be extended 
 
 VOL. II. 3 B 
 
S7& MEMOIRS OP BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 by corruption, artifice, and force, till we are reduced to absolute subjection ; and 
 that the more easily, as by receiving him again for our King, we shall draw upon 
 ourselves the contempt of all Europe, who now admire and respect us, and shall 
 never again find a friend to assist us. There are it is said great divisions in the 
 ministry on other points as well as this ; and those who aim at engrossing the power 
 flatter the King with this project of re-union ; and it is said have much reliance on 
 the operation of private agents sent into America to dispose minds there in favour of 
 it, and to bring about a separate treaty there with General Carleton. I have not 
 the least apprehension that Congress will give into this scheme, it being inconsistent 
 with our treaties as well as with our interest ; but I think it will be well to watch 
 these emissaries, and secure or banish immediately such as shall be found tampering 
 and stirring up the people to call for it. The firm united resolution of France, 
 Spain, and Holland, joined with ours, not to treat of a particular but a general 
 peace, notwithstanding the separate tempting offers to each, will in the end 
 give us the command of that peace. Every one of the other powers see clearly 
 their interest in this, and persist in that resolution : the Congress I am persuaded 
 are as clear-sighted as any of them, and will not depart from the system which has 
 been attended with so much success, and promises to make America soon both 
 great and happy. 
 
 I have just received a letter from Mr. Laurens, dated at Lyons, on his journey 
 into the South of France for his health. Mr. Jay will write also by this opportunity. 
 With great esteem, I have the honour to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 ,)M ^ 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO DR. COOPER, BOSTON. 
 
 Passy, June 28, 1782. 
 
 Our public affairs are in a good situation here. England 
 having tried in vain to make a separate peace with each of the powers she is at war 
 with, has at length agreed to treat for a general peace with them altogether ; and at 
 Paris. If we all continue firm in the resolution not to separate, we shall command 
 the terms. I have no doubt of this steadiness here; and though we are told that 
 endeavours are making on your side the water to induce America to a re-union on 
 the terms now granting to Ireland, and that powers are sent to General Carleton 
 for that purpose, I am persuaded the danger of this project will appear so evident, 
 that if offered it will be immediately rejected. We have no safety but in our 
 independence. With that we shall be respected, and soon become great, and 
 happy. Without it we shall be despised, lose all our friends, and then either be 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 379 
 
 cruelly oppressed by the King who hates and is incapable of forgiving us, or having 
 all that nation s enemies for ours, shall sink with it. I am ever, my dear friend, 
 yours most affectionately, B. Fit AN KLIN. 
 
 M. de Rayneval (who is Secretary to the Council of State), calling again in the 
 evening, I gave him copies of the preceding letters to peruse, and show to M. de 
 Vergennes ; to convince them that we held no underhand dealings here. I own I 
 had at the same time another view in it, which was that they should see I had been 
 ordered to demand farther aids, and had forborne to make the demand with my 
 reasons ; hoping that if they possibly could help us to more money, they might be 
 induced to do it. 
 
 I had never made any visit to Count d Aranda, the Spanish Ambassador, for 
 reasons before mentioned. M. de Rayneval told Mr. Jay and me this morning, 
 that it would be well for us to wait upon him, and he had authority to assure us 
 we should be well received. We accordingly concluded to wait on his Excellency 
 next morning. 
 
 Saturday, June 29. We went together to the Spanish Ambassador s, who 
 received us witli the greatest civility and politeness. He spoke with Mr. Jay on 
 the subject of the treaty they were to make together, and mentioned in general as 
 a principle, that the two powers should consider each other s conveniency, and 
 accommodate and compensate each other as well as they could. That an exact 
 compensation might perhaps not be possible, but should be approached as nearly as 
 the nature of things would admit. Thus, says he, if there is a certain thing which 
 would be convenient to each of us, but more convenient to one than to the other, it 
 should be given to the one to whom it would be most convenient ; and compensation 
 be made by giving another thing to the other for the same reason. I suppose he 
 had in view something relating to boundaries or territories, because he added, "we 
 will sit down together with maps in our hands, and by that means shall see our way 
 more clearly." I learned from him that the expedition against Providence had 
 failed, but no advice was yet received of its success. At our going out he took 
 pains himself to open the folding doors for us, which is a high compliment here, 
 and told us he would return our visit (rendre son devoir), and then fix a day with 
 us for dining with him. I dined with Mr. Jay and a company of Americans at his 
 lodgings. 
 
 Sunday, July 1. Mr. Grenville called on me. 
 
580 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 [This Journal does not appear to have been further continued : but the deficiency 
 will be partly made up by the following Correspondence.] 
 
 To THE HON. HENRY LAURENS. 
 SIR, Pansy, July 2, 1782. 
 
 I received the letter you did me the honour of writing to 
 me from Lyons the 24th past. 
 
 I wonder a little at Mr. * * * not acquainting you whether your name was in 
 the Commission or not. I begin to suspect from various circumstances that the 
 British ministry, elated perhaps too much by the success of Admiral Rodney, are not 
 in earnest to treat immediately, but rather wish delay. They seem to hope that far 
 ther successes may enable them to treat more advantageously ; or, as some suppose, 
 that certain propositions to be made to Congress by General Carleton, may render 
 a treaty here with us unnecessary. A little bad news, which it is possible they may 
 yet receive from the same quarter, will contribute to set them right ; and then we 
 may enter seriously upon the treaty ; otherwise I conjecture it may not take place 
 till after another campaign. Mr. Jay is arrived here. Mr. Grenville and Mr. 
 Oswald continue here. Mr. Oswald has yet received no Commission ; and that of 
 Mr. Grenville does not very clearly comprehend us according to British ideas ; 
 therefore requires explication. When I know more you shall have farther in 
 formation. 
 
 Not having an immediate answer to what I wrote you concerning the absolution 
 of Lord Cornwallis s parole, and Major Ross coming over hither from him to press 
 it; I gave him the discharge you desired. Enclosed I send you a copy. I hear it 
 has proved satisfactory to him ; I hope it will be so to you. Believe me to be, 
 with great esteem, &c, 
 
 FROM GOVERNOR POWNALL TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 DEAR SIR, Richmond Hill, July 5, 1782. 
 
 I have, by my friend Mr. Hobart, sent a printed copy of the 
 three memorials which I published on the subject of America, one addressed to the 
 sovereigns of Europe, and two others addressed to the sovereign of Great Britain. 
 I hope you received my letter of May 13, 1782, forwarded by Mr. Bridgen. 
 As it is possible you may see Mr. Hobart, he can inform you from me, as well 
 as of his own knowledge, of the steps we took upon the ground of your communi 
 cations to him and me. " That there were persons authorized to treat of peace, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 381 
 
 and that such persons were willing to give to reasonable measures taken to that end, 
 every assistance in their power. He can inform you also on the circumstances 
 which attended those steps ; and of the effect which they missed in the direct line, 
 as of the effect they actually have in an oblique one. As from the beginning of this 
 matter of trying to bring on negotiation for peace, I considered him as joined with 
 rne in our endeavours ; so I have given to him a memorandum which I made on 
 the course of this business. He will communicate to you every thing which is not 
 improper for a man of honour to communicate to the minister of a people at war 
 with us : nor will he abstain from communicating any thing which that minister, 
 wishing peace to our country, ought to be apprized of, respecting the effects of his 
 friendly offers. He will do every thing which a man of honour ought to do, and 
 he will do nothing that a man of honour ought not to do. 
 
 o o 
 
 I have desired him to give a paper of queries, respecting modes and terms of 
 settling in America, which people of this old world, and of the old country may in 
 future be admitted to receive. I am, not only for my friends, but personally 
 interested to gain information on that head : and as I wish that which will not 
 deceive them or myself, I apply to you. 
 
 May God send peace on earth. I hope among the general blessings it will bring, 
 it will restore me to the communication and enjoyment of my old and long valued 
 friendship with you. May you live to see, and have health to enjoy, the blessings 
 which I hope it may please God to make you the instrument of communicating to 
 mankind. I am, dear Sir, your friend and very humble servant, 
 
 T. POWNALL. 
 P. M. 
 
 To THE HON. MR. HOBART. 
 
 When I published the memorials which I had prepared for the 
 King, January 1, 1782, I prefixed a prefatory explanation of the publication, 
 stating as far as was safe so to do, the state of the propositions of treaty, and the 
 circumstances attending the reception and final refusal of them. 
 
 I could not think it proper to name the person with whom I had corresponded, 
 who was authorised to treat of peace, and was willing to promote it, because I 
 knew the insidious falsehood of those who both hate and fear him, would, whea 
 once his name was committed with the public, represent him in any light that might 
 tend to diminish and destroy the trust and confidence which he so deservedly has 
 from his employers. The memorials therefore speak of persons in the plural, and 
 the preface in its communications to the public kee"ps close to that expressed. 
 
382 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIX FRANKLIN. 
 
 I could not venture to tell the public, nor could I venture to write to this person, 
 the fact that he specifically and personally was except ed to, in an opprobrious manner. 
 Because the same persons who are his enemies, having proscribed me, would have 
 been glad of making such my communications an occasion of charging me with 
 crimes, which, notwithstanding they have been in constant watch, they have 
 never yet been able to do. For although I know they have whispered such in the 
 closet, they never have dared to assert any such matter asjaci in public. What I 
 did, I thought right in point of honour to all concerned or interested, and I went 
 as far as I dared venture to go in the publications which I made. 
 
 As this exception to the integrity and good faith of my correspondent, was made 
 upon the very first overture which I made by all the ministers, I made a point, in 
 all the memorials which I drew up for presentation (had the offers been admissible), 
 of founding my offers on the integrity and good faith of this person (p. 32), and in 
 this communication to the public of marking him (preface, p. 10), as a man of 
 honour and good faith. 
 
 I could not venture to communicate to my correspondent, much less to the public, 
 those matters, which, though not officially communicated to me, these my enemies 
 would have represented as a betraying to the enemy the secrets of government. But 
 it is fit, if not absolutely necessary, to make this memorandum of these things, that 
 the truth, when the proper time shall come, may be known to all whom it doth 
 concern; and it is further fit that this memorandum should be communicated to 
 you now, as the proposing of your services was included in the offers made as a 
 condition sine qua non. 
 
 Between the 6th of December 1781 and the end of January 1782, during which 
 time the ministry kept me in suspense as to what resolution they would take, as to 
 what answer they would give ; or whether they would give me any answer at all ; 
 or whether they would deign to admit me and my propositions to a hearing ; they 
 dishonourably towards me, and as I think towards my correspondent also, profited 
 of ihejact communicated by me to them, viz. " that there were persons authorised 
 to treat of peace ; and, that these persons were disposed to give such treaty every 
 assistance in their power :" and sent one person (I have been told it was Mr. 
 Oswald), to Holland, a person, if not actually the same person, to Ghent and a 
 Mr. Forth to France, to try if they could not get upon the same ground by other 
 ways, and through other persons. I have been told and believe it, that they 
 understood that Mr. Adams was (disgusted with the Dutch government) ready to 
 accede to ours. Also that Mr. at Ghent was already gained. This person 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDEMCE. PART 111. 383 
 
 they hurried off to America ; and they gave instructions to General Carleton to 
 open the ground of treaty in America. In short they tried any ground and every 
 person except him who was excepted to. And when they found that they could 
 not get in at any door in Europe, they affected to interpret this disappointment into 
 a fact, " That the American ministers were either not empowered or not willing to 
 treat ; that the offer was now clearly a trap laid by a jaithless and decided enemy" 
 
 When I first made my offer I was asked whether I would go to Ghent or 
 Holland, which I peremptorily refused. I was then asked why I would not, I said 
 I knew nothing of the person in Holland, and as to the person at Ghent, I would 
 have no communications there. The only person I would have communications 
 with, was him that I knew had powers, whom I knew to be, notwithstanding all 
 provocations to the contrary, invariably consistent with his duty to his own 
 country, a well-wisher and friend to this, whom from experience 1 knew to be a 
 man of honour and good faith, whom I could trust, and who would trust me. This 
 person and this line was rejected ; I will not aggravate the colour of facts by saying 
 how. 
 
 I was informed that during this period they were talking with Mr. Laurens as a 
 more practicable man, as one who had by acknowledging himself amenable to the 
 laws and courts of this country, and by the act of giving bail had by implication 
 acknowledged (at least de facto), the sovereignty of Great Britain, and that the 
 ministers of the States were criminals against this country. This gentleman there 
 fore, and his surety Mr. Oswald, were fixed upon as the persons through whom 
 business might go. What was the nature of the matters of business on which they 
 were communicated with, I do not know. 
 
 Notwithstanding the change of the ministry which took place at this period, there 
 were some in the new composition of ministers, who partook of the spirit and 
 influence of the old ones, and the same line of motion, and the same persons, were 
 in like manner as before, adopted for treaty. 
 
 The memorial, January 1, 1782, (p. 22), declares specifically and definitively 
 what was the proposition I made, viz. to open a " negotiation jfor the purpose only 
 of settling such a truce with the Americans, as a preliminary measure, in order the 
 better to treat of peace in future, either separately, or in any general Congress of 
 the powers of Europe." And this on a ground of uti possidetis, both as to rights 
 as well as territories possessed, which I explained as an acknowledgment of the 
 independence of America, with a sauf d honneur to the British sovereign, and a 
 removing of all obstacles from the way of such other sovereigns in Europe as had 
 
384 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FllANKLIN. 
 
 not yet brought themselves to acknowledge the American sovereignty, (p. 22) I 
 never pretended to talk of peace, much less of a separate peace, but definitively 
 declared that whatever was undertaken " must not contravene, (Mem. Jan. 1782, 
 p. 21), nor ever bring into question, treaties already subsisting." 
 
 On this ground it was, that upon my first overtures I proposed that while I was 
 treating with the American ministers, Mr. Hobart might be authorised to treat with 
 French ministers as the properest man then in England, as living with the men of 
 business of that Court ; as known to them ; as knowing them ; and between whom 
 and him there was that degree and those habits of acquaintance and good opinion, 
 which is the only soil out of which practical confidence in negociation can grow ; 
 as one with whom I could communicate with the most perfect confidence, as one in 
 whose hands I would repose my life and honour. I said first that if these two lines 
 of treaty were not instituted at the same time ; and secondly, that if Mr. Hobart 
 was not the person joined with me, I would not engage in what I had offered. This 
 gentleman, a man of honour, brother to the Earl of Buckingham, of a noble distinct 
 landed estate of his own ; a man designed by his education at the Court of Vienna, 
 under former ministers in a former reign, for the corps diplomatic, and actually 
 having served in Russia; was also inadmissible. And they thus ended all matters 
 in which 1 had made my offers. 
 
 Having thus found the ministers with whom I had communicated, impracticable 
 towards peace in the only line in which I thought it might be obtained, and seeing 
 an opportunity in which I could be principally instrumental in turning them out, I 
 seized the occasion, and effectuated the purpose. 
 
 General Conway had communicated to me a measure which he was to take of 
 moving an address of the House of Commons, to pray his Majesty to relinquish the 
 farther prosecution for peace. I stated to him the following difficulty which might 
 be thrown on the ground of his motion, so as to obstruct his proceeding in it. The 
 ministers might in general terms, and equivocal assertions say, that they were 
 trying the ground of treaty, and that propositions towards negociation were afloat, 
 &c. &c., and then if on this ground they called upon him, not at such a juncture 
 to bring forward measures which might obstruct their endeavours, and destroy all 
 hopes and views of peace, he would be puzzled what to answer and how to proceed. 
 But, that if he could have it in his power to say, That so far from opening the 
 ground of negociation, or being disposed to take a way to such ; w r hich offers had 
 opened to them ; that they had offers made by persons communicating with other 
 persons actually authorised and willing to treat of peace, and had rejected those 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 385 
 
 offers ; I thought the ministers would not know how to oppose his motion. He 
 said, that indeed would be strong; ground, from whence if the ministry were 
 attacked, he did not see how they could maintain their ground. I then 
 proceeded in my communications to him, without naming my correspondent, nay 
 absolutely refusing to name when earnestly pressed, and told him, that I was the 
 person to whom communications had come, " that there were in Europe persons 
 authorised to treat of peace, and who had declared that any reasonable measures to 
 that end, should have every assistance in their power." That I had communicated 
 this to the ministry, that after delaying all answer from December 6 to the end of 
 January to offers, which I had made them on that ground, they had finally and 
 absolutely rejected the persons and the offers. He said if this could be proved it must 
 turn them out. I then authorised him to make those assertions which he made in 
 the House, which that we might rvot misunderstand one another, I desired might 
 be written down : and farther authorised him, if the ministry by denying the 
 assertions should render it necessary, to name me, as ready to come and declare 
 the same at the bar of the House of Commons ; and that in the mean while he need 
 not make any secret of me on this matter. The ministers could not, and did not 
 venture to deny it, and were forced to quit their ground and their places.* Upon 
 the change of ministers, I by letter to General Conway made an offer of my services 
 to open the same negociation which I had proposed to the late ministers, but from 
 that hour to this day have never heard from him : and soon after found that Lord 
 Shelburne had employed Mr. Oswald, who was Mr. Laurens s surety, and that his 
 Lordship had seen Mr. Laurens. 
 Richmond, July 2, 1782. 
 
 MEMORANDUM BY DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 
 JulyS, 1782. 
 
 To a person who no longer thinks of American dependence, 
 what disadvantage can there be in making its independence a fixed article (whether 
 the treaty succeeds or no) instead of making it a first article of the treaty, and so to 
 depend on the success of that which may miscarry. To a person indeed who looks 
 
 1 Which were not those which the news-papers published. 
 
 1 The country gentlemen tired of the war, and grown impatient for peace, left the old ministry on 
 tltis question, and declared themselves the supporters of those who promised to end the war, and give 
 peace to the country. 
 
 VOL. II. 3 C 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 on it as an evil, and as an evil which there are yet some hopes to avoid, it is a 
 rational proceeding to provide for all possibilities of realizing those hopes ; and the 
 case of the treaty not succeeding is that reserved possibility. Were I treating with 
 an enemy indeed for a barrier town (which I certainly wish to keep or to get some 
 thing for), nothing I own would be so absurd as to give it up at starting, as a Jived 
 article before the treaty, instead of making it the first article of a treaty, and 
 dependent on the success of the rest. But I had rather have American independence 
 (for one reason amongst others), because the bolder way of giving it up, will secure 
 a greater certainty of peace, I would then be for giving it up in that bolder way, 
 nay had I some reluctance to American independence, I should still think the 
 smallest probability added of peace, would over-balance the whole value of a mere 
 reserved possibility of dependence, which could only, after all, arise from the 
 failure of the treaty. 
 
 NOTE FROM LE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Paris, July 9, 1782. 
 
 I have the honour to inform you, my dear Sir, that Mr, 
 Grenville s express is arrived this morning by way of Ostend. The gentleman is 
 gone to Versailles. I fancy he will wait upon you, and will be much obliged to 
 yo^ to let me know what your opinion is. I am going to Saint Germain, but if 
 any intelligence comes to hand will communicate it as soon as possible. I rest 
 respectfully and affectionately, yours, LA FAYETTE, 
 
 The answer. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, July 9, 1782. 
 
 Mr. GrenvilLs has been w^ith me in his return from Versailles. 
 He tells me that Lord Rockingham being dead, Lord Shelburne is appointed first 
 Lord of the Treasury; and that Mr. Fox has resigned ; so that both the Secretary 
 ships are vacant. That his communication to M. de Vergennes, was only that no 
 change was thereby made in the dispositions of that Court for peace, &c., and he 
 expects another courier with fuller instructions in a few days. As soon as I hear 
 more I shall acquaint you with it. I am ever with great respect and affection, 
 your most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Marquis de la Fayette. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 38? 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR SIR, Fasay, July 10, 1782. 
 
 I received your favour of the 26th past by Mr. Young, and 
 
 am indebted to you for some preceding. I do not know why the good work of 
 peace, goes on so slowly on your side. Some have imagined that your ministers 
 since Rodney s success are desirous of trying fortune a little farther before they 
 conclude the war : others, that they have not a good understanding with each other. 
 What I have just heard seems to countenance this opinion. It is said Mr. Fox 
 has resigned. We are ready here on the part of America to enter into treaty with 
 you, in concurrence with our allies ; and are disposed to be very reasonable ; but if 
 your plenipotentiary, notwithstanding that character, is upon every proposition 
 obliged to send a courier and wait an answer, we shall not soon see the happy 
 conclusion. It has been suspected too, that you wait to hear the effect of some 
 overtures sent by General Carleton for a separate peace in America. A vessel 
 just arrived from Maryland, brings us the unanimous resolutions of their assembly 
 for continuing the war jat all hazards rather than violate their faith with France, 
 This is a sample of the success to be expected from such a measure ? if it has really 
 been taken ; which I hardly believe. 
 
 There is methinks a point that has been too little considered in treaties, the means 
 of making them durable. An honest peasant from the mountains of Provence, 
 brought me the other day a manuscript he had written on the subject, and which 
 he could not procure permission to print. It appeared to me to have much good 
 sense in it ; and therefore I got some copies to be struck off for him to distribute 
 where he may think fit. I send you one enclosed. This man aims at no profit 
 from his pamphlet or his project, asks for nothing, expects nothing, and does not 
 even desire to be known. He has acquired he tells me a fortune of near 150 
 crowns a year (about 18/. sterling) with which he is content. This you may imagine 
 would not afford the ex pence of riding to Paris, so he carne on foot; such was his 
 zeal for peace and the hope of forwarding and securing it by communicating his 
 ideas to great men here. His rustic and poor appearance has prevented his access 
 to them ; or obtaining their attention ; but he does not seem yet to be discouraged. 
 I honour much the character of this veritable philosophe. 
 
 I thank you much for your letters of May 1, 13, and 25 with your proposed 
 preliminaries. It is a pleasure to me to find our sentiments so concurring on points 
 of importance : it makes discussions as unnecessary as they might, between us, be 
 
388 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 inconvenient. I am my dear Sir, with great esteem and affection, your s ever, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO B. VAUGHAN, ESQ. 
 
 Passy, July 10, 1782. 
 
 " By the original law of nations, war and extirpation wa& 
 
 the punishment of injury. Humanizing by degrees, it admitted slavery instead of 
 death. A farther step was, the exchange of prisoners instead of slavery. Another, 
 to respect more the property of private persons under conquest, and to he content 
 with acquired dominion. Why should not this law of nations go on improving ? 
 Ages have intervened between its several steps ; but as knowledge of late increases 
 rapidly, why should not those steps be quickened? Why should it not be agreed 
 to as the future law of nations that in any war hereafter the following descriptions 
 of men should be undisturbed, have the protection of both sides, and be permitted 
 to follow their employments in surety ; viz. 
 
 1. Cultivators of the earth, because they labour for the subsistence of mankind. 
 
 2. Fishermen, for the same reason. 
 
 3. Merchants and traders, in unarmed ships, who accommodate different nations 
 by communicating and exchanging the necessaries and conveniences of life. 
 
 4. Artists and mechanics, inhabiting and working in open towns. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to add that the hospitals of enemies should be unmolested ; 
 they ought to be assisted. 
 
 In short, I would have nobody fought with but those who are paid for fighting. 
 If obliged to take corn from the farmer, friend or enemy, I would pay him for it ; 
 the same for the fish or goods of the others. 
 
 This once established, that encouragement to war which arises from a spirit of 
 rapine, would be takdn away, and peace therefore more likely to continue and be 
 lasting. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To B. VAUGHAN, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, July 11, 1782. 
 
 In mine of yesterday which went by Mr. Young I made no 
 mention of yours of May 1 1, it not being before me. I have just now found it. 
 
 You speak of a " proposed dependent state of America, which you thought Mr. 
 Oswald would begin with." As yet I have heard nothing of it. I have all along 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 389 
 
 understood (perhaps I have understood more than was intended) that the point of 
 dependence was given up, and that we v were to be treated with as a free people* 
 I am not sure that MY. Oswald has explicitly said so, but I know that Mr. 
 Grenville has, and that he was to make that declaration previous to the commence 
 ment of the treaty. It is now intimated to me from several quarters that Lord 
 Shclburne s plan is to retain sovereignty for the king, giving us otherwise an 
 independent parliament, and a government similar to that of late intended for 
 Ireland. If this be really his project, our negociation for peace will not go very 
 far ; the thing is impracticable and impossible, being inconsistent with the faith we 
 have pledged, to say nothing of the general disposition of our people. Upon the 
 whole I should believe that though Lord S. might formerly have entertained such 
 an idea, he had probably dropped it before he sent Mr. Oswald here : your words 
 above cited do however throw a little doubt into my mind, and have with the 
 intimations of others, made me less free in communication with his lordship, whom I 
 much esteem and honour, than I should otherwise have been. I wish therefore 
 you would afford me what you can of eclaircissement. 
 
 This letter going by a courier will probably get to hand long before the one 
 (preceding in date) which went by Mr. Young, who travels on foot. I therefore 
 inclose the copy of it whioh was taken in the press. You may return it to me 
 when the other arrives. 
 
 By the return of the courier, you may much oblige me, by communicating, what 
 is fairly communicable, of the history of Mr. Fox s and Lord J. Cavendish s 
 resignation, with any other changes made or likely to be made. 
 
 With sincere esteem, I am ever, my dear friend your s most affectionately, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 LETTERS TO RICHARD OSWALD, ESQ. AND TO LORD SHELBURNE. 
 SIR, Passy, July 12, 1782. 
 
 I inclose a letter for Lord Shelburne, to go by your courier, 
 
 with some others of which I request his care. They may be put into the penny 
 post. I have received a note informing me that " some opposition given by his 
 lordship to Mr. Fox s decided plan, of unequivocally acknowledging American 
 independence^ was one cause of that gentleman s resignation ; this from what you 
 have told me, appears improbable. It is farther said " that Mr. Grenville thinks 
 Mr. Fox s resignation will be fatal to the present negociation." This perhaps is 
 as groundless as the former. Mr. Grenville s next courier will probably clear up 
 
390 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 matters. I did understand from him that such an acknowledgment was intended 
 previous to the commencement of the treaty; and until it is made, and the treaty 
 formally begun, propositions and discussions seem in consideration, to be untimely ; 
 nor can I enter into particulars without Mr. Jay, who is now ill with the influenza. 
 My letter therefore to his lordship, is merely complimentary on his late appointment. 
 I wish a continuance of your health, in that at present sickly city, being with sincere 
 esteem Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 R. Oswald Esq. 
 
 I send you inclosed the late resolutions of the State of Maryland ; by which the 
 general disposition of people in America may be guessed, respecting any treaty 
 to be proposed by General Carleton if intended, which I do not believe. 
 
 MY LORD, F assy, July 12, 1782. 
 
 Mr. Oswald informing me that he is about to dispatch a 
 
 courier, I embrace the opportunity of congratulating your lordship on your appoint 
 ment to the treasury. It is an extension of your power to do good, and in that 
 view, if in no other, it must increase your happiness which I heartily wish ; being 
 with great and sincere respect, my Lord, your lordship s most obedient and most 
 humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Right Honourable the Earl of Shelburne. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO LE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 
 
 Passy, July 24, 3782. 
 
 " In answer to yotir questions, Mr. Oswald is doing nothing, 
 
 having neither powers nor instructions ; and being tired of doing nothing, has 
 dispatched a courier requesting leave to return. lie has I believe received no 
 letters since I saw ? you, from Lord Shelburne, Mr. Grenville s return hither is I 
 think doubtful, as he was particularly connected in friendship with Mr. Fox ; but 
 if he stays I suppose some other will be sent, for I do not yet see sufficient reason 
 to think they would abandon the negocialion, though from some appearances I 
 imagine they are more intent upon dividing us, than upon making a general peace. 
 I have heard nothing farther from Mr. Laurens, nor received any paper from him 
 respecting Lord Cornwallis. And since that General s letter written after the battle 
 of Camden, and ordering not only the confiscation of rebels estates, but the hang 
 ing of prisoners, has been made public, I should not wonder if the Congress were 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART HI. ^91 
 
 to disallow our absolution of his parole, and recall him to America. With everlast 
 ing esteem and respect, T am, dear Sir, yours most affectionately, 13. F. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, London, July <l6, 1 7 82. 
 
 You will have heard before you receive this, that Mi\ 
 
 Thomas Townshend is appointed secretary of state for that department to which tlie 
 American correspondence belongs. He is and has been for many years one of 
 my most intimate friends. A more honourable, and honest man, does not exist. 
 I have been requested in connection with him to undertake one branch of his 
 office relating to America as instrumental to some necessary arrangements in the 
 course of a negociation for peace with America. The point which I have been 
 requested to undertake is, the case, or rather the diversity of cases of the American 
 refugees. I understand that in the progress of this business, I shall he referred to 
 a correspondence with you, as matter may arise. My purpose therefore for the 
 present is only to advertize you of this, in case you should have any preliminary 
 matter to give or receive elucidation upon. I am very ready to undertake any 
 matter which may be necessary or instrumental towards peace, especially in 
 connection with my worthy friend Mr. Townshend. 
 
 You know all my principles upon American pacification, and sweet reconciliation. 
 T shall always remain in the same. But the delegation of a single point to me, 
 such as the case of the refugees, does not entitle me to advise upon the great out 
 lines or principles of such pacific negociations. I shall retain my full reservation in 
 such points as events may justify. My personal motive for saying this to you, is 
 obvious. But in point of justice to those who have at present the direction of 
 public measures in this country, I must request that this caution of mine may be 
 accepted only as personal to myself, and not as inferential upon the conduct of others, 
 where I am not a party. Having taken a zealous part in the principles and nego 
 ciations of peace, I wish to stand clear from any collateral constructions which 
 might affect myself, and at the same time not to impose any collateral or inferential 
 constructions upon others. 
 
 God prosper the work of peace and good will (as the means of peace) among 
 men. I am, ever your most affectionate friend, D. HARTLEY. 
 
 FROM LORD GRANTHAM TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 SIR, Whitehall, July 6, 1782. 
 
 ^s the first object of my wishes is to contribute to tlie 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 establishment of an honourable and lasting peace, I address myself to you without 
 ceremony, upon the conviction that you agree with me in this principle. If I was 
 not convinced that it was also, the real system of the ministers of this country, I 
 should not now be co-operating with them. The step they had already taken in 
 sending Mr. Grenville to Paris, is a proof of their intentions, and as that gentleman 
 does not return to his station there, I trust that the immediate appointment of a 
 person to succeed him, will testify rny agreement to the principles upon which he 
 was employed. I therefore beg leave to recommend Mr. Fitzherbert to your 
 acquaintance who has the King s commands to repair to Paris. 
 
 As I have not the advantage of being known to you, I can claim no pretence for 
 my application to you, but my public situation, and my desire to merit your 
 confidence upon a subject of so much importance as a pacification between the 
 parties now engaged in a calai nitons war. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with great regard, Sir, your most obedient humble 
 servant, GRANTHAM. 
 
 
 FROM LORD SHELBURNE, TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 SIR, Shelburnc House, July 27, 1782. 
 
 I am much obliged by the honour of your letter of the 12th. 
 instate You do me most acceptable justice in supposing my happiness intimately 
 connected with that of mankind, and I can with truth assure you, it will give 
 me great satisfaction in every situation to merit the continuance of your good 
 opinion. 
 
 I have the honour to be,, with very sincere regard, and esteem, dear Sir, your 
 most obedient and most humble servant, SHELBURNE. 
 
 To MR. OSWALD. 
 SIR, Passy, July 38, 1782. 8 o clock. 
 
 I have but this minute had an opportunity by the departure 
 of my company of perusing the letters you put into my hands this afternoon; and 
 J return them directly without waiting till our interview to-morrow morning, be 
 cause I would not give a moment s delay to the delivery of those directed to other 
 persons. The situation of Captain Asgill and his family afflicts me : but I do not 
 see what can be done by any one here to relieve them. It cannot be supposed that 
 General Washington has the least desire of taking the life of that gentleman. 
 His aim is to obtain the punishment, committed on a prisoner in cold blood by 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 393 
 
 Captain Lippincott. If the English refuse to deliver up or punish this murderer, 
 it is saying that they chuse to preserve him rather than Captain Asgill. It seems 
 to me therefore that the application should be made to the English ministers, for 
 positive orders directing General Carleton to deliver up Lippincott, which orders 
 being obtained should be dispatched immediately by a swift sailing vessel. I do 
 not think any other means can produce the effect desired. The cruel murders of 
 this kind committed by the English on our people since the commencement of the 
 war, are innumerable. The Congress and their generals to satisfy the people have 
 often threatened retaliation ; but have always hitherto forborne to execute it, and 
 they have often been told insultingly by their enemies that this forbearance did not 
 proceed from humanity but fear. General Greene, though he solemnly and publicly 
 promised it in a proclamation, never made any retaliation for the murder of Col. 
 Haynes, and many others in Carolina ; and the people, who now think that if he 
 had fulfilled his promise, this crime would not have been committed, clamour so 
 loudly, that I doubt General Washington cannot well refuse what appears to them 
 so just and necessary for their common security. I am persuaded nothing I could 
 say to him on the occasion would have the least effect in changing his determina 
 tion. Excuse me then if I presume to advise the dispatching a courier immediately 
 to London, proposing to the consideration of ministers the sending such orders to 
 General Carleton directly. They would have an excellent effect in other views. 
 The post goes to-morrow morning at ten o clock ; but as nine days have been 
 spent in bringing the letters here by that conveyance, an express is preferable. 
 With sincere esteem I have the honour to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To M. LE COMTE DE VtRGENNES. 
 
 SIR, Passy, August 8, 1782. 
 
 Yesterday Mr. Oswald communicated to Mr. Jay and me, 
 a paper he had just received from his court, being a copy of the King s order to 
 the attorney or solicitor general to prepare a commission to pass the great seali 
 appointing him to treat with us, &c., and he showed us a letter from Mr. Secretary 
 Townshend, which expresses his concern that the commission itself could not be 
 sent by this courier, the officers who were to expedite it being in the country, which 
 would occasion a delay of eight or ten days ; but that its being then sent might be 
 depended on, and it was hoped the treaty might in the mean time be proceeded on. 
 Mr. Oswald left with me a copy of the paper which I inclose for your excellency s 
 consideration, and am, with great respect, Sir, your excellency s, &c, B. F. 
 
 VOL. II. 3D 
 
3.94- MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 ANSWER. 
 
 A. M. FRANKLIN, 
 
 Je recois, Monsieur, la lettre de ce jour clont vous m avez 
 
 honore et la copie du pouvoir que M. Oswald vous a communique. La forme 
 dans la quelle il est concu n etant pas celle qui est usite e, je ne puis pas arreter 
 mon opinion a une premiere vue, je vais Texaminer avec la plus grande attention, 
 et si vous voulez bien vous rendre ici Samedi matin, je pourrai en confeYer avec vous, 
 et avec M. Jay s^l lui toit commode de vous accompagner. 
 
 J ai 1 honneur d etre, tres-parfaitement, Monsieur, votre tres humble, &c. 
 Versailles le 8 Aout, 1782. DE VERGE NNES. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO THE HON. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. 
 
 Passy, August \<2, 1782. 
 
 The second changes in the ministry of England have occa 
 sioned or have afforded pretences for various delays in the negociation for peace. 
 Mr. Grenville had two successive imperfect commissions. He was at length re 
 called, and Mr. Fitzherbert is now arrived to replace him, with a commission in due 
 form to treat with France, Spain and Holland. Mr. Oswald who is here, is in 
 formed that a commission impowering him to treat with the commissioners of Con 
 gress will pass the seals, and be sent him in a few days. Till it arrives this court 
 will not proceed in its own negociation. I send the enabling Act, as it is called. 
 Mr. Jay will acquaint you with what passes between him and the Spanish Ambas 
 sador respecting the proposed treaty with Spain. I will only mention that my con 
 jecture of that court s design to coop us up within the Alleghany mountains is now 
 manifested : I hope Congress will insist on the Missisipi as the boundary, and the 
 free navigation of the river, from which they would entirely exclude us. B. F. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 My DEAR FRIEND, London, August 16, 1782. 
 
 Yours I received by Major Young together with the work of 
 your veritable philosophe, which is full of humanity. I was not before that, at a loss 
 where I should have looked for my veritable philosophe in the present actual scene 
 of public politics. Your honest, anxious and unremitted endeavours towards the 
 re-establishment of peace, must endear you to your own country, and to all man 
 kind. Whatever may have been transacting in America, (if it can be possible that 
 the suspicions which you mention should become true) viz. to tamper with America 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART ITT. 395 
 
 for a bread) of faith, of which some suspicions seem to the thrown out by the 
 provinces of Maryland and Philadelphia, I can give the strongest testimonies of the 
 constant honour and good faith of your conduct and correspondencies ; and my 
 letters to you will bear me equal testimony, that I have never thrown out any dis 
 honourable suggestions to you. When the proposed Congress of your veritable 
 ptiilosophe shall meet, neither of us need fear its censures, upon the strictest exami 
 nation of our correspondence. We will claim the Poet s character of the sincere 
 statesman, 
 
 " Who knew no thought but what the world might hear." 
 
 In times of suspicion it must be some satisfaction to both of us to know, that no 
 line or word has ever passed between us, but what the governments of Great 
 Britain, France and America mijrht freely peruse as the words of good faith, peace 
 and sweet reconciliation. 
 
 The resolutions of Maryland and Philadelphia together with the slow proceeding 
 of our plenipotentiaries, and even the doubt suggested whether they may not be 
 in waiting for events in America, give me much concern. Not being informed to 
 a certainty of the state of the negociation, I have declined any concern with 
 ministry upon the subject of the refugees, &c. My assistance cannot be indispensable 
 upon that topic, but I deem it indispensable to myself, not to be committed in 
 unknown ground, which from the points above mentioned must appear dubious to 
 me. These are the reasons which I gave to the minister for declining. I must at 
 
 o O 
 
 the same time give him the justice of the most absolute and unlimited professions of 
 sincerity for peace. Whatever divisions there may have been, as you say, suspect 
 ed in the cabinet, there are some of his colleagues still remaining, in whom I have 
 the greatest confidence for sincerity and good intentions. The public prints of this 
 country have stated what are called shades of difference as to the mode. Those 
 opinions which are imputed to Mr. Fox are certainly most suitable to my opinions. 
 I am free to confess to you that my wishes would have been to have taken the 
 most decisive ground relating to independence, c. immediately from the 27th of 
 March last, viz, the accession of the change of ministry. But I agree with you in 
 sentiment ; viz. to concur with all the good that offers, when we cannot obtain all 
 the good that we might wish. The situation of my sentiments at present is, an 
 unbiassed neutrality of expectation, as events may justify. 
 
 I shall be obliged to you for the earliest communications of any public events in 
 America whidi may come to Europe, with any public resolutions of Congress or 
 provinces, &c. and all memorials or negociations which may pass between the 
 
396 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 parties in America. I am very anxious to have the earliest informations to form 
 my opinions upon, and to be prepared accordingly. My utmost endeavours will 
 always be exerted to the blessed work of peace. I am ever, your affectionate 
 
 D. HARTLEY. 
 
 To His EXCELLENCY J. JAY, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, Sept. 4, 1782. 
 
 Mr. Oswald s courier being returned, with directions to him, 
 to make the independence of America the first article in the treaty, I would wait on 
 you if I could, to discourse on the subject : but as I cannot, I wish to see you here 
 this evening, if not inconvenient to you. With great esteem, I have the honour 
 to be, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Letter and official communication from RICHARD OSWALD, ESQ. TO 
 
 DR. FRANKLIN. 
 SIB, 
 
 In consequence of the notice I have just now had from Mr. 
 Jay of your desire of an extract from my last letter from the secretary of state, 
 regarding the proposed treaty on the subject of American affairs ; and my authority 
 in relation thereto, I take the liberty to send the same inclosed ; which, together 
 with the powers contained in the commission which I had the honour of laying 
 before you, and Mr. Jay, I am hopeful will satisfy you of the willingness and 
 sincere desire of his majesty to give you entire content on that important subject. 
 
 This extract I would have sent before now, if I had thought you wished to have 
 it before I had the honour of waiting on you myself; which was only delayed until 
 I should be informed by Mr. Jay, that you was well enough to see me upon busi 
 ness. I heartily wish you a recovery of your health, and am, with sincere esteem 
 and regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, RICHARD OSWALD. 
 
 Paris, September 5, 1782. 
 
 Extract of a letter to RICHARD OSWALD, ESQ. from the Right Honourable 
 THOMAS TOWNSHEND, one of his Majesty s principal Secretaries of State, dated 
 Whitehall, Sept. 1, 1782. 
 SIR 
 
 " I have received and laid before the King, your letters of 
 the 17th, 18th, and 21st ult; and I am commanded to signify to you his Majesty s 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 397 
 
 approbation of your conduct, in communicating to the American Commissioners 
 the fourth article of your instructions ; which could not but convince them, that the 
 negociation for peace, and the cession of independence to the Thirteen United 
 Colonies, were intended to be carried on and concluded with the Commissioners 
 in Europe. 
 
 Those gentlemen having expressed their satisfaction concerning that article, it is 
 hoped they will not entertain a doubt of his Majesty s determination to exercise, in 
 the fullest extent, the powers with which the act of parliament hath invested him, 
 by granting to America, full, complete, and unconditional independence, in the 
 most explicit manner, as an article of treaty. 
 
 Paris, Sept. 5, 1782. RICHARD OSWALD." 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Hotel de Yorck, Sept. 7, 1782. 
 
 I beg of you not to forget your letter to Mr. Fox. The 
 
 purpose of my journey to England will be, to do the best in my power for things 
 and persons, and particularly for my friends. If you have any other private letters, 
 send them to me ; I will deliver them. I hope likewise to be personally charged 
 with the answers. I am better this morning, and shall certainly set out very early 
 to-morrow morning. Pray give my best compliments to Mr. and Mrs. Jay, and 
 Mr. Temple Franklin. I wish you all health till I have the pleasure of seeing you 
 again. Your ever most affectionate friend, D. HARTLEY. 
 
 To RICHARD OSWALD, ESQ. 
 SIR, Passy, Sept. 8, 1782. 
 
 I have received the honour of yours, dated the 5th instant, 
 inclosing an extract of a letter to your Excellency from the Right Hon. Thomas 
 Townshend, one of his Majesty s principal Secretaries of State, wherein your 
 conduct in communicating to us the fourth article of your instructions appears to 
 have been approved by his Majesty. I suppose therefore that there is no impro 
 priety in my requesting a copy of that instruction ; and if you see none, I wish to 
 receive it from you, hoping it may be of use in removing some of the difficulties 
 that obstruct our proceeding. With great and sincere esteem, I am, Sir, your 
 Excellency s most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANK LIN. 
 
508 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 Copy of the fourth article of his Majesty s instructions to Richard Oswald, for 
 his government in treating with the Commissioners of the Thirteen United Colonies 
 of America for a truce or peace, the said instructions being dated the 31st day of 
 July, 1782; viz. 
 
 " 4th Article. In case you find the American Commissioners are not at liberty 
 to treat on any terms short of independence, you are to declare to them, that you 
 have authority to make that concession. Our ardent wish for peace disposing us to 
 purchase it at the price of acceding to the complete independence of the Thirteen 
 Colonies, namely, New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Con 
 necticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on 
 Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia in 
 North America." 
 
 Passy, 9th Sept. 1782. RICHARD OSWALD. 
 
 To THE RIGHT Hox. THE EARL OF GRANTHAM. 
 Mr LORD, Passy, Sept. 1 1, 1782. 
 
 A long and severe indisposition has delayed my acknowledging 
 the receipt of the letter your Lordship did me the honour of writing to me by Mr. 
 Fitzherbert. 
 
 You do me justice in believing that I agree with you in earnestly wishing the 
 establishment of an honourable and lasting peace ; and I am happy to be assured 
 by your Lordship that it is the system of the ministers with whom you are co 
 operating. I know it to be the sincere desire of the United States, and with such 
 dispositions on both sides, there is reason to hope that the good work in its progress 
 will meet with little difficulty. A small one has occurred in the commencement, 
 with which Mr. Oswald will acquaint you. I flatter myself that means will be 
 found on your part for removing it ; and my best endeavours in removing subse 
 quent ones (if any should arise) may be relied on. 
 
 I had the honour of being known to your Lordship s father. On several 
 occasions he manifested a regard for me, and a confidence in me. I shall be happy 
 if my conduct in the present important business may procure me the same rank in 
 the esteem of his worthy successor. I am, with sincere respect, my Lord, your 
 Lordship s most obedient and most humble servant, 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 399 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Passy, Sept. 17, 1782. 
 
 Since those acknowledged in my last, I have received your 
 
 several favours of August 1 6, 20, and 26. I have been a long time afflicted with 
 the gravel and gout, which have much indisposed me for writing. I am even now 
 in pain, but will not longer delay some answer. 
 
 I did not perfectly comprehend the nature of your appointment respecting the 
 refugees, and I supposed you would in a subsequent letter explain it. But as I 
 now find you have declined the service, such explanation is become unnecessary. 
 
 I did receive the paper you enquire about, intitled Preliminaries, and dated May, 
 1782, but it was from you, and I know nothing of their having been communicated 
 to this Court. The third proposition, " that in case the negociation between 
 Great Britain, and the allies of America should not succeed, but war continue 
 between them, America should act and be treated as a neutral nation," appeared 
 at first sight inadmissible, being contrary to our treaty. The truce too seems not 
 to have been desired by any of the parties. With unalterable esteem and affection, 
 I am, my dear friend, ever yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 . . ; < j , . v 
 
 To BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, ESQ. 
 SIR, Paris, Sept. 24, 1782. 
 
 Having received by a Courier just now arrived, a letter from 
 
 Mr. Secretary Townshend, in answer to mine which went by the messenger 
 dispatched from hence on the 12th, I take this opportunity of Mr. Whiteford to 
 send you a copy of it. I hope he will bring good accounts of your health, which I 
 sincerely wish, and am, your Excellency s most obedient humble servant, 
 
 RICHARD OSWALD. 
 
 To RICHARD OSWALD, ESQ. (Private). 
 SIR, Whitehall, Sept. 20, 1782. 
 
 I received on Saturday last your packets of the 10th and 1 1th 
 of this month. 
 
 A meeting of the King s confidential servants was held as soon as possible to 
 consider the contents of them, and it was at once agreed to make the alteration in 
 the Commission proposed by Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay. I trust that the readiness 
 with which this proposal has been accepted, will be considered as an ample testi- 
 
400 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 mony of the openness and sincerity with which the government of this country i s 
 disposed to treat with the Americans. 
 
 The Commission is passing with as much dispatch as the forms of office will 
 allow, but I thought it material that no delay should happen in giving you notice of 
 the determination of his Majesty s Council upon this subject. You will receive the 
 Commission very soon after this reaches you. I am, with great regard, Sir, your 
 most obedient humble servant, T. TOWNSHEND. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO THE HON. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. 
 
 Passy, Sept. 26, 1782. 
 
 " The negociations for peace have hitherto amounted to 
 
 little more than mutual professions of sincere desires, &c. ; being obstructed by the 
 want of due form in the English Commissions appointing their Plenipotentiaries. 
 The objections made to those for treating with France, Spain, and Holland, were 
 first removed ; and by the enclosed * it seems that our objections to that for treating 
 
 1 The Commission here following. 
 
 Commission under the Great Seal of Great Britain, empowering Richard Oswald, 
 Esq. to treat with the Commissioners of the Thirteen United States of 
 America. 
 
 GEORGE the Third, by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, King, 
 Defender of the Faith, and so forth, To our trusty and well beloved Richard Oswald, of our City of 
 London, Esq. Greeting, Whereas by virtue of an Act passed in the last session of parliament, intituled 
 an Act to enable his Majesty to conclude a peace or truce with certain Colonies in North America 
 therein mentioned, it is recited, that it is essential to the interest, welfare, and prosperity of Great 
 Britain and the Colonies or plantations of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Con 
 necticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, 
 Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia in North America, that peace, intercourse, 
 trade, and commerce, should be restored between them; therefore, and for a fall manifestation of our 
 earnest wish and desire, and of that of our parliament, to put an end to the calamities of war, it is 
 enacted, that it should and might be lawful for us, to treat, consult of, agree and conclude with any 
 Commissioner or Commissioners, named or to be named by the said Colonies or Plantations, or any 
 of them respectively, or with any body or bodies corporate or politic, or any assembly or assemblies, 
 or description of men, or any person or persons whatsoever, a peace or a truce with the said Colonies 
 or Plantations, or any of them, or any part or parts thereof, any law, act or acts of parliament, 
 matter or thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding; Now know ye that we, reposing especial 
 trust in your wisdom, loyalty, diligence, and circumspection, in the management of the affairs to be 
 bereby committed to your charge, have nominated and appointed, constituted and assigned, and by 
 these presents do nominate and appoint, constitute, and assign you the said Richard Oswald to be ouf 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PAHT III. 401 
 
 with us will now be removed also; so that we expect to begin in a few days our 
 negociations. But there are so many interests to be considered and settled in a 
 peace between five different nations, that it will be well not to flatter ourselves with 
 a very speedy conclusion." 
 
 Commissioner in that behalf, to use and exercise all and every the powers and authorities hereby 
 entrusted and committed to you the said Richard Oswald, sind to do, perform, and execute all other 
 matters and things hereby enjoined and committed to your care, during our will and no longer, 
 according to the tenour of these our letters patent ; And it is our royal will and pleasure, and we do 
 hereby authorise, empower, and require, you the said Richard Oswald, to treat, consult of, and 
 conclude, with any Commissioners or persons vested with equal powers, by and on the part of the 
 Thirteen United States of America, viz. New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, llhode Island, Con 
 necticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, 
 Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia in North America, a peace or a truce with 
 the said Thirteen United States, any law, act or acts of parliament, matter or thing to the contrary 
 in any wise notwithstanding. And it is our further will and pleasure, that every regulation, provision 
 matter, or thing, which shall have been agreed upon between you the said Richard Oswald and such 
 Commissioners or persons as aforesaid, with whom you shall have judged meet and sufficient to enter 
 into such agreement, shall be fully and distinctly set forth in writing, and authenticated by your hand 
 and seal on one side, and by the hands and seals of such Commissioners or persons on the other, and 
 such instrument so authenticated, shall be by you transmitted to us, through one of our principal 
 Secretaries of State. And it is our farther will and pleasure, that you the said Richard Oswald, shall 
 promise and engage for us, and in our royal name and word, that every regulation, provision, matter, 
 or thing, which may be agreed to. and concluded by you our said Commissioner, shall be ratified and 
 confirmed by us, in the fullest manner and extent ; and that we will not suffer them to be violated or 
 counteracted, either in whole or in part, by any person whatsoever. And we do hereby require and 
 command all our officers, civil and military, and all others our loving subjects whatsoever, to be 
 aiding and assisting unto you the said Richard Oswald, in the execution of this our commission, and 
 of the powers and authorities herein contained. Provided always, and we do hereby declare and 
 ordain, that the several offices, powers and authorities hereby granted, shall cease, determine, and 
 become utterly null and void, on the first day of July, which shall be in the yeqr of uur Lojrd One 
 Thousand, Seven Hundred and Eighty-three, although we shall not otherwise in the mean time have 
 revoked and determined the same. And whereas in and by your Commission and letters patent, under 
 our Great Seal of Great Britain, bearing date the seventh day of August last, we nominated and 
 appointed, constituted and assigned you the said Richard Oswald to be our Commissioner, to treat, 
 consult of, agree, and conclude, with any Commissioner or Commissioners named or to be named by 
 certain Cotonies or Plantations therein specified, a peace or truce with the said Culonies or Planta 
 tions ; Now know ye that we have revoked and determined, and by these presents do revoke and 
 determine our said Commission and letters patent, and all and every power, article, and thing, therein 
 contained. In witness whereof, w have caused these our letters to be made patent. 
 
 Vot.II. 3E 
 
 ,i vT?.- -. > ,, v.: ..... .... 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO Du. FRANKLIN. 
 My DEAR FRIEND, Bath, October 4, 1782. 
 
 I only write one line to you to let you know that I am not 
 
 forgetful of you, or of our common concerns. I have not heard any thing from the 
 ministry yet : I believe it is a kind of vacation with them before the meeting of 
 parliament. I have told you of a proposition which I have had some thoughts to 
 make as a kind of co-partnership in commerce. I send you a purposed temporary 
 convention, which I have drawn up. You are to consider it only as one I recom 
 mend. The words under-lined are grafted upon the proposition of my memorial, 
 dated May 19, 1783. You will see the principle which I have in my thoughts to 
 extend for the purpose of restoring our ancient co-partnership generally. I cannot 
 tell you what event things may take, but my thoughts are always employed in 
 endeavouring to arrange that system upon which the China Vase lately shattered 
 may be cemented together, upon principles of compact and connection, instead of 
 dependence. I have met with a sentiment in this country which gives some alarm, 
 viz. lest the unity of government in America should be uncertain, and the States 
 reject the authority of Congress. Some passages in General Washington s letter 
 have given weight to these doubts. I don t hear of any tendency to this opinion ; 
 that the American States will break to pieces, and then we may still conquer them. 
 I believe all that folly is extinguished. But many serious and well disposed persons 
 are alarmed lest this should be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the 
 union, and annihilating the cement of confederation (vide Washington s letter), and 
 that Great Britain should thereby lose her best and wisest hope of being re-connected 
 with the American States unitedly. I should for one, think it the greatest misfor 
 tune. Pray give me some opinion upon this. You see there is likewise another 
 turn which may be given to this sentiment by intemperate and disappointed people, 
 who may indulge a passionate revenge for their own disappointments, by endea 
 vouring to excite general distrust, discord, and dis-union, I wish to be prepared 
 
 Witness our self at Westminster, the twenty-first day of September, and the twenty-second year of 
 our reign. 
 
 By the King himself. 
 
 YORKE. 
 
 Paris, Oct. 1, 1782. I certify, that the adjoining is a true copy of the Commission, of which it 
 purports to be a copy, and which has been shewn to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay. 
 
 RICHAIID OSWALD, 
 The Commissioner therein named. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE, PART III. 403 
 
 arrd guarded at all points. I beg my best compliments to your colleagues ; be so 
 good as to show this letter to them. I beg particularly my condolence (and I hope 
 congratulation) to Mr. Adams ; I hear that he has been very dangerously ill, but 
 that he is again recovered. I hope the latter part is true, and that we shall all 
 survive to set our hands to some future compacts of common interest, and common 
 affection, between our two countries. Your ever affectionate D. HARTLEY. 
 
 To THE HON. ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. 
 SIR, Passy, Oct. 14, 1782. 
 
 I have but just received information of this opportunity, and 
 have only time allowed to write a few lines. 
 
 In my last of the 26th past, I mentioned that the negociations for peace had 
 been obstructed by the want of due form in the English Commissions, appointing 
 their plenipotentiaries. In that for treating with us the mentioning our States by 
 their public name had been avoided, which we objecting to, another is come, of 
 which I send a copy inclosed. We have now made several preliminary propo 
 sitions, which the English minister, Mr. Oswald, has approved, and sent to his 
 Court. He thinks they will be approved there, but I have some doubts. In a 
 few days however the answer expected will determine. By the first of these articles 
 the King of Great Britain renounces for himself and successors all claim and pre 
 tension to dominion or territory within the Thirteen United States ; and the 
 boundaries are described as in our instructions ; except that the line between Nova 
 Scotia and New England is to be settled by Commissioners after the peace. By 
 another article the fishery in the American Seas is to be freely exercised by the 
 Americans, wherever they might formerly exercise it while united with Great 
 Britain. By another, the citizens and subjects of each nation are to enjoy the same 
 protection and privileges in each other s ports and countries respecting commerce, 
 duties, &c., that are enjoyed by native subjects. The articles are drawn up very 
 fully by Mr. Jay; who I suppose sends you a copy ; if not, it will go by the next 
 opportunity. If these articles are agreed to, I apprehend little difficulty in the rest. 
 Something has been mentioned about the refugees and English debts, but not 
 insisted on, as we declared at once, that whatever confiscations had been made in 
 America, being in virtue of the laws of particular States, the Congress had no 
 authority to repeal those laws, and therefore could give us none to stipulate for such 
 repeal. 
 
404 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN" FRANKLIN. 
 
 The ministry here have been induced to send over M. de Raynevall, Secretary 
 of the Council, to converse with Lord Shelburne, and endeavour to form by that 
 means a more perfect judgment of what was to be expected from the negociation. 
 He was five or six days in England, saw all the ministers, and returned quite 
 satisfied that they are sincerely desirous of peace ; so that the negotiations now go 
 on with some prospect of success. But the Court and people of England are very 
 changeable. A little turn of fortune in their favour sometimes turns their heads ; 
 and I shall not think a speedy peace to be depended on till I see the treaties signed. 
 With great esteem, I have the honour to be, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To His Excellency JOHN ADAMS, Esq. Minister Plenipotentiary, c. 
 SIR, Passy, Oct. 15, 1782. 
 
 A long and painful illness has prevented my corresponding 
 with your Excellency regularly. 
 
 Mr. Jay has, I believe, acquainted you with the obstructions our peace negocia- 
 tions have met with, and that they are at length removed. By the next courier 
 expected from London, we may be able perhaps to form some judgment of the 
 probability of success, so far as relates to our part of the peace. How likely the 
 other powers are to settle their pretensions I cannot yet learn. In the mean time 
 America is gradually growing more easy, by the enemy s evacuation of their posts ; 
 as you will see by some intelligence I inclose. With great respect, I have the 
 honour to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 FROM THE HON. T. TOWNSHEND TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 SIR, Whitehall, Oct. 23, 1782. 
 
 As Mr. Strachey is going from hence to Paris with some 
 particulars for Mr. Oswald, which were not easily to be explained in writing, I take 
 the liberty of introducing him to your acquaintance, though I am not sure, that he 
 is not already a little known to you. The confidential situation in which he stands 
 with me makes me particularly desirous of presenting him to you. 
 
 I believe, Sir, I am enough known to you for you to believe me, when I say, 
 that there has not been from the beginning a single person more averse to the 
 unhappy war, or who wishes more earnestly, than I do, for a return of peace and 
 mutual amity between Great Britain and America. I am, with great regard, Sir, 
 your most obedient, humble servant, T. TOWNSHEND. 
 
PillVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 405 
 
 To THE RIGHT HON. THOMAS TOWNSHEND, 
 
 One of Ms Majesty s principal Secretaries of State. 
 
 SIR, Passy, Nov. 4, 1782. 
 
 I received the letter you did me the honour of writing to me 
 
 by Mr. Strachey ; and was much pleased with the opportunity it gave me of 
 renewing and increasing my acquaintance with a gentleman of so amiable and 
 deserving a character. 
 
 I am sensible you have ever been averse to the measures that brought on this- 
 unhappy war ; I have therefore no doubt of the sincerity of your wishes for a 
 return of peace. Mine are equally earnest. Nothing therefore except the 
 beginning of the war, has given me more concern than to learn at the conclusion of 
 our conferences, that it is not likely to be soon ended. Be assured no endeavours 
 on my part would be wanting to remove any difficulties that may have arisen, or 
 even if a peace were made, to procure afterwards any changes in the treaty that 
 might tend to render it more perfect, and the peace more durable. But we who 
 are here at so great a distance from our constituents, have not the possibility of 
 obtaining in a few days fresh instructions, as is the case with your negociators, and 
 are therefore obliged to insist on what is conformable to those we have, and at the 
 same time appears to us just and reasonable. With great esteem and respect, I 
 have the honour to be, Sir, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE MINISTERS PLENIPOTENTIARY FROM THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, Paris, Nov. 5, 1782. 
 
 Knowing the expectation of the King s ministers, that full 
 
 indemnity shall be provided for the whole body of refugees, either by a restitution 
 of their property, or by some stipulated compensation for their losses, and being 
 confident, as I have repeatedly assured you, that your refusal upon this point will 
 be the great obstacle to a conclusion and ratification of that peace which is meant 
 as a solid, perfect, permanent reconciliation and re-union between Great Britain 
 and America, I am unwilling to leave Paris without once more submitting the 
 matter to your consideration. It affects equally in my opinion the honour and 
 humanity of your country and of ours. How far you will be justified in risking 
 every favourite object of America, by contending against those principles, is for you 
 to determine. Independence and more than a reasonable possession of territory 
 seem to be within your reach. Will you suffer them to be outweighed by the 
 
40ft MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 gratification of resentment against individuals. I venture to assert that such a 
 conduct hath no parallel in the history of civilized nations. 
 
 I am under the necessity of setting out by two o clock to-day ; if the time is too 
 short for your re-consideration, and final determination of this important point, I 
 shall hope that you will enable Mr. Oswald to dispatch a messenger after me, who 
 may be with me before morning at Chantilly, where I propose sleeping to-night, or 
 who may overtake me before I arrive in London, with a satisfactory answer to this 
 letter. I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, Yours, &c. W. STRACHEY. 
 
 To H. STRACIIEY, ESQ. 
 SIR, Paris, Nov. 6, 1782. 
 
 We have been honoured with your favour of the 5th instant, 
 and as our answer to a letter we received from Mr. Oswald on the same subject, 
 contains our unanimous sentiments respecting it, we take the liberty of referring you 
 to the inclosed copy of that answer. We have the honour to be, Sir, your most 
 obedient, &c. 
 
 COPY OF THE LETTER TO MR, OSWALD. 
 SIR, Nov. 6, 1782. 
 
 In answer to the letter you did us the honour to write on the 
 
 4th instant, we beg leave to repeat what we often said in conversation, viz. 
 that the restoration of such of the estates of refugees, as have been confiscated, is 
 impracticable, because they were confiscated by laws of particular states, and in 
 many instances have passed by legal titles through several hands. Besides, Sir, as 
 this is a matter evidently appertaining to the internal polity of the separate states, 
 the Congress by the nature of our constitution have no authority to interfere 
 with it. 
 
 As to your demand of compensation to those persons, we forbear enumerating 
 our reasons for thinking it ill founded : in the moment of conciliatory overtures it 
 would not be proper to call certain scenes into view, over which a variety of consi 
 derations should induce both parties, at present to draw a veil. Permit us therefore 
 only to repeat, that we cannot stipulate for such compensation, unless on your part 
 it be agreed to make retribution to our citizens for the heavy losses they have 
 sustained by the unnecessary destruction of their private property. 
 
 We have already agreed to an amnesty more extensive than justice required, and 
 
1 RIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART 111. 4(>7 
 
 full as extensive as humanity could demand. We can therefore only repeat, that it 
 cannot be extended further. 
 
 We should be sorry if the absolute impossibility of our complying farther with 
 your propositions on this head, should induce Great Britain to continue the war, 
 for the sake of those who caused and prolonged it. But if that should be the case, 
 we hope that the utmost latitude will not be again given to its rigours. 
 
 Whatever may be the issue of this negociation, be assured, Sir, that we shall 
 always acknowledge the liberal, manly, and candid manner in which you have 
 conducted it, and that we shall remain with the warmest sentiments of esteem and 
 regard, your most obedient and very humble servants. 
 
 Article proposed by the American Plenipotentiaries. 
 It is agreed that his Britannic Majesty will earnestly recommend it to his 
 parliament to provide for and make compensation to the merchants and shop 
 keepers of Boston, whose goods and merchandize were seized and taken out of their 
 stores, warehouses and shops, by order of General Gage and others of his com 
 manders or officers there, and also to the inhabitants of Philadelphia, for the goods 
 taken away by his army there, and to make compensation also for the tobacco, rice, 
 indigo, negroes, c. seized and carried off by his armies under Generals Arnold, 
 Cornwallis, and others, from the State of Virginia, North and South Carolina, 
 and Georgia. And also for all vessels and cargoes belonging to the inhabitants of 
 the said United States, which were stopped, seized, or taken, either in the ports 
 or on the seas, by his governors or by his ships of war, before the declaration of 
 war against the said States. 
 
 And it is further agreed, that his Britannic Majesty will also earnestly recommend 
 it to his parliament to make compensation for all towns, villages, and farms, burnt 
 and destroyed by his troops, or adherents in the said United States. 
 
 FACTS. 
 
 There existed a free commerce upon mutual faith, between Great 
 Britain and America. The merchants of the former credited the merchants and 
 planters of the latter with great quantities of goods on the common expectation that 
 the merchants having sold the goods would make the accustomed remittances ; that 
 the planters would do the same by the labour of their negroes, and the produce of 
 that labour, tobacco, rice, indigo, c. 
 
408 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 England, before the goods were sold in America, sends an armed force, sekes 
 those goods in the stores, some even in the ships that brought them, and carries 
 them off. Seizes also and carries off the tobacco, rice, and indigo, provided by the 
 planters to make returns, and even the negroes from whose labour they might hope 
 to raise other produce for that purpose. 
 
 Britain now demands that the debts shall nevertheless be paid. 
 
 Will she, can she justly refuse making compensation for such seizures? 
 
 If a draper who had sold a piece of linen to a neighbour on credit, should follow 
 him, take th^ linen from him by force, and then send a bailiff to arrest him for the 
 debt, would any court of law or equity award the payment of the debts, without 
 ordering a restitution of the cloth ? 
 
 Will not the debtors in America cry out, that if this compensation be not made, 
 they were betrayed by the pretended credit, and are now doubly ruined, first by 
 the enemy, and then by the negotiators at Paris, the goods and negroes sold them 
 being taken from them with all they had besides ; and they are now to be obliged to 
 jiay for what they have been robbed of. 
 
 To RICHARD OSWALD, ESQ. 
 SIR, November 26, 1782. 
 
 You may well remember that in the beginning of our confer 
 ences, before the other commissioners arrived, on mentioning to me a retribution 
 for the loyalists whose estates had been forfeited, I acquainted you that nothing of 
 that kind could be stipulated by us, the confiscations being made by virtue of laws 
 of particular States, which the Congress had no power to contravene or dispense 
 with, and therefore could give us no such authority in our commission. And I gave 
 it as my opinion, honestly and cordially, that if a reconciliation was intended, no 
 mention should be made in our negociations of those people ; for they having done 
 infinite mischief to our properties by wantonly burning and destroying farm-houses, 
 villages, and towns, if compensation for their losses were insisted on, we should 
 certainly exhibit against it an account of all the ravages they had committed, which 
 would necessarily recall to view scenes of barbarity that must inflame instead of 
 conciliating, and tend to perpetuate an enmity that we all profess a desire of 
 extinguishing. Understanding however from you, that this was a point your 
 ministry had at heart, I wrote concerning it to Congress, and I have lately received 
 the following : 
 
 o 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.^PART TFT. 409 
 
 " By the United States in Congress assembled. 
 
 " September 10, 1782. 
 
 " Resolved, that the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, be and is hereby directed to obtain as 
 speedily as possible authentic returns of the stores and other property which have been carried offer 
 destroyed in the course of the war by the enemy, and to transmit the same to the ministers plenipoten 
 tiary for negotiating a peace. 
 
 " That in the mean time the Secretary for Foreign Affairs inform the said ministers, that many 
 thousands of slaves and other property to a very great amount have been carried off or destroyed by 
 the enemy; and that in the opinion of Congress, the great loss of property which the- citizens of the 
 United States have sustained by the enemy, will be considered by several states as an inseparable bar to 
 their making restitution or indemnification to the former owners of property, which has been or may 
 be forfeited to or confiscated by any of the States. 
 
 " In consequence of these resolutions and the circular letters to the Secretary, the Assembly ot 
 Pennsylvania then sitting passed the following act, viz. 
 
 " The States of Pennsylvania In general Assembly. 
 
 " Wednesday, September 18, 1782. 
 
 " The Bill intitled * an Act for procuring an estimate of the damages sustained by the 
 inhabitants of Pennsylvania, from the troops and adherents to the King of Great Britain during the 
 present war, was read a second time, 
 
 " Ordered to be transcribed and printed for public consideration. 
 
 ** Extract from the Minutes, 
 
 " PETER Z. LLOYD, 
 " Clerk of the General Assembly." 
 
 * Pilll intilled an Act for procuring xn estimate of the damages sustained by the inhabitants of 
 Pennsylvania, from the troops and adherents of the King of Great Britain during the present war-. 
 
 " Whereas great damages of the most wanton nature have been committed by the armies of the King 
 of Great Britain or their adherents, within the territory of the United States of North America, 
 unwarranted by the practice of civilized nations, and only to be accounted for from the vindictive 
 spirit of the said King and his officers. And whereas an accurate account and estimate of such 
 damages, more especially the waste and destruction of property, may be very useful to the people of 
 the United States of America in forming a future treaty of peace, and in the mean time may serve to 
 exhibit in a true light to the nations of Europe the conduct of the said King, his ministers, officers, 
 and adherents, to the end, therefore, that proper measures be taken to ascertain the damages aforesaid, 
 which have been done to the citizens and inhabitants of Pennsylvania, in the course of the present war, 
 within this State : 
 
 " Be it enacted by the representatives of the freemen of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania, 
 in general Assembly met, and by the authority of the same, that in every county of this State, which 
 has been invaded by the armies, soldiers, and adherents of the King of Great Britain, the Commissionr rs 
 of every such county, shall immediately meet together, each within their county, and issue directions 
 to the assessors of the respective townships, districts, and places within such county, to call upon the 
 inhabitants of every township and place, to furnish accounts and estimates of the damages, waste, spoil, 
 and destruction, which have been done and committed as aforesaid, upon the property, real or personal 
 
 VOL. II. 3 F 
 
410 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 within the same township or place, since the first day of which was in the year of our Lord 
 
 177 and the same accounts and estimates to transmit to the said Commissioners without delay. 
 And if any person or persons shall refuse or neglect to make out such accounts and estimates, the said 
 assessors of the township or place shall, from their own knowledge, and by any other reasonable and 
 lawful methods, take and render such an account and estimate of all damages done or committed as 
 aforesaid. 
 
 " Provided always, that all such accounts and estimates, to be made out and transmitted as aforesaid, 
 shall contain a narrative of the time and circumstances, and if in the power of the person aggrieved, 
 the names of the general or other officer, or adherent of the enemy, by whom the damage in any case 
 was done, or under whose orders, the army, detachment, party, or persons committing the same acted 
 at that time, and also the name and addition of the person or persons whose property was so damaged 
 or destroyed : and that all such accounts and estimates be made in current money, upon oath -o^ 
 affirmation of the sufferer, or of others having knowledge concerning the same; and that in every case 
 it beset forth, whether the party injured had received any satisfaction for his loss, and by whom the 
 same was given. 
 
 " And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the said Commissioners having obtained 
 the said accounts and estimates from the assessors of the several townships and places, shall proceed to 
 inspect and register the same in a book to be provided for that purpose, distinguishing the districts and 
 townships, and entering those of each place together; and if any account or estimate be imperfect or 
 not sufficiently verified and established, the said Commissioners shall have power, and they or any two 
 of them are hereby authorised to summon and compel any person whose evidence they shall think 
 necessary, to appear before them at a day and place to be appointed, to be examined upon oath or 
 a-ffirmation, concerning any damage or injury as aforesaid ; and the said Commissioners shall upon 
 the call and demand of the President or Vice-President of the Supreme-executive Council, deliver or 
 send to the Secretary of the said Council, all or any of the original accounts and estimates aforesaid, 
 and shall also deliver or send to the said Secretary, copies of the book aforesaid, or any part or parts 
 thereof, upon reasonable notice. 
 
 " And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all losses of negroes or mulatto slaves 
 and servants who have been deluded, and carried away by the enemies of the United States, and which 
 have not been recovered or recompensed, shall be comprehended within the accounts and estimates 
 aforesaid, and that the commissioners and assessors of any county, which hath not been invaded as 
 aforesaid, shall nevertheless enquire after and procure accounts and estimates of any damages suffered 
 by the loss of such servants, and slaves, as is herein before directed as to other property. 
 
 * And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the charges and expences of executing 
 this act, as to the pay of tbc said commissioners and assessors, shall be as in other cases, with the 
 witnesses, rewarded for their loss of time and trouble, as witnesses summoned to appear in the Courts of 
 Quarter Sessions of the peace, and the said charges and expences shall be defrayed by the common 
 wealth, but paid in the first instance out of the monies in the hands of the treasurer of the county for 
 county rates, and levies, upon orders drawn by the Commissioners of the proper county." 
 
 We have not yet had time to hear what has been done by the other Assemblies ; 
 bat I have no doubt that similar acts will be made by all of them : aud that the 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART TIT. 411 
 
 macs- of evidence produced by the execution of those acts, not only of the enormities 
 committed by those people under the direction of British Generals, but of those 
 committed by the British troops themselves, will form a record that must render the 
 British name odious in America to the latest generations. In that authentic record 
 will be found the burnings of the fine town of Charlestown, near Boston, of 
 Falmouth just before winter, when the sick, the aged, the women, and children, 
 were driven to seek shelter where they could hardly find it : of Norfolk in the midst 
 of winter; of New London ; of Fairfield, of Esopus, &c. &c. besides near an 
 hundred and fifty miles of unsettled country laid waste, every house and barn burnt, 
 and many hundreds of farmers with their wives and children butchered and scalped. 
 
 The present British ministers, when they reflect a little, will certainly be too 
 equitable to suppose, that their nation has a right to make an unjust war (which 
 they have always allowed this against us to be) and to do all sorts of unnecessary 
 mischief, unjustifiable by the practice of any civilized people, which those they 
 make war with are to suffer, without claiming any satisfaction, but that if Britons 
 or other adherents are in return deprived of any property, it is to be restored to 
 them, or they are to be indemnified ! The British troops can never excuse their 
 barbarities. They were unprovoked. The loyalists may say in excuse of theirs, 
 that they were exasperated by the loss of their estates, and it was revenge. They 
 have then had their revenge. Is it right they should have both ? 
 
 Some of these people may have merit with regard to Britain ; those who espoused 
 her cause from affection, these it may become you to reward. But there are many 
 of them who are waver ers, and were only determined to engage in it by some 
 occasional circumstances or appearances ; these have not much of either merit or 
 demerit, and there are others who have abundance of demerit respecting your 
 country, having by their falsehoods and misrepresentations brought on and encou 
 raged the continuance of the war. These instead of being recompensed should be 
 punished. 
 
 It is usual among Christian people at war to profess always a desire of peace. 
 But if the ministers of one of the parties chose to insist particularly on a certain 
 article which they know the others are not and cannot be empowered to agree to, 
 what credit can they expect should be given to such professions? 
 
 Your ministers require that we should receive again into our bosoms those who 
 have been our bitterest enemies ; and restore their properties who have destroyed 
 ours ; and this while the wounds they have just given us are still bleeding* It is 
 many years since your nation expelled the Stuarts and their adherents, and confis- 
 
412 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN*. 
 
 cated their estates. Much of your resentment against them may by this time be 
 abated. Yet if we should insist on and propose it as an article of our treaty with 
 you, that that family should be recalled and the forfeited estates of its friends 
 restored, would you think us serious in our professions of earnestly desiring peace? 
 
 I must repeat my opinion thai it is best for you to drop all mention of the 
 refugees. We have proposed indeed nothing but what we think best, both for you 
 as well as ourselves. But if you will have them mentioned, let it be in an article 
 which may provide that they shall exhibit accounts of their losses, to commissioners 
 hereafter to be appointed, who shall examine the same, together with the accounts 
 now preparing in America of the damages done by them ; and state the account. 
 And that if a balance appears in their favour it shall be paid by us to you, and by 
 you divided among them as you shall think proper ; and if the balance is found due 
 to us, it shall be paid by you. 
 
 Give me leave however to advise you to prevent the necessity of so dreadful a 
 discussion, by dropping the article, that we may write to America, and stop the 
 enquiry. I have the honour to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 "VOD3H lo 7B^)r Ofi* III 883111.-: 
 
 B. VAUGHAN, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAREST SIR, Paris, Nov. 27, 1782. 
 
 I am so agitated with the present crisis, that I cannot help 
 
 writing you, to beseech you again and again to meditate upon some mild expedient 
 about the refugees, or to give a favourable ear, and helping hand to such as may 
 turn up. 
 
 Both sides agree that the matter of expence is nothing ; and the matter of honour 
 in my opinion is least to that side, which has most sense and most justice on its 
 side. It seems to me that the matter of present peace, and future happiness, are 
 the only points of true concern to either. 
 
 If I can judge of favourable moments, the present is of all others most favourable 
 to our views of reconciliation. We have liberal American Commissioners at Paris, 
 a liberal English Commissioner, and a liberal first minister for England. All these 
 circumstances may vanish to-morrow, if this treaty blows over. 
 
 If you wanted to break off your treaty, I am perfectly sensible that you could 
 not do it on grounds in which America would more join with you, than this of the 
 refugees. On the other hand, if England wanted to break, she could not wish for 
 better ground oh her side. You do not break ; and therefore I conclude you both 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART 111. 413 
 
 sincere. But in this way, I see the treaty is likely of itself to break. I pray then, 
 my dearest, dearest Sir, that you would a little take this matter to heart. 
 
 If the refugees are not silenced, you must be sensible what constant prompters 
 to evil measures you leave us, what perpetual sources of bad information. If the 
 minister is able, on the other hand, to hold up his head on this one point, you 
 must see how much easier it will be for you both to carry on the great work of re 
 union, as far as relates to prince and people. We are not well informed about the 
 deeds of the refugees in England; and we can only now be well informed by 
 publications that would do irreparable mischief. 
 
 Besides, you are the most magnanimous nation ; and can excuse things to your 
 people, which rre can less excuse to ours. Not to mention, that when Congress 
 sent you her last resolutions, she was not aware that you would be so near a 
 settlement, as you are at present. To judge which is the hardest task, yours, of 
 England s, put yourself in Lord Shelburne s place. The only marks of confidence 
 shown him at Paris, are such as he dares not name ; and the only marks promised 
 him, are future national ones. England has given much ground of confidence to 
 America. In my opinion England will do HER business in the way of RECON 
 CILIATION, very much in proportion, as you do your business generously at the 
 present peace. England is to be won, as well as America is to be won ; and I beg 
 you would think with yourself and your colleagues about the means. Excuse this 
 freedom, my dearest Sir ; it is the result of a very warm heart, that thinks a little 
 property nothing, to much happiness. I do not however ask you to do a dis A 
 honourable thing, but simply to save England ; and to give our English ministry 
 the means of saying on the 5th December we have done more than the last ministry 
 have done. I hope you will not think this zeal persecution ; for I shall not mention 
 tikis subject to you again, of my own accord. 
 
 I know you have justice on your side ; I know you may talk of precedents ; but 
 there is such a thing as forgiveness, as generosity, and as a manly policy, that can 
 share a small loss rather than miss a greater good. Yours, my dearest Sir, most 
 devotedly, most gratefully, most affectionately^ BENJAMIN VAUGHAN. 
 
 /ovo a/v ~- i.Oi. siii} If f 7,*GTZv>u>uJ ifgfnsY f {fn ss^jifiJafnuofi 
 
 To M. LE COMTE DE VERGENNES. 
 
 SIR, P atey, Nov. 29, 1782. 
 
 I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency, that the 
 Commissioners of the United States have agreed \vith Mr. Oswald on the preli 
 minary articles of the peace between those States and Great Britain. To-morrow I 
 
414 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 hope we shall be able to communicate to your Excellency a copy of them. With 
 great respect, I have the honour to be. Sir, your Excellency s most obedient and 
 most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN, 
 
 Articles agreed upon by and botw-een Richard Oswald, Inquire, the Commissioner of his 
 Britannic Majesty, for treating of peace with the Commissioners of the United States of America,; in 
 behalf of .his said Majesty on the one part, and John Adams, Btnjamin Franklin, John Jay, and 
 Henry Laurens, four of the Commissioners of the said States, for treating of peace with the Commis 
 sioner of his said Majesty on their behalf on the other part, to be inserted in and constitute the treaty 
 of peace proposed to be concluded between the Crown of Great Britain and the said United States, 
 but which treaty is not to be concluded until terms of a peace shall be agreed upon between -Great 
 Britain and France, and his Britannic Majesty shall be ready to conclude such treaty accordingly. 
 
 Whereas reciprocal advantages and mutual convenience arc found by experience to form the only 
 permanent foundation of peace and friendship between States, it is agreed to form the articles of the 
 proposed treaty, on such principles of liberal equity and reciprocity, as that partial advantages (those 
 seeds of discord) being excluded, such a beneficial and satisfactory intercourse between the two coun 
 tries may be established as to promise and secure to both perpetual peace and harmony. 
 Article: 1, His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, vi/. New Hampshire, Mas 
 sachusetts Buy, Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, 
 Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be 
 free, sovereign, and independent States; that he treats with them as such, and for himself, his heirs, 
 tnd successors, relinquishes all claims to the government, proprietary, and territorial rights of the same, 
 and every part thereof; and that all disputes which might arise in future on the subject of the boun 
 daries of the said United States may be prevented, it is hereby agreed and declared, that the following 
 arq, and shall be their boundaries, viz. 
 
 Article 2 From the north-west angle of Nova Scotia, viz. That angle which is formed by a line 
 drawn due north from the source of St. Croix River, to the Highlands, along the said Highlands which 
 divide those Rivers that empty themselves into the River St. Laurence, from those which fall into the 
 Atlantic Ocean, to the north westernnrost head of Connecticut River; thence down along the middle 
 of that River to the forty-fifth degree of North latitude, until it strikes the River Iroquois or Cataraguy, 
 thence along the middle of said River into Lake Ontario, through the middle of said Lake, until it 
 strikes the communication by water between that Lake and Lake Erie, thence along the middle of said 
 communication info Lake Erie, through the middle of said Lake until it arrives at the water commu 
 nication between that Lake and Lake Huron, thence along the middle of said water communication 
 into the Lake Huron, thence through the middle to the water] communication between^ that Lake and 
 Lake Superior, thence through Lake Superior, Northward of the Isles Royal and Phelipeaux, to the Long 
 Lake, thence through the middle of said Long Lake, and the water communication between it and the 
 Lake of the Woods, to the said Lake of the Woods, thence through the said Lake to the most North 
 western point therqof, and from thence on a due West couise to the River Mississippi, thence by a line 
 to be drawn along the middle of the said River Mississippi until it shall intersect the northernmost part 
 of the thirty-first degree of North latitude. South, by a line to be % drawn due East from the determination 
 of the line last mentioned in the latitude of thirty-on* degrees North of the Equator, to the middle oi 
 
PRIVATE COKUESPONDENCE/ PART III. 
 
 the river Apalachicola or Catahouche, thence along the middle thereof to its junction with the Flint 
 Hirer, thence straight to the head of St. Mary s River, and thence down along the middle of St. Mary s 
 River to the Atlantic Ocean ; East by a line to be drawn along the middle of the Rivef St. Croix, from 
 its mouth in the Bay of Fundy to its source, and from its source directly North to the aforesaid High- 
 lands, which divide the Rivers that fall into the Atlantic Ocean from those that fall into the River St. 
 Lawrence, comprehending all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the United 
 States, and lying between lines to be drawn due East from the points where the aforesaid boundaries 
 between Nova Scotia on the one part, and East Florida on the other, shall respectively touch the Bay 
 of Fundy and the Atlantic Ocean, excepting such as now are or heretofore have been within the limits 
 of the said province of Nova Scotia. 
 
 Article 3. It is agreed that the people of the United States shall continue to enjoy unmolested the 
 right to take fish of any kind on the grand bank, and on all the other banks of Newfoundland, also in 
 the Gulph of St. Lawrence, and at all other places in the sea where the inhabitants of both countries 
 used at any time heretofore to fish. And also that the inhabitants of the United States shall have liberty 
 to take fish of any kind on such part of the coast of Newfoundland as British fishermen shall use (but 
 not to dry or cure the snme on that island) and also on the coasts, bays and creeks of all other ol his 
 Britannic Majesty s dominions in America, and that the American fishermen shall have liberty to dry 
 and cure fish in any of the unsettled bays, harbours, and creeks of Nova Scotia, Magdalen Islands, 
 and Labrador, so long as the same shall remain unsettled, but so soon as the same or either of them 
 shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said fishermen to dry or cure fish at such settlement* 
 without a previous agreement for that purpose with the inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the 
 ground. 
 
 Article 4. It is agreed that creditors on either side shall meet with no lawful impediment to the 
 recovery of the full value in sterling money of all bona fide debts heretofore contracted. 
 
 Article 5. It is agreed that the Congress shall earnestly recommend it to -the legislatures of the 
 respective States, to provide for the restitution of all estates, rights, and properties, which have been 
 confiscated belonging to real British subjects ; and also of the estates, rights, and properties of persons 
 resident in districts in possession of his Majesty s arms, and who have not borne arms against the said 
 United States: and that persons of any other description shall have free liberty to go to any part or 
 parts of the Thirteen United States, and therein to remain twelvemonths unmolested in their endeavours 
 to obtain the restitution of such of their estates, rights, and properties as may have been confiscated, 
 and that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several States a re-consideration and revision 
 of all acts or laws regarding the premises, so as to render the said laws or acts perfectly consistent not 
 only with justice and equity, but with that spirit of conciliation which on the return of the blessings of 
 peace should universally prevail. And that Congress shall also earnestly recommend to the several 
 States, that the estates, rights, and properties, of such last mentioned persons, shall be restored to 
 them, they refunding to any persons who may be now in possession the bonajide price (where any has 
 been give?i) which such persons may have paid on purchasing any of the said lands, rights, or proper- 
 lies, since the confiscation. 
 
 And it is agreed that all persons who have any interest in confiscated lands, either by debts, marriage 
 
 settlements, or otherwise, shall meet witfi no lawful impediment in the prosecution of their just rights. 
 
 Article 6. That there shall bo no future confiscations made nor any prosecutions commenced against 
 
41G MEMOIRS .OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN*. 
 
 
 
 any person or persons for, or by reason of the part which he. or they may -have taken in the present war, 
 and that no person shall on that account suffer -any future loss or damage either in his person, liberty, or 
 property, and that those that may be in confinement on such charges at the time of the ratification of 
 the treaty in America, shall be immediately set at liberty, and the prosecution so commenced be 
 discontinued. 
 
 Article 7. There shall be a firm and perpetual peace between his Britannic Majesty and the said 
 States, and between the subjects of the one and the citizens of the other; wherefore all hostilities both 
 by sea and land shall then immediately cease; all prisoners on both sides shall be sot at liberty, and 
 his Britannic Majesty shall with all convenient speed, and without causing any destruction or carrying 
 away any negroes or other property of the American inhabitants, all his armies, garrisons, and fleets, 
 from the said United States, and from every port, place, and harbour within the same ; leavin* in 
 all fortifications the American artillery that may be therein. And shall also order and cause all archives, 
 records, deeds, and papers, belonging to any of die said States, or their citizens, which in the course 
 of the war may have fallen into the hands of his officers, to b^ forthwith restored and delivered to the 
 proper States and persons to whom they belong. 
 
 Article 8. The navigation of the river Mississippi from ks source to the Ocean shall for ever remain 
 free and open to the subjects of Great Britain and the citizens of the United States. 
 
 Article 9. In case it should so happen that any place or territory belonging to Groat Britain or 1 to 
 the United States should be conquered by the arms of either from the other, before (he-arrival of these 
 articles in America, it is agreed that the some shall bo restored without difficulty and without requiring 
 any compensation. 
 
 Done at Paris, November 30, 1782. 
 
 RICHARD OSWALD. (L. S.) 
 
 JOHN ADAMS, .(L. S.) 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. (L. S.) 
 
 JOSEPH JAY. (L. S.). 
 
 HENRY LAURENS. (L. S.) 
 
 .? * f. vO^- > ,.<: 
 
 Witness, CALEB WHITEFOOKD, Secretary to the British Commission. 
 
 WILLIAM TEMPLE FRANKLIN", Secretary to the American Commission. 
 
 " 
 
 SEPARATE ARTICLE; 
 
 It U hereby understood and agreed, that in case Great Britain at the conclusion of the present 
 war shall recover or be put in possession of West Florida, the line of North Boundary between the said 
 province and the United States, shall be a line drawn from the mouth of the river Yassous, where it 
 unites with the Mississippi, due East to the river Apalachicola. 
 
 Done at Paris, the thirtieth day of November, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-two. 
 
 RICHARD OSWALD. (L. S.) 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. (L. S.) 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. <L. S.) 
 
 JOHN JAY. , r; -,.- (L. S.) 
 
 HENRY LAURENS. (L. S.) 
 
 -M-r. ifti*rE V 9]}r * 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART Til. 417 
 
 Copy of Pass given to the ship Washington to carry over the Preliminary 
 
 Articles. 
 (L. S.) GEORGE R. 
 
 George the Third, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, 
 France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all Admirals, Vice Admirals, 
 Captains, Commanders of our ships of war or privateers, Governors of our Forts and 
 Castles, Customhouse Comptrollers, Searchers, &c. to all and singular our officers 
 and military and loving subjects whom it may concern, greeting, Our will and pleasure 
 is, and \ve do hereby strictly charge and require you, as we do likewise pray and desire 
 the officers and ministers of all princes and states in amity with us, to permit and 
 suffer the vessel called the Washington commanded by Mr. - Barney belonging 
 to the United States of North America to sail from either of the ports of Fnance 
 to any port or place in North America, without any lett, hindrance, or molesta 
 tion whatsoever, but on the contrary affording the said vessel all such aid and 
 assistance as may be necessary. Given at our Court at St. James s the tenth day 
 of December, 1 782, in the twenty third year of our reign By his Majesty s 
 command, (signed) THOMAS TOWNSHEND. 
 
 
 To M. LE COMTE DE VERGENNES. 
 
 SIR, Passy, Dec. 15, 1782. 
 
 I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency, that our 
 
 courier is to set out to-morrow at ten o clock, with the dispatches we send to 
 
 s Congress, by the Washington, Captain Barney, for which ship we have gat a pass 
 
 port from the King of England. If you would make any use of this conveyance, 
 
 the courier shall wait upon you to-morrow at Versailles, and receive your orders. 
 
 I hoped I might have been able to send part of the aids we have asked, by this 
 safe vessel. I beg that your Excellency would at least inform me, what expecta 
 tions I may give in my letters. I fear the Congress will be reduced to despair, when 
 they find that nothing is yet obtained. With the greatest and most sincere respect, 
 I am, Sir, your Excellency s most obedient and most humble servant, B. F. 
 
 , ,-, -.- ", .-. ,/ ..* J JS /.- 2 *.j1it.} ?H {*>] f *4S 
 
 
 
 ,> - .. .u f- " < 
 
 THE ANSWER. ! <p-> 
 
 Je puis etre surpris, Monsieur, apres 1 explication que j -ai eu 
 
 avec vous, et la promesse que vous tn aviez faite que vous ne presseries pas 1 obten- 
 
 tion d un passeport Anglois pour 1 expedition du pacquet bot le Washington, que vous 
 
 me fassies part que vous avez recu le memc passeport, ct que demain a dix-heurcs du 
 
 VOL. II. 3 G 
 
418 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN* 
 
 matin votre courrier partira pour porter vos depeches. Je suis assez embarrasse", 
 Monsieur, a expliquer votre conduite et celle de vos collegues a notre e"gard. Vous 
 avez arrete* vos articles preliminaires sans nous en faire part, quoique les instructions 
 du Congres vous pourscrivissent de ne rien faire sans la participation du Roi. 
 Vous allez faire luire tin espoir certain de paix en Amerique sans inline vous in 
 former de 1 ^tat de notre negociation. Vous etes sage et avi.se", Monsieur; vous 
 connoissez les bienseances, vous avez rempli toute votre vie vos devoirs. Croies 
 vous satisfaire & ceux qui vous tiennent au Roi? Je ne veux pas porter plus loin 
 les reflexions, je les abandonne a votre bonne" tete*. Quand vous aurez bien voulu 
 satisfaire & mes doutes, je prierai le Roi de me mettre en etat de repondre a vos 
 demandes. 
 
 J ai 1 honneur d etre, avec une veritable consideration, Monsieur, votre tres humble 
 et tres obeissant serviteur, DE VEUGENNES. 
 
 Versailles, lc 15 Xbre, 1782. 
 
 To M. LE COMTE DE VlillGENNES. 
 
 SIR, Passy, Dec. 17,. 1782. 
 
 I received the letter your Excellency did me the honour 
 of writing to me on the 15th instant. The proposal of having a passport from 
 England was agreed to by me the more willingly, as I at that time had hopes of 
 obtaining some money to send in the Washington, and the passport would have 
 made its transportation safer, with that of our dispatches, and of yours also, if you 
 had thought fit to make use of the occasion. Your Excellency objected, as I under 
 stood it, that the English ministers by their letters sent in the same ship, might 
 convey inconvenient expectations into America. It was therefore I proposed not 
 to press for the passport till your preliminaries were also agreed to. They have 
 sent the passport without being pressed to do it, and they have sent no letters to go 
 under it, and ours will prevent the inconvenience apprehended. In a subsequent 
 conversation your Excellency mentioned your intention of sending some of the 
 King s cutters, whence I imagined that detaining the Washington was no longer 
 necessary ; and it was certainly incumbent on us to give Congress as early an 
 account as possible of our proceedings, who might think it extremely strange to 
 hear of them by other means, without a line from us. I acquainted your Excel 
 lency however with our intention of dispatching that ship, supposing you might 
 possibly have something to send by her. 
 
 Nothing has been agreed in the preliminaries contrary to the interests of France ; 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 419 
 
 and no peace is to take place between us and England, till you have concluded 
 yours. Your observation is however apparently just, that in not consulting you before 
 they were signed, \ve have been guilty of neglecting a point of bienseance. But as this 
 was not from want of respect for the King, whom we all love and honour, we hope 
 it will be excused, and that the great work which has hitherto been so happily con 
 ducted, is so nearly brought to perfection, and is so glorious to his reign, will not 
 be ruined by a single indiscretion of ours. And certainly the whole edifice sinks 
 to the ground immediately, if you refuse on that account to give us any farther 
 assistance. 
 
 We have not yet dispatched the ship, and I beg leave to wait upon you on 
 Friday for your answer. 
 
 It is not possible for any one to be more sensible than I arn, of what I and 
 every American owe to the King, for the many and great benefits and favours he 
 has bestowed upon us. All my letters to America are proofs of this ; all tending 
 to make the same impressions on the minds of my countrymen, that I felt in my 
 own. And I believe that no prince was ever more beloved and respected by his own 
 subjects than the King is by the people of the United States. The English, I just 
 now learn, flatter themselves they have already divided us. I hope this little 
 misunderstanding will therefore be kept a perfect secret, and that they will find 
 themselves totally mistaken. With great and sincere respect, I am, Sir, your 
 Excellency s most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 "*, <c^toiiftiifMijiBi^ v^W{<j<i, -; f. 3 
 
 A M. FRANKLIN. 
 
 Versailles, le 25 Xbre. 1782. 
 
 J ai Thonneur de vous envoyer, Monsieur, mes depeches 
 pour M. le Chevalier de la Luzerne : le paquet est volumineux, mais il renferme 
 beaucoup de duplicats. 
 
 Je voudrois pouvoir lui mander que notre n^gociation est au meme point que la 
 votre, mais elle en est encore fort eMoign6e. Je ne puis mme prevoir quelle en 
 sera Tissue, car les difficultes naissent des facilit^s aux quelles nous nous sommes 
 prates. II sera bon, Monsieur, que vous en prevenies le Congres pour le pre munir 
 contre tout ce qui peut arriver. Je ne desespere pas, j espere plutot, mais tout est 
 encore incertain. 
 
 J ai 1 honneur d etre, avec une parfaite consideration, Monsieur, votre tres humble 
 et tres obeissant serviteur, D V*GENNJES. 
 
 :,< 
 
420 UEMO.IRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN 
 
 To RICHARD OSWALD, ESQ. 
 SIR, Passy, Jan. 14, 1783. 
 
 I am much obliged by your information of your intended 
 trip to England; I heartily wish you a good journey, and a speedy return, and 
 request your kind care of a packet for Mr. Hodgson. 
 
 I inclose two papers that were read at different times by me to the commission* 
 ers; they may serve to show if you should have occasion, what was urged on the 
 part of America on certain points ; or may help to refresh your memory. I send 
 you also another paper which I once read to you separately. It contains a proposi 
 tion for improving the law of nations, by prohibiting the plundering of unarmed 
 and use fully employed people. I rather wish than expect that it will be adopted. 
 But I think it may be offered with a better grace by a country that is likely to 
 suffer least and gain most by continuing the ancient practice ; which is our case, 
 a* the American ships laden only with the gross productions of the earth cannot 
 be so valuable as yours rilled with sugars or with manufactures. It has not yet 
 been considered by my colleagues ; but if you should think or find that it might be 
 acceptable on your side, I would try to get it inserted in the general treaty. I 
 think it will do honour to the nations that establish it. With great and sincere 
 esteem, I am, Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, B. F. 
 
 Wft^ft, ..> 1 JfrWPW*. to* J^^tf , H .-^-.- <Mh*.:il 
 
 ./,/, Proposition relative to privateering, &c. communicated to Mr. Oswald. 
 
 It is for the interest of humanity in general, that the occasions of war, 
 and the inducements to it should be diminished. 
 
 If rapine is abolished, one of the encouragements to war is taken away, and 
 peace therefore more likely to continue and be lasting. 
 
 The practice of robbing merchants on the high seas, a remnant of the ancient 
 piracy, though it may be accidentally beneficial to particular persons, is far from 
 being profitable to all engaged in it, or to the nation that authorizes it. In the 
 beginning of a war some rich ships not upon their guard are surprized and taken. 
 This encourages the first adventurers to fit out more armed vessels, and many 
 others to do the same. But the enemy at the same time become more careful, arm 
 their merchant ship? better, and render them not so easy to be taken ; they go 
 also more under protection of convoys : thus while the privateers to take them 
 are multiplied, the vessels subject to be taken and the chances of profit are diminish 
 ed, so that many cruizes are made wherein the expenses overgo the gains ; and as 
 is the case in other lotteries, though particulars have got prizes, the mass of adven- 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE* PART III. 421 
 
 ttirers are losers, the whole expence of fitting out all the privateers during a war, 
 being much greater than the whole amount of goods taken. Then there is the 
 national loss of all the labour of so many men during the time they have been 
 employer! in robbing ; who besides spend what they get in riot, drunkenness, and 
 debauchery, lose their habits of industry, are rarely fit for any sober business after 
 a peace, and serve only to increase the number of highwaymen and housebreakers. 
 Even the undertakers who have been fortunate, are by sudden wealth led into 
 expensive living, the habit of which continues when the means of supporting it 
 ceases, and finally ruins them. A just punishment for their having wantonly and 
 unfeelingly ruined many honest innocent traders and their families, whose 
 subsistence was employed in serving the common interests of mankind. 
 
 Should it be agreed and become a part of the law of nations, that the cultivators 
 of the earth are not to be molested or interrupted in their peaceable and useful 
 employment, the inhabitants of the sugar islands would perhaps come under th 
 protection of such a regulation, which would be a great advantage to the nations 
 who at present hold those islands, since the cost of sugar to the consumer in those 
 nations, consists not merely in the price he pays for it by the pound, but in the 
 accumulated charge of all the taxes he pays in every war to fit out fleets and 
 maintain troops for the defence of the islands that raise the sugar, and the ship 
 that bring it home. But the expence of treasure is not all. A celebrated 
 philosophical writer remarks, that when he considered the wars made in Africa for 
 prisoners to raise sugar in America, the numbers slain in those wars, the numbers 
 that being crowded in ships perish in the transportation, and the numbers that die 
 under the severities of slavery, he could scarce look on a morsel of sugar without 
 conceiving it spotted with human blood. If he had considered also the blood of 
 one another which the white nations shed in fighting for those islands, he would 
 have imagined his sugar not as spotted only, but as thoroughly died red. On 
 these accounts I am persuaded that the subjects of the Ernperor of Germany, and the 
 Empress of Russia, who have no sugar islands, consume sugar cheaper at Vienna 
 and Moscow, with all the charge of transporting it after its arrival in Europe, than 
 the citizens of London or of Paris. And I sincerely believe, that if France and 
 England were to decide by throwing dice which should have the whole of their sugar 
 islands, the loser in the throw would be the gainer. The future expence of defend 
 ing them would be saved : the sugars would be bought cheaper by all Europe if 
 the inhabitants might make it without interruption, and whoever imported the 
 sugar, the same revenue might be raised by -dirties at the custom houses of the 
 
422 MT.HOIKS OF BENJAMIN 1 FRANKLIN. 
 
 nation that consumed it. And on the whole I conceive it would he better for the 
 nations now possessing sugar colonies to give up their claim co them, let them 
 govern themselves, and put them under the protection of all the powers of Europe 
 as neutral countries, open to the commerce of all, the profits of the present monopo 
 lies being by no means equivalent to the expeTice of maintaining them. 
 
 ARTICLE. 
 
 If war should hereafter arise between Great Britain and the United 
 States, which God forbid, the merchants of either country then residing in the other, 
 shall be allowed to remain nine months to collect their debts, and settle their affairs, 
 and may depart freely, carrying off all their effects without molestation or hinderance. 
 And all fishermen, all cultivators of the earth, and all artizans or manufacturers 
 unarmed, and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages or places, who labour for the 
 common subsistence and benefit of mankind, and peaceably follow their respec 
 tive employments, shall be allowed to continue the same, and shall not be molested 
 by the armed force of the enemy in whose power by the events of the war they 
 may happen to fall ; but if any thing is necessary to be taken from them, for the 
 use of such armed force, the same shall be paid for at a reasonable price. And 
 all merchants or traders with their unarmed vessels, employed in commerce, ex 
 changing the products of different places, and thereby rendering the necessaries, 
 conveniences, and comforts of human life more easy to obtain, and more general, 
 shall be allowed to pass freely unmolested. And neither of the powers parties to 
 this treaty, shall grant or issue any commission to any private armed vessels 
 empowering them to take or destroy such trading ships, or interrupt such commerce. 
 
 LETTRE DE M. LE COMPTE DE VLRGENNLS a MONSIEUR FRANKLIN. 
 
 11 est essentiel. Monsieur, que je puisse avoir Thonneur de 
 conferer avec vous, avec M. Adams, et avec ceux de Messieurs vos collegues, qui 
 ptuvent se trouver a Paris. Je vous prie, en consequence, Monsieur, de vouloir 
 bien inviter ces Messieurs de se rendre i\ Versailles avec vous Lundi avant dix 
 heures du matin. II seroit bon que vous amenassies, Monsieur, votre petit fils avec 
 vous, il pourra nous etre necessaire pour rendre plusieurs choses d Anglois 
 en Francois, et me* me pour ecrire. L objet dont j ai a vous entretenir est tres 
 interressant pour les Etats Unis, vos maitres. 
 
 J ai 1 honneur d etre avec une parfaite consideration, Monsieur, votre tres humble 
 .et tres obeissant serviteur, DE VEIMJENNES. 
 
 Versailles, le Samedi soir IS Janvier, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. -PART 111. 4 23 
 
 A. M. LE COMPTE DE VERGENXES. 
 
 SIR, Passy, Jan. 18, 1783, at ten P. M. 
 
 Agreeable to the notice just received from your Excellency, 
 
 I shall acquaint Mr. Adams with your desire to see us on Monday before ten 
 o clock at Versailles, and we shall endeavour to be punctual. My other colleagues 
 are absent, Mr. Laurens being gone to Bath in England to recover his -health, and 
 Mr. Jay into Normandy. With great respect I have the honour to be, Sir, your 
 Excellency s, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 I shall bring my grandson as you desire. 
 
 FROM B. VAUGHAN ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAREST SIR, (Private) Paris, Jan. 18, 1783. 
 
 I cannot but in the most earnest manner and from recent 
 
 circumstances, press your going early to Versailles to-morrow ; and I have consider 
 able reason to think, that your appearance there will not displease the person whom 
 you address. I am of opinion that it is very likely that you will have the glory, of 
 having concluded the peace, by this visit; at least I am sure if the deliberations 
 of to-morrow evening end unfavourably, that there is the strongest appearance of 
 war ; and if they end favourably, perhaps little difficulty may attend the rest. 
 
 After all, the peace will have as much that is conceded in it, as England can in 
 any shape be made just now to relish ; owing to the stubborn demands principally 
 of Spain, who would not I believe upon any motive recede from her conquests. 
 What 1 wrote about Gibraltar, arrived after the subject as I understand was 
 canvassed, and when it of course must have appeared impolitic eagerly and immedi 
 ately to revive it. 
 
 You reproved me, or rather reproved a political scheme yesterday, of which I 
 have heard more said favourably by your Jriends at Paris, than by any persons 
 whatever in London. But do you, my dear sir, make this peace, and trust our 
 common sense respecting another war. England, said a man of sense to me the 
 otter day, will come out of the war like a convalescent out of a disease, and must 
 be re-established by some physic and much regimen. I cannot easily tell in what 
 shape a bankruptcy would come upon England, and still less easily in what mode 
 and degree it would affect us ; but if your confederacy mean to bankrupt us now, 
 I am sure we shall lose the great fear that would deter us from another war. Your 
 allies therefore for policy, and for humanity s sake, will I hope stop short of this 
 extremity; especially as we should t do some mischief first to others, as well as to 
 
424 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 ourselves. I am, my dearest Sir, your ever devoted, ever affectionate, and ever 
 obliged, B. VAUGHAX. 
 
 DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. With propositions. 
 MF DEAR FRIEND, London, March 12, 1783. 
 
 It is a long while since I have heard from you, or indeed 
 since I writ to you. 1 heartily congratulate you on those pacific events which 
 have already happened, and I wish to see all other final steps of conciliation 
 succeed speedily. I send you copies of two papers which I have already communi 
 cated to Mr. Laurens; the one called Conciliatory Propositions in March 1783 ; 
 the other A Sketch of a provisional treaty of Commerce for opening the ports 
 between Great Britain and the United States of America without delay ; to each 
 of which is prefixed a short state of the argument on each head. 
 
 As for the news of this country, you have doubtless heard, that Lord Shelburne s 
 administration has for some time been considered as at an end, although no other 
 has been as yet substituted in the place of it. It was understood yesterday, and I 
 believe with good foundation, that what is now called the Portland party have been 
 applied to, and they are now considered as the party most likely to succeed. 
 As far as my wishes go, such an event would be most satisfactory to me. I have 
 known the Duke of Portland for many years, and by experience I know him to be 
 a nobleman of the strictest honour and of the soundest whig principles, sincere and 
 explicit in every thought and transaction, manly in his judgment, and firm in his 
 conduct. The kingdom of Ireland, of which he was lately Lord Lieutenant, bears 
 unanimous testimony to this character of him. The Cavendish family (a good 
 whig name) Mr. Fox, Lord Fitzwilliam &c. &c. form the core of his system and 
 connections. I most earnestly wish to see a firm administration upon a whig founda 
 tion, which I should consider as a solid basis on the part of this country for a 
 perpetual correspondence of arnity and conciliation with America. I am very 
 anxious to hear of your health. God bless you. Ever your most affectionate, 
 
 D. II. 
 
 CONCILIATORY PROPOSITIONS, March 1783. 
 Terms of peace having been agreed upon between Great Britain and 
 France on 20th January 1783, there need not be any farther delay in proceeding 
 to conclude the proposed treaty between Great Britain and the United States of 
 America, tipon the basis of the provisional articles of the 30th of Nov. 1782. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 425 
 
 It is to be observed that none of the articles of the provisional treaty are to take 
 effect until the conclusion of the definitive treaty with America, at which time 
 likewise all places in the American States in possession of the British arms are to 
 be evacuated, and the British army withdrawn from the United States (by article 7). 
 If therefore it should be wished on the part of Great Britain to bring forward the 
 5th article respecting the loyalists, before the conclusion of the definitive treaty with 
 America,, the bayonet should be withdrawn from the American breast by the 
 voluntary removal of the British troops with all convenient dispatch. This condi 
 tion of the removal of the troops is likewise necessary before any provisional terms- 
 of commerce with America can take place. 
 
 By the 6th article of the provisional treaty all future confiscations in America 
 are precluded, although the prosecutions at present subsisting are not to be stopped 
 before the definitive treaty. But if the substantial pledge of returning amity on 
 the part of Great Britain, viz. the removal of the troops, should be voluntarily 
 anticipated, it would be but reasonable that all prosecutions should be immediately 
 abated on the part of America, and to facilitate the removal of the troops, the 
 loyalists may be permitted to remain in safety and unmolested (if they chuse to 
 remain) from the period of removing the troops until twelve months after the defini 
 tive treaty. 
 
 There is another article of the provisional treaty, the delay of which is much to 
 be lamented, viz. the mutual release of prisoners of war on both sides. As this is 
 an article of reciprocity, both sides from principles of humanity are equally interested 
 to bring it forward into effect speedily ; that those unhappy captives may not alone 
 suffer the miseries of war in the time of peace. 
 
 Upon these considerations the following supplemental terms of treaty between 
 Great Britain and the United States are proposed. 
 
 1. That the British troops shall be withdrawn with ail convenient speed. 
 
 2. That the commissioners on both sides do proceed to the conclusion of the 
 definitive treaty. 
 
 3. That the commissioners do speedily negociate a provisional convention of 
 commerce (hereunto annexed) to take place immediately. The terms of this 
 temporary convention not to be pleaded on either side in the negociation of a final 
 and perpetual treaty of commerce between Great Britain and the United States. 
 
 4. That the commissioners do negociate a perpetual treaty of commerce. 
 
 3. That all prosecutions of the loyalists in America be immediately abated, and 
 VOL. II. 3H 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 that they be permitted to remain until twelve months after the definitive treaty un 
 molested in their endeavours to obtain restitution of their estates. 
 
 6V That all prisoners on both sides be immediately released. 
 
 7. That intercourse of amity and commerce do immediately take place between 
 Great Britain and the United States of -America. 
 
 Sketch of a provisional treaty of commerce* 
 
 As soon as preliminaries of peace are signed with any independent 
 
 states, such as Spain, France and Holland, the course of mutual commerce emerges 
 
 upon the same terms and conditions as were existing antecedent to the war, the new 
 
 duties imposed during the war excepted. The case between Great Britain and 
 
 America is different, because America, from a dependent nation before the war, 
 
 emerges an independent nation after the war. The basis therefore of provisional 
 
 treaty between Great Britain and the United States would be simply to arrange 
 
 such points as would emerge after the war, impracticable and discordant to the newly 
 
 established independence of the American States, and to leave all others as much 
 
 as possible untouched : For instance, that all instrumental regulations, such as 
 
 papers, bonds, certificates, oaths, and all other documents should be between Great 
 
 Britain and the United States upon the same footing and no other than as between 
 
 Great Britain, and any other independent nation, hut that all duties, drawbacks, 
 
 bounties, rights, privileges, and all pecuniary considerations should emerge into 
 
 action and effect as before. I say emerge as before not stipulated for any fixed term, 
 
 because I am speaking of a provisional treaty, not of a provisional bill of commerce 
 
 for a specified period. By this means all difficulties which otherwise would be 
 
 accumulated and obstruct a temporary and provisional act are avoided in limine. 
 
 The ports will be immediately opened upon specified and known conditions. If 
 
 the legislature of either country think proper to introduce on its own part any new 
 
 conditions or regulations, even previous to the intended treaty of commerce, that 
 
 will not shut the ports again generally but only operate pro tanto according to the 
 
 case ; on which side soever any novel, condition should arise the other will likewise 
 
 be at liberty to make any corresponding regulations as between independent nations. 
 
 The great object is to open the ports between Great Britain and the United States 
 
 immediately on the signature of preliminaries of peace, as between France and 
 
 Great Britain. By the proposition above stated, Great Britain and France, and 
 
 Great Britain and the United States respectively on the subject of intercourse of 
 
 commerce, would emerge again after the war, into situations relatively similar to 
 
 their situation before the war. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 427 
 
 The crown of Great Britain is enabled by the conciliatory act of 1782 to repeal, 
 annul, make void, or suspend for any time or times the operation and effect of any 
 act of parliament, or any clause, provision, matter or thing therein contained relating 
 to the colonies or plantations now become the United States of America ; and 
 therefore the crown is not only competent to conclude, but likewise to carry into 
 effect any provisional treaty of commerce with America. The first foundation 
 must be laid in the total repeal of the prohibitory act of December 1775, not only 
 as prohibiting commerce between Great Britain, and the United States, but as the 
 corner stone of the war ; by giving up universally all American property at sea to 
 military plunder without any redress to be obtained by law in any British court of 
 Admiralty. After this all obstructions from the Act of Navigation and other acts 
 regulating the commerce of the States of America (formerly dependent upon Great 
 Britain), may be removed. Instructions may be sent to the commissioners of the 
 customs to dispense with bonds, certificates, &c. which by the old laws are required 
 to be discharged or attested by supposed governors, naval or custom-house officers 
 in America. The questions of drawbacks, bounties, &c. after opening the ports, 
 may remain free points of discussion and regulation, as between states having no 
 commercial treaty subsisting between them. As the crown is competent to open 
 an intercourse of commerce with America by treaty, this mode is preferable to any 
 act of parliament, which may be only a jealous and suspicious convention ex parte. 
 This mode by treaty avoids the accumulated difficulties which might otherwise 
 obstruct the first opening of the ports by act of parliament, and above all it secures 
 an alternate binding part of the bargain, which no act of parliament can do. 
 
 Breviate of the treaty, viz. provisional for intercourse and commerce between 
 Great Britain and the United States of America. 
 
 1. That all ports shall be mutually open for intercourse and commerce. 
 
 2. And therefore the King of Great Britain agrees for the repeal of the prohibi 
 tory acts, viz. 16 Geo. 3, chap. 5, &c. The King of Great Britain likewise agrees 
 by instructions according to the laws of Great Britain to his commissioners of 
 customs and other officers to remove all obstructions to American ships, either 
 entering inwards or clearing outwards, which may arise from any acts of parliament 
 heretofore regulating the commerce of the American states, under the description 
 of British colonies or plantations, so as to accommodate every circumstance to the 
 reception of their ships, as the ships of independent states. 
 
 3. All duties, drawbacks, bounties, rights, priviledges, and all other money con 
 siderations shall remain respecting the United States of America upon the same 
 
428 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 footing as they now remain respecting the province of Nova Scotia in America, or 
 as if the aforesaid states had remained dependent upon Great Britain. All this 
 subject to regulations or alterations by any future acts of the parliament of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 4. On the part of the states of America, it is agreed that all laws prohibiting the 
 commerce with Great Britain shall be repealed. 
 
 5. Agreed upon the same part that all ships, and merchandize of the British 
 dominions shall be admitted upon the same terms as before the war, except any 
 imposts laid during the war. All this subject to future regulations or alterations by 
 the legislatures of American States respectively, 
 
 6. The principles and spirit of this treaty to be supported on either side by any 
 necessary supplemental arrangements. No tacit compliance on the part of America 
 in any subordinate points to be argued at any time hereafter to the prejudice of 
 their independence. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, March 23, 1783. 
 
 I received the letter you did me the honour of writing to me 
 requesting a recommendation to America of Mr. Joshua Grigby. I have accord 
 ingly written one ; and having an opportunity the other day, I sent it under cover 
 to Mr. Benjamin Vaughan. The general proclamations you wished for, suspending 
 or rather putting an end to hostilities, are now published; so that your "heart is 
 at rest," and mine with it. You may depend on my joining my hearty endeavours 
 with yours, in "cultivating conciliatory principles between our two countries," and I 
 may venture to assure you, that if your bill for a provisional establishment of the 
 commerce had passed as at first proposed, a stipulation on our part in the defini 
 tive treaty to allow reciprocal and equal advantages andprivileges to your subjects, 
 would have been readily agreed to. With great and sincere esteem, I am ever, &c. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 D. HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, London, March 31, 1783. 
 
 I send you a paper entitled Supplemental Treaty, the 
 
 substance of which I sent you some time ago, as I read it, in part of a speech in 
 the House of Commons. I have given a copy of it to Mr. L., as the grounds upon 
 which my friend the Duke of P. would have wished that any administration in which 
 he might have taken a part should have treated with the American ministers. All 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 429 
 
 negociations for the formation of a ministry in concert with the Duke of P. are at 
 an end. 
 
 The 10th article, which is supposed to be referred to the definitive treaty, is a 
 renewal of the same proposition which I moved in parliament some years ago, viz. 
 on the 9th of April, 1778. I see nothing inconsistent with that proposition, either 
 in the declaration of independence or in the treaty with France. Let it therefore 
 remain, and emerge after the war as a point untouched bv the war. I assure you 
 my consent should not be wanting to extend this principle between all the nations 
 upon earth. I know full well that those nations to which you and I are bound by 
 birth and consanguinity would reap the earliest fruits from it ; owing no man hate, 
 and envying no man s happiness, I should rejoice in the lot of my own country, and 
 on her part say to America Nos duo turba sumus. I send you likewise enclosed 
 with liiis some sentiments respecting the principles of some late negociations, drawn 
 up in the shape of parliamentary motions * by my brother, who joins with me in 
 sincerest good wishes to you for health and happiness, and for the peace of our 
 respective countries, and of mankind. Your ever affectionate, D. H. 
 
 Supplemental Treaty between Great Britain, and the United States of North 
 
 America. 
 
 1. That the British troops be withdrawn from the United States with all con 
 venient speed. 
 
 2. That all farther prosecutions of loyalists in America be immediately abated, 
 and that they be permitted to remain until twelve months after the definitive treaty 
 with America in safety and unmolested, in their endeavours to obtain restitution of 
 their estates. 
 
 3. That all ports shall be mutually opened for intercourse and commerce, between 
 Great Britain and the United States. 
 
 4. Agreed on the part of Great Britain that all prohibitory acts shall be repeated, 
 and that all obstructions to American ships either entering inwards or clearing 
 outwards, shall be removed, which may arise from any acts of parliament heretofore 
 regulating the commerce of the American States, under the description of British 
 colonies and plantations, so as to accommodate every circumstance to the reception 
 of their ships, as the ships of independent States. 
 
 5. Agreed on the part of Great Britain that all duties, rights, privileges, and all 
 
 See the same, following the Supplemental Treaty. 
 
432 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M. P. 
 DEAR FRIEND, Passy, May 8, 1783. 
 
 I send you enclosed the copies you desired of the papers I 
 read to you yesterday. 1 I should be happy if I could see, before I die, the proposed 
 improvement of the law of nations established. The miseries of mankind would be 
 diminished by it, and the happiness of millions secured and promoted. If the 
 practice of privateering could be profitable to any civilized nation, it might be so to 
 us Americans, since we are so situated on the globe, as that the rich commerce of 
 Europe with the West Indies, consisting of manufactures, sugars, &c. is obliged to pass 
 before our doors, which enables us to make short and cheap cruizes, while our own 
 commerce is in such bulky low-priced articles as that ten of our ships taken by you 
 are not equal in value to one of yours, and you must come far from home at a 
 great expence to look for them. I hope therefore that this proposition, if made by 
 us, will appear in its true light, as having humanity only for its motive. I do not 
 wish to see a new Barbary rising in America, and our long extended coast occupied 
 by piratical States. I fear lest our privateering success in the two last wars should 
 already have given our people too strong a relish for that most mischievous kind of 
 gaming, mixed blood ; and if a stop is not now put to the practice, mankind may 
 hereafter be more plagued with American corsairs than they have been and are with 
 the Turkish. Try, my friend, what you can do, in procuring for your nation the 
 glory of being, though the greatest naval power, the first who voluntarily relin 
 quished the advantage that power seems to give them, of plundering others, and 
 thereby impeding the mutual communications among men of the gifts of God, and 
 rendering miserable multitudes of merchants and their families, artizans, and culti 
 vators of the earth, the most peaceable and innocent part of the human species. 
 With great esteem and affection, I am ever, my dear friend, yours most sincerely, 
 
 11 Y> 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To HENRY LAURENS, ESQ. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, July 6, 1783. 
 
 We have been honoured with several of your letters, and we 
 have talked of writing to you, but it has been delayed. I will therefore write a few 
 lines in my private capacity. 
 
 1 See the Proposition about Privateering, annexed to Letter to R. Oswald, Esq. January 14, 1783. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 433 
 
 Our negociations go on slowly, every proposition being sent to England, and 
 answers not returning very speedily. 
 
 Captain Barney arrived here last Wednesday, and brought dispatches for x us as 
 lale as the first of June. The preliminary articles are ratified. But General 
 Carleton, in violation of those articles, has sent away a great number of negroes, 
 alledging that freedom having been promised them by a proclamation, the honour 
 of the nation was concerned, &c. Probably another reason may be, that if they 
 had been restored to their masters, Britain could not have hoped any thing from 
 such another proclamation hereafter. 
 
 Mr. Hartley called yesterday to tell us, that he had received a letter from Mr. 
 Fox, assuring him that our suspicions of affected delays or change of system on 
 their side were groundless; and that they were sincerely desirous to finish as soon 
 as possible. If this be so, and your health will permit the journey, I could wish 
 your return as soon as possible, I want you here on many accounts, and should 
 be glad of your assistance in considering and answering otir public letters. There 
 are matters in them of which I cannot conveniently give you an account at present. 
 
 Nothing could be more seasonable than success in the project you proposed, but 
 xv have now very little expectation. 
 
 Please to give my love to your valuable and amiable son and daughter, and 
 believe me with sincere esteem, &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, ESQ. 
 
 Passy, July 22, 1783. 
 
 You have complained sometimes with reason of not hearing 
 often from your foreign ministers ; we have had cause to make the same complaints* 
 six full months having intervened between the latest date of your preceding letters 
 and the receipt of those per Captain Barney. During all this time we were ignorant 
 of tho reception of the provisional treaty, and the sentiments of Congress upon it, 
 which if we had received sooner might have forwarded the proceedings on the defi 
 nitive treaty, and perhaps brought it to a conclusion at a time more favourable than 
 the. present. But these occasional interruptions of correspondence are the inevitable 
 consequences of a state of war, and of such remote situations. 
 
 Barney had a short passage, and arrived some days before Colonel Ogden, who 
 also brought dispatches from you, all of which are come safe to hand. 
 
 We the Commissioners have in our joint capacity written a letter to you, which 
 VOL. II. 3 I 
 
434 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 you will receive with this. I shall now answer yours of March %6, May 9, and 
 May 51.. 
 
 It gave me great pleasure to learn hy the first, that the news of the peace diffused 
 general satisfaction. I will not now take upon me to justify the apparent reserve 
 respecting this Court at the signature, which you disapprove. We have touched 
 upon it in our general letter. I do not see, however, that they have much reason 
 to complain of that transaction. Nothing was stipulated to their prejudice, and 
 none of the stipulations were to have force but by a subsequent act of their own. 
 I suppose, indeed, that they have not complained of it, or you would have sent 
 me a copy of the complaint, that we might have answered it. I long since satisfied 
 Count de Vergennes about it here. We did what appeared to all of us best at the 
 time, and if we have done wrong, the Congress will do right, after hearing ns r 
 to censure us. Their nomination of five persons to the service, seems to mark that 
 they had some dependance on our joint judgment, since one alone could have made 
 a treaty by direction of the French ministry as well as twenty. I will only add, 
 that with respect to myself, neither the letter from Mr. Marbois, handed to us 
 through the British negociators, (a suspicious channel) nor the conversations 
 respecting the fishery, the boundaries, the royalists, &c. recommending moderation 
 ill our demands, are of weight sufficient in my mind, to fix an opinion that this 
 court wished to restrain us in obtaining any degree of advantage we could prevail on 
 our enemies to accord ; since those discourses are fairly resolvable by supposing a 
 very natural apprehension, that w r e relying too much on the ability of France to 
 continue the war in our favour, and supply us constantly with money, might insist 
 on more advantages than the English would be willing to grant, and thereby lose 
 the opportunity of making peace, so necessary to all our friends. 
 
 When the commercial article mentioned in yours of the 26th was struck out of 
 our proposed preliminaries, by the then British ministry, the reason given was that 
 sundry acts of parliament still in force were against it, and must be first repealed, 
 which I believe was actually their intention, and sundry bills were accordingly 
 brought in for that purpose. But new ministers with different principles succeeding, 
 a commercial proclamation totally different from- those bills has lately appeared. I 
 send enclosed a copy of it. We shall try what can be done in the definitive treaty, 
 towards setting aside that proclamation ; but if it should be persisted in, it will then 
 be a matter worthy the attentive discussion of Congress* whether it will be most 
 prudent to retort with a similar regulation in order to force its repeal, which may 
 possibly tend lo bring on another quarrel^ or to let it pass without notice, and leave 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.*- -PART III. 43.5 
 
 it to its own inconvenience or rather impracticability in the execution, and to the 
 complaints of the West India planters, who must all pay much dearer for our 
 produce under those restrictions. I am not enough master of the course of our 
 commerce, to give an opinion on this particular question ; and it does not behov 
 me to do it; yet I have seen so much embarras.sment and so little advantage in all 
 the restraining and compulsive systems, that I feel myself strongly inclined to believe 
 that a State, which leaves all her ports open to all the world upon equal terms, will 
 by that means have foreign commodities cheaper, and sell its own productions 
 dearer, and be on the whole most prosperous. I have heard some merchants say, 
 that there is ten per cent, difference between Will you buy ? and Will you sell? 
 When foreigners bring us their goods, they want to part with them speedily, that 
 they may purchase their cargoes and dispatch their ships, which are at constant 
 charges in our ports. We have then the advantage of their, /77// you buy ? and 
 when they demand our produce, we have the advantage of their, Will you sell? 
 and the concurring demands of a number also contribute to raise our prices. Thus 
 both these questions are in our favour at home ; against us abroad. The employing, 
 however, of our own ships, and raising a breed of seamen among us, though it 
 should not be a matter of so much private profit as some imagine, is nevertheless of 
 political importance, and must have weight in considering this subject. 
 
 The judgment you make of the conduct of France in the peace, and the greater 
 glory acquired by her moderation than even by her arms, appears to me perfectly 
 just. The character of this Court and nation seems of late years to be considerably 
 changed. The ideas of aggrandisement by conquest, are out of fashion ; and those 
 of commerce are more enlightened, and more generous than heretofore. We shall 
 soon, I believe, feel something of this, in our being admitted to greater freedom of 
 trade with their islands. The wise here think France great enough, and its ambition 
 at present seems to be only that of justice and magnanimity towards other nations, 
 .fidelity, and utility to its allies. 
 
 I have received no answer yet from Congress to my request of being dismissed 
 from this service. They should methinks reflect, that if they continue me here, the 
 faults I may henceforth commit through the infirmities of age, will be rather their s 
 than mine. 
 
 I am glad my journal afforded you any pleasure. I will, as you desire, endeavour 
 to continue it. 
 
 I am sorry to find that you have thoughts of quitting the service. I do not think 
 your place can be easily well supplied. You mention that an entire new arrange- 
 
436 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 inent with respect to foreign. affairs is under consideration; I wish to know whether 
 any notice is likely to be taken in it of my grandson. He has now gone through an 
 apprenticeship of near seven years in the ministerial business, and is very capable 
 of serving the States in that line, as possessing all the requisites of knowledge, zeal, 
 activity, language, and address. He is liked here, and Count de Vergennes has 
 expressed to me in warm terms his very good opinion of hinru The late Swedish 
 ambassador Count de Creutz, who is gone home to be prime minister, desired I 
 would endeavour to procure his being sent to Sweden with a public character, 
 assuring rne that he should be glad to receive him there as our minister, and that 
 he knew it would be pleasing to the King. The present Swedish ambassador has 
 also proposed the same thing to me, as you will see by a letter of his which I 
 enclose. One of the Danish ministers, M. Waltersdorff, (who will probably be 
 sent in a public character to Congress) has also expressed his wish that my grandson 
 may be sent to Denmark. But it is not my custom to solicit employments for 
 myself or any of my family, and I. shall not do it in this case. I only hope that if 
 he is not to be employed in your new arrangement, I may be informed of it as soon 
 as possible, that while I have strength left for it, I may accompany him in a touF 
 to Italy, returning through Germany, which I think he may make to more advan 
 tage with me than alone, and which I have long promised to afford him, as a 
 reward for his faithful service, and his tender filial attachment to me. 
 
 Our people who were prisoners in England are now all discharged. During the 
 whole war, those who were in Forton prison near Portsmouth, were much be 
 friended by the constant charitable care of Mr. Wren, a Presbyterian minister 
 there ; who spared no pains to assist them in their sickness and distress, by pro 
 curing; and distributing; among them the contributions of good Christians, and 
 
 O O CT tj 
 
 prudently dispensing the allowance I made them, which gave him a deal of trouble, 
 but he went through it cheerfully. I think some particular notice should be 
 taken of this good man. I wish the Congress would enable me to make him a 
 present, and that some of our Universities would confer upon him the degree of 
 Doctor. 
 
 The Duke of Manchester, who has always been our friend in the House of 
 Lords, is now here Ambassador from England. I dine with him to-day (26th) and 
 if any thing of importance occurs, I will add it in a postscript. 
 
 Be pleased to present my dutiful respects to the Congress, assure them of my 
 most faithful services, and believe rne to be, with great and sincere esteem, Sir, &c 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 437 
 
 To His EXCELLENCY M. LE COMTE DK VERGENNES. 
 SIR, Passy, Aug. 16, 178*. 
 
 I have the honour to inform your Excellency, that the English 
 ministry do not agree to any of the propositions that have been made either by us, 
 or by their minister here ; and they have sent over a plan for the definitive treaty, 
 which consists merely of the preliminaries formerly signed, with a short introductory 
 paragraph, and another at the conclusion, confirming and establishing the said pre 
 liminary articles. My colleagues seem inclined to sign this with Mr. Hartley, and 
 so to finish the affair. I am, with respect, Sir, your Excellency s &G. B. F. 
 
 MON-S. DE RAYNFVAL, (under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs) 
 
 A Moxs. FRANKLUN. 
 
 A Versailles, le 29 > Aout, 1783. 
 
 J ai rendu cornpte :\ M. le Comte de Vergennes, Monsieur, 
 
 de la difficult^ que fait M. Hartley de signer a Versailles, et ce ministre m a charge 
 4e vous inander que i-ien ne devoit vous empe"cher de signer t\ Paris Mercredi pro- 
 chain, jour design^ pour la signature des autres traite s : mais il vous prie d indiquer 
 & Mr. Hartley 9 heures du matin, et d envoyer ici un expres imrnediatement apres 
 votre signature faite. M. de Vergennes veut etre assur que votre besogne est 
 consommee en me"me terns que la sienne. Vous recevez pour Mercredi un billet 
 d invitation ainsi que Messieurs vos collegues et Mons. Hartley; je presume que 
 celui-ci n y trouvera aucune difficulte. 
 
 J ai Thonneur d etre avec un parfait attachement, Monsieur, votre tres humble et 
 tres obeissant serviteur, DE RAYNEVAL. 
 
 DAVID HARTLEY, Eso,. M. P. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Bath, Sept. 24, 1783. 
 
 I am at present at Bath with my dearest sister, whom I have 
 found as well as I could have expected, and I hope with reasonable prospect of 
 recovery in time. I have seen my friends in the ministry, and hope things will go 
 well ; with them I am sure all is right and firm. The chief part of the cabinet 
 ministers are out of town,, but there will be a full cabinet held in a few days, in 
 which a specific proposition in the nature of a temporary convention will be given 
 in instructions to me. I imagine, nearly upon the ground of my memorial of May 
 19,1783, which I- delivered to the American ministers ; viz. " American ships not 
 to bring foreign manufactures into Great Britain, nor. to trade directly between the- 
 
438 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN* 
 
 British West Indies and Great Britain, all the rest to be as before the war. I 
 expect that something to this effect will be their determination, in the offer, and if 
 it should be so, I shall hope not to meet with difficulty on your parts. I want to 
 see some specific beginning. As to any farther proposition respecting tne trade 
 between Great Britain and the British West Indies, I doubt whether any such 
 can be discussed before the meeting of parliament. I wish to look forward not 
 only to the continuation of peace between our two countries, but to the improve 
 ment of reconciliation into alliance, and therefore I wish the two parties to be 
 disposed to accommodate each other, without the strict account by weights and 
 scales as between aliens and strangers, actuated towards each other by no other 
 principle than cold and equalizing indifference. Friendly dispositions presumed 
 have their fairest chance of being realized, but if we should set out presuming 
 against them, the good which might have happened may be prevented. Pray 
 remember me to your three colleagues, and to all friends. Yours ever most 
 affectionately, D. HARTLEY. 
 
 P. S. I have put in a word for .our quaker article, and I hope with some 
 impression. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Passy, Oct. 16, 1783, 
 
 I have nothing material to write to you respecting public 
 
 affairs, but I cannot let Mr. Adams who will see you, go without a line to enquire 
 after your welfare, to inform you of mine, and assure you of my constant respect 
 .and attachment. 
 
 I think with you that your Quaker article is a good one, and that men will in time 
 have sense enough to adopt it, but I fear that linre is not yet come. 
 
 What would you think of a proposition if I should make it, of a family compact 
 between England, France, and America? America would be as happy as the 
 Sabine girls, if she could be the means of uniting in perpetual peace her father and 
 her husband. What repeated follies are those repeated wars ? You do not want 
 to conquer and govern one another. Why then should you be continually employed 
 in injuring and destroying one another ? How many excellent things might have 
 been done to promote the internal welfare of each country ; what bridges, roads, 
 canals, and other useful public works and institutions tending to the common 
 felicity, might have been made and established, with the money and men foolishly 
 spent during the last seven centuries by our mad wars in doing one another mischief? 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 
 
 You are near neighbours, and each have very respectable qualities. Learn to be quiet 
 aiid to respect each other s rights. You are all Christians. One is the most Christian 
 king, and the other defender of the faith. Manifest the propriety of these titles by 
 your future conduct. By this, says Christ, shall all men know that ye are my 
 disciples, if ye love one another. Seek peace, and ensue it. Adieu, yours &c. 
 
 B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 
 Passy, Oct. 22, 1783. 
 
 I received my dear friend s kind letter of the 4th instant from 
 
 Bath, with your proposed temporary convention which you desire me to shew to 
 my colleagues. They are both by this time in London, where you w^ill undoubtedly 
 see and converse with them on the subject. The apprehension you mention that 
 the cement of the confederation may be annihilated, &c. has not I think any 
 foundation. There is sense enough in America to take care of their own china 
 
 O 
 
 vase. I see much in your papers about our divisions and distractions, but I hear 
 little of them from America; and I know that most of the letters said to come from 
 there with such accounts are mere London fictions. I will consider attentively the 
 proposition above mentioned against the return of my colleagues, when I hope our 
 commission will be arrived. I rejoice to hear that your dear sister s recovery 
 advances, and that your brother is well : please to present my affectionate respects 
 to them, and believe meeker, yours &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO THE HON. ROBERT MORRIS. 
 (Super intendant of Finances United States) 
 
 Passy, Dec. Q5, 1783. 
 
 "The remissness of our people in paying taxes is highly 
 
 blameable, the unwillingness to pay them is still more so. I see in some resolu 
 tions of town meetings, a remonstrance against giving Congress a power to take, as 
 they call it, the people s money out of their pockets though only to pay the interest 
 and principal of debts duly contracted. They seem to mistake the point. Monev 
 justly due from the people is their creditor s money, and no longer the money of the 
 people, who> if they withhold it, should be compelled to pay by some law. All 
 property indeed except the savage s temporary cabbin, his bow, his matchuat, and 
 other little acquisitions absolutely necessary for his subsistence, seems to me to 
 be the creature of public convention. Hence the public has the right of regulating 
 
440 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 descents, and ail other conveyances of property, and even of limiting the quantity 
 and the uses of it. All the property that is necessary to a raan for the conserva 
 tion of the individual and the propagation of the species, is his natural right, which 
 none can justly deprive him of; but all property superfluous to such purposes is 
 the property of the public, who by their laws have created it, and who may there 
 fore by other laws dispose of it whenever the welfare of the public shall desire such 
 disposition. He that does not like civil society on these terms, let him retire and 
 live among savages. He can have no right to the benefits of society who will not 
 pay his club towards the support of it. 
 
 The Marquis de la Fayette who loves to be employed in our affairs, ad is often 
 very useful, has lately had several conversations with the ministers and persons 
 concerned in forming new regulations respecting the commerce between our two 
 countries, which are not yet concluded. I thought it therefore well to communicate 
 to him a copy of your letter which contains so many sensible and just observations 
 on that subject. He will make a proper use of them, and perhaps they may have 
 more weight as appearing to come from a Frenchman, than they would have if it 
 were known that they were the observations of an American. I perfectly agree 
 with you in all the sentiments you have expressed on this occasion. 
 
 I am sorry for the public s sake that you are about to quit your office, but on 
 personal considerations I shall congratulate you. For I cannot conceive of a more 
 happy man, than he who having been long loaded with public cares, finds himself 
 relieved from them, and enjoying private repose in the bosom of his friends and 
 family. 
 
 With sincere regard aad attachment, I am ever, dear Sir, yours c_ B. F." 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO His EXCELLENCY THOMAS MIFFLIN, ESQ. 
 
 President of Congress. 
 
 Passy, Dec. 25, 1783. 
 
 " It was certainly disagreeable to the English ministers, that 
 all their treaties for peace were carried on under the eye of the French court. This 
 began to appear towards the conclusion, when Mr. Hartley refused going to Ver 
 sailles to sign there with the other powers, our definitive treaty, and insisted on its 
 being done at Paris, which we in good humour complied with, but at an earlier 
 hour, that we might have time to acquaint le Corate de Vergennes before he was 
 to sign with the Duke of Manchester. The Dutch definitive was not then ready, 
 < aajd the British court now insisted on finishing it either at London or the Hague. If 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PA11T III. 441 
 
 heretofore the commission to us, which has been so long delayed, is still intended, 
 perhaps it will be well to instruct us to treat either here or at London, as we may 
 find most convenient. The treaty may be conducted even there in concert and in 
 the confidence of communication with the ministers of our friends, whose advice 
 may be of use to us. 
 
 With respect to the British court, we should I think be constantly upon our 
 guard, and impress strongly upon our minds, that though it has made peace with us, 
 it is not in truth reconciled to us, or to its loss of us ; but still flatters itself with 
 hopes that some change of the affairs of Europe, or some disunion among ourselves 
 may afford them an opportunity of recovering their dominion, punishing those who 
 have most offended, and securing our future dependence. It is easy to see by the 
 general turn of the ministerial newspapers ; (light things indeed as straws and 
 feathers, but like them they show which way the wind blows) and by the malignant 
 improvement their ministers make in all foreign courts, of every little accident at 
 Philadelphia, the resolves of some town meetings, the reluctance to pay taxes c. 
 Sec. all which are exaggerated to represent our governments as so many anarchies, 
 of which the people themselves are weary, the congress as having lost its influence, 
 being no longer respected : I say it is easy to see from this conduct, that they bear 
 us no good will, and that they wish the reality of what they are pleased to imagine. 
 They have too a numerous royal progeny to provide for, some of whom are 
 educated in the military line. In these circumstances we cannot be too careful to 
 preserve the friendship we have acquired abroad, and the Union we have established 
 at home, to secure our credit by a punctual discharge of our obligations of every 
 kind, and our reputation by the wisdom of our councils ; since we know not how 
 soon we may have fresh occasion for friends, for credit, and for reputation. 
 
 The extravagant misrepresentations of our political state in foreign countries, 
 made it appear necessary to give them better information, which I thought could 
 not be more effectually and authentically done than by publishing a translation 
 into French, now the most general language in Europe, of the book of constitutions 
 which had been printed by order of congress. This I accordingly got well done, 
 and presented two copies handsomely bound to every foreign minister here, one for 
 himself, the other more elegant, for his sovereign. It has been well taken, and 
 has afforded. a matter of surprize to many who had conceived mean ideas of the 
 state of civilization in America, and could not have expected so much political 
 knowledge and sagacity had existed in our wilderness : and from all parts I have 
 the satisfaction to hear that our constitutions in general are much admired. I atrt 
 
 VOL. II. 3K 
 
442 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 persuaded that this step will not only tend to promote the emigration to our 
 country of substantial people from all parts of Europe, but the numerous copies I 
 shall disperse, will facilitate our future treaties with foreign courts, who could not 
 before know what kind of government and people they had to treat with : as in 
 doing this, I have endeavoured to further the apparent views of Congress in the 
 first publication, I hope it may be approved, and the expence allowed. I send 
 herewith one of the copies. 
 
 To CHARLES THOMSON, ESQ. Secretary of Congress. 
 DEAR SIR, Passy, May 13, 1784. 
 
 Yesterday evening Mr. Hartley met with Mr. Jay and 
 
 myself, when the ratifications of the definitive treaty were exchanged. I send a 
 copy of the English ratification to the president. Thus the great and hazardous 
 enterprize we have been engaged in, is, God be praised, happily completed : an 
 event I hardly expected I should live to see. A few years of peace, well improved, 
 will restore and increase our strength : but our future safety will depend on our 
 union and our virtue. Britain will be long watching for advantages, to recover 
 what she has lost. If we do not convince the world that we are a nation to be 
 depended on for fidelity in treaties ; if we appear negligent in paying our debts, 
 and ungrateful to those who have served and befriended us ; our reputation, 
 and all the strength it is capable of procuring, will be lost, and fresh 
 attacks upon us will be encouraged and promoted by better prospects of success. 
 Let us therefore beware of being lulled into a dangerous security ; and of being 
 both enervated and impoverished by luxury : of being weakened by internal conten 
 tions and divisions ; of being shamefully extravagant in contracting private debts, 
 while we are backward in discharging honourably those of the public ; of neglect 
 in military exercises and discipline, and in providing stores of arms and munition of 
 war, to be ready on occasion : for all these are circumstances that give confidence 
 to enemies, and diffidence to friends; and the expenses required to prevent a war, 
 are much lighter than those that will, if not prevented, be absolutely necessary to 
 maintain it. 
 
 I am long kept in suspense without being able to learn the purpose of Congress 
 respecting my request of recall, and that of some employment for my Secretary 
 W. Temple Franklin. If I am kept here another winter and as much weakened 
 by it as by the last, I may as well resolve to spend the remainder of my days here ; 
 for I shall hardly be able to bear the fatigues of the voyage in returning. During 
 my long absence from America my friends are continually diminishing by death, 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE, PART III. 443 
 
 and my inducements to return lessened in proportion. But I can make no prepara 
 tions either for going conveniently, or staying comfortably here, nor take any steps 
 towards making some other provision for my grandson, till I know what I am to 
 expect. Be so good, my dear friend, to send me a little private information. With 
 great esteem, I am ever yours &c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 FROM DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. TO DR. FRANKLIN. 
 SIR, Paris, June 1, 1784. 
 
 I have the honour to inform you, that I have transmitted to 
 
 London the ratification on the part of Congress of the definitive treaty of peace 
 between Great Britain and the United States of America, and I am ordered to 
 represent to you, 1 that a want of form appears in the first paragraph of that instru 
 ment, wherein the United States are mentioned before his Majesty, contrary to the 
 established custom in every treaty in which a crowned head and a republic are 
 parties. It is likewise to be observed, that the term " definitive articles" is used 
 instead of definitive treaty ; and the conclusion appears likewise deficient, as it is 
 neither signed by the President, nor is it dated, and consequently is wanting in 
 
 1 Copy of a Letter from LORD CARMARTHEN to D. HARTLEY, Esq. 
 SIR, St. James s, May 28, 1784. 
 
 I received this morning by Lauzun, your dispatch No. 5, and the private letter 
 
 of the 24th instant, together with the ratification of the treaty between Great Britain and the United 
 States of America; and I own it was with the greatest surprize that I perceived so essential a want of 
 form as appears in the very first paragraph of that instrument, wherein the United States are mentioned 
 before his Majesty, contrary to the established custom observed in every treaty in which a crowned 
 head, and a republic arc contracting parties. 
 
 The conclusion likewise appears extremely deficient, as it is neither signed by the President nor is 
 it dated, and consequently is wanting in some of the most essential points of form necessary towards 
 authenticating the validity of the instrument. 
 
 I should think the American ministers could make no objection to correcting these defects in the 
 ratification, which might very easily be done, either by signing a declaration in the name of Congress 
 for preventing the particular mode of expression, so far as relates to precedency, in the first paragraph, 
 being considered as a precedent, to be adopted on any future occasion, or else by having a new copy 
 made out in America, in which thes-. mistakes should be corrected, and which might be done without 
 any prejudice arising to either of the parties from the delay. I am, with great truth and regard, Sir^ 
 jour most obedient humble servant, CARMARTHEN. 
 
 P. S. I send you inclosed a copy of the ratification part of the treaty, which it is also to.be 
 observed were previously described as " definitive articles." 
 
444 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 some of the most essential points of form necessary towards authenticating the 
 validity of the instrument. 
 
 I am ordered to propose to you, Sir, that these defects in the ratification should 
 be corrected, which might very easily be done either by signing a declaration in the 
 name of Congress for preventing the particular mode of expression so far as relates 
 to precedency in the first paragraph being considered as a precedent to be adopted 
 on any future occasion ; or else by having a new copy made out in America in 
 which these mistakes should be corrected, and which might be done without any 
 prejudice arising to either of the parties from the delay. I am, Sir, with great 
 respect and consideration, your most obedient humble servant, D. HARTLEY. 
 
 To His Excellency B. Franklin, Esq. 
 
 To His EXCELLENCY DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 SIR, Passy, June 2, 1784. 
 
 I have considered the observations you did me the honour of 
 communicating to me concerning certain inaccuracies of expression and supposed 
 defects of formality in the instrument of ratification; some of which are said to be 
 of such a nature as to affect " the validity of the instrument." The first is, " that 
 the United States are named before his Majesty, contrary to the established custom 
 observed in every treaty in which a crowned head and a republic are the contracting 
 parties." With respect to this it seems to me that we should distinguish between 
 the act in which both join, to wit, the treaty, and that which is the act of each 
 separately, the ratification. It is necessary that all the modes of expression in the 
 joint act, should be agreed to by both parties ; though on their separate acts, each 
 party is master of, and alone accountable for, its own mode. If the ministers of 
 the United States had insisted, or even proposed naming in the treaty the States 
 before the King, it might have been deemed injurious to his dignity, as requiring 
 him to acknowledge by that joint act their superiority. But this was not the case ; 
 on inspecting the treaty it will be found that his Majesty is always regularly named 
 before the United States. How it happened that the same order was not observed 
 in the ratification I am not informed. Our secretaries are new in this kind of 
 business, which methinks should be favourably considered if they chance to make 
 mistakes. They may have been led by some precedent ; or being republicans, and 
 of course preferring that kind of government as in their opinions more excellent, than 
 monarchy, they may naturally have thought it right when the two kinds were to be 
 named in their own instrument, to give their own kind the precedence ; an effect of 
 
P III V ATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 44;7 
 
 that sort of complaisance which almost every nation seems to have for itself, and of 
 which the English too afford an instance, when in the title of the King they always 
 name Great Britain before France. The Congress however adopted the form 
 presented to then], and it is thus become an act of theirs ; but the King having no 
 part in it, if it is improper, it reflects only upon those who committed the impro 
 priety, and can no way affect his Majesty. Whatever may have occasioned this 
 transposition, I am confident no disrespect to the King was intended in it by the 
 Congress. They as little thought of affronting his Majesty by naming the States 
 before him, as your ministers did of affronting the Supreme Being, when in the 
 corresponding first paragraph of their ratification they named the King before the 
 Deity. There cannot be a clearer proof of this than what is to be found in the 
 ratification itself. In the treaty the King, as I said before, is always first named. 
 Thus the established custom in treaties between " crowned heads and republics" 
 contended for on your part was strictly observed ; and the ratification following the 
 treaty contains these words, " Now know ye, that We the United States in 
 Congress assembled, having seen and considered the definitive articles, have 
 approved, ratified, and confirmed, and by these presents do approve, ratify, and 
 confirm the said articles, AND EVERY PART AND CLAUSE THEREOF, c." Thus 
 all those articles, parts, and clauses, wherein the King is named before the United 
 States, are approved, ratified and confirmed ; and this solemnly under the signature 
 -jf the President of Congress, with the public seal affixed by their order, and coun 
 tersigned by their Secretary. No declaration on the subject, more determinate or 
 more authentic, can possibly be made or given, which when considered, may 
 probably induce his Majesty s minister to wave the proposition of our signing a 
 sirrtilar declaration, or of sending back the ratification to be corrected in this point, 
 neither appearing to be really necessary. I will however, if still desired, transmit 
 to Congress the observation and the difficulty occasioned by it, and request their 
 orders upon it. 1 can have no doubt of their willingness to give every reasonable 
 satisfaction. 
 
 If the words definitive treaty had been used, instead of definitive articles, it 
 might have been more correct, though the difference seems not great, nor of much 
 importance, as in the treaty itself it is called the present definitive treaty. 
 
 The other objections are, " That the conclusion likewise appears deficient, as it 
 is neither signed by the President, nor is it dated, and consequently is wanting in. 
 some of the most essential points of form necessary towards authenticating the 
 validity of the instrument." It is true that the signature, of the President is; not placed 
 
446 MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 at the end of the piece. Among the infinite number of treaties and ratification^ that 
 have been made in different ages and countries, there are found a great variety in 
 the forms, and in the manner -of placing the seals and signatures, all however 
 equally authentic and binding. Which of the precedents we have followed, I know 
 not ; but I think our ratifications have generally been sealed in the margin near the 
 beginning, and the President s name subscribed by him, as it ought to be, near the 
 seal. This is then our usage. And it has never hitherto been objected to by any 
 of the powers with whom we have treated, not even by yourselves in our ratification, 
 of the preliminary articles exchanged in 1783. And I observe that your own 
 method is not always uniform, for in your last ratification the King signs only at the 
 end, in the first at both the end and the beginning. If we had, like older nations, 
 a Great Seal, the impression of which, from its bulk and weight, could only be 
 appended, the signature might properly be placed above it at the end of the instru 
 ment. Probably the want of an able artist prevented our having hitherto such a 
 seal. In the mean time as all the parts of the instrument are connected by a 
 ribband whose ends are secured under the impression, the signature and seal 
 wherever placed relate to, and authenticate the whole. This is expressly declared 
 by the Congress in the concluding sentence, viz. In testimony whereof, " we have 
 caused the Seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed. Witness, His Excel 
 lency Thomas Mifflin, Esq. President, this fourteenth day of January, in the year 
 of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four." It is thus that the 
 duplicate before me is dated, in these words at length, and I apprehend the original 
 exchanged must be the same, so that the essential article of a date was not wanting 
 as supposed, but has been overlooked by the person who made the objection. 
 
 The ratification was passed in Congress unanimously, and the treaty will I firmly 
 believe be punctually and .faithfully executed on their part; we confide that the 
 same will be done on yours. Let us endeavour on all sides to establish the "firm 
 and perpetual peace," we have promised to each other, and not suffer even the 
 prospect of it to be clouded by too critical an attention to small forms and imma 
 terial circumstances. With great esteem and respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 your Excellency s most obedient and most humble servant, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. 
 MY DEAR FRIEND, Passy, January , j, 1785. 
 
 I received your kind letter of December 1 from Bath. I 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART Ilf. 447 
 
 am glad to hear that your good sister is in a fair way towards recovery ; my 
 respects and best wishes attend her. 
 
 I communicated your letter to Mr. Jefferson, to remind him of his promise to 
 communicate to you the intelligence he might receive from America on the subjects 
 you mention ; and no\v having got it back, I shall endeavour to answer the other 
 parts of it. 
 
 What you propose to draw up of your opinions on American negociation, may 
 be of great use, if laid, as you intend, before administration, in case they seriously 
 intend to enter on it after the meeting of parliament : for I know your ideas all tend 
 to a good understanding between the two countries and their common advantage; 
 and in my mind too, all selfish projects of partial profit are the effects of short 
 sightedness, they never producing permanent benefits, and are at length the causes 
 of discord and its consequences, wherein much more is spent than all the temporary 
 gains amounted to. 
 
 o 
 
 I do not know that any one is yet appointed by your Court to treat with us. Wo 
 some time since acquainted your minister with our powers and disposition to treat, 
 which he communicated to his Court, and received for answer that his Majesty s 
 ministers were ready to receive any propositions we might have to make for the 
 common benefit of both countries, but they thought it more for the honour of both, 
 that the treaty should not be in a third place. We answered that though we did 
 not see much inconvenience in treating here, we would, as soon as we had finished 
 some affairs at present on our hands, wait upon them, if they pleased, in London. 
 We have since heard nothing. 
 
 We have no late accounts from America of any importance. You know the 
 Congress adjourned the beginning of June till the beginning of November. And 
 since their meeting there has been no account of their proceedings. All the stories 
 in your papers relating to their divisions, &c. are fiction, as well as those of the 
 people being discontented with Congressional Government. Mr. Jay writes to me, 
 that they were at no time more happy or more satisfied with their government, &c. 
 than at present, nor ever enjoyed more tranquillity or prosperity. In truth the 
 freedom of their ports to all nations has brought in a vast plenty of foreign good*, 
 and occasioned a demand for their produce, the consequence of which is the double 
 advantage of buying what they consume cheap, and selling what they can spare 
 dear. 
 
 If we should come to London, I hope it may still be with you that we are to do 
 business. Our already understanding one another may save on many points a good 
 
MEMOIRS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 
 
 deal of time in discussion. But I doubt whether any treaty is intended on your 
 part, and I fancy we shall not press it. It may perhaps be best to give both sides 
 time to enquire, and to Jeel for the interests they cannot see. With sincere and 
 great esteem, I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 To THE HON. JOHN JAY, ESQ. 
 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs. 
 
 SIR, Philadelphia, Sept. 19, 1785. 
 
 I have the honour to acquaint you, that I left Paris the 12th 
 
 of July, and agreeab.e to the permission of Congress am returned to my country. 
 Mr. Jefferson had recovered his health, and was much esteemed and respected there. 
 Our joint letters have already informed you of our late proceedings, to which I have 
 nothing to add except that the last act I did as Minister Plenipotentiary for making 
 treaties, was to sign with him two days before I came away the treaty of friendship 
 and commerce that had been agreed on witli Prussia, and which was to be carried 
 to the Hague by Mr. Short, there to be signed by Baron Thulerneyer on the part of 
 the King, who without the least hesitation had approved and conceded to the new 
 humane articles proposed by Congress, which articles are considered as doing that 
 body great honour. Mr. Short was also to go to London with the treaty for the 
 signature of Mr. Adams, who I learnt when at Southampton is well received at the 
 British Court. The Captain Lamb, who in a letter of yours to Mr. Adams, was 
 said to be coming to us with instructions respecting Morocco, had not appeared, 
 nor had we heard any thing of him ; so nothing has been done by us in that treaty. 
 I left the Court of France in the same friendly disposition towards the United States 
 that we have all along experienced, though concerned to find our credit is not better 
 supported in the payment of the interest money due on our loans, which in case of 
 another war must be, they think, extremely prejudicial to us, and indeed may con 
 tribute to draw on a war the sooner by affording our enemies the encouraging 
 
 J O O v-? 
 
 confidence that a people who take so little care to pay will not again find it easy to 
 borrow. I received from the King at my departure the present of his picture set 
 round with diamonds, usually given to Ministers Plenipotentiary who have signed 
 any treaties with that Court, and it is at the disposition of Congress, to whom be 
 pleased to present my dutiful respects. I am, Sir, with great esteem, your most 
 obedient and most humble servant, B. Fu AN KLIN. 
 
 P. S. Not caring to trust them to a common conveyance, I send by my late 
 Secretary, W. T. Franklin, who will have the honour of delivering them to you, all 
 
PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. PART III. 449 
 
 the Original Treaties I have been concerned in negociating that were completed. 
 Those with Portugal and Denmark continue in suspense. 
 
 *Q # # * * 
 
 SIR, Philadelphia, Jan. 19, 1790. 
 
 I received the letter you did me the honour of writing to me 
 respecting the construction of the eleventh article of the treaty of commerce between 
 France and the United States. I was indeed one of the Commissioners for making 
 that treaty, but the Commissioners have no right to explain the treaty. Its expla 
 nation is to be sought for in its own words, and in case it cannot be clearly found 
 there, then by an application to the contracting powers. 
 
 I certainly conceived that when the droit d aubaine was relinquished in favour of 
 the citizens of the United States, the relinquishing clause was meant to extend to 
 all the dominions of his most Christian Majesty, and I am of opinion, that this 
 would not be denied if an explanation were requested of the Court of France, and 
 it ought to be done, if any difficulties arise on this subject in the French Islands, 
 which their Courts do not determine in our favour. But before Congress is 
 petitioned to make such request, I imagine it would be proper to have the case 
 tried in some of the West India Islands, and the petition made in consequence of a 
 determination against us. I have the honour to be, c. B. FRANKLIN. 
 
 END OF THE PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 VOL. 11. 
 
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