ilii: 
 
 1 
 
 liiiij 
 
 ; 
 
 i
 
 ^' '■Ly/?'o?Z- i^tC
 
 THE 
 
 LIVES 
 
 O F 
 
 ^JOHN WICLIFF5 
 
 And op the most Eminent of his 
 DISCIPLES; 
 
 LORD COBHAM, 
 
 JOHN HUSS, 
 
 JEROME of PRAGUE, 
 
 AND 
 
 Z I S C A. 
 
 After the way, which they call Herefy, fo worfliip 
 we the God of our Fathers, 
 
 Acts, 24. 14. 
 
 By WILLIAM GILPIN, M. A, 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for J. Rob son, Bookfeller to Her Royal 
 Highnefs the Princefs Dowager of Wales, In New- 
 Bond-Street. 
 
 M.DCC.LXV.
 
 lili§ 
 
 (r^St Jc 
 
 T O 
 
 The Right Reverend 
 
 T H O M J S, 
 
 Lord Bifliop of Bristol. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I HAVE taken the liberty to prefent the 
 following work to your Lordfhip -, the 
 fruit of the little leifure of many years. It 
 may put in a diftant claim to your pro- 
 tedlion, as a kind of appendix to fome of 
 your Lordfhip's valuable Dijferfations on th^ 
 Prophecies, The man of Jin was never more 
 apparent than at the time, when thefe Re- 
 formers lived ; who began to ftrip him of 
 his difguifes ; and gave the firft, and faireft 
 illuftration of that prophecy, which your 
 Lordlhip has fo ably explained, 
 
 a 2 In 
 
 853198
 
 IV 
 
 DEDICATION. 
 
 In whatever light this work may be con- 
 fidered by the public, your Lordihip, with 
 your ufual candour, will accept it as an 
 acknowledgment of the refpeft, with 
 which 
 
 I am. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Your Lordfhip s 
 
 Obliged, and moft obedient. 
 
 Humble fervant, 
 WILLIAM GILPIN. 
 Cheam, Feb. zo, 1765.
 
 [ ^. ] 
 
 THE 
 
 Houfe of Superstition* 
 
 A VISION. 
 
 By nomas Benton^ M. A. Redlor of AJhted, 
 in S U R R E r. 
 
 FMJQC^HEN Sleep's all foothing hand with fetters foft 
 J§C W 5^ Ties down each fenfe and lulls to balmy reft ; 
 J6j )^ The internal pow'r, creative fancy, oft 
 
 k.MMj«( Broods o'er her treafures in the formful breaft. 
 Thus when no longer daily cares engage, 
 
 The bufy mind purfues the darling theme ; 
 Hence Angels whifper'd to the flumb'ring fage. 
 
 And gods of old infpir'd the heroe's dream ; 
 Hence as I flept, thefe images arofe 
 To fancy's eye, and join'd this fairy fccne compofe. 
 
 n. 
 
 As, when fair morning dries her dewy tears. 
 The mountain lifts o'er mifts its lofty head ; 
 
 Thus new to fight a Gothic dome appears. 
 With the grey ruft of rolling years o'erfpread. 
 
 On folid bafe of ever-during ftone. 
 
 Which erft was laid by workmanfhip divine, 
 
 a 3 Diflorted,
 
 [ 6 1 
 
 Diftortcd fancy*s way-ward freaks are fliewn. 
 
 To hide with airs grotefque the grand defign : 
 With fragil ftraw and reeds the front is lin'd : 
 Vain prop of tott'ring age, the fport of every wind. 
 
 in. 
 
 In flocks unnumbered, like a pitchy cloud. 
 
 Birds of ill omen round the fabric fly. 
 Here build their nefts, and nurfe their callow brood. 
 
 And fcare the timorous foul with boading cry. 
 Here Superstition holds her dreary reign, 
 
 And her lip-labour'd Orifons Ihe plies 
 la Tongue unknown, when morn bedews the plain» 
 
 Or evening fkirts with gold the weftern Ikies ; 
 To the dumb ftock fhe bends, or fculptur'd wall. 
 And many a crofs flie makes, and many a bead lets fall. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Near to the dome a magic pair refide 
 
 Prompt to deceive, and pradic'd to confound j 
 Here hood-winkt Ignorance is feen to bide 
 
 Stretching in darkfome cave along the ground ; 
 No objedl dawns upon his ftupid eyes. 
 
 Nor voice articulate arrefts his ears. 
 Save when beneath the moon pale fpedlres rife. 
 
 And haunt his foul with vifionary fears ; 
 Or when hoarfe winds incavern'd murmur round. 
 And babbling echo wakes, and iterates the found. 
 
 V. 
 
 Where boughs entwining form an artful fhade. 
 And in faint glimmerings juft admit the light. 
 
 There Errmr fits in borrow'd white array'd, 
 And in Truth's form deceives the tranfient fight. 
 
 Her
 
 t 7 3 
 
 Her beaming luftre when fair Truth imparts, 
 
 A thoufand glories wait her opening day ; 
 Thus Errour fain would cheat with mimic arts 
 
 Th' unpraftic'd mind, and pours a fpurious ray ; 
 She cleaves with magic wand the liquid Ikies, 
 Bids airy forms appear, and fcenes fantaftic rife. 
 
 VI. 
 
 A porter deaf, decrepid, old and blind 
 
 Sits at the gate, and lifts a liberal bowl 
 With wine of wondrous power to lull the mind, 
 
 And check each vigorous effort of the foul : 
 Whoe'er unwares fhall ply his thirfly lip. 
 
 And drink in gulps the lufcious liquor down, 
 Shall haplefs from the cup deluiion fip. 
 
 And Objeds fee in features not their own ; 
 Each way-worn traveller that hither came. 
 He lav'd with copious draughts, and Prejudice his name* 
 
 vn. 
 
 Within a various race are feen to wonne. 
 
 Props of her age, and pillars of her (late. 
 Which erft were nurtur'd by the * wither'd crone. 
 
 And born to Tyranny, her griefly mate : 
 The firft appear'd in pomp of purple pride. 
 
 With triple crown ered, and throned high ; 
 Two golden keys hang dangling by his iide 
 
 To lock or ope the portals of the fky ; 
 Crouchiftg and proftrate there (ah fight unmeet !) 
 The crowned head would bow, and lick his dufly feet^ 
 
 VIII. 
 
 With bended arm he on a book reclin'd ■^' '""* 
 
 Fall lock'd with iron clafps from vulgar eyes ; 
 
 a 4. Heav'n's 
 
 ■ ' ;: ".^-^ 
 * Superftition.
 
 [ 8 ] 
 
 Heav'n's gracious gift to light the wandering mind. 
 To lift fall'n man, and guide him to the Ikies 1 
 
 A man no more, a God he would be thought. 
 And 'mazed mortals blindly mull: obey : 
 
 With fleight of hand he lying wonders wrought. 
 And near him ioathfom heaps of reliques lay : 
 
 Strange legends would he read, and figments dire 
 
 Of Limbus' prifon'd Ihades, and purgatory fire 
 
 IX. 
 
 There meagre Penance ht, in fackcloth clad. 
 
 And to his breail clofe hugg'd the viper, fin; 
 Yet oft with brandifti'd whip would gaul, as mad. 
 
 With voluntary ftripes his Ihrivel'd fkin. 
 Counting large heaps of o'er abounding good 
 
 Of Saints that dy'd within the church's pale. 
 With gentler afpecl there Indulgence ftood. 
 
 And to the needy culprit would retail -, 
 There too, ftrange merchandize ! he pardons fold. 
 And treafons would abfolve, and murders purge with gold. 
 
 With (haven crown in a fequefter'd cell. 
 
 In dortour fad a lazy lubbard lay ; 
 No work had he, fave fome few beads to tell, 
 
 And indolently fuore the hours away. 
 No patriot voice av/akes his languid eye ; 
 
 No calls of honour raife his drowfy head : 
 Impure he deems challe Hymen's holy tie ; 
 
 To all life's elegant endearments dead : 
 No focial hopes hath he, no fecial fears, 
 ^ut fpends in lethargy devout the ling'ring years. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Gnailiing his teeth in mood of furious ire 
 Fierce Ptr/ccuiion fits, and with Itrong breath 
 
 Wakes
 
 [ 9 ] 
 
 Wakes into living flame huge heaps of fire, ^ 
 
 And feafts on murders, maffacres and death. 
 
 Near him is plac'd Procrujles' iron bed ' 
 
 To flretch or mangle to a certain fize ; 
 
 To fee the vi<^ims pangs each heart muft bleed. 
 To hear their doleful fhrieks and piercing cries j 
 
 Yet he beholds them with unmoiftned eye, 
 
 Their writhing pains his fport, their moans his melody. 
 
 XII. 
 
 A gradual light diffufmg o'er the gloom. 
 
 And flow approaching with majeftic pace, 
 A lovely maid appears in beauty's bloom. 
 
 With native charms and unafFefted grace : 
 Her hand a clear reflecting mirrour fliows. 
 
 In which all objeds their true features wear. 
 And on her cheek a blufli indignant glows 
 
 To fee the horrid forc'ries praftis'd there ; 
 She fnatch'd the volume from the tyrant's rage 
 Unlock'd it's iron clafps, and ope'd the heavenly page. 
 
 XITI. 
 
 Marching in goodly row, with flieady feet, 
 
 Some reverend worthies followed in her train. 
 With love of truth whofe kindred bofoms beat. 
 
 To free the fettered mind from error's chain. 
 JViclift\iQ. firfl: appeared, and led the croud. 
 
 And in his hand a lighted torch he bore. 
 To drive the gloom of fuperftition's cloud 
 
 And all corruption's mazes to explore. 
 Next noble Cobhamy on whofe honoured brow 
 The martyr's crown is placed, wreath'd with the !:iurel bough. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 Hu/s mild and firm next dares the tyrant's fires ; 
 And fvveet-tongu'd Jerome^ ikilful to perfuade -, 
 
 And
 
 f iO ] 
 
 And Zifca, whom fair liberty infpires. 
 
 Blind chieftain ! waves around his burniih'd blade* 
 Uuwearied paftor, with unbaring zeal. 
 
 Next t Gilpm comes, on fhepherd's ftaff reclin'd; 
 He of his much-loved flock each want can feel. 
 
 And feeds the hungry mouth, and familh'd mind % 
 Worfter's good % prelate laft, with artlefs fmile. 
 Surveys each magic fraud, and eyes the flaming pile. 
 
 XV. 
 
 *< My name is Truth, and you, each holy feer, 
 
 «' Who thus my fteps with ardent gaze purfue, 
 «< Unveil, flie faid, the facred myfteries here, 
 
 " Give the celeflial boon to public view, 
 ** Tho' blatant Obloquy with leprous jaws 
 
 " Shall blot your fame, and blafl: the generous deed^ 
 " Yet in revolving years your liberal caufe 
 
 " Shall meet in glory's court its ample meed, 
 «« Your names, illuftrious in the faithful page, 
 " With each hiHoric grace fliall Ihine thro* ev'ry age« 
 
 XVI. 
 
 " What tho' the t}'rant's fierce relentle(s Pow'r 
 
 " Exerts in torment all its horrid (kill; 
 «' Tho' premature you meet the fatal hour 
 
 " Scorching inflames, or writhing on the wheel; 
 " Yet when the f dragon in the deep Abyfs 
 
 " Shall lye, faft bound in adamantine chain> 
 «' Ye with the lamb fliall rife to ceafelefs blifs, 
 
 " Firft- fruits of death, and partners of his reign % 
 *« Then fliall the great fabbatic reft repay 
 «* The noble ftrife fuftained, the fufFerings of a day.*^ 
 
 f Bernard Gilpin. J Bp. Latimer. 
 f See Revel. Chap. 20. and the learned and ingenious 
 Bifliop of Bristol's Comment upon it, in the the 3d Vol. 
 of his Diflcrtation on the Prophecies,
 
 CONTENTS 
 Of the Life of 
 
 JF I C L 1 F F. 
 
 W IC LI FF's education, page 3 — his 
 conteft with the friars, 5 — he is 
 appointed head of Canterbury-hall, 8 — 
 ejedled by the arch-biihop, 9 — lofes his fuit 
 
 at Rome, II- made profeflbr of divinity, 
 
 12 — begins an attack upon the church of 
 Rome, 14 — deprived by the arch-bifhop, 17 
 —in favour v^ith John of Ghent, 18 — em- 
 ployed on an embaffy, 20 — reads ledures 
 againft the Roman doftrines, 22 — profecuted 
 
 by the clergy. 24 counte anced by the 
 
 duke of Lancafter, 25 — profecuted by the 
 pope, 28 — v^rites againft the papal fchifm, 
 35 — tranflates the bible, 36 — attacks tran- 
 fubftantiation, 42 — condemned at Oxford, 
 43— maligned as the abetter of rebellion, 
 45 — profecuted again by the clergy, 47 — 
 
 anfwer^
 
 xii CONTENTS; 
 
 anfwers his opponents, 49 — driven from Ox- 
 ford, 53 — writes a fecond time againft the 
 papal fchifm, 55 — his death, 56 — his opi- 
 nion about the church, 58 — the king's fu- 
 premacy, 59 — the authority of -the church, 
 61 — the facraments, 62 — indulgences, 68 
 
 — purgatory, 7 o chauntry-priefts, and 
 
 chaunting, 71 prayers to faints, 72 
 
 images, 73— confecration, 74 — grace, pil- 
 grimages, fanduaries, marriage, ys — eccle- 
 liaftical cenfures, peter-pence, tythes, 76 — 
 church-endowments, 76 — fecular employ- 
 ments of the clergy — dominion founded on 
 grace, yy — fafting — the defign of the cre« 
 ation, 78 — oaths, war, fate, luxurious arts, 
 yg — herefy, 80 — catalogue of his writings, 
 
 8^ his treatife on the reafons of the poverty 
 
 of confcientious priefts, 88. 
 
 CONTENTS
 
 contemts 
 
 Of the Life of 
 
 Lord C B H A M. 
 
 OF his firft oppofition to the church of 
 Rome, 102 — he gives offence to 
 the clergy, 1 04 — his oppofition to the court, 
 105 — fent with an army into France, no 
 • — the clergy intrigue againft him, 1 1 2 — the 
 king reafons with him on matters of religion, 
 115- — cited before the primate, 116 — im- 
 plores the king s protedlion, 117 — brought 
 to a trial, 1 1 9 — his confeffion, 1 20 — brought 
 to a fecond trial, 123 — efcapes out of the 
 tower, «35 — maligned as the author of aa 
 infurredtion, 137 — cleared of that charge, 
 139 — he is feized in Wales, 147 — and put 
 to death, 148. 
 
 CONTENTS
 
 [ H r 
 
 CO H TENTS 
 
 Of the Life of 
 
 H U S S. 
 
 A Story of him In his yau^i, ^S^'^^^^ 
 firft acquaintance wiUi the^ . works qt 
 WiclifF, 155 — attacks the cler^;/. 156— he 
 reforms the univerfity of Prague, i4i — at- 
 tacked by the primate, 163 — appeals to the 
 pope, 166 — is excommunicated, 168 — and 
 banifhed, 1 74 — his employment in his ba- 
 nifliment, 175— Council of Conftance, 178 
 — ^its proceedings, 180 — Hufs cited thither, 
 182 — his journey, 183^ — his examination be^ 
 fore the pope and cardinals, 1 90 — his con- 
 fei-ence with a Francifcan, 191 — he is im- 
 prifoned, 194 — falls fick, 195 — the Bohe- 
 mian nobility interfere in his favour, 197— 
 he is called before the council, 204 — his fe- 
 cond examination, 205 — his third examina- 
 tion, 209 — he is condemned, 219 — his ex- 
 ecution, 221, 
 
 CONTENTS
 
 [ 15 1 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 Of the Life of 
 y E RO M E of Prague. 
 
 OF his education, 229 — his want of 
 temper, 230 his journey to Con- 
 
 ftance, 231 he leaves it, and is brought 
 
 back, 233 — his firft hearing, 235 he is 
 
 treated with great feverity, 238 — his recan- 
 tation, 240 — brought to a fecond trial, 245 
 —condemned and executed, 249 — Pogge's 
 letter, 253- 
 
 CONTENTS 
 Of the Life of 
 
 Z I S C A. 
 
 OF the early part of his life, 265 he 
 engages in the defence of the civil and 
 
 religious liberties of his country, 276 
 
 difturbances
 
 XVI 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 difturbances in Prague, 278 — an accommo- 
 dation, 279 — Zifca^s iirfl vicftory, 283- 
 
 Aufca taken, 284 — Tabor fortified, 285 — 
 the Adamites extirpated, 287 — the citadel 
 of Prague befieged, 290 — and relieved, 292 
 — Sigifmond retreats from Prague, 297 — 
 the defeat before Wifgrade, and the furren- 
 der of that fortrefs, 299 — Zifca's difficuhies 
 
 Avith the Bohemian clergy, 30 !• he lofes 
 
 his eve by a v^^ound, 304 — Battle of Kam- 
 nits, 310 — Zifca begins a reformation, 312 
 difturbances occafioned by it at Prague, 314 
 
 — the Lithuanians enter Bohemia, 319 
 
 the emperor's preparations, 323 — battle of 
 Aufig, 326 — ■ — Procop*s adlions in Moravia, 
 329 — fre(h difturbances in Prague, 332 — 
 liege of that city, 337 — an accommodation 
 
 342 Sigifmond fues for peace, 343—-* 
 
 Zifca's death, 344.
 
 THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 O F 
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 
 
 ABOUT the thirteenth and fourteenth 
 centuriestheufurpations of the church 
 of Rome had arifen to their greateft 
 height. That amazing fyilem of fpiritual 
 tyranny had drawn within its influence, in a 
 manner, the whole government of England. 
 The haughty legate, ftriding over law, made 
 even the minifters of jultice tremble at his 
 tribunal: parliaments were over-awed; and 
 fovereigns obliged to temporize: while the 
 lawiels ecclefiafHc, intrenched behind the 
 authority of councils and decrees, let at 
 naught the civil power; and opened an afy- 
 lum to any, the moft profligate, diflurbers 
 of fociety, 
 
 A In
 
 2 THE LIFE OF 
 
 In the mean time the taxes gathered, 
 under various pretences, by the agents of 
 the conclave, exceeded, by above two thirds, 
 , the produce of the royal treafury : and when 
 men confidered how one claim after another 
 had arifen, and from flender pretences had 
 taken the forms of legal eftablifliments, they 
 could not but be alarmed at an evil teeming 
 with fuch ruin ; and faw delufion eve;i 
 through the gloom of ignorance. The peo- 
 -ple, in fpiteof fuperftition, cried out againfl: 
 fuch fcandalous exadlions^ and the legifla- 
 ture began to think ferioufly of checking 
 thefe enormities by refolute laws. 
 
 The rapacity of the court of Rome firft 
 ■fet the fufpicions of men afloat. The vota- 
 Ties of the church bore with temper to fee 
 *the extenfion of its power; and its advo- 
 cates had always to obtrude upon the people 
 the divine fandions of its dominion ; and 
 could on that topic defcant plaufibly enough. 
 But when this holy church, the facred ob- 
 •jedl of veneration, became immerfed in 
 temporal things 3 when it plainly appeared 
 -to be fully inflrucfled in all th§ arts of grafp- 
 ing and fquandering, which were found 
 among mere human beings, its mercenary 
 
 views
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 3 
 
 views were evident; and ferious men were 
 led to queftion opinions, which came ac- 
 companied by fuch unwarrantable practice. 
 
 The firft perfon of any eminence, who 
 efpoufed the caufe of religious liberty, was 
 John Wichff. This reformer was born about 
 the year 1324, in the reign of Edward II. Of 
 his extradtion we have no certain accounts 
 His parents defigning him for the churchy 
 fent him to Queen's-colltge in Oxford^ then 
 juft founded by Robert Eaglesfieid, confeflbr 
 to queen Philippa. But not meeting with 
 the advantages for ftudy In that new- 
 eftablifhed ho afe, which he exped:ed, he re- 
 moved to Merton-college ^ which was then 
 efleemed one of the mofl: learned focieties in 
 Europe. 
 
 Here he applied with fuch induftry, that 
 he is faid to have gotten by heart the mofl 
 abftrufe parts of the works of Ariilotle. The 
 logic of that acute philofopher feems chiefly 
 to have engaged his attention 3 in which he 
 was fo converfant, that he became a mofl 
 fubtile difputant, and reigned in the fchools 
 without a rival. 
 
 Thus prepared, he began next with divi- 
 nity. The divinity of thofe times corref- 
 A 3 ponded
 
 4 THELIFEOF 
 
 ponded with the logic. What was fartheft 
 from reafon, appeared moft like truth: at 
 lead moft worth a fchclar's purfuit. In that 
 age flourifhed thofe eminent dodlors, who 
 mutually complimenting each other with 
 founding titles, the profound, the angelic, 
 and the feraphic, drew upon themfelves the 
 reverence of their own times, and the con- 
 tempt of all pofterity. Wicliff s attention 
 was a while engaged in this faihionable ftudy ; 
 in which he became fo thorough a proficient, 
 that he was mafler of all the niceties of that 
 ftrange jargon, which is commonly called 
 fchool-divinity. 
 
 His good fenfe, however, feems to have 
 freed him early from the (hackles of autho- 
 rity and fafhion. He faw the unprofitable^ 
 nefs of fuch ftudies^ and having been milled, 
 rather than bewildered, he difengaged him- 
 fell from them without much difficulty. 
 
 From this time he feems to have chalked 
 out for himfelf a fimpler path. He took 
 the naked text of fcripture into his hands, 
 and became his own annotator. The writ- 
 ings ot the fchoolmen, he foon found, were 
 calculated only to make fedlaries 3 the bible 
 alone to make a rational chriftian. Hence 
 
 he
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 5 
 
 he attained that noble freedom of thought, 
 which was afterwards fo confpicuous in all 
 his writings , and among his contemporaries 
 was rewarded, after the fafliion of the times, 
 with the title of the evangelic doftor. 
 
 To thefc ftudies he added that of the 
 civil and canon law^ and is faid alfo to have 
 been well verfed in the municipal laws of 
 his country. 
 
 In the mean time his reputation increafed 
 with his knowledge : and he was refpedted 
 not only as an able fcholar, but efleemcd 
 as a ferious and pious man -, a fincere en- 
 quirer after truth ; and ^ fteady maintainer 
 of it when difcovered. 
 
 The iirft thing, which drew upon him 
 the public eye, was his defence of the uni- 
 verfity againft the begging friars. The affair 
 was this. 
 
 Thefe religious, from the time of their 
 firft fettlement in Oxford, which was in 
 the year 1230, had been very troublefome 
 neighbours to the univerfity. They fct up 
 a different intereft, aimed at a diftindl jurif- 
 dldlion, fomented feuds between the fcholars 
 and their fuperiors, and in many other ref- 
 pefts became fuch offenfive inmates, that 
 A 3 the
 
 6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the unlverlity was obliged to curb their li- 
 centioufnefs by levere ftatutes. This info- 
 lent behaviour on one fide, and the oppofi- 
 tion it met with on the other, laid the foun- 
 dation of an endlefs quarrel. The friars 
 appealed to the pope ; the fcholars to the 
 civil power : and fometimes one party, and 
 fometimes the other prevailed. Thus the 
 caufe became general ^ and an oppofition to 
 the friars was looked upon as the teft of a 
 young fellow s afFedlion to the univerfity. 
 
 It happened, while things were in this 
 fituation, that the friars had gotten among 
 them a notion, of which they were exceed- 
 ingly fond ', that Chrift was a common beg- 
 gar } that his difciples were beggars alfo ; 
 and that begging, by their example, was 
 of gofpel-inftitution. This notion they pro- 
 pagated with great zeal from all the pulpits, 
 both in Oxford, and the neighbourhood, to 
 which they had accefs. 
 
 Wicliff, who had long held thefe religi- 
 ous in great contempt, on account of the 
 lazinefs of their lives, thought he had now 
 found a fair occafion to expofe them. He 
 drew up therefore, and prefently publiflied, 
 a treatife Agaiiiji able beggary 3 in which he 
 
 firft
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 7 
 
 firft fhewed the difference between the po- 
 verty of Chrift and that of the friars, and 
 the obligations which all chriftians lay un- 
 der to labour in fome way for the good of 
 fociety. He then laflied the friars with 
 great acrimony, proving them to be an in- 
 famous and ufelefs fet of men, wallowing 
 in luxury 5 and fo far from being objedls of 
 charity, that they were a reproach not only 
 to religion, but even to human fociety. 
 This piece was calculated for the many, on 
 whom it made a great impreffion. At the 
 fame time it increafed his reputation with 
 the learned ^ all men of fenfe and freedom 
 admiring the work, and applauding the fpirit 
 of the author. 
 
 From this time the univerfity began to 
 confider him as one of her iirft champions; 
 and in confequence of the reputation he had 
 gained, he was foon afterv/ards promoted 
 to the mafterfhip of Baliol-college. 
 
 About this time, archbifhop Iflip, founded 
 Canterbury-hall in Oxford, where he efta- 
 blifhed a warden, and eleven fcholars. The 
 warden's name was Wodehall -, who with 
 three of his fcholars were monks; the reft 
 were fecular. The prudent archbifhop, un- 
 A 4 willing
 
 8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ing to irritate either fide, chofe in this way 
 to divide his lavours. Wodehall, thoagh' 
 brought from a diftant monaftery, ruihed 
 immediately into the quarrel, which he 
 found fubfifting at Oxford ; and having 
 vexed the unhappy feculars incorporated 
 with him, by every method in his power, 
 he became next a public difturbcr^ and 
 made it his particular employment to raife 
 and foment animofities in colleges, and dif-^ 
 putes in the convocation. The archbifliop, 
 hearing of his behaviour, and finding the 
 report well-grounded, apologized to the 
 univerfity for placing among them fo trouble- 
 fome a man ; and immediately ejected both 
 him, and the three regulars, his aflx)ciates. 
 The primate's next care was to appoint a 
 proper fuccefifor : and in this view he applied 
 to Wicliff, whom he was greatly defirous 
 of placing at the head of his new founda- 
 tion. WiclifF, whether through an inclina- 
 tion to cultivate the archbifliop's acquain- 
 tance, pr to put in order a new-eftablifhed 
 houfe, accepted the propofal, and was im- 
 mediately chofen warden of Canterbury- 
 hall. 
 
 But
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 9 
 
 But his new dignity foon involved him 
 in difficuhies. He was fcarce eftabhflied in 
 it, when the archbifliop died, and was fuc- 
 ceeded by Simon Langham, bifhop of Ely, 
 This prelate had fpent his life in a cloyfter, 
 having been firft a monk, and afterwards 
 an abbot. The ejeded regulars failed not 
 to take advantage of fo favourable an oppor- 
 tunity ; and made inftant application to the 
 new archbifhopi expedling every thing from 
 a man whom they imagined fo well inclined 
 to their order. Their expeftations were 
 juftly founded. Langham efpoufed their 
 caufe with great readinefs j ejedled WiclifF, 
 and the regulars his companions ; and 
 fequeflered their revenues. 
 
 So flagrant a piece of injuftice, raifed a 
 general out-cry. '' If the very ad: of a 
 *' founder might be thus fet afide by a pri- 
 ** vate perfon, how precarious was college- 
 " preferment!" In ihort, WiclifF was ad- 
 vifed by his friends to appeal to the pope ; 
 who durfl not, they told him, countenance 
 fo injurious a proceeding. Urban forefeeing 
 fome difficulty in the affair, prudently ftep- 
 ed behind the curtain, and commiffioned a 
 cardinal to examine it. The archbiihop be- 
 
 i"S
 
 lo THE LIFE OF 
 
 ing cited put in his pleaj and each fide 
 accufed and anfwered by turns, protradting 
 the bufinefs into great length. 
 
 While this matter was in agitation, an 
 affair happened, which brought it to a 
 fpeedy conclufion. Edward the III. who 
 was now king of England, had for fome 
 time withdrawn the tribute, which his pre- 
 decelTors, from the time of king John, had 
 paid to the pope. The pope menaced in 
 his ufual language : but he had a prince to 
 deal with of too high a fpirit to be fo intimi- 
 dated. Edward called a parliament, laid 
 the affair before them, and defired their 
 advice. The parliament without much de- 
 bating refolved, that king John had done an 
 illegal thing, and had given up the rights of 
 the nation : at the fame time they advifed 
 the king by no means to fubmit to the pope; 
 and promifed to aiiift him to the utmofl of 
 their power, if the affair fliould bring on 
 confequences. 
 
 While the parliament was thus calling in 
 queflion the pope's authority, the clergy, 
 efpecially the regulars, fhewed their zeal by 
 fpeaking and writing in his defence. His 
 undoubted right to his revenue was their 
 
 fubjt(ft;
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. II 
 
 fubjecSi which they proved by a variety of 
 arguments, drawn from the divinity, and 
 adapted to the genius of thofe times. 
 
 Among others who lifted themfelves la 
 this caufe, a monk, of more learning, and 
 of a more liberal turn of thought than com- 
 mon, publifhed a treatife, written in a very 
 fpirited and plaufible manner. His argu- 
 ments met with many advocates, and help- 
 ed to keep the minds of the people in fuf- 
 pence. WiclifF, whofe indignation was raid- 
 ed at feeing fo bad a caufe fo well defended, 
 undertook to oppofe the monk, and did it 
 in fo mafterly a way, that he was no longer 
 confidered as unanfwerable. 
 
 Soon after this book was publifhed, the 
 fuit at Rome was determined againft him : 
 and when men faw an efFed: correfponding 
 fo exadly with a probable caufe, they could 
 not avoid affigning that probable caufe, as a 
 real one. In a word, nobody doubted but 
 his oppofition to the pope, at fo critical a 
 time, was the true caufe of his being non- 
 fuited at Rome. 
 
 Notwithftanding his difappointment, Wic- 
 lifF ftill continued at Oxford j where his 
 friends, about this tinie, procured him a 
 
 benefice.
 
 12 THE LIFE OF 
 
 benefice. Soon after, the divinity profelTor's 
 chair falling vacant, he took a doctor's de- 
 gree, and was eleded into it, the univerfity 
 paying him this compliment, not only as 
 the reward of his merit, but as a compenfa- 
 lion for his lofs. 
 
 Dr. WiclifF had now attained the fummit 
 of his hopes. His ftation afforded him 
 that opportunity, which he wanted, of throw- 
 ing fome new lights, as he imagined, upon 
 religious fubjeds. A long courfe of reafon- 
 ing had now fully convinced him, that the 
 Romifli religion was a fyflem of errors. 
 The fcandalous lives of the monaftic clergy 
 firfl: led him into this train of thinking ; and 
 an inquiry into antiquity had confirmed him 
 in it. But it was a bold undertaking to 
 encounter" errors of fo long a {landing ; 
 errors, which had taken fo deep a root, and 
 had fpread themftlves fo wide. The un- 
 dertaking at leafl required the greatefl cau- 
 tion. He refolved therefore at firfl to go on 
 with the popular argument, which he had 
 begun, and continue his attack upon the 
 monadic clergy. 
 
 It was a circumftance in his favour, that 
 the begging friars were at this time in the 
 
 higheft
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 13 
 
 higheft difcredit at Oxford. The occafional 
 oppofition he had already given them, had 
 by no means hurt his reputation -, and as he 
 really thought the monaftic clergy, the prin- 
 cipal inftruments of the prevailing corrup- 
 tion, he was fully determined not to fpare 
 them. In his public ledures therefore he 
 reprefented them as a fet of men, who pro- 
 feffed indeed to live under the rule of holy 
 faints, but had now fo far degenerated from 
 their firft inftitution, that they were become 
 a fcandal to their founders. Men might 
 well cry out, he faid, againft: the decay of 
 religion ; but he could fhew them from 
 whence this decay proceeded. While the 
 preachers of religion never inculcated religi- 
 ous duties, but entertained the people with 
 idle ftories, and lying miracles ; while they 
 never inforced the neceffity of a good life, 
 but taught their hearers to put their trull: in 
 a bit of fealed parchment, and the prayers, 
 of hypocrites, it was impoffible, he faid, but ■ 
 religion muft decay. Such treacherous 
 friends did more hurt than open enemies. — 
 But a regard for religion, he added, was 
 not to be expelled from them : they had 
 nothing in view but the advancement of 
 
 their
 
 14 THE LIFE OF • 
 
 their order. In every age they had made it 
 their pradice to invent, and multiply fuch 
 new opinions and dodlrines as fuited their 
 avaritious view^s: nay they had, in a manner, 
 fet afide chriftianity, by binding men with 
 their traditions in preference to the rule of 
 Chrift, who, it might well be fuppofed, 
 left nothing ufeful out of his fcheme. 
 
 In fuch language did Dr. WiclifF inveigh 
 againft the monaftic clergy ; and opened the 
 eyes of men to a variety of abufes, which 
 were before hidden in the darknefs of fuper- 
 ftition. 
 
 He had not, however, yet avowedly quefti- 
 oned any dodrine of the church. All he 
 had hitherto attempted was to loofen the pre- 
 judices of the vulgar. His fuccefs in this 
 warranted a further progrefs ; and he began 
 next to think of attacking fome of the fun- 
 damentals of popery. 
 
 In this defign he ftill proceeded with his 
 ufual caution. At firft, he thought it fuffi-^ 
 cient to lead his adverfaries into logical and 
 metaphyfical difputations -, accuftoming them 
 to hear novelties, and to bear contradidion. 
 Nothing pafied in the fchools but learned 
 arguments on the form of things, on the 
 
 increafe
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 15 
 
 increafe of time, on fpace, fubftance, and 
 identity. In thefe difputations he artfully 
 intermixed, and puflied as far as he durft, new 
 opinions in divinity; founding, as it were, the 
 minds of his hearers. At length, finding 
 he had a great party in the fchools, and that 
 he was liftened to with attention, he ven- 
 tured to be more explicit, and by degrees 
 opened himfelf at large. 
 
 He began by invalidating all the writings 
 of the fathers after the tenth century. At 
 that time, he faid, an age of darknefs and 
 error commenced ; and the honeft enquirer 
 after truth could never fatisfy himfelf among 
 the opinions and dodirines, which then took 
 iheir birth. 
 
 The fpeculative corruptions, which had 
 crept into religion were the firft fubjed: of 
 his enquiry. Many of thefe he traced out, 
 from their earlieft origin; and v^ith egrat 
 accuracy and acutenefs (hewed the progrefs 
 they had made, as they defcended through 
 the ages of fuperflition. He proceeded next 
 to the ufurpations of the court of Rome. 
 On this fubjedl he was very copious : it 
 was his favourite topic; and feldom failed^ 
 however coolly he might begin, to give him 
 
 warmth
 
 i6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 warmth and fpirit as he proceeded. Oil 
 thefe, and many other fubjeds of the fame 
 kind, he infifted with great freedom, and a 
 ftrength of reafoning far fuperior to the learn* 
 ing of thofe times. 
 
 This fpirited attack upon the church of 
 Rome hath been attributed by his enemies 
 to motives of refentment. His deprivation, 
 it is faid, was the unlucky caufe of all this 
 heat and bitternefs. And indeed his con- 
 dudl, in this inftance, hath unqueftionably 
 the appearance of being influenced by his 
 paffions. But the candid of all parties will 
 be very cautions in affigning motives ; and 
 the friends of Wicliff may with truth re- 
 monflrate, that he began his attack upon 
 the church of Rome, before he had been 
 injured by the pope. They may add too, 
 that he never before had fo proper an occa- 
 fion to queftion publickly the erroneous 
 tenets of religion. 
 
 From whatever motives however, this 
 fpirited attack proceeded, we are not fur- 
 prifed to find a violent clamour raifed againft 
 him by the romifn clergy. The archbilliop 
 of Canterbury, taking the lead, refolved to 
 profecute him with the utmofl: vigour. But 
 
 herefy
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 17 
 
 herefy was a new crime : the church had 
 flept in its errors through fo many ages, that 
 .it was unprepared for an attack. Records 
 however were fearched, and precedents ex-* 
 amined ; till, with feme difficulty, at length 
 Dr. WiclifF was deprived and filenced. 
 
 Edward III. after a glorious, and adllve 
 reign, was, at this time, too much impaired 
 both in body and mind, to bear the fatigues 
 of government. The whole adminiftration 
 of affairs was in the hands of his fon the 
 duke of Lancafter, commonly known by 
 the name of John of Ghent. 
 
 This prince had a fpirit anfwerable to his 
 birth, and preferved the forms of royalty 
 as much as any monarch of his time. He 
 had violent paffions, of which his enemies 
 and friends were equally fenfible. In reli^ 
 gion he had free notions ; and whether his 
 creed gave offence to the popifli clergy ; or 
 whether he had made fome efforts to curb 
 the exorbitance of their power, it is certain 
 they were vehemently incenfed againft him^ 
 and fome of * the leading churchmen, it 
 
 B is 
 
 * This IS particularly charged upon William of Wickham, 
 Bifhop of Winchefter; but a late very accurate and inge- 
 nious writer hath fufficiently exculpated him on this head.
 
 i8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 is faid, had ufed very bafe arts to blackea his 
 character. With equal fire the duke retort- 
 ed their ill-treatment -, and having long def- 
 pifed them, and being now fo exceedingly 
 provoked, he conceived a fettled prejudice 
 againft the whole order ^ and endeavoured 
 by all the means in his power to bring them 
 into the fame contempt with others, in which 
 he held them himfelf. 
 
 This quarrel between the duke of Lan-j 
 cafter and the clergy, was the occafion of 
 introducing Dr. Wicliff into public life -, and 
 this introduftion afforded him afterwards an 
 opportunity of fignalizing himfelf ftill more 
 in the great caufe of religious Hberty. The 
 duke, it feems, had heard with pleafure, of 
 the attack he had made upon the church of 
 Rome j and had waited the confequences of 
 it with great attention : and when he now 
 found, that Dr. Wicliff was likely to be the 
 fufferer, he interpofed, refcued him out of 
 the hands of his enemies, who were perfu- 
 ing their advantage, and brought him to 
 court; where, through a paffionate vibration 
 of temper, from one extreme to another, he 
 took him into his confidence, and treated 
 
 him
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 19 
 
 him with a kindnefs proportioned to the en- 
 mity which he bore the clergy. 
 
 The oppreffions of the court of Rome were, 
 at this time, feverely felt in England. Many 
 things were complained of; but nothing 
 more than the ftate of church-preferments 3 
 almoft all of which, and even redories, and 
 vicarages of any value, in whomfoever origi- 
 nally vefted, were now, through one fidiion 
 or another, claimed by the pope. With 
 thefe he penfioned his friends and favourites ; 
 moil: of whom, being foreigners, refided a- 
 broad ; and left their benefices in the hands 
 of ill-paid, and negligent curates. By thefe 
 means religion decayed ; the country was 
 drained of money; and what was looked 
 upon as moft vexatious, a body of infolent 
 tythe-gatherers were fet over the people^ 
 who had their own fortunes to make out of 
 the furplus of their exactions. 
 
 Thefe hardfliips, notwithftanding the blind 
 obedience paid at that time to the fee of 
 Rome, created great unquietnefs. The na- 
 tion faw itfelf wronged ; and parliamentary 
 petitions, in very warm language, were pre- 
 ferred to the conclave : but to little purpofe ; 
 the pope lending a very negligent ear to any 
 B 2 motion
 
 20 THELIFEOF 
 
 motion which fo nearly afFedled his re- 
 venue. 
 
 The duke of Lancafter, however, at this 
 time, though the nation had now complain- 
 ed in vain during more than 30 years, was 
 determined, if poffible, to obtain redrefs. 
 And, in the firft place, to open the eyes of 
 the people in the moll; effectual manner, he 
 obliged all bifhops to fend in lifts of the num- 
 ber and value of fuch preferments and bene- 
 fices in each of their diocefles, as were in 
 the hands of foreigners. From thefe lifts it 
 appeared what immenfe fums, in that one 
 way, were conveyed every year out of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 The next ftep taken was to fend an em- 
 baffy to the pope to treat of the liberties of 
 the church of England; at the head of which 
 embafly were the bifliop of Bangor, and Dr. 
 WiclifF. They were met at Bruges, on the 
 part of Rome, by the biftiops of Pampelone 
 and Semigaglia, and the provoft of Valenza. 
 Thefe agents, practifed in the policy of their 
 court, fpun out the negotiation with great 
 dexterity; fome liiftorians mention the con^ 
 tinuance of it during the fpace of two years. 
 The yomifti amballadors however, finding 
 
 them-
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 21 
 
 themfelves hard preiTed by their antagoniftsj 
 and prudently confidering, that it would be 
 eafier to evade a treaty when made, than in 
 the prefent circumftances not to make one, 
 determined at laft to bring matters to a con- 
 clufion. Accordingly it was agreed, that 
 the pope fhould no longer difpofe of any be- 
 nefices belonging to the church of England. 
 No mention was made of bifliopricks : this 
 was thought a voluntary omiffion in the 
 bifhop of Bangor ; and men the rather be- 
 lieved fo, when they faw him twice after- 
 wards tranflated by the pope's authority. 
 
 But though Dr. Wiciiff failed in his en* 
 deavours to ferve his country by this treaty, 
 (for indeed it was never obferved) he made 
 his journey however of fome fervice to him- 
 felf. It was his great care to ufe the oppor- 
 tunity it afforded him of fifting out the real 
 defigns of the court of Rome, not only in 
 this affair, but in all its other negotiations : 
 he inquired into the ends it had in view, and 
 the means it employed: and by frequent 
 converfations with the ambaffadors upon 
 thefe fubjeds, he penetrated fo far into the 
 conftitution and policy of that corrupt court, 
 that he began to think of it in a much hariher 
 B 4 manner
 
 22 THELIFEOF 
 
 manner than he had ever yet done, and to 
 be more convinced of its avarice and ambi- 
 tion. Prejudiced as he had long been againll 
 its dodlrines and miniftry, he had never yet 
 thought fo ill of its defigns. 
 
 Thus influenced, when he came home, 
 we find him inveighing in his ledlures againft 
 the church of Rome, in w^armer language 
 than he had hitherto ufed. The exemp- 
 tion of the clergy from the jurifdidion of 
 the civil power was one of his topics of in- 
 vecftive : the ufe of fanduaries was another : 
 indulgences a third : in fhort there has fcarce 
 been a corrupt principle or pradlice in the 
 Roman church, detefted by later ages, which 
 his penetration had not at that early day dif- 
 covered; and though his reafonings want 
 much of that acutenefs and ftrength, with 
 which the beft writers of thefe times have 
 difcuffed thofe fubjeds ^ yet when we conii- 
 der the uninlightened age in which he lived, 
 we rather ftand aftoniflied at that force of 
 genius, which carried him fo far, than in 
 any degree wonder at his not going farther* 
 
 The pope himfelf was often the fubjed: of 
 his invedlive : his infallibility, his ufurpati- 
 ons, his pride, his avarice, and his tyranny, 
 
 were
 
 JOHN WiCLIFF. i^3 
 
 were his frequent theme -, and indeed his lan- 
 guage was never warmer than when on thefe 
 topics. The celebrated epithet of antichriji^ 
 which in after ages, was fo hberally beftow- 
 ed upon the pope, feems to have been firft 
 given him by this reformer. 
 
 The pomp and luxury of bifhops he would 
 frequently lafli 5 and would afk the people, 
 when they faw their prelates riding abroad 
 accompanied with fourfcore horfemen in 
 filver trappings, whether they perceived any 
 refemblance between fuch fplendor, and the 
 fimpliclty of primitive biiObops ? 
 
 Where thefe lectures were read, does not 
 certainly appear. It is moft probable how- 
 ever, that they were read in Oxford; where 
 Dr. WiclifF feems by this time to have reco- 
 vered his former ftation, and where he had 
 ftill a confiderable party in his favour. 
 
 In the mean time he was frequently at 
 court, where he continued in great credit 
 with the duke of Lancafter. Many indeed 
 exped:ed,fome high preferment in the church 
 was intended for him ; but we meet with 
 no account of his having had the offer of any 
 fuch, whether he himfelf declined it, or the 
 duke thought an eminent ftation in the 
 B 3 church
 
 -^4 THE LIFE OP 
 
 church would only the more expofe him to 
 the malice of his enemies. The duke how- 
 ever took care to make him independent by 
 conferring a good benefice upon him, the 
 redory of Lutterworth in Leicefterfhire ; 
 whither he immediately repaired, and fet 
 himfelf faithfully to difcharge the duties of it. 
 We hear nothing more of his other bene- 
 fice, fo that it is probable he gave it up when 
 he accepted Lutterworth. 
 
 Dr. Wicliflfwas fcarce fettled in his parifli, 
 when his enemies, taking the advantage of 
 his retirement, began to perfecute him again 
 with frefh vigour. At the head of this per- 
 fecution were Sudbury, archbifhop of Can- 
 terbury, and Courtney, biihop of London, 
 The former was a man of uncommon mo- 
 deration for the times in which he lived; the 
 latter was an inflamed bigot. The arch- 
 bifhop indeed feems to have been prefixed in- 
 to this fervice ; to which he afforded only 
 the countenance of his name. Courtney, 
 took upon himfelf the management of it ; 
 and having procured proper letters from 
 Rome, Dr. Wicliff was cited to appear be- 
 fore him on a day fixed, at St. Paul's in 
 Londoii, 
 
 This
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 2S 
 
 This was an unexpedled fummons to Dr. 
 WiclifF; who imagined probably that the 
 obfcurity of his retreat would have fcreened 
 him from his enemies. He repaired how- 
 ever, immediately to the duke of Lancafter, 
 to confult with him on a bufinefs of fuch im- 
 portance. The duke did what he could to 
 avert the profecution -, but finding himfelf 
 unable to oppofe a force compofed of little 
 lefs than the whole ecclefiaftical order, he 
 thought it more probable that he fhould be 
 able to proted: his friend from the future 
 confequences of the clergy's malice, than to 
 fcreen him from the prefent effeds of it. 
 Determined however, to give him what 
 countenance he could, he attended him in 
 perfon to his trial -, and engaged alfo the lord 
 Piercy, earl-marfhal of England, to accom- 
 pany them. 
 
 When they came to St. Paul's, they found 
 the court fitting, and a very great croud af- 
 fembled, through which the earl-marfhal 
 made ufe of his authority to gain an entrance. 
 
 The arrival of fuch perfonages, with their 
 attendants, occafioned no little difturbance 
 lA the church; and the blfhop of LondoQ 
 pii^asd to fee Dr. WiciifF lu atcendeu^ told 
 
 the
 
 26 THELIFEOF 
 
 the earl with a peevifh air, that if he had 
 known before w^hat difturbance he would 
 have made, he fhould have been flopped at 
 the door. He was greatly offended alfo at the 
 duke for infifting that Dr. Wicliff fhould fit 
 during his trial ; and let fall feme expreffi- 
 ons, which that haughty prince was ill able 
 to bear. He immediately fired 3 and re- 
 proached the bifhop with great bitternefs. 
 Warm language enfued. The prelate how- 
 ever, had the advantage 5 of which the duke 
 feeming confcious, from railing began to 
 threaten 3 and looking difdainfully at the 
 bifhop, told him, that he would bring down the 
 pride, not only of him, but of all the prelacy 
 of England : and turning to a perfon near 
 him, he faid in a half whifper, that rather 
 than take fuch ufage from the bifhop, he 
 would pull him by the hair of his head out 
 of the church. Thefe words being caught 
 up by fome, who flood near, were fpread 
 among the croud, and in an inflant threv^ 
 the whole affembly into a ferment ^ voices 
 from every part being heard, united in one 
 general cry, that their bifliop fhould not be 
 fo ufed, and that they would fland by him 
 to their laft breath. In fliort, the confufioa 
 
 arofe
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. ^7 
 
 iarofe to fuch an height, that all bufinefs was 
 at an end, the whole was diforder, and the 
 court broke up without having taken any 
 ftep of confequence in the affair. 
 
 The tumult however did not {o end. 
 The duke, agitated by his paffions, went di- 
 redly to the houfe of peers ; where inveigh- 
 ing againft the riotous difpoiition of the Lon- 
 doners, he preferred a bill, that very day, to 
 deprive the city of London of its privileges, 
 and to alter the jurifdid:ion of it. 
 
 The city of London was never more 
 moved than on this occafion. The heads of 
 it met in confultation 5 while the populace 
 affembled in a riot, and affaulted the houfes 
 of the duke, and the earl marflial, who both 
 left the city with precipitation. 
 
 Thefe tumults, which continued fome 
 time, put a flop to all proceedings againfl 
 Wicliff 5 nor indeed do we find him in any 
 farther troXible, during the remainder of 
 king Edward's reign. 
 
 In the year 1377 that prince died, and was 
 fucceeded by his grandfon Richard IL Rich- 
 ard being only eleven years of age, the firft 
 bufinefs of the parliament was to fettle a re- 
 gency. The duke of Lancafter afpired t6 
 
 be
 
 128 THE LIFE OF 
 
 be fole regent ; but the parliament thought 
 otherwife : much was apprehended from the 
 violence of his temper; and more from his 
 unpopular maxims of government. The re- 
 gency therefore v^as put into commiffion, 
 and he had only one voice in the manage- 
 ment of affairs. 
 
 The duke of Lancafter's fall from his for- 
 mer height of power was a fignal to the bi- 
 fhops to begin anew their perfecution againfl: 
 Wicliff. Articles of accufation were imme- 
 diately drawn up, and difpatched to Rome. 
 How very heartily the pope engaged in this 
 bufinefs may be imagined, from his fending 
 upon this occafion not fewer than five bulls 
 into England : of thefe, three were diredled 
 to the archbifliop of Canterbury and the bi- 
 fliop of London ^ a fourth to the univerfity 
 of Oxford ', and a fifth to the king. 
 
 Together with his bulls to the bifhops, be 
 fent a copy of the heretical articles 3 requi- 
 ring thofe prelates to inform themfelves, whe- 
 ther Wicliff really held the dodrines there- 
 in contained ; and, if he did, forthwith to 
 imprifon him j or if they failed in that, to 
 cite him to make his perfonal appearance at 
 Rome within three months. 
 
 In
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 29 
 
 In his bull to the chancellor, and other 
 heads of the univerfiy, he expollulates with 
 fome warmth upon their fufFering tares to 
 fpring up with the wheat, and even to grow 
 ripe without rooting them out. It gives him 
 great unealinefs, he fays, that this evil was 
 publicly fpoken of at Rome, before any re- 
 medy had been applied in England. He 
 bids them conlider the confequences of Wic- 
 lifF's doctrines ; that they tended to nothing 
 lefs than the fubverlion both of church and 
 ilate : and injoins them laftly, to forbid the 
 preaching of fuch tenets for the future with- 
 in their diftrids ; and to affift the bilhops in 
 bringing WicliiF to condign punifliment. 
 
 To the king he addrefled himfelf in very 
 obliging language; and exhorted him to 
 fhew his zeal for the faith, and the holy fee, 
 by giving his countenance to the profecution 
 commencing againft WiclifF. 
 
 Of the fuccefs of thefe bulls the pope had 
 litde doubt. The court of Rome had never 
 been accuflomed to contradidion. Defpotic 
 in all its commands, it had only to diftate, 
 and the proudeft monarch was ready to obey. 
 But a new fccne of things was nov/ open- 
 ing; and a more liberal fpirit taking poiTef- 
 
 fion
 
 30 THELIFEOF 
 
 fion of the minds of men. It mufl have 
 been a fenfible mortification to the haughty 
 pontiff, to fee the negledt with which he was 
 treated on this occafion. Oppofition to his 
 exadlions he had fometimes found before s 
 but this v/as the firft occafion, on which he 
 had ever been treated with contempt. The 
 univerfity deliberated, whether it fhould even 
 receive his bull ; and by what appears it did 
 not. And the regency were fo little difpofed 
 to fhew him any reverence, that they joined 
 with the parliament at this very time, in 
 giving a fignal infl:ance of their confidence 
 in Dr. WiclifF, as if on purpofe to make 
 their contempt as notorious as pofllble. The 
 inftance was this. 
 
 A truce with France at this junfture ex- 
 piring, that nation took the advantage of ^ 
 minority, and was making mighty prepara- 
 tions to invade England. As the country 
 was far from being in a pofture of defence^ 
 all the money that could be raifed was want- 
 ed. The parliament deliberating about the 
 means, it was debated in the houfe, whe- 
 ther, upon an emergency, the money col- 
 ledled in England for the ufe of the pope, 
 might not be applyed to the fervice of the 
 
 nation.
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 31 
 
 nation. The expediency of the meafure 
 was acknowledged by ail, but the legality 
 of it was doubted. At lafl: it was agreed 
 both by the regency and the parliament, to 
 put the queftion to Dr. WiclifF. It appears 
 as if they only wanted the authority of an 
 able cafuift to give a fandlion to a refolution 
 already made j a fandion very eafily obtain- 
 ed from the cafuift they confulted. 
 
 But whatever difrefped: was paid to the 
 pope's bulls by the king and the univerfity of 
 Oxford, the zeal of the bifhops made ample 
 amends. The bifhop of London efpecially 
 complyed not only with the letter, but en- 
 tered into the fpirit of the pontiff's mandate. 
 
 He had taken however only the iirft ftep 
 in this bufmefs, when he received a peremp- 
 tory order from the duke of Lancafter, not 
 to proceed to imprifonment. To imprifon 
 a man for holding an opinion, the duke told 
 him, could not be juftified by the laws of 
 England : he took the liberty therefore to 
 inform him, that if he proceeded to any fuch 
 extremity, he muft abide the confequences. 
 
 This menace alarmed the bifliop : he dropt 
 the defign of an imprifonment ; and con- 
 tented himfelf with citing Wicliff to make 
 
 his
 
 32 THE LIFE OF 
 
 his appearance, on fuch a day, before a pro- 
 vincial fynod in the chapel at Lambeth; 
 fending him at the fame time a copy of the 
 articles, which had been objedled to, and de- 
 firing his explanation of them. 
 
 On the day appointed Dr. Wicliff appear- 
 ed J and being queftioned about the articles, 
 he delivered in a paper, which explained the 
 fenfe, in which he held them. 
 
 It would be tedious to tranfcrlbe this col- 
 ledlion of antiquated opinions ; many of 
 which, at this day, would feem of very lit- 
 tle importance. The curious reader may fee 
 them at large in the iirft volume of Fox's adls 
 and monuments. We cannot however avoid 
 obferving, that Dr. Wicliff by no means ap- 
 pears in the moit favourable light on this oc^ 
 cafion *. He explains many of the articles 
 
 ia 
 
 * The ingenious Mr. Hume, alluding to this pafTage of 
 his life, tells us, that " WicliiF, notwithflanding his enthu- 
 <* fiafm, feems not to have been afluated by the fpirit of 
 f mart)'Tdom ; and in all fubfequent trials before the pre- 
 <' lates, he fo explained away his do6lrine by tortured mean- 
 *' ings, as to render it quite innocent and inoffenfive.** 
 Mr. Hume's cenfure, without queflion, hath fome founda- 
 tion in hil^ory ; which affords in this inftance a very goodi 
 handle to any one, v.ho is glad of an opportunity of tra^ 
 ducing the memory of the reformer.
 
 JOHN V/I CLIFF. 33 
 
 in a forced, unnatural manner, with much 
 art, and in a very unmanly ftrain of com- 
 pliment. On the other hand, it muft not be 
 concealed, that his advocates call in queftion 
 the authenticity of this explanation ^ and 
 have at leaft to fay for themfelves, that it is 
 folely conveyed down through the channel 
 of popifli writers. 
 
 While the bifhops were deliberating upon. 
 Wicliff's confeffion, which (however cauti- 
 Gufly worded) was far, itfeems, from being 
 fatisfaftory, (an argument, by the way, a- 
 gainft the authenticity of that confeffion, 
 which is handed down to us) the people both 
 within doors, and without, grew very tu- 
 multuous, crying aloud, that they would 
 fuifer no violence to be done to WiclifF. 
 
 At this jundlure Sir Lewis Clifford, a gen- 
 tleman about the court, entered the chapel, 
 and in an authoritative manner forbidding the 
 bifliops to proceed to any definitive fentence, 
 retired. Sir Lewis was very well known to 
 many there prefent ; and the bifhops taking 
 it for granted, that he came properly autho- 
 rized, (which yet does not appear) were in 
 fome confufion at the meflage. The tumult 
 at the door, in the mean time increafing, 
 
 C and
 
 34 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and adding to their perplexity, at length they 
 diffolved the aflemblyj having forbidden Dr. 
 Wicliff to preach any more thofe dodlrines 
 which had been objefted to him. To this 
 prohibition, it feems, he paid little refpedt ; 
 going about barefooted, as we are informed, 
 in a long frieze-gown, preaching every where 
 occafionally to the people, and without any 
 referve in his own parifh. His zeal, it is 
 probable, might now break out with the 
 greater warmth, as he might tax his late be- 
 haviour, if the account we have is genuine, 
 with the want of proper freedom. 
 
 In the year 1378, pope Gregory the Xlth 
 died, and was fucceeded by the archbifhop 
 of Barri, a Neapolitan, who took upon him 
 the name of Urban VI. This pontiff, a man 
 of an haughty temper, began his reign in fo 
 arbitrary a manner, that he alienated from 
 him the affedlions of his fubjedls. The car- 
 dinals in particular fo highly refented his be- 
 haviour, that a majority of them refolved to 
 run any lengths rather than bear it longer. 
 They found therefore, or pretended to find, 
 fome flaw in his eledlion ; and aiTembling at 
 Avignon, where the popes had often refided, 
 they declared the eledion of Urban void,, and 
 
 chufe I
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 3j 
 
 chofe Clement VII. This was a paflionate 
 meafure 5 and produced, as paflionate mea- 
 fures generally do, deftrudlive confcquences. 
 The two popes, laying an equal claim to St. 
 Peter's chair, began to flrengthen their re- 
 fpedive parties ; their quarrel immediately 
 became the caufe of God, found adhcients 
 in all parts of Europe, occafioned deluges of 
 blood, and gave a more fatal blow to popery 
 than any thing had yet done. 
 
 Dr. WiclifF, it may eafily be fuppofed,' 
 was among thofe, who took 11: jft offence at 
 this unchriflian fchilm. He confidered it as 
 a new argument againfl: popery 5 and as fuch 
 he failed not to ufe it. A tr^.dt foon appear- 
 ed in hi? name againfl: the fchifm oif the 
 Roman pontiffs, in which he (hewed what 
 little credit was due to either of the contend- 
 ing parties. This trp(5l was eagerly read by 
 all forts of people, and tended not a little to 
 open the eyes of the vulgar. 
 
 About the end of the year, Dr. Wicliff 
 was feized with a violent diftemper, which,' 
 It was feared, might have proved fatal. Upon 
 this occafion, we are told, he was waited 
 upon by a very extraordinary deputation. 
 The begging friars, it feems, whom he 
 C 2 had
 
 56 THE LIFE OF 
 
 had heretofore fo feverely treated, fent four 
 of their order, accompanied with four of the 
 moft eminent citizens of Oxford, to attend 
 him ; who having gained admittance to his 
 bed-chamber, acquainted him, that hearing 
 he lay at the point of death, they were come 
 in the name of their order, to put him in 
 mind of the many injuries he had done them j 
 and hoped for his foul's fake, that he would 
 do them all the juftice now in his power, by 
 retradting, in the prefence of thofe refpedla- 
 ble perfons, the many fevere and unjufl 
 things he had faid of them. WicliiF furprif- 
 cd at this folemn meffage, raifed himfelf 
 in his bed -, and we are informed, with a 
 ftern countenance cried out, " I fhall not 
 *^ die, but live to declare the evil deeds of 
 «« the friars." The unexpeded force of his 
 expreflion, together with the fternnefs of his 
 manner, the ftory adds, drove away the friars 
 in confufion. 
 
 Soon after his recovery, Dr. Wicliff fet 
 about a great work, which he had often in- 
 tended, the tranflation of the fcriptures into 
 Englifli. It had long given him great of- 
 fence, and indeed he always confidered it as 
 oae of the capital errors of popery, that the 
 
 bible
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 37 
 
 bible fhould be locked up from the peo- 
 ple. He refolved therefore to free it from 
 this bondage. But before his great work ap- 
 peared, he publiilied a tradt, in which, with 
 great ftrength of argument, he fhewed the 
 neceffity of engaging in it. The bible, he 
 affirmed, contained the whole of God's will. 
 Chrift's law, he faid, was fufficient to guide 
 his church 3 and every chriftian might there 
 gather knowledge enough to make him ac- 
 ceptable to God : and as to comments, he 
 faid, a good life was the beft guide to the 
 knowledge of fcripture ; or, in his own lan- 
 guage : " He that keepeth righteoufnefs hath 
 ;^ the true underftanding of holy writ." 
 
 When he thought thefe arguments were 
 fufficiently digefted, his great work came a- 
 broad, much to the fatisfaftion of all fober men. 
 
 Some have contended, that Dr. WiclifF 
 was not the fiift tranflator of the bible 
 into Englifh. The truth feems to be, that 
 he was the firft, who tranflated the whole 
 together; of which, it is probable, others 
 might have given detached parts. It does 
 not however appear, that Dr. WiclifF un- 
 derftood the Hebrew language. His method 
 waS; to coUeft what Latin bibles he could find : 
 C 3 from
 
 38 THELIFEOF 
 
 from thefe he made one corredt copy 5 and 
 from this tranllated. He afterwards examin- 
 ed the beft commentators then extant, parti- 
 cularly Nicolas Lyra; and from them inferted 
 in his margin thofe paffages, in which the 
 Latin diiFered from the Hebrew, 
 
 In his tranflation of the bible, he feems to 
 have been literally exadl. In his other works, 
 his language was wonderfully elegant for the 
 times in which he lived : but here he was 
 ftudious only of the plain fenfe ; which led 
 him often, through the confulion of idioms, 
 within the limits of nonfenfe. ^uid nobis & 
 tibiy Jefu jilt deiy we find tranflatcd thus. 
 What to usy and to thee^ J^f^^ the Son of God. 
 
 This work, it may eafily be imagined, had 
 no tendency to reinftate him in the good opi- 
 nion of the clergy. An univerfal clamour was 
 immediately raifed. Knighton, a canon of 
 Leicefter, and a contemporary with WicliiF, 
 hath left us, upon record, the language of the 
 times, " Chrift intrufted his gofpel," fays that 
 ecclefiaftic, ^^ to the clergy, and doctors of the 
 " church, to minifter it to the laity, and 
 ,*^ weaker fort, according to their exigences, 
 ** and feveral occafions. But this mafter 
 l[ John WiclifF, by tranflating it, has made 
 
 it
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 39 
 
 '• it vulgar 5 and has laid it more open to the 
 *^ laity, and even to women, who can read, 
 '^ than it ufed to be to the moft learned of 
 *^ the clergy, and thofe of the beft under- 
 " ftanding : and thus the gofpel jewel, the 
 " evangelical pearl, is thrown about, and 
 " trodden under foot of fwine." Such lan- 
 guage was looked upon as good reafoning 
 by the clergy of that day, who faw not with 
 what fatyr it was edged againft themfelves* 
 
 The bifhops, in the mean time, and mi- 
 tred abbots, not content with railing, took 
 more efFedlual pains to flop this growing 
 evil. After much confultation, they brought 
 a bill into parliament to fupprefs WiclifF's 
 bible. The advocates for it, fet forth in their 
 ufual manner, the alarming profped: of here- 
 fy, which this verlion of the fcriptures open- 
 ed ; and the ruin of all religion, which muft 
 inevitably enfue. 
 
 Thefe zealots, were anfwered by the prin- 
 cipal reformers, who judicioufly encountered 
 them with their own weapons. It appears, 
 faid the Wiclivites, from the decretals, that 
 more than fixty different fpecies of herefy 
 fprang up in the church, after the tranflation 
 of the bible into Latin. But the utility of that 
 
 tranflation
 
 40 THELIFEOF 
 
 tranflatlon, notwithilanding its bad confe- 
 quences, all parties acknowledge. With 
 what face therefore, they afked, could the 
 bifliops pretend to difcountenance an Eng- 
 lifli tranflation, when they could not produce 
 one argument againfl: it, which did not equally 
 conclude againft the Latin one ? This rea- 
 foning filenced all oppofition ; and the bill 
 was thrown out by a great majority. 
 
 The zeal of the bifliops to fupprefs Wicliff's 
 bible only made it, as is generally the cafe, the 
 more fought after. They who were able, 
 among the reformers, purchafed copies ; and 
 they who were not able, procured at leaft 
 tranfcripts of particular gofpels, or epiftles, as 
 their inclinations led. In after times, when lol- 
 lardy increafed, and the flames were kindled, 
 it was a common practice, to faften about 
 the neck of the condemned heretic, fuch of 
 thefe fcraps of fcripture as were found in his 
 pofleflion, which generally fliared his fate. 
 
 Before the clamour, which was raifed a^ 
 gainft Dr. W icliff, on the account of his bi- 
 ble, was in any degree filenced, he ventured 
 a flep farther ; and attacked that favourite 
 dodlrine of the Roman church, the dodrjne 
 of tranfubfrantiation. 
 
 About
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 41 
 
 About the year 820 this ftrange opinion 
 was firft heard of. It owed its birth to Paf- 
 chafe Radbert, a wild enthufiaft, who pub- 
 liflied it, not as fallhood generally gains 
 ground, by little and little; but at once glar- 
 ing in its full abfurdity. He informed the 
 world, in plain language, that in the facra- 
 ment of the Lord's fupper, the elements af- 
 ter confecration, are entirely changed into 
 the body and blood of Chrift ; that very body, 
 which was born of Mary, fuifered upon the 
 crofs, and rofe from the dead. It is amazing, 
 that an opinion fo big with abfurdity, and 
 yet unaided by prejudice, could faften upon 
 the minds of men, however rude of fcience. 
 Yet the improbable tale, we find, wentdown, 
 as if the greater the improbability, the more 
 venerable the myftery. It was found a doc- 
 trine well adapted to imprefsthe people with 
 that awful and fuperftitious horror, which is 
 the neceflary foundation of falfe religion : as 
 fuch therefore the church of Rome with 
 great zeal upheld it ; and if any were ftag- 
 gered by the appearance of an impoffibility, 
 they were prefently told, that, " The acci- 
 " dents, or forms of bread and wine, it was 
 t[ true, ftill remained after confecration; but 
 
 "by
 
 42 THE LIFE OF 
 
 " by the omnipotence of God they remain- 
 " ed without a fubjed:/* This was the argu- 
 ment of the clergy; and it was thought con- 
 clufive, for who could doubt the omnipo- 
 tence of God ? 
 
 Dr. Wicliffj after a thorough examination 
 of this doftrine, was entirely fatisfied, that 
 it had no fcriptural foundation. In his lec- 
 tures therefore before the univerfity of Ox- 
 ford, in theyear 1381, which he feems ftili 
 to have continued every fummer, as pro- 
 fefibr of divinity, he took upon him to con- 
 fute this error ; and to explain the real defign 
 of the Lord's fupper. He principally en- 
 deavoured to eftablilli, that the fubftance of 
 the bread and wine in the Lord's fupper re- 
 mained the fame after confecration 3 and that 
 *the body and blood of Chrift were not fub- 
 ftantially in them, but only figuratively. 
 Thefe conclufions he offered to defend pub- 
 licly in the fchools. BAc the religious, who 
 were now, it feems, getting ground in the 
 univerfity, would not fuffer any queftion of 
 this kind to be moved: upon which Dr. 
 WiclifF, without further ceremony, publifh- 
 ed a trealife upon that fubjed:; in which he 
 went great lengths, and attacked the dodrine 
 
 of ;
 
 JOHNWICLIFF. 43 
 
 of tranfubftantiation with all the freedom of 
 a man, not hefitating, but fully convinced 
 of the truth of what he maintained. 
 
 Dr. Barton was, at that time, vice-chan- 
 cellor of Oxford, He was a perfon of great 
 2:eal againft innovations in religion ; which 
 he confidered as the fymptoms of its ruin ; 
 and had always ufed a bitternefs of expreffion 
 in fpeaking of Dr. WiclifF; which eafily 
 fhewed with how much pleafure he would 
 take hold of any fair occafion againft him. 
 An occafion now offered. He called together 
 therefore the heads of the univerfity 5 and, 
 finding he could influence a majority, ob- 
 tained a decree, by which WiclifF's dodtrine 
 was condemned as heretical, and himfelf 
 and his hearers threatened, if they perfifted 
 in their errors, with imprifonment, and 
 excommunication. 
 
 Dr. WiclifF, we are told, was greatly mor- 
 tified on finding hirfifelf thus treated at Ox- 
 ford, which had till now been his fanduary. 
 He had one refource however ftill left, his 
 generous patron the duke of Lancafter ; to 
 whom he refolved to fly for protedion, and 
 through the hopes of whofe intereft he ap- 
 pealed
 
 44 THE LIFE OF 
 
 pealed to the king from the vice-chancellor's 
 ientence. 
 
 While Dr. Wicliff and his followers, who 
 were now very numerous, were thus cen- 
 fured at Oxford, a calumny was raifed againft 
 them, which might have proved of more 
 dangerous confequence. It took its rife from 
 an infurredion, which at this time alarmed 
 the whole kingdom. 
 
 Vexed by the fevere exaftion of a fevere 
 impoft, the counties of Kent and Suflex took 
 arms. Their body increafed as it moved ; 
 and under the condudl of one Tiler, ap- 
 proached London with a force greatly fu- 
 perior to any tumultuary troops that could 
 be brought againft it. Here the rebels, having 
 done infinite mifchief, and brought even the 
 government to a treaty, were difperfed by 
 the mere addrefs and refolution of the young 
 kine. The behaviour of Richard, on this 
 occafion, ought never to be omitted even in 
 a flight account of thefe things, as it is the 
 only part of his behaviour, through his whole 
 life, that deferves recording. 
 
 When all danger was over, and the 
 thoughts of the miniftry were now turned 
 
 upon
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 45 
 
 upon puniihing the guilty, great pains were 
 taken by the enemies of WiclifF, to fix the 
 odium of this infurredtion upon him ; but 
 with very little effed : for after the ftridleft 
 fcrutiny, nothing was produced to prove their 
 accufation, but that one Ball, a prieft, was 
 feized among the rebels, whom the arch- 
 bifhop of Canterbury had formerly thrown 
 into prifon for preaching WiclifF's dodrines. 
 But it appeared, that Ball was a conceited, 
 empty fellow, who through motives of va- 
 nity was ready to adopt any Angularity. And 
 indeed the whole tenor of hi/lory has ex- 
 culpated Wicliff, and his difciples on this 
 head, by affigning other and more probable 
 caufes of this rebellion. 
 
 We left Dr. WiclifF, in the midft of his 
 diftrefles, carrying up an appeal from the 
 univerfity to the king. But his appeal, it 
 feems, met with no countenance. The duke 
 of Lancafter finding his credit declining, 
 fuppofed probably that the protection he af- 
 forded Wicliff might be the principal caufe 
 of its decline -, perhaps too he might think 
 this bold reformer, by attacking tranfubftan- 
 tiation, had gone greater lengths than could 
 well be warranted -, it is certain however, 
 
 that
 
 46 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that he now for the firft time deferted him ; 
 and when Dr. WiclifFpreffed his highnefs in 
 the affair, and urged him with religious mo- 
 tives, he was anfwered coolly, that of thefe 
 things the church was the moft proper judge, 
 and that the beft advice he could give him 
 was to quit thefe novelties, and fubmit 
 quietly to his ordinary. Wicliff finding him- 
 felf thus expofed, had only to wrap himfelf 
 in his own integrity, and pufli through the 
 ftorm as he was able. 
 
 It was a circumftance greatly againfl: him; 
 that William Courtney was at this time pro- 
 moted to the fee of Canterbury ; Simon of 
 Sudbury, his predeceffor, having been mur- 
 dered by the rebels in the late infurreftion. 
 Courtney, when bifhop of London, had 
 been Wicliff's moft adive adverfary ; and 
 was now glad to find his hands ftrengthened 
 by the addition of fo much power, were it 
 only for the ability it gave him to crufh the 
 Wiclivites. He highly approved therefore 
 of what the vice-chancellor of Oxford had 
 done, and refolved to go vigoroufly on with 
 the orofecution. 
 
 His piety however allowed Wicliff fome 
 refpite. So fcrupulous was the primate, even 
 
 in
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 47 
 
 in matters of form, that he forbore any pub- 
 lic exercife of his office, till he fliould receive 
 the confecrated pall from Rome ; which did 
 not arrive till the May of the next year, 
 1382. 
 
 Being thus duly inverted. Dr. WiclifF was 
 cited to appear before him in the monaflery 
 of the grey friers, on the 17th day of the 
 fame month : fo eager was the archbifhop to 
 enter upon this bufmefs ! 
 
 But before we proceed in the relation, it 
 may not be improper to inform the reader, 
 that we find great obfcurity in the accounts 
 of this part of WiclifF's life, many of thefe 
 accounts differing from each other ; and 
 many being plainly contradidory. All there- 
 fore, which in fuch a cafe can be done, is to 
 feled, from a variety of circumftances, fuch 
 as feem moft probable, and befl founded. 
 
 Dr. Wicliff being thus cited before the 
 archbifhop, refufed to appear ; alledging that 
 as he was a member of the univeriiiy, and 
 held an office in it, he was exempt from 
 epifcopal jurifdiftion. The univerfity was 
 now, it feems, under dixFerent influence ; 
 the vice-chancellor was changed ; and the 
 determination of the majority was tofupport 
 
 their
 
 48 THE LIFE OF 
 
 their member. With this plea therefore the 
 archbifliop remained fatisfied. 
 
 But though he could not proceed againft 
 the perfon of WiclifF, he refoived however 
 to proceed againft his opinions. When the 
 court therefore met on the appointed day, a 
 large coUedion of articles, extracted from his 
 books and fermons, was produced. 
 
 In the inftant, as the bifhops and divines, 
 of which this court confifted, were about to 
 enter upon bufinefs, a violent earthquake 
 fhook the monaftery. The affrighted bifhops 
 threw down their papers j cryed out, the bu- 
 finefs was difpleafing to God 5 and came to 
 a hafty refolution to proceed no farther. 
 
 The archbifhop alone remained unmoved. 
 With equal fpirit and addrefs he chid their 
 fuperftitious fears ; and told them, that if the 
 earthquake portended any thing, it portended 
 the downfall of herefy -, that as noxious va- 
 pours are lodged in the bow^els of the earth, 
 and are expelled by thefe violent concuflions, 
 fo by their ftrenuous endeavours, the king- 
 dom fliould be purified from the peftilential 
 taint of herefy, which had infeded it in 
 every part. 
 
 This
 
 JOHN WICLIFP. 49 
 
 This fpeech, together with the news, that 
 the earthquake had been general through the 
 city, as it was afterwards indeed found to 
 have been through the illand, difpelled their 
 fears. Dr. WidifF would often merrily fpeak 
 of this accident ; and would call this affem- 
 bly, the council of the herydene ; herydene 
 being the old Englifh word for earthquake. 
 
 The court, again compofed, entred warm- 
 ly into the bufinefs^ and went through the 
 examination of all the articles. In fine, they 
 came to a determination, that feme of them 
 were erroneous ; and fome plainly heretical. 
 
 This determination was publifhed, and 
 afterwards anfwcred by Dr. WiclifF, who 
 ihewed how much his enemies had mifre- 
 prefented him in feveral points ; and defend- 
 ed his opinions with a fpirit of truth and 
 freedom, which brought over many to his 
 party. 
 
 The primate took new offence at this au- 
 dacity, as he called it, of Wicliff ; and be- 
 ing determined at all events to crufli him^' 
 preferred a bill in parliament to enable Ihe- 
 riffs (upon proper information from bifhops) 
 to proceed as far as imprifonment againft the 
 preachers of herefy. This bill paffed the 
 D lords^
 
 50 THE LIFE OF 
 
 lords, but was rejeded by the commons; who, 
 being already jealous of the power of the 
 clergy, were in no degree inclined to make 
 any addition to it. 
 
 The archblfhop, notwithftanding this 
 check, applied to the king for his licence, 
 which he imagined would be full as effedtu- 
 al, though not fo plaufible, as an adl of par- 
 liament. The king, immerfed in pleafures, 
 thought only of tenths and fubfidies, and 
 could refufe nothing to the clergy, who were 
 fo ready on all occafions to comply with him,. 
 Letters patent therefore were immediately 
 made out, granting the full powers, which 
 the archbifhop required. 
 
 The pradlice heretofore had been, in cafes 
 of this kind, for the king to grant fpecial li- 
 cences on particular occafions. This unli- 
 mited power therefore, before unheard of> 
 was very difagreeable to the whole nation. 
 Accordingly, when the parliament met, which 
 it did foon after, heavy complaints came from 
 every county to their reprefentatives, fetting 
 forth, how much the people thought them- 
 felves aggrieved. 
 
 The alarm fpread through the houfe 
 where the affair was taken up with a becom- 
 ing
 
 JOHN WICLIFR 51 
 
 ing zeal. " Thefe new powers, it was faid, 
 ** were dangerous encroachments. — If the 
 " liberties of the people were thus put into 
 " the hands of the clergy, the nation be- 
 *' came fubjedl to a new kind of defpotifm, 
 «c — Herefy was an unlimited word, and 
 *^ might bear as wide a conftrudtion as a 
 ** biflbop might chufe to give it : nor could 
 " it be doubted, but it would often be made 
 *' to fignify whatever the pride, or avarice of 
 ** the clergy might think expedient/' 
 
 This language was carried in a petition 
 from the commons to the king. The king, 
 as was ufual, being in want of money, and 
 afraid at this time of difobliging the com- 
 mons, revoked the licence through the hope 
 of a fubfidy from the laity, which he had 
 juft before granted through the hope of an 
 aid from the clergy. — Such were the weak 
 politics of Richard 5 and thus was the arch- 
 bifhop's zeal baffled a fecond time. 
 
 In one point however the primate fucceed- 
 ed better. He obtained letters from the king, 
 diredled to the vice-chancellor and prodlors 
 of the univeriity oi Oxford, by which they 
 were required to make diligent fearch in their 
 colleges and halls for all who maintained he- 
 D 2 retical
 
 52 THE LIFE OF 
 
 rctical opinions; particularly thofe condemn- 
 ed by the arch-bifhop of Canterbury y and 
 for all, who had in their poffeffion the books 
 of John Wicliff. Such delinquents were or- 
 dered to be expelled the univerfity ; and the 
 ilieriiFand mayor of Oxford were command- 
 ed to affiil: the academical magifcrates in the 
 execution of this order. The arch-bifhop 
 alfo, himfelf wrote to the vice-chancellor, 
 injoining him to pubiifh in St. Mary's church 
 the king s letter, and alfo thofe articles of 
 .WiclifF's dodlrine, which had been condemn- 
 ed. The vice-chancellor modeftly anfwered, 
 that party at this time ran fo high in Oxford ^ 
 where the feculars, who generally favoured 
 Dr. Wicliff, bore a principal iway, that fuch 
 a publication would not only be very danger- 
 ous to himfelf, but would greatly endanger 
 alfo the peace of the univerfity. 
 
 In anfwer to this, the violent primate call- 
 ed him before the council, where he was 
 vexed and quefcioned with all the inhuma- 
 nity of infolent authority. This brought him 
 to a compliance ; and every thing was pub- 
 lifhed, and in what manner, the arch-bifhop 
 required. 
 
 The
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 53 
 
 The vice-chancellor's fears however, were 
 well grounded. The fecular clergy were fo 
 exxeedingly incenfed againft the religious, 
 that the univeriity became a fcene of the ut- 
 moft tumult : all ftudy was at an end : and 
 to fuch an height were the animofities of the 
 two parties carried, that they diftinguifhed 
 themfelves by badges, and were fcarce con- 
 trouled from breaking out into the moft vi-^ 
 olent effeds of rage. 
 
 Whether Dr. Wicliff was ever brought to 
 any public queftion in confequence of thefe 
 proceedings, we meet with no account. It 
 is moft probable he was advifed by his friends 
 to retire from the ftorm. It is certain how- 
 ever, that at this time he quitted the pro- 
 feffor's chair, and took his final leave of the 
 univerfity of Oxford ; which till now he 
 feems tohavevifited generally once every year. 
 — Thus the unwearied perfecution of the 
 archbifhop prevailed ; and that prelate had 
 the fatisfaftion of feeing the man whom he 
 hated, and whom, for fo many years he had 
 in vain purfued, retreating at length before 
 his power into an obfcure part of the king- 
 dom. — The feeds however were fcattered, 
 though the root was drawn. WiclifF's opi^ 
 D 3 nion^
 
 '54 THE LIFE OF 
 
 nions began now to be propagated fo uni- 
 verfally over the nation, that as a writer of 
 thofe times tells us, if you met two perfons 
 upon the road, you might be fure that one 
 of them was a lollard. 
 
 While thefe things were doing in England, 
 the diflention between the two popes conti- 
 nued. Thus far they had fought with fpi- 
 ritual weapons only, bulls, anathemas, and 
 excommunications ; and thus far their con- 
 tention had excited only contempt. But Ur- 
 ban perceiving how litde the thunders of the 
 church availed, had rccourfe to more fub- 
 ftantial arms. With this view he publifhed 
 a bull, in which he called upon all, who had 
 any regard for religion, to exert themfelves at 
 this time in its caufe ; and take up arms againft 
 Clement, and his adherents, in defence of the 
 holy fee. The times, he faid, required vio- 
 lent meafures j and for the encouragement of 
 the faithful he promifed the fame pardons 
 and indulgences, which had been always 
 granted to thofe, who loft their lives in the 
 holy wars. This bull met with great en- 
 couragement in Efigland, efpecially as the 
 pope chofe an ecclefiaftic of that nation for 
 his general, Henry Spencer, bifliop of Nor- 
 wich .
 
 JOHN WICLIFF- 55 
 
 wich ; *^ a young and ftout prelate, fays Fox, 
 ** fitter for the camping cure, than for the peace- 
 " able church of Chrift." This officer hav- 
 ing obtained a parliamentary affiftance, and 
 made his levies, fet out with great eagernefs 
 upon his expedition, 
 
 A war, in which the name of religion was 
 fo vilely proftituted, roufed Dr. WicliiFs 
 indignation, even in the decline of years. 
 He took up his pen once more, and wrote 
 againft it with great acrimony. He expoftu- 
 lates with the pope in a very free manner, 
 and afks him boldly, ^^ How he durft 
 " make the token of Chrift on the crofs 
 " (which is a token of peace, mercy, and 
 *^ charity) a banner to lead on to flay chriftian 
 " men, for the love of two falfe priefls ; 
 *^ and to opprefs chriftendom worfe than 
 Chrift and his apoftles were oppreffed by 
 the Jews. When, fays he, will the proud 
 prieft of Rome grant indulgences to man^ 
 " kind to live in peace and charity, as he now 
 " does to fight and flay one another ?" 
 
 This fevere piece drew upon him the re- 
 
 fcntment of Urban, and was likely to have 
 
 involved him in greater troubles than he had 
 
 yet experienced : but God himfelf delivered 
 
 D 4 his
 
 55 THE LIFE OF 
 
 his faithful fervant. He was ftruck with a 
 palfy, foon after the publication of this trea- 
 tife; and though he lived fome time, yet he 
 lived in fuch a way, that his enemies confi- 
 dered him as a perfon below their refentment. 
 To the lail he attended divine worlhip ; and 
 received the fatal ftroke of his dlforder in his 
 church at Lutterworth, In the year 1384. 
 
 The papifls of thpfe times gloried much 
 in the circumflances of his death. *' It was- 
 " reported, one of them tells us, that he had 
 ^^ prepared accufations, and blafphemles, 
 " which he intended, on the day he was 
 " taken ill, to have uttered in his pulpit,, a- 
 ^^ gainft Thomas a Becket, the faint and 
 *' martyr of the day -, but by the judgment of 
 '* God he was fuddenly ftruck, and the palfy 
 <^ feized all his limbs 3 and that mouth which 
 *' was to have i'poken huge things againft 
 *' God, and his fiints, and holy church was 
 " miferably drawn afide, and afforded a 
 ^* frightful fpedacle to the beholders : His 
 " tongue was fpeechlcfs, and his head (hook, 
 i^ fiiewing plainly that the curfe of God was 
 *^ upon him." 
 
 Thus did his enemies, in the true fpirit of 
 fuperftiticn^ turn the moft common fymp-r 
 
 toms
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. ^'j 
 
 toms of a common malady into divine judg- 
 ments j and difcover, by calling in fuch fee- 
 ble aids, how much in earneft their caufe 
 wanted a fupport. 
 
 Such was the life of John WiclifF; whom 
 we hefitate not to admire as one of the great- 
 eft ornaments of his country; and as one of 
 thofe prodigies, whom providence raifes up, 
 and dircds as its ^inftruments to enlightea 
 mankind. His amazing penetration ; his 
 rational manner of thinking ; and the noble 
 freedom of his fpirit, are equally the objecfts 
 of our admiration. WiclifF was in religion, 
 what Bacon was afterwards in fcience ; the 
 great detecfler of thofe arts and gloffes, which 
 the barbarifm of ages had drawn together 
 to obfcure the mind of man. 
 , To this intuitive genius Chriftendom was 
 unqueftionably more obliged than to any 
 name in the lift of reformers. • He opened 
 the gates of darknefs, and let in not a fee- 
 ble and glimmering ray; but fuch an efful- 
 gence of light, as was never afterwards ob- 
 fcured. He not only loofened prejudices ; 
 but advanced fuch clear inconteftible truths, 
 as, having once obtained footing, ftill kept 
 their ground, and even in an age of refor- 
 mation
 
 58 THE LIFE OF 
 
 mation wanted little amendment. How 
 nearly his fentiments, almoft on every topic, 
 agreed with thofe of the reformers of the 
 fucceeding century, hath been made the fub- 
 jedl of fet enquiries, and will eafily appear 
 from a general view of his opinions. 
 
 As the opinions of WiclifF make a very 
 material part of his life, I have thought it 
 proper to give a fuller account of them, in 
 a feparatc view, than could well be intro- 
 duced in the body of the work. The fol- 
 lowing therefore, which are all either col- 
 lecfled from his own words, or by a fair de- 
 dudion from them, are the principal opini- 
 ons which this reformer held. 
 
 With regard to the church, he was not 
 fond of applying the words church and church^ 
 mm^ merely to the clergy, as thefe were of- 
 ten men of bad lives, he thought fuch ap- 
 plication a vile proftitution of thofe facred 
 names. Beiides, it had bad influence, he 
 thought, upon the laity; feemingto exclude 
 them from the pale of Chrift s church, and 
 to give them a difpenfation for licentious 
 practice. If they were not of Chrift's church, 
 they were not under Chrift's laws. He would 
 never therefore have any idea fixed to the 
 
 word
 
 JOHN WICLIFR 59 
 
 word churchy but that of the whole body of 
 Chriftians. In fome of his writings he makes 
 a diftindtion between the true church of Chrift, 
 and the nominal. By the true church he 
 means fuch perfons only as God fhall pleafe 
 to fave. Chrift's nominal church he calls a 
 net, yet undrawn to land, full of every kind, 
 which muft afterwards be picked and fepa- 
 rated. 
 
 He was a warm aflertor of the king's fu- 
 premacyj to prove which he reafoned thus. 
 Under the old law, we read that Solomon 
 depofed one high prieft, and ordained ano- 
 ther, by his own proper authority, without 
 the concurrence of any ecclefiaftical fynod: 
 and in the new teftament, though we meet 
 with no exprefs command on the point of 
 the king s fupremacy ; yet in general we are 
 told, that magiftrates are ordained of God 
 to punifli evil doers, and that without any 
 limitation. If then they are ordained to pu- 
 nifh evil doers, certainly they are, in the 
 higheft degree bound to punifh thofe, who 
 do the moft evil : and who will contend, 
 that the wicked prieft is not a worfe citizen, 
 than the wicked layman ? Chrift, fays he, and 
 bis apoftles were obedient to the temporal 
 
 powers
 
 6o THELIFEOF 
 
 powers then exiftlng: and not to mention 
 the many precepts of the gofpel writers on 
 this fubjed:, which feem to be generally di- 
 redled to all Chriftians ; we fee in one place 
 our Saviour himfelf paying tribute to the 
 emperor; and in another, anfwering. before 
 Pilate without claiming any exemption. — 
 Againfl thofe who maintained the pope's fu- 
 premacy to be an article of faith he was very 
 warm. The faving faith of a cbriftia'n> fays 
 he, confifts in believing, that Chrift was the 
 Mefliah : but the Roman church has mul- 
 tiplied articles of faith without number. It 
 is not enough now to believe in Chrift; we 
 niuft believe in the pope of Rome. The 
 holy apoftfes never afcribed to themfelves any 
 iuch honour : how then can a finful wretch 
 require it, who knows not whether he fliall 
 be damned or faved ? If the 'pope, fays he, 
 fhould happen to be a wicked man, we pro- 
 fefs it as an article of our belief, that a devil 
 of hell is head of the church — that he is 
 the moft holy father, infallible, and without 
 fin, who poifons the principles of the church, 
 and corrupts its pradice, who contributes 
 what he is able to banifh out of it faith, 
 
 meeknefsj
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 6i 
 
 meeknefs, patience, charity, humility, and 
 every other virtue of a chriftian. 
 
 The authority iikewife claimed by the 
 church Dr. Wicliff llrenuofly oppofed. It 
 was a fcandal, he would fay, to the chriftian 
 church, that any of its members fhould fet 
 up their own authority againft that of their 
 Saviour. The great argument of that day 
 (which was indeed a fubde one) for the au- 
 thority of the church, was this. Many per- 
 fons, befides Matthev/, Mark, Luke, and 
 John, wrote gofpels J but the church rejed- 
 ed them all, excepdag thefe four: and this 
 it did by its own proper authority. It might 
 by the fame authority have rejeded thofe four 
 gofpels, and have received others, It fol- 
 lows therefore, that the authority of the 
 church is above that of any gofpel. — To 
 this Dr. Wiclift^ replied, that the evidence 
 for the received gofpels was fo ftrong, and 
 that for the rejeded ones fo weak, that the 
 church could not have done otherwife than 
 it did, without doing violence to reafon. 
 But the beil: argument, he faid, if it were 
 proper to avow it, for fupporting the autho- 
 rity of the church, was the nccelnty of that 
 dodrine to fupport the tyranny of the pope. 
 
 This
 
 62 THE LIFE OF 
 
 This was what made it worth defending at 
 the expence of truth. — In another place, 
 peaking on the fame fubjedl, he fays, that 
 the pope would not fubmit his adlions to the 
 fame criterion, by which Chrifl: was content- 
 ed to have his acStions tried. If I do not, 
 fays Chrift, the works of my father which 
 is in heaven, believe me not. But the pope's 
 authority, it feems, muft be acknowledged, 
 though he manifeftly does the works of the 
 devil. Thus, fays he, Chriftians are in 
 greater thraldom than the Jews under the 
 old lawj and that liberty, by which Chrift 
 hath made us free, is by the wickednefs of 
 defigning men, changed into the moft ab- 
 folute fpiritual bondage. The days, fays he, 
 I hope, will come, when men fhall be wife 
 enough to fhake from their necks the do- 
 minion of thefe human ordinances; and 
 difdain fubmiffion to any ecclefiaftical in- 
 junftions, but fuch as are plainly authorized 
 by the word of God. 
 
 Having thus fliewn Dr. WiclIfF's opinions 
 about the church, I fhall now give the reader 
 fome of his opinions upon church doftrines. 
 
 He acknowledged feven facraments -, but 
 is very inaccurate in his definition of a facra- 
 
 ment3
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 63 
 
 ment 5 which he calls, A token that may be 
 feen of a thing that may not be feen. This 
 inaccuracy however, is not peculiar to Wic- 
 lifF. We meet with it univerfally amongft 
 the old writers in divinity, both before and 
 after his timej whofe idea of a facrament 
 feems to have been extremely vague : from 
 WiclifFs logical exadtnefs we might have 
 cxpeded a more accurate definition. 
 
 But though he thus acknowledges itvtn 
 facraments, he exprefly fays, he does not 
 efteem them all neceffary to falvation ; and 
 inveighs warmly againfl: the many idle cere- 
 monies ufed by the church of Rome in the 
 adminiftration of them all; ceremonies 
 he fays, which have no ufe in themfelves, 
 nor any foundation in fcripture. When 
 ceremonies are few and exprcffive, he thinks 
 they may be of ufe; and enumerates, 
 among others, kneeling, and beating the 
 breaft in prayer. 
 
 With regard to baptifm, he thought it 
 neceffary to falvation. This he grounded on 
 the expreffion. Except a man be born of wa^ 
 ter and of the fpirit^ he cannot enter mto the 
 kingdom of God-y which he underftood of 
 material water. But he oppofed the fuper- 
 
 ftition
 
 64 THELIFEOF 
 
 ftition of three immerfions. In cafe of necef- 
 fity, he thought, any one prefent might bap- 
 tize. The prieft, he faid, in baptifm fas 
 indeed in all the other facraments) admi- 
 niftered only the token or fign -, but God, 
 who is the prieft, and bifliop of our fouls, 
 adminifters the fpiritual grace. This gave 
 occafion to his enemies to reprefent him 
 (which they did with great falfhood) as 
 denying any ufe of material water. When 
 he fpeaks of water, fay they, he means only 
 figuratively the water, which flowed from 
 the fide of Chrift. — With regard to the 
 queftion, whether unbaptized infants could 
 be faved, he waves it, adding, that he thinks 
 it probable, Chrift may fpiritually baptize 
 fuch infants, and confequently fave them. 
 This opinion too might afford fome founda- 
 tion to the flander above-mentioned; though 
 he guards againft it by faying, that we muft 
 not negledt baptifm by water, on a fuppoii- 
 tion, that we are baptized by the fpirit. 
 
 Of the facrament of the Lord's fupper, 
 we have * already feen his opinion. But 
 though it appears from the account given 
 
 of 
 
 * See page 42.
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 65 
 
 of his creed in this point, that he thought 
 bread and wine only figns of Chrift's body 5 
 yet in other parts of his writings we find 
 him fpeaking of them in a much higher 
 ftrain. The truth feems to be, that he was 
 late in fettling his notions of the Lord's 
 fupper : whence it is, that in different parts 
 of his writings he contradidts himfelf. This 
 appears to be the foundation of Melancthon's 
 complaint. " I have looked, fays he, into 
 ** WiclifF^ and find him very confufed in 
 " this controverfy of the Lord's fupper." 
 
 With regard to confirmation, he thought 
 the oil, and the veil made ufe of by the 
 bifhop, had no foundation in fcripture, and 
 were better omitted; and that the other 
 ceremonies, together with all the parade 
 and pomp, which accompany this facrament 
 v/ere ftill worfe, tending only to fix the 
 minds of the people upon trifles, and to 
 imprefs on them a fuperflitious veneration 
 for the clergy. He could fee no reafon, 
 w^hy the prieft might not confirm, as well 
 as baptize; baptifm, he faid, muft be ac- 
 knowledged to be the facrament of greater 
 dignity, inafmuch as it is of more authentic 
 gofpel-inflitution . 
 
 E Speaking
 
 66 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Speaking of matrimony, he inveighs 
 warmly againll granting divorces on flight 
 occafions, as was cuflomary in the church 
 of Rome , and fays, that a divorce can be 
 juftified on no caufe, but that of adultery. 
 
 In extreme undlion he fees nothing un- 
 fcriptural : at leaft I meet with nothing of 
 objedion to it, in any part of his writings 
 which I have feen. Only indeed, he blames 
 the exorbitant fees, which rhe avarice of 
 the priefts of thofe times exadled for the 
 performance of it. 
 
 Speaking likewife of orders, he inveighs 
 againft the fame avarice ; and jocularly fays, a 
 man might have a barber to attend him a 
 whole year for what he pays to have his 
 crown fliaven once. 
 
 With regard to confcflion, his opinion 
 was, that if a man be really contrite, exter- 
 nal confeflion is by no means of abfolute 
 necefllty ; yet as it may be a means to bring 
 on repentance, he would not rejecfl it, if a 
 proper choice be made of a confeflbr. But 
 as confeflion was pradlifed in the church of 
 Rome, he thought it a vile and fcandalous 
 method of getting into the fecrets of fami- 
 lies,
 
 JOHN WI CLIFF. 67 
 
 lies, and tended only to advance the power 
 of the church. 
 
 Pennance, he fays, hath no fort of merit 
 in God's fight, unlefs followed by a reformed 
 life. 
 
 Of abfolution, as pradlifed in the church 
 of Rome, he was a warm oppofer. It was 
 the height of blafphemy, he faid, to afcribe 
 to man the power of God. Who can forgive 
 fmSy but God alone ? Inftead of adling as 
 God's minifters, the Romiih clergy, he faid, 
 took upon them, in their own names, to 
 forgive fins. Nay in the plenitude of their 
 power they will do, fays he, what God 
 himfelf (if there is truth in fcripture) would 
 not do — pardon unrepented fin. Exprefs 
 pafTages of fcripture in favour of the contrite 
 heart are nothing : God's abfolution is of no 
 eftedl, unlefs confirmed by theirs. Pre- 
 fumptuous guides, fays he, they ought to 
 urge the neceflity of repentance, inftead of 
 abfolution -, and preach a future ftate of re- 
 wards and punifliments, the deformity of 
 fin, and the mercy of God, inftead of de- 
 ceiving mankind by their ridiculous im- 
 poftures. 
 
 E 2 Againft
 
 68 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Againft indulgences, he was very fevere. 
 A mere trick, he called them, to rob men 
 of their money. The pope, fays he, has 
 the furpkis of the merits of pious faints to 
 difpofe of. A profitable doftrine this ^ but 
 where found ? Certainly not in fcripture. 
 For my own part, fays he, I meet not, in 
 the whole new-teftament with one faint who 
 had more merit than was neceffary for his 
 own falvation. And if Chrifl, who taught 
 all that was needful and profitable, taught 
 not this dodlrine, it may be fairly prefumed, 
 that this dodrine is neither needful nor pro- 
 fitable. All men, as far as the merits oi 
 another can avail, are partakers of the merits 
 of Chrifl: and no man can exped more. 
 How abfurd then is it to fee men fquander 
 away their money upon indulgences, inftead 
 of laying it out properly in charitable ufes : 
 as if it were a more acceptable fervice to 
 God, to add fuperfluous w^ealth to a mo- 
 naftery, than to diftribute alms among ne- 
 ceffitous chriftians. — Befides, in how un- 
 charitable a light doth the pope appear, if 
 there be one foul left in purgatory. A turn 
 of his pen would deliver the finn'er, and if 
 he deny that, it can only be thought ava- 
 rice
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 69 
 
 rice, and want of a good heart. — If he have 
 not power to deliver all men, he is a de- 
 ceiver; for he declares, that he has fuch 
 power. Bat his pardons, it feems, are only 
 to be had for ready money, and granted too, 
 not for the good of mankind, but to pro- 
 mote diffention and war. Were this boafted 
 power of pardoning an heavenly gift, like 
 God's other favours, it would certainly be 
 difpenfed in an impartial manner. Wealth 
 could not command it : and the pope, Hke 
 the apoflles, would cry out, " Thy money 
 ^' perifh with thee/' Whether the pope's 
 pardons be difpenfed in this impartial man- 
 ner, let the papift fay. They will tell you 
 perhaps, he adds, that the pardons them- 
 felves are a free gift -, but that the bull oc- 
 cafions the expence. Such prevarication puts 
 one in mind of the hofl, who profeffed to 
 treat his guefts with a goofe for nothing ; 
 but charged them without confclence for the 
 fauce. — -Thus by the vile trade of indul- 
 gences are men deceived. Any one, who 
 can pay for a pardon, may laugh at fin. 
 He has found an eafy way to heaven ; much 
 eafier than by contrition, repentance, and 
 works of charity. May we not then, fays 
 E 3 he.
 
 70 THELIFEOF 
 
 he, fafely conclude, that indulgences were 
 an invention of anti-chrifl to magnify the 
 facerdotal powers and to bring in wealth 
 to the church, at the expence of religion, 
 and the fouls of men ? 
 
 With regard to purgatory, he believed 
 in fuch a ftate ; and, .as it appears from fome 
 parts of his works, was once of opinion that 
 pious prayers might be fervlceable to fouls 
 imprifoned there : but in his later writings, 
 he wholly renounces this opinion, and calls 
 it a pernicious error ; efpecially to pray for 
 one perfon more than another, which he 
 looks upon as a moft unchriftian praftice 5 
 though he ftill feems. to think we may pray 
 in general for all thofe, whom God in his 
 mercy intends for happinefs. In fliort, upon 
 this fubjedl he does not feem to have abfo- 
 lutely fixed his opinion. He faw fomething 
 extremely plaufible in the Romifli dodtrine 
 of purgatory 3 he likewife faw the abfurdity 
 of fuppofing, that God intrufied any man 
 with a power to releafe finners from fuch a 
 ftate ; but whether the fouls of the dead 
 might be profited by the prayers of the 
 living, he feems to have been in doubt. 
 
 He
 
 JOHN WICL IFF. 71 
 
 He was a great enemy to the endowments 
 of chauntry-priefts. They led the people, 
 he thought, to put their truft in fuch en- 
 dowments, rather than in a good life : 
 whereas no prayers, even of the holieft faints, 
 he thought, could benefit a bad man. That 
 man, faith he excellently, who liveth bejlt 
 prayeth beft, A fimple pater-nofter from a 
 religious plowman, is of more value in the 
 fight of God, than a thoufand mafl^es from a 
 wicked prelate. 
 
 He had a great diflike to chaunting in di- 
 vine worfhip, which was then commonly 
 ufed in cathedrals and religious houfes ; and 
 was known by the name of the new fong. 
 This fort of worfhip, he fays, was originally 
 introduced to impofe on the underftanding, 
 by fubflituting found in the room of fenfe 5 
 and fo to be one mean of keeping the peo- 
 ple in ignorance. He owns it is a merry 
 way of ferving God ^ and therefore, he 
 fuppofes, it meets with fo much encourage- 
 ment. But he would have men be of St. 
 Aufl:in's opinion, who fays, that as often 
 as found drew his attention from fenfe, fo 
 often he worfhipped God improperly. If 
 fays he, the temple- mufic of the old law be 
 E 4 allcdged
 
 72 THE LIFE OF 
 
 alledged as a fafficient warrant for cathe- 
 dral worfhip, it may eafily be anfwered, 
 that Chrifl, who was the befl commentator 
 upon the old law, gives us no inftrudion 
 on this head -, but tells his difciples, that he 
 requires no recommendation of prayer, but 
 the devotion of the heart. Others again 
 will perhaps fay, that the angels praife God, 
 in heaven: to which, it may as eafily be 
 anfwered, that we know nothing of hea- 
 venly mufick. Only this we know, that 
 the angels are in a triumphant flate, and we 
 in a militant one 3 in a flate of trial and af- 
 fliction, where mufick diverts us from better 
 things. It is grievous, fays he, to fee v/hat 
 fums of money are yearly expended upon 
 thefe finging priefts,- and how little upon 
 the education of children. Befides, he adds, 
 how abfurd is it to hear, in a large cono^re- 
 gation, only two or three chaunting a piece 
 of devotion, while all the reft, not only 
 cannot join with them 3 but even do not 
 underftand what they fay. 
 
 He often inveighs again ft prayers to faints, 
 and the ufe of any mediator except Chrift. 
 He even goes fo far as to wifli that all fefti- 
 vals in the church were abolifhed, except 
 
 Chriflmas-
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 73 
 
 Chriftmas-day, and eafter. For the devo- 
 tion of the people, fays he, being undivided, 
 would be more fervent upon thofe folemn 
 days. As to modern canonizations, he fays, 
 they owre their birth to nothing but exceflive 
 bigotry on one fide, or exceflive avarice on 
 the other. 
 
 With regard to images, he thought, that 
 
 if they v^ere exacSt reprefentations of the 
 
 truth, they might be very ferviceable to give 
 
 the vulgar ftrong impreflions of the poverty, 
 
 and fufferings, of Chrifl:, his apoflles, and 
 
 martyrs. But this ufe, he fays, could not 
 
 be expelled from them in the Roman church.* 
 
 Thofe gay reprefentations, decked in coflly 
 
 apparel, inftead of giving us the idea of fuf- 
 
 fering faints, exhibit to us perfons of pomp 
 
 and expence ; and fhould be confidered as 
 
 heretical books, full of falfe dodlrines; and 
 
 as fuch fhould be condemned to the fire. — 
 
 Befides, fays he, how (hocking is it to fee 
 
 thofe dumb idols covered with gold and fil- 
 
 verj whileChrifi:'s poor member's areflarving 
 
 in the fiireets. — But of all the bad effeds 
 
 which attend images, the w^orfi:, he fays, is 
 
 their leading the people into idolatry. If 
 
 Hezechiah broke in pieces the brazen fer- 
 
 pent,
 
 74 THE LIFE OF 
 
 pent, which God commanded to be made, 
 becaufe it attradled the veneration of the 
 people 3 how much more ought a chriftian 
 king to break in pieces thofe images, which 
 God is fo far from having commanded to be 
 made, that we have in fcripture the mofi: 
 exprefs commands againft making them. 
 
 He greatly diiliked the ceremonies of 
 confecration fo frequent in the church of 
 Rome. Thefe confecrations, fays he, and 
 benedictions, in which the Roman church 
 is fo profufe upon water, oil, fait, wax, 
 veftments, walls, pilgrims-Haves, and a va- 
 riety of other things, have more the appear- 
 ance of necromancy, than of true religion. 
 They are abfurd, becaufe thefe things are juft 
 the fame after confecration as before : and 
 they are idolatrous, becaufe they tend to 
 make people pay a divine honour to them. 
 
 No man could be more ftrenuous than 
 Dr. WiclifF againft refting upon the externals 
 of religion; or faid more to convince men 
 of the folly of expedling, that building and 
 ornamenting churches, frequenting public 
 worfljip, or any outward expreffion of reli- 
 gion, would fatisfy God without the heart, 
 or make any atonement for a bad life. Holy 
 
 water,
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 75 
 
 water, fays he, and the bleffing of a blfliop 
 are mere impofitions, tending only to blind 
 the people, and make them reft in thofe ex- 
 ternals, rather than in God's mercy, and 
 their own repentance. 
 
 He aiTerted the neceffity of being affifted 
 by divine grace. Widiout this, he faw not 
 how a human being could make himfelf 
 acceptable to God. 
 
 With regard to pilgrimages, he fays, that 
 although vifiting the fhrines of faints might 
 be fuffered with a view to imprefs us ftrongly 
 with a fenfe of their virtues, yet pilgrimages, 
 as commonly ufed, are of moft pernicious 
 confequence. If idol-worfhip be bad, pil- 
 grimages are equally fo, leading the people 
 into idolatry, and a mifapplication of their 
 charity. 
 
 Againft fancfluaries he is ftill warmer. 
 That the grofleft crimes ihould be flieltered, 
 under the fafeguard of religion, was, in his 
 opinion, fuch a perverfion of all the princi- 
 ples of reafon and Chriftianity, as could not 
 be fufficiently exclaimed againft. 
 
 He was a great advocate for the marriage 
 of the clergy, and thought the celibacy pre- 
 
 fCi-ibed
 
 -6 THELIFEOF 
 
 fcribed by the Roman church one of the \ 
 principal caufes of its corruption. : 
 
 He denied the power of excommunica- ' 
 lion to the church ; and ftiles fuch ecclefi- i 
 aftical cenfures, punifhments inflided by i 
 anti-chrift*s jurifdicftion. No man, fays he, 
 can be excommunicated, unlefs he firft ex- 
 communicate himfelf. 
 
 Peter-pence, he calls an iniquitous im- 
 pofition, without any foundation in fcripture. 
 
 Thefe are his principal opinions, with 
 regard to church dodrines. The following 
 are his opinions on feveral mifcellaneous 
 fubjeds. 
 
 He was a great enemy to the fuperfluous 
 wealth of the clergy. He allowed the la- 
 bourer to live by his labour -, but he afferted, 
 that he had a right to his hire from nothing j 
 elfe. Tythes, he faid, were only a fort of 
 alms, no where of gofpel inftltution, which 
 the people might either give or withdraw, 
 as they found their paftor deferved. This 
 opinion drew upon him the refentment both 
 of papills and proteftants. Melandlhon, i 
 particular, is very warm with him on th 
 head ; fays, he raved, and declares hi 
 plainly mad. But it is no wonder, if Wic 
 
 liffsi 
 
 j
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. j^ 
 
 liff's diflike to the prevailing luxury of the 
 clergy, which was then fo exorbitant, led 
 him into an extreme. His conftant advice 
 to his brethren was, to exadt their tythes by 
 the holinefs of their hves. If thou be a 
 prieft, fays he, contend with others, not 
 in pomp, but in piety. Ill befits it a man, 
 who lives on the labours of the poor, tofquan- 
 der away the dear-bought fruits of their in- 
 duftry upon his own extravagancies. 
 
 Church-endowments, he thought, were 
 the root of all the corruption among the 
 clergy. He often lamented the luxury they 
 occafioned; and ufed to wifli the church 
 w^as again reduced to its primitive poverty, 
 and innocence. 
 
 With ftill greater warmth he exprefled 
 himfelf againfl: the fecular employments of 
 the clergy. This he feemed to think an 
 unpardonable defertion of their profeffion. 
 
 In fome parts of his writings, he appears 
 to have held, that ftrange dodlrine, 7hat 
 dominion is founded on grace. His argu- 
 ment, if I underftand it all, feems to be, 
 that as all things belong to God, and as 
 good men alone are the children of God, 
 they are of courfe the only true inheritors. 
 
 But
 
 78 THE LIFE OF 
 
 But in other parts of his writings, it appears, 
 as if he only fpoke figuratively on this fub- 
 jedt, and of ideal perfection. That he did 
 not hold the docflrine in its literal fenfe, 
 feems pl^in from many paffages of his 
 works. In his Trialogue particularly, he 
 fays, " Duplici titulo flat hominem habere 
 " temporalia, fcilicet titulo originalis jufti- 
 *^ tis, & titulo mundans juftitis. Titulo 
 *' autem originalis juftiti^e habuit Chriftus 
 *^ omnia bona mundi. Illo titulo, vel titulo 
 ** gratis, juftorum funt omnia : fed longe 
 " ab illo titulo civilis poffeffio." Upon the 
 whole, however, what he fays on this fub- 
 jedt may be called whimfical. 
 
 He held fafting to be enjoined only for the 
 fake of virtuous habits j and calls it therefore 
 highly pharifaical to place a greater value 
 upon bodily abflinence from food, than fpi- 
 ritual abflinence from fin. 
 
 It was a conjecture of his, that this world 
 w^as created to fupply the lofs in heaven 
 Gccafioned by the fallen angels ; and that 
 when that lofs fhould be fupplied, the end 
 of things fliould fucceed. 
 
 Upon a text in the revelations he founded 
 an opinion^ that the devil was letloofe about 
 
 a thou fan d
 
 JOHN V/I CLIFF. 79 
 
 a thoufand years after Chrift; from which 
 period he dates the rife of the principal 
 corruptions of the church. 
 
 With regard to oaths, he confidered it as 
 plain idolatry to fvvear by any creature. In 
 this fenfe he underllood the prohibition of 
 our Saviour againft fwearing by heaven and 
 earth. It is not found, faith he, in the old 
 law, that God at any time granted his per- 
 miffion to fwear by any creature. 
 
 He feems to have thought it wrong, upon 
 the principles of the gofpel, to take away the 
 life of man upon any occafion. The whole 
 trade of war he thought utterly unlavv^ful : 
 nor did he think the execution of a criminal 
 a more allowed praftice. 
 
 In fome parts of his writings he fpeaks fo 
 ftrongly of fate, that he appears an abfolute 
 predeftinarian. In other parts he expreffes 
 himfelf in fo cautious a manner, that we are 
 apt to think he had no fixed principles on 
 this fubjed:. 
 
 All arts, which adminiflred to the luxuries 
 of life, he thought were prohibited by the 
 gofpel. The fcriptures, fays he, tell us, that 
 having food and raiment, we fhould be 
 therewith content. 
 
 Herefy,
 
 8o THELIFEOF 
 
 Herefy, according to Wicliff, confifted In 
 a bad life, as well as in falfe opinions. No 
 good man, bethought, could be an heretic. 
 
 His opinion, on this lafl: point, agrees with 
 that of a prelate of later times, who gene- 
 rally fpeaks the language of true Chriflian 
 freedom and charity. I fhall quote fome 
 pafiages at large from this celebrated writer, 
 not only as they tend to fhew the juftnefs of 
 Wicliff 's own manner of thinking; but as 
 they may ferve as a conclufion to this review 
 of his opinions, in being a proper anfwer to 
 all his adverfaries. 
 
 " No herefies, (fays bifliop Taylor, in his 
 " liberty of prophefying) are noted in fcrip- 
 *' ture 5 but fuch as are errors pradical. In 
 " all the animadverfions againft errors in the 
 " new teftament, no pious perfon was con- 
 ** demned. Something was amifs in genere 
 " morum. Herefy is not an error of the 
 " underftanding, but an error of the will. 
 " And indeed, if we remember that St. Paul 
 *' reckons herefy among the works of the 
 " fleih, and ranks it with all manner of 
 ** pradical impieties, we fhall eafily perceive, 
 *Vthat if a man mingles not a vice with his 
 *' opinions, if he be innocent in his life, 
 
 " though
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 8i 
 
 " though deceived in his dodtrine, his error 
 *^ is his mifery, not his crime: he may be an 
 *' obje<^ of pity, but by no means a perfon 
 *' configned to ruin. — There are as many 
 *' innocent caufes of error, as there are 
 *^ weakncffes, and unavoidable prejudices. — 
 *• In queftions practical, the dodrine itfelf, 
 *' and the perfon too, may be reproved; but 
 '' in other things, which end in notion, 
 *^ where neither the doctrine is malicious, 
 *' nor the perfon apparently criminal, he is 
 *^ to be left to the judgment of God. Opi- 
 '' nions and perfons are to be judged like 
 " other things. It mufl be a crime, and it 
 *' mufl be open, of which any cognizance 
 *^ can be taken. — Let me farther obferve, 
 ^' that fince there are fuch great differences 
 " of apprehenlion concerning the confe- 
 '^ quences of an adlion, no man is to be 
 ** charged with the odious confequences of 
 " his opinion. Indeed his dodrine may be, 
 " but the man is not, if he underftand not 
 " fuch things to be confequent to his dodrine. 
 " For if he did, and then avows them, they 
 *' are his dired: opinions, and he Hands as 
 *^ chargeable with them, as with his firfl 
 */ propofition. — No error then, noritscon- 
 F '' fcquent,
 
 S2 THELIFEOF 
 
 " fequent, is to be charged as criminal upon 
 " a pious perfon, fir.ce no fimple error is fin, 
 " nor does condemn us before the throne of 
 " God." * 
 
 Of 
 
 * A very ingenious hlftorian, hath charged WIcliff with 
 enthufiafm. " He denyed the do6lrine, (fays he,) of the 
 <* real prefence — the fiipremacy of the church of Rome — 
 *' the merit of monaftic vows. — Fie maintained; that the 
 " fcripture was the fole rule of faith; — that the church 
 *' was dependent on the frate, — and ought to be reformed 
 *' by it; — that the clergy ought to polTefs no ellates; — • 
 *' that the begging fryars were a general nuifance, and 
 " ought not to be fupported ; — that the numerous ceremo- 
 « nies of the church were hurtful to true piety. — He 
 «' afferted, that oaths were unlawful, — that dominion was 
 «* founded in grace; — tha* ^^-'ery thing was fubjefl to fate 
 *' and defiiiny; and that al\ men were predeftinated either 
 *' to eternal falvation or reprobation." 
 
 Having given this abftradl of his opinions, which is in 
 <yeneral very juH, thehiuorian informs us, that " From the 
 *' ^.vbcle of his dodlrines, WiclifF appears to have been 
 ** Jiro-ngly tinftured with enthufiafm.'* 
 
 Mr. Hume has certainly exprelTed himfelf here in a very 
 unguarded manner, unlefs he meant to brand under the 
 name of enthufiam, the whole fyllem of the reformation. 
 He has given us twelve of the opinions of WiclifF, of which 
 only the feventh, and two laft, feem to be carried farther, 
 than W.1S done by the more fober part of the reformers of 
 the fixteenth century; and ijadeed, Mr. Hume has been 
 ingenuous enough to own, that, " The doctrines of Vv''icliiF, 
 " being derived from his fearch into the fcriptures, and 
 ** into ecclefiafiical antiquity, were nearly the fame with 
 " thofe propagated by the reformers in the fixteenth cen- 
 
 " tury;
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 83; 
 
 Of the Writings of Dr. WiclIfF. 
 
 Having thus taken a view of Dr. WIclIfF's 
 
 opinions, let us confider him next as a writer. 
 
 F 2 His 
 
 *' tury ; fome of them only carried farther.'"' And yet, 
 notvvithitanding this, we are told, that, " Upon the ^hole^ 
 ** they were firongJy tindured with enthufiafm." 
 
 This writer has been charged with refolving all revealed 
 religion into enthufiafm on one hand, or fupcrllition on the 
 other. And indeed his treatment of Wiclift feems in fome 
 degree to juftify the charge: " He appears, (fays the hil^o- 
 *' rian,) to have been ftrongly tinftured with enthufiafm, 
 ** and to have been thereby the better qualified to oppofe a 
 " church, whofe diftinguifhing charafter was fuperftition." 
 It was his enthufiafm, it feems, and not his rational argu- 
 ments, (for our hillorian appears to have thrown reafon out 
 of both fides of the queilion) that made him a formidable 
 adverfary to the church of Rome. 
 
 If Mr. Hume had not been under the influence of pre- 
 judice, it is impoflible but a perfon of his liberal cafl of 
 mind, muft have admired the noble freedom, and rational 
 manner, with which this great reformer oppofed the flavilh 
 principles of his times. Had WicliiF lived in the days of 
 philofophy, this writer had been among his firfl admirers; 
 but a religionill: is a formal charadler; and what in a phi- 
 lofopher is a manly exercife of reafon, becomes in a modern 
 reformer, irrational zeal, and a ridiculous pretence to 
 infpiration. 
 
 ^ If I have miftaken Mr. Hume's meaning, I heartily beg 
 his pardon. The reader, judging for himfelf, will lay no 
 farther ftrefs on what I have faid, than fair quotations will 
 authorize againft Mr. Hume ; and fair reprefentations of 
 fa^ts in favour of Dr. Wicliff,
 
 84 THELIFEOF 
 
 His works are amazingly voluminous : yet he 
 feems not to have engaged in any very large 
 work : his pieces in general may properly be 
 called tradts. Of thefe many were written 
 in Latin, and many in Englifh : fome on 
 fchool queftions; others on lubjedts of more 
 general knowledge ; but the greateft part on 
 divinity. It may be fome amufement to the 
 reader to fee what fubjeds he hath chofen. 
 I fhall give a lift therefore of the more re- 
 markable of them, from the various col- 
 lections which have been made. 
 
 Trialagorum lib. 4. 
 
 De religione perfecflorum. 
 
 De ecclefia & membris. 
 
 De diabolo & membris. 
 
 De Chrifto & Antichrifto. 
 
 De Antichrifto & membris. 
 
 Sermones in epiftolas. : 
 
 De veritate fcripturs. 
 
 De ftatu innocently. 
 
 De dotatione ecclefias* 
 
 De ftipendiis miniftrorum. 
 
 De eplfcoporum erroribus. 
 
 De curatorum erroribus. 
 
 De pcrfedione evangelica 
 
 Dc
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 85 
 
 De officio paftorali. 
 
 De fimonia facerdotum. 
 
 Super p^nitentiis injungendls. 
 
 De fedudlione fimpliciam. 
 
 Dacmonum alius in fubvertenda religione. 
 
 De pontificum Romanorum fchifmate. 
 
 De ultima astate ecclefiae. 
 
 Of temptation. 
 
 The chartre of hevene. 
 
 Of ghoftly battel. 
 
 Of ghoftly and flefhly love. 
 
 The confeffion of St. Brandoun. 
 
 A6live life, and contemplative life. 
 
 Virtuous patience. 
 
 Of pride. 
 
 Obfervationes plae in X praecepta, 
 
 De impedimentis orationis, 
 
 De cardinalibus virtutibus. 
 
 De a6lubus animoe. 
 
 Expofitio orationis dominicae. 
 
 De 7 facramentis. 
 
 De riatura fidei. 
 
 De diverfis gradlbus charitatis. 
 
 De defed:ione a Chrifto. 
 
 De veritate &c mendacio, 
 
 De facerdotio Levitico, 
 
 De facerdotio Chrifti. 
 
 F 3 Dc
 
 86 THE LIFE OF 
 
 De dotatlone C^farea. 
 
 De verfutiis pfeudocleri. 
 
 De immortalitate animae. 
 
 De paupertate Chrifti. 
 
 De phyfica natural!. 
 
 De effentiaaccidentium. 
 
 De neceffitate Inturorum. 
 
 De temporis quidditate, 
 
 De temporis ampliatione. 
 
 De operibus corporalibus. 
 
 De operibus fpiritualibus. j 
 
 De fide & perfidia, 
 
 De fermone domini in monte, 
 
 Abftradiones logicales. 
 
 A fhort rule of life. 
 
 The great fentence of the curfe expounded. 
 
 Of good priefts, 
 
 De contrarietate duorum dominorum* 
 
 Wicliff's wicket. 
 
 De miniflrorum conjugio. 
 
 De religiofis privatis. 
 
 Conciones de morte. 
 
 De vita facerdotum, 
 
 De ablatis reftituendis. 
 
 De arte fophiftica. 
 
 De fonte errorum. 
 
 De incarnatione verbi. 
 
 Super
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. ^7 
 
 Super impofitis articulis. 
 
 De humanitate Chrifli. 
 
 Contra concilium terrcs-motusi 
 
 De folutione Satanse. 
 
 De fpiritu quolibet. 
 
 De Chriftianorum baptifmo, 
 
 De clavium poteftate. 
 
 De blafphemia. 
 
 De paupertate Chrifli. 
 
 De raritate 5c denfitate. 
 
 De materia &; forma. 
 
 De anima. 
 
 Odto beatitudines. 
 
 De trinitate. 
 
 Commentarii in pfalterium. 
 
 De abominatione defolationis. 
 
 De civili dominio. 
 
 De ecclefise dominio, 
 
 De divino dominio. 
 
 De origine fedarum. 
 
 De perfidia fedlarum. 
 
 Speculum de antichriflo. 
 
 De virtute orandi. 
 
 De remiflione fraterna. 
 
 De cenluris ecclefise. 
 
 De charitate fraterna. 
 
 F 4 Dc
 
 88 THE LIFE OF 
 
 De purgatorio piorum. 
 De Pharifaeo & Publicano, 
 
 I might have greatly enlarged this cata-^ 
 logue of the works of Wicliff, but the titles 
 I have inferted^ will be fufficient to give the 
 reader an idea in general of the fubjeds, on 
 which he w^rote. To give him an idea of his 
 manner of writing, I have thought proper to 
 infert the following fhort treatife^ in which 
 the reader will have a fpecimen of that 
 mafterly ftyle, that clearnefs, concifenefs, and 
 elegance, (confidering the times) with which 
 he treated every fubjed:. If the reader com- 
 pare it with the original, he will find, that 
 a few fentences have been left out, but none 
 added. 
 
 JFky many priejls have no benefices. 
 A treatife of John Wiclift'. 
 
 Some caufes why poor priefts receive not 
 benefices. The firft for dread of Symony. 
 The fecond for dread of mifpending poor 
 mens goods. The third for dread of letting 
 of better occupation that is more light or 
 eafy, more certain and more profitable. * 
 
 I. For
 
 JOHN W I CLIFF. 89 
 
 I, For fiift, if men ftiould come to bene- 
 fices by gift of prelates, there is dread of 
 iymony. For commonly they taken the firft 
 fruits, or other penfions, or holden curates 
 in office in their courts or chapels, in offices 
 farfropriefts life, taught, and enfampled of 
 Chrift and his apoftles. So that commonly 
 fuch benefices comen not freely as Chrift 
 commandeth, but rather for worldly win- 
 ning, or flattering of mighty men, and not 
 for kunning of God*s law, and true preach- 
 ing of the gofpel, and enfample of holy life ; 
 and therefore commonly thefe prelates, and 
 receivers ben fouled with fymony, that is 
 curfed herefie, as God's law and man's law 
 techen. And now whoever can run to Rome, 
 and bear gold out of the lond, and ftrive, 
 and plead, and curfe for tithes, and other 
 temporal profits, that ben cleped with anti- 
 chrift's clerks rights of holy church, fliall 
 have great benefices of cure of many thou- 
 fand fouls, tho he be unable, and of curfed 
 life, and wicked enfample of pride, of co- 
 vetifle, glotony, leachery, and other great 
 fins. But if there be any fimple man, that 
 defireth to live well, and teche truly God's 
 i law, he fliali ben holden an hypocrite, a new 
 
 teacher^
 
 90 THE LIFE OF 
 
 teacher, an heretick, and not fuffered to 
 come to any benefice. But if in any little 
 poor place he liven a poor life, he fhall be 
 fo purfued, and flandered, that he fhall be 
 put out by wiles, cantels, frauds, and world- 
 ly violence, and imprifoned or brent. And 
 if lords fhuUen prefent clerks to benefices, 
 they wolen have commonly gold in great 
 quantity, and holden thefe curates in fome 
 worldly office, and fufFren the wolves of hell 
 to ftrangien mens fouls, fo that they have 
 their office done for nought, and their chap- 
 pels holden up for vain-glory or hypocrify ; 
 and yet they wolen not prefent a clerk able 
 of God's law, and of good life, and holy 
 enfample to the people ^ but a kitchen-clerk, 
 or a penny-clerk, or one wife in building 
 caftles, or other worldly doing; tho he kun 
 not read his fauter, and knoweth not the 
 commandments of God, ne facraments of 
 holy church. And yet fome lords, to co- 
 louren their fymony wole not take for them- 
 felves, but kerchiefs for the lady, or a pal- 
 fray, or a tun of wine. And when fome ; 
 lords woulden prefent a good man, then 
 fome ladies ben means to have a dancer pre- 
 fented, or a tripper on tapits, or hunter, or 
 
 a hawker,
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. gi 
 
 a hawker, or a wild player of fummer gam- 
 bels. And thus it feemeth, that both pre- 
 lates, and lords commonly maken fome cur- 
 fed antichriftj or a quick fiend to be mafter 
 of Chrift's people, for to leaden them to hell 
 to Sathanas their mafter^ and fuffer not 
 Chrift's difciples to teche Chrift's gofpel to 
 his children for to fave their fouls. 
 
 But in this prefenting of evil curates, and 
 holding of curates In worldly office, letting 
 them fro their ghoftly cure, ben three de- 
 grees of traitery agenft God and his people. 
 The firft is in prelates and lords, that thus 
 holden curates in their worldly office^ for 
 they have their high ftates in the church, 
 and lordftiips, for to purvey true curates to 
 the people, and to meyntene them in God's 
 law, and punifti them, if they fallen in their 
 ghoftly cure, and by this they holden their 
 lordfliips of God. Then if they maken evil 
 curates, and holden them in their worldly 
 office, and letten them to lead God's people 
 the rightful way to heaven, but helpen them, 
 and conftreynen them to lead the people to 
 hell-ward, by withdrawing of God's word, 
 and by evil enfample geving, they ben wei- 
 ward traytors to God and his people, and 
 
 vicars
 
 92 THE LIFE OF 
 
 vicars of Sathanas. — 2. Yet more traitery is 
 in falfe curates, that geven mede or hire to 
 comen into fuch worldly offices, and to get 
 lordlhip and maintenance agenft ordinances,, 
 and couchen in lord's courts for to get ma 
 faite benefices, and purpofen not fpedly to 
 do their ghofrly office. Woe is to the lords 
 that been led with fuch curfed heretics, an^ 
 tichrifts, traytors of God and his people ; 
 and traytors to lords themfelves^ who ben fo 
 blinded, that they perceiven not that fuch 
 traitors, that openly ben falfe to God, wolen 
 much more been falfe to them. — 3. But the 
 mofl traitery is in falfe confeiTors, thatfhulden 
 by their office warn prelates, and lords of 
 this great peril, and clerks alfo that they 
 holden none fuch curates in their worldly 
 offices. For they don not this, left they 
 lefen lordfliip, and friendihip, and gifts, and 
 welfare of their ftinking belly 3 and fo they 
 fellen chriften fouls to Sathanas, and maken 
 prelates and lords, and curates to live in fin 
 and traitery agenft God and his, people, and 
 deceiven them in their fouls health, and 
 meyntenen them in curfed traitery of God 
 and his people 3 and thus almoft all the world 
 goeth to hell for this curfed fymony of falfe 
 
 confeflbrs.
 
 JOHN WICLIFF 93 
 
 confcflbrs. For commonly prelates, lords, 
 
 and curates ben envenymed with this herefy 
 
 of fymony, and never done very repentance, 
 
 and fatisfadion therefore. For when they 
 
 have, a fat benefice geten by fymony, they 
 
 forfaken it not as they ben bounden by law, 
 
 but wittingly ufen forth that fymony, and 
 
 liven in riot, covetiiTe, and pride, and don 
 
 not their office neither in good enfample, ne 
 
 in true teching. And thus antichriil*s clerks, 
 
 enemies of Chrifl, and his people, by money, 
 
 and flattering, and flefhly love, gedring to 
 
 them leading of the people, forbare true 
 
 priefls to teche God's law, and therefore the 
 
 blind leadeth the blind, and both parts run- 
 
 nen into fin, and full many to hell : and it 
 
 is huge wonder that God of his righteouf- 
 
 nefs deftroyeth not the houfes of prelates, 
 
 and lords, and curates, as Sodom and Go- 
 
 morfor herefie, extortions, and other cur- 
 
 fedneffes. And for dread of this fin, and 
 
 many mo, fome poor wretches receive no 
 
 benefices in this world. 
 
 II. Yet tho poor priefls mighten freely 
 getten prefentation of lords to have bene- 
 fices with cure of fouls, they dreaden of 
 mifpending poor mens goods. For priefls 
 
 owen
 
 94 THE LIFE OF 
 
 owen to hold themfelves paide v/ith food, 
 and cloathing, as St. Paul techeth ; and if 
 they have more it is poor mens goods, as 
 their own law, and God's law feyn, and 
 they ben keepers thereof, and procurators 
 of poor men. But for inftitution and in- 
 dudion he fhall give much of this good, 
 that is poor men's, to bifhops officers, arch- 
 deacons, and officials, that ben too rich. 
 And when bifhops and their officers comen, 
 and feynen to vifit, tho they nourifhen men 
 m open fin for annual rent, and don not 
 their office, but fellen fouls to Sathanas for 
 money, wretched curates ben neded to 
 feaften them richly, and give procuracy and 
 fynage, yea againft God's law, and man's, 
 and reafon, and their own confcience, and 
 yet they fliullen not be fuffered to teche 
 truly God's law to their own fujedts, and 
 warn them of falfe prophets, who deceiven 
 them both in belief and teching : for then 
 they muflen crie to the people the great fins 
 of prelates ; but they demen that fuch fad 
 reproving of fin is envy, flandering of pre- 
 lates, and defl:roying of holy church. Alfo 
 many times their patrons willen look to be 
 feafied of fiach curates, elfe maken them 
 
 Icfe
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 95 
 
 lefe that little thing, that they and poor 
 men fhullen live by. So that they fhullen 
 not fpend their tithes and offerings after 
 good confcience, and God's laws, but wafte 
 them on rich and idle men. Alfo echegood 
 day commonly thefe fmall curates fluullea 
 have letters fro their ordinaries to fummon, 
 and to curfe poor men for nought, but for 
 covetilTe of antichrifts clerks; and if they 
 not lumonen and curfen them, tho they 
 know no caufe why they fliullen been hurt- 
 ed, and fummoned fro day to day, fro far 
 place to farther, or curfed, or lefe their be- 
 nefits or profits. For elfe, as prelates feinen, 
 they by their rebeldy fhulden foon deftroy 
 prelates jurifdidlion, power, and winning. 
 Alfo, when poor priefts, firil holy of life, 
 and devout in their prayers, ben beneficed, 
 if they ben not bufy about the world to 
 make great feafts to rich perfons and vicars, 
 and coffly and gayly arrayed, by falfe doom 
 of the world, they fhullen be hated and 
 hayned on as hounds, and ech man redy to 
 peirc them in name, and worldly goods. 
 So many curfed deceits hath antichrift 
 brought up by his v^orldly clerks to make 
 curates to mifpende poor mens goods, and 
 
 not
 
 96 THE LIFE OF 
 
 not truly do their office ; or elfe to forfaken 
 all, and let antichrift's clerks, as lords of 
 this world, rob the poor people by feyned 
 cenfures, and teche the fend's lore both by 
 open preching, and enfample of curfed life. 
 Alfo, if fuch curates ben ftirred to learn 
 God's law, and teche their parifhens the 
 gofpel, commonly they fhullen get no leave 
 of bifliops, but for gold 5 and when they 
 fliullen moft profit in their learning, then 
 fliullen they be clepid home at the prelate's 
 will. And if they fliullen have any high 
 facraments, commonly they {hulle buy them 
 with poor mens goods ; and fo there is full 
 great peril of evil fpending of thefe goods, 
 both upon prelates, rich men of the coun- 
 try, patrons, parfons, and their own kyn, 
 for fame of the world, and for fhame, and 
 evil deming of men. And certes it is great 
 wonder that God fuffreth fo long this fin 
 unpuniihcd, namely of prelates courts, that 
 ben dens of thieves, and larders of hell 3 and 
 fo of their officers, that ben fotil in malice 
 and covetifl^e ; and of lords, and mighty 
 men, that fliulden deftroy this wrong and 
 other, and meyntenen truth, and God's fer- 
 vants, and now meyntenen antichrift's falf- 
 
 nefs
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 97 
 
 nefs and his clerks, for part of the winning. 
 But certes God fuffreth fuch hypocrites and 
 tyrants to have name of prelates for great 
 fins of the people, that eche part lead other 
 to hell by blindnefs of the fend. And this 
 is a thoufand time more vengeance, than if 
 God fhud deftroy bodily both parts, and all 
 their goods, and earth therewith, as he did 
 by Sodom and Gomor. For the longer that 
 they liven thus in fin, the greater pains fliul- 
 len they have in hell, unlefs they amenden 
 them. — And this dread, and many mo, 
 maken fome poor priefts to receiven none 
 benefices. 
 
 III. But yet tho poor priefis mighten have 
 freely prefentation of lords, and ben holpen 
 by meyntening of kings, and help of good 
 commons fro extortions of prelates, and other 
 mifpending of thefe goods, that is full hard 
 in this reigning of Antichrift's clerks, yet 
 they dreden fore that by fingular cure or- 
 dained of finful men they (hulden be letted 
 fro better occupation, and fro more profit of 
 holy church. And this is the mofl: dread of 
 alls for they have cure and charge at the full 
 of God to help their brethren to heaven- 
 ward, both by teching, praying, and exam- 
 G pie-
 
 98 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ple-geving. And it feemeth that they ihul- 
 len mofl eafily fulfill this by general cure of 
 charity, as did Chriil and his apoftles. And 
 by this they moft fikerly fave themfelves, and 
 help their brethren : and they ben free to flee 
 fro one city to another, when they ben pur- 
 fued of antichrift's clerks, as biddeth Chrifl 
 in the gofpel. And they may beft without 
 challenging of men go and dwell among the 
 people where they fhullen mofl: profit, and 
 in covenable time come, and go after ftirring 
 of the holy ghoft, and not be bounden by 
 finful mens jurifdidlion fro the better doing. 
 Alfo they purfuen Chrift and his apoftles 
 nearer, in taking alms wilfully of the people 
 that they techen, than in taking dymes and 
 offerings by cuftoms that finful men ordey- 
 nen, and ufen now in the time of grace. 
 Alfo this is more medeful on both fides as 
 they underftonden by Chrifts life, and his 
 apoftles : for thus the people giveth them 
 alms more wilfully and devoutly, and they 
 taken it more mekely, and ben more bufy 
 to lerne, kepe and teche God's law, and fo 
 it is the better for both fides. Alfo by this 
 manner might and fhulde the people geve 
 freely their alms to true priefis that truly 
 
 kepen
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. 99 
 
 kepen their order, and taughten the gofpel ; 
 and withdrawen fro wicked pricfts, and not 
 to be conllreyned to pay their tithes, and 
 offrings to open curfed men to meyntene 
 them in their open curfednefs. And thus 
 (hulde lymony, covetiffe, and idlenefs of 
 worldly clerks he laid down ; and holinefs, 
 and true teching, and knowing of God's law 
 be brought in both in clerks and lewid men : 
 alfo thusfhuldeftriving, pleading, and curfing 
 for dymes and offrings, and hate and difcord 
 among priefls, and lewid men be ended; 
 and unity, peace, and charity meyntened. 
 Alfo thefc benefices, by this courfe, that mea 
 ufen now, bring in worldhnefs, and needlefs 
 bufmefs about worldly offices, that Chrift and 
 his apoPdes wolden never taken upon them, 
 and yet they weren more mighty, more witty, 
 and more brenning in charity to God, and to 
 the people, both to live the beft manner in 
 themfelves, and to teche other men. Alfo 
 covetiffe, and wcrldlinefs of the people 
 fhulden be done away; and Chrifts poverty, 
 and his apoftles, by enfample of poor life of 
 clerks, and truft in God, and defiring of 
 heavenly blifs, fliulde regne in Chriften peo- 
 ple. Alfo then fhulde priefts ftudy holy 
 G 2 writt,
 
 100 Ti'HE LIFE OF 
 
 writt, and be devout in their prayers, and 
 not be caried away with new offices, and mo 
 facraments than Chrift ufed, and his apoftles, 
 that taughten us all truth. Alio mochil blaf- 
 phemy of prelates, and other men of feyned 
 obedience, and nedlefs fwearings made to 
 worldly prelates ihulden then ceffen, and 
 fovereyn obedience to God and his law, and 
 efchewing of nedlefs othes fhulde regne 
 among chriften men. Alfo then fhulde 
 men efchew commonly all the perils faid 
 before in the firft chapter, and fecond, and 
 many thoufand mo, and live in clennefs, and 
 fikernefs of confcience. Alfo then fliulde 
 priefts be bufy to feke God's worfliip and 
 faving of mens fouls, and not their own 
 worldly glory and winning of worldly dritt. 
 Alfo then fhulden priefts live like to angels, 
 as they ben angels of office, whereas they 
 liven now as fwine in fleflily lufts, and turnen 
 agen to their former fins for abundance of 
 worldly goods, and idlenefs in their ghoftly 
 office, and overmuch bufinefs about this 
 wretched life. 
 
 For thefe dreads and many thoufand mo, 
 and for to be mo like to Chrift's life and his 
 apoftles, • and for to profit mo to their own 
 
 fouls
 
 JOHN WICLIFF. loi 
 
 fouls and other mens, fome poor priefts 
 thinken with God to traveile about where 
 they fhulden moft prcfiten, by evidence that 
 God geveth them, while they have time, 
 and little bodily ftrength and youth. Neth- 
 lefs they damnen not curates that don well 
 their office, and dwellen where they fhullen 
 moft profit, and techen truly and flably G d's 
 law agenft falfe prophets, and curfed fends 
 deceits. 
 
 Chrift, for his endlefs mercy, help his 
 priefts and common people to beware of 
 Antichrift's deceits, and go even the right 
 way to heaven. Amen, Jefu, for thy end- 
 lefs charity. 
 
 The End, 
 
 The
 
 /^
 
 /-
 
 7he Life of 
 Lord C O B H A M. 
 
 TJTHEN we confider the circumftances of 
 the times, in which WiclifF lived, the 
 boundlefs ufurpations of the court of Rome, 
 the additional power and glory of England, 
 from its fuccefles againft the French 5 and 
 the more Hberal fpirit, which was daily get- 
 ting ground in its national councils, we need 
 not wonder, that a genius, like Wicliff, de- 
 teding errors, and holding up truths, of fuch 
 infinite importance, fhould engage the at- 
 tention of mankind. Though few had the 
 courage or abilities to inveftigate thefe truths 
 themfelves ; yet many were ingenuous 
 enough to clofe with them, when they were 
 offered to their underftanding. 
 
 It is a common obfervation, that the vul- 
 gar are generally the mofl open to conviftion. 
 The great are attached to eftablifliments, in 
 which their interefls are concerned: the 
 
 learned
 
 102 THE LIFE OF 
 
 learned to fyftems, on which their time hath 
 been fpent. We need not wonder there- 
 fore, if we find few of any confiderable 
 eminence among the difciples of WiclifF. 
 
 Among his own countrymen. Sir John 
 Oldcaflle, lord Cobham, is the moft re« 
 markable. We meet indeed with greater 
 names; as Joan dowager to the Black- 
 prjnce, and Ann, queen to Richard II, 
 But thefe, and fome others, were rather his 
 favourers, than profefled difciples. 
 
 Sir John Oldcaftle was born in the reign 
 of Edward III. He obtained his peerage by 
 marrying the heirefs of that lord Cobham> 
 who with fo much virtue and patriotifm op- 
 pofed the tyranny of Richard 11; with which 
 nobleman he has been fometimes con- 
 founded. 
 
 With the eftate and title of his father in 
 law, he feems alfo to have taken poffeffion of 
 his virtue and independent fpirit. In the early 
 part of his life we find him warmly diflin- 
 guifhing himfelf in the caufe of religious 
 liberty. The famous ftatute againft provi- 
 fors, which had been enaded in the late reign, 
 was now become, during the languid govern- 
 ment
 
 LORD COB HAM. 103 
 
 ment of Richard, a mere dead letter. The 
 lord Cobham with great fpirif undertook the 
 revival of it; and through his perfuafion Jj 
 was confirmed by parliament, and guarded 
 by feverer penalties. 
 
 The news of what theEnghfh parliament 
 was doing in this buiinefs gave a great alarm 
 at Rome; and Boniface IX, who was then 
 pope, difpatched a nuncio immediately to 
 check their proceedings. This minifler at 
 firft cajoled; and afterwards threatned; but 
 the fpirit, which had been raifed in the par- 
 liament, fupported itfelf, againft both his 
 artifices and his menaces. — -This is the firft 
 inftance we meet with of lord Cobham*s 
 avowed diflike to the church of Rome. 
 
 Four years after he made a farther effort. 
 A rebellion having difcovered itfelf in Ireland, 
 the king paffed over with an army. He had 
 made one campaign, and was preparing to 
 take the field early in the fpring of the year, 
 1395, when the arch-bifhop of Canterbury 
 arriving at his camp, intreated his return into 
 England, to put a flop to the ruin of the 
 church. By the ruin of the church the good 
 primate meant the reformation of the clergy ; 
 which had been attempted, during the king's 
 G 4 abfence.
 
 104 THE LIFE OF 
 
 abfence, by the lord Cobham, Sir Richard 
 Story, Sir Thomas Latimer, and others of 
 the reforming party. Thefe leaders having 
 colleded their ftrength, had drawn up a num- 
 ber of articles againft the corruptions^ which 
 then prevailed among churchmenj and pre- 
 fented them, in the form of a remonftrance, 
 to the commons. As they had many friends 
 in the houfe, and as their principal opponents 
 were then abroad v/ith the king, they thought 
 it more than probable, that fomething might 
 be done by the parliament, in confequence 
 of their petition. But the zeal of the clergy 
 prevailed; and the king, who came inftantly 
 from Ireland, put an entire flop to the 
 affair. 
 
 The partiality, w^hich the lord Cobham' 
 thus difcovered on all occafions for the re- 
 formers, cafily pointed him out to the clergy] 
 as the head of that party. Nor indeed did] 
 he make any fecret of his opinions. It was! 
 publickly known, that he had been at great] 
 expence in colleding and tranfcribing the! 
 works of WiclifF, which he difperfed among] 
 the common people without any referve. Il 
 was publickly known alfo, that he maintained! 
 a great number of the difciples of Wicliff, 
 
 asi
 
 LORD COBHAM. 105 
 
 as itinerant preachers in many parts of the 
 country, particularly in the dioceffes of Can- 
 terbury, Rochefter, London, and Hereford. 
 Thefe things drew upon him the refentment 
 of the whole ecclefiaftical order, and made 
 him more obnoxious to that body of men, 
 than any other pcrfon at that time in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 Nine years had now elapfed, fince Rich- 
 ard II. had taken the government into his 
 own hands. This entire interval he had con- 
 fumed in one fteady incroachment (the only 
 inftance of fleadinefs he gave) upon the laws 
 of his country. So many indeed, and fo grofs 
 were his indifcretions, that it was commonly 
 faid by the people, their king was under fome 
 preternatural infatuation. But as old Speed 
 very well remarks (a remark too which might 
 equally have fallen, where that cautious wri- 
 ter in matters of kingfhip, would leaft have 
 chofen it) " when princes are wilful and 
 *' flothful, and their favourites flatterers, there 
 '* needs no other enchantment to infatuate, 
 *' yea to ruinate the greateft monarchs." 
 After repeated ftrokes upon the expiring li- 
 berties of the nation, a conclulive blow was 
 ftruck. The whole legiflative power was in- 
 
 trufted.
 
 io6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 trufted, by the ad: of a venal parliament, to 
 the king, fix peers, and three commoners. 
 An iron fceptre being thus forged, was im- 
 mediately fhaken over the people. It were 
 trifling to mention inftances of private op- 
 prefllon : towns and counties were feized at 
 once. '' For a while, (fays the judicious 
 *^ Rapin, reafoning upon Richard's adtions) 
 ** five or fix hundred perfons, who compofe 
 " a parliament, and as many magiftrates of 
 ** towns and counties, may feem to an im- 
 ** prudent prince the body of a nation; but 
 ** a time will come, when every fingle per- 
 *^ fon muft be taken into the account." 
 
 That time was now come. The nation 
 exafperated beyond fufferance, cafl: their eyes 
 upon the duke of Lancafter, who was now 
 in exile. The archbifhop of Canterbury, 
 who fhared the fame fate, undertook to in- 
 form him of the defigns of the malecontents 
 in England. Henry, who had private, as 
 well as public wTongs to revenge, put him- 
 felf v/ithout delay at the head of the enter- 
 prize. His party foon became numerous, 
 and was in general attended by the good 
 wiihes of the nation. 
 
 Lord
 
 LORD COB HAM. 107 
 
 Lord Cobham had always fliewn himfelf 
 equally a friend to the civil and religious li- 
 berties of his country. He had followed 
 the fteps of his father in law in oppofing the 
 tyrannical encroachments of Richard; whofe 
 refentment he had felt oftner than once. 
 Convinced therefore of the feeblenefs and 
 wickednefs of thcfe hands, by which the 
 fceptre was fwayed, he was among the firll 
 who attached themfelves to the fortunes of 
 Henry, and was received by that prince with 
 thofe marks of favour, which a perfon of his 
 confequcnce might naturally expe6l. 
 
 When Henry IV. came to the crown, it 
 was imagined by all men, that in his heart 
 he inclined to the opinions of the reformers. 
 But Henry was a prudent prince ; and max- 
 ims of policy were ever the rules of his con- 
 fcience. He found, upon examining the 
 ftate of parties in England, that the eccle- 
 fiafcical intereft was the moft able to fupport 
 his pretenfions; and without farther hefita- 
 tion attached himfelf to it. The clergy were 
 high in their demands. Their friendship was 
 not to be purchafed but at the price of blood. 
 Lollardy fpread apace. The laws in being 
 were unable to check its progrefs : and the 
 
 king
 
 io8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 king was given to underftand, that his pro- 
 tedlion would fecure their loyalty. This lan- 
 guage was intelligible enough ; and it was 
 eafily interpreted, that by the protedion of 
 the king, was meant a law to burn heretics. 
 The king difcovered no great reludlance; 
 but the conimons, among whom many 
 thought favourably of Wicliff, were very 
 averfe from thefe fanguinary proceedings. 
 At length however an adt palled, impower- 
 ing the clergy to the extent of their deiires : 
 yet it paffed not but with the utmofl: ftretch 
 of the king s authority. By this adt the civil 
 power was obliged to affiil in the execution 
 of ecclefiaftical fentences. Mr. Fox indeed 
 tells us, that he cannot find, it ever did pafs 
 the commons ; but fuppofes, that as parlia- 
 mentary affairs were then managed v.ith lit- 
 tle regularity, it was huddled in among other 
 ads, and figned by the king without further 
 notice. 
 
 That wicked and ambitious men fliould 
 wade through blood to fupport either civil or 
 ecclefiaftical tyranny, is too common a fight 
 to be matter of furprize. But that any fet 
 of men fhould fo far pervert their notions of 
 right and wrong, as calmly to believe, that 
 
 a few
 
 LORD COB HAM. 109 
 
 a few erroneous opinions could make a man 
 in the higheft degree criminal, however ex- 
 cellent his life might be, is a thing altogether 
 amazing. And yet charity obligeth us to 
 believe, that many of the popifh perfecutors 
 of thofe times were thus perfuaded. *' The 
 *' difciples of Wicliff, (faysReinher, a popifh 
 *^ writer, are men of a ferious, modeft de- 
 *' portment, avoiding all often tation in drefs, 
 ** mixing litde v^ith thebufy world, and com- 
 " plaining of the debauchery of mankind. 
 *^ They maintain themfelves wholly, (fays 
 " he,) by their own labour, and utterly 
 *' defpife wealth: being fully content w^ith 
 *' bare neceffaries. They are chafte, and 
 *' temperate 3 are never feen in taverns, or 
 ** amufed by the trifling gaieties of life. 
 *' Yet you find them always employed, 
 *' either learning, or teaching. They are 
 " concife, and devout in their prayers, 
 *' blaming an unanimated prolixity. They 
 *' never fwear^ fpeak little; and in their 
 " public preaching lay the chief ftrefs on 
 ** charity.'' All thefe things this writer 
 mentions, with great fimplicity, not as the 
 marks of a virtuous condud:, but as the 
 figns of herefy. — A ftriking inftance this. 
 
 among
 
 no THE LIFE OF 
 
 among many others that might be produced 
 from thole times, of the little regard paid 
 to morals, in comparilon of opinions and 
 outward obfervances. 
 
 Notwithftanding Henry's determination, 
 at any rate, to keep the clergy in good hu- 
 mour, he does not feem to have difcovered 
 any change towards lord Cobham, who was 
 indeed one of the principal ornaments of 
 his court. 
 
 In the year 1407, the king had an op- 
 portunity of giving him a publick teftimcny 
 of his regard. 
 
 France was at this time a fcene of great 
 difcrder, through the competition of the 
 Orlean and Burgundian faftions. Henry 
 remembring that the French had more than 
 once infulted him, while he was in no con- 
 dition to oppofe them, refolved, in the fpi- 
 rit of retaliation, to avail himfelf of thefe 
 troubles by affifting one of the contending 
 parties. After balancing fome time, he 
 thought it befl to join the duke of Burgundy. 
 He raifed an army therefore with all fpeed, 
 and giving the command of it to the earl of: 
 Arundel, and lord Cobham, tranfported it 
 into France. Lord Cobham, it fcems, was 
 
 not
 
 LORD COBHAM. m 
 
 not fo thorough a difciple of WiclifF, as to 
 imbibe his opinions without referve. He 
 had been bred to the prof effion of arms, and 
 could not entirely reconcile himfelf to the 
 peaceable tenets of his mafter. Perhaps, 
 like many other cafuifls, he indulged a fa- 
 vourite point, and found arguments to make 
 that indulgence lawful. 
 
 The Englifh army found the duke of 
 Orleans befieging Paris, which was attached 
 to the Burgundian intereft. The relief there- 
 fore of this city the Burgundian had greatly 
 at heart. He communicated his views to 
 the Englifh generals, who readily came into 
 them. A bold pufh was accordingly made: 
 the enemies lines were pierced 5 and the duke 
 entered Paris at the head of his vidlorious 
 army. This gallant aftion, in which the 
 Englifh had a principal fhare, put an end to 
 the conteft for this time. Orleans drew off 
 his men ; and waited for a more favourable 
 opportunity of renewing the war. 
 
 Henry IV. died in the year 141-^; in 
 whom the clergy lofl all their hopes. His 
 fucceflbr was a diffolute prince, carelefs even 
 of appearances — without queflion therefore 
 unconcerned about religion. Had heaven 
 
 granted
 
 112 THE LIFE OF 
 
 granted a few years more to his father's life, 
 the church had been eftabiiflied on a folid 
 bafis. But now all was at an end. — Such 
 were the fears and defponding murmurs of 
 the clergy. But their hopes immediately re- 
 vived. Henry V. was a perfon wholly dif- 
 ferent from the prince of Wales. He dif- 
 mifled the companions of his loofer hours ; 
 and with them his debauchery. No fenti- 
 ments, butv/hat were noble, great, and ge- 
 nerous had any fway with him. And what 
 v;as very remarkable, among his virtues, 
 piety was confpicuous. This the clergy pre- 
 fently obferved ; and refolved to turn it to 
 their own advantage. 
 
 Thomas Arundel was, at this time, arch- 
 bifhop of Canterbury; and prefided over the 
 church of England with as much zeal, and 
 bigotry, as any of his predeceflbrs. By his 
 councils the convocation, which affembled 
 in the firft year of the new king, were di- 
 redled. The growth of herefy was the fub- 
 jedt of their debate, and the defl:ru<5i:ion of 
 the lord Cobham the chief objedl which the 
 archbifliop had in view. It was an under- 
 taking however, which required caution. 
 The lord Cobham was a perfon in favour 
 
 with
 
 LORD COBHAM. 113 
 
 with the people ; and, what v/as more, in 
 favour with his prince. At prefent there- 
 fore the primate latisfied himfelf with found- 
 ing the king's fentiments, by requefting an 
 order from his majefty to fend commiffioners 
 to Oxford, to enquire into the growth of 
 herefy. To this requell the king made no 
 objedlion. 
 
 Oxford was the feat of herefy. Here the 
 memory of WicHfF was flill gratefully pre- 
 ferved. His learning, his eloquence, his la- 
 bours, and noble fortitude were yet the ob- 
 jects of admiration. His tenets had fpread 
 widely among the junior ftudents, whole in- 
 genuity rendered them more open to con- 
 viffion. Nor indeed was it an uncommon, 
 thing to hear his opinions publicly maintained 
 even in the fchools. The governing part of 
 the univeriity were however ftill firmly at- 
 tached to the eftablifhed religion. 
 
 The commiffioners were refpedlfuUy re- 
 ceived 3 and having made their enquiry, re- 
 turned with the particulars of it to the arch- 
 bilhop, who laid them before the convoca- 
 tion. Long debates enfued — the refult was, 
 that the increafe of herefy was particularly 
 owing to the influence olf the lord Cobham, 
 H who
 
 IT4 THE LIFE OF 
 
 who not only avowedly held heretical opi- 
 nions himfelf ; but encouraged fcholars from 
 Oxford, and other places, by bountiful fti- 
 pends, to propagate thofe opinions in the 
 country. In the end, it was determined, 
 that without delay a profecution fhould be 
 commenced againft him. 
 
 Into this hafty meafure the convocation 
 had certainly run, had not a cool head among 
 them fuggefted, that as the lord Cobham was 
 not only a favourite, but even a domeftic at 
 court, it would be highly improper to proceed 
 farther in this bufinefs^ till application had 
 been made to the king. This advice pre- 
 vailed: the archbifhop, at the head of a large 
 proceffion of dignified ecclefiaftics, waited 
 upon Henry ; and with as much acrimony as 
 decency would admit, laid before him the 
 offence of his fervant the lord Cobham, and 
 begged his majefty would fuffer them, for 
 Chrifl:*s fake, to put him to death. 
 
 Some hiflorians have charged this prince 
 with cruelty. In this inftance at leafl he 
 fliewed lenity. He told the archbifhop, he 
 had ever been averfe from ftedding blood in 
 the caufe of religion; fuch violence he 
 thought more deftrudive of truth than error. 
 
 He
 
 LORD COBHAM. 115 
 
 He enjoined the convocation therefore, to 
 poftpone the affair a few days ; in which time 
 he would himfelf reafon with the lord Cob- 
 ham, whofe behaviour he by no means ap- 
 proved; and if this were ineffedtual, he 
 would then leave him to the cenfure of the 
 church. 
 
 With this anfwer the primate was fatisiied; 
 and the king fending for the lord Cobham, 
 endeavoured by all the arguments in his 
 power, to fet before him the high offence 
 of feparating from the church ; and pathe- 
 tically exhorted him to retract his errors. 
 Lord Cobham's anfwer is upon record. " I 
 " ever was, (faid he,) a dutiful fubjedl to 
 " your majefty, and I hope ever will be. 
 ^' Next to God, I profefs obedience to my 
 " king. But as for the fpiritual dominion of 
 *^ the pope, I never could fee on v/hat foun- 
 '^ dation it is claimed, nor can I pay him any 
 " obedience. As fure as God's word is true, 
 *' to me it is fully evident, that he is the great 
 " antichrift foretold in holy writ." 
 
 This anfwer of the lord Cobham fo ex- 
 ceedingly fhocked the king, that turning 
 away in vifible difpleafure, he withdrew from 
 H 2 that
 
 ii6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that time, every mark of his favour from 
 him. 
 
 The archbifhop, thus triumphant, im- 
 mediately cited the lord Cobham to appear 
 before him on a fixed day : but that high- 
 foirited nobleman, expreffing great contempt 
 f>.)r the archbiihop's citation, w^ould not even 
 fufler his fummoner (as he is called) to enter 
 his gate. Upon this the archbifhop fixed the 
 citation upon the doors of the cathedral of 
 Rochefter, which was only three miles from 
 Cowling-caftle, the lord Cobham*s leat; but 
 it w^as immediately torn av/ay by unknov/n 
 hands. 
 
 The day appointed for his appearance was 
 the nth of September, on which day the 
 primate, and his afTociates, fat in confiftory. 
 The accufed party not appearing, the arch- 
 biQiop pronounced him contumacious ^ and 
 after receiving a very exaggerated charge 
 againft him, which he did not examine, he 
 excommunicated him without further cere- 
 mony. Having proceeded thus far, he armed 
 himfelf with the terrors of the nev/ law, and 
 . threatning direful anathem^as, called in the 
 civil power to affift him. 
 
 Now
 
 LORD COBHAM. 117 
 
 Now firft the lord Cobham thought him- 
 felf in danger. He faw the ftorm approach- 
 ing in all its horrors; and in vain looked 
 round for Ihelter. Aided as the clergy were 
 by the civil power, he knev/ it would be 
 fcarce poffible to ward off the meditated 
 blow. Still however he had hope that the 
 king's favour was not wholly alienated from 
 him. At leafl he thought it of importance 
 to make the trial. He put in writing there- 
 fore a confeffion of his faith; and with this 
 in his hand, waited upon the king; begging 
 his majefly to be the judge himfdlf^ whether 
 he had defcrved the rough treatment he had 
 found. 
 
 In this confeffion he firft recites the apoflles 
 creed; then, by way of explanation, he pro- 
 feffes his belief in the trinity, and acknow- 
 ledges Chrlft as the only head of the church, 
 which he divides into the blelTed in heaven, 
 thofe who are tormented in purgatory, (if, 
 fays he, there is foundation in fcripture for 
 any fuch place) and the righteous on earth. 
 He then profeffes to believe, that in the fa- 
 crament of the Lord's fupper are contained 
 Chrift's body and blood under the fimilitude 
 of bread and wine. '' Finally, (fays he,) 
 H 3 l[ my
 
 ii8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 '^ my faith is, that God will afk no more of 
 " a Chriftian in this life, than to obey the 
 *' precepts of his bleffed law. If any pre- 
 ** late of the church requireth more, or any 
 ** other kind of obedience, he contemneth 
 *^ Chrift, exalteth himfelf above God, and 
 " becometh plainly antichrift." 
 
 This confeffion the lord Cobham offered 
 to the king in the manner as hath been men- 
 tioned. The king coldly ordered it to be 
 given to the archbifliop. Lord Cobham then 
 offered to bring an hundred knights, v/ho 
 would bear teftimony to the innocence of 
 his life, and of his opinions. The king be- 
 ing filent, he aflumed a higher flrain, and 
 begged his majefty would permit him, as 
 was ufual in lefs matters, to vindicate his 
 innocence by the law of arms. The king 
 continued filent. 
 
 At this inftant a perfon entered the cham- 
 ber, and in the king's prefence cited lord 
 Cobham to appear before the archbifhop. 
 It is probable this was a concerted bufinefs. 
 Startled at the fuddennefs of the thing, the 
 lord Cobham made his laft effbrt. " Since 
 '' I can have, (faid he) no other juftice, I 
 '"' appeal to the pope at Rome.'* The king 
 
 firing
 
 LORD COB HAM. 119 
 
 firing at this, cried out with vehemence, 
 " Thou fhalt never profecute thy appeal/, 
 and lord Cobham refuiing to fubmit im- 
 plicitly to the cenfure of the church, was 
 immediately hurried to the tower by the 
 king's exprefs order. 
 
 There is fomething uncommonly ftrange 
 in the account here given us of lord Cob- 
 ham's appeal to the pope, whofe fupremacy 
 he had ever denyed. No confiftent reafon 
 can be affigned for it. As to the fadl how- 
 ever, we have only its improbability to al- 
 ledge againft it. 
 
 On the 23d of September the primate, 
 fitting in the chapter-houfe of Paul's, afiiiled 
 by the bifliops of London and Winchefter^ 
 lord Cobham was brought before him by Sir 
 Robert Morley, lieutenant of the tower. 
 
 The archbifhop firfl: broke filence. " Sir, 
 " (faid he,) it was fufficiently proved in a late 
 *' feffion of convocation, that you held many 
 *' heretical opinions; upon which, agreeable 
 " to our forms, you were cited to appear 
 " before us; and refufing, you have been, 
 *' for contumacy, excommunicated. Had 
 *' you m^ade proper fubmiffions, I was then 
 " ready to have abfolved you, and am now." 
 H 4 Lord
 
 120 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Lord Cobham, taking no notice of tlic 
 offer of abfolution, only faid in anfwer, that 
 if his lordihip would give him leave, he 
 would juil read his opinion on thofe article?, 
 about which he fappofed he was called in 
 queftion ; that any farther examination on 
 thofe points was needlefs, for he was en- 
 tirely fixed, and fhould not be found to 
 waver. 
 
 Leave being given, he read a paper, which 
 contained his opinion on four points, the 
 facrament of the Lord's funper, penance, 
 images, and pilgrimages. 
 
 With regard to the firfl: point, he held, as 
 hath been already mentioned, that Chrift's 
 body was really contained under the form of 
 bread. — With regard to the fecond, he 
 thought penance for fin, as a fign of con- 
 trition, was ufeful and proper. — With re- 
 gard to images, he thought them only allow- 
 able to remind men of heavenly things; and 
 that he who really paid divine worlhip to 
 them, was an idolater. — With regard to the 
 laft point, he faid that all men were pilgrims 
 upon earth towards happinefs or mifery -, but 
 that as to pilgrimages undertaken to the 
 
 fhrines
 
 LORD COBHAM. 121 
 
 iiirines of faints, they were frivolous, he 
 thought, and ridiculous. 
 
 Having read this paper, he deUvered it to 
 the archbifliop ; who having examined it, 
 told him, that what it contained was in part 
 truly orthodox ; but that in other parts he 
 was not fufficiently explicit. There were 
 other points, the primate faid, on which it 
 was expedted he fhould give his opinion. 
 
 Lord Cobham refufed to make any other 
 anfwer^ telling the archbifhop, he was fixed 
 in his opinions. '' You fee me, (added he,) 
 " in your hands ; and may do with me what 
 " you pleafe." 
 
 This refolution, which he perfifted in, 
 difconcerted the bifliops. After a confulta- 
 tion among themfelves, the primate told 
 him, that on all thefe points holy church 
 had determined ; by which determination 
 all Chriftians ought to abide. He added, 
 that for the prefent he would difmifs him, 
 but fhould expedt a more explicit anfwer on 
 the monday following j and that in the mean 
 time he would fend him, as a diredion to 
 his faith, the determination of the church 
 upon thofe points, on which his opinion 
 would be particularly required. 
 
 The
 
 122 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The next day he fent the following paper 5 
 which, as it will fliew the groffnefs of feme 
 of the opinions of the church at that time, 
 the reader fhall have in its own language. 
 
 The determination of the archbifliop, 
 and the clergy. 
 
 " The faith and determination of the holy 
 " church touching the blifsful facrament 
 *' of the altar, is this, that after the facra- 
 *^ mental words be once fpoken, the mate- 
 " rial bread, that v/as before bread, is turned 
 " into Chrift's very body : and the material 
 *' wine, that was before wine, is turned into 
 *' Chrift's very blood. And fo there re- 
 " maineth, from thenceforth, no material 
 ** bread, nor material wine, which were 
 *' there before the ficramental words were 
 *' fpoken. — Holy church hath determined, 
 " that every Chriffian man ought to be 
 *' fhrivcn to a prieft, ordained by the church, 
 ** if he may come to him. — Chrifl ordain- 
 *' ed St. Peter the apoftle, to be his vicar here 
 *' on earth, v/hofe fee is the holy church of 
 '' Rome ; and he granted, that the fame 
 '- povv er, which he gave unto Peter, fliould 
 
 '^ fucceed
 
 LORD COB HAM. 123 
 
 «' fucceed to all Peter's fucceflbrs, which v/e 
 " call now popes of Rome ; by whofe power 
 " he ordained, in particular churches arch- 
 " biiliops, bifhops, parfons, curates, and 
 *' other degrees; whom Chriftian men ought 
 '^ to obey after the laws of the church of 
 *' Rome. This is the determination of holy 
 *^ church. — Holy church hath determined, 
 ^* that it is meritorious to a Chriftian man to 
 *^ go on a pilgrimage to holy places ; and 
 ** there to worfliip holy reliques, and images 
 *' of faints, apoftles, martyrs, and confelfors, 
 *' approved by the church of Rome." 
 
 On the day appointed the archbifhop ap- 
 peared in court, attended by three bifhops, 
 and four heads of religious houfes. As if 
 he had been apprehenfive of popular tumult, 
 he removed his judicial chair from the cathe- 
 dral of Paul's, to a more private place in a 
 dominican convent; and had the area croud- 
 ed with a numerous throng of friars and 
 monks, as well as feculars. 
 
 Amidft the contemptuous looks of thefe 
 ; fiery zealots, lord Cobham, attended by the 
 lieutenant of the tower, walked up un- 
 daunted to the place of hearing. 
 
 With
 
 124 THE LIFE OF 
 
 With an appearance of great mildnefs the 
 archbiiiiop accolled him -, and having cur- 
 forily run over v/hat had hitherto palled in 
 the procefs, told him, he expeded^ at their 
 laft meeting, to have found him fuing for 
 ■ abfolution 3 but that the door of reconcilia- 
 tion was ftill open, if refledion had yet 
 brought him to himfelf, 
 
 ^< 1 have trefpafled againft you in nothing, 
 ** faid the high-fpirited nobleman : I have 
 *' no need of your abfolution." 
 
 Then kneeling dovv^n, and lifting up his 
 hands to heaven, he broke out into this pa- 
 thetic exclamation. 
 
 *' I confefs myfelf here before thee, O 
 *' almighty God, to have been a grievous 
 ^^ finner. How often have ungoverned 
 " pafTions mifled my youth ! How often 
 ^' have I been drawn int j fin by the tempta- 
 ** tions of the world. — Here abfolution is 
 *' wanted. — O my God, I humbly aili thy 
 *^ mercy." 
 
 Then rifing up, with tears in his eyes, 
 and ftrongly aifeded with what he had juft 
 uttered, he turned to the afiembly, and 
 ftretching out his arm^ cryed out with a 
 
 loud
 
 LORD COB HAM. 125 
 loud voice; *^ Lo ! thefe are your guides, 
 *^ good people. For the mod flagrant 
 '' tranfgreffions of God's moral law was I 
 *^ never once called in queftion by them. I 
 '^ have exprefled fome dillike to their arbi- 
 *^ trary appointments and traditions, and I 
 *' am treated with unparallel'd feverity. 
 " But let them remember the denunciations 
 '' of Chrift againft the Pharifees ; all (liall 
 " be fulfilled." 
 
 The grandeur and dignity of his manner, 
 and the vehemence with which he fpoke, 
 threw the court into lome contufion. The 
 archbl&op however attempted an awkward 
 apology for his treatment of him : and then 
 turning fuddenly to him, afked, what he 
 thought of the paper, that had been fent 
 to him the day before ? and particularly, 
 what he thought of the firfl article, with 
 regard to the holy facrament ? 
 
 " With regard to the holy facrament, 
 *' (anfwered lord Cobham,) my faith is, that 
 *' Chrift fitting with his difciples, the night 
 *' before he fuflfered, took bread 3 and blef- 
 " fing it, brake it, and gave it to them, 
 '' faying, Take, eat, this is my body, which 
 t^ was given for you : do this in remem- 
 
 " brance
 
 126 THE LIFE OF 
 
 " brance of me. — This is my faith, iir, 
 " with regard to the holy facrament. I am 
 " taught this faith by Matthew, Mark, 
 *' Luke, and Paul." 
 
 The archbifhop then afked him, " Whe- 
 ther, after the words of confecration, he 
 believed there remained any material bread r" 
 
 The fcriptures, faid he, make no mention 
 
 of the word mate?"! ah I believe, as was ex- 
 
 preffed in the paper I gave in, that, after 
 
 confecration, Ch rift's body remains in the 
 
 form of bread. 
 
 Upon this a loud murmur arofe in the 
 affembly; and the words "Herefy, herefy," 
 were heard from every part. One of the 
 bifhops efpecially crying out with more than 
 ordinary vehemence, " That it was a foul 
 " herefy to call it bread ;" lord Cobham, 
 who flood near, interrupting him, faid, 
 " St. Paul, the apoffle, was as wife a man 
 " as you are, and perhaps as good aChriflian ; 
 '' and yet he, after the words of confecra- 
 *' tlon, plainly calls it bread. The bread, 
 " faith he, that we break, is it not the com- 
 " munion of the body of Chrift ? St. Paul, 
 '* he was anfwered, muft be otherwife un- 
 " derftood 3 for it was furelv herefy to fay 
 
 ^^ fo;*
 
 LORD COBHAM. 127 
 
 ^^ fo." — Lord Cobham alked, " How that 
 *^ appeared ?'* — '' Why, faid the other, it is 
 " againft the determination of holy church." 
 — '' You know, fir, interrupted the arch- 
 ^' bifhop, we fent you the true faith on this 
 " point, clearly determined by the church, 
 " and holy dodtors." — " I know none holier, 
 *^ replied lord Cobham, than Chrift and his 
 " apoftles 3 and this determination is furely 
 " none of theirs. It is plainly againft fcrip- 
 *' ture/' — Do you not then beheve in the 
 " determination of the church ? — '' I do 
 *' not. I believe the fcriptures j and all that 
 *' is founded upon them : but in your idle 
 '' determinations I have no belief. To be 
 " fhort with you, I cannot confider the 
 " church of Rome as any part of the 
 " Chriftian church. Its endeavour is to 
 " oppofe the purity of the gofpel, and to 
 '' fet up, in its room, I know not what ab- 
 ^' furd conftitutions of its own." 
 
 This free declaration threw the whole 
 iffembly into great diforder. Every one 
 exclaimed againft the audacious heretic. 
 Among others, the prior of the Carmelites, 
 lifting up his eyes to heaven, cried out, 
 
 '' What
 
 128 THE LIFE OF 
 
 *' What defperate wr-etches are thefe fcholars 
 y of Wicliff ?" 
 
 " Before God and man, (anfwered lord 
 " Cobham, with vehemence,) I here profels, 
 " that before I knew WiclifF, I never ab- 
 •* ftained from fin; but after I was acquainted 
 '* with that virtuous man, I faw my errors, 
 " and I hope reformed them." 
 
 " It were an hard thing, replied the prior 
 *' if in an age fo liberally fupplied with pious 
 " and learned men, I fliould not be able to 
 '^ amend my life, till I heard the devil 
 *^ preach." 
 
 " Go on, go on, (anfwered lord Cobham 
 *f with fome warmth ;) follow the fleps of 
 *' your fathers, the old Pharifees. Afcribe, 
 " like them, every thing good to the devil, 
 " that oppofes your own iniquities. Pro- 
 " nounce them heretics, who rebuke your 
 *' crimes: and if you cannot prove them fuch 
 " by fcripture, call in the fathers. — Am I 
 " too fevere ? Let your own adions fpeak. 
 " What warrant have you from fcripture for 
 ** this very adl you are now about ? Where 
 " do you find it written in all God's lav/, 
 ** that you may thus fit in judgment upon 
 
 '' the 
 
 J
 
 LORD COBHAM. 129 
 
 '* the life of man ? — Hold — Annas and 
 *^ Caiphas may perhaps be quoted in your 
 *' favour.'* 
 
 " Ay, (faid one of the dodtors,) and Chrift 
 " too, for he judged Judas." 
 
 " I never heard that he did, (faid lord 
 ** Cobham.) He pronounced indeed a woo 
 *' againfl him, as he doth ftill againft you, 
 " v^ho have followed Judas's fteps : for fince 
 " his venom hath been flied in the church, 
 " you have vilely betrayed the caufe of real 
 " Chriftianity." 
 
 The archbifhop defired him to explain 
 what he meant by venom ? 
 
 *• I mean by it, (faid lord Cobham,) the 
 " wealth of the church. When the church 
 " was firft endowed, (as an author of your 
 " own pathetically exprefles it) an angel in 
 ** the air, cryed out, woe, woe, woe: This 
 *^ day is venom (hed into the church of God, 
 " Since that time, inftead of laying down 
 '* their lives for religion, as was common in 
 *' the early ages, the bi(hops of Rome have 
 ** been engaged in a conflant fcene of per- 
 ** fecution, or in curfing, murdering, poifon- 
 " ing, or fighting with each other. — Where 
 *^ is now the meeknefs of Chrift, his tcn- 
 I " dernefs.
 
 I30 THE LIFE OF 
 
 *' dernefs, and indulgent gentlenefs ? not in 
 ** Rome certainly." 
 
 Then raifing his voice, he cried out, 
 " Thus faith Chrift in his gofpel, woe unto 
 *' you, fcribes, and pharifees, hypocrites, 
 *' you fhut up the kingdom of heaven againft 
 " men : you neither enter in yourfelves, 
 ** neither w^ill you fuffer thofe to enter, who 
 *^ otherwife would. You ftop the way by 
 *^ your traditions: you hinder God*s true 
 " minifters fromfetting the truth before the 
 *• people. But let the prieft be ever fo 
 *' wicked, if he defend your tyranny, hels 
 '^ fufFered." 
 
 Then looking ftedfaftly upon the arch- 
 bifliop, after a fhort paufe, he faid, " Both 
 *' Daniel, and Chrift have prophefied, that 
 " troublefome times fhould come, fuch as 
 " had not been from the foundation of the 
 *' world. — This prophefy feems in a great 
 *' meafure fulfilled in the prefent ftate of the 
 " church. — You have greatly troubled the 
 " people of God : you have already dipped 
 " your hands in blood ; and, if I forefee 
 " aright, will ftill farther embrue them. But 
 ^' there is a threat on record againft you : 
 '* therefore look to it : your days fliall be 
 
 *• fhortened.
 
 LORD COBHAM, 131 
 
 " fliortencd. — For the eledls fake your days 
 *' ihall be fhortcned." 
 
 The very great fplrit, and refolution with 
 which lordCobham behaved on this occafion, 
 together with the quicknefs and pertinence 
 of his anfwers, Mr. Fox tells us, fo amazed 
 his adverfaries, that they had nothing to re- 
 ply. The archbifliop was filent. The whole 
 court was at a ftand. 
 
 At iaft one of the dodlors, taking a copy 
 of the paper which had been fent to the 
 tower, and turning to lord Cobham, told 
 him. That the defign of their prefent meet- 
 ing was not to fpend the time in idle alterca- 
 tion 'y but to come to fome conclulion. " We 
 *' only, (faid he,) defire to know your opi- 
 " nion upon the points contained in this 
 " paper." He then defired a direcft anfwer, 
 whether, after the words of confecration, 
 there remained any material bread. ? 
 
 " I have told you, ^anfwered lord Cob- 
 *' ham,) my belief is, that Chrift's body is 
 *^ contained under the form of bread." 
 
 He was again aflced, whether he thought 
 confeffion to a pried of abfolute neceffity ? 
 
 He faid, he thought it might be in many 
 cafes ufeful to aik the opinion of a prieft, if 
 la he
 
 132 THE LIFE OF 
 
 he were a learned and pious man ; but he 
 thought it by no means neceffary to falva- 
 tlon. 
 
 He was'then queftioned about the pope's 
 right to St. Peter's chair. 
 
 '' He that followeth Peter the nigheft in 
 *' good Hving, (he anfvvered,) is next him 
 «* in fucceffion. You talk, faid he, of Peter; 
 '^ but I fee none of you that followeth his 
 " lowly manners -, nor indeed the manners 
 " of his fucceflbrs, till the time of Syl- 
 *' vefter.'* 
 
 " But what do you affirm of the pope r"* 
 
 '' That he and you together, (replied lord 
 " Cobham,) make whole the great antichrifl. 
 ^' He is the head, you bifliops and priefts are 
 *' the body, and the begging friers are the 
 " tail, that covers the iilthinefs of you both 
 " with lies and fophiftry." 
 
 He was laftly afked, what he thought of 
 the worihip of images and holy relidls ? 
 
 *' I pay them, (anfwered lord Cobham,) no 
 '- manner of regard. — Is it not, faid he, a 
 " wonderful thing, that thefe faints, fo dif- 
 " interefted upon earth, fhould after death 
 " become fuddenly fo covetous ? — It would 
 
 " indeed
 
 LORD COBHAM. 133 
 
 <' indeed be wonderful, did not the pleafure- 
 '' able lives of priefts account for it." 
 
 Having thus anfwered the four articles, the 
 archbifhop told him, that, he found lenity 
 was indulged to no purpofe. *' The day, 
 *' (fays he) is wearing apace : we mufl come 
 " to fome conclufion. Take your choice of 
 " this alternative -, fubmit obediently to the 
 " orders of the church, or endure the con- 
 " fequence." 
 
 *' My faith is fixed, (anfwered lord Cob- 
 " ham aloud) do with me what you pleafe/' 
 
 The archbifliop then ftanding up, and 
 taking off his cap, pronounced aloud the 
 cenfure of the church. 
 
 Lord Cobham, with great chearfulnefs, 
 anfwered, " You may condemn my body : 
 '^ my foul, I am well aflured, you cannot 
 *' hurt." — Then turning to the people, and 
 ftretching out his hands, he cryed out with 
 a loud voice, '^ Good Chriflian people, for 
 '^ God's fake be well aware of thefe men ; 
 ** they will other wife beguile you, and lead 
 " you to deftrudion.'' Having faid this, he 
 fell on his knees, and, raifmg his hands, and 
 eyes, begged God to forgive his enemies. 
 
 I 3 He
 
 134 THE LIFE OF 
 
 He was then delivered to Sir Robert 
 Morley, and fent back to the tower. 
 
 Thele proceedings of the clergy were 
 very unpopular. Few men were generally J 
 more efteemed than lord Cobham. His J 
 great virtues would have gained him refped:, ] 
 had his opinions been difreputable. But the J 
 tenets ot WiclifF had, at this time, many ■ 
 advocates. The clergy therefore were in \ 
 fome degree perplexed. They faw the bad ; 
 confequences of going farther, but faw worfe ; 
 confequences in receding. What feemed ', 
 beft, and was indeed moft agreeable to the } 
 genius of popery, was, to endeavour to 
 leffen his credit among the people. With 
 this view many fcandalous afperfions were 
 fpread abroad by their emiffaries. Mr. Fox 
 tells us, they fcrupled not even to publifh a 
 recantation in his name ; and gives us a copy 
 of it. Lord Cobham, in his own defence, , 
 had the following paper pofled up in fome ■ 
 of the m.oft public places in London. 
 
 " Forafmuch as fir John Oldcaftle, lord 
 ** Cobham, is untruly convided, and im- 
 " prifoned, falfely reported of, andflandered 
 " among the common people by his adver- 
 
 *' faries.
 
 LORD COBHAM. 135 
 
 ^' faries, that he fhould otherwife fpeak of 
 " the facraments of the church, and efpe- 
 " cially of the blefled facrament of the altar, 
 *' than was written in the confeflion of his 
 " belief; known be it here to all the world, 
 " that he hath never fince varied in any point 
 " therefrom, but this is plainly his belief* 
 *^ that all the facraments of the church be 
 *^ profitable, and expedient alfo to all, taking 
 *' them after the intent that Chrift and his 
 " true church hath ordained. Furthermore 
 *' hebelieveth, that the bleffed facrament of 
 *' the altar, is verily and truly Chrift's body 
 " in the form of bread." 
 
 Some months had now elapfed, fince lord 
 Cobham had been condemned : nor did the 
 primate and his clergy feem to have come to 
 any refolution. They thought it imprudent 
 yet to proceed to extremities. 
 
 Out of this perplexity, their prifoner him- 
 felf extricated them. By unknown means 
 he efcaped out of the tower, and taking the 
 advantage of a dark night, evaded purfuit, 
 and arrived fafe in Wales ; where, under the 
 proted:ion of fome of the chiefs of the 
 country, he fecured himfelf againfl: the at- 
 tempts of his enemies. 
 
 I 4 This,
 
 136 THE LIFE OF 
 
 This, it may eafily be imagined, was a 
 fenfible mortification to the clergy; and 
 great pains were taken to perfuade the king 
 to iffue a proclamation againft him. But the 
 king, w^ho probably thought, that enough 
 had been done already, paid only little at- 
 tention to what was urged -, and fhewed no 
 inclination to afford his countenance in ap- 
 prehending him. 
 
 This was fcill agreater mortification. They 
 remembred the wicked attempts made againft 
 them by the commons in the laft reign ; and 
 dreaded the revival of them. The leaft 
 coolnefs in the king, they knew, would be 
 a fignal to their enemies : and it was the part 
 of prudence, to fpare no pains in alienating 
 him from the Lollards. 
 
 Jealoufy, the natui-al companion of ufurp- 
 ed power, v;as the ruling foible of the houfe 
 of Lancafter. This the clergy had obferved ; 
 and thought they could not do better than to 
 reprefent the Lollards as ill-inclined to the 
 government. The king lent an ear to their 
 whifpers, and began to eye thefe unfortunate 
 men v/ith that caution, v/ith which he guard- 
 
 ed againft his greateft enemies. 
 
 Among
 
 LORD COBHAM. 137 
 
 Among other inftances of the zeal of the 
 :lergy in propagating calumny, the follovv- 
 ng ftory, attended by very extraordinary 
 :ircumftances, is related. 
 
 The bifhops had lately obtained a procla- 
 [Tiation, forbidding the Lollards to affemble 
 n companies; which they had commonly 
 ione for the fake of devotion. The pro- 
 :lamation had in part only its efted:: they 
 [till continued to affemble; but in lefs com- 
 panies, more privately; and often in the dead 
 of night. St. Giles's fields, then a thicket, 
 was a place of frequent refort on thefe occa- 
 fions. Here about an hundred of them had 
 met one evening, with an intention, as was 
 Lifual, to continue their meeting to a very 
 [ate hour. Emiffaries, mixing with thera 
 jnder the difguife of friends, foon gave in* 
 :e]ligence of their defign. 
 
 The king was then at Eltham, a few miles 
 From London. As he was fitting down to 
 rupper, advice was brought him, that the 
 lord Cobham, at the head of 20,000 men, 
 iiad taken poft in St. Giles's fields, breath- 
 ing revenge, and threatening to murder the 
 king, the princes of the blood, and all the 
 
 lords.
 
 138 THE LIFE OF 
 
 lords, fpirltual, and temporal, who fhould 
 oppofe him. 
 
 The king, not confidering how impro- 
 bable it waS;, that fuch an army could have 
 been gotten together without earlier notice -, 
 and having few about him to advife with, 
 confulted only the gallantry of his own tem- 
 per, and took a fudden refolution to arm 
 what men he could readily mufter, and put , 
 himfelf at their head 3 hoping to furprize the 
 rebels before they had concerted their 
 fchemes. Soon after midnight he arrived 
 upon the place, and fell with great fpirit 
 upon what he fuppofed the advanced guard 
 of the enemy. They were foon thrown into 
 confufion, and yielded an eafy vicflory. 
 About twenty were killed, and fixty taken; 
 the chief leader of whom was one Beverly, 
 a preacher. Flufhed with this fuccefs, the 
 king marched on towards the main body. 
 But no main body was found -, and this for- 
 midable army was difperfed as eafily as it had 
 been raifed. 
 
 This ftrange affair, we may imagine, is 
 differently related by different party-writers. 
 The popifh hiflorians talk of it, as of a real 
 
 confpiracy;
 
 LORD COBHAM. 139 
 
 confplracy; and exclaim loudly againfl tenets 
 which could encourage fuch crimes. Among 
 thefe the ingenious Mr. Hume has chofen to 
 lift himfelf J and on no better authority than 
 Walfingham, a mere bigot, hath without 
 any hefitation charged lord Cobam with 
 high-treafon. 
 
 On the other hand, the protcftant writers, 
 in general, treat the whole as a fidlion, and 
 cenfure their adverfaries with great acrimony 
 for fo malicious an afperfion. 
 
 The papifts, put to proof, alledge, that 
 arms were found upon the field 5 and that 
 many of the prifoners made open confeffion 
 of the wickednefs of their intentions. 
 
 As to arms, reply the proteftants, it is a 
 ftale trick to hide them on purpofe to ferve 
 an occafion by finding them : and as to con- 
 feflions, nothing is more common, than to 
 extort them from innocent perfons. Befides, 
 they might have been drawn from popifli 
 emifl"aries, mixing among the Wiclivites, 
 with the very intention of being brought to 
 confeflion. " In truth, (fays the judicious 
 " Rapin, reafoning upon this fad) it is hardly 
 "to be conceived, that a prince fo wife as 
 ^J Henry, could fuffer himfelf to be impofed 
 
 " upon
 
 I40 THELIFEOF 
 
 " upon by fo grofs a fidion. Had he found 
 " indeed, as he was made to believe, 20,000 
 *' men in arms in St. Giles's field, it might 
 " have created fufpicion j but that fourfcore, 
 *^ or an hundred men, among whom there 
 *^ was not a fingle perfon of rank, fhould 
 *^ have formed fuch a projedl, is extremely 
 " improbable. Befides, he himfelf knew 
 " fir John 01dcafl:le to be a man of fenfe -, 
 *^ and yet nothing could be more wild than 
 *^ the projed: fathered upon him^ a projed", 
 *' which it was fuppofed he was to execute 
 " with a handful of men, and yet he him- 
 *^ felf abfent, and no leader in his room." 
 " Befides, notwithfliandingtheflridleftfearch 
 *' made through the kingdom, to difcover 
 " the accomplices of this pretended confpi- 
 " racy, not a fingle perfon could be found,. 
 " befides thofe taken at St. Giles's. Laftly, 
 *' the principles of the Lollards were very 
 *' far from allowing fuch barbarities. It is 
 *' therefore more than probable, that the 
 *' accufation was forged to render the Lollards 
 *' odious to the king, with a view to obtain 
 " his licence for their profecution." 
 
 It would be tedious to fay all that might 
 be faid in defence gf Lord Cobham on this 
 
 occafion.
 
 LORD COB HAM. 14X 
 
 Dccafion. Mr. Fox, in the firft volume of 
 his ads and monuments, hath given us a 
 very laboured, and fatisfadlory vindication of 
 him. He examines firft the ftatutes and 
 authentic records, and afterwards the earlieft 
 hiftorians, from all which he draws a very 
 conclufive argument, that there was no con- 
 fpiracy intended. The title of Mr Fox's 
 trad is, A defence of loj'd Cobhatn againjl 
 Alanns Copiis. 
 
 As improbable however as this confpiracy 
 was, it was, for a time at leaft, entirely cre- 
 dited by the king, and fully anfwered the 
 defigns of the clergy. It thoroughly incenfed 
 Henry againft the Lollards ; and gave a very 
 fevere check to the whole party. As for lord 
 Cobham himfelf, the king was fo perfuaded 
 of his guilt, that through his influence, a 
 bill of attainder againft him paffed the com- 
 mons, as appears from an old parliamentary 
 record, preferved in the Britifli Mufeum. 
 And not fatisfied with this, Henry fet a price 
 of a thoufand marks upon his head 3 and 
 promifed a perpetual exemption from taxes 
 to any town, that ftiould fecure him. — This 
 affair happened in the year 14 14. 
 
 In
 
 142 THE LIFE OF 
 
 In a few months after, a parliament was 
 called at Leicefter. Hither the zeal of the 
 clergy followed the king. In purfuance of 
 their old fcheme of rendering the Lollards 
 fufpeded as enemies to the ftate, they had a 
 bill brought in, by which herefy fliould in- 
 cur the forfeitures of treafon. This bill like- 
 wife made thofe liable to the fame penalties, 
 who had broken prifon, after having been 
 convided of herefy, unlefs they rendered 
 themfelves again. This claufe was evidently 
 aimed at the lord Cobham. 
 
 To this bill the clergy forefaw a furious 
 oppofition from the Lollards, who bore no 
 inconfiderable fway in thehoufe. Great there- 
 fore was their furprize, when they found: 
 their bill pafled without any obftacle. Their ' 
 pulpits rang with the praifes of the parlia-- 
 ment^ and they congratulated each other* 
 upon the glorious profpedl of the church,,, 
 when every branch of the legiilature unitedl 
 in their endeavours to extirpate herefy. — •• 
 But the clergy were much deceived in theirr, 
 opinion of the commons, who afted in thisj 
 bufinefs with great addrcfs. 
 
 It had long been the favourite fcheme of 
 majority in the houfe, to ftrip the clergy off! 
 
 theinl
 
 LORD COBHAM. 143 
 
 their poffeflionss and in this majority many 
 were found, who were by no means inclined 
 to the opinions of VVichff. Theie men were 
 too much patriots to wifli their country en- 
 flaved by an oppreffive hierarchy 5 and faw 
 no way of efcaping fuch bondage, but by 
 wringing from the church that wealth, which 
 was the fource of its power. Friends to its 
 fpiritual jurifdidion, they cavilled only at its 
 temporal. 
 
 Full of thefe fentiments, the commons, 
 though twice foiled in the late reign, were 
 not difcouraged. Their difappointment put 
 them only upon a change of meafures. The 
 zeal which the reformers had fhewn in par- 
 liament againft the unbounded wealth of re- 
 ligious houfes, had heretofore furnilhed the 
 dergy with a pretence for clamouring, 
 " That all was virulence againft the church." 
 To this clamour the late king paid great re- 
 gard. The leading members therefore of 
 I this parhament refolved firft to exculpate 
 themfelves of the charge of hereiy- and 
 having done this, they imagined they might 
 ' with much greater facility, put their defigns 
 in execution : and on this principle they gave 
 way to the clergy in their late aft. 
 
 Their
 
 144 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Their intention vv'as not long a myflery. 
 In the midfl of the praifes beflowed upon 
 them; while the clergy were every where 
 extolling them as the wifeft, and moil re- 
 fpedable body of men that ever met toge- 
 ther, how were they thunderftruck, when 
 they heard, that thefe wife and refpedable 
 men, had almoft unanimoufly prefentcd a 
 petition to the king to feize the revenues of 
 the clergy? This was an unexpedled blow. 
 Something however was to be done, and 
 that inilantly. The king had difcovered no 
 marks of difpleafure at the petition; which 
 was a dreadful omen, 
 
 It was matter of joy to all good catholics, 
 that Flenry Chicheley was now archbifhop 
 of Canterbury. This prelate had fucceeded i 
 Arundel; and to the zeal of his predeceffor, 
 added a more artful addrefs in the manage- « 
 ment of affairs. Such addrefs was the prin-- 
 cipal thing, at that time, required in an arch-^ 
 bifhop of Canterbury. 
 
 Undaunted at the florm, this able pilot t 
 ftepped to the helm; and judging it advife-- 
 able to give up a part rather than hazard the: 
 whole, he went to the king; and with all! 
 humility hoped^ " His majefty did not mean 
 
 fo
 
 LORD COB HAM. 145 
 
 fo rafli a thing, as to put it out of the power 
 of his old friends to ferve him as they had 
 ever done: the clergy were his fure refuge 
 upon all occafions; and as a proof of their 
 zeal, they begged his majefty would accept 
 at their hands, a furrender of all the alien 
 priories; which being not fewer than an hun- 
 dred and ten, would very confiderably aug- 
 ment his revenues." Henry paufed, — and 
 confidering the noble facrifice they had offer- 
 ed^ and refleding upon the old maxim of 
 prudence, that a fecurity, though of lefs va- 
 lue, is better than a contingence; — and 
 withal, dreading the confequences of irri- 
 tating fo powerful a body, he accepted their 
 oiFer; and the clergy had once more the 
 plcafure to fee their arts counterbalance the 
 defigns of their enemies. 
 
 The archbiChop, however, not yet fufficl- 
 ently fccure, proceeded a ftep farther. He 
 obferved, from the times, a general inclina- 
 tion to a French war, and wanted thoroughly 
 ^0 embark his fovereign in fuch an enterprize ; 
 righdy judging, that fchemes abroad would 
 divert him from fchemes at home; and that 
 a war upon the continent would greatly in. 
 K duce
 
 146 THE LIFE OF 
 
 duce him to leave all quiet in his own 
 dominions. 
 
 Thas ref )1ved, he took an early opportu- 
 nity to addrefs the king in full parhament. 
 In a ftudied harangue he proved the claim, 
 which England had upon France, fince the 
 time of Edward III. The negle6t of that 
 claim, he faid, fince that period, had by no 
 means injured the right. He then launched 
 out into a florid encomium upon the virtues 
 of the king; and faid, the thunder of the 
 Enghih nation, which had fiept through two 
 reigns, w^as referved folely for his arm^ and 
 God would profper the noble undertaking. 
 He concluded with faying, that if his ma- 
 jefty fhould engage in this gallant enterprize, 
 he would undertake, that the clergy fhould 
 grant him a larger fubfidy than had been ever 
 granted to an Englifh king; and he doubted 
 not but the laity would follow their exam- 
 ple. 
 
 Many hiftorians have attributed the con- 
 queft of France to this fpeech. It is certain 
 however, it greatly tended to reconcile the 
 minds of men to this enterprize, and 
 cfFedually put a flop to the king's defigns 
 
 againft.
 
 LORD COBHAM. 147 
 
 againft the church — Such were the vile po- 
 litics of the clergy of thofe times ! 
 
 In the mean time lord Cobham, whofe 
 fpirit in parliament had given birth to all this 
 ferment, remained an exile in Wales, fl:iift- 
 ing frequently the fcene of his retreat. In 
 the fimple manners of that mountainous 
 country he found an afylum, which he judg- 
 ed it imprudent to exchange for one, which 
 might probably prove more hazardous be- 
 yond fea. 
 
 But the zeal of his enemies was not eafily 
 baffled. After many fruitlefs attempts, they 
 engaged the lord Powis in their intereft, a 
 very powerful perfon In thofe parts ^ and in 
 .whofe lands the lord Cobham was fuppofed 
 to lie concealed. 
 
 This nobleman working upon his tenants 
 by fuch motives, as the great have ever in 
 referve, had numbers foon upon the watch* 
 This vigilance the lord Cobham could not 
 efcape. in the midft of his fancied fecurity, 
 he was taken, carried to London in triumph, 
 and put into the hands of the archbifliop of 
 Canterbury. 
 
 Lord Cobham had now been four years in 
 
 Wales, but found his fufFerings had in no 
 
 K 2 degree
 
 148 THE LIFE OF 
 
 degree diminifhed the malice of his enemies. 
 On the contrary, it (hewed itfelf in flronger 
 colours. Thofe reftraints, under which the 
 clerc^y aded before, were now removed. 
 The fuperiority which they had obtained, 
 both in the parliament, and in the cabinet, 
 laid every murmur aileep 5 and they would 
 boaft, in the prophet's language, that not a 
 dogdurft move his tongue againft them. 
 
 Things being thus circumftanced, lord 
 Cobham, without any divination, forefaw 
 his fate. His fate indeed remained not long 
 in fufpence. With every inftance of bar- 
 barous infult, which enraged fuperftition 
 could invent, he was dragged to execution. 
 St. Giles's fields was the place appointed) 
 where both as a traitor, and a heretic, he 
 was hung up in chains alive upon a gallows; 
 and, fire being put under him, was burnt 
 to death. 
 
 Such was the unworthy fate of this no- 
 bleman; who, though every way qualified: 
 to be the ornament of his country, fell a 
 facrifice to unfeeling rage, and barbarous 
 fuperflition. 
 
 Lord Cobham had been much converfant 
 in the world; and had probably been en- 
 gaged,
 
 LORD COBHAM. 149 
 
 gs-.ged, in the early par." of his life, in the 
 licence of it. His religion however put a 
 thorough reftraint upon a difpofition, natu- 
 rally inclined to the allurements of pleafure. 
 He was a man of a very high fpirit, and 
 warm temper; neither of which his fuffer- 
 ings could fubdue. With very little tempo- 
 rizing he might have efcaped the indignities 
 he received from the clergy, who always 
 confidered him as an objedt beyond them : 
 but the greatnefs of his foul could not brook 
 conceffion. In all his examinations, and 
 through the whole of his behaviour, we fee 
 an authority and dignity in his manner, 
 which fpeak him the great man in all his 
 afflicflions. 
 
 He was a perfon of uncommon parts, and 
 very extenfive talents ; well qualified either 
 for the cabinet or the field. In converfation 
 he was remarkable for his ready and poignant 
 wit. 
 
 His acquirements were equal to his parts. 
 No fpecies of learning, which was at that 
 time in efteem, had efcaped his attention. 
 It was his thirft of knowledge indeed, which 
 firft brought him acquainted with the opini- 
 ons of Wicliff. The novelty of them en- 
 K 3 gaged
 
 150 THE LIFE OF &c. 
 
 gaged his curiofity. He examined them as 
 a philofophcr, and in the courfe of his ex- 
 amination became a Chriftian. 
 
 In a word, we cannot but confider lord 
 Cobham as having had a principal hand in 
 giving {lability to the opinions he embraced. 
 He fhewed the world, that religion was not 
 merely calculated for a cloifter, but might 
 be introduced into fafhionable life; and that 
 it was not below a gentleman to run the laft 
 hazard in its defence. 
 
 ^he end. 
 
 7bc
 
 /■
 
 ( 151 ) 
 
 The life of John Uufs. 
 
 TT AVING given fome account of the 
 opinions of Wicliff in England ; let 
 us follow the courfe of them abroad. In 
 Bohemia particularly, we fhall find they ob- 
 tained great credit; where they were propa- 
 gated by John Hufs, Jerome of Prague^ and 
 others of lefs note. 
 
 It muft be confefled indeed, thofe Bohe- 
 mian reformers made little change in the 
 opinions they found prevailing in their own 
 church. Every ftep they took was taken 
 with extreme caution; and many of the 
 Romifh writers have been led from hence to 
 queftion the propriety of ranking them in a 
 catalogue of reformers. To rail at the po- 
 plfli clergy, we are told, hath ever been 
 thought enough to give a man a place in this 
 lift. But this is making outcafts indeed of 
 thefe celebrated enquirers after truth. The 
 papifts burnt their bodies, and damned their 
 fouls for being proteftants, and would have 
 K 4 proteftants
 
 152 THE LIFE OF 
 
 proteftants damn their memory for being 
 papifts. 
 
 Unconcerned at the reproach, the pro- 
 teftants receive them with open arms, and 
 confider them as thofe noble leaders, who 
 made the firft inroads into the regions of 
 darknefs ; as thofe who held up lights, tho* 
 only faint and glimmering, which encouraged 
 others to purfue their paths. 
 
 If we confider fuch only as proteil:ant, 
 whofe opinions were thoroughly reformed, it 
 is hard to fay where the reformation began. 
 Our Saviour confiders thofe as fo7' him^ ivbo 
 were ?2ot againjl him : much more reafon 
 have the proteftants to confider thefe Bohe- 
 mians of their party, who, for the fake of 
 opinions, v/hich have been fince adopted by 
 proteftants, fuffered the extremes of malice 
 from papifts 3 and who maintained principles, 
 which would have led them, if they had not 
 been cut off by their enemies, to a full dif- 
 covery of that truth they aimed at. 
 
 John Hufs was born near Prague, in Bo- 
 hemia, about the year 1376, at a village 
 called HufTinez, upon the borders of the 
 black forell; from which village he had his 
 >iame. 
 
 His
 
 JOHN HUSS. 153 
 
 His father was a perfon in low circum- 
 ftances; but took more care than is ufually 
 taken among fuch perfons, in the education 
 of his fon. He hved not however to fee the 
 fruit of his pains. After his death, his 
 widow purfued his intention; and found 
 means to fend her fon, though with diffi- 
 culty enough even in the loweft ftation, to 
 the univeriity of Prague. 
 
 Here a very extraordinary piety began to 
 dillinguifh him. Among other inflances of 
 it J a ftory is recorded, the truth of which 
 is the rather to be fufpeded, as we meet with 
 frequent relations of the fame kind in mar- 
 tyrologies. As he was reading the life of 
 St. Lawrence, we are told, he was fo ftrong- 
 ly affeded with the conftancy of that pious 
 man in the midft of his fufferings, that he 
 thruft his hand into the flame of a fire, by 
 which he fat, and held it there, till his fel- 
 low difciple, who was fitting by him, in great 
 terror interfered. " I had only, (faid Hufs,) 
 " an inclination to try, whether I had con- 
 '' ftancy to bear an inconfiderable part of 
 *' what this martyr underwent." 
 
 In the year 1396 he took the degree of 
 mafter of arts^ and, foon after, that of 
 
 batchelor
 
 154 THELIFEOF 
 
 batchelor of divinity. In 1400 his abilities 
 and piety had fo far recommended him, that 
 he was chofen confeflbr to the queen : and 
 eight years after he was elected redlor of the 
 univerfity. 
 
 During the courfe of thefe honours, he 
 obtained a benefice like wife. John Mulheym, 
 a perfon of large fortune in Prague, built a 
 chapel, which he called Bethelem ; and 
 having endowed it in a very ample manner, 
 appointed Hufs the minifter of it. 
 
 Whatever religious fcruples he might at 
 this time have had, he had thus far kept 
 them to himfelf. It is more than probable 
 he had none of confequence. The fuper- 
 llitions of popery reigned ftill, in all tran- 
 quillity, in Bohemia; where the opinions 
 of WiclifF, which had long been fermenting 
 in England, w^ere yet unknown. 
 
 In the year 138 r, Richard II of England 
 married Ann, fifler of the king of Bohemia. 
 This alliance opened a commerce between 
 the two nations; and many perfon s, during 
 an interval of feveral years, paffed over from 
 Bohemia into England, on the account either 
 of expedances, curiofity, orbufmefs: feme 
 on the account of iludy. With a view of 
 
 this
 
 JOHN HUSS. 155 
 
 this latter kind, a young Bohemian noble- 
 man, who had finifhed his ftudies in the 
 univerfity of Prague, fpent fome time at 
 Oxford. Here he became acquainted with 
 the opinions of Wicliff, read his books, and 
 admired both him and them. At his return 
 to Prague he renewed an acquaintance, which 
 grew into an entire familiarity, with John 
 Hufs^ and put into his hands the writings of 
 WichfFj which he had brought over with 
 him. They confided chiefly of thofe warm 
 pieces of that reformer, in which he inveighs 
 againft the corruptions of the clergy. 
 
 Thefe writings flruck Hufs with the force 
 ' of revelation. He was a man of great fandity 
 of manners himfelf, and had the higheft 
 notions of the pafloral care. With concern 
 he had long feen, or thought he faw, abufes 
 among the clergy of his time, which were 
 truly deplorable. But his diffidence kept 
 pace with his piety -, and he could not per- 
 fuade himfelf to cajl the jirfi flone. He now 
 found that he had not been Angular. He 
 faw thefe abufes and corruptions dragged 
 into open light \ and it even mortified him 
 to fee that freedom in another, which he had 
 
 been
 
 156 THE LIFE OF 
 
 been withheld, by a mere fcruple, from 
 exerting himfelf. 
 
 As to the more alarming opinions of 
 Wiclifr, though it is probable Hufs became 
 at this time acquainted with feme of them, 
 yet it doth not appear they made any im- 
 preffion upon his mind 5 they were lefs ob- 
 vious, and required more examination. 
 From the language however, in which he 
 always fpoke of this reformer, we cannot 
 imagine he had taken offence at any thing he 
 had heard of him. He would call him an 
 angel fent from heaven to enlighten man- 
 kind. He would mention among his friends 
 his meeting with the works of Wicliff, as 
 the moft fortunate circumflance of his life; 
 and would often fay, he wifhed for no better 
 eternity, than to exift hereafter with that 
 excellent man. 
 
 From this time, both in the fchools, and 
 in the pulpit, as he had opportunity, he 
 would inveigh, with great warmth, againft 
 eccleliaftical abufes. He would point out the 
 bad admin iftration of the church, and the 
 bad lives of the clergy; and would patheti- 
 cally lament the miferable ftate of the peo- 
 ple.
 
 JOHN HUSS. 157 
 
 ple^ who were under the government of the 
 one, and the influence of the other. 
 
 Indeed the ftate of the Bohemian clergy, 
 as all their hiftorians teflify, was at this time 
 exceedingly corrupt. Religion was not only 
 converted into a trade; but this trade was 
 carried on with the utmofl knavery, and ra- 
 pacity. Avarice was their predominant vice. 
 One of their bifliops, we are told, was fo 
 fordidly addided to it, that, being afked. 
 What was the moll: difagreeable noife in na- 
 ture? he anfwxred, That of mouths feeding 
 at his own table. Stories of this kind are 
 unqueflionably exaggerated by the zeal of 
 proteftant writers. We may venture how- 
 evifr to make large dedudtions, and yet ftill 
 leave a very fufficient charge againfl the 
 morals of the Bohemian clergy. 
 
 It is no wonder therefore if Hufs was 
 heard with attention on fuch an argument. 
 Indeed, all fober and ingenuous men began 
 to think favourably of him; and to fee the 
 neccflity of expoimg the clergy, were it 
 only to open the eyes of the people, and pre- 
 vent their being feduced by vile examples. 
 
 There were, at this time, in PrDo-ue, 
 among the followers of Hufs, two ingeni- 
 ous
 
 158 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ous foreigners; who, being unacquainted 
 with the language of the country, invented 
 a method of expofing the pride of the 
 Romifli clergy, which fully anfwered their 
 end, and was well fuited to the fimplicity 
 of the times. They hung up, in the pub- ; 
 lie hall of the univerfity, two large pidures, 
 in one of which were reprefented Chrift and 
 his apoftles, in that humility, and modefly 
 of attire, witl^ which they appeared upon 
 earth ; in the other, the pope and his car- 
 dinals, in all that flow of garment, gold, 
 and embroidery, in which their dignity fo 
 much confiileth. Thefe pidures, it is pro- 
 bable, as pieces of art, were of no value j j 
 but the contrail they exhibited was fo ex- 
 ceedingly glaring, that among the common 1 
 people they had more than the force of 
 argument. 
 
 The fchifm between the two popes, which 
 hath already been mentioned, ftill continued. 
 This religious quarrel, having raged with 
 fufficient animofity during the reigns of the 
 two pontiffs, w^ho gave it birth, was be- 
 queathed to their fucceffors. It had now 
 maintained itfelf above thirty years, and had 
 
 been
 
 JOHN HUSS. 159 
 
 been the common firebrand of Europe, 
 through that whole tradl of time. 
 
 The cardinals had made many attempts 
 to put an end to this confufion ; but without 
 efted:: the ambition of the reigning prelates 
 interfered. To ftrengthen their hands, the 
 facred college at length applyed to fome of 
 the leading princes of Europe. Henry IV". 
 of England feems to have interefted himfelf 
 as much as any in this affair. He wrote with 
 great fpirit to Gregory the Xllth; told him, 
 that, at a moderate computation, 230,000 
 men had loft their lives in this quarrel 5 ex- 
 poftulated with him for upholding it; and 
 advifed him to fubmit to the decifion of the 
 council, which was then affembling at Pifa. 
 
 The intention of the council, it feems, 
 was to eled a new pope, and to make the 
 two other popes give up their claims; which, 
 at the time ot their eledion, they had agreed 
 in fuch circumftances to do. Accordingly, 
 in the year 1410 the cardinals of each party 
 met at Pifa, where a new eledion was made 
 in favour of Alexanoer V. This pontiff, to 
 fliew his gratitude to his good friend the king 
 of England, granted his fubjeds a full re- 
 miffion of all manner of fins, which was to 
 
 be
 
 i6o THE LIFE OF 
 
 be difpenfed on three fet days, at St. Bartho- 
 lomew's in Smithiield. This was not done 
 entirely gratis 3 but the indulgent pope had 
 made the expence fo very ealy, that, except 
 indeed the moft indigent, all might enjoy 
 the benefit of his abfolution. 
 
 At the time of this pope's eledtion, Hufs, 
 and his followers, began to make a noife in 
 the world. They had now gotten fome of 
 the works of Wiclifi tranflated into the 
 Sclavonian tongue ; which were read with 
 great attention in every part of Bohemia ; 
 and though it doth not appear, that any of 
 the more offenfive dodrines of that reformer 
 had even yet obtained footing there ; yet it 
 is certain the eftablifhed clergy had in a great 
 meafure loft that reverence, which had been 
 hitherto paid them. 
 
 To check the growth of herefy, was the 
 firft work in which Alexander engaged. He 
 was fcarce feated in his chair, when he thun- 
 dered out a very fevere bull, directed* to the 
 archbirnop of Prague, and it is probable, di- 
 re(5ted by him likewife^ in which he orders I 
 that prelate to make ftrici: enquiry after thVj 
 followers of Wicliff; to apprehend, and 
 
 impriibn
 
 JOHN HUSS. i6i 
 
 imprifon them^ and, ifneceiTary, to call in 
 the fecular arm. 
 
 Nor was private caufe of pique wanting 
 to engage the clergy in the fevereft meafures. 
 Befides the fpirited language, in which Hufs 
 had always treated them, he had, on the 
 following occafion, made himfelf particularly 
 obnoxious to the whole order. 
 
 Learning having been for many years very 
 little the tafte of the Bohemian gentry, the 
 Germans, who in great numbers frequented 
 the univerfity of Prague, and enjoyed, by 
 the ftatutcs of the founder, a fourth part of 
 the authority in it, had, by degrees, gotten 
 polTeffion of the whole. This, when letters 
 began to revive under the influence of Hufs, 
 became inconvenient. The Germans ftuck 
 together ; and a Bohemian, even in a uni- 
 verfity of his own country, could meet with 
 little encouragement in literary purfuits. 
 Hufs faw with regret thefe difficulties) and 
 endeavoured with all his attention to remove 
 them. Having put himfelf at the head of 
 a confiderable party, he made an application 
 at court ; and by his intereft there, which 
 with the queen efpecially was very great, 
 obtained a decifion, by which the authority 
 L of
 
 i62 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of thefe flrangers was abridged, and the 
 government of the univerfity thrown into its 
 natural channel. The Germans, piqued at 
 this, left Prague in a body, (hiftorians rate 
 the numbers of thefe difcontented ftudents 
 at 3000) and fettled themfelves in other 
 houfes of learning. 
 
 This temporary evil opened the mouths of 
 Hufs's enemies. The clergy in particular 
 took the alarm ; and immediately fliewed 
 their difguft at feeing more weight thrown 
 into a fcale, which they had ever been de- 
 firous of rendering as light as poffible. It 
 is worth remarking, that this is the * fecond 
 inftance, in the courfe of a few pages, in 
 which the herd of the Romifh clergv have 
 confidered a feat of learning as an intereft 
 oppofite to their own. Indeed in this cafe> 
 they had more to fay. Hufs, who was now 
 fole leader of the univerfity, had long fhewn 
 himfelf their avowed opponent 3 and if fin- 
 gle, he had given them fo much caufe of 
 alarm, he became an objecfl of double terror 
 fupported by a multitude. They refolved^ 
 therefore to make a handle of the affair of I- 
 
 the 
 
 See the beginning of Wicliff's life. 
 
 J
 
 JOHN HUSS. 163 
 
 the univerfity ; and though it was purely of 
 a literary nature, it was plaufibly converted 
 into a bufinefs of religion. 
 
 Among thofe who took offence at thefe 
 proceedings, none took more than the arch* 
 bifliop of Prague. Having pubhfhed the 
 bull he had received from Rome, he foon 
 after publiflied a refcript of his own^ which 
 ordered all, who were poffeiTed of any of 
 the works of Wicllff, to bring them to him. 
 Accordingly, many copies of different parts 
 of his writings, (we are told above 200) 
 were brought ; which the archbifliop im- 
 mediately condemned to the flames. In this 
 bufinefs, it was generally fuppofed, he aded 
 at the fame time a difingenuous, an illegal, 
 and an unjuft part. In the firft place, thro* 
 the ambiguity of the refcript, it was ima- 
 gined, he meant onJy to examine the books; 
 to which the honeft poffeffors of them had 
 no objedion -, not doubting but fuch an ex- 
 amination would redound to the honour of 
 their mafter : Hufs himfelf tells us, that he 
 fen tin his books merely on this fuppofition. — 
 Befides, they thought the primate had no 
 authority for what he had done. They knew 
 he had none from the pope ; and if the 
 L 2 aftion
 
 i64 THE LIFE OF 
 
 adlion was his ov/n, they could not bat 
 efteem it as a very illegal (Iretch of power. — 
 And if it was illegal, as it appeared to be, 
 they thought it farther a very confiderable 
 injury. For in thofe days, before printing 
 was invented, books had their value : and 
 many of thefe likewife were ornamented 
 with filver in a very expenlive manner. It 
 was an unlucky circumflance too, in preju- 
 dice to the archbifliop, that he was a moft 
 illiterate man : we are told he w^as fo to fuch 
 a degree, that, by way of ridicule, he was 
 commonly called alphabet arius^ or the A, B, 
 C dodor. As it was v/ell known therefore 
 he could not read thefe books himfelf, and 
 as no examination of them had been heard 
 of, what he had done feemed rather an at- 
 tack upon learning itfelf, than upon the 
 do6trines of Wicliff. 
 
 This adion of the archbifhop gave great 
 offence ; and Hufs remonftrated againil it 
 with as much warmth, as the candour and 
 native modefty of his temiper would admit. 
 But notwrithftanding the propriety of his own 
 behaviour, it is allowed, his followers aded 
 wdth great indecency. Irritated by the lofs 
 of their books, they refolved to retaliate a 
 
 liule
 
 JOHN HUSS. 165 
 
 little of that fpirit, in which the injury had 
 been done. Having procured a copy there- 
 fore of the archbifhop's relcript, they burnt 
 it with great pomp and ceremony in the 
 pubhc ftreet. 
 
 Kindled at this treatment, the archbiOiop's 
 zeal flamed out in all its violence 3 and eager 
 to do mere than he had the power to do 
 himfelf, he hurried to the king, and laid his 
 complaints at the foot of the throne. 
 
 Winceflaus, king of Bohemia, whom we 
 lliall have frequent occafion to mention, was 
 a prince, who looked for nothing in royalty, 
 but the free indulgence of his paffions* 
 Matters of government were little his con- 
 cern : and matters of religion ftlll lefs. He 
 had been educated in the beft fchool for im- 
 provement, the fchool of afflidjon ; yet he 
 had profited little by che lelTons he had there 
 received. He had good natural parts, and 
 great talents for bufmefs j but diflimulation 
 was the only talent which he employed. 
 Te?nporibiis infidiari was his great maxim. 
 If he had one fixed principle of government, 
 it was never to encourage the zealots of any 
 party. He cajoled the archbifiiop therefore 
 with that art, which was natural to him ; 
 L 3 and
 
 i66 THE LIFE OF 
 
 artd endeavouring to convince him of the 
 impropriety of his own interpofition, left him 
 to manage the fe6laries, as he was able. 
 
 The archbifliop was thoroughly mortified 
 at the king's indiirerence for religion 5 and, 
 as he found no redrefs from him, he deter- 
 mined to try the force of his own authority. 
 After mature deliberation, he prohibited 
 Hufs, by an interdid:, from preaching in his 
 chapel of Bethelem. Hufs, as a member of 
 the univerfity, which held immediately of 
 the Roman fee, appealed to the pope. 
 
 Alexander V. was now dead ; polloned, as 
 was commonly fuppofed, by an ambitious 
 cardinal, who found the means to fucceed 
 him. This was Balthafar Cofia, w^ho after- 
 wards a^umed the name of John XXIII. a 
 man, whofe vicious hfe was probably the 
 only foundation of the fufpicion. In his 
 youth he had exercifed piracy : but finding 
 this profeffion dangerous, he retired to Bo- 
 lognia, where he applied himfelf to ftudy. 
 His abilities, for he was mafter of many ufe- 
 ful talents, foon found a patron in Benedidl 
 IX; under whom he was initiated into all 
 the myfleries of the conclave. 
 
 Joha
 
 JOHN HUSS. 167 
 
 John was prefently made acquainted with 
 the fituation of aftairs in Bohemia. Hufs 
 had preached afermon at Prague, in which, 
 it WLis thought, he had fpoken hghtly of oral 
 tradition. This was immediately caught by 
 the orthodox clergy; and carried, among 
 other things, in the form of an accufation to 
 Rome. The appeal therefore, and the ac- 
 cufation accompanied each other. 
 
 John feems to have had fomething elfe in 
 his head at this time, befides religion. With- 
 out examining the affair himfelf, he left it to 
 his delegate, the cardinal deColumna; who 
 appointed Hufs a day for his appearance. 
 
 The report of this commiffion fpread a 
 general alarm through Bohemia; where the 
 whole party trembled for their chief. A 
 powerful interceflion, headed by the queen 
 herfelf, was made to the king, requeuing his 
 interpofition in the affair. Winceflaus com- 
 plied ; and difpatched ambaffadors to the 
 pope, who in very prefling terms requefled 
 his holinefs to difpenfe with Hufs's perfonal 
 appearance; alledging his innocence, and 
 the dangers he would run in pafling through 
 Germany, where he had many enemies. 
 
 L 4 With
 
 i68 THE LIFE OF 
 
 With thefe ambaffadors, Hufs fent his 
 Prodtors ; who were treated with great feve- 
 rity, and in the end imprifoned. This was 
 enough to give him a warning of his fate. 
 The irritated pope excommunicated him, as 
 it feems, on the mere accufation of his 
 enemies. 
 
 This treatment had no tendency to lelTcn 
 the popularity of Hufs. His fufferings in- 
 deed gave him only the greater influence. 
 The people confidered him as {landing fingle 
 in a common caufe ; as having paid their J 
 forfeiture as well as his own. Gratitude and 1 
 compaffion therefore were added to their ^ 
 efteem 3 and he never was fo much the idol 
 of popular favour, as he was now. He had 
 his adherents too among the higher ranks. 
 The nobility were in general difpofed to ferve 
 him ; and he wanted not friends even among 
 the clergy. 
 
 As he was thus fupported, we need not 
 wonder that the difgrace he fuffered fat light 
 upon him. We find him indeed no longer 
 in the charadler of a public preacher; and 
 fome authors write that he retired from 
 Prague. It is certain however, that, except 
 preaching, he continued ftill to difcharge 
 
 every
 
 JOHN HUSS. 169 
 
 every branch of the pafloral care. One me- 
 thod he ufed was to give out queftions, v^hich 
 he encouraged the people to difcufs in pri- 
 vate, and to come tohimv^ith their difficul- 
 ties. Many of thefe queftions had a ten- 
 dency to invalidate the pope's authority. 
 
 Every day made it now plainer, that the 
 gofpellers, as the followers of Hufs were, at 
 this time, called, had fcarce received any- 
 check. The primate was wTetched to the 
 lafl degree. The pope's authority had ap- 
 peared to be of litde weight; his own of lefs : 
 the king was wholly indiiferent : the em- 
 peror alone remained, to whom application 
 could be made. To him therefore he re- 
 folved to apply ; but upon his journey he fell 
 lick, and died ; fretted, as was commonly 
 fuppofed, beyond fufferance, at the perplex- 
 ity of the affair. — The archblfliop of Prague 
 was a well intentioned, weak man -, under 
 the influence of violent painons : a moft 
 unhappy compolition to be intruded with 
 powxr. 
 
 The new archbifhop, notwithflanding his 
 predecefTor had failed in his defign of crufh- 
 ing this rifing herefy, had the courage to 
 _make a farther attempt. He called a coun- 
 cil
 
 170 THE LIFE OF 
 
 cil of dodors) by whom, after much de- 
 bating, fome articles againft Hufs, and his 
 adherents were drawn up, and publifhed in 
 form. They were intended to leflen his cre- 
 dit with the people; but they produced only 
 a fpirited anfwer, in which Hufs recapitulated 
 what the late archbifhop had done, and 
 fliewed that he had never been able to prove 
 any herefy againft him : he concluded with 
 begging, that he might be fufFered to meet, 1 
 face to face, any one, who pretended to 
 bring fuch a charge againft him, and doubt- 
 ed not but he ftiould be able to purge him- 
 felf, to the fatisfadion of the whole king- 
 dom of Bohemia. 
 
 Soon afterwards Hufs publifhed another 
 piece againft the ufurpations of the court of 
 Rome. To this the archbifhop and his 
 council replied 3 but in a manner fo futile, 
 that they did more injury to their caufe, 
 (efpecially where prejudice ran high againft 
 them) than even their adverfaries themfelves 
 had done. They applyed to the pope too 
 for afliftance -, but the pope fatisiied himfelf 
 with exhorting the king to fupprefs the pefti- 
 lent doftrines of WiclifF; and, if poffible, 
 
 to
 
 JOHN HUSS. 171 
 
 to curb the infolence of Hufs and his fol- 
 lowers. 
 
 Indeed the pope had not leifure at this 
 time to attend to controverfy. His ambition 
 had incited him to quarrel with his neighbour 
 the king of Naples, into whofe dominions 
 he was meditating an irruption. But he fell 
 into his own fnare. He declared hiriifelf 
 before he was well prepared -, and the wary 
 Neapolitan taking the advantage of his igno- 
 rance in matters of war, invaded the patri- 
 mony, and dividing his forces, fat down be- 
 fore feveral of the papal towns at once. In 
 this perplexity John had recourfe to the efta- 
 bliflied manner of levying troops. He dif- 
 patched legates into various parts of Chriften- 
 dom, who were largely commiffioned togrant 
 pardons and indulgencies to all, who would 
 inlifl: under his banners. 
 
 Among other places, one of thefe recruit- 
 ing officers came to Prague. Winceilaus 
 had his reafons for favouring the pope; and 
 forefeeing that the legate would be oppofed 
 by Hufs and the gofpellers, forbad them by 
 proclamation to interfere. 
 
 But the zeal of thefe fedarles was of too 
 high a temper to bear controul. They 
 
 thought
 
 \ 
 
 172 THE LIFE OF 
 
 thought their confciences concerned; and 
 would have looked upon themfelves as guilty, 
 had they flood aloof, and feen the people 
 deluded. They took every opportunity there- 
 fore of expofing the legate and his bufiiiefs ; 
 and of iliewing the folly of truiling to the 
 pardon of a finful man. Hufs in particular 
 exerted himfelf with great fpirit, and dif- 
 perfed among his friends many little tradls, 
 which afTifted them with proper arguments. 
 His adivity put an entire ftop to the levy. 
 
 This behaviour was greatly refented by the 
 king; and the magiftrates, whoaded by his 
 direction, ventured to feize three of the moft 
 zealous. The perfon of Hufs was too facred 
 to be touched. 
 
 The imprifonment of thefe men threw the 
 whole city into an uproar. The more for- 
 ward of the gofpellers took arms, and fur- 
 rounded the town-hall, where the magiftrates 
 were then fitting. With loud cries they de- 
 manded to have their companions fet at li- 
 berty. The magiftrates alarmed, came for- 
 ward to the flairs, foothed them with gende 
 language, and promifed that their com- 
 panions fhould be immediately releafed. 
 The people went quietly home; and the un- 
 fortunate
 
 JOHN HUSS. 173 
 
 fortunate prifoners were inftantly put to 
 death. 
 
 Hufs dlfcovered, on this occafion, a true 
 Chriftian fpirit. The late riot had given him 
 great concern ; and he had now fo much 
 weight with the people, as to reflrain them 
 from attempting any farther violence 5 though 
 fo notorious a breach of faith might almofl 
 have juftified any meafures. 
 
 This moderation was conftrued by the 
 oppofite party into fear. The clergy, and 
 magiflrates, who acfled in concert, well 
 knew on which fide the balance of power 
 lay : they knew that, even at the found of a 
 bell, Hufs could have been furrounded by 
 thoufands of zealots, who might have laugh- 
 ed at the police of the city. When they 
 faw them therefore, notwithftanding this 
 force, acft in fo tame a manner, they eafily 
 concluded they were under the influence of 
 fearj — that the death of their friends had 
 ftruck a terror into them, — and that this 
 was the time entirely to fubdue them. 
 
 Full of thefe miiflaken notions, the arch- 
 bifhop waited upon the king; alTunng him, 
 that if he chofe to crufli the goipellers, and 
 
 give
 
 174 THE LIFE OF 
 
 give peace to his kingdom, this was the 
 
 time. 
 
 Wincellaus, whatever appearances he 
 might think it prudent to afilime, was in his 
 heart no friend to the novelties of thefe re- 
 formers. He confidered the gofpellers as a 
 neft of hornets, which he durft not mokft. 
 While he feemed to favour, he detefted 
 them ; and would have ventured a confi- 
 derable ftake to have freed his kingdom from 
 •what he efleemed fo great a nuifance. 
 
 He heard the archbifliop therefore with 
 attention: He entered into his fcheme, and 
 in his fpirit, but with fomewhat more of 
 temper. He knew the inveteracy of the 
 difeafe would admit of palliatives only : vio- 
 lent medicines at leaft he thought improper. 
 He refolved therefore to take fome flep, 
 though not fo vigorous as that the clergy 
 dictated. After much hefitation he at laft 
 baniflied Hufs from Pra2;ue. The late tu- 
 mults were his pretence. This was the firft 
 public inftance he had given of his diflike to 
 the gofpellers. 
 
 Hufs immediately retired to his native 
 place, where the principal perfon of the 
 
 country 
 
 I
 
 JOHN HUSS. 175 
 
 country being his friend, he lived unmo- 
 lefted^ and was greatly reforted to by all 
 men of a ferious turn in thofe parts; which 
 contributed not a little to fpread his opinions, 
 and eftablifh his fed:. 
 
 Some hiftorians give a different account of 
 his leaving Prague 3 and make it a voluntary 
 a6t. It is poflible there may be fome truth 
 in both thefe accounts. The king might 
 exprefs his pleafure, which Hufs might 
 willingly comply with. 
 
 During his retreat at Huflinez, he fpent 
 much of his time in writing. Here he 
 compofed his celebrated treatife, Upo72 the 
 church', out of which his advcrfaries drew 
 moft of thofe objedions, which were after- 
 wards fo fatally brought againft him at 
 Conftance. 
 
 From this place likewife he dated a paper, 
 intitled, The Jix errors ; which he fixed on 
 the gate of the chapel of Bethelem. It was 
 levelled againft indulgejicies ; — againft the 
 abufe of excommunication \ — againft believing 
 in the pope; — againft the unlimited obedience 
 required by the fee of Rome s — againft 
 rimony\ with which he charged the whole 
 
 church;
 
 176 THE LIFE OF 
 
 church ', and againft snaking the body of 
 Chrift in the mafs. 
 
 This paper was greedily received in Bohe- 
 mia ; and increafed that odium which had 
 been raifed againft the clergy. Many anec- 
 dotes alfo againft the dignified ecclefiaflics 
 had found their way among the people \ by 
 whom they were dreffed out in the mod 
 unfavourable colours. So many open mouths, 
 and fuch an abundance of matter to fill them, 
 rendered the clergy, in a fliort time fo infa- 
 mous, that few of them durft appear in 
 public. 
 
 The politic king faw an advantage. Pa- 
 pift and gofpeller were ahke to him: he had 
 already made an engine of one party; and 
 he now faw a favourable opportunity of 
 working w^ith the other. Jn fhort, he 
 thought he had the means before him of re- 
 plenilhing his coffers. 
 
 He told the clergy, *^ He was forry to 
 *' hear fuch complaints againft them; — that 
 '' he was determined to put a ftop to thefe 
 " enormities; — that Bohemia would be the 
 " fcandal of Chriftendom; — that he had 
 •' already done juftice upon the feclaries; — 
 
 " and
 
 JOHN HUSS. 177 
 
 '^ and that an ejiablijjjment (hould be no fe- 
 ^^ curity to them'' His language was eafily 
 underftood; and large commutations were 
 offered, and accepted. 
 
 One thing is too remarkable to efcapc no- 
 tice. *' That tythes were mere temporal 
 " endowments, and might be refumed by 
 " the temporal lord, when the prieft was 
 " undeferving," was that doftrine of Wicliff, 
 which gave moft offence in England -, and, 
 as it feems, in Bohemia likewife. It was 
 confidered by the churchmen of both kino-- 
 doms as an herefy of the mofl peflilent kind* 
 On this occafion however, the king infifling 
 upon it, the Bohemian clergy were glad to 
 redeem their tythes by owning the dodrine 
 orthodox. — Thus the king played one party 
 againfl the other ; and left neither any caufe 
 to triumph. No man underftood better the 
 balance of parties, nor the advantages, which 
 might accrue from adjufting it properly. 
 
 About the time of this contefl with the 
 clergy, we find Hufs again in Prague, though 
 it does not appear, whether the king per- 
 mitted, or connived at him. 
 
 Alexander V. the predecefTcr of John 
 
 XXIII, had been chofen pope, we have feen, 
 
 M to
 
 178 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to put an end to the fchifm, which raged in 
 the Roman church; on which event it had 
 been expected the other two popes would 
 relinquifli their claims. So they had pro- 
 mifed at their elecfiion. But reftlefs am- 
 bition intervened. Neither of them would 
 give up his power; and from that time the 
 church was governed (if fuch anarchy cant 
 be called government) by three popes at 
 once. Their names were now John, Gre- 
 gory, and Benedict. 
 
 With a view to clofe this fatal fchifm j 
 to remove fuch diforders in the church, as 
 had fprung up during the continuance of it; 
 and to bring about a thorough reformation 
 of the clergy, the emperor Sigifmond, in 
 the year 14 14, convened a general council. 
 . Sigifmond, the brother of Wincellaus, 
 was the moft accompliflied prince of the 
 age in which he lived. To the virtues of a 
 patriot he added a greatnefs of mind, and 
 dignity of manner, which adorned a throne. 
 It might perhaps be laid, that he excelled 
 too ill the princely art of diffimulation: that 
 indeed Vv^as the great foible in his charadler. 
 He was himfelf a man of letters; and glo- 
 ried in being thought the patron of learning. 
 
 He
 
 <c 
 
 <c 
 
 JOHN HUSS. 179 
 
 He had enobled, on the occafion of feme 
 folemnity, a learned dodlor, who had fpoken 
 an eloquent oration. In the procefTion, 
 which followed, the dod:or chofe rather to 
 walk among the nobility, than among his 
 learned brethren. *' Sir, (faid the emperor 
 ** obferving it,) diminifh not a body, which 
 it is not in my power to repleniih: the 
 ' corps you have joined I can augment when 
 I pleafe." This prince was more fuccefs- 
 ful in his negotiations than in his wars; and 
 yet he was efteemed a better foldier, than a 
 ftatefman. In his cabinet he often blun- 
 dered 5 but rarely in his camp. His political 
 errors were yet generally retrieved by a noble 
 air of ingenuity, and an addrefs which no- 
 thing could withftand. His manners were 
 the molt humane and gentle. He would 
 often fay, " When I forgive an injury, I ac- 
 " quire % friend/' But what is very fur- 
 prifing in a charader of this liberal cafl, he 
 was a bigot; 
 
 Befides the reafons already mentioned for 
 calling a general council at this time, Sigif- 
 mohd had other motives. The Ottoman 
 arms having lately given a fevere blow to the 
 cfihpire, and growing daily more formidable, 
 M 2 he
 
 i8o THE LIFE OF 
 
 he was very follicitous to oppofe them ; and 
 he could not fo efFedlually do it, while Eu- 
 rope continued in a divided ftate. This fa- 
 mous council was convened at Conftance, 
 one of the moft fouthern towns in Germany, 
 fituate on the confines of Switzerland, as 
 nearly as might be, in the middle of Chrift- 
 endom. Hither from all parts of Europe 
 princes and prelates, clergy and laity, regu- 
 lars and feculars, flocked together. Mr. Fox> 
 hath given us an humourous catalogue oi 
 them. *' There were, (fays he) archbiihops' 
 *' and bifliops 346, abbots and docftors 564, 
 " princes, dukes, earls, knights and fquirej 
 «< 1 6000, common-women 450, barbers 6oOj 
 " muficians, cooks and jefters 320." — Foul 
 prefidents were chofen from four nations^ 
 Germany, France, England and Italy, 
 
 Ceremonies and pundtilios being fettled^ 
 the confutation opened. That a reformatio! 
 of the clergy was neceffary, was agreed 01 
 all hands 5 but a debate arofe, in what par( 
 of the clerical fcale it fhould begin ? Whih 
 fome contended it fhould begin a minoritisj 
 at the inferior clergy, the emperor repliec 
 brifkly, " Non a minoritis, fed a majoritis." 
 They began therefore with pope John. This 
 
 unhappy
 
 JOHN HUSS. i8i 
 
 unhappy pontiff, being convidled of many 
 crimes, was deprived, and imprifoned. 
 Gregory was prudent enough to give in a 
 refignation; and efcaped on eafier terms* 
 But Benedid: continued long obftinate. The 
 king of Navarre efpoufed his caufe for fome 
 time; but that prince forfaking him, he 
 was deprived and excommunicated. In the 
 room of thefe three Martin was chofen. — 
 Thus at length was clofed the great fchifm 
 of the Roman church; and here too ended 
 the reformation of the clergy; a work be- 
 gun indeed with fpirit; but unhappily left 
 unfinifhed. — But this is anticipating the 
 affairs of the council ; for the depofition of 
 the three popes was in fafl: conduced lei- 
 furely with the other bufinefs of it. 
 
 The next grand defign of the fathers in 
 this council was to apply remedies to the dif- 
 orders of the church. By the diforders of 
 the church nothing more was meant than 
 Wicliff s herefy ; the extirpation of which 
 took up a full moiety of the council's time, 
 Wicliff was now dead : their rage therefore 
 againfl him wanted its full fcope. What was 
 in their power however they did : they re^ 
 viled his memory : they condemned his re- 
 M 3 nets;
 
 j82 THE LIFE OF 
 
 nets : they burnt his books : nay they order- 
 ed his very bones to be dug out of the grave^ 
 and confumed to aflies. 
 
 Their rage however, unavailing againft 
 him, fell u^ith double weight upon his fol- 
 lowers. Of thefe Hufs was the principal, 
 Some time before the council was opened, 
 application had been made to the emperor to 
 bring him to Conftance. The emperor en- 
 gaged in the bufinefs, and fent tw^o gentle- 
 men into Bohemia to communicate the affair 
 to Hufs himfelf. Hufs diredly anfwered, 
 ** That he defired nothing more than to 
 purge himfelf publicly of the imputation of 
 herefys and that he efteemed himfelf happy 
 in fo fair an opportunity of doing it, as the 
 approaching council afforded." 
 
 Before he began his journey, he thought] 
 it proper to give notice, (which he did bjjj 
 putting up papers in the mofl public parts oi 
 Prague) that he was going to Conftance^ and 
 that whoever had objedtions againfl him or 
 his dodrine, might make them there. He 
 provided himfelf likewife with proper tefti- 
 monials ; and what is very remarkable, he 
 obtained one from the bifhop of Nazareth, 
 inquifitor general of herefy in Bohemia; 
 
 which
 
 JOHN HUSS. 183 
 
 which is ftill extant. In this the biihop de- 
 clares, that as far as he had any opportunity 
 to know, (and he had had many opportuni- 
 ties) Hufs had never fhewn the leaft inclina- 
 tion to impugn any article of the Chriftian 
 faith. He provided himfelf likewife with 
 a palTport from the emperor. 
 
 In October 1414, he fet out for Conflance, 
 accompanied by two Bohemian noblemen, 
 the barons of Clum, and Latzenbock ; who 
 were among the moft eminent of his difci- 
 ples, and followed their mafter merely thro' 
 jefped: and love. Some writers fay, they 
 were required by the emperor to attend him. 
 
 Through whatever towns of any confe- 
 quence he palled, he had the following paper 
 pofted up : " John Hufs, B. D. is now upon 
 " his journey to Conftance, there to defend 
 *' his faith ^ which by God's help he will 
 " defend unto death. Willing therefore to 
 *' fatisfy every man, who hath ought to ob- 
 *^ jed: againft him, he publiflied in Bohemia, 
 *' and now doth publifli in this noble and 
 " imperial city his faid intention. Whoever 
 " therefore hath any error or herefy to lay 
 ^^ to the charge of the faid John Hufs, be it 
 " known unto him, that the faid John is 
 M 4 y ready
 
 i84 THE LIFE OF 
 
 f' ready to anfwer the fame at the approach-' 
 ^^ ing council." 
 
 The civilities, and even reverence, which 
 he met with every where, exceeded his ima- 
 gination. The ftreets, and fometimes the 
 very roads were lined with people, whom 
 refpeft, rather than curiofity drew together. 
 He was ufhered into towns with acclama- 
 tions ; and indeed paffed through Germany 
 in a kind of triumph. He could not help 
 expreffing his furprize at the reception he 
 met with. " I thought, (faid he,) I had 
 «* been an outcafi: j I now fee my worft ene- 
 *^ mies are in Bohemia." At Nuremburgh 
 he was received with particular diftindion j 
 the magiftrates and clergy waited upon him 
 in form 5 and being convinced of his innor 
 cence and integrity, affured him they had no 
 doubt but the council would difmifs him] 
 with honour." — Thefe inftances of the refpe( 
 he met with are worth mentioning, not onlyl 
 as they fliew the veneration in which Hufs 
 v/as generally held 3 but as they fhew like- 
 wife how well-difpofed the Germans were,j 
 Cv^en at that early day, to a reformation. 
 This fcene was acted about an hundred yearsi 
 before the time of Luther. — In three weeks j 
 
 Hufji
 
 JOHN HUSS. 185 
 
 Hufs arrived atConftance; where, no one 
 molefting him, he took private lodgings. 
 One of his hiftorians tells us, with an air of 
 triumph, that his hoflefs's name was Faith, 
 
 Soon after Hufs left Prague, Stephen 
 Paletz left it likewife 3 a perfon employed 
 by the clergy there to manage the intended 
 profecution againft him at Conftance. Paletz 
 was a man of good parts, plaufible morals, 
 and more learning than was commonly found 
 among the churchmen of thofe days. He 
 had Gontracfted an early intimacy with Hufs: 
 their ftudies had been nearly the fame: their 
 opinions feldom oppoiite. When John 
 XXIII. fent his legate to Prague, to levy 
 forces againft the king of Naples, his bulls 
 were confidercd as a party-teft in Bohemia; — 
 a kind of fhiboleth, which diftinguifhed the 
 papift from the gofpeller. Paletz having re- 
 ceived favours from the pope, andexpeding 
 more, deliberated what he fhould do. In 
 a queftion of right and wrong, he fliould 
 have taken the firji ftiggeflion, which is ge- 
 nerally that of CQJijcience : in a cool delibe- 
 ration intereft is apt to interfere. He was 
 guilty therefore of a common piece of felf- 
 deceit \ and miftook a point of cpufcience 
 
 fpr
 
 i86 THE LIFE OF 
 
 for a matter of prudence. His deliberations 
 therefore ended as fuch deliberations gene- 
 rally do : he made a matter of prudence of 
 it. Having thus pafTed the barrier, every 
 thn:ig elfe was eafy. The fame prudence 
 fuggefted to him, that what he had already 
 done was infufficient^ — that his offence in 
 having at all communicated with the enemies 
 of religion was great; — and that his atone- 
 ment muft be great likewife. He made his 
 atonement, and with abundant zeal; am 
 continued from that time the moft forv^^an 
 of Kufs's perfecutors. 
 
 On the fame errand came to Conftancc, j 
 on the part of the court of Rome, Michael] 
 de Caffis; a perfon of a lefs folemn appear- 
 ance, but of more dextrous talents. He 
 had been bred a churchman, and was bene- 
 ficed in Bohemia, which was his native 
 country. But his abilities had been grofly' 
 miftaken. Formed by nature for buiinefs, 
 he had an utter averfion to fludy, and the 
 confined employment of a parochial cure. 
 He was a fubtle enterprifing man, verfed in 
 the world, of courtly manners, and a moft 
 infinuating addrefs. Finding his profeffion 
 a curb upon his genius, he recommended 
 
 himfelf
 
 JOHN HUSS. 187 
 
 himfelf to his fovereign under the title of a 
 projedtor. The king of Bohemia had a gold 
 mine in his poffeffion 3 which had been long 
 neglefted, as having coft more than its pro- 
 duce. This mine de Caffis pretended to 
 work at an eafier expence ; and dreffed his 
 tale in fo many plaufible circumftances, that 
 Winceflaus was thoroughly impofed upon; 
 and intrufted him with what money he de- 
 fired, to the amount of a large fum, for the 
 execution of his projed:. Whether the artift 
 at firft meant honeflly, may be doubted; his 
 projedl however mifcarried: on which find- 
 ing himfelf in a perplexity, he embezzled 
 what was left of the money, and efcaped 
 out of Bohemia. Rome was the afylum he^ 
 chofe. Here by an artful difplay of fomc 
 new talents, of which he had a great variety, 
 he obtained not only the pope^s protedion, 
 but his favour ; and became a very ufeful 
 perfon in the capacity of one, who v/as ready 
 for any employment, which nobody elfe 
 would undertake. When it was refolved in 
 the conclave to have Hufs brought before 
 the council of Conflance, this man was 
 tamper'd with. He made large promifes : 
 ^' He had formerly been acquainted with 
 
 Hufs
 
 i88 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Hufs at Prague, and knew fuch things of 
 him, as perhaps nobody elfe did." In fhort, 
 being thought an excellent inftrument for 
 the purpofe, and being well penfioned, and 
 inftruded, he fet out among the pope's 
 retinue. 
 
 When Hufs arrived at Conftance, he 
 found the council almoft full : the more 
 confiderable members of it were either al- 
 ready arrived, or arriving every day : the 
 pope had been there fome days; and held 
 his refidence in a caftle near the city. 
 
 Immediately after Hufs's arrival, his friend 
 the baron de Clum notified it to the pope ; 
 whom he informed at the fame time, that 
 Hufs had obtained the emperor's fafe con- 
 dudl, to which he begged his holinefs would 
 add his own. " If he had killed my bro- 
 *^ ther, (anfwered John vehemently,) he 
 ** fliould have it." 
 
 Hufs depending upon his innocence, and 
 ftill more upon the emperor's honour, ufed 
 the fame freedom of fpeech at Conftance^ 
 which he had ever ufed at Prague. He fup- 
 pofed he fliould have been called upon to 
 preach before the council; and had provided 
 two fermons for that purpofe ; in oiie of 
 
 which 
 
 4
 
 JOHN HUSS. 189 
 
 which he made a confeffion of his faith; 
 and in the other fhewed the neceffity of a 
 reformation of the clergy. But the council 
 did not put him upon preaching; which 
 fhews, as Leufant feems to infinuate, that 
 they were predetermined to dcftroy him. 
 They were unwilling to give him an oppor- 
 tunity of fpeaking, without interruption, to 
 the people ; knowing that his noble fimpii- 
 city, his doftrine far from heretical, and the 
 engaging fweetnefs of his manner, would 
 have greatly conciliated the minds of men 
 in his favour. 
 
 In the mean time his adverfaries, particu- 
 larly the two already mentioned, were inde- 
 fatigable. They were continually with the 
 leading members of the council, plotting, 
 contriving, and concerting in what way their 
 fchemes might run the leaft rifk of a mif- 
 carriage. Paletz took upon himfelf the tafk 
 of drawing up articles, which he did with 
 fuch acrimony, as left no room for the 
 amendment of others. — The efFedl of thefe 
 fecret negotiations foon appeared. 
 
 About the beginning of december, the 
 bifliops of Aufburgh and Trent came to 
 Hufs's lodgings, informing him they were 
 
 fent
 
 igo THE LIFE OF 
 
 fent by the pope and the college of cardinals, 
 who were now difpofed to hear what he had 
 to urge in his defence. Hufs excufed his 
 attendance. " I came voluntarily hither, 
 faid he, to be examined before the whole 
 council ', and to them only I will render 
 myfelf accountable/' The bilhops afluming 
 a friendly air, began to prefs him : and after 
 many aflurances, on their part, of the pu- 
 rity of their intentions, and fome farther 
 oppofition on his, he at length complied. 
 
 His examination before the pope and car- 
 dinals was a mere farce. They wanted him 
 in their power; and even flill feemed irre- 
 folute how to ad:. Paletz prefled to have 
 him imprifoned; and affured the cardinals, 
 he was daily increafing his party by that un- 
 bridled liberty of fpeech, in which he was 
 indulged. 
 
 While this point was debating, Hufs was 
 engaged in the following fcene. As he 
 waited in a galleiy, a Francifcan came up 
 to him; and, after many croffings, and 
 gefticulations common among that fort of 
 men, accofted him thus. " Reverend fa- 
 ther, of v/hom the world fpeaketh fo loudly, 
 excufe a poor friar's impertinence. All my 
 
 life
 
 JOHN HUSS. 191 
 
 life long have I been enquiring after truth. 
 Many difficulties have arifen in the courfe of 
 my enquiries : fome I have conquered ; others 
 have been above my abihties. Among the 
 reft, none hath occafioned me fo much per- 
 plexity, as the dodlrine of the facrament. 
 How kindly fhould I take it, would you 
 rectify my errors. I am informed, you hold, 
 that the bread ftill remains material, after 
 the words of the confecration ?" Hufs told 
 him, he had been mifinformed. Upon 
 which the Francifcan feeming furprized, re- 
 peated his queftion, and received the fame 
 anfwer. Afking the fame queftion a third 
 time, the baron de Clum, who attended 
 Hufs, turned to the friar, and faid with fome 
 afperity, " Why, doft thou believe this re- 
 verend father would lie to thee ? How many 
 anfwers doft thou exped?" *' Gentle fir, 
 (faid the Francifcan,) be not wroth with your 
 poor fervant. — I afked but in mere fimpli- 
 city, and through a defire of knowledge. — 
 May I then, (faid he, addrefling himfelf to 
 Hufs) prefume to alk, what kind of union 
 of the godhead and manhood fubfifted in the 
 perfon of Chrift?" Hufs furprized at this 
 cjueftion, faid to the baron in the Sclavonian 
 
 tongue,
 
 192 THE LIFE OF 
 
 tongue, '* This is one of the moft difficult 
 queftions in divinity :" And then turning 
 to the Francifcan, told him, he did not be- 
 lieve him to be that uninformed perfon 
 whom he pretended to be. The Francifcan 
 finding himfelf fufpeded, went off with the 
 fame fanftified grimaces, with which he had 
 approached -, and the baron afking a foldier 
 of the pope's guard, who flood near him, 
 if he knew the Francifcan, the foldier told 
 him, that his name w^as Didace ; and that 
 he was efteemed the moft fubtil divine in 
 Lombardy. It afterwards appeared, that 
 the whole was a formed fcheme of the car- 
 dinals, who had fent this perfon to endeavour 
 to draw fome new matter of accufation againft 
 Hufs from his own mouth. The ftory may 
 give an idea of the unmanly artifices which 
 were pradifed againft him. 
 
 The friar was fcarce gone, when an offi- 
 cer appeared with a party of guards; and 
 feizlng Hufs, (hewed his warrant to appre- 
 hend him. Aftonifhed at fuch perfidy, the 
 baron ian inftantly to the pope, and de- 
 manded an audience, or rather indeed pufh- 
 ed rudely into his prefence; where with great 
 heat of language, (for h^ was natut:!Iy a 
 
 warm
 
 JOHN HUSS. 193 
 
 warm man) he remonftrated againft fo no- 
 torious a breach of faith. " Can your hoii- 
 nefs, (faid he) deny, that with your own 
 . mouth, you made me a formal promife, that 
 Hufs fhouJd remain unmolellcd at Con- 
 ftance ?'* The pope was confounded : he 
 fat fpeechlefs for fome time: at laft, he 
 brought out by fyllables, — that it was the 
 adt of the cardinals ^ — that he had no hand 
 in the matter-, — that he could not help it. 
 
 In truth, the pope was an objedt of pity 
 as well as blame. Forefeeing the ftorm, 
 which was already gathering againft him, he 
 was looking round for fhelter j and was be- 
 come at this time fo difpirited, fo timid, fo 
 fearful of giving oftence, among the cardi- 
 nals particularly, from whom he had fo 
 much both to hope and fear, that he neither 
 did, nor faid any thing but what he knew 
 would be agreeable. The baron perceiving 
 the pope would not interfere, left him with 
 indignation, refolving to try his influence 
 with the other members of the council. 
 
 In the mean time Hufs was conveyed pri- 
 vately to Conftance, where he was confined 
 in the chapter-houfe ot the cathedral, till a 
 more proper place could be found. 
 
 N Upon
 
 194 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Upon the banks of the Rhine, where that 
 river leaves the lake of Conftance, ftood a 
 lonely monaftery, belonging to the Fran- 
 cifcans, the whole intereft of which order r 
 was bent againft Hufs. Thiiher he was? 
 conveyed, and lodged in a noifome dun- 
 geon. 
 
 Yet even here his aftlve fplrit could not 
 reft unemployed. By the help of a fingle 
 ray of light, which (hone through an aper- 
 ture in his cavern, he compofed many little 
 tradls; which afterwards found their way 
 into Bohemia, and were in great efteem 
 among his followers. Of thefe one was a 
 comment upon the commandments ; afecond 
 upon the Lord's prayer: a third was an eflay 
 upon the knowledge and love of God -, and 
 a fourth upon the three great enemies of 
 mankind. Befides thefe, were fome others. 
 
 Whllft Hufs was thus employed, the 
 baron, and many of his other friends, were: 
 labouring for his liberty. They applied fe- 
 parately to the leading members of the 
 council^ and addrefied themfelves particu^ 
 larly to the four prefidents. All was m 
 vain: effedtual pains had been taken tc 
 fruftrate their endeavour? ^ every ear wai 
 
 ftcMped;
 
 JOHN HUSS. 195 
 
 flopped, and every avenue barred. Baffled, 
 and difconcerted, the baron was obliged to 
 defift, full of refledions upon the horrors 
 of ecclefiaftical tyranny. 
 
 In the midfl: of thefe endeavours for the 
 recovery of his Hberty, Hufs v^as feized with 
 a violent diforder, probably brought on by 
 unwholfome air, and want of exercife. His 
 difeafe increafing, his life was in queftion. 
 The pope alarmed, fent his own phyficians 
 to attend him. A grand council was called^ 
 ** What ihould be done ? Should the heretic 
 dye, himfelf and his dodtrine yet uncon- 
 demned, what difcredit would arife to the 
 church of Chrifl: ?" They refolved there- 
 fore to draw up articles againft him, and 
 condemn him in prifon. Articles accord- 
 ingly were drawn up, and a formal citation 
 fent. 
 
 The meflengers found him extended upon 
 what ferved him for a bed. He raifed him- 
 felf upon his arm. His eyes funk and lan- 
 guid, his vifagepale, and emaciated. ^' You 
 fee, (faid he) friends, my condition. 
 Do I feem like a man fit to defend a caufe 
 in a public affembly ? — Go — tell your 
 mailers what you have feen.-r-But flays tell 
 N z them
 
 196 THE LIFE OF 
 
 them llkewife, that if they will only allow 
 me an advocate, I will not fail, even in this 
 condition, to join ilTue with them." 
 
 This requeft occafioned a new debate. 
 All w^ere againft clofing with it ; but they 
 wanted a pretext. Fortunately an old canon 
 was produced, which forbad any one to de- 
 fend the caufe of an heretic. Though this 
 was begging the queftion ; yet it was the 
 faireft pretence which could be found. Hufs 
 was accordingly informed, that his requeft 
 fhould have been complied with, but the 
 orders of holy church forbad. — While this 
 affair was in agitation, the following event 
 checked its progrefs. 
 
 John XXIII. from many fymptoms at this 
 time, forefeeing his fate, refolved, if poffible, 
 to avoid it. He left Confrance therefore in 
 difguife, and made towards Italy i flattering 
 himfelf, that if he fhould be able to reach 
 Rome, he might ftill contrive to baffle the 
 council. But his hopes were too fanguine. 
 The emperor, having early notice of his 
 flight, with a fpeedy arm arrefled him near 
 the alps. He w^as brought back toConflance; 
 and from that time eveiy appearance of power 
 fell from him. — This event put a flop to the 
 
 profecutioa
 
 JOHN HUSS. 197 
 
 profecution againft Hufsj and his health 
 afterwards growing better, it was for fome 
 time wholly laid afide. 
 
 The Bohemian nobility having In vain 
 made an application to the council, applied 
 next to the emperor. That prince, when, 
 firft informed of the imprifonment of Hufs, 
 was greatly difgufted at it. So notorious a 
 breach of faith fhocked the honefty of his 
 nature J and he fent immediate orders to 
 Conftance, where he himfelf was not yet 
 arrived, to have him inftantly releafed. But 
 the fathers of the council foon removed his 
 fcruples; and he was, at the time of the 
 pope's flight, fo entirely devoted to their 
 fentiments, that he delivered Hufs into their 
 hands. By them that unfortunate man was 
 fent to the caftle of Gotleben, beyond the 
 Rhine, where he was laden with fetters, and 
 at night even chained to the floor: — to fuch 
 a determined height was the malice of his 
 enemies at this time raifed ! 
 
 Nor was Hufs the fingle object of their 
 refentment. Whoever in Confl:ance was 
 known to be of his party became immedi- 
 ately obnoxious. The populace were even 
 mad with the prejudices of their leaders; 
 N 3 had
 
 igS THE LIFE OF 
 
 had thoroughly imbibed their fpirit, and 
 turned it into fury: fo that it became dan- 
 gerous not only for Hufs's followers, but 
 even for his favourers to appear in pubhc. 
 Seeing their prefence therefore ferved only to 
 exafoerate, the greater part of them with- 
 drew from Conftance, leaving their unfor- 
 tunate leader to abide his fate. 
 
 In the mean time, his friends in Bohemia 
 were fufficiently active. The whole king- 
 dom was in motion. Meffengers were con- 
 tinually pofting from one province to ano- 
 ther. It appeared as if fome great revolu- 
 tion was approaching. At length a petition 
 was fent through the kingdom, and fub- 
 fcribed by almoft the whole body of the 
 Bohemian nobility, and gentry. It was 
 dated in May 141 5, and was addreffed to 
 the council of Conftance. In this petition, 
 having put the council in mind of the fafe 
 condudl, which had been granted to Hufs . 
 and of their having, in an unprecedented 
 manner, imprifoned him, before they had 
 heard his defence; they begged a fpeedy end 
 might be put to his fufl'erings, by allowing 
 him an audience as foon as poffible. The 
 barons, who prefented this petition, were 
 
 anfwcred
 
 JOHN HUSS. 199 
 
 anfwered in brief, that no injury had been 
 done to their countryman ; and that he fhould 
 very fpeedily be examined. 
 
 Finding however that delays were ftill 
 made, they prefented a fecond, and more 
 explicit petition to the prefidents of the four 
 nations : and not receiving an immediate 
 anfwer, they prefented a third, in which 
 they begged the releafe of Hufs in very 
 preffing terms, and oifered any fecurity for 
 his appearance. 
 
 The Bohemian nobility were too much in 
 earneft, and too inftant to be wholly ne- 
 gleded. As carelefs an ear as poffible had 
 been thus far lent to their petitions. But 
 their ardour was now too great to be eafily 
 checked. The patriarch of Antioch there- 
 fore, in anfwer to this lafl: petition, made 
 them a handfome fpeech ; and in civil lan- 
 guage informed them, that no fecurity could 
 be taken ; but that Hufs fhould certainly be 
 brought to a hearing in lefs than a week. 
 
 When they prefented this laft petition to 
 the council, they prefented another to the 
 emperor y in which they prefled upon him, 
 with great earneftnefs, his honour folemnly 
 engaged for the fecurity of Hufs 5 and im- 
 N 4 plored
 
 200 THE LIFE OF 
 
 plored his protedtlon, and his intereft with 
 the council. 
 
 As the affair of the fafe conduct, in which 
 the aggravation of the injuries done to Hufs 
 fo greatly depends, is placed in different 
 lights by proteftant and popiili writers, it 
 may not be improper to enquire into the 
 merits of it -, and to lay before the reader 
 the principal topics of the argument on both 
 fides of the queftion. 
 
 In anfwer to the proteftants exclamations 
 againft fo notorious a breach of faith, the 
 papift thus apologizes. 
 
 ^^ We allow, (fays Mainburgh,) that Hufs 
 *^ obtained a fafe condudl from the emperor: 
 ^' but for what end did he obtain it ? Why, 
 *^ to defend his doftrine. If his dodlrine 
 *^ was indefenlible, his pafs was invalid. It 
 ^' was always, (fays Rofweide, ajefuit,)^^^^- 
 *^ pofedy in the fafe condud, that juftice 
 *' fhould have its courfe. — Befides, f cry a 
 *' number of apologizers) the emperor 
 *' plainly exceeded his powers. By the 
 *^ canon-law he could not grant a pafs to an 
 *^ heretic; and by the decretals the council 
 ** might annul any imperial ad. — Nayfar- 
 5« ther, (fays Morery,) if we examine the 
 
 " pafs^
 
 JOHN HUSS, 201 
 
 " pafs, we fhall find it, at beft, a promife 
 *^ of fecurity only till his arrival at Conftance; 
 " or indeed rather a mere recommendation 
 " of him to the cities, through which he 
 *' pafled : fo that, in fadl, it was righteoufly 
 ^^ fulfilled." 
 
 To all this the proteftant thus rephes. 
 " Be it granted, (which is, in truth, grant- 
 *^ ing too much,) that the fafe condud: im- 
 *^ plied a liberty only of defending his doc- 
 .*' trine 3 yet it was violated, we find, before 
 *^ that liberty was given, — before that doc- 
 *^ trine was condemned, or even examined.— 
 i' And though the emperor might exceed 
 *^ his power in granting a pafs to an heretic, 
 *' yetHufs was, at this time, only JufpeBed 
 *' of herefy. Nor was the imperial a6t an- 
 *' nulled by the council, till after the pafs 
 *' was violated. Hufs was condemned in 
 " the fifteenth feflion, and the fafe-condu6l 
 ^^ decreed invahd in the nineteenth. — With 
 " regard to the deficiency of the fafe-con- 
 ** dud, which is Morery's apology, it doth 
 " not appear, that it was ever an apology of 
 " ancient date. Hufs, it is certain, confi- 
 ^' dered the fafe-condud as a fufficient fecu- 
 [[ rity for his return home : and indeed fo 
 
 " much
 
 202 THE LIFE OF 
 
 " much is implied in the very nature of z 
 *' fafe-condudt. What title would that ge- 
 *' neral defervc, who fhould invite his ene- 
 '* my into his quarters by a pafs^ and then 
 " feize him ? Reafoning however apart, 
 *^ let us call in fad:. Omfii prorjm impedi- 
 *' mento remoto, tra?2fire, JlarCy 7?iorari^ & 
 " RED IRE, iihre permittatis fibique et fuis^ 
 " are the very words ot the fafe-conduft." 
 
 In conclulion therefore we cannot but 
 judge the emperor to have been guilty of a 
 moft notorious breach of faith. The blame 
 however is generally laid, and with fome 
 reafon, upon the council, who directed his 
 confcience. What true fon of the church 
 would dare to oppofe his private opinion 
 againfl the unanimous voice of a general 
 council ? 
 
 On the firfl of June, the council had pro- 
 mifed the Bohemian deputies, that Hufs 
 fliould be examined within the week. They 
 faid examitied', but they meant condemned. 
 In the mean time, as if they had been fuf- 
 picious of their caufe, all probable means 
 were ufed to fliake his refolution, and make 
 him rctrad: but his unaltered firmnefsgave 
 them no hope of efl:eding their purpofe. 
 
 On
 
 JOHN HUSS, 203 
 
 On the 5th of June it was refolved, that 
 the articles objeded to him, fhould be pro- 
 duced, and in his abfence examined : when, 
 after what they called a fair hearingy he 
 fliould be fent for, and condemned. 
 
 There was attending the council, at that 
 time, a public notary, whofe name was 
 Madonwitz. This man, v/hether ftruck 
 with the iniquity of their proceedings, or 
 in his heart a favourer of Hufs, went im- 
 mediately to the Bohemian deputies; and 
 gave them a full information of the defigns 
 of the council. The deputies had no time 
 to lofe. They demanded an inftant audience 
 of the emperor; and laid their complaints 
 before him. 
 
 Sigifmond was at leaft a decent adverfary. 
 The manners of a court had polifhed away 
 thofe rough edges of bigotry in him, which 
 appeared fo harfh in the cloyftered church- 
 man. He was greatly offended at the grofs 
 proceedings of the council ; and fent them 
 a very arbitrary meffage to defift. He would 
 have nothing done, he told them, but with 
 the defendant face to face. This meffage 
 had its effed; and Hufs was fummoned to 
 snpear before them the next day. 
 
 The
 
 204 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The affembly was held in a large cloyfter 
 belonging to the Francifcans. Here a new 
 fcene, and of a very extraordinary kind, w as 
 prefented. The firft article of the charge 
 was fcarce read, and a few witneffes in a 
 curfory manner examined, when, Kufs 
 preparing to make his defence, the tumult 
 began. Loud voices were heard from every 
 quarter 5 a multitude of queftions at the fame 
 inflant aflced, every one fpeaking, and no 
 one heard, or heard but in one univerfal din. 
 of confufion. From many parts even re- 
 proaches, and the moft opprobrious language 
 broke out — Such, on this occafion, was 
 the behaviour of the famous council of 
 Conftance. No forum could produce more. 
 licentious inftances of popular tumult. If 
 an interval of lefs diforder fucceeded, and 
 Hufs was about to offer any thing in his de- 
 fence, he was immediately interrupted : 
 *' What avails this? What is that to the 
 •' purpofe ?" No appearance of argument 
 was brought againft him. 
 
 Such aftonifhing licence m.oved, in fome 
 degree, the mofldifpaffionateof men. "In 
 this place, (faid Hufs,) looking round hirq, 
 I hoped to have found a different treatment." 
 
 His
 
 JOHN HUSS. 205 
 
 His rebuke increafed the clamour ; fo that 
 finding it vain to attempt any farther defence, 
 he held his peace. This was matter of new 
 triumph : *' He was now confounded, 
 filenced, by confeffion guihy." Luther 
 hath given us a ftrong picture of this unruly 
 affembly. ** Ibi omnes^ (faith he) aprorum 
 more, fre?nere^ fetas a tergo erigere^ frontein 
 corrugare^ deiitefque acuere cceperuntT 
 
 There were fome in that council, men of 
 cooler temper, who forefeeing the ill efFefts 
 of fuch violence, ufed what credit they had 
 to check it. To divert the furious fpirit, 
 ^which had fpread among thofe zealots, and 
 to throw in fo much moderation among 
 them, as to bring them to debate calmly, 
 was at this time impoffible. All that could 
 be done, was, to get the bufinefs poilponed 
 till another opportunity : which was at 
 length, and with the utmoft difficulty, 
 effeded. 
 
 The next morning they met again. They 
 were hardly feated, when the emperor en- 
 tered the council-chamber, and took his feat 
 at the upper end of it. The diforder of the 
 sfffembly, the day before, had greatly dif- 
 -gufted Sigifmond -, and he came now pre- 
 pared
 
 2o6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 pared to awe them into a more decent be- 
 haviour. His end was in part obtained; 
 Mere decency was at leaft obferved. — It 
 would be tedious to enter into a full detail of 
 what paffed upon this occafion : what fol- 
 lows is a fummary of it. 
 
 The examination was opened by Du 
 Caffis ; the firft article of which exhibited a 
 charge againft Hufs for denying the real pre- 
 fence. This was proved by a Dominican, 
 from a fermon which Hufs had preached at 
 Bethelem. He had only to anfwer, that he 
 had always held the true catholic dodlrine ; 
 which was a know^n truth among his friends; 
 for he had ever believed tranfubftantiation. 
 
 He was next charged in general with 
 maintaining the pernicious errors of WicliiF. 
 To this he anfwxred, that he never had held 
 any error, which he knew to be fuch; and 
 that he defired nothing more than to be con- 
 vinced of what errors he might inadvertently 
 have fallen into. — WiclifF's dodlrine of tythes 
 was objedted to him; which, he owned, he 
 knew not how to refute. — It w^as farther 
 proved, that he had expreffed himfelf againft 
 burning the books of WiclifF. To this he 
 anfwered, that he had fpoken againft bump- 
 ing
 
 JOHN HUSS. 207 
 
 ing them In the manner pradlifed by the late 
 archbifliop of Prague, who condemned them 
 to the flames without, examining them. — 
 He was farther charged with faying, that he 
 wifhed his foul in the fame place, where 
 WiclifF's was. This expreffion, he owned, 
 he had made ufe of; which afforded matter 
 of great mirth to his hearers. 
 
 The next article charged him with fedi- 
 tion, in exciting the people to take arms 
 againft their fovereign. But of this charge 
 he entirely exculpated himfelf. Nothing 
 indeed could be proved againft him, but that 
 in a fermon, by no means temporizing, he 
 had exhorted his hearers, in the apoftle's 
 language, to put on the whole armour of God, 
 This very frivolous charge gives us the mofl 
 adequate idea of the malice of his enemies. 
 
 The next article accufed him of forming 
 diffentions between the church and the ftate ; 
 and of ruining the univerfity of Prague. The 
 former part of the accufation alluded to a 
 difpute between the pope and the king of 
 Bohemia, which Hufswas faid, though un- 
 juftly, to have fomented : the latter part to 
 the affair of the Germans, which hath al- 
 ready been placed in its proper light. — An 
 
 examination
 
 2o8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 examination of Hufs on thefe few articles 
 employed the firft day. 
 
 The council rifing, he was carried back 
 to prifon. As he pafTed by the cardinal of 
 Cambray, who fat near the emperor, the 
 cardinal flopping him, faid, " I have been 
 informed, you have heretofore boafted, that 
 unlefs you had chofen it yourfelf, neither the 
 king of Bohemia, nor the emperor could 
 have forced you to Confliance.'' '' My lord 
 cardinal, (anfwered Hufs,) if I faid any thing 
 of this kind, I faid it not In the ftrong terms, 
 in which it hath been reprefented to you. 
 I might poflibly fpeak gratefully of the kind- 
 nefs of my friends in Bohemia." Upon this 
 the baron de Clum, who never left him, 
 with a noble firmnefs, told the cardinal, that 
 if what he had heard had been faid, it was 
 only the truth. " I am far from being, 
 (faid he, ) a perfon of the greateft confequence 
 in my own country : others have ftronger 
 caftles, and more power than I have ; yet 
 even I would have ventured to have defend- 
 ed this reverend father a whole year againft 
 the utmoft efforts of both the princes you 
 have mentioned.** 
 
 The
 
 JOHN HUSS. 209 
 
 The emperor then turning to Hafs, told 
 lilm, that he had given him his fafe-condu(fl:, 
 which he found was more than was well in 
 his power, that he might have an opportu- 
 nity to vindicate his character ; '' But depend 
 upon it, (faid he) if you continue obftinate, 
 I will make a fire with my own hands, to 
 burn you, rather than you iliall efcape." 
 
 To this zealous fpeech Hufs anfwered, in 
 few words, that he could not charge himfelf 
 with holding any opinions obffinately; — 
 that he came thither with joy rather than 
 reludlancej that If any better dodrine than 
 his own could be laid before him in that 
 learned affembly, he might fee his error, and 
 embrace the truth. — Having faid this, he 
 was carried back to prifon. 
 
 His examination did not end here. He 
 was called before the council again ; and 
 many articles, not fewer than 40, were 
 brought againft him. The chief of them 
 were extra<5ted from his books ; and fome 
 of them by very unfair dedudlion. 
 
 The following opinions, among many 
 others, which gave offence, were efteemed 
 mofl: criminal, — " That there was no abfo- 
 jlute neceffity for a vifible head of the church — 
 i O that
 
 2IO THE LIFE OF 
 
 that the church was better governed in apof- 
 tolic times without one — that the title of 
 holinefs was improperly given to man — that 
 a wicked pope could not poffibly be the vicar 
 of Chrift, and he denied the very authority 
 on which he pretended to ad: — that liberty 
 of confcience was every ones natural right — 
 that ecclefiaftlcal cenfures, efpecially fuch as 
 touched the life of man, had no foundation 
 in fcripture — ■ that ecclefiaftical obedience 
 ihould have its limits — that no excommuni- 
 cation fhould deter the prieft from his duty — 
 that preaching was as much required from 
 the minifter of religion, as alms-giving from 
 the man of ability ; and that neither of them 
 could hide his talent in the earth without in- 
 curring the divine difpleafure." — Paletz and 
 the cardinal of Cambray were the chief ma- 
 nagers of this examination. 
 
 To thefe opinions, moft of which were 
 proved and acknowledged, he added many 
 things in the courfe of his examination, which 
 were eagerly laid hold on 3 particularly againft 
 the fcandalous lives of the clergy of every 
 denomination -, the open fymony pracflifed 
 among them, their luxury, lewdnefs, and 
 ignorance. 
 
 Hufs
 
 JOHN HUSS. 211 
 
 Hufs having now been examined on all 
 thofe articles, which the niceft fcrutiny into 
 his books, and the moll exaft remembrance 
 of his words, could furnifli, the cardinal of 
 Cambray thus accofted him. " Your guilt 
 " hath now been laid before this auguft 
 *' affembly with its full force of evidence. I 
 *' am obliged therefore to take upon me the 
 *^ difagreeable talk of informing you, that 
 " only this alternative is offered to you : 
 " either to abjure thefe damnable errors, and 
 " fubmit yourfelf to the council ; in which 
 *^ cafe thefe reverend fathers will deal as 
 " gently with you as pollible : or to abide 
 " the fevere confequcnce of an obllinate 
 *^ adherence to them.** To which Hufs 
 anfwered, that he had nothing to fay, bu^ 
 what he had often faid before -, that he came 
 there not to defend any opinion obllinately ; 
 but with an earneft defire to fee his errors, 
 and amend them j — that many opinions had 
 been laid to his charge, fome of which he 
 had never maintained, and others, which he 
 had maintained, were not yet confuted -y — 
 that as in the firft cafe, he thought it abfurd 
 to abjure opinions which were never his ^ fo 
 O 2 in 
 
 b
 
 212 THE LIFE OF 
 
 in the fecond, he was determined to fubfcrlbe 
 nothing againft his confcience." 
 
 The emperor told him, he faw no diffi- 
 culty in his renouncing errors, v/hich he had 
 never held. " For myfelf, faid he, I am, 
 at this moment, ready to renounce every 
 herefy, that hath exifted in the Chriftian 
 church : does it therefore follow that I have 
 been an heretic ?" 
 
 Hufs refpedlfully made a diftindion be- 
 tween abjuring errors in general -, and abjuring 
 errors which had been falfely imputed : the 
 latter he could not abjure 3 but he prayed the 
 council to hear him upon thefe points, which 
 to them appeared erroneous 3 were it only to 
 convince them that he had fomething to fay 
 for the opinions he maintained. To this 
 requeft however the council paid no atten- 
 tion. 
 
 Here Paletz and De Caffis took an oppor- 
 tunity to exculpate themfelves of any appear- 
 ance of malice in this difagrecable profecu- 
 tion. They both had entered upon the tafk 
 -with great unwillingnefs ; and had done no- 
 thing but what their duty required. To 
 which the cardinal of Cambray added, that 
 he could fufficiently exculpate them on that 
 
 head.
 
 JOHN HUSS. 213 
 
 head. They had behaved ; he faid, through 
 the whole of this tedious bufinefs, with great 
 humanity; and to his knowledge might have 
 adled a much feverer part. 
 
 The emperor obferving, that every thing, 
 which the caufe would bear, had now been 
 offered, arofe from his feat, and thus ad- 
 dreffed himfelf to the council. 
 
 " You have now heard, reverend father?, 
 '^ an ample detail of herefies, not only proved, 
 *^ but confeffed ; each of which unqueilion- 
 " ably, in my judgment, deferveth death. 
 " If therefore the heretic continueth obftinate 
 " in the maintenance of his opinions, he 
 *^ muft certainly die. And if he fhould even 
 *' abjure them, I fhould by no means think 
 ** it proper to fend him again into Bohemia ; 
 *' where new opportunities would give him 
 " new fpirits, and raife a fecond commotion 
 *• worfe than the firft.— As to the fate how- 
 " ever of this unhappy man, be that as it 
 " may hereafter be determined ; at prefenf,' 
 " let me only add, that an authentic copy of 
 ^^ the condemned articles fhould befentinto 
 " Bohemia, as a ground-work for the clergy 
 i[ there to proceed on -, that herefy may at 
 
 l[ length
 
 214 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^^ length be rooted up, and peace reflored 
 '' to that diftradted country." 
 
 The emperor having finifhed his fpeech, 
 it was agreed in the council to allow Hufs a 
 month longer to give in his final anfwer. 
 With the utmofl difficulty he had fupported 
 himfelf through this fevere trial. Befides the 
 malice of his enemies, he had upon him the 
 paroxifm of a very violent diforder. On 
 this laft day he was fcarce able to walk, 
 when he was led from the council. His 
 confolation in thefe circumftances was a cold 
 and hungry dungeon, into which he was 
 inhumanly thruft. 
 
 His friend, the baron, attended him even 
 hither, and with every inflance of endearing 
 tendernefs, endeavoured to fupport him. 
 The fuffering martyr wrung his hand j and 
 looking round the horrid fcene, earneftly 
 cried out, " Good God ! this is friendfhip 
 ^* indeed !" His keepers foon after put him 
 in irons i and none, but fuch as were licenced 
 by the council, were allowed to fee him. 
 
 The generous nature of Sigifmond, tho* 
 he was not unverfed in the artifices of the 
 cabinet, abhorred a practifed fraud. The 
 jiffair of Hufs, amidfl; all the cafuiftry of the 
 
 council.
 
 JOHN HUSS. 215 
 
 council, gave him keen diftrefs; and he 
 wiflied for nothing more ardently, than to 
 rid his hands of it with honour. — On the 
 other fide, his vanity and his intereft engaged 
 him to appear the defender of the catholic 
 caufe in Germany. If he fufFered Hufs to 
 be put to death, one part of the w^orld would 
 queftion his honour ; if he interfered with a 
 high hand in preferving him, the other part 
 would queftion his religion. The perplexity 
 was great -, from which he thought nothing 
 could relieve him, but the recantation of 
 Hufs. 
 
 To obtain this, he tried every mean in his 
 power, he had already endeavoured to inti- 
 midate him with high language, which he 
 had ufed, both in the council, and in other 
 places. But this was inefFedtual. He had 
 now recourfe to foothing arts. The form of 
 a recantation was offered -, in which Hufs 
 was required only to renounce thofe hcrefies, 
 which had been fairly proved. But that 
 undaunted man ftill continued inflexible. 
 Several deputations were afterwards fent to 
 him in prifon j and bifhops, cardinals, and 
 princes in vain tried their eloquence to per- 
 fuade him. 
 
 O 4 Sigifmond
 
 2i6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Siglfmond feeing the conclulion to which 
 this fatal affair was approaching, might pro- 
 bably have interefted himfelf thus far, as 
 thinking he had been too condefcending to 
 the council. The flame too, which he faw 
 kindling in Bohemia, where he had high 
 expedations, and was willing to preferve an 
 intereft, might alarm him greatly. He had 
 gone too far however to recede 3 and knew 
 not how to take Hufs out of the hands of 
 the council ; into which he had given him 
 with fo much zeal and devotion. 
 
 In the mean time Hufs remained mafler 
 of his fate ; and fliewed a conftancy which 
 fcarce any age hath excelled. He amufed 
 himfelf, while it was permitted, with writing 
 letters to his friends, which were privately 
 conveyed by the Bohemian lords, who vifit- 
 ed him in prifon. Many of thefe letters are 
 ilill extant. The following may be a teft of 
 that compofed piety and rational frame of 
 mind, which fupported him in all his fuffer- 
 ings. 
 
 " My dear friends, let me take this laft 
 opportunity of exhorting you to trufl in 
 nothing here, but to give yourfelves up en- 
 tirely to the fervice of God. Well am I 
 
 authorized
 
 JOHN HUSS. 217 
 
 authorized to warn you not to truft in princes, 
 nor in any child of man, for there is no help 
 in them. God only remaineth fledfafl. 
 What he promifeth, he will undoubtedly 
 perform.. For myfelf, on his gracious pro- 
 mife I reft. Having endeavoured to be his 
 faithful fervant, I fear not being deferted by 
 him. Where I am, fays the gracious pro- 
 mifer, there fhall my fervant be. May the 
 God of heaven preferve you ! — This is pro- 
 bably the laft letter I ihall be enabled to 
 write. I have reafon to believe I fliall be 
 called upon to morrow to anfwer with my 
 life. — Sigifmond hath in all things adled 
 deceitfully. — I pray God forgive him ! You 
 have heard in what fevere language he hath 
 fpoken of me." 
 
 The month, which had been allowed by 
 the council, being now expired, a deputation 
 of four biihops came to receive his laft an- 
 fwer, which was given in the fame language 
 as before. 
 
 The fixth of July was appointed for his 
 condemnation -, the fcene of which w^as 
 opened with erv^traordinary pomp. In the 
 morning of that day, the bifliops and tem- 
 poral lords of the council, each in his robes, 
 
 affcmbled
 
 2i8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 affembled in the great church at Conftance. 
 The emperor prefided in a chair of ftate. 
 When all were feated, Hufs was brought in 
 by a guard. In the middle of the church, 
 a fcafFold had been erefted ; near which a 
 table was placed, covered with the veftments 
 of a Romifh prieft. 
 
 After a fermon, in which the preacher 
 earneftly exhorted his hearers to cut off the 
 man of fin ^ the proceedings began. The 
 articles alledged againft him were read aloud; 
 as well thofe, which he had, as thofe which 
 he had not allowed. This treatment Hufs 
 oppofed greatly ; and would gladly, for his 
 character's fake, have made a diflindion : 
 but finding all endeavours of this kind in- 
 effecftual, and being indeed plainly told by 
 the cardinal of Cambray, that no farther op- 
 portunity of anfwering for himfelf ihould 
 be allowed, he defifted 3 and falling on his 
 knees, in a pathetic ejaculation, commend- 
 ed his caufe to Chrift. 
 
 The articles againft him, as form required, 
 having been recited, thefentence of his con- 
 demnation was read. The inftrument is 
 tedious: in fubftance it runs, " That John 
 Hufs, being a difciple of WiclifF of damna- 
 ble
 
 JOHN HUSS. 219 
 
 ble memory, v/hofe life he had defended, 
 and whofe doftrines he had maintained, is 
 adjudged by the council of Conflance (his 
 tenets having been firft condemned) to be an 
 obflinate heretic , and as fuch, to be de- 
 graded from the office of a prieftj and cut 
 off from the holy church." 
 
 His fentence having been thus pronounced, 
 he was ordered to put on the prieft*s veil- 
 ments, and afcend the fcaffold, according 
 to form, where he might fpeak to the peo- 
 ple ; and, it was hoped, might ftill have the 
 grace to retradt his errors. But Hufs con- 
 tented himfelf with faying once more, that 
 he knew of no errors, which he had to re- 
 trad: ; that none had been proved upon himj 
 and that he would not injure the doftrine he 
 had taught, nor the confciences of thofe 
 who had heard him, by afcribing to him- 
 felf errors, of which he had never been 
 convinced. 
 
 When he came down from the fcaffold, 
 he was received by feven bifhops, who were 
 commiffioned to degrade him. The cere- 
 monies of this bufinefs exhibited a very un- 
 chriftian fcene. The bifliops iorming a cir- 
 cle round him, each adding a curfe took off 
 
 a part
 
 220 THE LIFE OF 
 
 a part of his attire. When they had thus 
 flripped him of his facerdotal veftments, 
 they proceeded to erafe his tonfure, which 
 they did by chpping it into the form of a 
 crofs. Some writers fay, that in doing this, 
 they even tore and mangled his head 5 but 
 fuch ftories are unqueftionably the exagge- 
 ration of zeal. The laft aft of their zeal 
 was to adorn him with a large paper cap 5 on 
 which, various, and horrid forms of devils 
 were painted. This cap one of the bifhops 
 put upon his head 5 with this unchriftian 
 fpeech, '* Hereby we commit thy foul to 
 *' the devil.'' Hufs fmihng, obferved, " It 
 ^^ was lefs painful than a crown of thorns." 
 
 The ceremony of his degradation being 
 thus over, the bifhops prefented him to the 
 emperor. They had now done, they told 
 him, all the church allowed. What re- 
 mained was of civil authority. Sigifmond 
 ordered the duke of Bavaria to receive him, 
 who immediately gave him into the hands 
 of an oflicer. This perfon had orders to fee 
 him burned, with every thing he had about 
 hint. 
 
 At the gate of the church a guard of 800 
 men waited to condud him to the place of 
 
 execution.
 
 JOHN HUSS. 221 
 
 execution. He was carried fir ft to the gate 
 of the epifcopal palace; where a pile of wood 
 being kindled, his books were burned before 
 his face. Hufs fmiled at the indignity. 
 
 When he came to the ftake, he was 
 allowed fome time for devotion ; which he 
 performed in fo animated a manner, that 
 many of the fpedlators, who came there 
 fufRciently prejudiced againft him, cried out, 
 " What this man hath faid within doors we 
 " know not, but furely he prayeth like a 
 '' Chriftian." 
 
 As he was preparing for the ftake, he v/as 
 afked whether he chofe a confeflbr ? He 
 anfwered in the affirmative 3 and a prieft was 
 called. The defign was to draw from him 
 a retracftation, without which, the prieft faid, 
 he durft not confefs him. *' If that be your, 
 refolution, faid Hufs, I muft die without 
 confeflion : I truft in God, I have no mor- 
 tal fin to anfwer for." 
 
 He was then tied to the ftake with wet 
 cords, and faftened by a chain round his 
 body. As the executioners were begining 
 to pile the faggots around him, a voice from 
 the crowd was heard, " Turn him from the 
 l" eaft; turn him from the eaft." It feemed 
 
 like
 
 222 THE LIFE OF 
 
 like a voice from heaven. They who con- 
 duced the execution, ftruck at once with 
 the impropriety, or rather prophanenefs of 
 what they had done, gave immediate orders 
 to have him turned due weft. 
 
 Before fire was brought, the duke of 
 Bavaria rode up, and exhorted him once 
 more to retradt his errors. But he ftill con- 
 tinued firm. " I have no errors, faid he, 
 to retradl : I endeavoured to preach Chrift 
 with apoftolic plainnefs ^ and I am now pre- 
 pared to feal my dodrine with my blood." 
 
 The faggots being lighted, he recom- 
 mended himfelf into the hands of God, 
 and began a hymn, which he continued 
 fineine> till the wind drove the flame and 
 fmoke into his face. For fome time he was 
 invifible. When the rage of the fire abated, 
 his body half confumed appeared hanging 
 over the chain ; which, together with the 
 poft, w^ere thrown down, and a new pile 
 heaped over them. The malice of his ene- 
 mies purfued his very remains. His afhes 
 were gathered up, and fcattered in the 
 Rhine ; that the very earth might not feel 
 the load of fuch enormous guilt. 
 
 From
 
 JOHN HUSS. 223 
 
 From this view of the life and fufFerings 
 of Hufs, it is hard to fay what were the real 
 grounds of the animofity he had raifed. 
 His creed unqueiflionably was far from being 
 exadtly orthodox ; yet it is plain how very 
 ill able his adverfaries were to gather from it 
 ofFeniive matter enough for an accufation. 
 He believed tranfubftantiation 5 he allowed 
 the adoration of faints s he pradifed con- 
 feffion ; he fpoke cautioufly of tradition, 
 and reverently of the feven facraments^ and 
 whatever latitude he might give himfelf on 
 any of thefe articles, it was not more than 
 had been often taken, inoffenfively taken, 
 by Gerfon, Zabarelle, and other fpirited 
 divines of the Roman church. 
 
 Belides, the great pains the council took 
 to avoid a public queftion, and the great 
 confidence with which Hufs defired one, 
 are prefumptions very ftrong in his favour. 
 
 It is the opinion of Lenfant, that the 
 great caufe of his condemnation was his in- 
 troducing Wicliif 's doftrine into Bohemia 5 
 and chiefly perhaps that offenfive part of it, 
 which ftruck at the' temporalities of the 
 clergy. And indeed this is extremely pro- 
 bable from the whole condudt of the coun- 
 cil 5
 
 224 THE LIFE OF 
 
 cil ; for though it is apparent, that he never 
 adopted the entire fyftem of that reformer ; 
 yet his principles, it is certain, would have 
 Jed him much farther, than they had hitherto 
 done : and the fathers of the council being 
 aware of this, feem to have determined, 
 though at the expence of juftice, to crufh an 
 evil in its origin, which appeared teeming 
 with fo much mifchief. 
 
 Befides this, there feems to have been 
 another caufe for that unabated prejudice, 
 which ran fo high againfl: him. The warmth, 
 with which he treated the corruptions of the 
 clergy, and the ufurpations of the church of 
 Rome, was a crime never to be forgiven by 
 the ecclefiaftics of thofe times ; and added 
 the keeneft edge to their refentment. — But 
 as this was an unpopular caufe to appear in, 
 it is plain they wanted to have it believed 
 their refentment arofe upon another account. 
 This feems to have been the foundation of a 
 fpeech, attributed by Varillas to cardinal 
 Perron ; " My learned friends, (he would 
 fay,) you cannot employ your time w^orfe, 
 than in giving the world any account of the 
 affairs of-Hufs." 
 
 His
 
 JOHN HUSS. 225 
 
 His LIFE however was the fevereft fatyr 
 upon the clergy. It was a mirror, which 
 refleded their diftorted features. In him 
 they faw the true ecclefiaffic, and the real 
 chriftian, — charadlers fo different from their 
 own. Gentle and condefcending to the {en- 
 timents of others, this amiable pattern of 
 virtue was flridl only in his own principles. 
 The opinions indeed of men were lefs his 
 concern than their praftice. His great con- 
 teft was with vice ; and he treated the mini- 
 fters of religion with freedom, only as he 
 thought their example encouraged, rather 
 than checked, that licence, which prevailed. 
 The great hnes in his character were piety, 
 and fortitude. His piety was calm, rational, 
 and manly : his fortitude nothing human 
 could daunt. The former was free from 
 the leaft tindure of enthufiafm ; the latter 
 from the leaft degree of weaknefs. He was 
 in every refped: an apoftohcal man. " From 
 his infancy, (fays the univerfity of Prague^ 
 in a voluntary teftimonial,) he was of fuch 
 excellent morals, that during his ftay here, 
 we may venture to challenge any one to pro- 
 duce a fingle fault againft him." 
 
 P ^ As
 
 226 THE LIFE OF 
 
 As to his parts and acqairements, he 
 feems to have been above mediocrity ; and 
 yet not in the higheft form, in refped: of 
 either. A vein of good fenfe runs through 
 all his w^ritlngsj but their diftinguifhing 
 charaderiftics are fimplicity and piety. In 
 one of Luther's pieces v^e have the follow- 
 ing teftimony in their favour. " In a mo- 
 naftic library, (fays that reformer,) a volume 
 of Hufs's writings fell in my way ; which I 
 feized with great eagernefs, furprized that 
 fuch a book had efcaped the flames, and de- 
 iirous to know fomething of the opinions of 
 that hereflarch. But who can exprcfs my 
 aftonifhment, when I found him by many 
 degrees the mofl rational expounder of fcrip- 
 ture I had ever met with. I could not help 
 crying out. What could occaiion thefeverity 
 with which this man was treated ! yet as 
 the name of Hufs was fo deteftable -, and 
 as 'a favourable opinion of him was fo ut- 
 terly inconfiilent with a Chriftian's faith, I 
 fhut the book, and could find comfort only 
 in this thought, that perhaps he wrote thefe 
 things before his fall ^ for I was yet ignorant 
 of what had palTed at the council of Con- 
 ftance." 
 
 To 

 
 JOHN HUSS. 227 
 
 To preferve the memory of this excellent 
 man, the 6th of July was, for many years, 
 held facred among the Bohemians. A fer- 
 vice, adapted to the day, was appointed to 
 be read in all churches ; and inftead of a 
 fermon, an oration was fpoken in commen- 
 dation of their martyr, in which the noble 
 ftand he made againft ecclefiaftical tyranny 
 was commemorated 5 and his example pro- 
 pofed as a pattern to all Chriftians. 
 
 In fome places large fires were lighted in 
 the evening, upon the mountains, to preferve 
 the memory of his fufFerings ^ round which 
 the country-people would affemble, and fing 
 hymns in his praife. 
 
 A very remarkable medal was ftruck in 
 honour of him, on which was reprefented 
 his effigies, with this infcription, centum 
 
 REVOLUTIS ANNIS DEO RESPONDEBITIS ET 
 
 MiHi. Thefe words are faid to have been 
 fpoken by him to his adverfaries, a little be- 
 fore his execution ; and were afterwards 
 applied, by the zealots of his feft, as pro- 
 phetic of Luther ; w^ho lived about an hun- 
 dred years after him. The ftory carries 
 with it an air of irrational zeal ; and feems 
 calculated only for the credulous. 
 
 The end. The
 
 /). ^1
 
 ( 229 ) 
 
 The life of 
 JEROME of PRAGUE. 
 
 \K7 E find very little relating to the early 
 part of the life of this reformer. As 
 he was a zealous follower of Hufs, and 
 united with him in all his fchemes ; the 
 adlions, in which they were jointly engaged, 
 are afcribed by hiftorians to Hufs, as the 
 more eminent leader. In general however, 
 we find his youth fpent in an eager purfuit 
 of knowledge ; which he fought after in all 
 the more confiderable univerlities of Europe j 
 particularly in thofe of Prague, Paris, Hei- 
 delburgh, Cologn, and Oxford. 
 
 At Oxford, which feems to have been 
 the lafi: feat of learning, which he vifited, 
 he became acquainted with the works of 
 Wicliff ; and being a perfon of uncommon 
 application, he tranflated many of them 
 into his native language ; having with great 
 pains made himfelf mafler of the Englifh. 
 P 3 It
 
 230 THE LIFE OF 
 
 It IS probable he had conceived an efteeni 
 for Wicliff, before he went to Oxford. At 
 his return to Prague, he profefied himfelf 
 an open favourer of him ^ and finding his 
 dudrines had made a confiderable progrefs 
 in Bohemia, and that Hufs v^as at the head 
 of that party, v^^hich had efpoufed them, he 
 attached himfelf to that leader. 
 
 Hufs was glad of fo able an affiftant in his 
 great work of reforming the clergy: for 
 Jerome w^as inferior to none of his time, in 
 point either of abilities, or learning 5 — fupe- 
 rior certainly to his mafter in both. Hufs 
 was however better qualified as the leader of 
 a party ; his gentlenefs, and very perfuafive 
 manner conciliating the minds of men in his 
 favour: whereas Jerome, with all his great 
 and good qualities, wanted temper. 
 
 Of this we have fome inftances 3 one in* 
 deed very flagrant. He was difputing with 
 two monks about reliques, whom he acci- 
 dentally met on the banks of the Muldaw -, 
 and finding himfelf more warmly oppofed 
 than he expected, he feizcd one of them 
 by the middle, and threw him into the river. 
 The monk recovered the {hove-, but was in 
 no condition to purfue his argument. So 
 
 Jerome
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 231 
 Jerome triumphed by the ftrength of his 
 arm. Whether this ftory be a fad, as in- 
 deed Lenfant fpeaks very dubioufly of the 
 truth of it, we have however no reafon to 
 doubt, that Jerome was principally concern- 
 ed in thofe pafTionate doings, which have 
 been mentioned in the life of Hufs. 
 
 We find little more recorded of Jerome,' 
 till the time of the council of Conftance* 
 When Hufs went thither, Jerome, we are 
 told, very pathetically exhorted him to bear 
 up firmly in this great trial 5 and in parti- 
 cular to infift ftrenuoufly upon the corrupt 
 ftate of the clergy; and the neceffity of a 
 reformation. He added, that if he fhould 
 hear in Bohemia, that Hufs was overpower- 
 ed by his adverfaries, he would immediately 
 repair to Conftance ; and lend him what 
 afliftance he was able. 
 
 He promifed only what he fully intended. 
 He no fooner heard of the difficulties, in 
 which his mafter was engaged, than he fet 
 I out for Conftance; notwithftanding Hufs 
 wrote very prefling letters, infifting upon his 
 putting off the defign, as dangerous, and 
 unprofitable, 
 
 P 4 He
 
 232 THE LIFE OF 
 
 He arrived at Conftance, on the 4tli of 
 April, 141 5 5 about three months before the 
 death of Hufs. He entered the town pri- 
 vately; and confulting with fome of the 
 leaders of his party 3 w^hom he found there, 
 he was eafily convinced, that he could be of 
 no fervice to his friend : he found the coun- 
 cil would not fo much as give him an hear- 
 ing; and that open violence was the only 
 argument they ufed. He heard likewife, 
 that his arrival at Conftance had taken air^ 
 and that the council intended to feize him. 
 
 As this was the lituation of things, he 
 thought it prudent to retire. Accordingly 
 the next day he went to Iberling, an impe- 
 rial town about a mile from Conftance -, 
 whither he fled, fays Reichenthal, with fuch 
 precipitation, that he left his fword behind 
 him. Reichenthal was an officer, em- 
 ployed by the council, to give an account of 
 all ftrangers, who came to Conftance. 
 
 From Iberling Jerome wrote to the em- 
 peror, and profeffed his readinefs to appear 
 before the council, if that prince would 
 give him a fafe-condudl. But Sigifmond 
 had the honefty to refufe. Jerome then 
 
 tried
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 233 
 
 tried the councils but could not obtain a 
 favourable anfwer. 
 
 In this perplexity he put up papers in all 
 the public places of Conftance, particularly 
 upon the doors of the cardinals houfes, in 
 which he profeffed his readinefs to appear at 
 Conftance, in the defence of his charadter, 
 and dodtrine, both which he heard had been 
 exceedingly defamed 5 and declared, that if 
 any error fhould be proved againft him, he 
 would with great readinefs retradl it ; begg- 
 ing only that the faith of the council might 
 be given for his fecurity. 
 
 Thefe papers obtaining no anfwer, he fet 
 out upon his return to Bohemia. He had 
 the precaution to carry with him a certificate 
 figned by feveral of the Bohemian nobility 
 then at Conftance, teftifying, that he had 
 ufed all prudent means in his power to ob- 
 tain a hearing. 
 
 But he did not thus efcape. At Hirfaw 
 he was feized by an officer of the duke of 
 Sultzbach > who, though he acSed un- 
 authorized, made little doubt of the coun- 
 cil's thanks for fo acceptable a fervice. 
 
 Reichanthal hath given us a more parti- 
 cular account of this matter. *J At a village 
 
 upon
 
 234 THE LIFE OF 
 
 upon the borders of the black foreft, (faitK 
 that flrenuous defender of the council,) 
 Jerome fell accidentally in company with 
 fome priefts. The converfation turning 
 upon the council of Conftance, Jerome grew 
 warm^ and among other fevere things, called 
 that afTembly the fchool of the devily and a 
 fynagogiie of iniquity. The priefts, fcandal- 
 ized at this language, gave immediate in- 
 formation of it to the chief magiftrates of 
 the place, who arrefted Jerome^ and put 
 him into the hands of the duke of Sultz- 
 bach. — This ftory hath by no means an im- 
 probable air ', as it is rather charadteriftic j 
 though Lenfant treats it as a fable. 
 
 The duke of Sultzbach, having gotten 
 Jerome in his power, wrote to the council 
 for diredlions. The council, expreffing 
 their obligations to the duke, defired him 
 to fend his prifoner immediately to Con- 
 ftance, The elecSor-palatine met him, and 
 condudled him in tnumph into the town ; 
 himfelf riding on horfe-back, with a nu- 
 merous retinue, who led Jerome, in fetters, 
 by a long chain, after him. 
 
 He was brought immediately before the 
 council. Here a citation was read to him 3 
 
 which.
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 235 
 which, it was faid, had been ported up in 
 Conftance, in anfwer to the papers, which 
 he had fent from Iberling; and he was 
 queftioned about his precipitate flight from 
 that town. To this he anfwered, that he 
 had waited a reafonable time for an anfwer 
 to his paper ; but had never heard of any 
 fuch anfwer till that moment. He added, 
 that if he had heard of it, he would have 
 returned to Conftance, though he had been 
 upon the confines of Bohemia. 
 
 Great v^as the clamour which enfued on 
 this declaration. So eager was every mouth 
 to open upon him, that the impartial fpefta- 
 tor faw rather the reprefentation of the bait- 
 ing of a wild beaft, than a wife affembly 
 enquiring after truth. Nothing indeed more 
 difgraceth the popifh caufe, than the grofs 
 indecency, which, in a manner, was au- 
 thorized on thefe folcmn occafions. A good 
 caufe hath never recourfe to tumult. 
 
 Among thofe, who clamoured loudeft 
 againft Jerome, we find a perfon, whom we 
 are unwilling to fee mixing in fuch a fcene 
 of diforder ; — John Gerfon, chancellor of 
 the univerfity of Paris, one of the moft 
 learned, as well as the moft knowing men 
 
 of
 
 236 THE LIFE OF 
 
 of his time, but without that candour which 
 ufually attends knowledge. With great 
 acrimony he reproached Jerome for the novel 
 opinions he had introduced in Paris, while 
 he ftudied there. Jerome anfwered with 
 equal fpirit, that it was hard to objedt opi- 
 nions of fo long a date 3 — that it was well 
 known the difputations of young ftudents 
 were meant rather as the exercife of genius, 
 than as ftrid: difquifitions of truths — that no 
 exceptions, at this time, had been made to 
 the opinions, which he had maintained ; — 
 fo far from it, that he had been honoured 
 with a degree ; — but that however, if the 
 chancellor would make his objecSlions, he 
 v;ould be ready either to defend, or retradl 
 what he had faid. 
 
 As the chancellor was about to reply, an 
 inundation of furious language broke in 
 upon their difcourfe. The rediors particu- 
 larly of the univerfities of Cologn, and 
 Heidelburgh, following the track of Gerfon, 
 made lamentable complaints of the peftilent 
 herefies which Jerome had maintained in 
 thofe places ; one of them in particular dwelt 
 much upon an impious idea he had given of 
 the Trinity, comparing it to water, fnow, 
 
 and
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 237 
 
 and ice. Jerome had no opportunity of 
 anfwering. A thoufand voices burft out 
 from every quarter, " Away with him ; 
 *' burn him : burn him." 
 
 This confufion continued nearly the fpace 
 of half an hour. Jerome flood amazed at 
 the grofs indecency of the fcene. As foon 
 as he had coUeded himfelf, and could in any 
 degree be heard, he looked round the aflem- 
 bly with a noble air, and cried out aloud, 
 *' Since nothing can fatisfy you but my 
 ^' blood, God's will be done !" 
 
 Thus ended his firft hearing. He was 
 carried from the affembly into a dungeon, 
 under the cuftody of a guard, till it could 
 be determined how to difpofe of him. 
 
 As he was fitting here, ruminating upon 
 his approaching fate, a voice ftruck him, 
 calling out in thefe words, " Fear not, 
 " Jerome, to die in the caufe of that truth, 
 " which, during thy life, thou haft defend- 
 *^ ed.'* Jerome looking up to a dark win- 
 dow, from whence the voice feemed to 
 come, cried out, " Whoever thou art, who 
 ** deigneft to comfort an abjedt man, I give 
 ^' thee thanks for thy kind office. I have 
 l[ indeed lived defending what I thought the 
 
 '' truth :
 
 238 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ** truth : the harder tafk yet remains, to die 
 « for its fake : but God, I hope, will fup- 
 y port me againft flefli and blood." 
 
 This converfation alarmed the guard, who 
 rufliing in difcovered the offender. He ap- 
 peared to be that Maddonwitz, v/hofe fer- 
 vices to Hufs have already been mentioned. 
 
 The affair was ufed as a pretence for more 
 feverity againft Jerome, who was immedi- 
 ately conveyed to a ftrong tower, where his 
 hands being tied behind his neck, he was 
 left to languifli in that painful poflure, during 
 the fpace of two days, without any ahment, 
 but bread and water. 
 
 Thefe feverities, and others, which were 
 inflided upon him, were intended to force 
 a recantation from him -, a point which the 
 council exceedingly laboured. Nothing, in 
 the way either of promifing or threatening, 
 was omitted, which, it was thought, might 
 be effectual to that end. 
 
 His confinement brought upon him a 
 dangerous illnefs ; in the courfe of which 
 he fent preffing inftances to the council for 
 a confeffor. This afforded a proper occafion 
 to work upon him 5 and he was given to 
 
 underftand.
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 239 
 
 underftand, upon what terms he might be 
 gratified. But he remained immoveable. 
 
 The next attempt upon him, was imme- 
 diately after the death of Hufs. The cir- 
 cumftances of that affair were laid before 
 him, and the fatal example preffed home in 
 the moil affefting manner. Jerome liftened 
 without emotion^ and anfwered infuch re- 
 folute language, as afforded little hopes of 
 his fudden converfion. 
 
 His conftancy, however, at length gave 
 way. Flefh and blood could not fupport 
 him longer. The fimple fear of death he 
 withftood^ but to endure imprifonment, 
 chains, hunger, ficknefs, and even torture, 
 through a fucceffion of many months, was 
 too great a trial for human nature. But 
 though he fell in this conflict, yet he fell 
 not, till he had made a noble ftand. He 
 was three times brought before the council ; 
 and having as often withftood the fury of 
 intemperate zeal, retired, mafter of himfelf, 
 to the horrors of his dungeon. 
 
 On the I ith of September his judges firft 
 had hopes of his recantation. He began to 
 waver; and talked obfcurely of his having 
 mifunderftood the tendency of fome of the 
 
 tenets
 
 240 THE LIFE OF 
 
 tenets of Hufs. Promifes and threatenings 
 were now redoubled upon him; and the 
 20th was appointed for a more ample con- 
 feffion of his herefies. He was founded the 
 night before 5 but not being yet brought to 
 a proper flexibility, another day was appoint- 
 ed. That fatal day was the 23d of Sep- 
 tember y when he read aloud an ample re- 
 cantation, of all the opinions he had main- 
 tained, couched in words directed by the 
 council. In this paper he acknowledged the 
 errors of Wicliff, and of Hufs, entirely 
 aflented to the condemnation of the latter, 
 and declared himfelf, in every article, a firm 
 believer with the church of Rome. 
 
 Having thus ad:ed againfl his confcience, 
 with a heavy heart he retired from the coun- 
 cil. His chains indeed were taken from 
 him; but the load was only ti-ansferred from 
 his body to his mind. Vain were the careffes 
 of thofe about him : they only mocked his 
 forrow. His prifon was now indeed a gloomy 
 folitude. The anguifh of his own thoughts 
 had made it fuch. 
 
 Paletz, and Du Caffis, who were the 
 chief managers againfl him, as they had 
 been againft Hufs, foon obferved this change. 
 
 His
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 241 
 
 His recantation, they faid publicly, came 
 only from his lips 3 and they determined, to 
 bring him to a fecond hearing. It is proba- 
 ble indeed they adled in this bufinefs only an 
 under-part. The pretence for a new trial 
 was a new accufation. Some Carmelite 
 friars, juft arrived from Bohemia, laid before 
 the council many ftrong articles againft Je- 
 rome, which had not yet appeared. Paletz- 
 taking up the affair, feconded the Carmelites 
 with great zeal: others again, asthefcheme 
 had been laid, harangued on different arti- 
 cles. 
 
 The managers however of this bufinefs 
 foon found, they were Ukely to meet with 
 a warmer oppofitlon than they had imagined. 
 The cardinals particularly of Cambray and 
 Florence, and others, who had been ap- 
 pointed judges by the council in the caufe of 
 Jerome, loudly exclaimed againfl a fecond 
 trial. " He hath fubmitted, (faid they,) to 
 " the council^ — he hath acknowledged his 
 " errors in particular, as well as in general, 
 *^ what can v^e expert more? Hitherto we 
 " have aded with credit : let us flop here, 
 " and not fuffer an intemperate zeal for truth 
 *' to carry us beyond the bounds of juflice/' 
 Q_ Whether
 
 242 ^ THE LIFE OF 
 
 Whether the love of juftice was the only 
 motive v^ith thefe cardinals may be queftion- 
 ed. It is probable they v^ere influenced by 
 motives of policy alfo. The death of Hufs 
 had occafioned a greater commotion in Bo- 
 hemia than had been forefeen. Nothing 
 was heard in the flreets of Prague, but cla- 
 mour againft the council, which was every 
 where reprefented as an aflembly of perfe- 
 cutors. The council, it feems, had written 
 a letter, in very fmooth language, to palliate 
 what had been done in the cafe of Hufs : 
 but it had little eflTedl. On the contrary, the 
 principal HufTites, (for by that name the 
 party became now diftinguilhed,) alTembled 
 in the church of Bethelem, where they de- 
 creed the honour of martyrdom to their 
 mafter. They went farther: they fent a 
 letter to Conftance ; in which, having given 
 ample teftimony to the merits of Hufs, they 
 reproached the council with his death 3 ex- 
 preffing at the fame time their devotion to 
 the fee of Rome, when the confufion, with 
 which it was diftraded, fhould be at an end. 
 This letter was figned by 54 of the firft 
 nobility in Bohemia, and Moravia : fome 
 Polifli lords too fubfcribed it. Nor was it 
 
 thought
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 243 
 
 thought that Winceflaus himfelf, though no 
 way attached to the caufe of Hufs, had in- 
 terfered in checking the difturbance occa- 
 fioned by his death. It is certain, he had 
 taken great offence at the council for the 
 affront, which he thought they had put upon 
 him 5 and wanted only an opportunity of 
 fhewing them how much he was offended. 
 
 From the determined fpirit of this letter, 
 it was eafy to obferve the feeds of fire fcat- 
 tered in Bohemia, which a fingle breath 
 might excite into flame ; and how general 
 this flame might afterwards become, it was 
 impoffible to forefee. All well-wifliers there- 
 fore to the peace of Chriftendom, thought 
 it prudent to refrain from counfels of an 
 inflammatory kind. 
 
 Among thefe, it is probable, were the 
 cardinals juft mentioned; who laboured, 
 with what addrefs they were able, to prevent 
 a fecond trial. But their endeavours were 
 ineffedual. A torrent of zeal and bigotry 
 bore down all oppofition. Even the learned 
 Gerfon joined in this unmanly clamour; and 
 with great indecency employed his pen, as 
 well as his tongue, upon the occafion. A 
 treatife of his was made public, in which he 
 Q 2 fhewed
 
 244 THE LIFE OF 
 
 fhewed how little ftrefs could be laid upon 
 the recantation of heretics. To fuch an 
 height ran diflention on this occafion, that 
 the cardinal of Cambray was even reproach- 
 ed in public, on a fuppofition of having taken 
 money from the king of Bohemia. 
 
 He, and his colleagues, finding them- 
 felves unable to ftem fo furious a tide, at 
 length gave way to it. They entered their 
 protefl however againfl: thefe violent proceed- 
 ings, and laid down the commiffion, with 
 which the council had intrufted them. It 
 was immediately taken up, with the general 
 approbation of all the zealot-party, by the 
 patriarch of Conftantinople 3 who having 
 fufficiently fhewn his fpirit in the affair of 
 Hufs, was confidered as a man prepared to 
 go any lengths. 
 
 While thefe things w^ere in agitation, a 
 full half-year elapfed ; during which time 
 Jerome's enemies had influence enough to 
 continue his confinement, till feme end 
 fhould be put to the affair. 
 
 It was not till the May of the year 14 16, 
 that Jerome was called again before the 
 council. He had long been apprized of the 
 defign of bringing him to a fecond trial 
 
 upon
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 245 
 upon fome new evidence which had appear- 
 ed. This, amidfl: all his diftrefles, was his 
 great confolation ; and he rejoiced at an op- 
 portunity of acknowledging publickly that 
 fliameful defedion, which hung fo heavy 
 upon him. 
 
 A little before the day of trial, he was in- 
 formed, that proftors were appointed, by 
 whom he might urge his defence. But he 
 infifted pofitively upon making no defence 
 in any form, unlefs the council would give 
 him an audience; and let him anfwer for 
 himfelf. This, after much difficulty, anci 
 long debatings, was at length allowed. 
 
 When he was brought to an audience, he 
 was charged with various articles; the chief 
 of which were, — His adherence to the errors 
 of Wicliff, — his having had a pidture of that 
 heretic in his chamber, arrayed in the com- 
 mon ornaments of a faint, — his counterfeit- 
 ing the feal of the univerfity of Oxford in 
 favour of WiclifF, — His defpifing the autho- 
 rity of the church after excommunication,— 
 and his denial of tranfubftantiation. 
 
 On all thefe articles of accufation, and 
 
 what others of lefs moment were objected 
 
 to him, he anfwered with great fpirit. 
 
 CL 3 '[ That
 
 246 THE LIFE OF 
 
 «^ That he thought well of Wicliff, and of 
 his doarine, he faid, he fcrupled not to 
 own 5 but that he thought him infallible, as 
 feemed to be infmuated, was falfe ; — that 
 many of his books he had never feen; and 
 that he could not fubfcribe in all points, to 
 thofe he had: but that in general he believed 
 many errors had been laid to his charge, of 
 which he was innocent; for he was too wife 
 a man, he faid, to be the author of grofs 
 abfurdities, many of which his enemies had 
 inferted in his creed. — With regard to his 
 having had a picture of WiclifFin his poffef- 
 fion, he faid, it was very true; and that he 
 had the pidtures likewife of many other 
 learned men; but he remembred not, he 
 faid, that Wicliff's portrait was drefled in 
 any faint-like ornaments; — that as to the 
 charge of his having counterfeited the feal 
 of the univerfity of Oxford, he had feen, he 
 faid, a teftimonial under that feal, in favour 
 of Wicliff, which he had been made to be- 
 lieve was authentic : he owned too, that he 
 had read it publickly; but that as to his 
 having counterfeited either the feal, or the 
 inftrument, he was totally Innocent of the 
 charge ; and it refted upon his opponents to 
 
 prove 
 
 d
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 247 
 
 prove the allegation. This affair of a falfe 
 teftimonial made much noife, it feems, at 
 that time. But from the general temper of 
 the univerfity it is probable, the inftrument 
 was authentic} and the evidence of hiftory 
 confirms its authenticity. — Finally, Jerome 
 declared folemnly, that he had never defpifed 
 the authority of the church : he could prove, 
 he faid, that he had ufed every probable 
 method in his power to be reconciled to it^ — 
 and that laftly, he had never, either in con- 
 verfation, or writing, oppofed the doftrine 
 of tranfubftantiation. 
 
 Having thus protefted his innocence, he 
 gave the council a circumflantial detail of 
 his coming to Conftancej and of all that 
 had fince befallen him. Then raifing his 
 voice, and expreffing himfelf firft with fome 
 afperity againft his accufers, he told them, 
 he was now going to lay himfelf more open 
 to them, than he had yet done. He then, 
 with great emotion, declared before the 
 whole affembly, that the fear of death only 
 had induced him to retraft opinions, which 
 from his heart he maintained 5 — that he had 
 done injuftice to the memory of thofe two 
 excellent men, John Wicliff, and Johu 
 Q4 Ha
 
 248 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Hufs; whofe examples he revered; and in 
 whofe doftrine he was determined to die. 
 He concluded with a fevere invedtive againft 
 the clergy ; the depravity of whofe manners, 
 he faid, was now every where notorious. 
 
 It may truly be lamented, that the whole 
 of his fpeech, upon this occafion, hath not 
 been preserved . It is faid to have been a 
 model of true eloquence. The minds of 
 his hearers were fo captivated with it, that, 
 in fpite of themfelves, they were attentive. 
 Once or twice he was interrupted ; but the 
 interrupters paid feverely for their imperti- 
 nence: they were foon lafhed into confulion 
 by the acrimony of his language, and the 
 fpirit, with which he fpoke. So collected 
 was he, fo entirely mafter of himfelf ; and 
 of every topic, on which he difcourfed, that 
 it feemed as if heaven had indulged him, 
 on this folemn occafion, in the exertion of 
 more than natural powers. It is faid, that 
 many in the council, while he was fpeaking, 
 became fo prejudiced in his favour, that they 
 fat with a dread upon them, left he fhould 
 utter fomething, which might throw him 
 beyond a poffibility of obtaining mercy. 
 
 His
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 249 
 
 His fpeech however was not calculated to 
 move pity. On the fame day, or a few days 
 after, fentence pafTed upon him, by which 
 he was condemned for having held the errors 
 of Wicliff^ and for apoftatizing. He was 
 immediately, in the ufual ftile of popifh 
 afFedlation, delivered over to the civil power. 
 As he was a layman, he had no ceremony of 
 degradation to undergo. The fame fort of 
 cap was put upon his head, with which 
 Hufs had been adorned; and fo attired he 
 was led to execution. 
 
 When he came to the place, he could not 
 but fmile to fee the malice of his enemies 
 appearing in a fhape too grotefque for fo 
 ferious an occafion. The poit, to which he 
 was chained, was hewn, it feems, into a 
 monftrous, and uncouth figure of Hufs, and 
 ornamented into a ridiculous likenefs of 
 him. 
 
 A little before the fire was kindled, he 
 told the people, that he believed the efla- 
 blifhed creed, and that he knew not for what 
 he fuffered death, unlefs becaufe he had not 
 fubfcribed to the condemnation of WicliiF, 
 and of Hufs > which he could not do with 
 
 a fafe
 
 250 THE LIFE OF 
 
 a fafe confcience ; becaufe he firmly believed 
 them both to be pious men. 
 
 The wood beghming to blaze, he fang an 
 hymn, which he continued with great fer- 
 vency, till the fury of the fire fcorching him, 
 he was heard to cry out, " O Lord God ! 
 *' have mercy upon me ! have mercy upon 
 *' me !" And a little afterwards, " Thou 
 *' knoweft how I have loved thy truth/' 
 The wind parting the flames, his body, full 
 of large bliflers, exhibited a dreadful fpedla- 
 cle to the beholders; his lips continued ftili 
 moving, as if actuated by intenfe devotion. 
 During a full quarter of an hour, he dif- 
 covered the figns not only of life, but of 
 intelledl, — Even his enemies thought the 
 rage of his judges purfued him too far, when 
 they faw his wretched coverlet, and the other 
 miferable garniture of his prifon, by their 
 order, confumed in the fire after him ; and 
 his aflies, as thofe of Hufs had been, thrown 
 into the Rhine. 
 
 From this account of the trial, and death • 
 of Jerome, it feems as if the leading mem- 
 bers of the council were determined, at any 
 rate, to put him to death. We cannot other- 
 wife fee the reafon of their bringing him to 
 
 a fecond
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 251 
 a fecond hearing. They had already obtain- 
 ed a triumph over him. A fecond trial 
 made that again doubtful, which his recanta- 
 tion had decided in their favour. But it 
 hath been the notorious praftice of the 
 church of Rome, in her dealings vi^ith ca- 
 pital offenders, to put them firft to fhame, 
 and afterv^^ards to death. 
 
 Among thofe, who have treated of the 
 death of Jerome, none hath done him more 
 honour than Pogge the Florentine. The 
 anecdotes of him preferved by this writer 
 have not yet been laid before the reader. As 
 Pogge was not only a man of fome eminence, 
 but an adverfary likewife to the caufe of Je- 
 rome, his teftimony is of too much confe- 
 quence to be kneaded with the mafs of other 
 authorities s and will appear to moft advan- 
 tage by itfelf. 
 
 This eminent perfon had been bred in the 
 court of Rome; and having been fecretary 
 under two popes, was well inftrudled in its 
 defigns. Here too he had every opportunity 
 of gratifying his inclination for ftudy; and 
 was verfed alike in bufinefs, and in letters. 
 He had a tafte for poetry likev^ife 3 and gain- 
 ed great credit by fome fatyrical compofitions, 
 
 which
 
 252 THE LIFE OF 
 
 which he publifhed in the early part of his 
 life. To his other praifes he added that of 
 an hiftorian. His hiftory of Florence is 
 efteemed an elegant at leaft, though a par- 
 tial compofition. But the world is moft in- 
 debted to him as an antiquarian. To his in- 
 duftry we owe many noble remains of an- 
 tiquity, which he redeemed from that ob- 
 fcurity, in which barbarifm had involved 
 them; particularly the works of Quindilian; 
 which he had the happinefs to find compleat 
 in a ruined monaftery. 
 
 In what capacity he attended the council, 
 we have no account. As he relates matter 
 of fadl only, it is of little confequence. The 
 examination, and death of Jerome, of which 
 he was an eye-witnefs, afFedted him in fo 
 ftrcng a manner, that he gave a full account 
 of both to his friend Aretin at Rome, as the 
 moll extraordinary events he had met with, 
 during his refidence at Conftance. The 
 reader will coniider his letter on this occa- 
 fion, as a portrait warm from the life; and, 
 if not a finiflied pidlure, at leaft a very fpirited 
 fketch. It was written originally in Latin. 
 The following is not meant as a literal tran- 
 llation. Thofe circumftances, with which 
 
 the
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 253 
 the reader hath been already made ac- 
 quainted, in the courfe of the narrative, are 
 omitted. 
 
 A letter from Pogge of Florence to 
 Leonard Aretin. 
 
 " In the midft of a fliort excurfion into 
 ^* the country, I wrote to our common 
 " friend ; from whom, I doubt not, you 
 5^ have had an account of me. 
 
 *' Since my return to Conftance, my at- 
 *^ tcntion hath been wholly engaged by Je- 
 " rome, the Bohemian heretic, as he is 
 *' called. The eloquence, and learning, 
 " which this perfon hath employed in his 
 " own defence are fo extraordinary, that I 
 *' cannot forbear giving you a fhort account 
 y of him. 
 
 " To confefs the truth, I never knew the 
 ^^ art of fpeaking carried fo near the model 
 " of ancient eloquence. It was indeed 
 " amazing to hear with what force of ex- 
 ^^ preffion, with what fluency of language, 
 " and with what excellent reafoning he an- 
 " fwered his advcrfaries; nor was I lefs ftruck 
 tt with the gracefulnefs of his manner^ the 
 
 */ dignity
 
 2^4. THE LIFE OF 
 
 *' dignity of his adtion ; and the firmnefs, 
 ^^ and conftancy of his whole behaviour. It 
 •' grieved me to think fo great a man vy^as la- 
 " bouring under fo atrocious an accufation. 
 " Whether this accufation be a jufl one, 
 " God knows: for myfelf, I enquire not 
 " into the merits of it^ refting fatisfied w^ith 
 " the decifion of my fuperiors. — But I will 
 *' juft give you a fummary of his trial. 
 
 " After many articles had been proved 
 " againft him, leave was at length given 
 ** him to anfwer each in its order. But Je- 
 ^' rome longrefufed, flrenuoufly contending, 
 " that he had many things to fay previoufly 
 " in his defence ; and that he ought iirft to 
 *^ be heard in general, before he defcended 
 *' to particulars. When this was over- ruled, 
 ^' Here, faid he, ftanding in the midfl of 
 " theaffembly, hereisjuftice^ here is equity. 
 ** Befet by my enemies, I am already pro- 
 ** nounced a heretic : I am condemned, be- 
 *' fore I am examined. — Were you God's 
 <' omnifcient, inftead of an allembly of fal- 
 ** lible men, you could not aft with more 
 *' fufficiency. — Error is the lot of mortals ; 
 " and you, exalted as you are, are fabjeft 
 " to it. But confider, that the higher you
 
 <c 
 
 €C 
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 255 
 *^ are exalted, of the more dangerous con- 
 ** fequence are your errors. — As for me, I 
 ** know I am a wretch below your notice : 
 " but at leaft confider, that an unjuft adion, 
 *' in fuch an affembly, will be of dangerous 
 example." 
 
 *' This, and much more, he fpoke with 
 great elegance of language, in the midft 
 *• of a very unruly and indecent affembly : 
 *^ and thus far at leaft he prevailed ; the 
 *' council ordered, thatheiliould firftanfwer 
 *^ objections -, and promifed that he fliould 
 *' then have liberty to fpeak. Accordingly,"' 
 «* all the articles alledged againft him were 
 «^ publicly read ; and then proved ; after 
 " which he was afked, whether he had ought 
 '^ to objed; ? It is incredible with what acute- 
 *^ nefs he anfwered j and with what amazing 
 *' dexterity he warded off every ftroke of his 
 *' adverfaries. Nothing efcaped him : his 
 " whole behaviour was truly great and pious. 
 *^ If he were indeed the man his defence 
 " fpoke him, he was fo far from meriting 
 *' death, that, in my judgment, he was not 
 " in any degree culpable. — In a word, he 
 " endeavoured to prove, that the greater 
 *^ part of the charge was purely the inven- 
 
 '' tioa
 
 256 THE LIFE OF 
 
 " tion of his adverfaries. — Among other 
 *' things, being accufed of hating and de- 
 " faming the holy fee, the pope, the cardi- 
 " nals, the prelates, and the whole eftate of 
 " the clergy, he ftretched out his hands, 
 " and faid, in a moft moving accent, " On 
 *^ which lide^ reverend fathers, ihall I turn 
 *' me for redrefs ? whom fhall I implore ? 
 *' whofe affiftance can I expedl ? which of 
 «^ you hath not this malicious charge entirely 
 «^ alienated from me ? which of you hath it 
 *' not changed from a judge into an invete- 
 ** rate enemy ? — It was artfully alledged in- 
 *' deed 1 Though other parts of their charge 
 *^ were of lefs moment, my accufers might 
 " well imagine, that if this were fattened on 
 *' me, it could not fail of drawing upon me 
 *^ the united indignation of my judges." 
 
 " On the third day of this memorable 
 '* trial, what had paft was recapitulated : 
 <' when Jerome, having obtained leave, tho* 
 " with fome difficulty, to fpeak, began his 
 " oration with a prayer to God ; whofe di- 
 " vine affiftance -he pathetically implored. 
 " He then obfervcd, that many excellent 
 *^ men, in the annals of hiftory, had been 
 " oppreffed by falfe witneffes, and con- 
 
 " demned
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 257 
 
 ^^ demned by unjuft judges. Beginning 
 
 *^ with profane hiftory, he inftanced the 
 
 " death of Socrates, the captivity of Plato, 
 
 ♦' the banifhment of Anaxagoras, and the 
 
 " unjuft fufferings of many others : he then 
 
 " inftanced the many worthies, of the old 
 
 " Teftament, in the fame circumftances, 
 
 *' Mofes, Jofliua, Daniel, and almoft all 
 
 *' the prophets 5 and laftly thofe of the new, 
 
 " John the baptift, St. Stephen, and others, 
 
 *' who were condemned as feditious, pro- 
 
 " phane, or immoral men. An unjuft judg- 
 
 " ment, he faid, proceeding from a layic 
 
 ^^ was bad -, from a prieft, worfe ; ftill worfe 
 
 " from a college of priefts ; and from a ge- 
 
 " neral council, fuperlatively bad. — Thefe 
 
 " things he fpoke with fuch force and em- 
 
 " phafis, as kept every one's attention awake, 
 
 ^^ On one point he dwelt largely. As the 
 
 " merits of the caufe refted entirely upon 
 
 " the credit of witnefies, he took great pains 
 
 " to fhew, that very little was due to thofe 
 
 " produced againft him. He had many 
 
 *' objedions to them, particularly their 
 
 *• avowed hatred to him ; the fources of 
 
 *^ which he fo palpably laid open, that he 
 
 [[ made a ftrong imprellion upon the minds 
 
 R '' of
 
 258 THE LIFE OF 
 
 " of his hearers ; and not a little fnook the 
 ^' credit of the witneffes. The whole coun- 
 ** cil was moved ; and greatly inclined to 
 *• pity, if not to favour him. He added, 
 ** that he came uncompelled to the council ; 
 *^ and that neither his life nor dodtrine had 
 •' been fuch^ as gave him the leaft reafon to 
 ^' dread an appearance before them. Dif- 
 " ferencc of opinion, he faid, in matters of 
 *' faith had ever arifen among learned men 3 
 " and was always efteemed produdlive of 
 " truth, rather than of error, where bigotry 
 *' v/as laid alide. Such, he faid, was the 
 " difference between Aufiin and Jerome : 
 ^^ and though their opinions were not only 
 " different, but contradidory, yet the im- 
 " putation of herefy was never fixed on 
 
 ^' either. 
 
 *' Every one expedled, that he would 
 *^ now either retrad: his errors, or at leaft 
 '^ apologize for them : but nothing of the 
 *^ kind was heard from him ; he declared 
 " plainly, that he had nothing to retrad:. 
 '' He launched out into an high encomium 
 " of Hufs ; calling him a holy man ; and 
 " lamenting his cruel, and unjufl death. 
 '' He had armed himfeif, he faid, with a 
 
 '^ full
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 259 
 
 " full refolution to follow the fteps of that 
 «^ bleffed martyr; and to fafrer with con- 
 " ftancy whatever the malice of his enemies 
 " could inflid:. '^ The perjured witneffes, 
 " (faid he,) who have appeared againft me, 
 " have won their caufe : but let them re- 
 *^ member, they have their evidence once 
 ^^ more to give before a tribunal, where 
 ^' fahhood can be no difguife.'* 
 
 " It was impoffible to hear this pathetic 
 ** fpeaker without emotion. Every ear was 
 " captivated ; and every heart touched. — 
 *' But wifhes in his favour were vain : he 
 ^' threw himfelf beyond a poffibility of 
 '^ mercy. Braving death, he even provoked 
 ^' the vengeance, which v/as hanging over 
 " him. '' If that holy martyr, (faid he, 
 " fpeaking of Hufs,) ufed the clergy with 
 " difrefped:, his cenfures were not levelled 
 '* at them as priefts, but as wicked men. 
 *^ He faw with indignation thofe revenues, 
 '^ which had been defigned for charitable 
 " ends, expended upon pageantry, and 
 '' riot." 
 
 " Through this whole oration he fliewed 
 *' a moft amazing ftrength of memory. He 
 ^' had been confined almoft a year in adun- 
 R 2 " eeoa
 
 s6o THE LIFE OF 
 
 " geon : the feverity of which ufage he 
 •' complained of, but in the language of a 
 '* great and good mane In this horrid place 
 ** he was deprived of books and paper. Yet 
 " notwitbftanding this, and the conftant 
 ^^ anxiety, which maft have hung over him, 
 " he was at no more lofs for proper authori- 
 " ties, and quotations, than if he had fpent 
 •' the intermediate time at leifure in his 
 " iludy. 
 
 " His voice was fweet, diftincl, and full : 
 ^' his adion every way the moft proper either 
 *' to exprefs indignation, or to raife pity; 
 *' though he made no afFed:ed application to 
 *^ the paflions of his audience. Firm, and 
 '' intrepid he flood before the council^ col- 
 *' leded in himfelf 5 and not only contemn- 
 " ing, but feeming even defirous of death. 
 " The greateft charader in ancient flory 
 '' could not poflibly go beyond him. If 
 " there is anyjuftlce in hiliory, this man 
 '* will be admired by all pofterity. — I fpeak 
 '* not of his errors : let thefe reft with him, 
 *' What I admired Vv^as his learning, his elo- 
 " quence, and amazing acutenefs. God 
 *' knows whether thefe things were not the 
 
 ■^ ground- work of his ruin. 
 
 Two
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 261 
 
 " Two days were allowed him for re- 
 ** fledion , 'during which time many perfons 
 " of confequence, and particularly my lord 
 ** cardinal of Florence, endeavoured to bring 
 " him to a better mind. But perlifting ob- 
 ^^ ftinately in his errors, he was condemned 
 *' as an heretic. 
 
 " With achearful countenance, and more 
 " than Stoical conftancy, he met his fate ; 
 " fearing neither death itfelf, nor the horri- 
 *' ble form, in which it appeared. When he 
 " came. to the place, he pulled of his upper 
 *' garment, and made a Ihort prayer * at 
 *' the flake ; to which he was foon after 
 *' bound with wet cords, and an iron chain ; 
 " and inclofed as high as his breaft with 
 y faggots. 
 
 " Obferving the executioner about to {qI 
 " fire to the wood behind his back, he cried 
 *' out, " Bring thy torch hither. Perform 
 *' thy office before my face. Had I feared 
 " death, I might have avoided it." 
 
 " As 
 
 * Flexis genihus 'veneratits efi palum (faith the original.) 
 This certainly mull have been a falfe interpretation of his 
 praying 'with his face turned tonuards the Jiake. B ut other 
 hiilorians, on Pogge's authority, have taken up the notion, 
 tliat he prayed to the Jlake*
 
 262 THE LIFE OF 
 
 '' As the wood began to blaze, he fang 
 <« an hymn, which the violence of the flame 
 " fcarce interrupted. 
 
 " Thus died this prodigious man. The 
 " epithet is not extravagant. I was myfelf 
 " an eye-witnefs of his whole behaviour. 
 *' Whatever his life may have been, his 
 *' death, without doubt, is a noble leffon of 
 *' philofophy. 
 
 " But it is time to finifli this long epiftle, 
 " You will fay I have had fome leifure upon 
 *' my hands : and, to fay the truth, I have 
 " not much to do here. This will, I hope, 
 '* convince you, that greatnefs is not wholly 
 '« confined to antiquity. You will think me 
 *' perhaps tedious ; but I could have been 
 *' more prolix on a fubjed: fo copious. — 
 *' Farewell my dear Leonard." 
 
 Conftance May 20. 
 
 Such was the teflimony born to an adver- 
 fary by this ingenuous papift. His friend 
 Aretin was lefs candid. " You attribute 
 '' more, fays he, to this man, than I could 
 '' wiih. You ought at leafl to wf^ile more 
 *J cautioufly of thefe things." And indeed, 
 
 it
 
 JEROME OF PRAGUE. 263 
 
 it is probable, Pogge would have written 
 more cautioufly, had he written a few days 
 afterwards. But his letter is dated on the 
 very day, on which Jerome fufFered, and 
 came warm from the Vv^riter's heart. It is 
 fufficiently plain, what Pogge himfelf thought 
 of the council, and its proceedings. His 
 encomium on Jerome, is certainly a tacit 
 cenfure of them. 
 
 7he end. The 

 
 />.< 
 
 u^
 
 ( 265 ) 
 
 ' The Life of 
 Z I S C A. 
 
 IN the lives of John Hufs, and Jerome 
 of Prague, we have feen great inftances 
 of the violence and injuftice of the council 
 of Conftance. That bigotted aflembly ap- 
 peared ready to embrace any meafures, and 
 to run any lengths, to eftablifh the tyranny 
 of the church of Rome. The life of Zifca 
 exhibits thofe fcenes of diforder and ruin, 
 which might be expedled as the natural 
 confequences of fuch furious zeal. 
 
 The real name of this eminent perfon was 
 John de Troeznow. The epithet Zifca was 
 given him from his having loft an eye; that 
 word, in the Bohemian language, iignifying 
 one-eyed. He was a native of Bohemia ; 
 born of a good family, remarkable rather 
 for its credit, than its wealth. 
 
 In the early part of his life Zifca was in- 
 troduced to Winceilaus^ whom, he ferved in 
 
 tlie
 
 266 THELIFEOF 
 
 the capacity of a page : but being tired of 
 a fubjeftion to the capricious and trifling hu- 
 mours of that prince, he gave up all ex- 
 pectations from royal favour, and left his 
 country, with a refolution to feek his fortune 
 abroad. His intention was to enter into fome 
 military fervice ; having from his earlieft 
 youth difcovered a ftrong inclination to the 
 profeffion of arms. 
 
 He lived fome time in Denmark, and 
 afterwards in lower Saxony ^ but we find 
 him not in any employment, till the break- 
 ing out of the wars in Poland, agalnft the 
 knights of the Teutonic order. 
 
 The Poles embracing Chriftianity earlier 
 than their neighbours, fuffered from fome 
 of them a fort of national perfecution. The 
 irruptions of the Pruflians were particularly 
 formidable ; with which hardy people they 
 waged a long and unfuccefsful war. At 
 length finding themfelves reduced, they 
 called to their affiftance the knights of the 
 Teutonic orders by whofe alliance being 
 ftrengthened, they foon brought their ene- 
 mies to terms. 
 
 To recompence thefe foreigners, or more 
 probably to fulfil a previous engagement> 
 
 they
 
 Z I S C A. 267 
 
 they allowed them to fettle in Poland, and 
 diftrlbuted lands among them. But the 
 Poles had foon reafon to repent of their 
 civility. Thefe infolent inmates made early 
 incroachments upon their benefadors ; and 
 matters proceeding to extremity, a bloody 
 war broke out. Neither fide had much 
 reafon to boaft, till the year 14105 when 
 the knights fuffered a total defeat : their 
 grand-mafter was killed, and their whole 
 army very fcverely handled. 
 
 Zifca, who had entered, at the begining 
 of the war, into the fervice of the king of 
 Poland, diftinguifhed himfelf greatly in this 
 battle. He led a battalion in that wing, 
 which firft turned the fortune of the day. 
 The king prefented him with a purfe of 
 ducats for his fervices 3 and accompanied 
 his liberality with a badge of honour. 
 
 The PoHfli generals however not purfuing 
 their vidory as they ought, the knights fo 
 far collefted themfelves, as to enter with a 
 good face into negotiation. A treaty was 
 foon afterwards concluded -, and Zifca find- 
 ing his fword of no farther ufe in Poland, 
 returned into Bohemia 5 where we meet him 
 again, notwithllanding his former prejudices, 
 
 in
 
 268 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ia the court of Winceflaus ; and iri office 
 about his perfon. 
 
 Upon the tragical fate of Hufs, which 
 threw all Bohemia into confufion, no one 
 felt more acutely than Zifci. He did not 
 however vent his indignation, like others, 
 in clamour and threatening language -, it fat 
 in a melancholy gloom upon his brows, and 
 funk into his heart. The king, we are told, 
 feeing him, from a window of the palace, 
 walking in a thoughtful poflure, afked him, 
 upon what ferious fubjed he was meditating? 
 *' Upon the bloody affront, anfwered Zifca, 
 which your majefty's fubjeds have luffered 
 at Conftance." '^ It is true, replied Win- 
 ceflaus; but, I fear, it is neither in your 
 power, nor in mine, to revenge it." This 
 circumftance, we are told, firfl: infpired Zifca 
 with a refoiution to afiert the religious liber- 
 ties of his country. 
 
 Befides the affair of Conftance, he wanted 
 not other motives to incite him to this enter- 
 prize. Though a man of no great know- 
 ledge in matters of divinity, he had fagacity 
 enough to fee the neceflity of a thorough 
 reformation in the difcipline of the church- 
 He had conceived likewife a fteady diflike 
 
 to
 
 Z I S C A. 269 
 
 to the clergy -, founded more upon the cor- 
 ruption of their lives, than of their dodlrine. 
 We are told too, he had perfonal caufe of 
 refentment 5 a favourite lifter having been 
 debauched by a monk. 
 
 But with whatever zeal Zifca and his 
 friends were animated in private, in public 
 they obferved a commendable temper. 
 While the council ftill fat, they had hope 
 that fome healing expedient might be found. 
 Were the fathers there affembled in earneft, 
 it was impoffible, they imagined, but fome- 
 thing would be done to remove abufes, and 
 allay diftempers, become now fo flagrant, 
 and alarming. They refolved however to 
 wait the event. 
 
 With thefe vain hopes they were deluded, 
 till the diflblution of the council, in the 
 beginning of the year 141 8. Their eyes 
 were now fully opened. That great affem- 
 bly of Chriftian biihops, from the refult of 
 whofe counfels, a full reformation of all 
 abufes was expedled, were fo far from an- 
 fwering thofe fanguine hopes, that they left 
 things very little better than they found 
 them ; ihany things worfe, as fandifyed by 
 a new authority, \\ Thus ended, (fays the 
 
 *' impartial
 
 270 THELIFEOF 
 
 " impartial Lenfant, in the conclufion of his 
 *' hiftory,) the famous council of Conftance j 
 '' in which it cannot be denyed, but that 
 *' fome things were done truly commend- 
 « able, though that afiembly by no means 
 <« anfvvered the general expedtation of the 
 <« world. It condemned men, who at worfl 
 «' were only fomewhat too forward in their 
 *« zeal againft abufes, which all ferious men 
 *' acknowledged, and which even the coun- 
 <« cil itfelf difapproved. It fpared errors 
 «' likewife, which certainly tended to the 
 «' deftrudion of all true religion. But what 
 *« placed it in the worfllight, were the feeble 
 *' efforts it made towards a reformation of 
 ** the clergy > though it is evident, from the 
 ** teftimony of all writers, that the refor- 
 *' matlon of the clergy was the avowed, and 
 *« principal end it had in view/* 
 
 The council being diffolved, the heads of 
 the reforming party in Bohemia knew what 
 they had now to expect. They knew they 
 had nothing to depend upon for the pre- 
 fervation of their religious liberties, but their 
 own firength, and fpirit. 
 
 If any hope of favour from the court of 
 Rome ftill remained, it was wholly diffipated 
 
 by
 
 Z I S C A. 271 
 
 by a letter, which the new pope, Martin V. 
 fent into Bohemia, foon after his eledion. 
 This letter was directed to the Huffites, 
 whom he charges with many and great he- 
 refies. In particular, he tells them, they 
 had trampled upon the ftatues of the faints, 
 and the ceremonies of the church 3 — that 
 they had celebrated the feafts of John Hufs, 
 and Jerome of Prague; — that the facrament 
 under both fpecies had been adminiflred 
 among them 3 — and, in one word, that the 
 church was never worfe treated under Nero, 
 than it had been by them. He ftill however 
 gives them hopes of favour, if they would 
 return again within their ancient pale -, but 
 threatens, if they continued obftinate, to cut 
 them off entirely from the church, and give 
 them as a prey to their enemies. 
 
 Martin not refting his caufe entirely upon 
 this letter, fent the cardinal Dominidis, as 
 his legate, into Bohemia. This minifter 
 foon informed himfelf of the temper of the 
 country; and, after a fliort and fruitlefs ne- 
 gotiation, wrote letters to the pope, and to 
 the emperor Sigifmond, (who claimed the 
 crown after Winceilaus, and was of courfe 
 greatly interefted in the affair,) acquainting 
 
 them.
 
 272 THE LIFE OF 
 
 them, it was in vain to expeft any fubmiffion 
 from that country, through means lefs 
 efFedual than open force. 
 
 During this negotiation, the heads of the 
 reforming party, forefeeing the evil at a 
 distance, concerted meafures for their fafety. 
 In the fummer of the year 1418 they had 
 a general meeting at the caftle of Wifgrade -, 
 the defign of which was> to deliberate on 
 the beft means of preferving the liberties of 
 the church of Bohemia. They had no re- 
 verence for the pope ; and very little for the 
 emperor : with their own fovereign they 
 were defirous of keeping terms. Their firft 
 refolution therefore was to found the incli- 
 nations of Winceflaus; that capricious prince 
 having yet given them no certain evidence 
 either of his favour, or averfion. With this 
 view, they fent deputies to the king ^ who. 
 In the naaiC of the afiembly^ acquainting 
 him with the increafing numbers of their 
 kct, requefted the ufe of more churches. 
 
 Winceflaus was furprized rather at th 
 fpirit in which the requeft was made, than 
 at the requefc itfelf. He was diffatisfied, as 
 much as they were, with the affair of Con- 
 fiance ; but he chofe to have the refentment 
 
 due 

 
 2 I S C A. 27,3 
 
 diie upon that occafion to appear as coming 
 from himfelf i and he had no inclination, at 
 this time, to fhew It. On the other hand, 
 here was a violent party, which would take 
 no denial 5 whofe ftrength he knew as well 
 as his own comparative weaknefs ; and tho' 
 it was hard for a monarch to receive law from 
 his fubjefts, (for he could not but confider 
 their requeft as a demand,) yet the remem- 
 brance of paft misfortunes had taught him 
 to put many reftraints upon himfelf. 
 
 Agreeable to this perplexity, and to the 
 darknefs of his own character, he anfvvered 
 the deputies evaiively. He was greatly in- 
 clined, he faid, to favour them ; but difap- 
 proved paffion and tumult. He required 
 them therefore to rely upon his honour ; 
 and, as a pledge of their good intentions, 
 to depofit their arms with him. 
 
 With this anfwer the deputies returned. 
 It was by no means fatisfadiory ; and the 
 more violent were for breaking all meafures 
 forthwith. The debates of thefe fierce fpirits 
 becoming tumultuous, Zifca fuddenly ftart- 
 ing up, cried out, Gentlemen, " I have long 
 ** known the king, and am thoroughly ac- 
 ^J quainted with his temper : arm yourfelves, 
 S '' and
 
 274 THE LIFE OF 
 
 *' and follo\y me." Thus attended he flood 
 before Winceflaus : " Behold, (fald he,) a 
 *' body of your majefty's faithful fubjedls : 
 " we have brought our arms, as you com- 
 <« manded : fhew us your enemies , and you 
 «' fliall have reafon to acknowledge, that our 
 ^^ weapons can be in no hands more faithful 
 «^ to you, than in thofe, which hold them." 
 In a capricious, unprincipled mind, a fudden 
 evafion hath often the weight of argument. 
 It had on this occafion. Struck with the 
 heroic language, and appearance of thefe 
 brave men, the king cried out, " Take your 
 «« arms, gentlemen, and ufe them proper- 
 «c jy/'_xhis aftion firft recommended Zifca 
 to the confidence of his party; and gave an 
 earnefl: of thofe ftrokes of policy, which his 
 mind, fruitful of expedients, was afterwards 
 found fo capable of difplaying. 
 
 The reftraint however, which Winceflaus 
 put upon the reformers was foon removed. 
 Tired with the paft, and dreading the future, 
 which he favv approaching in a ftorm, that 
 unhappy prince at length gave way to the 
 anguifh of his fpirit, and funk under a 
 weight of grief. His death was accelerated 
 by a violent fit of paflion, in the agony of 
 
 which
 
 ^ I s c a; 275 
 
 V/hich he expired ^ leaving it a conteft among 
 hiftorians, whether the man, or the prince 
 was more contemptible in his charadler. 
 
 Upon the death of Winceflaus, the crown 
 of Bohemia was claimed, as hath been faid, 
 by his brother, the emperor Sigifmond^ 
 This claim made an entire change in the 
 fyftem of the reformers. They now faw 
 their civil, as well as religious liberties in 
 danger ; and came to an unanimous refolu- 
 tion to oppofe the emperor at the hazard 
 of their lives. They were perfuaded they 
 had a conftitutional right to eledt their own 
 prince J and againft Sigifmond they had many 
 objeftions. The fhare he had in the bufinefs 
 of Conftance had rendered him odious to 
 the w^hole reforming party. But his avowed 
 principles in favour of the court of Rome, 
 were the grand obftacle. 
 
 On the other hand, the friends of the 
 emperor, at the head of whom was the queen 
 dowager, who had been appointed regent, 
 took meafures to fupport his tide. They 
 proclaimed him at Prague; adminiftred oaths 
 to thofe in office about the court ; and re- 
 moved fuch as were thought ill-afFedted to 
 his government. 
 
 S z The
 
 276 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The reformers, unwilling to give the 
 queen any advantage by their delay, took 
 arms without farther hefitation ; and chofing 
 Zifca their general, declared war againft all 
 the adherents of the emperor, and upholders 
 of the tyranny of the church of Rome, 
 
 The regular clergy felt the firft effects of 
 this commotion. Thefe, wherever found, 
 Zifca treated with fufficient feverity. " Let 
 *^ us, faid he, encouraging his men, drive 
 " thefe fatted hogs from their fties." 
 
 The queen regent alarmed at thefe pro- 
 ceedings, wrote an account of them to the 
 emperor-, intreating fpeedy aid, and affuring 
 him, that the infurreCtion was by no means 
 triviaL 
 
 Sigifmond was, at that time, engaged in 
 an expedition againft the Turks 5 and could 
 not immediately, without fome difcredit, 
 turn his arms tow^ards Bohemia. The queen, 
 thus left to herfelf, exerted a fpirit pro- 
 portioned to the emergence ; and drawing 
 together what troops flie v/as able, ftrength- 
 ened the works of Prague, and fhut herfelf 
 up in it with a good garrifon. She was well 
 i^.iTured however the city was not wholly hers 
 the new town being chiefly inhabited by re- 
 formers.
 
 Z I S C A. 277 
 
 formers. With great ikill therefore flie for- 
 tified all the avenues, which led from one 
 town to the other ; and in particular the 
 bridge over the Muldaw. 
 
 The ftandard of the reformers having 
 been ered:ed only a few weeks, Zifca found 
 himfelf at the head of 40,000 men -, a body 
 of troops lefs formidable for their numbers, 
 than for their martial ardour. Well know- 
 ing that adlion is the life of a tumultuary 
 army, he took the field without delay; and 
 finding himfelf in want of garrifons, for al- 
 moft every fortrefs in the kingdom was in 
 the hands of the Imperialifls, he refolved to 
 open the campaign by the fiege of Pilfen. 
 This town lay conveniently for him, as it 
 was in the midft of a country greatly devoted 
 to his intereft. Here his troops firfl fignal- 
 ized their courage. Though few of them 
 had feen adion before, they mounted the 
 wall like veterans 3 and after a fhort difpute 
 became maflers of the fortrefs. Zifca hav- 
 ing added to Its works, put a garrifon into 
 it, and made it a place of arms. 
 
 From hence he fent out parties, and took 
 in the caftles, and ftrong holds in the neigh- 
 bourhood : fo that in a little time he found 
 S 3 all
 
 278 THE LIFE OF 
 
 all the fouth-weft part of Bohemia In his 
 hands -, and his army greatly increafed by 
 thefe conquefts. 
 
 While Zifca was thus employed, his 
 friends in Prague were endeavouring their 
 utmoft to make themfelves mafters of that 
 city. Notwithftanding the watchful eye, 
 which was continually upon them, they had 
 their private meetings ; and having formed 
 a fcheme, they made a defperate attempt to 
 pafs the Muldaw, where that river divideS;^' 
 at the ille of St. Benedi6l. The encounter 
 was fliarp, and bloody: the imperialifts 
 however maintained their poll. 
 
 The reformers, not difcouraged, made 
 their next attempt upon the bridge. Here 
 they fought with incredible iirmnefs, and 
 with more fuccefs. Five days, and five 
 nights, with little intermiffion, the difpute 
 lafted : during which time, both parties, as 
 may be imagined, fufiered greatly 3 and 
 fome of the faireft buildings of the town, 
 particularly the great council-chamber, were 
 defiroyed. The reformers at length carried 
 their point ; and the imperialifts took flielter 
 in the caflle. 
 
 The
 
 Z I S C A. 279 
 
 The emperor was now alarmed in earneft. 
 He withdrew his troops fuddenly from the 
 confines of Turkey, and making hafly 
 marches towards Bohemia with part of his 
 cavalry, appointed his army to follow his 
 rout. 
 
 At Erin in Moravia he halted 5 and being 
 greatly defirous of bringing matters to a fair 
 accommodation, he fent deputies to Prague 
 to treat of peace. 
 
 At the head of thefe deputies was Gafpar 
 Selic, one of the moft accompliflicd ftatef- 
 men of his time. His father was a German, 
 and his mother an Italian, From thefe he 
 inherited the good qualities of each people ; 
 the folidity of the one , the infinuating man- 
 ners of the other 5 and the charadteriffic 
 foibles of neither. 
 
 This artful mJnifter foon put the emperor's 
 affairs into a hopeful train. He managed all 
 parties with fuch dexterity, convincing them 
 how much it was their intereft to coalefce ; 
 that he foon brought on a treaty. As a pre- 
 liminary, Zifca gave up Pilfen, and all the 
 other fortrefTcs he had taken. He feems 
 indeed to have been influenced by the citi- 
 zens of Prague i who, having feen their 
 S 4 tovvn
 
 28o THE LIFE OF 
 
 town miferably harraffed in the late com- 
 motions, were already weary of the difpute. 
 In this hopeful way were the affairs of the 
 emperor, when an unhappy letter, which he 
 wrote to the magiftrates of Prague, ruined 
 all. In this letter, after congratulating them 
 on the prolped- of a fpeedy peace, which 
 he mentions as an event equally advantage- 
 ous to all parties, he tells them, he hopes, 
 they fliall never have occafion to repent the 
 confidence they had placed in him 3 and 
 promifes to govern, after the model of his 
 father, the emperor Charles. Whether by 
 govcx-ning after the model of his father, 
 Sigifmond meant only in civil matters, which 
 is mofl probable ; or whether he infinuated 
 his intention with regard to religion, it is 
 certain he exprefTed himfelf either negli- 
 gently or imprudently. It was prefently 
 caught up, and propagated am.ong the re- 
 formers, that the emperor had at lafl dealt 
 honeflly with them ; — that he had now 
 fliewm his full intention s — that he could not 
 even keep on the difguife, till he had them 
 fairly in his power; — but, they thanked 
 God, they had yet time to take other mea- 
 
 iures. 
 
 If
 
 Z I S C A. 281 
 
 If any thing was wanting, after this im- 
 prudent letter, to ruin the interefts of Sigif- 
 mond in Bohemia, his impoUte behaviour 
 afterwards compleated the work. Having 
 put the treaty of Prague, as he hoped, on 
 a good footing, he went to Breflaw ; where, 
 it feems, the fpirit of Zifca had difFufed it^ 
 felf J and the citizens had fhewn fome zeal 
 in his caufe. They opened their gates how- 
 ever to the emperor 5 and received him with 
 great appearance of devotion. Sigifmond, 
 inftead of taking thefe half-formed fubjecfls 
 under his protection, and careffing them 
 with tendernefs, began with a ftridt enquiry 
 into the authors of the late difturbances, 
 many of whom he treated with feverity 
 enough. The impolitic monarch was yet 
 unacquainted with the fpirit of thefe men : 
 he had not yet learned, that perfecution in 
 no fliape could fubdue them 3 and that no- 
 thing could work upon them, but gentle 
 treatment, and great toleration. 
 
 The condud: of Sigifmond at Breflaw was 
 an alarm-bell from one end of Bohemia to 
 the other. Not a man but was ready to 
 take arms. '* What ! fliall we fee ourfel ves tame- 
 ^^* ly flaughtered like fheep? Let us fhew this 
 
 '' haughty
 
 282 THE LIFE OF 
 
 " haughty tyrant, that we are not yet vidlims 
 <^ deftin'd to his knife." 
 
 The high fpirit, which was thus raifed 
 among the reformers, foon fhewed itelf in 
 adlion. Their firft attempt was on the 
 caftle of Prague; of the town they were 
 already in polTeffion. This ftrong fortrefs 
 was maintained for the emperor by Zincho, 
 a German officer, in whom the queen had 
 great confidence. But he deceived her ex- 
 pectation. Zifca, who knew the governor's 
 foible, bad fo high for his virtue, that he 
 became mafter of the caftle without ftriking 
 a blow. 
 
 Sigifoiond by this time faw his errors ; and 
 had only left, if poffible, to retrieve them. 
 The hopes of peace, he obferved, had great- 
 ly diffipated the tumultuary army of the re- 
 formers. He refolved therefore to attack 
 them with what troops he had about him, 
 which confifted only of a few regiments of 
 horfe, the grofs of his army not being yet 
 arrived ; and, if poffible, to crufli them, 
 before they could well aflbciate. 
 
 But Zifca, fufficiently upon his guard, 
 retreated before his unfkilful enemies into a 
 mountainous and rocky country, where he 
 
 knew
 
 Z I S C A. 283 
 
 knew their horfe would only be an incum- 
 brance to them. Having thus chofen his 
 ground, he drew up his fmall army, which 
 was compofed entirely of infantry, in a very 
 advantageous manner 3 and, on the 19th of 
 Auguft, 1420, prefented himfelf to the 
 enemy. 
 
 The imperial generals faw their danger, 
 but knew not how to avoid it. To fight on 
 horfeback was impradlicable : to retreat, 
 barely poffible. Difmounting they formed 
 on foot. But Zifca feconding his condudl 
 with his bravery, fell on them with fuch 
 irrefiftible fury, that the imperialifls were 
 immediately thrown into confufion ; and 
 were all either cut to pieces on the fpot, or 
 flaughtered in the defiles. 
 
 The fabulous writers of thofe times attri- 
 bute this vidlory to a very improbable device 
 of Zifca. He ordered the women, we are 
 informed, who attended his camp, to ftrew 
 their handkerchiefs and aprons in the front 
 of the army, in which the fpurs of the 
 imperialijfts being intangled, the reformers 
 had an eafy vicftory. 
 
 Zifca, whofe army daily increafed, pur- 
 fjing his conqueftj appeared fuddenly before 
 
 Aufca.
 
 284 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Aufca. This town had little favour to 
 expedl, having always treated the reformers 
 with more than ufual feverity ; at the infti- 
 gation chiefly of Ulric, the governor, a man 
 of a favage difpofition. The formality of a 
 liege not fuiting the circumftances of Zifca, 
 he made a general aflault -, and after a fharp 
 difpute carried the town. He gave orders, 
 the fame day, to fet it on fire, and level it 
 with the ground j leaving behind him a 
 monument of his vengeance, ill-becoming 
 the caufe in which he fought. The un- 
 happy Ulric, falling into his hands, was put 
 to an ignominious death. 
 
 Zifca employed the fhort refpite, which 
 his enemies, at this time, allowed him, in 
 fortifying a camp. Though the fummer 
 was wearing apace, yet he had reafon to 
 exped: the emperor would lie quiet only till 
 he had colleded his troops. The pufh, he 
 doubted not, would be vigorous ; and if any 
 finifter event ihould await him, he forefaw, 
 that all would be ruined, if he had no re- 
 treat. Pilfen he had given up : Prague in- 
 deed was in his hands ; but Prague was a 
 divided town ; too extenfive for a garrifon^ 
 and too populous* 
 
 Near
 
 z I s c a; 285 
 
 Near Bechin, the provincial town of its 
 circle, about 40 miles fouth of Prague, an 
 arm of the Muldaw, winding round a crag- 
 gy hill, forms a peninfula, the neck of which 
 is fcarce 30 feet broad. The hill itfelf is 
 acceffible on one fide only. This was the 
 place which Zifca chofe for his camp ; a 
 place, which nature had nobly fortified to 
 his hand. The declivity he affigned to his 
 companions, on which they pitched their 
 tents y at the fummit he erefted his own ; 
 inclofing the whole with a good rampart ; 
 and fortifying the neck of the peninfula with 
 a broad ditch, and two ftrong towers. In 
 time their tents became houfes, his own 
 pavilion a caftle, and the ramparts and 
 ditches, impregnable walls. To this fortrefs 
 he gave the name of Tabor, alluding to the 
 hill on which it flood. It makes, at this 
 day, an appearance in the maps of Bo- 
 hemia. 
 
 While Zifca was employed in this bufi- 
 nefs, he had intelligence, that a body of 
 imperial horfe lay in the neighbourhood, 
 obferving his motions. He took his oppor- 
 tunity, and furprizing them at midnight, 
 . furrounded the village in which they were 
 
 quartered 5
 
 286 THE LIFE OF 
 
 quartered $ find made the whole partyj,' 
 confiPdng of a thoufand men, prifoners of 
 war. 
 
 The adion v/as trifling, but had confe- 
 quenceSj which Zifca did not forefee. He 
 had long wanted a body of horfe, which, 
 in the neceffity of his affairs, he had never 
 been able to raife 3 and thought the fuits of 
 armour and horfes, which, on this occafion, 
 fell into his hands, were a very valuable 
 prize, as they might become a good foun- 
 dation for a body of Cavalry ; without which 
 he never afterwards took the field. He was 
 himfelf an excellent horfeman, fond of 
 horfes, and of the management of them; 
 and if in any one part of the general's duty 
 he laid himfelf more particularly out, it 
 feems to have been in that of forming his 
 cavalry. 
 
 The attention of Zifca was, at this time, 
 for a few days, engaged in a very extraor- 
 dinary manner. An enthufiaftic Picard ; 
 or, as others call him, a Fleming of the 
 name of Picard, leaving his own country, 
 and paffing the Rhine, wandered into Bo- 
 hemia. On his journey, he had drawn 
 many followers of both fexes after him . 
 
 v/hom
 
 Z I S C A. 287 
 
 whom he deceived by a ftrange volubility of 
 rhapfody; and pretences to a power litde 
 lefs than almighty ; of which he feemed to 
 give many very furprizing inftances. What- 
 ever his impoflures were, they were fuffici- 
 endy adapted to the credulity of his follow- 
 ers ; with whom, and fuch profelytes as he 
 gained in the country, he feized an ifland 
 upon the Muldaw, not far from Tabor, 
 where he fettled in the form of a fociety. 
 
 Here he began to unfold his do(fi:rines ; 
 which differed little from thofe of the old 
 Adamites, and were in a high degree impi- 
 ous and deteftablc. He declared himfelf the 
 fon of God, called himfelf i^idam ; and pro- 
 fefling he was fent to revive the law of na- 
 ture, made his religion to coniift chiefly in 
 the entire difufe of cloaths, and in the free 
 indulgence of promifcuous luft. The chil- 
 dren, thus born, were accounted free ; all 
 mankind befides were confidered as flaves. 
 
 Thefe vile fedlaries foon became a general 
 pert. Among their other horrid extrava- 
 gancies, they made an excurfion into the 
 country, and put to the fvvord not fewer 
 than 200 of the peafants: "They were 
 
 *^ flaves,
 
 288 THE LIFE OF 
 
 " Haves, and did not deferve the breath of 
 <' God." 
 
 Zifca being now at leifure, was eafily 
 wrought on by the defires of the country, 
 to extirpate thefe execrable wretches. The 
 peafants furnifliing boats, he invaded the 
 illand ; and the Adamites, except a few, 
 who died in arms, were all taken. They 
 w^ere equally involved in guilt, and, after a 
 very fummary form of juftice, were all put 
 to death. 
 
 While Zifca was thus engaged, the em- 
 peror was making preparations for a more 
 formidable attempt than he had yet made. 
 Roufed by the late fuccefies of his antago- 
 nift, he began now to think the affair grew 
 ferious ; and having drawn together his 
 whole force, and preffed into his fervice a 
 body of Silelians, he entered Bohemia, on 
 the lide of Glatz 3 which town, with many 
 other places, fubmitted. In a few days, he 
 arrived before Prague, and encamped with- 
 in half a league of the city. As he had 
 many friends in the place, he chofe to make 
 his firft effort in the way of negotiation. 
 
 Upon the earliefl news of the emperor's 
 march^ Zifca, with an equalarmy, was in 
 
 motion*
 
 2; 1 s c A. 289 
 
 motion. He was fecretly glad to hear, that 
 Sigifmond had made an attempt oh Prague ; 
 not doubting but he would be obliged to 
 wafte the remaining part of the fummer in 
 a fruitlefs fiege. It was matter therefore of 
 equal concern and aftonifhrhent to hitn, to 
 fee from the heights, as he approached the 
 town, the emperor's ftandard ereded on the 
 caftle. He was foon informed, that Sigif- 
 mond had followed the example, which 
 himfelf had fet ; and, upon a good under- 
 ftanding with the governor, had found the 
 means of introducing 4000 men into that 
 fortrefs, the evening before. Ke was in- 
 formed too, that the Imperial ifts had made 
 an attempt upon the town that morning, 
 and were in hopes of maftering it, before 
 relief fhould arrive. 
 
 Zifca had now an opportunity of difplay- 
 ing his great talents. Upon refleftion he 
 began to hope, that if the town only could 
 hold out, he might yet, by an after-game, 
 recover all. Being acquainted with every 
 defile, and fpot of ground in the neighbour- 
 hood, he harrafled the Imperialifls with 
 Continual alarms, beat them from their 
 works, feized every poft as they deferred it, 
 T and
 
 290 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and allowing them only a very difadvantagc- 
 ous field of battle, which it had been ruin 
 to accept, obliged the whole body of them 
 at length to retire into the caftle. He had 
 now compleated half his work : what re- 
 mained was as expeditioufly performed. 
 With great art and induftry he fo entirely 
 blockaded the place, that the emperor in 
 the fame inftant faw the neceffity, and the 
 impradicability of a retreat, 
 
 Sigifmond was now in great perplexity. 
 Pent up in ftraitened quarters, with a nume- 
 rous garrifon, no magazines provided, and 
 no profpedl of relief, he had nothing before 
 him, but famine and peftilence ; or, what 
 he dreaded as much as either, the vengeance 
 of Zifca, who would certainly make him 
 pay the utmoft price of the advantage he 
 had gained. Full of thefe racking thoughts, 
 he put on however an air of compofed dig- 
 nitv, which no man could better affume : 
 and to divert the melancholy of thofe about 
 him, and intoxicate the imaginations of the 
 foldiery, he ordered himself to be crowned 
 king of Bohemia. This vain piece of 
 pageantry was performed by the archbifhop 
 of Prague, who had thrown himfclf under 
 
 his
 
 Z I S C A. 291 
 
 his protecflion. The marquifs of Branden- 
 burgh, the eledor of Saxony, and the arch- 
 duke of Auftria, who ferved under Sigif- 
 mond, affifted at the ceremony. 
 
 Zifca's joy, upon this happy crifis of his 
 affairs, paffed the bounds of his ufual mo- 
 deration. " Now, my friends, he would 
 fay to his officers, it is ours to give law. 
 From this glorious day, let Bohemia boafl 
 the eftablifliment of her liberties.'* In the 
 mean time he remitted nothing of his ac- 
 cuftomed vigour. His works were carried 
 on with unabated ardour 3 he vifited every 
 poft himfelf ; and hourly exped:ed, as the 
 reward of his labours, that his prey would 
 fall into his hands. 
 
 But Zifca's condu(5l, able as it was, was 
 ineffedual. Sigifmond fummoned all his 
 fortitude ; and knowing he had nothing to 
 depend on but the edge of his fword, in 
 circumflances, which would have added 
 ftrength to the feeble, he determined to ha- 
 zard all upon one defperate pufh. He had 
 the beft intelligence, from his friends in the 
 city, of all that paffed in Zifca's quarters 3 
 which he fuddenly attacked at midnight, 
 with all his forces, where he was well in* 
 T 2 formed
 
 292 THE LIFE OF 
 
 formed the poft was weakeft. The Tabor- 
 ites, by which name Zifca*s adherents began 
 now to be diftinguifhed, were not furprized. 
 Each fide fought, Hke men, who had their 
 religion, and Hbcrty at flake. The imperi- 
 alifts in the end prevailed by mere fuperiority 
 of numbers ; and opened the pafs, before 
 any reinforcement could arrive. 
 
 The rifing fun difcovered the flaughter, 
 and horrible confufion of the night 5 and 
 did full credit to the bravery of the Tabor- 
 ites, who with a handful of men had refift- 
 ed an army : and Zifca, though unfortu- 
 nate, made fuch an impreffion upon his ene- 
 mies, by the firmnefs of his troops, as was 
 never afterwards forgotten. 
 
 Some authors relate, that Sigifmond 
 efcaped by means of a very extraordinary 
 ilratagem. He got together a quantity of 
 combuflibles, in which he mixed a drug of 
 fuch a nature, that when fired, it emitted 
 a m.oft peftilential flench. The fmoke of 
 this, fay thefe writers, being driven in the 
 faces of the enemy, occafioned them imme- 
 diately to abandon their pofl. This impro- 
 bable tale feems to have arifen, from the 
 emperor's making his attack under the cover 
 
 of
 
 Z I S C A. 293 
 
 of fmoke ; or invented from a belief, that 
 Zifca could not be conquered by any ordi- 
 nary means. 
 
 The poft, which the imperialifts had thus 
 forced, was not far from the camp of the 
 Taborites, which was the head quarters of 
 Zifca. Prompted by his fuccefs, the em- 
 peror came to a fpeedy refolution, at day- 
 break, to endeavour to force this likewife. 
 Not fatisfied with an efcape, he now ftrove 
 for maftery ; and encouraging his men ftill 
 covered with duft, and blood, he led them 
 to the afcent, on which Zifca lay encamped. 
 *' Yonder, cryed he, lye your provifions,'* 
 The hungry veteran preffed on 3 the camp, 
 thinned by numerous out-pofts, was inftant- 
 ly entered ; and the Taborites could only die 
 in its defence. As we are not informed that 
 Zifca was in the adlion, it is probable he was 
 in fome other quarter at the time of the 
 attack. j 
 
 This was a cruel ftroke upon him. His 
 hopes were now entirely blafted. A favour- 
 able opportunity had been wrefled from him 5 
 his camp had been deftroyed, and his bag- 
 gage plundered. But thefe were trivial loiTes. 
 Another opportunity might offer j his tents 
 T 3 ana
 
 294 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and baggage might eafily be replaced. But 
 the lofs of his credit in arms he dreaded as 
 an irreparable lofs. His being thought In- 
 vincible, he well knew, could only fupport 
 his caufe 5 and he had fufficient reafon to 
 fear, that if his troops efteemed him lefs 
 the favourite of heaven, than they had 
 hitherto done, they would inflantly defert.— 
 Thefe were the mortifying reflecftions, which 
 accompanied his retreat. 
 
 In the mean time Sigifmond made the 
 utmoft of his advantage. The principal of 
 Zifca s pofts he feized 5 and returning to his 
 old enterprize, he blocked up the city. 
 Here divilion reigned. The emperor's party 
 was ftrong s but Zifca s prevailed to keep the 
 gates Ihut : and fuch was the extreme dif- 
 order of the place, and the rancour, which 
 appeared on both fides, that fober men had 
 juft grounds to fear the worfl from the fuc- 
 cefs of either. 
 
 While Sigifmond was thus engaged in the 
 fiege of Prague, Zifca was employed in re- 
 cruiting his army ; in which he had better 
 fuccefs than he expedted. The fpirit of his 
 adherents was of too high a temper to be 
 cooled by one fmifter event. The quarrel 
 
 was
 
 Z I S C A. 295 
 
 was important. Their interefts were deeply 
 embarked -, and there was no reafon yet to 
 give up all for loft. They fully confided in 
 their general j and feemed to make it a point 
 to (hew that confidence by their aftivity in 
 raifing troops. So that in fad: before Zifca 
 could feel his lofs, it was repaired. 
 
 Sigifmond had now lain fix weeks before 
 Prague, harrafi^ed daily by the army of Zifca, 
 which feemed to have recovered frefh fpirits 
 from its defeat. The ports of the imperial- 
 ifts were attacked ; their foraging ftraitened ; 
 and their provifions cut off. Once Sigifmond 
 had the mortification to fee a confiderable 
 part of his troops defeated, and very roughly 
 handled. His fupplies too from Germany 
 came in more leifurely than he expedcd. 
 Thefe things abated greatly that eagernefs, 
 with which he began his defign. But an 
 event foon afterwards totally difcouraged 
 him. 
 ■- Near Prague flood a craggy hill, which 
 Zifca, thinking it a port of advantage, had 
 feized, and fortifyed. From this eminence 
 he greatly annoyed the emperor 5 fo that 
 Sigifmond at length found, he muft either 
 give up all hopes of taking the city, or make 
 T 4 himfelf
 
 296 THE LIFE OF 
 
 himfelf mafter of this poft. His efforts were 
 
 ineffectual : the poft was ftronger than he 
 
 fuppofed, when he attempted force 5 better 
 
 guarded, when he attempted furprize. One 
 
 effort more he was determined to make» 
 
 With this view he fent the marquifs of 
 
 Mifnia with a large body of men, fufficient; 
 
 as he thought, to force it. The marquifs 
 
 met with little to oppofe him In his march. 
 
 The Taborites- except a few cautious fkir- 
 
 inifliers, lay clofe in their Trenches. The 
 
 Imperlalifts, misjudging this the effed: of 
 
 fear, afcended with the more prefumption. 
 
 They now approached the craggy part of the 
 
 top, overcome with toiU when on a fudden 
 
 the Taborites leaping out, with loud fhouts, 
 
 from every part of the intrenchments, fell 
 
 on them with all the fury of impatient arr 
 
 dour. Amazement checked the Imperialifts, 
 
 and the firft fhock obliged them to give 
 
 ground. They would have retreated, but 
 
 their able adverfary had made fare work,— . 
 
 their retreat was intercepted. They had only 
 
 to chufe the manner of their death. On one 
 
 hand were the fwords of an enraged foe ; 
 
 on the other a precipice. The whole affair 
 
 was inftantly decided j and before mercy 
 
 could
 
 Z I S C A. 297 
 
 could take place, fcarce an objeft of mercy 
 remained. The marquifs himfelf, with a 
 few of his followers, efcaped. 
 
 This terrible difafter, by which the em- 
 peror loft near one third of his army, re- 
 duced him to the neceffity of raifing the 
 fiege. He gave all neceflary orders by fun- 
 fet ; and, at the clofe of the evening, drew 
 off his troops in filence, without drum or 
 trumpet, accompanied with all thofe figns 
 of mute dejedion, and terrors of alarm, 
 which commonly attend difgraced armies, 
 Zifca purfued his rear 3 but with little advan- 
 tage, the emperor conducing his retreat in 
 a very mafterly manner. 
 
 Thus ended this momentous affair ; in 
 
 which great military ikill, and great courage 
 
 had been fhewn on both fides. So equal 
 
 indeed the contention had been, that it is 
 
 hard to fay, whether Sigifmond deferved 
 
 more praife by obliging Zifca to raife the 
 
 fiege of the caftle; or Zifca by obliging him 
 
 to raife the fiege of the town. Undiftin- 
 
 guilhing fame however blew her trumpet 
 
 over the banners of the fuccefsful hero; and 
 
 gave Zifca that full glory, which his noble 
 
 adverfary (hould have divided with him. 
 
 Such
 
 298 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Such was the firfl fummer of the war 3 
 in which Zifca fufficiently tried his ftrength, 
 and found the courage of his men propor- 
 tioned to any fervice. He had the fatisfacftion 
 likewife of finding himfelf, notwithftanding 
 his many loffes, at the head of a greater 
 army when he clofed, than when he opened 
 the campaign. 
 
 Early in the fpring, of the next year, 
 142 1, Zifca took the field; and began this 
 campaign, as he had begun the laft, by de- 
 ftroying all the monafteries, which he met 
 with in his march. His defign was upon 
 the caftle of Wifgrade, a ftrong fortrefs near 
 Prague, where Sigifmond had placed a nu- 
 merous garrifon. He endeavoured firft to 
 take it by ftorm ; but lofing many men in 
 the attempt, and feeing litde likelihood of 
 fucceeding in that way, he turned the fiege 
 into a blockade. The magazines of the be- 
 fieged growing fcanty, and their very horfes 
 being now confumed, they began to think 
 of a capitulation ; and propofed to deliver 
 up the caftle within fuch a time, if the em- 
 peror did not relieve it. The condidon was 
 accepted, and the time being nearly elapfed, 
 Zifca had intelligence, that Sigifmond was 
 
 approaching
 
 Z I S C A. 299 
 
 approaching with his army. He put himfelf 
 immediately in a pofture to receive him j and 
 fent advice of his march to Prague. The 
 Taborite party there inftantly taking arms, 
 pofted themfelves according to Zifca s di- 
 redlion, in fome defiles, through which the 
 Imperialifts were obliged to pafs. Sigifmond, 
 not expedling hoftilities from that quarter, 
 and having his eye fixed on Zifca, fell into 
 the fnare. It was a mafi^acre, rather than a 
 battle ; and the emperor efcaped with a re- 
 mainder of his army, only becaufe his ene- 
 mier were too much fatigued to urge the 
 flaughter farther. The feverity of this adion 
 fell chiefly upon the Hungarian, and Mora- 
 vian troops ; whofe officers, the prime no- 
 bility of their refpecftive countries, diftin- 
 guifhing themfelves with great fpirit, if any 
 difl:ind:ion could be made in fuch confufion, 
 were almoft entirely cut off. Some writers 
 give the credit of this adtion to Zifca in per- 
 fon. He retreated, we are told, at the em- 
 peror's approach 3 and in the fccurity of the 
 night returning, attacked his camp with fuch 
 fury, as loon ended the conteft. 
 
 The emperor, thus maimed, was in no 
 condition to keep his appointment with the 
 
 caftle
 
 300 THE LIFE OF 
 
 caftle of Wifgrade ; which immediately fur- 
 rendered upon the news of his defeat. This 
 was the moft valuable acquifition which 
 Zifca had made, no garrifon in thofe parts 
 holding a larger territory in devotion. 
 
 Zifca was now at leifure to attend a little 
 to the work of reformation ; a work which 
 he had exceedingly at heart. For himfelf, 
 tho' he was more a foldier than a divine ; 
 yet he had in general an utter deteftation of 
 the fupremacy of the court of Rome, and 
 a high efteem for the memory of Hufs. 
 What he aimed at therefore was to give a 
 form, and fettlement, to the opinions of that 
 reformer. With this view he confulted thofe 
 efpecially, for whom he knew Hufs had ever 
 had the higheft regard 5 and fhewed he 
 could, on this occafion, exert as much pru- 
 dent caution, as on other occafions he had 
 exerted vigour, and activity. 
 
 While Zifca was thus employed in efta- 
 tjifhing a church, like the Jews in Ezra's 
 time, he kept his fword continually drawn. 
 Sigifmond, tho* he durft not fairly meet him, 
 would harrafs him with conllant alarms. 
 Nor was Zifca. in his heart, difpleafed at 
 thefe frequent vifits. *^ It is friendly, faid 
 
 !' he.
 
 z; I s c A. 301 
 
 •* he, in the emperor, to keep our fwords 
 ** from rufting in their fcabbards." 
 
 Indeed Zifca had lefs to fear from the 
 enemy than from inadion. Danger was the 
 great central force, which drew men to him; 
 and his authority rofe in proportion to the 
 fears of the multitude. Of courfe, he 
 dreaded no artifice like a falfe peace. He 
 well knew how eafily the minds of the peo- 
 ple were deluded ; and he wanted thofe ne- 
 ceflary means of keeping a body of men 
 together, which his adverfary pofeffed ; a 
 military law, and a military cheft. Mere 
 native authority ftood in lieu of both. 
 
 He had an evil too of another kind to 
 contend with. The Bohemian clergy were 
 in general, beyond conception, ignorant : 
 and too many of thofe, who came over to 
 the reformed opinions, brought nothing with 
 them, in fupport of the new caufe they had 
 adopted, but an inflamed zeal againft the 
 pope, and the emperor. Not a few of thefe 
 bigots followed the camp of Zifca; and 
 having great influence upon the people, 
 which they were forward, on all occafions^ 
 to (hew, they frequently interfered widi his 
 fchemes, and oppofed his mcafures. A 
 
 feftival.
 
 302 THE LIFE OF 
 
 feftival, or a faft-day, was improper for 
 adlion -, the eaft-fide of a town was never 
 to be attacked -, an encampment was to be 
 formed, and an army drawn up, as nearly as 
 could be, in the form of a crofs. Thefe 
 were, in general, points not only of moment, 
 but of indifpenfible neceffity. 
 
 Indeed Zifca had never more occafion for 
 his addrefs, nor, upon any occafion, more 
 fliewed it, than in the management of thefe 
 mifguided zealots. In trifles he conformed, 
 with great deference, to their humours, that 
 he might with a better grace remonftrate in 
 matters of importance. The influence how- 
 ever which he had from the firft over the 
 foldiery, fettled by degrees into a confirmed 
 authority ; and in proportion as more weight 
 was thrown into his fcale, the other afcend- 
 ed. The clergy had befides made themfelves 
 fo contemptible in many inftances, that even 
 the common foldiers began to deteft their 
 folly. Hiftory takes notice of a ridiculous 
 accident, which contributed not a little to 
 deftroy their credit. They had exprefltd 
 their diflike to a piece of ground, where 
 Zifca lay encamped ; and with great haugh- 
 tinefs had ordered the intrenchments to be 
 
 razed.
 
 -Z I S C A. ^o'^ 
 
 razed. Zifca, unwilling to relinquifli a fitu- 
 ation, which was very advantageous, with 
 equal firmnefs perfevered. But he was given 
 to underftand, that all remonftrance was to 
 no purpofe 5 — that fire would certainly the 
 next day defcend from heaven upon that 
 accurfed fpot ; — and that he muft inftantly 
 decamp, unlefs he chofe to fee his men burnt 
 alive before his face. This dreadful pre- 
 diction of divine wrath fpread an alarm 
 through the camp, which Zifca had not in- 
 fluence to withiland : the foldiers fcarce wait- 
 ed for orders : the tents were inftantly torn 
 up, and the ground entirely deferted. In 
 the morning, when every one expefted to 
 fee the devoted Ipot overwhelmed with a 
 temped of fire, fuch a deluge of rain fell, 
 as if fent on purpofe to turn the prophecy 
 into ridicule. The troops were afhamed of 
 their folly in liftening to fuch Teachers 5 and 
 it became a common jell in the army, that 
 the prophecies of their clergy, and the com- 
 pletion, were as oppofite to each other, aS 
 fire and water. — In the infancy however of 
 his affairs, thefe people had given great dif- 
 turbance to Zifca ; whofe ufual method was, 
 when he obierved any fymptoms of uneafi- 
 
 nefs
 
 304 THE LIFE OF 
 
 nefs in his camp, to fpread alarms, and draw 
 his men into adlion. He thought it impru- 
 dent to fufFer the quarrel to languifh, till the 
 full eftablifhment of peace ; and when the 
 enemy did not find him employment, he 
 found it for himfelf ^ making expeditions 
 into the country, and deftroying the caftles, 
 and ftrong holds, wherever he became 
 mafter. 
 
 One of thefe expeditions almofl: proved 
 fatal to him. He was incamped before the 
 town of Rubi, which he had almoft reduced 
 to extremities. As he was viewing a part of 
 the works, where he intended an aflault, 
 an arrow, ihot from the wall, ftruck him 
 in the eye. The wound being thought dan- 
 gerous, the furgeons of the army propofed 
 his being carried to Prague, where he might 
 have the beft advice. In reality they were 
 afraid of being cut to pieces by the troops, if 
 he (hould die under their hands. When his 
 removal to the capital was refolved on, it 
 was difficult to check the conteft among the 
 foldiers, who ftrove for the honour of carry- 
 ing their wounded general. At Prague the 
 arrow was extracted ; which being barbed, 
 tore out the eye with it 5^ and it was feared, 
 
 the
 
 Z I S C A. 305 
 
 the fever which facceeded, might prove fatal 
 to him. His life however, though with 
 difficulty, was faved. 
 
 He was now totally blind : his friends 
 therefore were furprized to hear him talk of 
 fetting out for the army 5 and did what was 
 in their power to difluade him from it. But 
 he continued refolute : " I have yet, faid 
 " he, my blood to fhed j let me be gone/' 
 He fuffered himfelf however to undergo the 
 afFedted formality of being intreated by a 
 deputation from the army ; and enjoyed the 
 pleafure of hearing the foldiers, in tumults 
 around his quarters, cry aloud, " They 
 would throw down their arms, unlefs their 
 , general were reftored." 
 
 In the mean time Sigifmond had lain 
 quiet: at leaft his army, fmce its defeat 
 before Wifgrade, had appeared in no fhape 
 in Bohemia, but in that of fcouting parties. 
 This calm in the emperor's quarters was only 
 that lowring flillnefs, which is the prelude 
 of a florm. Sigifmond had been making 
 preparations during the fummer. At Nu- 
 remburgh he convened the ftates of the em- 
 pire. Here, in full convention, (for, it 
 feems, no prince except the eledlor of Treves 
 
 U was
 
 3o6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 was abfeiit,) he opened to them his embar- 
 raffed circumftances > and intreated them 
 for the fake of their fovereign, for the hon- 
 our of the empire, and in the caufe of their 
 relio-ion, to put themfelves in arms. His 
 harangue had its effedl. Proper meafures 
 were concerted ; and the affembly broke up, 
 with a unanimous refolution to make this 
 audacious rebel feel the full weight of the 
 empire : and that the blow might fall the 
 more unexpected, it was refolved to defer it 
 till the end of the year ; when, it was hoped, 
 that Zifca might the more eafily be furprized, 
 as great part of his troops left him in the 
 winter, and returned again in the fpring. 
 
 The campaign, as that chief imagined, 
 was now over, when he was fuddenly alarmed 
 with the report of thefe vaft preparations ; 
 and foon after with the march of two 
 powerful armies againfl him ^ one of which 
 v/as compofed of confederate Germans^ 
 under the marquifs of Brandenburgh, the 
 archbifliop of Mentz, the count-palatine of 
 the Rhine, and other princes of the empire ; 
 the other of Hungarians and Silefians, under 
 the emperor himfelf The former were to 
 invade Bohemia on the weft ; the latter on 
 
 the
 
 Z I S C A. 307 
 
 the eaft. They were to meet in the mid- 
 dle y and, as they afFedled to give out, would 
 crufh this handful of vexatious fedaries be- 
 tween them. At the head of fuch a force, 
 the emperor could not avoid being fanguine- 
 
 They, who are acquainted with the nature 
 of armies intended to march in concert, know 
 the difficulty of making fuch unweildy bo- 
 dies obferve thofe exadt laws of motion, which 
 prudent generals trace out in councils of war. 
 Some unforefeen event generally creates fome 
 unavoidable difficulty. 
 
 It happened thus on the prefent occafion, 
 Sigifmond, difappointed in a contract for 
 forage, was obliged to defer his march. He 
 was retarded too by the Auflrlan and Hun- 
 garian nobility, who entring as volunteers 
 into his fervice, and being fuddenly called 
 upon, had not gotten their equipages and 
 dependants, without which their dignity 
 could not take the field, in fuch readinefs as 
 it was thought they might have had them. 
 
 The confederate princes, in the mean 
 time, began their march 5 and were already 
 advanced a confiderable way into Bohemia, 
 before they heard of the emperor's difap- 
 pointment. Sigifmond gave them hopes, 
 U 2 that
 
 3o8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 that he would prefently join them 3 and ad- 
 vifed them to form the fiege of Soifin. 
 They intrenched themfelves accordingly, and 
 began an attack, for which they were not in 
 the beft manner provided, againft what was 
 then efteemed one of the ftrongejft fortreffes 
 in Bohemia. The befieged laughed at their 
 vain efforts, and kept their ulual guard 5 
 while wet trenches, a hungry camp, the 
 fevereties of an inclement winter, and above 
 all, the emperor's delay, introduced mutiny 
 into the tents of the befiegers, and diffention 
 into their councils. 
 
 In this fituation were they, ready to catch 
 any alarm, when Zifca approached with his 
 army. The very fight of his banners float- 
 ing at a diflance, was fufficient. They ftruck 
 their tents, and retreated v/ith precipitation . 
 burning the country as they fled 3 and curling 
 the emperor's breach of faith. 
 
 About the end of December, a full month 
 after his appointed time, the emperor began 
 his march. As he entered Bohemia, he re- 
 ceived the firfl account of the retreat of the 
 confederates , yet he determined to proceed. 
 He was at the head of a gallant army, the 
 flower of which were 15,000 Hungarian 
 
 horfe^
 
 Z I S C A. 309 
 
 horfe, efteemed, at that time, the beft cavalry 
 in Europe, led by a Florentine officer of 
 great experience. The infantry, which con- 
 lifted of 25,000 men, were provided, as 
 well as the cavalry, with every thing proper 
 for a winter's campaign. 
 
 This army fpread terror through all the 
 eaft of Bohemia; Zifca being ftill in the 
 weft purfuing the Germans. Wherever 
 Sigifmond marched, the magiftrates laid their 
 keys at his feet ; and were treated with feve- 
 rity, or favour, according to their merits in 
 his caufe. 
 
 His career however was prefently checked* 
 Zifca with fpeedy marches approached; and 
 threw a damp upon him in the midft of his 
 fuccefs. He chofe his ground however as 
 well as he was able ; and refolved to try his 
 fortune, once more, with that invincible 
 chief. 
 
 No general paid lefs regard to the circum- 
 ftances of time and place than Zifca. He 
 feldom defired more than to come up with 
 his adverfary: the enthufiaftic fury of his 
 foldiers fupplied the reft. There was not a 
 man in his army, who did not meet his ene- 
 my with that fame invincible fpirit, with 
 U 3 which
 
 3IO THE LIFE OF 
 
 which the martyr meets death; who did 
 not in a manner prefs to be the foremoft in that 
 glorious band of heroes, whom the Almighty 
 fliould defline to the noble aft of dying for 
 their religion. — Such were the troops, which 
 the ill-fate of Sigifmond brought him now 
 to encounter. 
 
 On the 13th of January, 1422, the two 
 armies met, on a fpacious plain, near Kam- 
 nitz. Zifca appeared in the centre of his 
 front line ; guarded, or rather condudled by 
 a horfeman on each fide, armed with a poll- 
 ax. His troops having fung an hymn, with 
 a determined coolnefs drew their fwords, 
 and waited for the fignal. 
 
 Zifca ftood not long in view of the ene- 
 my. When his officers had informed him, 
 that the ranks were all well clofed, he waved 
 his fabre round his head^ which was the fign 
 of battle. 
 
 Hiftorians fpeak of the onfet of Zifca's 
 troops, as a fhock beyond credibility ; and 
 it appears to have been fuch on this occafion. 
 The imperial infantry hardly made a Hand, 
 In the fpace of a few minutes they were 
 difordered beyond a poffibility of being raU 
 lied. The cavalry made a feeble effort 3 but 
 
 feeing
 
 -^ I S C A. 311 
 
 feeing themfelves unfupported, they wheeled 
 round, and fled upon the fpur. — Thus fud- 
 denly was the extent of the plain, as far as 
 the eye could reach, fpread with diforder ; 
 the purfuers and the purfued mixed together, 
 the whole one indiftind: mafs of moving con- 
 fufion. Here and there might be feen, in- 
 terfperfed, a few parties endeavouring to 
 unite; but they were broken as foon as 
 formed. 
 
 The routed army fled towards the con- 
 fines of Moravia ; the Taborites, without 
 intermiflion, galling their rear. The river 
 Igla, which was then frozen, oppofed their 
 flight. Here new difafters befel them. The 
 bridge being immediately choked, and the 
 enemy prefling furioufly on, many of the 
 infantry, and in a manner the whole body 
 of the cavalry, attempted the river. The 
 ice gave way ; and not fewer than 2000 
 were fwallowed up in the water. 
 
 Here Zifca fheathed his fword, which 
 had been fufiiciently glutted with blood; 
 and returned in triumph to Tabor, laden 
 with all the fpoils, and all the trophies^' 
 which the moft compleat vidory could give. 
 U 4 The
 
 o 
 
 12 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The battle of Kamnitz having put Zifca 
 in peaceable poflefllon of the whole kingdom 
 of Bohemia, he had now leifure to pay a 
 little more attention to his defigned eftabliih^ 
 ment of a church. 
 
 He began now to abolifli, in all places, 
 the ceremonies of the popifli worfhip. 
 Prayers for the dead, images, holy-water, 
 auricular confeffion, holy-oil, facerdctal veft-^ 
 ments, fafts, and feftivals, all thefe things 
 he totally forbad. The pope's name he rafed 
 out of all public inftruments 3 and denied 
 his fupremacy. Merit alone, he faid, fhould 
 give diftindion among the priefts of Bohe- 
 mia ; and they fhould gain the reverence of 
 the people by the fandlity of their lives, not 
 by their luxurious manner of living. Church- 
 yards w^ere forbidden alfo ; as they had been 
 brought into ufe, he thought, only to enrich 
 the clergy. Purgatory too was expunged 
 from the articles of belief. 
 
 From thefe things we may judge how 
 much farther Hufs would, in all probability, 
 have carried reformation 5 if he had had it 
 in his power : for we may confider Zifca, 
 as adting by his authority, and doing nothing, 
 
 but
 
 Z I S C A. 313 
 
 but what was confonant to his exprefs doc- 
 trine ; or might by fair inference be deduced 
 from it. 
 
 We have no grounds to fuppofe this mili- 
 tary reformer had any bigotry in his temper : 
 he feems not to have fhewn any inclination 
 to force the confciences of any differing fed: ; 
 but to have left men at liberty to like or dif- 
 like, to unite with him, or leave him, as 
 they thought beft. Nor was he by any 
 means arbitrary in his impofitions -, but con- 
 fulted his friends, and fixed on nothing, but 
 what found at leaft a general concurrence. — 
 He had the misfortune, notwithftanding this 
 moderation, to give great offence to many 
 of the Bohemian reformers. 
 
 A variety of feds is the natural confe- 
 quence of religious liberty 5 and mutual ani- 
 mofity is too often the confequence of a 
 variety of feds. The mifchief is not, that 
 men think differently, which is unavoidable ; 
 it is, their refufing others, that liberty, 
 which they take themfelves. To reflrain 
 therefore the bad effeds of bigotry, the pru- 
 dent legiflator proteds an eflablifliment -, and 
 whatever toleration he may allow to feda- 
 ries, (and the wifefl hath generally allowed 
 
 the
 
 314 THE LIFE OF | 
 
 the moft,) he will however keep fuch a re- I 
 ftraint upon them, as may preferve the tran- " 
 quility of the whole. 
 
 Among the feveral feds, for there were 
 feveral, which the reformation produced in 
 Bohemia, one only was able to difpute the 
 point of fuperiority with the Taborites. It 
 was that of the Calixtins, fo called from the 
 word calix^ a cup. They adminiftred the | 
 Lord's fupper in both kinds ; but in other 
 points receded lefs from the church of Rome, 
 than any other Bohemian reformers. 
 
 The feeds of animofity had long been 
 fown between this fed, and the Taborites ; 
 but each was reftrained by its fears of ex- 
 ternal danger. When an appearance of 
 greater tranquillity fucceeded; and Zifca, 
 taking the opportunity, began to innovate, 
 and form the fcheme of an eftabUfhment, 
 he foon found how warm an oppofition he 
 was likely to meet with from the Calixtins, 
 whofe party was by no means contemptible, i 
 Thefe fecftaries, who were chiefly confined 
 to Prague, and its diflrid, (and being the 
 more embodied, could adl with the greater . 
 force,) were highly offended at being lefs 
 taken notice of, than fo confiderable a party, 
 
 in
 
 Z I S C A. 315 
 
 in their own eyes, fliould have been. Their 
 clamour foon began, and in language fuffi- 
 ciently.warm : *' Here, faid they, is a re- 
 " formation indeed ! inftead of weeding and 
 " pruning the Lord's vineyard, as ought to 
 " have been done, the fence is totally taken 
 " away, and the wild boar of the wood is 
 " fuffered to root it up. The church of 
 ^' Rome, however culpable in many ref- 
 *' pedis, is at leaft decent in its worfhip : 
 '' but the prefent fyftem of reformation hath 
 " not even decency to boaft of" — From 
 violent language, they proceeded, in the 
 ufual progreffion, to violent adlions. 
 
 John the Premonftratenfian, (fo called 
 from an order of monkery, in which he had 
 fpent a novitiate,) was the principal abettor 
 of the Taborite party in Prague. He was 
 a man of family, fortune, and charadler ^ 
 all which confpired to give him influence. 
 This perfon, confidering Zifca, during the 
 prefent unfettled ftate of Bohemia, as the 
 leader, from whom he was properly to look 
 forinftruftions, employed his whole intereft 
 in favour of that chiefs and endeavoured to 
 introduce the fame regulations at Prague 
 
 which
 
 3i6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 which Zifca had eflablillied in other parts of 
 the kingdom. 
 
 The principal magiftrates of Prague were 
 Calixtins -, and unhappily men of little tem- 
 per. It doth not appear, that John had dif- 
 covered any unbecoming zeal ; yet he foon 
 found, that he had given great offence 5 and 
 had fufficient reafon to fear, that if he 
 brought himfelf within the fhadow of a law, 
 that law would be made to crufli him. 
 
 Late one evening, he and nine others, all 
 chiefs of the Taborite party, were fent for, 
 by the magiftrates, to the council-chamber, 
 upon a pretence of fettling fomething with 
 regard to public peace. They came without 
 fcruple y but found, on their entrance, an 
 affembly, which they httle expedled ; — a 
 court fitting in form; before which they 
 were immediately arraigned. The chief 
 magiftrate, without further ceremony, ac- 
 quainted them, that in all ftates it had been 
 the pradlice, upon emergent occafions, to 
 difpenfe with the formalides of law ; — that 
 their behaviour had been fuch, as very great- 
 ly endangered the tranquillity of the city ; — 
 that fufficient matter for the moft public trial 
 
 could
 
 Z I S C A. 317 
 
 could be brought againfl: them; — but that it 
 was rather chofen, for the fake of peace, to 
 proceed againfl: them in this more private 
 way. 
 
 Vain were all remonfl:rances againfl: thefe 
 lawlefs proceedings : witnefl^es were imme- 
 diately called -y and, the fafts alledged being 
 proved, fentence of death was hafl:ily pafl^ed 
 upon them ; and they were as hafl:ily hurried 
 into an inner court of the building ; where, 
 without any of the ufual circumfl:anccs of 
 decency, they were put to death. 
 
 It was impoflible, that fo horrid a mafla- 
 cre, however privately tranfadled, fliould 
 efcape the public knowledge. By noon the 
 next day it was known in all parts of the 
 city. Some authors mention its being dif- 
 covered in a very extraordinary manner. 
 The blood, which ran in fl:reams from the 
 headlefs trunks of thefe unfortunate men, 
 having been forgotten in the confufion of 
 the aftion, made its way through the drains 
 into the fl:reet, and plainly difcovered 
 the horrid deed. The populace, by what- 
 ever means acquainted with the ajffair, were 
 immediately in an uproar : all parties were 
 fcandalized : even the Calixtins were too 
 
 much
 
 3i8 THE LIFE OF 
 
 much confounded to make refiftance ; while 
 the Taborites took an ample revenge. They 
 were not now acfluated by thofe mild virtues, 
 which Hufs had difcovered on a hke occa- 
 fion. The fpirit of the times was changed. 
 They aflembled with loud clamours before 
 the houfes of the magiftrates 5 forced open 
 the doors -, dragged them from their con- 
 cealments ', and haled them into the flreets; 
 where, having expofed them as fpedacles, 
 and reproached them with their crimes, they 
 put them to a cruel death. 
 
 When the tumult of this affair was over, 
 and men began to think coolly upon the 
 matter, the Calixtins plainly faw how much 
 injury their caufe had fuffered. It was true, 
 that outrages had been committed on both 
 fides. But the fcale was by no means equal. 
 The world would certainly be moft forward 
 to condemn the aggreffor; and a manifeft 
 diftindion would be made between an a6l of 
 magiftracy, and an ad: of mere popular fury. 
 They concluded therefore, that the breach 
 between them and the Taborites was irre- 
 parable ; and that it was impoffible for them 
 to live happily under any government, in 
 which Zifca prefided. 
 
 Thcfe
 
 Z I S C A. 319 
 
 Thefe were the fentiments of the fenate 
 of Prague -, in which aflembly, after long 
 deliberation, it was refolved to fend deputies 
 to the grand duke of Lithuania, and to 
 offer him, in the name of the capital of 
 Bohemia, the crown of that kingdom. The 
 duke accepted their offer ; and immediately 
 fent troops to fupport his title. 
 
 This fatal diifention was looked upon as 
 the expiring pang of the liberties of Bohe- 
 mia. It was not doubted but the emperor 
 would feize this favourable opportunity ; 
 and, having fuffered the two parties tho- 
 roughly to weaken themfelves, would fud- 
 denly crufh them both. It happened other- 
 wife. Animated as thefe fedaries were 
 againfl each other, they were ftill more fo 
 againfl the common enemy. Zifca indeed 
 fatisfied himfelf with protefting againfl the 
 refolutions of the fenate of Prague 5 and, 
 bearing, with his accuflomed firmnefs, the 
 ingratitude of his country, lay quiet in his 
 camp at Tabor : while the Calixtins, in 
 concert with the Lithuanians, feeing them- 
 felves unmolefted by him, began immedi- 
 ately to aft againft the emperor. 
 
 This
 
 320 THE LIFE OF 
 
 This party affefted now to take the lead 
 in all public affairs. But their fuccefs was 
 not anfvverable to their prefumption. The 
 firft enterprize they attempted was the iiege 
 of Charles-ftone, a fortifyed poft, where the 
 emperor had found an opportunity to intro- 
 duce a garrifon of 400 men. Before this 
 place, which was by no means confiderable^ 
 they confumed full fix months ; and at 
 length gave up the affair. The garrifon, 
 during the whole fiege, held them in the 
 utmoft contempt. Having taken fome pri- 
 foners, in a fally, they hung one of them 
 over the wall, where the affault was fierceft, 
 with a fly-flapper in his hand, intimating, 
 that this was fufficient to baffle the utmoft 
 efforts of the befiegers. Zifca, in the mean 
 time, fat by, a calm fpeftator of what paffed. 
 There were fome difl:empers, which, he 
 thought, bell cured themfelves ; and he 
 conhdered this diforder as one of them. He 
 knew the Calixtins had among them no 
 leader of any capacity, in military affairs 
 efpecially; and be doubted not but they 
 would foon feel the bad effefts of ill-con- 
 certed meafures. 
 
 Indeed
 
 Z I S C A. 321 
 
 Indeed the Calixtins were not a little 
 chagrined at the difgrace they had fufFered 
 before Charles-ftone. The fuccefs of the 
 invincible Zifca, from whofe aufpices they 
 had now withdrawn themfelves, was, on 
 this occafion, an unpleafing retrofpedl : but 
 they had foon feverer caufe for refledlion. 
 
 On the frontiers of Hungary Sigifmond 
 had a conference with the king of Poland ; 
 the fubjedl of which was the ill-ufage he had 
 received from the duke of Lithuania. Sigif- 
 mond pufhed the affair with fo much force 
 of argument, and infinuating addrefs, that 
 upon a proper application from his fovereign, 
 the duke gave up his title to the crown of 
 Bohemia, and withdrew his forces. It is 
 probable he had now leifure to fee things in 
 a different light ; and could difcern more 
 thorns than flowers fcattered in the path-way 
 to a throne ; which he had not before ob- 
 ferved, while dazzled with the glare of 
 royalty. The Calixtins thus deprived of 
 foreign aid, immediately funk into their for- 
 mer infignificance. They became the ob- 
 jeds alfo of that contempt, of which the 
 world is commonly fo Hberal upon the 
 baffled fchemes of imprudence, and folly. 
 X Zifca
 
 326 THE LIFE OF 
 
 already at its gates ; and he determined to 
 rifk all, rather than leave it a prey. 
 
 Zifca, who carried on his works with his 
 ufual vigour, had brought the fiege to its laft 
 ilage, when the marquifs appeared at the 
 head of a great army, and offered him bat- 
 tle. Zifca, whofe maxim it was, never to 
 decline fighting, accepted the challenge, 
 though he had many difficulties to encoun- 
 ter. The marquifs had a fuperior army, and 
 Zifca was obliged ftill more to thin his troops 
 by leaving a large detachment to obferve the 
 town. The Saxons befides were advanta- 
 geoufly pofted, having taken pofleffion of d 
 rifing ground, which fecured their flanks. 
 A ilrong wind alfo blew in the faces of the 
 Taborites 5 which greatly weakened the 
 flight of their arrows, while it added new 
 force to thofe of the enemy. 
 
 But Zifca had little confidence in miffive 
 weapons. His whole Hne, with their poll- 
 axes and fabres, in their accufl:omed manner, 
 made an impetuous attack upon the enemy. 
 The Saxons, receiving them in good order, 
 ftood firm, and gave them a very fevere 
 check. This was a reception w^holly unkown 
 to the Taborites -, who had ever been ufed' 
 
 to
 
 Z I S C A. 327 
 
 to bear down all before them ; and in thefe 
 new circumftances were at a lofs how to acft. 
 They retreated fome paces, as if aftonifhed 
 at the novelty of the thing. — This critical 
 moment the Saxons fhould havefeized, while 
 the blaft, yet fluttering in the fails, feemed 
 to hefitate, on which fide to give the fwell. 
 Had they moved forward at this inflant, it is 
 probable the Taborites had never recovered 
 from their furprize. But inftead of a gene- 
 ral charge, they flood motionlefs -, looking 
 upon the enemy, as if they had done enough 
 by not fufFering themfelves to be beaten. — • 
 Zifca, little lefs than infpired, had a com- 
 pleat idea of the whole affair ^ and being 
 conducted to the front line, which flood yet 
 unbroken, he cried out, as he rode along, 
 *' I thank you, my fellow-foldiers, for all 
 *' your pafl fer vices, — if you have now done 
 '^ your utmofl, let us retire." This noble 
 rebuke flung them to the foul. Every vete- 
 ran gnaflied his teeth with indignation, 
 grafped his fword, and prefTed forward ; 
 clofing, hand to hand, with the enemy, iu 
 the true temper of determined courage. 
 
 The combat, thus renewed, became foon 
 
 uaequal. For fome time the Saxons flill 
 
 X 2 maintained
 
 324 THE LIFE OF 
 
 On the other fide, Zifca was not back- 
 ward in his preparations. He had fome time 
 before fent Procop, an excellent young offi- 
 cer, to command in Moravia ; in whom he 
 had entire confidence^ and to whofe ma- 
 nagement he wholly intrufted the military 
 affairs of that country; recommending to 
 him particularly a cautious behaviour, and 
 meafures merely defenfive. 
 
 Procop was a citizen of Prague, of ordi- 
 nary parentage ; but his fprightlinefs and 
 beauty recommending him in his childhood 
 to an affluent family, he had been adopted 
 into it. His new father fpared no expence 
 in his education ; and having given him the 
 befl, which his own country afforded, fent 
 him to travel into Spain, Italy, and other 
 parts of Europe. After a confiderable flay 
 abroad, he returned home, a very accom- 
 plifhed perfon. The religious war foon after 
 breaking out, he attached himfelf, as his 
 inclination led him, to the fortunes of Zifca, 
 under whom, he not only expedled to learn 
 'the rudiments of war, his flavourite ftudy ; 
 but refolved to praffife them likewife, in the 
 fervice of his country. From the moment 
 he entered a camp, he gave himfelf up en- 
 tirely
 
 Z I S C A. 32J 
 
 tirely to his profeffion ; in the knowledge of 
 which he made a rapid progrefs. Zifca foon 
 difcovered the uncommon talents of his 
 young pupil ; employed him frequently in 
 matters, which required courage and punctu- 
 ality j and, at an age when men feldom ar- 
 rive at the command of a regiment, fet him 
 over a province. His abilities indeed were 
 fuch, that Zifca was in little pain about Mo- 
 ravia ; at leaft he hoped, that Procop would 
 be able to keep the emperor employed, till 
 he himfelf fhould return from the frontiers 
 of Saxony; whither he marched, with all 
 his force, upon the firfl notice of the ene- 
 my's preparations. 
 
 The marquifs had not yet taken the field. 
 Zifca, to ftrike a terror into his troops, ra- 
 vaged his borders ; and boldly, in the face 
 of his army, fat down before Aufig. 
 
 Aufig is a ftrong town fituate upon the 
 Elbe, nearly where that river leaves Bohemia. 
 It had always (hewn a particular attachment 
 to the emperor -, and was recommended by 
 him in ftrong terms, together with the bridge 
 in its neighbourhood, to the protedion of 
 the marquifs. It was a fenfible mortification 
 therffore to that general to fee an enemy 
 X 2 already
 
 322 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Zifca, in the mean time, was in full cre- 
 dit with his party, and was earneftly requeft- 
 ed to aflume the crown of Bohemia himfelf, 
 as a reparation for the infult he had received. 
 No one in the kingdom, they affured him, 
 had the power, if he had the inclination, to 
 make the leaft oppofition; and as for the 
 emperor, they hoped he would foon be in- 
 duced to drop his claim. But Zifca, whom 
 even his enemies neither tax with avarice, 
 nor ambition, fteadily refufed. " While 
 *^ you find me of fervice to your defigns, 
 ** faid the difinterefted chief, you may freely 
 •' command both my counfels, and my 
 " fvvord 5 but I will never accept any efta- 
 «' blifhed authority. On the contrary, my 
 *' moft earneft advice to you is, when the 
 '' perverfenefs of our enemies fhall allow us 
 " peace, to trufi: yourfelves no longer in the 
 *' hands of kings; but to form yourfelves 
 *' into a republic; which fpecies of govern- 
 ^' ment only can fecure your liberties." 
 
 It was near Chriftmas 1422, when the 
 Lithuanian army evacuated Bohemia. Sigif- 
 mond was folicitous to have this impediment 
 removed before the fpring, when he pro- 
 pofcd to open a very aflive campaign. He 
 
 had
 
 I^ I S C A. 323 
 
 had made, as ufual, great preparations 5 and 
 intended once more to enter Bohemia with 
 two feparate armies. With this view, he 
 fet the marquifs of Mifnia at the head of a 
 confiderable body of Saxons, which were to 
 penetrate by the way of Upper Saxony; 
 while himfelf, at the head of another army, 
 ihould enter Moravia, on the fide of Hun- 
 gary. His defign was, when he had over- 
 run that country, which, upon the matter, 
 was wholly in the intereft of Zifca, to join 
 the marquifs In the centre of Bohemia. 
 This was Sigifmond's laft effort; upon which 
 he had exhaufted his whole ftrength. It is 
 furprizing Indeed, how he had thus far found 
 refources in this ruinous and deflrudlive war; 
 confidering him already in fome degree im- 
 poverifhed by an expenfive expedition againfl 
 the Turks. But the amiable Sigifmond 
 could do what the authority of the emperor 
 could not have done. So infmuating were 
 his manners, fo gentle and affable his beha- 
 viour, that he won the hearts of men, and 
 drew them as he pleafed. Had not religion 
 oppofed, nothing could have withflood the 
 claim of this accompliflied prince to the 
 crown of Bohemia. 
 
 X a On
 
 328 THE LIFE OF 
 
 maintained a feeble fight. Four of tKeir 
 principal officers, endeavouring to reftore 
 the batde, were cut to pieces at the head of 
 their difmayed battalions. The whole army 
 foon after, in every part, gave ground : a 
 retreat, a rout, a maflacre fucceeded. The 
 carnage of the field was terrible. Not fewer 
 than 9000 Saxons were left dead upon the 
 fpot. Zifca is taxed, however juftly, with 
 great cruelty, after all refiftance was over. 
 It is certain he never bought a victory fo 
 dear. 
 
 From this fcene of blood he recalled his 
 troops to new fields of glory. " We muft 
 *' fleep to night, cryed he, within the walls 
 *' of Aufig." Thither the triumphant army 
 carried the news of their vidtory. Zifca 
 would grant no conditions : the governor was 
 allowed half an hour to deliberate, whether 
 he would furrender at difcretion, or take 
 the confequence. He chofe the fafer mea- 
 fure ; and the Taborites were quietly in their 
 quarters in Aufig before the clofe of the 
 evening. — Thefe two great events confe- 
 crated the 2 2d of April, for many years, in 
 Bohemia. 
 
 The
 
 Z I S C A. 329 
 
 The next day Zifca ordered the town to 
 be difmantled 3 that it might no longer be a 
 receptacle to his enemies : he broke down 
 like wife the ftately bridge over the Elbe 5 to 
 cut off, as much as poffibe, all communi- 
 cation with Saxony. 
 
 Having thus fettled every thing in the eaft 
 of Bohemia, where he had been kept longer 
 than he expe(fted, and having freed that 
 country even from the apprehenfion of dan- 
 ger, he returned with his vidtorious army to 
 the afliftance of Procop. 
 
 That general had fufRcient bufinefs upon 
 his hands. The emperor appeared early upon 
 the frontiers of Moravia -, and after fome 
 irregular motions, fat down before Pernitz. 
 
 Procop with his little army attended all his 
 movements 3 and pradlifed with admirable 
 fkillthofe leffons, which he had juft receiv- 
 ed. He was confined however to the minutiae 
 of war : he could not hurt, he could only 
 teize, his unweildy adverfary. If the em- 
 peror offered him battle, his Parthian bri- 
 gades, unincumbered with baggage, retreat. 
 ed fuddenly to the mountains. If the em- 
 peror returned to his former enterprize, Pro- 
 cop was inftantly in his rear; and, being 
 
 acquainted
 
 334 THE a IF E OF 
 
 prefently beaten ofF^ and the Taborites gal- 
 lantly fought their way through all oppo- 
 fition. 
 
 In the middle of the llreet their impetu- 
 ofity received a check. There a barricado 
 had been begun, the hafty work of that tu- 
 multuous morning. The materials indeed 
 had been rather brought together, than put 
 into form. It ferved however to retard the 
 violence of Zifca. Many of his foldiers 
 were obliged to difmount, to clear the paf- 
 fage y and could not afterwards recover their 
 horfes : all order was broken ; and, the 
 enemy clofing on every fide, a fcene of great 
 confufion enfued. 
 
 At length the fortune of Zifca prevailed, 
 with the lofs of fome men, though of fewer 
 than might have been expected, he forced 
 the barricado, and made his way to the 
 gate. 
 
 Here the enemy endeavoured to form a 
 fecond time 5 and a new fcene of tumult 
 followed. But the gate was at length burfl 
 open ', and Zifca, at the head of his litde 
 troop, fallied out in triumph. He was pur- 
 fued by all the force, that could be brought 
 out againft him ; which confifted of fome 
 
 thoufands -,
 
 Z I S C A. 335 
 
 thoufands ; againft whom he maintained a 
 flying fight with fuch intrepidity, as made 
 none of them very forward to clofe in upon 
 him. His difmounted troopers, who had 
 been of fo much fervice in opening a pafTage, 
 were now of equal difadvantage in retarding 
 his march : notwithftanding which^ the 
 order of it continued unbroken. 
 
 In the midfl of this victorious retreat, an 
 unforefeen accident almoft proved fatal to 
 him. The enemy were making one of their 
 boldeft efforts, when Zifca being feparated 
 from his company in the confufion of the 
 attack, his horfe, undireded, plunged into 
 a morafs. His perfon being confpicuous, he 
 was prefently furrounded ; and a furious 
 conteft enfued 3 in which the Taborites were 
 vidlorious -, and had the good fortune to re- 
 cover their fainting general. 
 
 The route, which the Taborites took, led 
 acrofs a fair plain, or rather valley, environ- 
 ed with riling grounds, which, approaching 
 each other, at the farther end, formed a 
 narrow pafs. Here Zifca, who had been 
 miferably harrafled along the plain, and had 
 more open country beyond the defile, de- 
 termined to make a ftand 3 thinking his def- 
 
 perate
 
 332 THE LIFE OF 
 
 pie y which he had the magnanimity to dif- 
 regard, ftill expeding it would wear ofF. 
 On the contrary, it increafed daily, difcover- 
 ing itfelf in the moft grofs affronts, and at 
 lenp-th in the moft violent outrages. 
 
 At a very unfeafonable hour, fomewhat 
 after midnight, he was alarmed by an officer 
 of his guard j who entering his chamber^ 
 with a difturbed countenance, acquainted 
 him, that he had no time to lofe, — that the 
 perfidious townfmen were preparing to feize 
 him. Zifca aiking a few queftions, and re- 
 ceiving fuch anfwers as left him little room 
 to doubt, immediately got on horfe-back 3 
 ordering, at the fame time, a hafty trumpet 
 to found fo horfcy through the quarters. The 
 troops, which confifted of about 400 men, 
 repaired diredly, with fuch circumftances 
 of diforder, as may be imagined, to the great 
 fquare. Not a man knew the caufe of this 
 fudden alarm. While they ftood inquiring 
 one of another, and each forming fuch con- 
 je(fl:ures, as his imagination fuggefted, their 
 ears were fuddenly ftruck with the found of 
 bells, v/hich burft inftantaneoully from every 
 tower of the city, in one general peal. Im- 
 mediately on this fignal, thev were attacl^ed 
 
 by
 
 Z I S C A. 333 
 
 by multitudes of people, crouding through 
 every avenue and ftreet j but in that tumul- 
 tuary manner, which plainly difcovered a 
 difconcerted fcheme. The Taborites, placing 
 their father, as they commonly called Zifca, 
 in the centre, formed round him, as the 
 exigence would allow ^ and defended them- 
 felves with great firmnefs. Indeed the ene- 
 my made no extraordinary efforts 5 they feem- 
 ed contented with blocking up the avenues 
 of the fquare, and throwing a few weapons 
 which did little execution. If any approach- 
 ed nearer, and attempted a ruder affault, a 
 few horfemen were ordered to ride in amone 
 them ; who generally drove them back feme 
 paces. But this was only the reflux of a 
 tide, which prefently returned. 
 
 In the mean time day-light appeared ; and 
 fhewed the Taborites the defperate circum- 
 ftances of their fituation. Zifca, who was 
 exadlly informed of every thing, having 
 called his officers about him, refolved (as the 
 only expedient in the prefent exigence,) to 
 endeavour to force a way through the high 
 ftreet, which led to the camp. 
 
 In confequence of this refolution a vigo- 
 rous attack was made. The citizens were 
 
 prefently
 
 330 THE LIFE OF 
 
 acquainted with the countr)?", befet every 
 avenue to his camp v^ith fo much judgment, 
 that Sigifmond was obhged to fend large de- 
 tachments, and often to run great hazard in 
 procuring provifions. In a word, Procop 
 fhewed himfelf, during the whole campaign, 
 a compleat mafler of defenfive war ^ and 
 cave the emoeror fuch a check, as he little 
 expedled from fo inferior a force. 
 
 In the mean time the town behaved with 
 equal fpirit; Sigifmond had now lain eight 
 weeks before it, and had not yet made the 
 leaft impreffion either upon the walls, or the 
 garrifon -, though he had endeavoured his 
 utmoft, by his engines and his menaces, to 
 fhake both. He was obliged therefore to 
 fubmit to his ill-fortune 5 and, drawing lines 
 round the place, contented himfelf with 
 ftraitening its quarters, and fhutting it up by 
 a blockade. 
 
 In this defign he was again unfortunate. 
 He had reduced the town to great extremity, 
 when, by one of thofe maflerly ftrokes, 
 which may deceive the greateft captain, 
 Procop drawing his attention to another 
 quarter, forced his lines in an unfufpeiled 
 part, and threw fucccurs into the place. 
 
 This
 
 Z 1 S C A. 331 
 
 This w^s a fevere blow to Sigifmond. His 
 work was entirely to begin anew ; the fum- 
 mcr was wearing apace ; the Saxons were 
 totally defeated ; and Zifca was returning 
 with a vidlorious army. — Agitated by thefe 
 reflections ; and having nothing in profpedl 
 but new difafters, he gave up his defign, 
 and retreated. — Thus was Bohemia delivered 
 once more from the fear of her enemies ; 
 and her champion, after a fhort but adive 
 campaign, was allowed to fheath his fword. 
 
 The news of Sigifmond*s retreat met 
 Zifca near Prague. As the troops, having 
 made forced marches from Aufig, had been 
 harrafTed with intolerable fatigue, he thought 
 it proper to give them a few days refl. He 
 incamped therefore within three leagues of 
 Prague ; and attended by a fmall body of 
 horfe, took up his own refidence in the city. 
 He had not been at Prague, fince the late 
 difturbances, and hoped, by his prefence 
 to difTipate what might ftill remain of ill- 
 humour in the minds of the inhabitants^ 
 He was however miflaken. His prefence^ 
 inftead of reftoring harmony, appeared 
 plainly to give new ofll^ence. He foon had 
 flagrant inftances of the difl:afl:e of the peo- 
 ple ;
 
 336 THE LIFE OF 
 
 perate circumftances a fuflicient apology for 
 the appearance of raflmefs. Having drawn 
 up his little troop therefore with all the ad- 
 vantage, which accrued from his fituation, 
 he prefented himfelf to the enemy ^ who 
 did not decline an engagement. 
 
 Hiftcrians relate this battle with very im- 
 probable circumftances. We are told, that 
 Zifca not only gained, the .viftbry, but that 
 he put to the fword above 3000 of the ene- 
 my. It is not unlikely, that if the flaughter 
 from the beginning be taken into the ac- 
 count, the Calixtin party might lofe that 
 number. — It is certain however, that Zifca 
 made good his retreat ; and arrived in fafety 
 at his camp. 
 
 Great v/as the confternation in Prague, 
 wlien the fugitives from this unfortunate 
 attack returned without their prey. The 
 Calixtin-party at firft intended to have crufh- 
 ed Zifca without difturbance -, not doubting 
 but the dilfipation of his fecfl would follow. 
 When that was found impradicable, they 
 determined, at any rate, to crufli him. 
 Their fraud and force being equally in- 
 effedual, they fiv/ themfeves in defperatc 
 circumilances. They had provoked a very 
 
 powerful
 
 Z I S C A. 337 
 
 powerful enemy, whom they could not 
 withftand 5 and from whom they had every 
 thing to fear. — -The die however was thrown ; 
 and they muft accommodate their game, as 
 they were able. 
 
 In the mean time Zifca, calling his troops 
 together, acquainted them in form with the 
 whole tranfadion ; and having raifed in them 
 fuch fentiments of indignation as he wifhed 
 to infpire, he immediately ftruck his tents, 
 and like the injured Roman of old, marched 
 diredly to the city, and incamped under its 
 walls. 
 
 Before he attempted force, he fent in a 
 trumpet, requiring, in very ftern language, 
 that the advifers, and chief inftruments of 
 the late villainous affault fiiould be put into 
 his hands. But the guilt of that a(ftion was 
 fo univerfal, that it was impoffible to fay, 
 who was involved the deepeft. Inftead of 
 complying therefore with the order of Zifca, 
 the miferable inhabitants chofe rather to try 
 perfuafive arts -, endeavouring by every me- 
 thod to foften the chief, and move the com- 
 paffion of the troops. Intreaties, promifes, 
 and prayers were addrefled by the magiftrates 
 to Zifca; while the populace^ from the 
 Y walls.
 
 33§ THE LIFE OF 
 
 walls, made the fame earneft application to 
 the foldlers. Some pleaded kindred, or al- 
 liances, or the rites of hofpitallty affedtion- 
 ately performed. Many with tears deplored 
 their wretched fate ; protefting before God 
 and man, that they had no hand in the late 
 commotion : while numbers, who had a 
 right to the protedlion of Zifca, from their 
 adherence to his caufe, were defcribing their 
 doors, and houfes, or agreeing upon fecret 
 marks, and pledges, by which they might 
 efcape the impending vengeance^ intreating, 
 at the fame time, one for a friend, another 
 for a fon, or near relation, whom his un- 
 happy fate had involved in the general guilt*^ 
 But Zifca continued ftern and immove- 
 able. He was perfuaded the Calixtin-party 
 could, by no means, be depended on; and 
 that they would never unite in any friendly 
 league. He determined therefore to take 
 this opportunity of leifure from his other 
 enemies, to fubdue them thoroughly ; 
 alTuring himfelf, that till this fhould be 
 effeded, the accompliOiment of his great 
 defigns would remain uncompleat. 
 
 The troops were more flexible. They 
 confidercd not the affair with the forefight: 
 
 ol
 
 Z I S C A. 339 
 
 of their chiefs and having only before their 
 eyes the prefent fcene of diftrefs, began to 
 murmur at the work, in which they were 
 engaged 3 and at the fevcrity of him, who 
 had engaged them in it. " They would 
 *' not be the inftruments of the deflruftion 
 ** of a city, which was the glory of their 
 *' country. — Their general might feek other 
 '^ minifters of his vengeance. — They would 
 *f offer their lives a willing facrifice againft 
 ** the unjufl attempts of their enemies ; but 
 " no one fhould oblige them to take up arms 
 " againft their brethren." 
 
 Thefe whifpers foon reached the ears of 
 Zifca, — the firft feditious whifpers he had 
 ever heard. His orders he found hourly lefs 
 pundually obeyed ; he was accofted with 
 infolent fpeeches, as he paffed along the 
 lines 5 and mutinous tumults gathered about 
 his tent. In a woni, he faw the contagion 
 Ipreading apace; and the immediate need of 
 
 remedy.. Calling his troops therefore 
 together, he endeavoured to affuage the 
 rifing mutiny, by ilievv'ing them the neceflity 
 of fevere meafures. The Calixtins had now 
 twice, he told them, almoft ruined the com- 
 mon caufe J and would be ready to ruin it 
 
 Y 2 again 

 
 340 THE LIFE OF 
 
 again on any future occafion. The emperor, 
 he faid, was always on the watch j and 
 would be glad to widen their mifunderfland- 
 ings, and take the advantage of them for 
 himfelf i he had no intention, he told them, 
 to lay the city in blood and defolation. All 
 he propofed was to make himfelf entire 
 mafter of it -, and when he had it in his 
 power, he w^ould liften to the fuggeftions 
 of pity, and would temper feverity. with 
 mercy. 
 
 *^ This, my fellow-foldiers, faid he, con- 
 *' eluding his fpeech, is my intention : but if 
 *^ it (hall feem more agreeable to you to aft 
 ** with greater lenity -, if you fhall chufe to 
 ** reach out to thefe bloody men even an 
 ^' unlimited mercy, I fhall confider myfelf 
 *^ only as your minifter : and whether you 
 *' chufe war, or peace, I am ready with my 
 *' utmoft power to feccnd that choice. — 
 *' One thing only let rrie requeft, for the 
 " fake of all our mutual labours, and mutual 
 «' glories, let me requeft, that thefe unhappy 
 «f divifions amongft us may ceafe -, and that 
 <^ whether we fheath our fwords, or keep 
 «' them drawn, the world may know, that 
 <« we are united in our councils, as well as 
 
 !' oui^:
 
 Z I S C A. 341 
 
 " (njr arms j and that Zifca, and his com- 
 y panions, have only one common caufe." 
 
 In fuch foothing language did the prudent 
 
 chief addrefs himfelf to the prejudices of his 
 
 foldiers. His fpeech had the defired effed:. 
 
 They who did not hear it, caught the fire 
 
 ^^|rom thofe who did. The whole army was 
 
 gjnftantly animated with a new fpirit^ and 
 
 ff^the camp rang with profeflions of obedience, 
 
 and acclamations of pralfe. 
 
 It was now near funfet ; too late to take 
 
 the full advantage of the ardour of the 
 
 troops. Orders therefore were given for an 
 
 aflfault early the next qiprning. Every thing 
 
 ^was prepared. The regiments, in their fe- 
 
 /^/fV^ral ftations, refted upon their arms -, and 
 
 %^ifca retired to his tent, big with the thoughts 
 
 ^.^f the fucceeding day. — -Many were the re- 
 
 ^ ':^fle(3:ions he made; and many the compuncfti^ 
 
 ons he felt, when he .thus found himfelf 
 
 ' jupon the point of laying wafte the capital of 
 
 his country. — But the liberties of Bohemia 
 
 urged him upon this harfli fervice. 
 
 As he was ruminating on thefe things, it 
 
 being nowpaft midnight, a perfon was in- 
 
 •";troduced to him by the officer of his guard, 
 
 who earneftly defired a private audience. 
 
 Y 3 ' ^ifca
 
 342 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Zifca prefently knew him to be the cele- 
 brated Roquefan ; an ecclefiaftic, who, from 
 the meaneft circumftanccs of birth and for- 
 tune, had raifed himfelf, by his great talents, 
 to have the mofl perfonal confequence of any 
 man in Prague. Roquefan came a deputy 
 from his fellow-citizens, now reduced to the 
 loweft defpair. They had good intelligence 
 from Zifca's camp 5 and well knew the fatal 
 refolution of the preceding evening. 
 
 Of what paiTed between thefe two chiefs, 
 on this occafion, we have no particulars. 
 Roquefan however infifled on fuch argu- 
 ments, as over-powered the refolution of 
 Zifca 5 and a thorough reconciliation took 
 place. An anonymous French hiftorian, 
 who wrote the life of Zifca, mentions terms 
 of agreement , but as thefe are unlikely, and, 
 as far as appears, unauthorized, it is of little 
 moment to infert them. It is probable, that 
 Zifca would not fo eafily have been brought 
 to a reconciliation, had not the late mutiny 
 among his troops given a new tufn to his 
 counfels. 
 
 While thefe things were adling at Prague, 
 the diftreffed Sigifmond was in great per- 
 plexity. The battle of Aufig had greatly 
 
 fliaken
 
 Z I S C A. 343 
 
 fhaken that conftancy, which had thus far 
 fupported him. Six times, in three cam- 
 paigns, he had been vanquiflied in the open 
 field : his towns had been ravifhed from him, 
 and his provinces laid wafte. He acknow- 
 ledged the fuperior talents of his adverfary ; 
 and was quitted by that noble and uncon- 
 quered fpirit, which animated the caufe of 
 liberty. The late diflention had, in fome 
 degree, revived his hopes : but he was fcarce 
 informed of the circumftances of the quar- 
 rel, when he was informed of the reconci- 
 liation likewife. Every ray of hope there- 
 fore being now excluded, he fubmitted to 
 his hard fate -, and refolving on any terms, 
 to give peace to his bleeding country, fent 
 deputies to Zifca, requefting him to iheath 
 his fword, and name his conditions ; offer- 
 ing him, at the fame time, for himfeif, what 
 might have fatisfyed the moil grafping am- 
 bition. 
 
 Zifca was equally defirous of a reconcili- 
 ation. He had taken up arms with a view 
 only to obtain peace, and was heartily glad 
 of an occafion to lay them down. He re- 
 turned a meffage to the emperor, full of that 
 fcfpedful language, with which the great 
 
 can
 
 344 THE LIFE OF 
 
 can eafily cover enmity ; tho* at the fame 
 time breathing that fpirit, which became a 
 chief in the caufe of liberty. 
 
 After a few couriers had paffed, a place of 
 congrefs was appointed -, and Zifca fet out to 
 meet the emperor, attended by the principal 
 officers of his army. It gave Europe a fub- 
 jed: for various converfation, when this great 
 man, whom one unfortunate battle would 
 have reduced to the condition of a rebel^ 
 was feen paffing through the midfl of Bo- 
 hemia, to treat with his fovereign, like a fo- 
 vereign, upon equal terms. 
 
 But Zifca lived not to put a finifhing hand 
 to this treaty. His affairs obliged him to 
 take his route through a part of the country, 
 in which the plague at that time raged. At 
 the caftle of Frifcow, where he had en- 
 gaged to hold an affembly of the ftates of 
 that diftridl, the fatal contagion feized him, 
 and put an end to his life, on the 6th of 
 Odober 1424, — at a time, when, all his 
 labours being ended, and his great purpofes 
 almoft compleated, (fuch was the courfe of 
 providence) he had only to enjoy thofe li- 
 berties, and that tranquillity, which his vir- 
 tue had fo nobly purchafed. 
 
 Some
 
 Z I S C A. 34^ 
 
 Some authors write, that, being afked by 
 thofe around him, a little before his death, 
 where he would have his remains depofited ? 
 he anfwered, Where they pleafed ■ — that it 
 was indifferent to him, whether they were 
 thrown out to the vultures, or configned to 
 the tomb. 
 
 We are informed too, that upon his death- 
 bed he ordered his fkin to be made into a 
 drum i " The very found of which, added 
 *' he, will difperfe your enemies." It is 
 probable this fpeech is a mere fiftion : fuch 
 vaunting, agreeing ill with that referved cha- 
 radter, which Zifca had ever maintained. 
 Morery indeed tells us, that the drum was 
 adlually made 5 that it was ufed in battle by 
 the Taborites; and that it had the full effedl 
 expecSed from it -, though at the fame time, 
 with a ridiculous gravity, he informs us, that 
 he doth not fuppofe it was owing to any fu- 
 pernatural power, with which that inflru- 
 ment was endowed. — The whole feems an 
 idle tale. It may even be queftioned, whe- 
 ther the ikin of a body, in that morbid ftate, 
 which the plague occafions, is capable of 
 being cured ; or if it were, we can hardly 
 imagine, that any people could be fo infa- 
 tuated
 
 346 THE LIFE OF 
 
 mated, as firft to manufadure, and after-S 
 wards to carry about with them the remains 
 of an infected carcafe. 
 
 The befl accounts inform us, that he was 
 bu.ied in the great church at Czaflow in 
 Bohemia 3 where a monument was erecSed 
 to his memory, with an infcriptioa to this 
 purpofes 
 
 HERE LIES JOHN ZISCA ; 
 
 XVHO HAVING DEFENDED HIS COUNTRY 
 
 AGAINST THE ENCROACHMENTS 
 
 OF PAPAL TYRANNY, 
 
 RESTS IN THIS HALLOWED PLACE 
 
 IN DESPITE 
 
 OF THE POPE. 
 
 The greatefl, indeed the only ftain on the 
 charadter of Zifca, is his cruelty. Of this 
 his enemies make loud complaints ; and his 
 friends, it muft be confeffed, are very ill able 
 to clear him. Againft the j)opiih clergy, it 
 is certain, he afted with great feverity. Many 
 of them he put to death, and more he ba» 
 nifhed ; plundering and confifcating their 
 poffeffions, without any referve. 
 
 They
 
 >^ I S C A. 347 
 
 They who are the moft inclined to excul- 
 pate this rigour, perfuade us, that he confi- 
 dered thefe ecclefiaftics not as heretics, but 
 as civil offenders ; — as men, who were ac- 
 countable for all the blood, which had been 
 fpilt in Bohemia ; and on whofe heads the 
 juftice of an injured nation ought defervedly 
 to fall. icilioc 
 
 But the beft apology perhaps may be taken 
 from the manners of the age, in which he 
 lived. In thofe barbarous times, and among 
 thofe barbarous nations, rough nature ap- 
 peared in its rudeft form. Friends and ene- 
 mies were treated from the heart, without 
 that glofs of decency, which arts, and civility 
 have introduced. 
 
 Some allowance alfo may be made for the 
 peculiar violence, which naturally attends 
 civil diifentions ; in which every injury is 
 greatly heightened, and every paffion im- 
 moderately moved. 
 
 Upon the whole, Zifca was by no means 
 animated with that true fpirit of Chriftianity, 
 which his amiable mafter, Hufs, had difco- 
 vered on all occafions. His fierce temper 
 feems to have been modelled rather upon 
 the old Teflament, than the new -, and the 
 
 genius
 
 348 THE LIFE OF 
 
 genius of that religion in a great degree to 
 have taken hold of him, which in its ani- 
 mofities called down fire from heaven. 
 
 His capacity was vaft ; his plans of a<5lion 
 e::' nfive; and the vigour of his mind int 
 executing thofe plans aftonifhing. Difficul- 
 ties with him were motives. They roufed 
 up latent powers, proportioned to the emer- 
 gence. Even blindnefs could not check the 
 ardour of his foul -, and what was faid of 
 the Grecian Timoleon, under the fame mif- 
 fortune, (whofe charader indeed he refem- 
 bled in many inftances) may with equal 
 juftice be applyed to him -, banc calamitatem 
 it a moderate tulity ut neq; eum querent ein qui/-- 
 quam audierity neq^ eo minus privatisy public 
 cifq-y rebus interfuerif. His military abilities 
 were equal to what any age hath produced; 
 and as fuch they are acknowledged by all 
 hiftorians. Nor do we admire him lefs as a 
 politician. If the great man was feen in the 
 conduft, and courage, which he difcovered 
 in the field ; he was equally feen in govern- 
 ing, by his own native authority, a land of 
 anarchy j and in drawing to one point the 
 force of a divided nation. 
 
 Nor
 
 Z I S C A. 349 
 
 Nor was the end, which he propofed, 
 unworthy of his great adtions. Utterly de- 
 void both of ambition and avarice, he had 
 no aim but to eftablifh, upon the ruins of 
 ecclefiaftical tyranny, the civil and religious 
 liberties of his country. 
 
 ne End.
 
 ( 351 ) 
 
 TTje Conchifion of the 
 BOHEMIAN AFFAIRS. 
 
 HAVING thus brought the afFairs of 
 the Bohemian reformers to a glori- 
 ous iflue under Zifca, it may be proper 
 to continue the narration, in few words, till 
 this great druggie between the contending 
 parties was decided. 
 
 After the death of Zifca, the flames of 
 war kindled anew. It is probable, the em- 
 peror, on this great event, might fufpend, 
 and finally break off the treaty, expeding 
 better conditions. 
 
 Procoj , who had fo greatly diftlnguiilied 
 himfelf in Moravia, and was efteemed the 
 ableft of Zifca s generals, naturally took the 
 lead after his deceafe. This chief fuftained 
 the character he had acquired. Indeed the 
 Taborite armies were now fo formed, and 
 difciplined by the care, and abilities of Zifca -, 
 fo inured to all the difficulties of their pro- 
 
 feffion
 
 352 CONCLUSION OF THE 
 
 feffion, and fo formidable to their enetiiieSj' 
 that the reputation of future generals was in 
 a great meafure Zifca's due -, who had laid 
 a foundation, on which even inferior talents 
 might fuccefsfully build. 
 
 But Procop had talents to form a fcheme^ 
 which fortune had given him only to com- 
 pleat. Yet he had flill great difficulties to 
 encounter. To the old enemies of his caufe 
 a new one was added. The pope, incited 
 by the clamours of the religious, reared his 
 holy banners 5 and a formidable army, under 
 a cardinal-general, was fent into Bohemia. 
 But his eminence fhared the fate of all his 
 predeceffors in this war ; and the Bohemian 
 arms triumphed, wherever they were op- 
 pofed. 
 
 To the military inventions of Zifca, Pro- 
 cop added an improvement of his own. He 
 introduced armed chariots into his lines, 
 which ferved as a fort of moving rampart j 
 through the inierftices of which his troops 
 charged, and retired at pleafure. On other 
 occafions, his chariots would take a fudden 
 wheel, and inclofe whole battalions of the 
 enemy ; which, thus environed, were def- 
 tined to certain llaughter. He found them 
 
 flill
 
 BOHEMIAN AFFAIRS. 353 
 ^ftill more ufeful in his ravaging excurfions. 
 They ferved, at the fame time, as a defence 
 to his marauders, and as waggons to carry 
 off the plunder. 
 
 Procop had now continued in arms fix 
 years. His campaigns, though not diftin- 
 guifhed by thofe illuftrious adions, which 
 had marked the campaigns of Zifca, were 
 however generally fuccefsful. He had not 
 indeed thofe opportunities of performing 
 fplendid adions. The emperor, wafted by 
 his vaft expences, had of late fuffered the 
 war to languish ; hoping to procure thofe 
 advantages from repofe, which he could not 
 force by his arms. He was vv^ell acquainted 
 with the mutual animofities of the Tabo- 
 rites, and the Calixtins, who agreed in no- 
 thing, but in oppofing him: and he thought 
 a litde leifure, as it hud hitherto done, might 
 ripen their diffentions. Procop, he knew, 
 was an able general ; but he had a mean 
 opinion of him, as a politician — as a man 
 either of temper, or addrefs to afiliage or 
 manage the rage of parties. Upon the 
 whole, he had reafon to hope, that time 
 might produce fome happy crins in his fa- 
 vour. That crifis now approached. 
 
 Z In
 
 354 CONCLUSION OF THE 
 
 In the year 143 1> the council of Bafil 
 aflembled. Hither the Taborites were in- 
 vited with a profufion of civil language. 
 But they received the fummons with great 
 indignation. It was the univerfal cry, " That 
 *' general councils were general pefts 5 — 
 " that they were called only in fupport of 
 'f ecclefiaftical tyranny 5 — and that no credit 
 " was due to fuch partial conventions/* 
 
 Procop however, with a , magnanimity 
 which could not brook the imputation of 
 refufing a challenge of any kind, determined 
 to attend the council : and when his friends 
 urged the danger , and advifed him at leaft 
 to fecure himfelf by a fufficient pafsport; 
 they only made him the more refolute in his 
 purpofe ; " Paffport ! cried he, need we 
 ^« other than our fwords ?" 
 
 Thus refolved, and accompanied by Cofca, 
 another leader of the Taborites, he fet out, 
 at the head of a regiment of horfe. The 
 whole city of Bafil came out to meet fo ex- 
 traordinary a deputation. Every one was 
 earneft to compare the faces of thefe gallant 
 heroes with the adions they had performed ; 
 and faw, or thought they faw, fomething 
 .more than human in thofe countenances, 
 
 the
 
 BOHEMIAN affairs; ^^g 
 
 the very appearance of which had put ar- 
 mies to flight. The two deputies were re- 
 ceived by the magiftrates at the gate of the 
 city j and the fathers of the council f fo great 
 a change, fince the times of Hufs, had the 
 influence of power produced) paid them 
 fuch honours, as were paid only to crowned 
 heads. After many conferences, which 
 ended in attaching them the more firmly to 
 their own opinions, they returned into Bo- 
 hemia. 
 
 The council however had an aftergame 
 to play. Upon the departure of the Tabo- 
 rite chiefs, they fent deputies, chofen from 
 the moft eminent of their body, into Bohe- 
 mia 5 who had in charge (out of the great 
 regard the council had for the Bohemians, 
 and their earneft zeal to draw them to the 
 true faith) to difcufs thofe points at full lei- 
 fure in Prague, which the multiplicity of 
 affairs would not allow at Bafil. — This was 
 their pretence : their real defign was, to di- 
 vide the Bohemians ; and to kindle again 
 the old animofity, whicH had fo nearly 
 ^ proved fatal to both parties. 
 
 This bufinefs was carryed on with that 
 
 Angular addrefs, for which the court of 
 
 Z 2 Rome
 
 ^56 CONCLUSION OF THE 
 
 Rome hath ever been remarkable in nego^ 
 tiations of this kind ; and was at length, by 
 the affiduity of thefe good cardinals, brought 
 to a happy iffue. A great party, under 
 Mignard, a man of courage and abilities, 
 appeared in arms againft. Procop ; and the 
 fury of civil difcord began to rage in all its 
 violence. 
 
 The Taborites had now ample occafion 
 to regret the clemency, which had formerly 
 been fhewn at Prague ; and remembered, 
 with compundioh of heart, how often their 
 great chief would infift, that no peaceful 
 fettlement could be obtained, till the factious 
 fpirit of that city fhould be fubdued. — But 
 it was now too late for refiedlion. 
 
 Procop however, unconcerned, at the head 
 of veterans, whofe valour he had known 
 during ten campaigns, met his adverfary with 
 aiTurance of fuccefs. ^* You have not now, 
 " my fellow-foldiers, cryed he, difciplined 
 '* Imperialifls, and hardy Saxons to oppofe. 
 '' Thofe hoflile banners belong to troops 
 '^ enervated by city-luxury; and infpired by 
 " fadion, inftead of courage. You have 
 " only to begin the attack : their own guilty 
 ^^ confciences will do the reft./' 
 
 The
 
 BOHEMIAN AFFAIRS. 357 
 
 The cautious Mignard felt, with fecret 
 joy, the prognoftics of fuccefs : he faw the 
 confidence of his impetuous enemy ; and 
 with the addrefs of a more experienced leader 
 improved it fully to his own advantage. 
 
 On the plains of Broda this fatal quarrel 
 was decided. Here the Taborite army, 
 drawn by their ardour into infuperable diffi- 
 culties, after a well-fought day, was exter- 
 minated. Here fell the gallant Procop, 
 vainly endeavouring to reftore a broken bat- 
 tle 'y and with him fell the hberties of his 
 country. 
 
 The battle of Broda opened an eafy way 
 to the fucceffion of Sigifmond. The Calix- 
 tin party having gratifyed their revenge, now 
 paid the price. Reduced by their vidory, 
 they were no longer in a condition to oppofe 
 the emperor. Conquerors, and conquered 
 fubmitted to his yoke ; and he was crowned 
 peaceably at Prague, amidft the acclamations 
 of his enemies. 
 
 It would be unpardonable ingratitude in 
 a proteftant writer not to acknov/Iedge the 
 lenity, which attended this ludden revolu- 
 tion. Sigifmond, with a magnanimity, which 
 few princes could exert, (it would be invi- 
 Z 3 dious
 
 353 CONCLUSION OF THE 
 
 dious to afcribe his behaviour to meaner mo- 
 tives) entered Bohemia, not as a conquered 
 province, but as a patrimony, which had de- 
 fcended to him quietly from his anceftors. 
 Such of the Taborites as had efcaped the 
 carnage of that fatal day, confifting chiefly 
 of a few thin garrifons, in all about 6000 
 men, he took under his proteftion ^ fuflfered 
 them to live peaceably at Tabor ; and ihew- 
 ing them favour beyond any of the Bohe- 
 mian reformers, (many of whom met with 
 rougher ufage) allowed them with unparal- 
 lelled generofity, the ufe of their own re- 
 ligion. 
 
 Some years after, Eneas Sylvius, refiding, 
 with a public charafter, in Bohemia, had 
 the curioflty to vifit Tabor. The account 
 he hath left us of the remains of this brave 
 people is not a little entertaining. The reader 
 will make allowance for the zeal of a popifh 
 writer. 
 
 Returning, fays he, to Prague, our route 
 brought us near Tabor, which we had all 
 an inclination to vifit : but not knowing 
 what fort of reception we might meet with, 
 we fent a meffenger to acquaint the magi- 
 ft rates of the town with our names, and 
 
 our
 
 BOHEMIAN AFFAIRS. 359 
 our intentions. We had a very obliging 
 anfwer; and the principal inhabitants came 
 out to meet us. But fo wretched a fet of 
 people I never faw. Their drefs v^as rude, 
 beyond what is commonly feen among the 
 loweft vulgar j fome of them were clad even 
 in fkins. They rode on horfeback; but 
 their horfes, and furniture were of a piece 
 with their drefs. Their perfons too were 
 juft as extraordinary ; fcarce one of them 
 but was disfigured by fome frightful maim. 
 One wanted an eye. another an arm, a third 
 a leg. Their reception of us was equally 
 void of every appearance either of form or 
 politenefs. In their rude manner, however, 
 they offered us each a trifling prefent 3 and 
 brought us, by way of refreshment, wine 
 and fifh. We then entered the town. Over 
 the gate flood a ftatue of Zifca ; and near it 
 an angel holding a cup ; as an emblem of 
 their maintaining the dodtrine of the two 
 fpecies. Their houfes were very ordinary ^ 
 built chiefly of clay, and wood 3 no regula- 
 rity, no form of ftreets ; but every houfe 
 Handing by itfelf. The infides however 
 were better furnifl:ied than the outildes feem- 
 ed to promife : they were inriched with the 
 Z 4 fpoils
 
 36o CONCLUSION OF THE 
 
 fpoils of conquered provinces; which, to 
 the everlafting difgrace of the emperor Si- 
 gifmond, were never reftored. In their great 
 fquare ftood various forms of military en- 
 gines ', with a view, as we fuppofe, to ftrike 
 a terror into the neighbouring country : tho* 
 the people were become quite pacific, apply- 
 ing themfeh^es only to hufbandry, and me- 
 chanic arts. In this fquare too ftood their 
 temple, as they call it ; a wooden flrudlurc, 
 fcarce fuperior to a country barn. Here they 
 preached to the people : here they expounded 
 their dodlrines , here ftood their unconfe- 
 crated altar ; arid here even the holy facra- 
 ment w^as adminiftred. Their priefts were 
 unornamented, except by beards of an im- 
 moderate length. Tythes were entirely dif- 
 allowed. The clergy had no property. They 
 were fupply'd with all neceffaries, in kind, 
 by the people. Images were wholly forbid- 
 den. No prayers to faints were permitted; 
 no holidays; no fet fafts; no canonical 
 hours. Half the facraments were difcarded. 
 Religious houfes were abominations. Their 
 baptifmal font was unconfecrated : their dead 
 buryed in unhallowed ground. They were 
 pundiual however in their attendance upon 
 
 divine
 
 BOHEMIAN AFFAIRS. 361 
 
 divine fervice -, and had very fevere penalties 
 to inforce a reverence to it. 
 
 The next day, upon our departure, the 
 magiftrates of this wretched town came again 
 to wait upon us, and returned us thanks for 
 our vifit. Their fpeech, on this occafion, 
 had more of politenefs in it, than their ap- 
 pearance feemed to promife. 
 
 Tbe End. 

 
 ( 362 ) 
 
 A 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 TTAVING thus given the reader what 
 appeared mofl worthy of his notice, 
 with regard to thefe eminent reformers^ 
 whofe Hves I have attempted, it may be pro- 
 per to acquaint him with thofe helps, and 
 authorities, which I have commonly ufed. 
 I have indeed taken from other writers, be- 
 lides thofe I fhall mention ; but I have ge- 
 nerally in that cafe quoted them in the text, 
 if the incident w^as of confequence. 
 
 In the life of Wicliff, the labour of col- 
 leding was made very eafy to me by the in- 
 duftry and accuracy of Dr. Lewis, who hath 
 brought together, in his life of that reform- 
 er, great plenty of materials. Had he been 
 as happy in the difpofition of them, I fliould 
 not have thought the new lights, which I 
 have endeavoured to throw upon this great 
 
 character
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 363 
 
 charader, a fufficient apology for my en- 
 gaging in the fame work. 
 
 Lord Cobham's life was colleded from 
 the rolls of parliament. Bale's chronicle. 
 Fox's martyrology, and our earlieft Englifh 
 hiftorians. With relation both to WiclifF 
 and Lord Cobham, I examined the manu- 
 fcripts of the Britifli mufeum, where I hoped 
 to have found a great variety of materials. 
 I found fome j but fewer than I expedled, 
 
 Lenfant's very accurate, and judicious 
 hiftory of the council of Conftancc, was of 
 great ufe to me in the lives of John Hufs, 
 and Jerome of Prague. I examined the 
 earlieft and beft accounts I could meet with, 
 of the progrefs of the reformation in Bohe- 
 mia ; but in all contefted points I relyed 
 chiefly on Lenfant's judgment, whom I may 
 venture to call my principal guide. 
 
 With regard to Zifca, I was more at a 
 lofs. It hath been the misfortune of this 
 chief to have had no fober hiftorians. Eneas 
 Sylvius, the principal, and from whom the 
 generality of writers have taken their leading 
 facfls, though a courtier, feems to have writ- 
 ten in the fpirit of a monk. Credulous, and 
 
 prejudiced.
 
 364 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 prejudced, he appears fcarce to deferve a 
 higher rank in letters than our own legendary 
 writers. Where Lenfant's judgment affifted 
 me, I followed without fear ; but where he 
 forfook me, I was obliged to wander among 
 a variety of llrange, and inconfiftent accounts -, 
 and with fome difficulty picked out a pro- 
 bable road. I make no queflion but Zifca 
 won as many battles, and took as many 
 towns as are afcribed to him -, and that the 
 conflituent parts of his hiftory reft upon a 
 good foundation of credit ; but his adlions 
 are related fo much in the air of romance, 
 that I found it neceffary, in the painter's 
 language, to keep down the colouring as 
 much as poffible. Livy, fpeaking of fome 
 romantic writings of his own country, from 
 which he v/as obliged to copy; cries cut, 
 Hac ad cjlentationem fcenct gaudentis mirarnUs 
 apiicra, qiiam ad fide ra, I am afraid in fome 
 inftances, this charadler is too nearly aUied 
 to the writings I have been defcribing. 
 
 1 cannot clofe this poftfcript without a few 
 ftridlures on the moral, as v/ell as literary 
 charadler of Eneas Sylvius. This zealot, in 
 his ufual exaggerated manner, hath taken 
 crreat liberties with the reformers ^ indulging 
 
 himfelf
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 365 
 
 himfelf in a rancour of language againft 
 them, which muft be offenfive to every fober 
 Chriftian. I could produce a variety of ex- 
 amples 5 but fhall content myfelf with one. 
 The reader may recoiled: the account he 
 gives of the Taborites, after the ruin of their 
 affairs; from which any impartial perfon 
 would be led to conclude, that they were a 
 brave, liberal, inoffenfive, hofpitable, and 
 religious people. How greatly therefore are 
 we furprized to find our author concluding 
 to this effedt. 
 
 " I have now given you, fays he, fome 
 account of this habitation of the devil, this 
 temple of Belial, this kingdom of Lucifer. — 
 I had imagined indeed, that this people 
 differed from us only in one, or two points : 
 but I find them confirmed heretics, mere 
 infidels, little better than atheifts, and with- 
 out any form of religion. — Every herefy, 
 every impiety, every blafphemy, which hath 
 infeded Chriftendom, hath fled hither for 
 refuge ; and hath here met with a fafe afy- 
 km. — For my own part, I thought myfelf 
 in a land beyond the frozen ocean, among 
 Barbarians, even among Cannibals 3 for in 
 all the earth there are furely no fuch mon- 
 
 flx'*OUS
 
 366 POSTSCRIPT 
 
 ftrous people as the Taborites. — Yet even to 
 thefe facrilegious, and moft abominable men 
 did the emperor Sigifmond grant a city; nay 
 he allowed their liberty to wretches, whom 
 not to exterminate was a fcandal to Chriften- 
 dom." 
 
 With fuch freedom does the licentious 
 pen of this writer treat the reformers. His 
 cenfures are entirely founded on their opini- 
 ons. Of their pradlice he fays nothing. 
 That indeed was irreprehenfible. But among 
 bigots, morals are always infinitely lower 
 rated than opinions. Had the faith of the 
 Taborites been unqueftioned, their pracflice 
 however licentious, had been unqueftioned 
 too. — But to fee the real value of the invec- 
 tives of this author, let us examine him a 
 little clofer -, and inftead of condemning him 
 in the grofs for his opinions, let us treat him 
 more fairly, and try his opinions by his 
 practice. 
 
 A volume of his familiar letters furvlved 
 him : fome of which appear to have efcaped 
 into public among the croud. In thefe let- 
 ters, among other paflages, the following 
 will fufficiently fhew, what licence he in- 
 dulged in point of morals j fome of which 
 
 paffages
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 367 
 
 paffages fell from him even in his more ad- 
 vanced age. 
 
 Advifing a friend about a wife, he thus 
 fpeaks, (epift. 45.) Ego de fne facto conjeBii^ 
 ram : plures vidi, amaviquefeminas, quarum 
 exinde potitiiSy tczdium magnum fufcepi : nee p, 
 maritandus fieremy uxori me jungam^ cujtis 
 confuetudinem nefciam. 
 
 In his 15th letter he tells a long ftoryof 
 
 his debauching an Englifh lady in the low 
 
 countries; and triumphantly thus exults, 
 
 Jcis qualis tu galliis fueris ; nee ego cajlratus 
 
 fum, nee ex frigidorum numero. 
 
 Repining at the approach of age, Mihi 
 hercule^ (fays ht^parum meriti eft in eaftifafe- 
 namy iit verumfateavy magis me venusjugi- 
 taty qtiam ego illam horreo, epift, 92. 
 
 Defcribing the fupple methods, by which 
 he propofed to obtain preferment, Me regiy 
 (fays he,) infinuabo^ regi pareboy regem fe- 
 quavy quod h volet y et ego volamy nulla in re 
 adverfus erOy nee attingam aliquidy quod Jia^ 
 tum meum non refpiciat^ Ego peregrinus fwn : 
 cojifultum mihi eft Gnathonis ojficiumfufcipere ; 
 aiunfy aio ; neganty nego, Epift. 45. 
 
 Of the pleafures of wine he fpeaks in fuch 
 feeling language, as only a profefTed volup- 
 
 tuarv
 
 368 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 tuary could ufe. Vinum me alit, me juvat^ 
 me obledtat^ me beat* Epift. 92. 
 
 And that we may not be at a lofs for a key 
 to all thefc illuftrious pafTages, he takes care 
 to give us onehimfelf. TSSon fieri potejl^ fays 
 he,) quin ajiimum fiium prodat isy qui plurima 
 fcribit.-^Niidusfum^ et aperte loquor. Veftem 
 omnem rejicioy nee laboro^ cum fcribo. Epift. 
 
 402. 
 
 Such is the teftimony, which EneaS 
 Sylvius hath given us of himfelf. It may 
 ferve to invalidate what he hath faid of 
 others ; as it feems entirely to fhew that his 
 cenfures are founded upon a mere difference 
 of opinion, without any regard to praftice ; 
 which is one of the charaderiftics of bi- 
 gotry. 
 
 They, who are not acquainted with the 
 hiftory of this writer, will be furprizcd to 
 hear, that the man of whom we have this 
 authentic charadler, was not only a pope ; 
 but was acknowledged by the generality of 
 the popifh writers, as one of the moft ref- 
 pedlable of all the Roman pontiffs. 
 
 The End.
 
 A N 
 
 EXPLANATION 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 PLATES. 
 
 THE works of WicIifF are reprefented 
 as founded on fcriptiire. The fcourge 
 IS meant to charafterize the acutenefs and 
 fpirit of his contefts with the regular clergy 
 of his time. The taper reprefents him as 
 deftined to the work of enlightening man- 
 kind. 
 
 II. 
 
 A pillar, (the emblem of chriftian forti- 
 tude) adorned with a crown of martyrdom, 
 fupports lord Cobham in his fufferings. The 
 other appendages point out his knighthood, 
 peerage, and profeflion of arms. 
 
 A a III
 
 EXPLANATION, &c: 
 III. 
 
 Hufs is reprefented as refting firm upon 
 the anchor of faith. The poll, the mana- 
 cles, chain, and crown of martyrdom fhew 
 his iufferings, and their reward. h 
 
 IV. 
 
 The dragon fpending his fruitlefs rage 
 againft the medallion of Jerome reprefents 
 the unavailing fury of Romifli perfecution. 
 The flaming fire-brand charadterizes the ge- 
 nius of popifh bigotry. 
 
 The fword of Zifca is dra^n in the de- 
 fence qf religion ; which is charafterized by 
 a bible, untied to diftinguifli it as a proteftant 
 one. His medallion, refting upon arms, 
 reprefents him as a military reformer.
 
 E ^. K A_X a; 
 
 Read great iox egraty. page 15— — caufiom 
 
 for cautiomy 1 6* thi^ reformer for /^^ 
 
 reformer y 32 a period after to the clergy^ 
 
 5 8 ' a mean for ^ means ^ 66^ through 
 
 avarice for tbougbt avarice ^ 68 ■ " f uturo- 
 
 rum for inturorum^ 86 a comma after 
 
 ^2^ r^^/^ 1^;^^, 95 — -/^^/V^ for peirc^ 95 — 
 henfant iov Leufattt^ 189— —comma after 
 
 on his army 195 and that he denyed for 
 
 and he denyed^ 2 1 o— — To this for to whichy 
 
 211 period zfter his power y 215 
 
 at the timCy for at this ttmey 236 
 Trocznow iov TroeznoWy 265 Domi- 
 ni chi for Domini 5iis^ 271 /&y^ /^;^/i 
 
 for their tentSy 285 period after Zifca 
 
 prevailedy 334 period after advan* 
 
 tage of themy 340 quelled for quitted^ 
 
 343-
 
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